| By Author | [ A B C D E F G H I J K L M N O P Q R S T U V W X Y Z | Other Symbols ] |
| By Title | [ A B C D E F G H I J K L M N O P Q R S T U V W X Y Z | Other Symbols ] |
| By Language |
|
Download this book: [ ASCII | HTML | PDF ] Look for this book on Amazon Tweet |
Title: The Boys of '98
Author: Otis, James, 1848-1912
Language: English
As this book started as an ASCII text book there are no pictures available.
*** Start of this LibraryBlog Digital Book "The Boys of '98" ***
THE BOYS OF ’98
*STORIES of*
*AMERICAN HISTORY*
*By James Otis*
1. When We Destroyed the Gaspee
2. Boston Boys of 1775
3. When Dewey Came to Manila
4. Off Santiago with Sampson
5. When Israel Putnam Served the King
6. The Signal Boys of ’75
(A Tale of the Siege of Boston)
7. Under the Liberty Tree
(A Story of the Boston Massacre)
8. The Boys of 1745
(The Capture of Louisburg)
9. An Island Refuge
(Casco Bay in 1676)
10. Neal the Miller
(A Son of Liberty)
11. Ezra Jordan’s Escape
(The Massacre at Fort Loyall)
*DANA ESTES & COMPANY*
*Publishers*
*Estes Press, Summer St., Boston*
[Illustration: THE CHARGE AT EL CANEY.]
THE BOYS OF ’98
BY
JAMES OTIS
AUTHOR OF
“TOBY TYLER,” “JENNY WREN’S BOARDING HOUSE,”
“THE BOYS OF FORT SCHUYLER,” ETC.
_Illustrated by_
J. STEEPLE DAVIS
FRANK T. MERRILL
_And with Reproductions of Photographs_
_ELEVENTH THOUSAND_
BOSTON
DANA ESTES & COMPANY
PUBLISHERS
_Copyright, 1898_
BY DANA ESTES & COMPANY
CONTENTS.
CHAPTER PAGE
I. THE BATTLE-SHIP MAINE 1
II. THE PRELIMINARIES 19
III. A DECLARATION OF WAR 38
IV. THE BATTLE OF MANILA BAY 64
V. NEWS OF THE DAY 92
VI. CARDENAS AND SAN JUAN 117
VII. FROM ALL QUARTERS 130
VIII. HOBSON AND THE MERRIMAC 149
IX. BY WIRE 171
X. SANTIAGO DE CUBA 194
XI. EL CANEY AND SAN JUAN HEIGHTS 224
XII. THE SPANISH FLEET 254
XIII. THE SURRENDER OF SANTIAGO 290
XIV. MINOR EVENTS 302
XV. THE PORTO RICAN CAMPAIGN 320
XVI. THE FALL OF MANILA 335
XVII. PEACE 345
APPENDIX A—THE PHILIPPINE ISLANDS 355
APPENDIX B—WAR-SHIPS AND SIGNALS 370
APPENDIX C—SANTIAGO DE CUBA 379
APPENDIX D—PORTO RICO 383
APPENDIX E—THE BAY OF GUANTANAMO 386
ILLUSTRATIONS.
PAGE
THE CHARGE AT EL CANEY _Frontispiece_
U. S. S. MAINE 7
CAPTAIN C. D. SIGSBEE 12
EX-MINISTER DE LOME 20
U. S. S. MONTGOMERY 24
MAJOR-GENERAL FITZHUGH LEE 30
U. S. S. COLUMBIA 38
CAPTAIN-GENERAL BLANCO 44
PREMIER SAGASTA 49
PRESIDENT WILLIAM MCKINLEY 55
U. S. S. PURITAN 58
ADMIRAL GEORGE DEWEY 64
U. S. S. OLYMPIA 69
U. S. S. BALTIMORE 72
BATTLE OF MANILA BAY 75
U. S. S. BOSTON 77
U. S. S. CONCORD 82
U. S. S. TERROR 99
JOHN D. LONG, SECRETARY OF NAVY 107
U. S. S. CHICAGO 117
THE TRAGEDY OF THE WINSLOW 119
U. S. S. AMPHITRITE 123
THE BOMBARDMENT OF SAN JUAN, PORTO RICO 127
U. S. S. MIANTONOMAH 130
ADMIRAL SCHLEY 135
U. S. S. MONTEREY 144
U. S. S. MASSACHUSETTS 151
LIEUTENANT HOBSON 156
U. S. S. NEW YORK 161
HOBSON AND HIS MEN ON THE RAFT 166
ADMIRAL CERVERA 169
QUEEN REGENT, MARIA CHRISTINA OF SPAIN 171
GENERAL GARCIA 181
ADMIRAL CAMARA 186
GENERAL AUGUSTI 192
U. S. S. MARBLEHEAD 201
U. S. S. VESUVIUS 207
U. S. S. TEXAS 215
COLONEL THEODORE ROOSEVELT 218
MAJOR-GENERAL SHAFTER 224
THE ATTACK ON SAN JUAN HILL 229
VICE-PRESIDENT HOBART 234
U. S. S. NEWARK 239
ADMIRAL W. T. SAMPSON 243
GENERAL WEYLER 254
CAPTAIN R. D. EVANS 256
U. S. S. IOWA 262
THE DESTRUCTION OF CERVERA’S FLEET 266
U. S. S. INDIANA 269
U. S. S. OREGON 275
U. S. S. BROOKLYN 282
MAJOR-GENERAL JOSEPH WHEELER 292
KING ALPHONSO XIII. OF SPAIN 300
GENERAL GOMEZ 311
U. S. S. NEW ORLEANS 314
U. S. S. SAN FRANCISCO 318
MAJOR-GENERAL MILES 320
MAJOR-GENERAL BROOKE 327
GENERAL BROOKE RECEIVING THE NEWS OF THE 333
PROTOCOL
GENERAL RUSSELL A. ALGER, SECRETARY OF WAR 334
MAJOR-GENERAL WESLEY MERRITT 344
DON CARLOS 349
THE BOYS OF ’98.
CHAPTER I.
THE BATTLE-SHIP MAINE.
At or about eleven o’clock on the morning of January 25th the United
States battle-ship _Maine_ steamed through the narrow channel which gives
entrance to the inner harbour of Havana, and came to anchor at Buoy No. 4,
in obedience to orders from the captain of the port, in from five and
one-half to six fathoms of water. She swung at her cables within five
hundred yards of the arsenal, and about two hundred yards distant from the
floating dock.
Very shortly afterward the rapid-firing guns on her bow roared out a
salute as the Spanish colours were run up to the mizzenmast-head, and this
thunderous announcement of friendliness was first answered by Morro
Castle, followed a few moments later by the Spanish cruiser _Alphonso
XII._ and a German school-ship.
The reverberations had hardly ceased before the captain of the port and an
officer from the Spanish war-vessel, each in his gaily decked launch, came
alongside the battle-ship in accordance with the rules of naval etiquette.
Lieut. John J. Blandin, officer of the deck, received the visitors at the
head of the gangway and escorted them to the captain’s cabin. A few
moments later came an officer from the German ship, and the courtesies of
welcoming the Americans were at an end.
The _Maine_ was an armoured, twin-screw battle-ship of the second class,
318 feet in length, 57 feet in breadth, with a draught of 21 feet, 6
inches; of 6,648 tons displacement, with engines of 9,293 indicated
horse-power, giving her a speed of 17.75 knots. She was built in the
Brooklyn navy yard, according to act of Congress, August 3, 1886. Work on
her was commenced October 11, 1888; she was launched November 18, 1890,
and put into commission September 17, 1895. She was built after the
designs of chief constructor T. D. Wilson. The delay in going into
commission is said to have been due to the difficulty in getting
satisfactory armour. The side armour was twelve inches thick; the two
steel barbettes were each of the same thickness, and the walls of the
turrets were eight inches thick.
In her main battery were four 10-inch and six 6-inch breech-loading
rifles; in the secondary battery seven 6-pounder and eight 1-pounder
rapid-fire guns and four Gatlings. Her crew was made up of 370 men, and
the following officers: Capt. C. D. Sigsbee, Lieut.-Commander R.
Wainwright, Lieut. G. F. W. Holman, Lieut. J. Hood, Lieut. C. W. Jungen,
Lieut. G. P. Blow, Lieut. F. W. Jenkins, Lieut. J. J. Blandin, Surgeon S.
G. Heneberger, Paymaster C. M. Ray, Chief Engineer C. P. Howell, Chaplain
J. P. Chidwick, Passed Assistant Engineer F. C. Bowers, Lieutenant of
Marines A. Catlin, Assistant Engineer J. R. Morris, Assistant Engineer
Darwin R. Merritt, Naval Cadet J. H. Holden, Naval Cadet W. T. Cluverius,
Naval Cadet R. Bronson, Naval Cadet P. Washington, Naval Cadet A.
Crenshaw, Naval Cadet J. T. Boyd, Boatswain F. E. Larkin, Gunner J. Hill,
Carpenter J. Helm, Paymaster’s Clerk B. McCarthy.
Why had the _Maine_ been sent to this port?
The official reason given by the Secretary of the Navy when he notified
the Spanish minister, Señor Dupuy de Lome, was that the visit of the
_Maine_ was simply intended as a friendly call, according to the
recognised custom of nations.
The United States minister at Madrid, General Woodford, also announced the
same in substance to the Spanish Minister of State.
It having been repeatedly declared by the government at Madrid that a
state of war did not exist in Cuba, and that the relations between the
United States and Spain were of the most friendly character, nothing less
could be done than accept the official construction put upon the visit.
The Spanish public, however, were not disposed to view the matter in the
same light, as may be seen by the following extracts from newspapers:
“If the government of the United States sends one war-ship to Cuba, a
thing it is no longer likely to do, Spain would act with energy and
without vacillation.”—_El Heraldo, January 16th._
“We see now the eagerness of the Yankees to seize Cuba.”—_The Imparcial,
January 23d._
The same paper, on the 27th, declared:
“If Havana people, exasperated at American impudence in sending the
_Maine_, do some rash, disagreeable thing, the civilised world will know
too well who is responsible. The American government must know that the
road it has taken leads to war between both nations.”
On January 25th Madrid newspapers made general comment upon the official
explanation of the _Maine’s_ visit to Havana, and agreed in expressing the
opinion that her visit is “inopportune and calculated to encourage the
insurgents.” It was announced that, “following Washington’s example,” the
Spanish government will “instruct Spanish war-ships to visit a few
American ports.”
The _Imparcial_ expresses fear that the despatch of the _Maine_ to Havana
will provoke a conflict, and adds:
“Europe cannot doubt America’s attitude towards Spain. But the Spanish
people, if necessary, will do their duty with honour.”
The _Epocha_ asks if the despatch of the _Maine_ to Havana is “intended as
a sop to the Jingoes,” and adds:
“We cannot suppose the American government so naïve or badly informed as
to imagine that the presence of American war-vessels at Havana will be a
cause of satisfaction to Spain or an indication of friendship.”
The people of the United States generally believed that the battle-ship
had been sent to Cuba because of the disturbances existing in the city of
Havana, which seemingly threatened the safety of Americans there.
On the morning of January 12th what is termed the “anti-liberal outbreak”
occurred in the city of Havana.
Officers of the regular and volunteer forces headed the ultra-Spanish
element in an attack upon the leading liberal newspaper offices, because,
as alleged, of Captain-General Blanco’s refusal to authorise the
suppression of the liberal press. It was evidently a riotous protest
against Spain’s policy of granting autonomy to the Cubans.
The mob, gathered in such numbers as to be for the time being most
formidable, indulged in open threats against Americans, and it was
believed by the public generally that American interests, and the safety
of citizens of the United States in Havana, demanded the protection of a
war-vessel.
The people of Havana received the big fighting ship impassively. Soldiers,
sailors, and civilians gathered at the water-front as spectators, but no
word, either of threat or friendly greeting, was heard.
In the city the American residents experienced a certain sense of relief
because now a safe refuge was provided in case of more serious rioting.
That the officers and crew of the _Maine_ were apprehensive regarding
their situation there can be little doubt. During the first week after the
arrival of the battle-ship several of the sailors wrote to friends or
relatives expressing fears as to what might be the result of the visit,
and on the tenth of February one of the lieutenants is reported as having
stated:
“If we don’t get away from here soon there will be trouble.”
The customary ceremonial visits on shore were made by the commander of the
ship and his staff, and, so far as concerned the officials of the city,
the Americans were seemingly welcome visitors.
The more radical of the citizens were not so apparently content with
seeing the _Maine_ in their harbour. Within a week after the arrival of
the ship incendiary circulars were distributed in the streets, on the
railway cars, and in many other public places, calling upon all Spaniards
to avenge the “insult” of the battle-ship’s visit.
A translation of one such circular serves as a specimen of all:
“Spaniards: Long live Spain and honour.
[Illustration: U. S. S. MAINE.]
“What are ye doing that ye allow yourselves to be insulted in this way?
“Do you not see what they have done to us in withdrawing our brave and
beloved Weyler, who at this very time would have finished with this
unworthy rebellious rabble, who are trampling on our flag and our honour?
“Autonomy is imposed on us so as to thrust us to one side and to give
posts of honour and authority to those who initiated this rebellion, these
ill-born autonomists, ungrateful sons of our beloved country.
“And, finally, these Yankee hogs who meddle in our affairs humiliate us to
the last degree, and for still greater taunt order to us one of the ships
of war of their rotten squadron, after insulting us in their newspapers
and driving us from our homes.
“Spaniards, the moment of action has arrived. Sleep not. Let us show these
vile traitors that we have not yet lost shame and that we know how to
protect ourselves with energy befitting a nation worthy and strong as our
Spain is and always will be.
“Death to Americans. Death to autonomy.
“Long live Spain!
“Long live Weyler!”
At eight o’clock on the evening of February 15th all the magazines aboard
the battle-ship were closed, and the keys delivered to her commander
according to the rules of the service.
An hour and a half later Lieut. John J. Blandin was on watch as officer of
the deck; Captain Sigsbee sat in his cabin writing letters; on the
starboard side of the ship, made fast to the boom, was the steam cutter,
with her crew on board waiting to make the regular ten o’clock trip to the
shore to bring off such of the officers or crew as were on leave of
absence.
The night was unusually dark; great banks of thick clouds hung over the
city and harbour; the ripple of the waves against the hulls of the vessels
at anchor, and the subdued hum of voices, alone broke the silence. The
lights here and there, together with the dark tracery of spar and cordage
against the sky, was all that betokened the presence of war-ship or
peaceful merchantman.
Suddenly, and when the silence was most profound, the watch on board the
steamer _City of Washington_, and some sailors ashore, saw what appeared
to be a sheet of fire flash up in the water directly beneath the _Maine_,
and even as the blinding glare was in their eyes came a mighty, confused
rumble as of grinding and rending, followed an instant later by a roar as
if a volcano had sprung into activity beneath the waves of the harbour.
Then was flung high in the air what might be likened to a shaft of fire
filled with fragments of iron, wood, and human flesh, rising higher and
higher until its force was spent, when it fell outwardly as falls a column
of water broken by the wind.
The earth literally trembled; the air suddenly became heavy with stifling
smoke. Electric lights on shore were extinguished; the tinkling of
breaking glass could be heard everywhere in that portion of the city
nearest the harbour.
When the shower of fragments and of fire ceased to fall a dense blackness
enshrouded the harbour, from the midst of which could be heard cries of
agony, appeals for help, and the shouts of those who, even while
struggling to save their own lives, would cheer their comrades.
After this, and no man could have said how many seconds passed while the
confusing, bewildering blackness lay heavy over that scene of death and
destruction, long tongues of flame burst up from the torn and splintered
decks of the doomed battle-ship, a signal of distress, as well as a beacon
for those who would succour the dying.
Captain Sigsbee, recovering in the briefest space of time from the
bewilderment of the shock, ran out of the cabin toward the deck, groping
his way as best he might in the darkness through the long passage until he
came upon the marine orderly, William Anthony, who was at his post of duty
near the captain’s quarters.
It was a moment full of horror all the more intense because unknown, but
the soldier, mindful even then of his duty, saluting, said in the tone of
one who makes an ordinary report:
“Sir, I have to inform you that the ship has been blown up, and is
sinking.”
“Follow me,” the captain replied, acknowledging his subordinate’s salute,
and the two pressed forward through the blackness and suffocating vapour.
Lieutenant Blandin, officer of the deck, was sitting on the starboard side
of the quarter-deck when the terrible upheaval began, and was knocked down
by a piece of cement hurled from the lowermost portion of the ship’s
frame, perhaps; but, leaping quickly to his feet, he ran to the poop that
he might be at his proper station when the supreme moment came.
Lieut. Friend W. Jenkins was in the junior officers’ mess-room when the
first of a battle-ship’s death-throes was felt, and as soon as possible
made his way toward the deck, encouraging some of the bewildered marines
to make a brave fight for life; but he never joined his comrades.
Assistant Engineer Darwin R. Merritt and Naval Cadet Boyd together ran
toward the hatch, but only to find the ladder gone. Boyd climbed through,
and then did his best to aid Merritt; but his efforts were vain, and the
engineer went down with his ship.
It seemed as if only the merest fraction of time elapsed before the
uninjured survivors were gathered on the poop-deck. Forward of them, where
a moment previous had been the main-deck, was a huge mass looming up in
the darkness like some threatening promontory.
On the starboard quarter hung the gig, and opposite her, on the port side,
was the barge.
During the first two or three seconds only muffled, gurgling, choking
exclamations were heard indistinctly; and then, when the terrible
vibrations of the air ceased, cries for help went up from every quarter.
Lieutenant Blandin says, in describing those few but terrible moments:
“Captain Sigsbee ordered that the gig and the launch be lowered, and the
officers and men, who by this time had assembled, got the boats out and
rescued a number in the water.
“Captain Sigsbee ordered Lieut.-Commander Wainwright forward to see the
extent of the damage, and if anything could be done to rescue those
forward, or to extinguish the flames which followed close upon the
explosion and burned fiercely as long as there were any combustibles above
water to feed them.
“Lieut.-Commander Wainwright on his return reported the total and awful
character of the calamity, and Captain Sigsbee gave the last sad order,
‘Abandon ship,’ to men overwhelmed with grief indeed, but calm and
apparently unexcited.”
The quiet, yet at the same time sharp, words of command from the captain
aroused his officers from the stupefaction of horror which had begun to
creep over them, and this handful of men, who even then were standing face
to face with death, set about aiding their less fortunate companions.
As soon as they could be manned, boats put off from the vessels in the
harbour, and the work of rescue was continued until all the torn and
mangled bodies in which life yet remained had been taken from the water.
Capt. H. H. Woods, of the British steamer _Thurston_, was among the first
in this labour of mercy, and concerning it he says:
“My vessel was within half a mile of the _Maine_, and my small boat was
the first to gain the wreck. It is beyond my power to describe the
explosion. It was awful. It paralysed the intellect for a few moments. The
cries that came over the water awakened us to a realisation that some
great tragedy had occurred.
“I made all haste to the wreck. There were very few men in the water. All
told, I do not believe there were thirty. We picked up some of them and
passed them on to other vessels, and then continued our work of rescue.
“The sight was appalling. Dismembered legs and trunks of bodies were
floating about, together with pieces of clothing, boxes of meats, and all
sorts of wreckage. Now and then the agonised cry of some poor suffering
fellow could be heard above the tumult.
“One grand figure stood out in all the terrible scene. That was Captain
Sigsbee. Every American has reason to be proud of that officer. He seemed
to have realised in an instant all that happened. Not for a moment did he
show evidence of excitement. He alone was cool. Discipline? Why, man, the
discipline was there as strong as ever, despite the fact that all around
was death and disaster.”
[Illustration: CAPTAIN SIGSBEE.]
The commander of the _Maine_ was the last to leave the wreck, and then all
that was left of the mighty ship was beginning to settle in the slime and
putrefaction which covers the bottom of Havana harbour.
Calmly, with the same observance of etiquette as if they had been
assisting at some social function, the officers took their respective
places in the boats, and, amid a silence born of deepest grief, rowed a
short distance from the rent and riven mass so lately their post of duty.
A gentleman from Chicago, a guest at the Grand Hotel, was seated in front
of the building when the explosion occurred.
“It was followed by another and a much louder one,” he said. “We thought
the whole city had been blown to pieces. Some said the insurgents were
entering Havana. Others cried out that Morro Castle was blown up.
“On the Prado is a large cab-stand. One minute after the explosion was
heard the cabmen cracked their whips and went rattling over the
cobblestones like crazy men. The fire department turned out, and bodies of
cavalry and infantry rushed through the streets. There was no sleep in
Havana that night.”
Soon after the disaster Admiral Manterola and General Solano put off to
the wreck, and offered their services to Captain Sigsbee.
There were many wonderful escapes from death. One of the ward-room cooks
was thrown outboard into the water.
A Japanese sailor was blown into the air, and, falling in the sea, was
picked up alive.
One seaman was sleeping in a yawl hanging at the davits. The boat was
crushed like an egg-shell; but the sailor fell overboard and was picked up
unhurt.
Three men were doing punishment watch on the port quarter-deck, and thus
probably escaped death.
One sailor swam about until help came, although both his legs were broken.
Another had the bones of his ankle crushed, and yet managed to keep
afloat.
Two hours or more passed before the unsubmerged, wooden portion of the
wreck had been consumed by the flames, and at 11.30 P. M. the smoke-stacks
of the ill-fated ship fell.
On board the steamer _City of Washington_, two boats were literally
riddled by fragments of the _Maine_ which fell after the explosion, and
among them was an iron truss which, crashing through the pantry,
demolished the tableware.
When morning came the wreck was the central figure of an otherwise bright
picture, sad as it was terrible. The huge mass of flame-charred débris
forward looked as if it had been thrown up from a subterranean storehouse
of fused cement, steel, wood, and iron.
Further aft, one military mast protruded at a slight angle from the
perpendicular, while the poop afforded a resting-place for the workmen or
divers.
Of the predominant white which distinguishes our war-vessels in time of
peace, not a vestige remained. In its place was the blackness of
desolating death, marking the spot where two hundred and sixty-six brave
men had gone over into the Beyond.
The total loss to the government as a result of the disaster was
officially pronounced to be $4,689,261.31. This embraced the cost of hull,
machinery, equipment, armour, gun protection and armament, both in main
and secondary batteries. It included the cost of ammunition, shells,
current supplies, coal, and, in short, the entire outfit.
The pet of the _Maine’s_ crew, a big cat, was found next morning, perched
on a fragment of a truss which yet remained above the water, and near her,
as if seeking companionship, was the captain’s dog, Peggy.
Consul-General Lee cabled from Havana on the afternoon of the sixteenth:
“Profound sorrow is expressed by the government and municipal authorities,
consuls of foreign nations, organised bodies of all sorts, and citizens
generally.
“Flags are at half-mast on the governor-general’s palace, on shipping in
the harbour, and in the city.
“Business is suspended, and the theatres are closed.”
On the afternoon of the seventeenth the bodies which had been found up to
that time were buried in Havana with military honours, two companies of
Spanish sailors from the cruiser _Alphonso XII._ acting as escort.
A board of inquiry, composed of Capt. W. T. Sampson of the U. S. S. _Iowa_
as presiding officer, Commander Adolph Marix as judge advocate, Capt. F.
E. Chadwick, and Commander W. P. Potter, all of the _New York_, was
convened, and on March 28th President McKinley sent a message to Congress,
the conclusion of which was as follows:
“The appalling calamity fell upon the people of our country with crushing
force, and for a brief time an intense excitement prevailed, which in a
community less just and self-controlled than ours might have led to hasty
acts of blind resentment.
“This spirit, however, soon gave way to calmer processes of reason, and to
the resolve to investigate the facts and await material proof before
forming a judgment as to the cause, the responsibility, and, if the facts
warranted, the remedy due. This course necessarily recommended itself from
the outset to the executive, for only in the light of a dispassionately
ascertained certainty will it determine the nature and measure of its full
duty in the matter.
“The usual procedure was followed, as in all cases of casualty or disaster
to national vessels of any maritime state.
“A naval court of inquiry was at once organised, composed of officers well
qualified by rank and practical experience to discharge the onerous duty
imposed upon them.
“Aided by a strong force of wreckers and divers, the court proceeded to
make a thorough investigation on the spot, employing every available means
for impartial and exact determination of the causes of the explosion. Its
operations have been conducted with the utmost deliberation and judgment,
and, while independently pursued, no source of information was neglected,
and the fullest opportunity was allowed for a simultaneous investigation
by the Spanish authorities.
“The finding of the court of inquiry was reached, after twenty-three days
of continuous labour, on the twenty-first of March instant, and, having
been approved on the twenty-second by the commander-in-chief of the United
States naval force in the North Atlantic station, was transmitted to the
executive.
“It is herewith laid before the Congress, together with the voluminous
testimony taken before the court.
“The conclusions of the court are: That the loss of the _Maine_ was not in
any respect due to fault or negligence on the part of any of the officers
or members of her crew.
“That the ship was destroyed by the explosion of a submarine mine, which
caused the partial explosion of two or more of her forward magazines; and
that no evidence has been obtainable fixing the responsibility for the
destruction of the _Maine_ upon any person or persons.
“I have directed that the finding of the court of inquiry and the views of
this government thereon be communicated to the government of her majesty,
the queen regent, and I do not permit myself to doubt that the sense of
justice of the Spanish nation will dictate a course of action suggested by
honour and the friendly relations of the two governments.
“It will be the duty of the executive to advise the Congress of the
result, and in the meantime deliberate consideration is invoked.”
It was the preface to a mustering of the boys of ’61 who had worn the blue
or the gray, this tragedy in the harbour of Havana, and, when the
government gave permission, the boys of ’98 came forward many and many a
thousand strong to emulate the deeds of their fathers—the boys of ’61—who,
although the hand of Time had been laid heavily upon them, panted to
participate in the punishment of those who were responsible for the
slaughter of American sailors within the shadow of Morro Castle.
CHAPTER II.
THE PRELIMINARIES.
War between two nations does not begin suddenly. The respective
governments are exceedingly ceremonious before opening the “game of
death,” and it is not to be supposed that the United States commenced
hostilities immediately after the disaster to the _Maine_ in the harbour
of Havana.
To tell the story of the war which ensued, without first giving in regular
order the series of events which marked the preparations for hostilities,
would be much like relating an adventure without explaining why the hero
was brought into the situation.
It is admitted that, as a rule, details, and especially those of a
political nature, are dry reading; but once take into consideration the
fact that they all aid in giving a clearer idea of how one nation begins
hostilities with another, and much of the tediousness may be forgiven.
Just previous to the disaster to the _Maine_, during the last days of
January or the first of February, Señor Enrique Dupuy de Lome, the Spanish
minister at Washington, wrote a private letter to the editor of the Madrid
_Herald_, Señor Canalejas, who was his intimate friend, in which he made
some uncomplimentary remarks regarding the President of the United States,
and intimated that Spain was not sincere in certain commercial
negotiations which were then being carried on between the two countries.
By some means, not yet fully explained, certain Cubans got possession of
this letter, and caused it to be published in the newspapers. Señor de
Lome did not deny having written the objectionable matter; but claimed
that, since it was a private communication, it should not affect him
officially. The Secretary of State instructed General Woodford, our
minister at Madrid, to demand that the Spanish government immediately
recall Minister de Lome, and to state that, if he was not relieved from
duty within twenty-four hours, the President would issue to him his
passports, which is but another way of ordering a foreign minister out of
the country.
_February 9._ Señor de Lome made all haste to resign, and the resignation
was accepted by his government before—so it was claimed by the Spanish
authorities—President McKinley’s demand for the recall was received.
_February 15._ The de Lome incident was a political matter which caused
considerable diplomatic correspondence; but it was overshadowed when the
battle-ship _Maine_ was blown up in the harbour of Havana.
[Illustration: EX-MINISTER DE LOME.]
As has already been said, the United States government at once ordered a
court of inquiry to ascertain the cause of the disaster, and this,
together with the search for the bodies of the drowned crew, was
prosecuted with utmost vigour.
Very many of the people in the United States believed that Spanish
officials were chargeable with the terrible crime, while those who were
not disposed to make such exceedingly serious accusation insisted that the
Spanish government was responsible for the safety of the vessel,—that she
had been destroyed by outside agencies in a friendly harbour. In the
newspapers, on the streets, in all public places, the American people
spoke of the possibility of war, and the officials of the government set
to work as if, so it would seem, they also were confident there would be
an open rupture between the two nations.
_February 28._ In Congress, Representative Gibson of Tennessee introduced
a bill appropriating twenty million dollars “for the maintenance of
national honour and defence.” Representative Bromwell, of Ohio, introduced
a similar resolution, appropriating a like amount of money “to place the
naval strength of the country upon a proper footing for immediate
hostilities with any foreign power.” On the same day orders were issued to
the commandant at Fort Barrancas, Florida, directing him to send men to
man the guns at Santa Rosa Island, opposite Pensacola.
_February 28._ Señor Louis Polo y Bernabe, appointed minister in the place
of Señor de Lome, who resigned, sailed from Gibraltar.
By the end of February the work of preparing the vessels at the different
navy yards for sea was being pushed forward with the utmost rapidity, and
munitions of war were distributed hurriedly among the forts and
fortifications, as if the officials of the War Department believed that
hostilities might be begun at any moment.
Nor was it only within the borders of this country that such preparations
were making. A despatch from Shanghai to London reported that the United
States squadron, which included the cruisers _Olympia_, _Boston_,
_Raleigh_, _Concord_, and _Petrel_, were concentrating at Hongkong, with a
view of active operations against Manila, in the Philippine Islands, in
event of war.
At about the same time came news from Spain telling that the Spanish were
making ready for hostilities. An exceptionally large number of artisans
were at work preparing for sea battle-ships, cruisers, and torpedo-boat
destroyers. The cruisers _Oquendo_ and _Vizcaya_, with the torpedo-boat
destroyers _Furor_ and _Terror_, were already on their way to Cuba, where
were stationed the _Alphonso XII._, the _Infanta Isabel_, and the _Nueva
Espana_, together with twelve gunboats of about three hundred tons each,
and eighteen vessels of two hundred and fifty tons each.
The United States naval authorities decided that heavy batteries should be
placed on all the revenue cutters built within the previous twelve months,
and large quantities of high explosives were shipped in every direction.
During the early days of March, Señor Gullon, Spanish Minister of Foreign
Affairs, intimated to Minister Woodford that the Spanish government
desired the recall from Havana of Consul-General Lee.
Spain also intimated that the American war-ships, which had been
designated to convey supplies to Cuba for the relief of the sufferers
there, should be replaced by merchant vessels, in order to deprive the
assistance sent to the reconcentrados of an official character.
Minister Woodford cabled such requests to the government at Washington, to
which it replied by refusing to recall General Lee under the present
circumstances, or to countermand the orders for the despatch of
war-vessels, making the representation that relief vessels are not
fighting ships.
_March 5._ Secretary Long closed a contract for the delivery at Key West,
within forty days, of four hundred thousand tons of coal. Work was begun
upon the old monitors, which for years had been lying at League Island
navy yard, Philadelphia. Orders were sent to the Norfolk navy yard to
concentrate all the energies and fidelities of the yard on the cruiser
_Newark_, to the end that she might be ready for service within sixty
days.
_March 6._ The President made a public statement that under no
circumstances would Consul-General Fitzhugh Lee be recalled at the request
of Spain. He had borne himself, so it was stated from the White House,
throughout the crisis with judgment, fidelity, and courage, to the
President’s entire satisfaction. As to supplies for the relief of the
Cuban people, all arrangements had been made to carry consignments at once
from Key West by one of the naval vessels, whichever might be best adapted
and most available for the purpose, to Matanzas and Sagua.
_March 6._ Chairman Cannon of the House appropriations committee
introduced a resolution that fifty millions of dollars be appropriated for
the national defence. It was passed almost immediately, without a single
negative vote.
Significant was the news of the day. The cruiser _Montgomery_ had been
ordered to Havana. Brigadier-General Wilson, chief of the engineers of the
army, arrived at Key West from Tampa with his corps of men, who were in
charge of locating and firing submarine mines.
_March 10._ The newly appointed Spanish minister arrived at Washington.
_March 11._ The House committee on naval affairs authorised the immediate
construction of three battle-ships, one to be named the _Maine_, and
provided for an increase of 473 men in the marine force.
The despatch-boat _Fern_ sailed for Matanzas with supplies for the relief
of starving Cubans.
[Illustration: U. S. S. MONTGOMERY.]
News by cable was received from the Philippine Islands to the effect that
the rebellion there had broken out once more; the whole of the northern
province had revolted; the inhabitants refused to pay taxes, and the
insurgents appeared to be well supplied with arms and ammunition.
_March 12._ Señor Bernabe was presented to President McKinley, and laid
great stress upon the love which Spain bore for the United States.
_March 14._ The Spanish flying squadron, composed of three torpedo-boats,
set sail from Cadiz, bound for Porto Rico. Although this would seem to be
good proof that the Spanish government anticipated war with the United
States, Señor Bernabe made two demands upon this government on the day
following the receipt of such news. The first was that the United States
fleet at Key West and Tortugas be withdrawn, and the second, that an
explanation be given as to why two war-ships had been purchased abroad.
_March 17._ A bill was submitted to both houses of Congress reorganising
the army, and placing it on a war footing of one hundred and four thousand
men. Senator Proctor made a significant speech in the Senate, on the
condition of affairs in Cuba. He announced himself as being opposed to
annexation, and declared that the Cubans were “suffering under the worst
misgovernment in the world.” The public generally accepted his remarks as
having been sanctioned by the President, and understood them as indicating
that this country should recognise the independence of Cuba on the ground
that the people are capable of self-government, and that under no other
conditions could peace or prosperity be restored in the island.
_March 17._ The more important telegraphic news from Spain was to the
effect that the Minister of Marine had cabled the commander of the torpedo
flotilla at the Canaries not to proceed to Havana; that the government
arsenal was being run night and day in the manufacture of small arms, and
that infantry and cavalry rifles were being purchased in Germany.
The United States revenue cutter cruiser _McCulloch_ was ordered to
proceed from Aden, in the Red Sea, to Hongkong, in order that she might be
attached to the Asiatic squadron, if necessary.
_March 18._ The cruiser _Amazonas_, purchased from the Brazilian
government, was formally transferred to the United States at Gravesend,
England, to be known in the future as the _New Orleans_.
_March 19._ The _Maine_ court of inquiry concluded its work. The general
sentiments of the people, as voiced by the newspapers, were that war with
Spain was near at hand, and this belief was strengthened March 24th, when
authority was given by the Navy Department for unlimited enlistment in all
grades of the service, when the revenue service was transferred from the
Treasury to the Naval Department, and arrangements made for the quick
employment of the National Guards of the States and Territories.
_March 24._ The report of the _Maine_ court of inquiry arrived at
Washington.
_March 27._ Madrid correspondents of Berlin newspapers declared that war
with the United States was next to certain. The United States cruisers
_San Francisco_ and _New Orleans_ sailed from England for New York, and
the active work of mining the harbours of the United States coast was
begun.
_March 28._ The President sent to Congress, with a message, the report of
the _Maine_ court of inquiry, as has been stated in a previous chapter.
_March 29._ Resolutions declaring war on Spain, and recognising the
independence of Cuba, were introduced in both houses of Congress.
With the beginning of April it was to the public generally as if the war
had already begun.
In every city, town, or hamlet throughout the country the newspapers were
scanned eagerly for notes of warlike preparation, and from Washington,
sent by those who were in position to know what steps were being taken by
the government, came information which dashed the hopes of those who had
been praying that peace might not be broken.
There had been a conference between the President, the Secretary of the
Treasury, and the chairman of the committee on ways and means, regarding
the best methods of raising funds for the carrying on of a war. A joint
board of the army and navy had met to formulate plans of defence, and a
speedy report was made to Secretary Long.
Instructions were sent by the State Department to all United States
consuls in Cuba to be prepared to leave the island at any moment, and to
hold themselves in readiness to proceed to Havana in order to embark for
the United States.
_April 2._ A gentleman in touch with public affairs wrote from Washington
as follows:
“To-day’s developments show that there is only the very faintest hope of
peace. Unless Spain yields war must come. The administration realises that
as fully as do members of Congress.
“The orders sent by the State Department to all our consuls in Cuba,
especially those in the interior, to hold themselves in readiness to leave
their positions and proceed to Havana, show that the department looks upon
war as a certainty, and has taken all proper precautions for the safety of
its agents.
“Such an order, it is unnecessary to say, would not have been issued
unless a crisis was imminent, and the State Department, as well as other
branches of the government, has now become convinced that peace cannot
much longer be maintained, and that the safety of the consular agents is a
first consideration.
“General Lee has also been advised that he should be ready to leave as
soon as notified, and that the American newspaper correspondents now in
Havana must prepare themselves to receive the notification of instant
departure.
“The Secretary of the Navy has instructed the Boston Towboat Company,
which corporation had charge of the wrecking operations on the U. S. S.
_Maine_, to suspend work at once. The Secretary of War has authorised an
allotment of one million dollars from the emergency fund for the office of
the chief of engineers, and this amount will be expended in purchasing
material for the torpedo defences connected with the seacoast
fortifications. The United States naval attaché at London has purchased a
cruiser of eighteen hundred tons displacement, capable of a speed of
sixteen knots, and the vessel will put to sea immediately. The Spanish
torpedo flotilla is reported as having arrived at the Cape Verde Islands.”
_April 4._ Senators Perkins, Mantle, and Rawlins spoke in the Senate,
charging Spain with the murder of the sailors of the _Maine_, claiming
that it was properly an act of war, and insisting that the United States
should declare for the independence of Cuba and armed intervention.
_April 5._ Senator Chandler announced as his belief that the United States
was justified in beginning hostilities, and Senators Kenny, Turpie, and
Turner made powerful speeches in the same line, fiercely denouncing Spain.
General Woodford was instructed by cable to be prepared to ask of the
Madrid government his passports at any moment.
Marine underwriters, believing that war was inevitable, doubled their
rates. The merchants and manufacturers’ board of trade of New York
notified Congress and the President that it believed Spain was responsible
for the blowing up of the _Maine_; that the independence of Cuba should be
recognised, and that it should be brought about by force of arms, if
necessary.
_April 7._ The representatives of six great powers met at the White House
in the hope of being able to influence the President for peace. In closing
his address to the diplomats, Mr. McKinley said:
“The government of the United States appreciates the humanitarian and
disinterested character of the communication now made in behalf of the
powers named, and for its part is confident that equal appreciation will
be shown for its own earnest and unselfish endeavours to fulfil a duty to
humanity by ending a situation, the indefinite prolongation of which has
become insufferable.”
Americans made haste to leave Cuba, after learning that Consul-General Lee
had received orders to set sail from Havana on or before the ninth. The
American consul at Santiago de Cuba closed the consulate in that city.
Solomon Berlin, appointed consul at the Canary Islands, was, by the State
Department, ordered not to proceed to his post, and he remained at New
York.
[Illustration: MAJOR-GENERAL FITZHUGH LEE.]
The Spanish consul at Tampa, Florida, left that town for Washington, by
order of his government.
The following cablegram gives a good idea of the temper of the Spanish
people:
“London, April 7.—A special dispatch from Madrid says that the ambassadors
of France, Germany, Russia, and Italy waited together this evening upon
Señor Gullon, the Foreign Minister, and presented a joint note in the
interests of peace.
“Señor Gullon, replying, declared that the members of the Spanish Cabinet
were unanimous in considering that Spain had reached the limit of
international policy in the direction of conceding the demands and
allowing the pretensions of the United States.”
_April 9._ Guards about the United States legation in Madrid were trebled.
General Blanco, captain-general of Cuba, issued a draft order calling on
every able-bodied man, between the ages of nineteen and forty, to register
for immediate military duty. At ten o’clock in the morning, Consul-General
Lee, accompanied by British Consul Gollan, called on General Blanco to bid
him good-bye. The captain-general was too busy to receive visitors.
General Lee left the island at six o’clock in the evening.
_April 11._ The President sent a message, together with Consul Lee’s
report, to the Congress, and Senator Chandler thus analysed it:
_First_: A graphic and powerful description of the horrible condition of
affairs in Cuba.
_Second_: An assertion that the independence of the revolutionists should
not be recognised until Cuba has achieved its own independence beyond the
possibility of overthrow.
_Third_: An argument against the recognition of the Cuban republic.
_Fourth_: As to intervention in the interest of humanity, that is well
enough, and also on account of the injury to commerce and peril to our
citizens, and the generally uncomfortable conditions all around.
_Fifth_: Illustrative of these uncomfortable conditions is the destruction
of the _Maine_. It helps make the existing situation intolerable. But
Spain proposes an arbitration, to which proposition the President has no
reply.
_Sixth_: On the whole, as the war goes on and Spain cannot end it,
mediation or intervention must take place. President Cleveland said
“intervention would finally be necessary.” The enforced pacification of
Cuba must come. The war must stop. Therefore, the President should be
authorised to terminate hostilities, secure peace, and establish a stable
government, and to use the military and naval forces of the United States
to accomplish these results, and food supplies should also be furnished by
the United States.
_April 12._ Consul-General Lee was summoned before the Senate committee on
foreign relations. It was announced that the Republican members of the
ways and means committee had agreed upon a plan for raising revenue in
case of need to carry on war with Spain. The plan was intended to raise
more than $100,000,000 additional revenue annually, and was thus
distributed:
An additional tax on beer of one dollar per barrel, estimated to yield
$35,000,000; a bank stamp tax on the lines of the law of 1866, estimated
to yield $30,000,000; a duty of three cents per pound on coffee, and ten
cents per pound on tea on hand in the United States, estimated to yield
$28,000,000; additional tax on tobacco, expected to yield $15,000,000.
The committee also agreed to authorise the issuing of $500,000,000 bonds.
These bonds to be offered for sale at all post-offices in the United
States in amounts of fifty dollars each, making a great popular loan to be
absorbed by the people.
To tide over emergencies, the Secretary of the Treasury to be authorised
to issue treasury certificates.
These certificates or debentures to be used to pay running expenses when
the revenues do not meet the expenditures.
These preparations were distinctly war measures, and would be put in
operation only should war occur.
_April 13._ The House of Representatives passed the following resolutions:
_Whereas_, the government of Spain for three years past has been waging
war on the island of Cuba against a revolution by the inhabitants thereof,
without making any substantial progress toward the suppression of said
revolution, and has conducted the warfare in a manner contrary to the laws
of nations by methods inhuman and uncivilised, causing the death by
starvation of more than two hundred thousand innocent non-combatants, the
victims being for the most part helpless women and children, inflicting
intolerable injury to the commercial interests of the United States,
involving the destruction of the lives and property of many of our
citizens, entailing the expenditure of millions of money in patrolling our
coasts and policing the high seas in order to maintain our neutrality;
and,
_Whereas_, this long series of losses, injuries, and burdens for which
Spain is responsible has culminated in the destruction of the United
States battle-ship _Maine_ in the harbour of Havana, and the death of two
hundred and sixty-six of our seamen,—
_Resolved_, That the President is hereby authorised and directed to
intervene at once to stop the war in Cuba, to the end and with the purpose
of securing permanent peace and order there, and establishing by the free
action of the people there of a stable and independent government of their
own in the island of Cuba; and the President is hereby authorised and
empowered to use the land and naval forces of the United States to execute
the purpose of this resolution.
In the Senate the majority resolution reported:
_Whereas_, the abhorrent conditions which have existed for more than three
years in the island of Cuba, so near our own borders, have been a disgrace
to Christian civilisation, culminating as they have in the destruction of
a United States battle-ship with two hundred and sixty-six of its officers
and crew, while on a friendly visit in the harbour of Havana, and cannot
longer be endured, as has been set forth by the President of the United
States in his message to Congress on April 11, 1898, upon which the action
of Congress was invited; therefore,
_Resolved_, First, that the people of the island of Cuba are, and of right
ought to be, free and independent.
_Second_, That it is the duty of the United States to demand, and the
government of the United States does hereby demand, that the government of
Spain at once relinquish its authority and government in the island of
Cuba, and withdraw its land and naval forces from Cuba and Cuban waters.
_Third_, That the President of the United States be, and he hereby is,
directed and empowered to use the entire land and naval forces of the
United States, and to call into the actual service of the United States
the militia of the several States to such extent as may be necessary, to
carry these resolutions into effect.
_April 14._ The Spanish minister at Washington sealed his archives and
placed them in the charge of the French ambassador, M. Cambon. The queen
regent of Spain, at a Cabinet meeting, signed a call for the Cortes to
meet on the twentieth of the month, and a decree opening a national
subscription for increasing the navy and other war services.
_April 15._ The United States consulate at Malaga, Spain, was attacked by
a mob, and the shield torn down and trampled upon.
_April 17._ The Spanish committee of inquiry into the destruction of the
_Maine_ reported that the explosion could not have been caused by a
torpedo or a mine of any kind, because no trace of anything was found to
justify such a conclusion. It gave the testimony of two eye-witnesses to
the catastrophe, who swore that there was absolutely no disturbance on the
surface of the harbour around the _Maine_. The committee gave great stress
to the fact that the explosion did no damage to the quays, and none to the
vessels moored close to the _Maine_, whose officers and crews noticed
nothing that could lead them to suppose that the disaster was caused
otherwise than by an accident inside the American vessel.
_April 18._ Congress passed the Senate resolution, as given above, with an
additional clause as follows:
_Fourth_, That the United States hereby disclaim any disposition or
intention to exercise sovereignty, jurisdiction or control over said
island, except for the pacification thereof; and asserts its
determination, when that is accomplished, to leave the government and
control of the island to its people.
CHAPTER III.
A DECLARATION OF WAR.
All that had been done by the governments of the United States and of
Spain was indicative of war,—it was virtually a declaration that an appeal
would be made to arms.
_April 20._ Preparations were making in each country for actual
hostilities, and the American people were prepared to receive the
statement made by a gentleman in close touch with high officials, when he
wrote:
“The United States has thrown down the gage of battle and Spain has picked
it up.
“The signing by the President of the joint resolutions instructing him to
intervene in Cuba was no sooner communicated to the Spanish minister than
he immediately asked the State Department to furnish him with his
passports.
“It was defiance, prompt and direct.
“It was the shortest and quickest manner for Spain to answer our
ultimatum.
“Nominally Spain has three days in which to make her reply. Actually that
reply has already been delivered.
[Illustration: U. S. S. COLUMBIA.]
“When a nation withdraws her minister from the territory of another it is
an open announcement to the world that all friendly relations have
terminated.
“Answers to ultimatums have before this been returned at the cannon’s
mouth. First the minister is withdrawn, then comes the firing. Spain is
ready to speak through shotted guns.
“And the United States is ready to answer, gun for gun.
“The queen regent opened the Cortes in Madrid yesterday, saying, in her
speech from the throne: ‘I have summoned the Cortes to defend our rights,
whatever sacrifice they may entail, trusting to the Spanish people to
gather behind my son’s throne. With our glorious army, navy, and nation
united before foreign aggression, we trust in God that we shall overcome,
without stain on our honour, the baseless and unjust attacks made on us.’
“Orders were sent last night to Captain Sampson at Key West to have all
the vessels of his fleet under full steam, ready to move immediately upon
orders.”
The Spanish minister, accompanied by six members of his staff, departed
from Washington during the evening, after having made a hurried call at
the French embassy and the Austrian legation, where Spanish interests were
left in charge, having announced that he would spend several days in
Toronto, Canada.
_April 21._ The ultimatum of the United States was received at Madrid
early in the morning, and the government immediately broke off diplomatic
relations by sending the following communication to Minister Woodford,
before he could present any note from Washington:
“_Dear Sir_:—In compliance with a painful duty, I have the honour to
inform you that there has been sanctioned by the President of the republic
a resolution of both chambers of the United States, which denies the
legitimate sovereignty of Spain and threatens armed intervention in Cuba,
which is equivalent to a declaration of war.
“The government of her majesty have ordered her minister to return without
loss of time from North American territory, together with all the
personnel of the legation.
“By this act the diplomatic relations hitherto existing between the two
countries, and all official communication between their respective
representatives, cease.
“I am obliged thus to inform you, so that you may make such arrangements
as you think fit. I beg your excellency to acknowledge receipt of this
note at such time as you deem proper, taking this opportunity to reiterate
to you the assurances of my distinguished consideration.
(Signed) “H. GULLON.”
Relative to the ultimatum and its reception, the government of this
country gave out the following information:
“On yesterday, April 20, 1898, about one o’clock P. M., the Department of
State served notice of the purposes of this government by delivering to
Minister Polo a copy of an instruction to Minister Woodford, and also a
copy of the resolutions passed by the Congress of the United States on the
nineteenth instant. After the receipt of this notice the Spanish minister
forwarded to the State Department a request for his passports, which were
furnished him on yesterday afternoon.
“Copies of the instructions to Woodford are herewith appended. The United
States minister at Madrid was at the same time instructed to make a like
communication to the Spanish government.
“This morning the Department received from General Woodford a telegram, a
copy of which is hereunto attached, showing that the Spanish government
had broken off diplomatic relations with this government.
“This course renders unnecessary any further diplomatic action on the part
of the United States.
“‘April 20, 1898.
“‘_Woodford, Minister, Madrid_:—You have been furnished with the text of a
joint resolution, voted by the Congress of the United States on the
nineteenth instant, approved to-day, in relation to the pacification of
the island of Cuba. In obedience to that act, the President directs you to
immediately communicate to the government of Spain said resolution, with
the formal demand of the government of the United States, that the
government of Spain at once relinquish her authority and government in the
island of Cuba, and withdraw her land and naval forces from Cuba and Cuban
waters.
“‘In taking this step, the United States disclaims any disposition or
intention to exercise sovereignty, jurisdiction, or control over said
island, except for the pacification thereof, and asserts its determination
when that is accomplished to leave the government and control of the
island to its people under such free and independent government as they
may establish.
“‘If, by the hour of noon on Saturday next, the twenty-third day of April,
there be not communicated to this government by that of Spain a full and
satisfactory response to this demand and resolutions, whereby the ends of
peace in Cuba shall be assured, the President will proceed without further
notice to use the power and authority enjoined and conferred upon him by
the said joint resolution to such an extent as may be necessary to carry
the same into effect.
“‘SHERMAN.’
“This is Woodford’s telegram of this morning:
“‘MADRID, April 21. (Received at 9.02 A. M.)
“‘_To Sherman, Washington_:—Early this morning (Tuesday), immediately
after the receipt of your telegram, and before I communicated the same to
the Spanish government, the Spanish Minister for Foreign Affairs notified
me that diplomatic relations are broken between the two countries, and
that all official communication between the respective representatives has
ceased. I accordingly asked for my passports. Have turned the legation
over to the British embassy, and leave for Paris this afternoon. Have
notified consuls.
“‘WOODFORD.’”
The Spanish newspapers applauded the “energy” of their government, and
printed the paragraph inserted below as a semi-official statement from the
throne:
“The Spanish government having received the ultimatum of the President of
the United States, considers that the document constitutes a declaration
of war against Spain, and that the proper form to be adopted is not to
make any further reply, but to await the expiration of the time mentioned
in the ultimatum before opening hostilities. In the meantime the Spanish
authorities have placed their possessions in a state of defence, and their
fleet is already on its way to meet that of the United States.”
_April 21._ General Woodford left Madrid late in the afternoon, and
although an enormous throng of citizens were gathered at the railway
station to witness his departure, no indignities were attempted. The
people of Madrid professed the greatest enthusiasm for war, and the
general opinion among the masses was that Spain would speedily vanquish
the United States.
In Havana, in response to the manifesto from the palace, the citizens
began early to decorate the public buildings and many private residences,
balconies, and windows with the national colours. A general illumination
followed, as on the occasion of a great national festivity. Early in the
evening no less than eight thousand demonstrators filled the square
opposite the palace, a committee entering and tendering to the
captain-general, in the name of all, their estates, property, and lives in
aid of the government, and pledging their readiness to fight the invader.
General Blanco thanked them in the name of the king, the queen regent and
the imperial and colonial governments, assuring them that he would do
everything in his power to prevent the invaders from setting foot in Cuba.
“Otherwise I shall not live,” he said, in conclusion. “Do you swear to
follow me to the fight?”
“Yes, yes, we do!” the crowd answered.
“Do you swear to give the last drop of blood in your veins before letting
a foreigner step his foot on the land we discovered, and place his yoke
upon the people we civilised?”
“Yes, yes, we do!”
“The enemy’s fleet is almost at Morro Castle, almost at the doors of
Havana,” General Blanco added. “They have money; but we have blood to
shed, and we are ready to shed it. We will throw them into the sea!”
[Illustration: CAPTAIN-GENERAL BLANCO.]
The people interrupted him with cries of applause, and he finished his
speech by shouting “_Viva Espana!_” “_Viva el Rey!_” “Long live the army,
the navy, and the volunteers!”
The Congress of the United States passed a joint resolution authorising
the President, in his discretion, to prohibit the exportation of coal and
other war material. The measure was of great importance, because through
it was prevented the shipment of coal to ports in the West Indies where it
might be used by Spain.
_April 22._ At half past five o’clock in the morning the vessels composing
the North Atlantic Squadron put to sea from Key West. The flag-ship _New
York_ led the way. Close behind her steamed the _Iowa_ and the _Indiana_.
Following the war-ships came the gunboat _Machias_, and then the
_Newport_. The _Amphitrite_, the first of the fleet, lying close to shore,
steamed out after the _Machias_, and then followed in order the
_Nashville_, the _Wilmington_, the _Castine_, the _Cincinnati_, and the
other boats of the fleet, save the monitors _Terror_ and _Puritan_, which
were coaling, the cruiser _Marblehead_, the despatch-boat _Dolphin_, and
the gunboat _Helena_.
After getting out of sight of land the flag of a rear-admiral was hoisted
over the _New York_, indicating to the fleet that Captain Sampson was
acting as a rear-admiral. When in the open sea the fleet was divided into
three divisions. The _New York_, _Iowa_, and _Indiana_ had the position of
honour. Stretching out to the right were the _Montgomery_, _Wilmington_,
_Newport_, and smaller craft; to the left was the _Nashville_ in the lead,
followed by the _Cincinnati_, _Castine_, _Machias_, _Mayflower_, and some
of the torpedo-boats.
At seven o’clock in the morning the first gun of the war was fired. The
_Nashville_, which had been sailing at about six knots an hour, in
obedience to orders, suddenly swung out of line. Clouds of black smoke
poured from her long, slim stacks, her speed was gradually increased until
the water ascended in fine spray on each side of the bow, and behind her
trailed out a long, creamy streak on the quiet waters.
She was headed for a Spanish merchantman, which was then about half a mile
away, apparently paying no heed to the monsters of war.
A shot from one of the 4-pounders was sent across the stranger’s bow, and
then, no attention having been paid to it, a 6-inch gun was discharged.
This last shot struck the water and bounded along the surface a mile or
more, sending up great clouds of spray.
The Spaniard wisely concluded to heave to, and within five minutes a boat
was lowered from the _Nashville_ to put on board the first prize a crew of
six men, under command of Ensign Magruder.
The captured vessel was the _Buena Ventura_, of 1,741 tons burthen; laden
with lumber, valued at eleven thousand dollars, and carrying a deck-load
of cattle.
The record of this first day of hostilities was not to end with one
capture.
Late in the afternoon, almost within gunshot of the Cuban shore, while the
United States fleet was standing toward Havana, with the _Mayflower_ a
mile or more in advance of the flag-ship _New York_, the merchant
steamship _Pedro_ hove in sight. The _Mayflower_ suddenly swung sharply to
the westward, and a moment later a string of butterfly flags went
fluttering to her masthead.
The _New York_ flung her answering pennant to the breeze, and, making
another signal to the fleet, which probably meant “Stay where you are
until I get back,” swung her bow to the westward and went racing for the
game that the _Mayflower_ had sighted. The big cruiser dashed forward,
smoke trailing in dense masses from each of her three big funnels, a hill
of foam around her bow, and in her wake a swell like a tidal wave. It was
a winning pace, and a magnificent sight she presented as she dashed
through the choppy seas with never an undulation of her long, graceful
hull.
When she was well inshore a puff of smoke came from the bow of the
cruiser, followed by a dull report, then another and another, until four
shots had been sent from one of the small, rapid-fire guns. The Spanish
steamer, probably believing the pursuing craft carried no heavier guns,
was trying to keep at a safe distance until the friendly darkness of night
should hide her from view. During sixty seconds or more the big cruiser
held her course in silence, and then her entire bow was hidden from the
spectators in a swirl of white smoke as a main battery gun roared out its
demand.
The whizzing shell spoke plainly to the Spanish craft, and had hardly more
than flung up a column of water a hundred yards or less in front of the
merchantman before she was hastily rounded to with her engines reversed.
A prize crew under Ensign Marble was thrown on board, and the steamer
_Pedro_, twenty-eight hundred tons burthen, suddenly had a change of
commanders.
_April 22._ The President issued a proclamation announcing a blockade of
Cuban ports, and also signed the bill providing for the utilising of
volunteer forces in times of war.
The foreign news of immediate interest to the people of the United States
was, first, from Havana, that Captain-General Blanco had published a
decree confirming his previous decree, and declaring the island to be in a
state of war.
He also annulled his former similar decrees granting pardon to insurgents,
and placed under martial law all those who were guilty of treason,
espionage, crimes against peace or against the independence of the nation,
seditious revolts, attacks against the form of government or against the
authorities, and against those who disturb public order, though only by
means of printed matter.
From Madrid came the information that during the evening a throng of no
less than six thousand people, carrying flags and shouting “_Viva
Espana!_” “We want war!” and “Down with the Yankees!” burned the stars and
stripes in front of the residence of Señor Sagasta, the premier, who was
accorded an ovation. The mob then went to the residence of M. Patenotre,
the French ambassador, and insisted that he should make his appearance,
but the French ambassador was not at home.
[Illustration: PREMIER SAGASTA.]
Correspondents at Hongkong announced that Admiral Dewey had ordered the
commanders of the vessels composing his squadron to be in readiness for an
immediate movement against the Philippine Islands.
_April 23._ The President issued a proclamation calling for one hundred
and twenty-five thousand volunteer soldiers.
In the new war tariff bill a loan of $500,000,000 was provided for in the
form of three per cent. 10-20 bonds.
The third capture of a Spanish vessel was made early in the morning by the
torpedo-boat _Ericsson_. The fishing-boat _Perdito_ was sighted making for
Havana harbour, and overhauled only when she was directly under the guns
of Morro Castle, where a single shot from the fortification might have
sunk either craft. After a prize-crew had been put on board Rear-Admiral
Sampson decided to turn her loose, and so she was permitted to return to
Havana to spread the news of the blockade.
During the afternoon the rum-laden schooner _Mathilde_ was taken, after a
lively chase, by the torpedo-boat _Porter_. Between five and six o’clock
in the evening the torpedo-boat _Foote_, Lieut. W. L. Rodgers commanding,
received the first Spanish fire.
She was taking soundings in the harbour of Matanzas, and had approached
within two or three hundred yards of the shore, when suddenly a masked
battery on the east side of the harbour, and not far distant from the
_Foote_, fired three shots at the torpedo-boat. The missiles went wide of
the mark, and the _Foote_ leisurely returned to the _Cincinnati_ to report
the result of her work.
At Hongkong the United States consul notified Governor Blake of the
British colony that the American fleet would leave the harbour in
forty-eight hours, and that no warlike stores, or more coal than would be
necessary to carry the vessels to the nearest home port, would be shipped.
The United States demanded of Portugal, the owner of the Cape Verde
Islands, that, in accordance with international law, she send the Spanish
war-ships away from St. Vincent, or require them to remain in that port
during the war.
_April 24._ The following decree was gazetted in Madrid:
“Diplomatic relations are broken off between Spain and the United States,
and a state of war being begun between the two countries, numerous
questions of international law arise, which must be precisely defined
chiefly because the injustice and provocation came from our adversaries,
and it is they who by their detestable conduct have caused this great
conflict.”
The royal decree then states that Spain maintains her right to have
recourse to privateering, and announces that for the present only
auxiliary cruisers will be fitted out. All treaties with the United States
are annulled; thirty days are given to American ships to leave Spanish
ports, and the rules Spain will observe during the war are outlined in
five clauses, covering neutral flags and goods contraband of war; what
will be considered a blockade; the right of search, and what constitutes
contraband of war, ending with saying that foreign privateers will be
regarded as pirates.
Continuing, the decree declared: “We have observed with the strictest
fidelity the principles of international law, and have shown the most
scrupulous respect for morality and the right of government.
“There is an opinion that the fact that we have not adhered to the
declaration of Paris does not exempt us from the duty of respecting the
principles therein enunciated. The principle Spain unquestionably refused
to admit then was the abolition of privateering.
“The government now considers it most indispensable to make absolute
reserve on this point, in order to maintain our liberty of action and
uncontested right to have recourse to privateering when we consider it
expedient, first, by organising immediately a force of cruisers, auxiliary
to the navy, which will be composed of vessels of our mercantile marine,
and with equal distinction in the work of our navy.
“_Clause 1_: The state of war existing between Spain and the United States
annuls the treaty of peace and amity of October 27, 1795, and the protocol
of January 12, 1877, and all other agreements, treaties, or conventions in
force between the two countries.
“_Clause 2_: From the publication of these presents, thirty days are
granted to all ships of the United States anchored in our harbours to take
their departure free of hindrance.
“_Clause 3_: Notwithstanding that Spain has not adhered to the declaration
of Paris, the government, respecting the principles of the law of nations,
proposes to observe, and hereby orders to be observed, the following
regulations of maritime laws:
“_One_: Neutral flags cover the enemy’s merchandise, except contraband of
war.
“_Two_: Neutral merchandise, except contraband of war, is not seizable
under the enemy’s flag.
“_Three_: A blockade, to be obligatory, must be effective; viz., it must
be maintained with sufficient force to prevent access to the enemy’s
littoral.
“_Four_: The Spanish government, upholding its rights to grant letters of
marque, will at present confine itself to organising, with the vessels of
the mercantile marine, a force of auxiliary cruisers which will coöperate
with the navy, according to the needs of the campaign, and will be under
naval control.
“_Five_: In order to capture the enemy’s ships, and confiscate the enemy’s
merchandise and contraband of war under whatever form, the auxiliary
cruisers will exercise the right of search on the high seas, and in the
waters under the enemy’s jurisdiction, in accordance with international
law and the regulations which will be published.
“_Six_: Defines what is included in contraband of war, naming weapons,
ammunition, equipments, engines, and, in general, all the appliances used
in war.
“_Seven_: To be regarded and judged as pirates, with all the rigour of the
law, are captains, masters, officers, and two-thirds of the crew of
vessels, which, not being American, shall commit acts of war against
Spain, even if provided with letters of marque by the United States.”
_April 24._ The U. S. S. _Helena_ captured the steamer _Miguel Jover_. The
U. S. S. _Detroit_ captured the steamer _Catalania_; the _Wilmington_ took
the schooner _Candidor_; the _Winona_ made a prize of the steamer
_Saturnia_, and the _Terror_ brought in the schooners _Saco_ and _Tres
Hermanes_.
_April 25._ Early in the day the President sent the following message to
Congress:
“I transmit to the Congress, for its consideration and appropriate action,
copies of correspondence recently had with the representatives of Spain
and the United States, with the United States minister at Madrid, through
the latter with government of Spain, showing the action taken under the
joint resolution approved April 20, 1898, ‘For the recognition of the
independence of the people of Cuba, demanding that the government of Spain
relinquish its authority and government in the island of Cuba, and
withdraw its land and naval forces from Cuba and Cuban waters, and
directing the President of the United States to carry these resolutions
into effect.’
“Upon communicating with the Spanish minister in Washington the demand,
which it became the duty of the executive to address to the government of
Spain in obedience with said resolution, the minister asked for his
passports and withdrew. The United States minister at Madrid was in turn
notified by the Spanish Minister of Foreign Affairs, that the withdrawal
of the Spanish representative from the United States had terminated
diplomatic relations between the two countries, and that all official
communications between their respective representatives ceased therewith.
“I commend to your especial attention the note addressed to the United
States minister at Madrid by the Spanish Minister for Foreign Affairs on
the twenty-first instant, whereby the foregoing notification was conveyed.
It will be perceived therefrom, that the government of Spain, having
cognisance of the joint resolution of the United States Congress, and, in
view of the things which the President is thereby required and authorised
to do, responds by treating the reasonable demands of this government as
measures of hostility, following with that instant and complete severance
of relations by its action, which by the usage of nations accompanied an
existing state of war between sovereign powers.
“The position of Spain being thus made known, and the demands of the
United States being denied, with a complete rupture of intercourse by the
act of Spain, I have been constrained, in exercise of the power and
authority conferred upon me by the joint resolution aforesaid, to proclaim
under date of April 22, 1898, a blockade of certain ports of the north
coast of Cuba, lying between Cardenas and Bahia Honda, and of the port of
Cienfuegos on the south coast of Cuba, and further in exercise of my
constitutional powers, and using the authority conferred upon me by act of
Congress, approved April 22, 1898, to issue my proclamation, dated April
23, 1898, calling for volunteers in order to carry into effect the said
resolution of April 20, 1898. Copies of these proclamations are hereto
appended.
[Illustration: PRESIDENT WILLIAM MCKINLEY.]
“In view of the measures so taken, and other measures as may be necessary
to enable me to carry out the express will of the Congress of the United
States in the premises, I now recommend to your honourable body the
adoption of a joint resolution declaring that a state of war exists
between the United States of America and the kingdom of Spain, and I urge
speedy action thereon to the end that the definition of the international
status of the United States as a belligerent power may be made known, and
the assertion of all its rights and the maintenance of all its duties in
the conduct of a public war may be assured.
(Signed) “WILLIAM MCKINLEY.
“_Executive Mansion, Washington, April 25, 1898._”
The war bill was passed without delay, and immediately after it had been
signed the following notice was sent to the representatives of the foreign
nations:
“A joint resolution of Congress, approved April 20th, directed
intervention for the pacification and independence of the island of Cuba.
The Spanish government on April 21st informed our minister at Madrid that
it considered this resolution equivalent to a declaration of war, and that
it had accordingly withdrawn its minister from Washington and terminated
all diplomatic relations.
“Congress has therefore, by an act approved to-day, declared that a state
of war exists between the two countries since and including April 21st.
“You will inform the government to which you are accredited, so that its
neutrality may be assured in the existing war.”
Before the close of the day John Sherman, Secretary of State, had
resigned; Assistant Secretary William R. Day was appointed the head of the
department, with John B. Moore as his successor.
The United States squadron sailed from Hongkong, under orders to
rendezvous at Mirs Bay, and public attention was turned towards Manila, it
being believed that there the first action would take place.
During the evening the tiny steamer _Mangrove_, a lighthouse tender,
captured the richest prize of the war thus far, when she hove to the
_Panama_, a big transatlantic liner, and an auxiliary cruiser of the
Spanish navy, which had been plying between New York and Havana.
The _Mangrove_, Lieut.-Commander William H. Everett commanding, was
cruising along the Cuban coast about twenty miles from Havana when she
sighted the big steamer, which was armed with two 12-pounders. As the
latter came within range the _Mangrove_ sent a shot across her bow; but
the Spaniard gave no heed; another missile followed without result, and
the third whistled in the air when the two vessels were hardly more than a
hundred yards apart, Commander Everett shouting, as the report of the gun
died away, that unless the steamer surrendered she would be sunk
forthwith.
The only other ship of the fleet in sight was the battle-ship _Indiana_,
three miles to the rear. The _Mangrove’s_ officers admit that they
expected the enemy’s 12-pounders to open on them in response to the
threat, but the Spaniard promptly came to. Ensign Dayton boarded the
prize.
The _Indiana_ had seen the capture, and meanwhile drew up to the
_Mangrove_, giving her a lusty cheer. Lieutenant-Commander Everett
reported to Captain Taylor of the battle-ship, and the latter put a
prize-crew on board the captive, consisting of Cadet Falconer and fifteen
marines.
_April 26._ The President issued a proclamation respecting the rights of
Spanish vessels then in, or bound to, ports in the United States, and also
with regard to the right of search.
The United States gunboat _Newport_ carried into Key West the Spanish
schooner _Piereno_ and the sloop _Paquette_, which she captured off
Havana, while the monitor _Terror_ took to the same port the coasting
steamer _Ambrosia Bolivar_. This last prize had on board silver specie to
the amount of seventy thousand dollars, three hundred casks of wine, and a
cargo of bananas.
_April 27._ The steamers _New York_, _Puritan_, and _Cincinnati_ bombarded
the forts at the mouth of Matanzas Harbour. The engagement commenced at
12.57, and ceased at 1.15 P. M. The object of the attack was to prevent
the completion of the earthworks at Punta Gorda.
A battery on the eastward arm of the bay opened fire on the flag-ship, and
this was also shelled. Twelve 8-inch shells were fired from the eastern
forts, but all fell short. About five or six light shells were fired from
the half completed batteries. Two of these whizzed over the _New York_,
and one fell short.
The ships left the bay for the open sea, the object of discovering the
whereabouts of the batteries having been accomplished. In the
neighbourhood of three hundred shots were put on land from the three ships
at a range of from four thousand to seven thousand yards. No casualties on
the American side.
The little monitor _Terror_ captured her third prize, and the story of the
chase is thus told by an eye-witness:
[Illustration: U. S. S. PURITAN.]
“The Spanish steamer _Guido_, Captain Armarechia, was bound for Havana.
There was Spanish urgency that she should reach that port. Aboard was a
large cargo, provisions for the beleaguered city, money for the Spanish
troops—or officers. The steamer had left Liverpool on April 2d, and
Corunna on April 9th.
“Ten miles off Cardenas, in the early morning, the _Guido_, setting her
fastest pace, made for Havana and the guardian guns of Morro. Ten miles
off Cardenas plodded the heavy monitor. The half light betrayed the
fugitive, and the pursuit was begun.
“Slowly, very slowly, the monitor gained. It would be a long chase. Men in
the engine-room toiled like galley-slaves under the whip. There was
prize-money to be gained. The _Guido_ fled fast. Every light aboard her
was hid.
“Reluctantly the pursuer aimed a 6-pounder. It was prize aim, and the shot
found more than a billet in the _Guido’s_ pilot-house. It tore a part
away; the splinters flew.
“Another 6-pounder, and another. It was profitable shooting. The
pilot-house, a fair mark, was piece by piece nearly destroyed. Jagged bits
of wood floated in the steamer’s wake.
“The gunboat _Machias_, which was some distance away, heard the sound of
the firing, came up, and brought her 4-inch rifle into play, firing one
shot, which failed to hit the Spaniard. This, however, brought her to, and
Lieutenant Qualto and a prize-crew were put on board.”
A cablegram from Hongkong announced the capture of the American bark
_Saranac_ off Manila, by the Spanish gunboat _El Correo_.
By a conference of both branches of Congress a naval bill of $49,277,558
was agreed upon. It stands as the heaviest naval outlay since the civil
war, providing for the construction of three battle-ships, four monitors,
sixteen torpedo-boat destroyers, and twelve torpedo-boats.
The U. S. S. _Newport_ captured the Spanish sloop _Engracia_, and the
U. S. S. _Dolphin_ made a prize of the Spanish schooner _Lola_.
_April 29._ The flag-ship _New York_ was lying about two miles off the
harbour of Cabanas, having just completed a cruise of inspection. With her
were the torpedo-boats _Porter_ and _Ericsson_. On the shore could be seen
the white ruins of what may have been the dwelling of a plantation. No
signs of life were visible. It was as if war’s alarms had never been heard
on this portion of the island.
Suddenly a volley of musketry rang out, repeated again and again, at
regular intervals, and the tiny jets of water which were sent up by the
bullets told that, concealed near about the ruins of the hacienda, a troop
of Spanish soldiers were making what possibly they may have believed to be
an attack upon the big war-ship. It was much as if a swarm of gnats had
set about endeavouring to worry an elephant, and likely to have as little
effect; yet Rear-Admiral Sampson believed it was necessary to teach the
enemy that any playing at war, however harmless, was dangerous to
themselves, and he ordered that the port battery be manned.
Half a dozen shots from the 4-inch guns were considered sufficient,
although there was no evidence any execution had been done, and the big
vessel’s bow was turned eastward just as a troop of Spanish cavalry rode
rapidly away from the ruin. The horsemen served as a target for a 4-inch
gun in the starboard battery, and the troop dispersed in hot haste.
While this mimic warfare was being carried on off Cabanas, a most
important capture was made. The _Nashville_, _Marblehead_, and the _Eagle_
left the station on the north coast, April 25th, to blockade Cienfuegos,
arriving at the latter place on the twenty-eighth.
They spent the day reconnoitring, and, next morning, in order to get
better information, steamed close to the mouth of the harbour of
Cienfuegos. The _Eagle_ was to the eastward, and in the van. The
_Marblehead_ was slightly in the rear, and the _Nashville_ to the
westward.
All were cleared for action. Suddenly smoke was seen rising on the western
horizon, and the _Nashville_, because of her position, put on all steam in
that direction. Twenty minutes later she fired two shots across the bow of
the coming steamer, which promptly hove to. She was the _Argonauta_.
Ensign Keunzli was sent with a prize-crew of nine to take possession of
her.
Learning that Spanish soldiers were on board, word was given to send them
to the _Nashville_ immediately as prisoners of war, and when this had been
done arrangements were made to transfer the passengers and non-combatants
to the shore. The women and children were placed in the first boat, and
under cover of a flag of truce were soon bound toward the entrance to
Cienfuegos. A second crew took the other passengers and landed them about
noon.
The _Argonauta_ had on board Colonel Corijo of the Third Spanish Cavalry,
his first lieutenant, sergeant-major, seven other lieutenants, and ten
privates and non-commissioned officers. The steamer also carried a large
cargo of arms and Mauser ammunition. She was bound from Satabanao, Spain,
for Cienfuegos, stopping at Port Louis, Trinidad, and Manzanillo.
Half an hour later the _Eagle_ hoisted a signal conveying the intelligence
that she had been fired upon by Spanish boats coming out of the river. She
immediately returned the fire with the 6-pounders, and held her ground
until the _Marblehead_ came up. Both vessels then fired broadside after
broadside up the entrance to the river.
The boats coming down were two torpedo-boats and one torpedo-boat
destroyer. After twenty minutes of firing by the _Eagle_, during the last
five of which the _Marblehead_ participated, the Spanish vessels ceased
firing.
_April 29._ A cablegram from St. Vincent, Cape Verde, reported the
departure from that port of the Spanish squadron, consisting of the
first-class cruisers _Vizcaya_, _Almirante Oquendo_, _Infanta Maria
Teresa_, and _Cristobal Colon_, and the three torpedo-boat destroyers
_Furor_, _Terror_, and _Pluton_, bound westward, probably for Porto Rico.
_April 30._ The American schooner _Ann Louisa Lockwood_ was taken by the
Spaniards off Mole St. Nicolas.
The capture of a small Spanish schooner, the _Mascota_, near Havana, by
the torpedo-boat _Foote_, closed the record of the month of April.
Anxiously awaiting some word from Manila were the people of the United
States, and it was as if everything else was relegated to the background
until information could be had regarding that American fleet which sailed
from Mirs Bay, in the China Sea, on the afternoon of April 27th.
CHAPTER IV.
THE BATTLE OF MANILA BAY.
_May 1._ “Manila, May 1.—The squadron arrived at Manila at daybreak this
morning. Immediately engaged the enemy, and destroyed the following
Spanish vessels: _Isla de Cuba_, _Isla de Luzon_, _Reina Christina_,
_Castilla_, _Don Antonio d’Ulloa_, _Don Juan d’Austria_, _Velasco_,
_General Lezo_, _El Correo_, _Marques del Duero_, _Isla de Mindanao_, and
the water-battery at Cavite. The squadron is uninjured. Few men were
slightly injured. The only means of telegraphing is to American consulate,
Hongkong. I shall communicate with him.
“DEWEY.”
All the world loves a hero, but idolises him when he performs his deeds of
valour without too many preliminaries, and, therefore, when on the seventh
of May the telegram quoted above was flashed over the wires to an
anxiously expectant people, it was as if all the country remembered but
one name,—that of Dewey.
_April 25._ It was known to the public that the Asiatic Squadron had
sailed from Hongkong on the 25th of April to avoid possible complications
such as might arise in a neutral port, and had rendezvoused in Mirs Bay,
there to await orders from the government at Washington.
[Illustration: ADMIRAL GEORGE DEWEY.]
_April 26._ So also was it known that on the next day Commodore Dewey
received the following cablegram.
“WASHINGTON, April 26th.
“_Dewey, Asiatic Squadron_:—Commence operations at once, particularly
against Spanish fleet. You must capture or destroy them.
“MCKINLEY.”
_April 27._ On the twenty-seventh came information from Hongkong that the
squadron had put to sea, and from that day until the seventh of May no
word regarding the commodore’s movements had been received, save through
Spanish sources.
Then came a cablegram containing the bare facts concerning the most
complete naval victory the world had ever known. It was the first
engagement of the war, and a crushing defeat for the enemy. It is not
strange that the people, literally overwhelmed with joy, gave little heed
to the movements of our forces elsewhere until the details of this
marvellous fight could be sent under the oceans and across the countries,
thousands of leagues in distance, describing the deeds of the heroes who
had made their names famous so long as history shall exist.
During such time of waiting all were eager to familiarise themselves with
the theatre of this scene of action, and every source of information was
applied to until the bay of Manila had become as well known as the nearest
home waters.
For a better understanding of the battle a rough diagram of the bay, from
the entrance as far as the city of Manila, may not come amiss.(1)
Twenty-six miles from the entrance to the bay is situated the city of
Manila, through which the river Pasig runs, dividing what is known as the
old city from the new, and forming several small islands.
Sixteen miles from the sea is the town and arsenal of Cavite, which,
projecting as it does from the mainland, forms a most commodious and safe
harbour. Cavite was well fortified, and directly opposite its fort, on the
mainland, was a heavy mortar battery. Between the arsenal and the city was
a Krupp battery, at what was known as the Luneta Fort, while further
toward the sea, extending from Cavite to the outermost portion of Limbones
Point, were shore-batteries,—formidable forts, so it had been given out by
the Spanish government, such as would render the city of Manila
impregnable.
Between Limbones and Talago Point are two islands, Corregidor and Caballo,
which divide the entrance of the bay into three channels. On each of these
islands is a lighthouse, and it was said that both were strongly fortified
with modern guns. North of Corregidor, nearly opposite, but on the inner
shore, is the point of San José, where was another water-battery mounting
formidable guns. That channel between Corregidor and San José Point is
known as the Boca Grande, and is nearly two miles wide. The middle
channel, or the one situated between the two islands, is shallow, and but
little used. The third, which separates Caballo Island from Limbones
Point, is nearly three miles in width, at least twenty fathoms deep, and
known as the Boca Chica.
All of these channels, as well as the waters of the bay, were said to have
been thickly mined, and the enemy had caused it to be reported that no
ship could safely enter without the aid of a government pilot.
In addition to the vessels of the American fleet, as set down at the
conclusion of this chapter, were two transports, the steamers _Nanshan_
and _Zafiro_, which had come into the port of Hongkong laden with coal
shortly before Commodore Dewey’s departure, and had been purchased by him,
together with their cargoes, in anticipation of the declaration of war.
And now, the details having been set down in order that what follows may
be the better understood, we will come to that sultry Sunday morning,
shortly after midnight, when the American fleet steamed along the coast
toward the entrance to Manila Bay, the flag-ship _Olympia_ leading, with
the _Baltimore_, the _Raleigh_, the _Petrel_, the _Concord_, and the
_Boston_ following in the order named. In the rear of these came the two
transports, the _Nanshan_ and _Zafiro_, convoyed by the despatch steamer
_McCulloch_.
The commodore had decided to enter by the Boca Grande channel, and the
fleet kept well out from Talago Point until the great light of Corregidor
came into view.
Then the crews of the war-vessels were summoned on deck, the men ordered
to wash, and afterwards served with a cup of coffee. All lights were
extinguished except one on the stern of each ship, and that was hooded.
All hands were at quarters; all guns loaded, with extra charges ready at
hand; every eye was strained, and every ear on the alert to catch the
slightest sound.
Perhaps there was not a man from commodore to seaman, who believed it
would be possible for the war-vessels to enter the bay without giving an
alarm, and yet the big ships continued on and were nearly past Corregidor
Island before a gun was fired.
The flag-ship was well into the bay, steaming at a four-knot speed, when
from the smoke-stack of the little _McCulloch_ a column of sparks shot up
high into the air. In the run her fires had fallen low, and it became
necessary to replenish them. The firemen, perhaps fearing lest they should
not be in at the death, were more energetic than prudent, and thus a
signal was given to the sleepy garrison of Corregidor.
[Illustration: U. S. S. OLYMPIA.]
“Perhaps they will see us now,” the commodore remarked, quietly, as his
attention was called to this indiscretion.
A flash of light burst from the fort; there was a dull report, and in the
air could be heard that peculiar singing and sighing of a flying
projectile as a heavy missile passed over the _Olympia_ and the _Raleigh_.
The garrison on Corregidor was awakened, but not until after the last
vessel in that ominous procession had steamed past.
It was the first gun in the battle of Manila Bay, and it neither worked
harm nor caused alarm.
Again and again in rapid succession came these flashes of light, dull
reports, and sinister hummings in the air, before the American fleet gave
heed that this signal to heave to had been heard.
Then a 4-inch shell was sent from the _Concord_ directly inside of the
fortification, where it exploded.
The _Raleigh_ and the _Boston_ each threw a shell by way of salute, and
then all was silent.
The channel, which had been thickly mined, according to the Spanish
reports, was passed in safety, and the fleet, looking so unsubstantial in
the darkness, had yet to meet the mines in the bay, as well as the Spanish
fleet, which all knew was lying somewhere near about the city.
On the forward bridge of the _Olympia_ stood Commodore Dewey, his chief of
staff, Commander Lamberton, Lieutenant Rees, Lieutenant Calkins, and an
insurgent Filippino, who had volunteered as pilot.
In the conning-tower was Captain Gridley, who, much against his will, was
forced to take up his position in that partially sheltered place because
the commander of the fleet was not willing to take the chances that all
the chief officers of the ship should be exposed to death on the bridge.
The word was given to “slow down,” and the speed of the big ships
decreased until they had barely steerageway.
The men were allowed to sleep beside their guns.
The moon had set, the darkness and the silence was almost profound, until
suddenly day broke, as it does in the tropics, like unto a flash of light,
and all that bay, with its fighting-machines in readiness for the first
signal, was disclosed to view.
From the masthead of the American vessels rose tiny balls of bunting, and
then were broken out, disclosing the broad folds of the stars and stripes.
Cavite was hardly more than five miles ahead, and beyond, the city of
Manila.
The _Reina Christina_, flying the Spanish rear-admiral’s flag, lay off the
arsenal. Astern of her was moored the _Castilla_, her port battery ready
for action. Slightly to seaward were the _Don Juan de Austria_, the _Don
Antonio de Ulloa_, the _Isla de Cuba_ and _Isla de __Luzon_, the _El
Correo_, the _Marques del Duero_, and the _General Lezo_.
They were under steam and slowly moving about, apparently ready to receive
the fire of the advancing squadron. The flag-ship _Reina Christina_ also
was under way.
“Prepare for general action! Steam at eight-knot speed!” were the signals
which floated from the _Olympia_ as she led the fleet in, keeping well
toward the shore opposite the city.
The American fleet was yet five miles distant, when from the arsenal came
a flame and report; but the missile was not to be seen. Another shot from
Cavite, and then was strung aloft on the _Olympia_ a line of tiny flags,
telling by the code what was to be the American battle-cry: “Remember the
_Maine_,” and from the throat of every man on the incoming ships went up a
shout of defiance and exultation that the moment was near at hand when the
dastardly deed done in the harbour of Havana might be avenged.
Steaming steadily onward were the huge vessels, dropping astern and beyond
range the transports as they passed opposite Cavite Point, until, having
gained such a distance above the city as permitted of an evolution, the
fleet swung swiftly around until it held a course parallel with the
westernmost shore, and distant from it mayhap six thousand yards.
Every nerve was strained to its utmost tension; each man took a mental
grip upon himself, believing that he stood face to face with death; but no
cheek paled; no hand trembled save it might have been from excitement.
The ships were coming down on their fighting course when a shell from one
of the shore-batteries burst over the _Olympia_; the guns from the fort
and from the water-batteries vomited jets of flame and screaming missiles
with thunderous reports; every man on the American fleet save one believed
the moment had come when they should act their part in the battle which
had been begun by the enemy; but up went the signal:
“Hold your fire until close in.”
Had the American fleet opened fire then, the city of Manila would have
been laid in ashes and thousands of non-combatants slain.
The _Olympia_ was yet two miles from Cavite when, directly in front of the
_Baltimore_, a huge shaft of water shot high into the air, and with a
heavy booming that drowned the reports of the Spanish guns.
“The torpedoes!” some one on the _Olympia_ said, in a low tone, with an
indrawing of the breath; but it was as if Dewey did not hear. With
Farragut in Mobile Bay he had seen the effects of such engines of
destruction, and, like Farragut, he gave little heed to that which might
in a single instant send his vessel to the bottom, even as the _Maine_ had
been sent.
Then, so near the _Raleigh_ as to send a flood across her decks, another
spouting of water, another dull roar, and the much vaunted mines of the
Spaniards in Manila Bay had been exploded.
[Illustration: U. S. S. BALTIMORE.]
The roar and crackle of the enemy’s guns still continued, yet Dewey
withheld the order which every man was now most eager to hear.
The Spanish gunners were getting the range; the shells which had passed
over our fleet now fell close about them; the tension among officers and
men was terrible. They wondered how much longer the commodore would
restrain them from firing. The heat was rapidly becoming intense. The
guns’ crews began to throw off their clothes. Soon they wore nothing but
their trousers, and perspiration fairly ran from their bodies.
Still the word was not given to fire, though the ships steadily steamed on
and drew nearer the fort. Orders were given by the officers in low voices,
but they were perfectly audible, so great was the silence which was broken
only by the throbbing of the engines. The men hugged their posts ready to
open fire at the word.
A huge shell from Cavite hissed through the air and came directly for the
_Olympia_. High over the smoke-stack it burst with a mighty snap.
Commodore Dewey did not raise his eyes. He simply turned, made a motion to
a boatswain’s mate who stood near the after 5-inch gun. With a voice of
thunder the man bellowed an order along the decks.
“Remember the _Maine_!” yelled a chorus of five hundred gallant sailors.
Below decks in the engine-rooms the cry was taken up, a cry of defiance
and revenge. Up in the turrets resounded the words, and the threatening
notes were swept across the bay to the other ships.
“Remember the _Maine_!”
In that strange cry was loosed the pent-up wrath of hundreds of American
sailors who resented the cowardly death of their comrades. It bespoke the
terrible vengeance that was about to be dealt out to the defenders of a
detestable flag.
“You may fire when you are ready, Gridley,” was Commodore Dewey’s quiet
remark to the captain of the _Olympia_, who was still in the
conning-tower.
The _Olympia’s_ 8-inch gun in the forward turret belched forth, and an
instant later was run up the signal to the ships astern:
“Fire as convenient.”
The other vessels in the squadron followed the example set by the
_Olympia_. The big 8-inch guns of the _Baltimore_ and the _Boston_ hurled
their two hundred and fifty pound shells at the Spanish flag-ship and at
the _Castilla_.
The Spanish fleet fired fast and furiously. The guns on Cavite hurled
their shells at the swiftly moving vessels; the water-batteries added
their din to the horrible confusion of noises; the air was sulphurous with
the odour of burning powder, and great clouds of smoke hung here and
there, obscuring this vessel or that from view. It was the game of death
with all its horrible accompaniments.
One big shell came toward the _Olympia_ straight for the bridge. When a
hundred feet away it suddenly burst, its fragments continuing onward. One
piece struck the rigging directly over the head of Commander Lamberton. He
did not wince.
[Illustration: THE BATTLE OF MANILA BAY.]
The _Olympia_ continued on. It was evident Commodore Dewey was making
straight for the centre of the enemy’s line, which was the big cruiser
_Reina Christina_.
Being the nearest ship, the _Olympia_ received more attention from the
Spaniards than any of the other vessels.
The water was now getting shallow. Commodore Dewey did not wish to run
aground. He altered his course when about four thousand yards from the
Spanish vessels, and swung around to give them his broadside.
A small torpedo-boat was seen to emerge from the shore near the arsenal,
making for the coal-laden steamers at a high rate of speed. The secondary
batteries on the ships nearest were brought to bear upon her; it was a
veritable shower of shot and shell which fell ahead, astern, and either
side of her. To continue on would have been certain destruction, and,
turning in the midst of that deadly hail which had half disabled her, the
craft was run high and dry on the beach, where she was at once abandoned,
her crew doubtless fearing lest the magazines would explode.
“Open with all guns,” came the signal as the course of the American
vessels was changed, and soon all the port guns were at work.
The American fleet was steaming back and forth off Cavite Bay as if bent
on leaving such a wake as would form a figure eight, delivering broadside
after broadside with splendid results.
All this time the enemy’s vessels were keeping up a steady fire, the
smaller ships retreating inside the mole several times during the action.
The forts were not idle, but kept thundering forth their tribute with no
noticeable effect. The enemy’s fire seemed to be concentrated on the
_Baltimore_, and she was hit several times.
A 4.7-inch armour-piercing shell punctured her side on the main-deck line,
tore up the wooden deck, and, striking the steel deck under this, glanced
upward, went through the after engine-room hatch, and, emerging, struck
the cylinder of the port 6-inch gun on the quarter-deck, temporarily
rendering the gun unfit for use.
In its flight it also struck a box of 3-pounder ammunition, exploding one
shell, which in turn slightly wounded one of No. 4 gun’s crew.
One shell pierced her starboard side forward of No. 2 sponson, and lodged
in a clothes-locker on the berth-deck; another struck her port beam a
little above the water-line, and a few feet forward of, and above this,
another shell came crashing across the berth-deck, striking a steam-pipe
and exploding behind the starboard blower-engine, but with no serious
results. A fragment of a shell went through one of the ventilators, and
the colours of the mainmast were shot through.
[Illustration: U. S. S. BOSTON.]
The concussion from the 8-inch guns on the poop shattered the whaleboats,
and they had to be cut adrift. A fragment of a shell that burst over the
quarter-deck cut the signal halliards which Lieutenant Brumby held in his
hand.
On the _Boston_ a shell came through a port-hole in Ensign Doddridge’s
stateroom, and wrecked it badly. The explosion set a fire which was
quickly put out. Another shell struck the port hammock netting, where it
burst, setting fire to the hammocks. This was also soon extinguished.
Still another shell struck the _Boston’s_ foremast, cutting a great gash
in it. It came within twenty feet of Captain Wildes on the bridge.
The _Raleigh_ was forced inshore by the strong current, and carried
directly upon the bows of two Spanish cruisers. By all the rules of
warfare she should have been sunk; but instead, her commander delivered
two raking broadsides as she steamed back into place.
Three times the American ships passed back and forth, opening first with
one broadside and then with another as the ship swung around, and then the
_Reina Christina_, black smoke pouring from her stacks, and a vapour as of
wool coming from the steam-pipes, gallantly sallied out to meet the
_Olympia_.
Between the two flag-ships ensued a duel, in which the Spaniard was
speedily worsted to such a degree that she was literally forced to turn
and make for the shore. As she swung around, with her stern directly
toward the _Olympia_, an 8-inch shell struck her squarely, and the
explosive must have travelled directly through the ill-fated craft until
it reached the after boiler, where it exploded, ripping up the decks, and
vomiting forth showers of iron fragments and portions of dismembered human
bodies.
A gunboat came out from behind the Cavite pier, and made directly for the
_Olympia_. In less than five minutes she was in a sinking condition; as
she turned, a shell struck her just inside the stern railing, and she
disappeared beneath the waves as if crushed by some titanic force.
Navigator Calkins of the _Olympia_ had soundings taken, and told Commodore
Dewey that he could take the ship farther in toward the Spanish fleet.
“Take her in, then,” the commodore replied.
The ship moved up to within two thousand yards of the Spanish fleet. This
brought the smaller guns into effective play.
The rain of shell upon the doomed Spaniards was terrific.
The _Castilla_ was in flames from stem to stern. Black smoke poured up
from the decks of the _Isla de Cuba_, and on the flag-ship fire was
completing the work of destruction begun by the American shells.
It was 7.35 A. M. when the battle, which began at 5.41, came to a
temporary close. The first round was concluded.
There was yet ample time in which to finish the work so well begun, and
from the flag-ship _Olympia_ went up the signal:
“Cease firing and follow.”
The fleet was headed for the opposite shore, and, once partially beyond
range, “mess-gear” was sounded.
The only casualty worthy of mention which had occurred was the death of
Chief Engineer Frank B. Randall, of the steamer _McCulloch_, who died from
heart disease, probably superinduced by excitement, while the fleet was
passing Corregidor.
There were handshakings and congratulations on every hand as
smoke-begrimed friends, parted during the battle, met again, and loud were
the cheers that went up from the various ships in passing.
After breakfast had been served and the ships made ready for the second
round, or, in other words, at 10.15 in the forenoon, the Spanish flag-ship
_Reina Christina_ hauled down her colours, and the admiral’s flag was
transferred to the _Isla de Cuba_.
At 10.45 a signal was made from the _Olympia_:
“Get under way with men at quarters.”
Again the fleet stood in toward Cavite, the _Baltimore_ in the lead, but
the latter vessel’s course was quickly changed as a strange steamer was
observed entering the bay.
Not many moments were spent in reconnoitring; the signal flags soon told
that the stranger was flying the English ensign.
Then came the order for the _Baltimore_ to stand in and destroy the
enemy’s fortifications, and ten minutes later the battle was on once more.
Now the fire was slow and deliberate, the gunners taking careful aim, bent
on expending the least amount of ammunition with the greatest possible
execution.
The _Baltimore_ suffered most at the beginning of this second round,
because all the enemy’s fire was concentrated upon her.
Soon after this second half of the engagement had begun a Spanish shell
exploded on the _Baltimore’s_ deck, wounding five of the crew, and another
partially disabled three. It was as if every square yard of surface in
that portion of the bay was covered by a missile from the enemy’s guns,
and yet no further damage to the American fleet was done.
When the _Baltimore_ was within twenty-five hundred-yard range she poured
a broadside into the _Reina Christina_ which literally blew that craft
into fragments, and the smoke from the guns yet hung like a cloud above
the deck when the ill-fated flag-ship sank beneath the waters of the bay.
The _Don Juan de Austria_ was the next of the enemy’s fleet to be sunk,
and then a like fate overtook the _El Correo_.
The _General Lezo_ was run on shore and abandoned to the flames.
The cruiser _Castilla_ was scuttled by her crew lest the fire which was
raging fiercely should explode her magazine.
The _Velasco_ went down before all her men could escape to the boats. The
guns of the _Don Antonio de Ulloa_ were fought with most desperate
bravery, and even as she sank beneath the surface were the pieces
discharged by the brave Spaniards who stood at their posts of duty until
death overtook them.
The _Concord_ started after the _Mindanao_ lying close inshore, and was
soon joined by the _Olympia_, who poured 8-inch shells into the transport
until she was set on fire in a dozen places.
The entire Spanish fleet had been destroyed; not a vessel remained afloat,
and Commodore Dewey turned his attention to the Cavite battery.
It was 12.45 P. M. when the magazine in the arsenal was exploded by a
shell from the _Olympia_, or the _Petrel_, it is impossible to say which,
and the battle of Manila had been fought and won.
Not until the thirteenth of May was Commodore Dewey’s official report
received at the Navy Department, and then it was given to the public
without loss of time. It is copied below:
“FLAGSHIP OLYMPIA, CAVITE, May 4, 1898.
“The squadron left Mirs Bay on April 27th. Arrived off Bolinao on the
morning of April 30th, and finding no vessels there proceeded down the
coast and arrived off the entrance to Manila Bay on the same afternoon.
The _Boston_ and _Concord_ were sent to reconnoitre Point Subic.... A
thorough search of the port was made by the _Boston_ and the _Concord_,
but the Spanish fleet was not found....
“Entered the south channel at 11.30 P. M., steaming in column at eight
knots. After half the squadron had passed, a battery on the south side of
the channel opened fire, none of the shots taking effect. The _Boston_ and
_McCulloch_ returned the fire.
“The squadron proceeded across the bay at slow speed, and arrived off
Manila at daybreak, and was fired upon at 5.15 A. M. by three batteries at
Manila and two near Cavite, and by the Spanish fleet anchored in an
approximately east and west line across the mouth of Baker Bay, with their
left in shoal water in Canacoa Bay.
“The squadron then proceeded to the attack, the flag-ship _Olympia_, under
my personal direction, leading, followed at distance by the _Baltimore_,
_Raleigh_, _Petrel_, _Concord_, and _Boston_, in the order named, which
formation was maintained throughout the action. The squadron opened fire
at 5.41 A. M.
“While advancing to the attack two mines were exploded ahead of the
flag-ship, too far to be effective. The squadron maintained a continuous
and precise fire at ranges varying from five thousand to two thousand
yards, countermarching in a line approximately parallel to that of the
Spanish fleet. The enemy’s fire was vigorous, but generally ineffective.
[Illustration: U. S. S. CONCORD.]
“Early in the engagement two launches put out toward the _Olympia_, with
the apparent intention of using torpedoes. One was sunk and the other
disabled by our fire, and beached before an opportunity occurred to fire
torpedoes.
“At seven A. M. the Spanish flag-ship, _Reina Christina_, made a desperate
attempt to leave the line and come out to engage at short range, but was
received with such a volley of fire, the entire battery of the _Olympia_
being concentrated upon her, that she was barely able to return to the
shelter of the point. The fires started in her by our shell at this time
were not extinguished until she sank.
“The three batteries at Manila had kept up a continuous report from the
beginning of the engagement, which fire was not returned by this squadron.
“The first of these batteries was situated on the South Mole head, at the
entrance to the Pasig River, the second on the south bastion of the walled
city of Manila, and the third at Malate, about one-half mile farther
south. At this point I sent a message to the governor-general, in effect
that if the batteries did not cease firing the city would be shelled. This
had the effect of silencing them.
“At 7.35 A. M. I ceased firing and withdrew the squadron for breakfast.
“At 11.16 A. M. returned to the attack. By this time the Spanish flag-ship
and almost the entire Spanish fleet were in flames. At 12.30 P. M. the
squadron ceased firing, the batteries being silenced, and the ships sunk,
burned, and destroyed.
“At 12.40 P. M. the squadron returned and anchored off Manila, the
_Petrel_ being left behind to complete the destruction of the smaller
gunboats, which were behind the point of Cavite. This duty was performed
by Commander E. P. Wood in the most expeditious and complete manner
possible.
“The Spanish lost the following vessels:
“Sunk: _Reina Christina_, _Castilla_, _Don Antonio de Ulloa_.
“Burned: _Don Juan de Austria_, _Isla de Luzon_, _Isla de Cuba_, _General
Lezo_, _Marques del Duero_, _El Correo_, _Velasco_, and _Isla de
Mindanao_, transport.
“Captured: _Rapido_ and _Hercules_, tugs, and several small launches.
“I am unable to obtain complete accounts of the enemy’s killed and
wounded, but believe their losses to be very heavy.
“The _Reina Christina_ alone had 150 killed, including the captain, and
ninety wounded.
“I am happy to report that the damage done to the squadron under my
command was inconsiderable. There were none killed, and only seven men in
the squadron were slightly wounded.
“Several of the vessels were struck, and two penetrated, but the damage
was of the slightest, and the squadron is in as good condition now as
before the battle.
“I beg to state to the department that I doubt if any commander-in-chief
was ever served by more loyal, efficient, and gallant captains than those
of the squadron now under my command.
“Capt. Frank Wildes, commanding the _Boston_, volunteered to remain in
command of his vessel, although his relief arrived before leaving
Hongkong. Assistant Surgeon Kindleberger of the _Olympia_ and Gunner J. C.
Evans of the _Boston_ also volunteered to remain after orders detaching
them had arrived.
“The conduct of my personal staff was excellent. Commander B. P.
Lamberton, chief of staff, was a volunteer for that position, and gave me
most efficient aid. Lieutenant Brumby, flag lieutenant, and Ensign W. P.
Scott, aid, performed their duties as signal officers in a highly
creditable manner.
“The _Olympia_ being short of officers for the battery, Ensign H. H.
Caldwell, flag secretary, volunteered for and was assigned to a
subdivision of 5-inch battery. Mr. J. L. Stickney, formerly an officer in
the United States navy, and now correspondent of the _New York Herald_,
volunteered for duty as my aid, and did valuable service.
“I desire specially to mention the coolness of Lieut. C. G. Calkins, the
navigator of the _Olympia_, who came under my personal observation, being
on the bridge with me throughout the entire action, and giving the ranges
to the guns with an accuracy that was proved by the excellence of the
firing.
“On May 2d, the day following the engagement, the squadron again went to
Cavite, where it remained.
“On the 3d, the military forces evacuated the Cavite arsenal, which was
taken possession of by a landing party. On the same day the _Raleigh_ and
_Baltimore_ secured the surrender of the batteries on Corregidor Island,
paroling the garrison and destroying the guns.
“On the morning of May 4th the transport _Manila_, which had been aground
in Baker Bay, was towed off and made a prize.”
List of the two fleets engaged at the battle of Manila Bay, together with
the officers of the American fleet:(2)
AMERICAN FLEET.
The U. S. S. _Olympia_, protected cruiser, 5,870 tons, speed, 21.6 knots.
Battery: four 8-inch rifles, ten 5-inch rapid-fire guns, fourteen
6-pounder rapid-fire guns, six 1-pounder rapid-fire cannon, four Gatlings,
with six torpedo tubes, and eight automobile torpedoes.
The U. S. S. _Baltimore_, protected cruiser, 4,600 tons, speed, 20.09
knots. Battery: four 8-inch, six 6-inch rifles, four 6-pounder, two
3-pounder rapid-fire guns, two 1-pounder rapid-fire cannon, four
37-millimetre Hotchkiss cannon, and two Gatlings.
The U. S. S. _Boston_, protected cruiser, 3,189 tons, speed, 15.6 knots.
Battery: two 8-inch, six 6-inch rifles, two 6-pounder, two 3-pounder
rapid-fire guns, two 1-pounder rapid-fire cannon, two 47-millimetre
Hotchkiss cannon, and two Gatlings.
The U. S. S. _Raleigh_, protected cruiser, 3,213 tons, speed, nineteen
knots. Battery: one 6-inch, ten 5-inch rapid-fire guns, eight 6-pounder
rapid-fire guns, four 1-pounder rapid-fire cannon, and two Gatlings.
The U. S. S. _Concord_, gunboat, 1,710 tons, speed, 16.8 knots. Battery:
six 6-inch rifles, two 6-pounder, two 3-pounder rapid-fire guns, two
37-millimetre Hotchkiss cannon, and two Gatlings.
The U. S. S. _Petrel_, gunboat, 892 tons, speed, 11.7 knots. Battery: four
6-inch rifles, one 1-pounder rapid-fire gun, two 37-millimetre Hotchkiss
cannon, and two Gatlings.
The U. S. S. _McCulloch_, revenue cutter, 1,500 tons, speed, fourteen
knots. Battery: four 4-inch guns.
The _Nanshan_ and _Zafiro_, supply ships.
SPANISH FLEET.
The _Reina Maria Christina_, 3,520 tons, speed, seventeen knots. Battery:
six 6.2-inch hontoria guns, two 2.7-inch and three 2.2-inch rapid-fire
rifles, six 1.4-inch, and two machine guns.
The _Castilla_, 3,342 tons. Battery: four 5.9-inch Krupp rifles, two
4.7-inch, two 3.3-inch, four 2.5-inch rapid-fire, and two machine guns.
The _Velasco_, 1,152 tons. Battery: three 5.9-inch Armstrong rifles, two
2.7-inch hontorias, and two machine guns.
The _Don Antonio de Ulloa_ and _Don Juan de Austria_, each 1,130 tons,
speed, fourteen knots. Battery: four 4.7-inch hontorias, three 3.2-inch
rapid-fire, two 1.5-inch, and two machine guns.
The _General Lezo_, and _El Correo_, gun vessels, 524 tons, speed, 11.5
knots. The _General Lezo_ had two hontoria rifles of 4.7-inch calibre, one
3.5-inch, two small rapid-fire, and one machine gun; the _El Correo_ had
three 4.7-inch guns, two small rapid-fire, and two machine guns.
The _Marques del Duero_, despatch-boat, 500 tons. Battery: one smooth
bore, six 6.2-inch calibre, two 4.7-inch and one machine gun.
The _Isla de Cuba_ and the _Isla de Luzon_ were both small gunboats, 1,030
tons. Battery: four 4.7-inch hontorias, two small guns, and two machine
guns.
The _Isla de Mindanao_, auxiliary cruiser, 4,195 tons, speed, 13.5 knots.
Two torpedo-boats and two transports.
Officers of the U. S. Asiatic Squadron: Acting Rear Admiral George Dewey,
commander-in-chief; Commander B. P. Lamberton, chief of staff; Lieut. T.
M. Brumby, flag lieutenant; Ensign H. H. Caldwell, secretary.
U. S. S. _Olympia_, flag-ship: Captain, Charles V. Gridley;
Lieutenant-Commander, S. C. Paine; Lieutenants, C. G. Calkins, V. S.
Nelson, G. S. Morgan, W. C. Miller, S. M. S. Strite; Ensigns, M. M.
Taylor, F. B. Upham, W. P. Scott, A. G. Kavagnah; Medical Inspector, A. S.
Price; Passed Assistant Surgeon, J. E. Page; Assistant Surgeon, C. P.
Kindleberger; Pay Inspector, D. A. Smith; Chief Engineer, J. Entwistle;
Assistant Engineers, E. H. Delaney, J. F. Marshall, Jr.; Chaplain, J. B.
Frasier; Captain of Marines, W. P. Biddle; Gunner, L. J. G. Kuhlwein;
Carpenter, W. McDonald; Acting Boatswain, E. J. Norcott.
U. S. S. _Raleigh_: Captain, J. B. Coghlan; Lieutenant-Commander, F.
Singer; Lieutenants, W. Winder, B. Tappan, H. Rodman, C. B. Morgan;
Ensigns, F. L. Chidwick, P. Babbit; Surgeon, E. H. Marsteller; Assistant
Surgeon, D. N. Carpenter; Passed Assistant Paymaster, S. R. Heap; Chief
Engineer, F. H. Bailey; Passed Assistant Engineer, A. S. Halstead;
Assistant Engineer, J. R. Brady; First Lieutenant of Marines, T. C.
Treadwell; Acting Gunner, G. D. Johnstone; Acting Carpenter, T. E. Kiley.
U. S. S. _Boston_: Captain, F. Wildes; Lieutenant-Commander, J. A. Norris;
Lieutenants, J. Gibson, W. L. Howard; Ensigns, S. S. Robinson, L. H.
Everhart, J. S. Doddridge; Surgeon, M. H. Crawford; Assistant Surgeon, R.
S. Balkeman; Paymaster, J. R. Martin; Chief Engineer, G. B. Ransom;
Assistant Engineer, L. K. James; First Lieutenant of Marines, R. McM.
Dutton; Gunner, J. C. Evans; Carpenter, I. H. Hilton.
U. S. S. _Baltimore_: Captain, N. M. Dyer; Lieutenant-Commander, G.
Blocklinger; Lieutenants, W. Braunersreuther, A. G. Winterhalter, F. W.
Kellogg, J. M. Ellicott, C. S. Stanworth; Ensigns, J. H. Hayward, M. D.
McCormick; Naval Cadets, D. W. Wurtsburgh, I. Z. Wettenzoll, C. M. Tozer,
T. A. Karney; Passed Assistant Surgeon, F. A. Heiseler; Assistant Surgeon,
R. K. Smith; Pay Inspector, R. E. Bellows; Chief Engineer, A. Kirby;
Assistant Engineers, H. B. Price, H. I. Cone; Naval Cadet, C. P. Burt;
Chaplain, T. S. K. Freeman; First Lieutenant of Marines, D. Williams;
Acting Boatswain, H. R. Brayton; Acting Gunner, L. J. Waller; Carpenter,
O. Bath.
U. S. S. _Concord_: Commander, A. S. Walker; Lieutenant-Commander, G. P.
Colvocoresses; Lieutenants, T. B. Howard, P. W. Horrigan; Ensigns, L. A.
Kiser, W. C. Davidson, O. S. Knepper; Passed Assistant Surgeon, R. G.
Broderick; Passed Assistant Paymaster, E. D. Ryan; Chief Engineer, Richard
Inch; Passed Assistant Engineer, H. W. Jones; Assistant Engineer, E. H.
Dunn.
U. S. S. _Petrel_: Commander, E. P. Wood; Lieutenants, E. M. Hughes, B. A.
Fiske, A. N. Wood, C. P. Plunkett; Ensigns, G. L. Fermier, W. S.
Montgomery; Passed Assistant Surgeon, C. D. Brownell; Assistant Paymaster,
G. G. Seibles; Passed Assistant Engineer, R. T. Hall.
Revenue Cutter _McCulloch_: Captain, D. B. Hodgdon.
American loss: Two officers and six men wounded.
Spanish loss: About three hundred killed, and six hundred wounded.
CHAPTER V.
NEWS OF THE DAY.
_May 2._ In Manila Bay, on Monday, the second of May, there was much to be
done in order to complete the work so thoroughly begun the day previous.
Early in the morning an officer came from Corregidor, under flag of truce,
to Commodore Dewey, with a proposal of surrender from the commandant of
the fortifications. The _Baltimore_ was sent to attend to the business;
but when she arrived at the island no one save the commanding officer was
found. All his men had deserted him after overthrowing the guns.
The _Baltimore_ had but just steamed away, when Commander Lamberton was
ordered to go on board the _Petrel_ and run over to Cavite arsenal in
order that he might take possession, for on the previous day a white flag
had been hoisted there as a signal of surrender.
To the surprise of Lamberton he found, on landing, that the troops were
under arms, and Captain Sostoa, of the Spanish navy, was in anything
rather than a surrendering mood. On being asked as to the meaning of
affairs, Sostoa replied that the flag had been hoisted for a truce, not as
a token of capitulation. He was given until noon to decide as to his
course of action, and the Americans withdrew. At 10.45 the white flag was
again hoisted, and when Lamberton went on shore once more he found that
the Spaniard had marched his men away, taking with them all their arms.
This was the moment when the insurgents, who had gathered near the town,
believed their opportunity had come, and, rushing into Cavite, they began
an indiscriminate plunder which was not brought to an end until the
American marines were landed.
The navy yard was seized; six batteries near about the entrance of Manila
Bay were destroyed; the cable from Manila to Hongkong was cut, and
Commodore Dewey began a blockade of the port.
Congress appropriated $35,720,945 for the emergency war appropriation
bill.
Eleven regiments of infantry, one of cavalry, and ten light batteries of
artillery were concentrated at Tampa and Port Tampa. General Shafter
assumed command on this date.
The _Newport_ captured the Spanish schooner _Pace_.
By cablegram from London, under date of May 2d, news regarding the
condition of affairs in Madrid was received. The Spanish public was
greatly excited by information from the Philippines, and the authorities
found it necessary to proclaim martial law, the document being couched in
warlike language beginning:
“_Whereas_, as Spain finds herself at war with the United States, the
power of civil authorities in Spain is suspended.
“_Whereas_, it is necessary to prevent an impairment of the patriotic
efforts which are being made by the nation with manly energy and veritable
enthusiasm;
“_Article 1._ A state of siege in Madrid is hereby proclaimed.
“_Article 2._ As a consequence of article one, all offences against public
order, those of the press included, will be tried by the military
tribunals.
“_Article 3._ In article two are included offences committed by those who,
without special authorisation, shall publish news relative to any
operations of war whatsoever.”
Then follow the articles which prohibit meetings and public
demonstrations.
Commenting upon the defeat, the _El Nacional_, of Madrid, published the
following article:
“Yesterday, when the first intelligence arrived, nothing better occurred
to Admiral Bermejo (Minister of Marine) than to send to all newspapers
comparative statistics of the contending squadrons. By this comparison he
sought to direct public attention to the immense superiority over a
squadron of wooden vessels dried up by the heat in those latitudes.
“But in this document Spain can see nothing kind. Spain undoubtedly sees
therein the heroism of our marines; but she sees also and above all the
nefarious crime of the government.
“It is unfair to blame the enemy for possessing forces superior to ours;
but what is worthy of being blamed with all possible vehemence is this
infamous government, which allowed our inferiority without neutralising it
by means of preparations. This is the truth. Our sailors have been basely
delivered over to the grape-shot of the Yankees, a fate nobler and more
worthy of respect than those baneful ministers, who brought about the
first victory and its victims.”
_El Heraldo de Madrid_ said: “It was no caprice of the fortunes of war.
From the very first cannon-shot our fragile ships were at the mercy of the
formidable hostile squadron. They were condemned to fall one after another
under the fire of the American batteries, powerless to strike, and were
defended only by the valour in the breasts of their sailors.
“What has been gained by the illusion that Manila was fortified? What has
been gained by the intimation that the broad and beautiful bay on whose
bosom the Spanish fleet perished yesterday had been rendered inaccessible?
What use was made of the famous island of Corregidor? What was done with
its guns? Where were the torpedoes? Where were those defensive
preparations concerning which we were requested to keep silence?”
_May 2._ Late in the afternoon the _Wilmington_ destroyed a Spanish fort
on the island of Cuba, near Cojimar.
The government tug _Leyden_ left Key West, towing a Cuban expedition under
government auspices to establish communication with the Cuban forces in
Havana province. The expedition was accompanied by Lieutenant-Colonel
Acosta. Under him were five other Cubans. Colonel Acosta formerly
commanded a cavalry troop in Havana province.
_May 4._ A telegram from Key West gave the following information:
“Acting Rear-Admiral Sampson sailed this morning with all the big vessels
of his blockading squadron on some mysterious mission.
“In the fleet were the flag-ship _New York_, the battle-ships _Iowa_ and
_Indiana_, the cruisers _Detroit_, _Marblehead_, and _Cincinnati_, the
monitor _Puritan_, and the torpedo-gunboat _Mayflower_.
“The war-ships are coaled to the full capacity of their bunkers, and all
available places on the decks are piled high with coal.”
On the same day the Norwegian steamer _Condor_ arrived with twelve
American refugees and their immediate relatives from Cienfuegos, Cuba.
Dr. Herman Mazarredo, a dentist, who had been practising his profession in
Cienfuegos for eight months, after six years’ study in the United States,
was one of the passengers. He gave the following account of himself:
“Because the Spaniards hated me as intensely as if I had been born in
America, I was obliged to flee for my life. I left my mother, six sisters,
and five brothers in Cienfuegos. I consider that their lives are in
danger. May heaven protect them! What was I to do?
“There are now about two hundred Americans at Cienfuegos clamouring to get
away. They are sending to Boston and New York for steamers, but without
avail. Owen McGarr, the American consul, told me on his departure that the
Spanish law would protect me. Other Americans would have come on the
_Condor_, but Captain Miller would not take them. There was not room for
them. The Spanish soldiers have not yet become personally insulting on the
streets, but a mob of Spanish residents marched through the city four days
before the _Condor_ left, shouting, ‘We want to kill all Americans.’
“There are between four thousand and six thousand Spanish troops
concentrating at Cienfuegos under command of Major-General Aguirre. They
have thrown up some very poor breastworks. Three ground-batteries look
toward the open sea.”
Bread riots broke out in Spain. In Gijon, on the Bay of Biscay, the
rioters made a stand and were fired upon by the troops. Fourteen were
killed or wounded, yet the infuriated populace held their ground, nor were
they driven back until the artillery was ordered out. Then a portion of
the soldiers joined the mob; a cannon with ammunition was seized, and
directed against the fortification. A state of siege was declared, and an
order issued that all the bread be baked in the government bakeries,
because the mob had looted the shops.
At Talavera de la Reina, thirty-six miles from Toledo, a mob attacked the
railroad station, entirely destroying it, setting fire to the cars, and
starting the engines wild upon the track. They burned several houses owned
by officials, and sacked a monastery, forcing the priests to flee for
their lives. Procuring wine from the inns, they grew more bold, and made
an attack upon the prison, hoping to release those confined there; but at
this point they were held in check by the guard.
The miners of Oviedo inaugurated a strike, commencing by inciting riots.
At Caceres several people were killed. At Malaga a mob rode down the
guards and looted the shops. The British steam yacht _Lady of Clonmel_,
owned by Mr. James Wilkinson, of London, was attacked as she lay at the
pier. Stones smashed her skylights, and a bomb was thrown aboard, but did
not explode. The yacht put hurriedly to sea, and from Gibraltar reported
the outrage to London.
_May 5._ The government tug _Leyden_, which on the second day of May left
Key West with a Cuban expedition, returned to port, giving the following
account of her voyage:
She proceeded to a certain point near Mariel, and landed five men, with
four boxes of ammunition and two horses.
General Acosta penetrated to the interior, where he communicated with the
forces of the insurgents.
The _Leyden_ lay to outside the harbour until five o’clock in the morning,
when, observing a troop of Spanish infantry approaching, she put to sea
and got safely away.
[Illustration: U. S. S. TERROR.]
She proceeded to Matanzas, and on the afternoon of the third landed
another small party near there.
Fearing attack by the Spaniards, she looked for the monitors _Terror_ and
_Amphitrite_, which were on the blockade in that vicinity, but being
unable to locate them the _Leyden_ returned to the original landing-place,
reaching there early on the morning of the fourth.
There she was met by Acosta and about two hundred Cubans, half of whom
were armed with rifles. They united with the men on the tug, and an
attempt was made to land the remaining arms and men, when two hundred of
the Villa Viscosa cavalry swooped down on them, and an engagement of a
half hour’s duration followed.
The Cubans finally repulsed the enemy, driving them into the woods. The
Spanish carried with them many wounded and left sixteen dead on the field.
During the engagement the bullets went through the _Leyden’s_ smoke-stack,
but no one was injured.
The little tug then went in search of the flag-ship, found her lying near
Havana, and reported the facts.
Rear-Admiral Sampson sent the gunboat _Wilmington_ back with the _Leyden_.
The two vessels reached the scene of the landing on the afternoon of the
fourth, and found the Spanish cavalry in waiting to welcome another
attempted invasion.
The _Wilmington_ promptly opened fire on a number of small houses marking
the entrance to the place.
The gunboat fired four shots, which drove back the Spaniards, and Captain
Dorst, with the ammunition, landed safely, the _Leyden_ returning to Key
West.
_May 6._ Orders were given from Washington to release the French mail
steamer, _Lafayette_, and to send her to Havana under escort. The capture
of the Frenchman by the gunboat _Annapolis_ was an unfortunate incident,
resulting from a mistake, but no protest was made by the representatives
of the French government in the United States. It appeared that, before
the _Lafayette_ sailed for Havana, the French legation in Washington was
instructed to communicate with the State Department. This was done and
permission was granted to the steamer to enter and discharge her
passengers and cargo, with the understanding that she would take on
nothing there. Instructions for the fulfilment of such agreement were sent
from Washington to Admiral Sampson’s squadron, and it was only learned
after the capture was made that they were never delivered.
The War Department issued an order organising the regular and volunteer
forces into seven army corps.
The following letter needs no explanation:
“597 FIFTH AVENUE, NEW YORK.
“TREASURER OF THE UNITED STATES,
Washington, D. C.
“_Dear Sir_:—Some days ago I wrote President McKinley offering the
government the sum of $100,000 for use in the present difficulty with
Spain. He writes me that he has no official authority to receive moneys in
behalf of the United States, and he suggests that my purpose can best be
served by making a deposit with the assistant treasurer at New York to the
credit of the treasurer of the United States, or by remitting my check
direct to you at Washington. I, therefore, enclose my check for the above
amount, drawn payable to your order on the Lincoln National Bank. Will you
kindly acknowledge the receipt of the same?
“Very truly,
“HELEN MILLER GOULD.
“_May 6, 1898._”
It was replied to twenty-four hours later:
“Treasury Department of the United States.
“Office of the Treasury.
“WASHINGTON, D. C., May 7, 1898.
“MISS HELEN MILLER GOULD,
597 Fifth Avenue, New York, N. Y.
“_Madam_:—It gives me especial pleasure to acknowledge the receipt of your
letter under date of May 6, 1898, enclosing your check for $100,000,
according to your previous offer to President McKinley, for the
government. This sum has been placed in the general fund of the treasury
of the United States as a donation from you, for use in the present
difficulty with Spain. Permit me to recognise the superb patriotism which
prompts you to make this magnificent gift to the government. Certificates
of deposit will follow in due course. Respectfully yours,
“ELLIS H. ROBERTS,
“_Treasurer of the United States._”
_May 6._ The torpedo-boats _Dupont_ and _Hornet_ shelled the blockhouse
near the lighthouse at Point Maya, at the mouth of the harbour of
Matanzas, and Fort Garcia, which is an old hacienda used as a blockhouse,
lying three and one-half miles to the east.
As the _Dupont_ was leaving her position off the lighthouse point, a big
shell was fired from the middle embrasure of a battery on the other side
of the harbour, called Gorda. The line was perfect, but the elevation was
bad, and the range too long. The shell fell a thousand yards short. The
_Hornet_ was ordered to use her 6-pounders on the blockhouse. The first
shell failed of its purpose; but the second hit the target fairly, and the
Spanish soldiers hurriedly left it for shelter among the neighbouring
trees.
The _Hornet_ fired twelve shells, six of which struck the mark. The
_Dupont_, after ascertaining that Point Maya was being made too warm for
Spanish occupation, steamed down to a blockhouse opposite, called Garcia
Red, and a prominent landmark to the eastward, and turned loose her
1-pounders.
Here, as in the other place, the infantry had urgent business behind the
forest woods and hills. After making certain they had gone to stay, the
_Dupont_ resumed patrol duty. Cavalry afterward appeared at Fortina, but
remained there only long enough to see the torpedo-boat’s menacing
attitude.
_May 6._ The cruiser _Montgomery_, Captain Converse, was the first ship of
the American squadron to acquire the distinction of capturing two prizes
in one day, which she did on the sixth. The captives were the _Frasquito_
and the _Lorenzo_, both small vessels of no great value as compared with
the big steamers taken during the first days of the war.
The _Montgomery_ was cruising about fifty miles off Havana when the
_Frasquito_, a two-master, came bowling along toward the Cuban capital.
When the yellow flag of the enemy was sighted the helm was swung in her
direction, and a blank shot was put across her bow. The Spaniard hove to
and the customary prize-crew was put on board. It was found that the
_Frasquito_ was bound from Montevideo to Havana with a cargo of jerked
beef. She was of about 140 tons register and hailed from Barcelona. The
prize-crew took her to Havana waters, and the _Annapolis_ assigned the
cutter _Hamilton_ to carry her into Key West.
A few minutes afterwards the _Montgomery_ encountered the _Lorenzo_, a
Spanish bark, bound from Barcelona to Havana with a cargo of dried beef.
She was taken just as easily, and Ensign Osborn, with several “Jackies,”
sailed her into port.
_May 7._ Quite a sharp little affair occurred off Havana, in which the
_Vicksburg_ and the cutter _Morrill_ were very nearly enticed to
destruction.
A small schooner was sent out from Havana harbour shortly before daylight
to draw some of the Americans into an ambuscade.
She ran off to the eastward, hugging the shore with the wind on her
starboard quarter. About three miles east of the entrance of the harbour
she came over on the port tack.
A light haze fringed the horizon, and she was not discovered until three
miles off shore, when the _Mayflower_ made her out and signalled the
_Vicksburg_ and _Morrill_. Captain Smith of the _Vicksburg_ immediately
clapped on all steam and started in pursuit.
The schooner instantly put about and ran for Morro Castle before the wind.
On doing so, she would, according to the plot, lead the two American
war-ships directly under the guns of the Santa Clara batteries.
These works are a short mile west of Morro, and are a part of the defences
of the harbour. There were two batteries, one at the shore, which had been
recently thrown up, of sand and mortar, with wide embrasures for 8-inch
guns, and the other on the crest of the rocky eminence which juts out into
the waters of the gulf at the point. The upper battery mounted modern 10
and 12-inch Krupp guns, behind a six-foot stone parapet, in front of which
were twenty feet of earthwork and belting of railroad iron.
The American vessels were about six miles from the schooner when the chase
began. They steamed after her at full speed, the _Morrill_ leading, until
within a mile and a half of the Santa Clara batteries.
Commander Smith of the _Vicksburg_ was the first to realise the danger
into which the reckless pursuit had led them. He concluded it was time to
haul off, and sent a shot across the bow of the schooner.
The Spanish skipper instantly brought his vessel about, but while she was
still rolling in the trough of the sea with her sails flapping, an 8-inch
shrapnel shell came hurtling through the air from the water-battery, a
mile and a half away.
It passed over the _Morrill_, between the pilot-house and the smoke-stack,
and exploded less than fifty feet away on the port quarter.
Two more shots followed in quick succession, both shrapnel. One burst
close under the starboard quarter, filling the engine-room with the smoke
of the exploding shell, and the other, like the first, passed over and
exploded just beyond.
The Spanish gunners had the range, and their time fuses were accurately
set.
The crews of both ships were at their guns. Lieutenant Craig, who was in
charge of the bow 4-inch rapid-fire gun of the _Morrill_, asked for and
obtained permission to return the fire.
At the first shot the _Vicksburg_, which was in the wake of the _Morrill_,
slightly inshore, sheered off and passed to windward under the _Morrill’s_
stern. In the meantime Captain Smith also put his helm to port, and was
none too soon, for as the _Morrill_ stood off a solid 8-inch shot grazed
her starboard quarter and kicked up tons of water as it struck a wave one
hundred yards beyond.
All the guns of the water-battery were now at work. One of them cut the
Jacob’s-ladder of the _Vicksburg_ adrift, and another carried away a
portion of the rigging.
As the vessels steamed away their aft guns were used, but only a few shots
were fired.
The _Morrill’s_ 6-inch gun was elevated for four thousand yards, and
struck the earthwork repeatedly. The _Vicksburg_ discharged only three
shots from her 6-pounder.
The Spaniards continued to fire shot and shell for twenty minutes, but
none of the latter shots came within one hundred yards.
Later in the day the _Morrill_ captured the Spanish schooner _Espana_,
bound for Havana, and towed the prize to Key West.
[Illustration: JOHN D. LONG, SECRETARY OF NAVY.]
The _Newport_ added to the list of captures by bringing in the Spanish
schooner _Padre de Dios_.
_May 7._ The United States despatch-boat _McCulloch_ arrived at Hongkong
from Manila, with details of Commodore Dewey’s victory.
Secretary Long, after the cablegram forwarded from Hongkong had been
received, sent the following despatch:
“The President, in the name of the American people, thanks you and your
officers and men for your splendid achievement and overwhelming victory.
In recognition he has appointed you acting admiral, and will recommend a
vote of thanks to you by Congress as a foundation for further promotion.”
_May 8._ A brilliant, although unimportant, affair was that in which the
torpedo-boat _Winslow_ engaged off Cardenas Bay.
The _Winslow_ and gunboat _Machias_ were on the blockade off Cardenas.
In the harbour, defended by thickly strewn mines and torpedoes, three
small gunboats had been bottled up since the beginning of the war.
Occasionally they stole out toward the sea, but never venturing beyond the
inner harbour, running like rabbits at sight of the American torpedo
boats.
Finally a buoy was moored by Spaniards inside the entrance of the bay to
mark the position for the entrance of the gunboats. The signal-station on
the shore opposite was instructed to notify the gunboats inside when the
torpedo-boats were within the limit distance marked by the buoy.
The scheme was that the gunboats could run out, open fire at a one-mile
range thus marked off for them, and retreat without the chance of being
cut off. The men of the _Winslow_ eyed this buoy and guessed its purpose,
but did not attempt to remove it.
On the afternoon of the eighth the _Machias_ stood away to the eastward
for a jaunt, and the _Winslow_ was left alone to maintain the blockade.
In a short time she steamed toward Cardenas Harbour. There was great
excitement at the signal-station, and flags fluttered hysterically. The
three gunboats slipped their cables and went bravely out to their safety
limit.
Three bow 6-pounders were trained at two thousand yards. In a few minutes
the shore signals told them that the torpedo-boat was just in range. Every
Spaniard aboard prepared to see the Americans blown out of the water.
Three 6-pounders crackled, and three shells threw waterspouts around the
_Winslow_, but she was not struck. Instead of running away, she upset
calculations by driving straight ahead, attacking the boats, and
Lieutenant Bernado no sooner saw the first white smoke puffs from the
Spanish guns than he gave the word to the men already stationed at the two
forward 1-pounders, which barked viciously and dropped shot in the middle
of the flotilla.
On plunged the _Winslow_ to within fifteen hundred yards of the gunboats,
while the row raised by the rapid-fire 1-pounders was like a rattling
tattoo.
The Spaniards were apparently staggered at this fierce onslaught,
single-handed, and fired wildly. The _Winslow_ swung around broadside to,
to bring her two after guns to bear as the Spanish boats scattered and
lost formation.
The _Winslow_ soon manœuvred so that she was peppering at all three
gunboats at once. The sea was very heavy, and the knife-like torpedo-boat
rolled so wildly that it was impossible to do good gun practice, but
despite this big handicap, the rapidity of her fire and the remarkable
effectiveness of her guns demoralised all three opponents, which, after
the _Winslow_ had fired about fifty shells, began to gradually work back
toward the shelter of the harbour.
They were still hammering away with their 6-pounders, but were wild.
Several shells passed over the _Winslow_. One exploded a hundred feet
astern, but the others fell short.
At last a 1-pounder from the _Winslow_ went fair and true, and struck the
hull of the _Lopez_ a little aft of amidships, apparently exploding on the
inside.
The _Winslow_ men yelled. The _Lopez_ stopped, evidently disabled, while
one of her comrades went to her assistance. By this time the Spanish boats
had retreated nearly inside, where they could not be followed because of
the mines. The _Lopez_ got under way slowly and limped homeward with the
help of a towline from her consort.
During this episode the _Machias_ had returned, and when within a two-mile
range let fly two 4-inch shells from her starboard battery, which
accelerated the Spanish flight. But the flotilla managed to creep back
into Cardenas Harbour in safety, and under the guns of the shore-battery.
The Spanish gunboats that lured the _Winslow_ into the death-trap were the
_Antonio Lopez_, _Lealtad_, and _Ligera_. During the fight the two former
retreated behind the wharves, and the _Ligera_ behind the key. It was the
_Antonio Lopez_ that opened fire on the _Winslow_ and decoyed her into the
channel. The Spanish troops formed on the public square, not daring to go
to the wharves. All the Spanish flags were lowered, as they furnished
targets, and the women and children fled to Jovellanos.
Off Havana during the afternoon the fishing-smack _Santiago Apostal_ was
captured by the U. S. S. _Newport_.
The U. S. S. _Yale_ captured the Spanish steamer _Rita_ on the eighth, but
did not succeed in getting the prize into port until the thirteenth. The
_Rita_ was loaded with coal, from Liverpool to Porto Rico.
The bread riots in Spain continued throughout the day. At Linates a crowd
of women stormed the town hall and the civil guard fired upon them,
killing twelve. _El Pais_, the popular republican newspaper in Madrid, was
suppressed; martial law was declared at Badajos and Alicante.
_May 9._ Congress passed a joint resolution of thanks to Commodore Dewey;
the House passed a bill increasing the number of rear-admirals from six to
seven, and the Senate passed a bill to give Dewey a sword, and a bronze
memorative medal to each officer and man of his command.
The record of the navy for the day was summed up in the capture of the
fishing-smack _Fernandito_ by the U. S. S. _Vicksburg_, and the capture of
the Spanish schooner _Severito_ by the U. S. S. _Dolphin_.
The rioting in Spain was not abated; martial law was proclaimed in
Catalonia.
_May 10._ The steamer _Gussie_ sailed from Tampa, Florida, with two
companies of the First Infantry, and munitions and supplies for Cuban
insurgents.
Rioting in Spain was the report by cable; in Alicante the mob sacked and
burned a bonded warehouse.
_May 11._ Running from Cienfuegos, Cuba, at daybreak on the morning of May
11th, were three telegraph cables. The fleet in the neighbourhood
consisted of the cruiser _Marblehead_, which had been on the station three
weeks, the gunboat _Nashville_, which had been there two weeks, and the
converted revenue cutter _Windom_, which had arrived two days before. The
station had been a quiet one, except for a few brushes with some Spanish
gunboats, which occasionally ventured a very little way out of Cienfuegos
Harbour. They had last appeared on the tenth, but had retreated, as usual,
when fired on.
Commander McCalla of the _Marblehead_, ranking officer, instructed
Lieutenant Anderson to call for volunteers to cut the cable early on the
morning of the eleventh. Anderson issued the call on both the cruiser and
the gunboat, and three times the desired number of men offered to serve.
No one relented, even after repeated warnings that the service was
especially dangerous.
“I want you men to understand,” Anderson said, “that you are not ordered
to do this work, and are not obliged to.”
The men nearly tumbled over one another in their eagerness to be selected.
In the end, the officer had simply the choice of the entire crew of the
two ships.
A cutter containing twelve men, and a steam launch containing six, were
manned from each ship, and a guard of marines and men to man the 1-pounder
guns of the launches, were put on board. In the meantime the _Marblehead_
had taken a position one thousand yards offshore opposite the Colorado
Point lighthouse, which is on the east side of the narrow entrance to
Cienfuegos Harbour, just east of the cable landing, and, with the
_Nashville_ a little farther to the west, had begun shelling the beach.
The shore there is low, and covered with a dense growth of high grass and
reeds. The lighthouse stood on an elevation, behind which, as well as
hidden in the long grass, were known to be a large number of rifle-pits,
some masked machine guns, and 1-pounders. These the Spaniards deserted as
fast as the ships’ fire reached them. As the enemy’s fire slackened and
died out, the boats were ordered inshore.
They advanced in double column. The launches, under Lieutenant Anderson
and Ensign McGruder of the _Nashville_, went ahead with their
sharpshooters and gunners, looking eagerly for targets, while the cutters
were behind with the grappling-irons out, and the men peering into the
green water for a sight of the cables. At a distance of two hundred feet
from shore the launches stopped, and the cutters were sent ahead.
The first cable was picked up about ninety feet offshore. No sooner had
the work of cutting it been begun than the Spanish fire recommenced, the
soldiers skulking back to their deserted rifle-pits and rapid-fire guns
through the high grass. The launches replied and the fire from the ships
quickened, but although the Spanish volleys slackened momentarily, every
now and then they grew stronger.
The men in the boats cut a long piece out of the first cable, stowed it
away for safety, and then grappled for the next. Meantime the Spaniards
were firing low in an evident endeavour to sink the cutters, but many of
their shots fell short. The second cable was finally found, and the men
with the pipe-cutters went to work on it.
Several sailors were kept at the oars to hold the cutters in position, and
the first man wounded was one of these. No one else in the boat knew it,
however, till he fainted in his seat from loss of blood. Others took the
cue from this, and there was not a groan or a complaint from the two
boats, as the bullets, that were coming thicker and faster every minute,
began to bite flesh.
The men simply possessed themselves with heroic patience, and went on with
the work. They did not even have the satisfaction of returning the Spanish
fire, but the marines in the stern of the boat shot hard enough for all.
The second cable was finally cut, and the third, a smaller one, was
grappled and hoisted to the surface. The fire of the Spanish had reached
its maximum. It was estimated that one thousand rifles and guns were
speaking, and the men who handled them grew incautious, and exposed
themselves in groups here and there.
“Use shrapnel,” came the signal, and can after can exploded over the
Spaniards, causing them to break and run to cover.
This cover was a sort of fortification behind the lighthouse, and to this
place they dragged a number of their machine guns, and again opened fire
on the cutter. The shots from behind the lighthouse could not be answered
so well from the launches, and the encouraged Spaniards fired all the
oftener.
Man after man in the boats was hit, but none let a sound escape him. Like
silent machines they worked, grimly hacking and tearing at the third
cable. During half an hour they laboured, but the fire from behind the
lighthouse was too deadly, and, reluctantly, at Lieutenant Anderson’s
signal, the cable was dropped and the boats retreated.
The work had lasted two hours and a half.
The _Windom_, which had laid out of range with a collier, was now ordered
in, and the surgeon called to attend the wounded. The _Windom_ was
signalled to shell the lighthouse, which had not been fired on before,
according to the usages of international law. It had been used as a
shelter by the Spaniards. The revenue cutter’s rapid-fire guns riddled the
structure in short order, and soon a shell from the 4-inch gun, which was
in charge of Lieut. R. O. Crisp, struck it fair, exploded, and toppled it
over.
With the collapse of their protection the Spaniards broke and ran again,
the screaming shrapnel bursting all around them.
At the fall of the lighthouse the _Marblehead_ signalled, “Well done,” and
then a moment later, “Cease firing.”
The only man killed instantly was a marine named Eagan. A sailor from one
of the boats died of his wounds on the same day. Commander Maynard of the
_Nashville_ was grazed across the chest, and Lieutenant Winslow was
wounded in the hand.
The list of casualties resulting from this display of heroism was two
killed, two fatally and four badly wounded. The Spanish loss could not be
ascertained, but it must necessarily have been heavy.
[Illustration: U. S. S. CHICAGO.]
CHAPTER VI.
CARDENAS AND SAN JUAN.
_May 11._ The Spanish batteries in Cardenas Harbour were silenced on May
11th, and at the same time there was a display of heroism, on the part of
American sailors, such as has never been surpassed.
A plan of action having been decided upon, the _Wilmington_ arrived at the
blockading station from Key West on the morning of the eleventh. She found
there, off Piedras Bay, the cruiser _Machias_, the torpedo-boat _Winslow_,
and the revenue cutter _Hudson_, which last carried two 6-pounders.
Shortly after noon the _Wilmington_, _Winslow_, and _Hudson_ moved into
the inner harbour of Cardenas, and prepared to draw the fire of the
Spanish batteries on the water-front. The _Wilmington_ took a range of
about twenty-five hundred yards.
The Cardenas land defences consisted of a battery in a stone fortification
on the mole or quay, a battery of field-pieces, and of infantry armed with
long-range rifles. The gunboats were equipped with rapid-fire guns.
Firing commenced at one o’clock, and when the Cardenas batteries were
silenced at two in the afternoon, the _Wilmington_ had sent 376 shells
into them and the town. Her 4-inch guns had been fired 144 times. She had
aimed 122 shots from her 6-pounders, and 110 from her 1-pounders, over six
shots a minute.
When the _Wilmington_ ceased firing she had moved up to within one
thousand yards range of the Spanish guns, and there were only six inches
of water under her keel. The _Wilmington_ draws nine feet of water forward
and ten and a half feet aft. When the soundings showed that she was almost
touching, her guns were in full play, and the Spaniards had missed a
beautiful opportunity. The Spanish gunners must have miscalculated her
distance and misjudged her draught, else they would have done more
effective work at a range of two thousand yards.
During the engagement, when the commander of the _Winslow_ found that he
could not approach close enough to the Spanish gunboats to use his
torpedo-tubes to any advantage, he remained under fire. At that time he
could have got out of harm’s way by taking shelter to the leeward of the
_Wilmington_.
Captain Todd, from his post of duty in the conning-tower of the
_Wilmington_, saw a Spanish shell, aimed for the torpedo-boat, do its
deadly work. The shell struck the water, took an up-shoot, and exploded on
the deck of the _Winslow_. There is little room for men anywhere on a
torpedo boat, and if a shot strikes at all it is almost sure to hit a
group. Such was the case in the _Winslow_. The exploding shell cost the
lives of Ensign Bagley and four seamen; it also crippled the craft by
wrecking her steam-steering gear. Later her captain and one of his crew
were wounded by separate shots.
[Illustration: THE TRAGEDY OF THE WINSLOW.]
Ensign Bagley was killed outright, two of the group of five died on the
deck of the disabled torpedo-boat, and the other two died while being
removed to the _Wilmington_.
The signal, “Many wounded,” went up from the staff of the _Winslow_, and
Passed Assistant Surgeon Cook of the _Wilmington_ boarded the
torpedo-boat.
The _Hudson_ tied up to the _Winslow_ and towed her out of danger,
escaping unscathed. The wounded men were tenderly cared for on the
cruiser, and that night the revenue cutter steamed out of Cardenas Bay,
bearing the dead and wounded to Key West.
William O’Hearn, of Brooklyn, N. Y., one of the _Winslow’s_ crew, thus
tells his story of the battle to a newspaper correspondent:
“From the very beginning,” he said, “I think every man on the boat
believed that we could not escape being sunk, and that is what would have
happened had it not been for the bravery of the boys on the _Hudson_, who
worked for over an hour under the most terrific fire to get us out of
range.”
“Were you ordered to go in there?” he was asked.
“Yes; just before we were fired upon the order was given from the
_Wilmington_.”
“Was it a signal order?”
“No; we were near enough to the _Wilmington_ so that they shouted it to us
from the deck, through the megaphone.”
“Do you remember the words of the commander who gave them?”
“I don’t know who shouted the order; but the words as I remember them
were, ‘Mr. Bagley, go in and see what gunboats there are.’ We started at
once towards the Cardenas dock, and the firing began soon after.
“The first thing I saw,” continued O’Hearn, “was a shot fired from a
window or door in the second story of the storehouse just back of the dock
where the Spanish gunboats were lying. A shell then went hissing over our
heads. Then the firing began from the gunboat at the wharf, and from the
shore. The effect of shell and heavy shot the first time a man is under
fire is something terrible.
“First you hear that awful buzzing or whizzing, and then something seems
to strike you in the face and head. I noticed that at first the boys threw
their hands to their heads every time a shell went over; but they soon
came so fast and so close that it was a roaring, shrieking, crashing hell.
“I am the water-tender, and my place is below, but everybody went on deck
when the battle began. John Varvares, the oiler, John Denif and John Meek,
the firemen, were on watch with me, and had they remained below they would
not have been killed.
“After the firing began I went below again to attend to the boiler, and a
few minutes later a solid shot came crashing through the side of the boat
and into the boiler, where it exploded and destroyed seventy of the tubes.
“At first it stunned me. When the shell burst in the boiler it threw both
the furnace doors open, and the fuse from the shell struck my feet. It was
a terrible crash, and the boiler-room was filled with dust and steam. For
several seconds I was partially stunned, and my ears rang so I could hear
nothing. I went up on the deck to report to Captain Bernadou.
“I saw him near the forecastle gun, limping about with a towel wound
around his left leg. He was shouting, and the noise of all the guns was
like continuous thunder. ‘Captain,’ I cried, ‘the forward boiler is
disabled. A shell has gone through it.’
“‘Get out the hose,’ he said, and turned to the gun again. I made my way
to the boiler-room, in a few minutes went up on the deck again, and the
fighting had grown hotter than ever. Several of the men were missing, and
I looked around.
“Lying all in a heap on the after-deck in the starboard quarter, near the
after conning-tower, I saw five of our men where they had wilted down
after the shell struck them. In other places were men lying groaning, or
dragging themselves about, wounded and covered with blood. There were big
red spots on the deck, which was strewn with fragments and splinters.
“I went to where the five men were lying, and saw that all were not dead.
John Meek could speak and move one hand slightly. I put my face down close
to his.
“‘Can I do anything for you, John?’ I asked, and he replied, ‘No, Jack, I
am dying; good-bye,’ and he asked me to grasp his hand. ‘Go help the
rest,’ he whispered, gazing with fixed eyes toward where Captain Bernadou
was still firing the forward gun. The next minute he was dead.
“Ensign Bagley was lying on the deck nearly torn to pieces, and the bodies
of the other three were on top of him. The coloured cook was a little
apart from the others, mangled, and in a cramped position. We supposed he
was dead, and covered him up the same as the others. Nearly half an hour
after that we heard him calling, and saw that he was making a slight
movement under the clothes. I went up to him, and he said:
“‘Oh, boys, for God’s sake move me. I am lying over the boiler and burning
up.’
“The deck was very hot, and his flesh had been almost roasted. He
complained that his neck was cramped, but did not seem to feel his
terrible wound. We moved him into an easier position, and gave him some
water.
“‘Thank you, sir,’ he said, and in five seconds he was dead.”
Ensign Bagley had been fearfully wounded by a shot, which practically tore
through his body. He sank over the rail, and was grasped by one of the
enlisted men, named Reagan, who lifted him up and placed him on the deck.
[Illustration: U. S. S. AMPHITRITE.]
The young officer, realising that the wound was fatal, and that he had
only a short time to live, allowed no murmur of complaint or cry of pain
to escape him, but opened his eyes, stared at the sailor, and simply said:
“Thank you, Reagan.”
These were the last words he spoke.
_May 12._ The forts of San Juan, the capital of Porto Rico, were bombarded
by a portion of Rear-Admiral Sampson’s fleet on Thursday morning, May
12th. The vessels taking part in the action were the battle-ships _New
York_, _Iowa_, _Indiana_, the cruisers _Detroit_ and _Montgomery_, and the
monitors _Terror_ and _Amphitrite_.
The engagement began at 5.15 and ended at 8.15 A. M., resulting in a loss
to the Americans of one killed and seven wounded, and the death of one
from prostration by heat. The Spanish loss, as reported by cable to
Madrid, was five killed and forty-three wounded.
Admiral Sampson’s orders were to refrain from making any land attack so
long as the batteries on shore did not attempt to molest his ships; but in
case the Spaniards fired on his vessels, to destroy the offending
fortifications.
These orders were not issued until the Spanish fire at different Cuban
ports became so irritating to the American bluejackets that discipline
was, in a measure, threatened; but as soon as the men learned that they
were no longer to remain passive targets for the Spaniards, but were to
return any shots against them, all grumbling against inaction ceased.
It was not Admiral Sampson’s original intention to attack San Juan. He was
looking for bigger game than the poorly defended Porto Rican capital. His
orders from the Navy Department were to find and capture or destroy the
Spanish squadron that was en route from the Cape Verde Islands, and it was
this business that took him into the neighbourhood of San Juan, he being
desirous of learning if the Spanish squadron were there.
The fleet arrived off San Juan before daybreak on Thursday. The tug
_Wampatuck_ was ordered to take soundings in the channel, and at once
proceeded to do so. She was fully half a mile ahead of the fleet when she
entered the channel, and those aboard of her kept the lead going at a
lively rate.
It is supposed that Admiral Sampson had no intention at that time of
entering the harbour itself, his object, when he found that the Spanish
squadron was not at San Juan, being to learn for future use exactly how
much water there was in the channel, and if any attempt had been made to
block the way.
At all events, while the _Wampatuck_ was engaged in this work she was seen
by the sentries at the Morro, and a few minutes later was fired on.
Then, and not until then, did Admiral Sampson determine to teach the
Spaniards a lesson regarding the danger of firing on the American flag.
“Quarters!” rang out aboard the war-ships almost before the report of the
Morro gun had died away, the flag-ship having signalled for action.
The _Iowa_ opened the bombardment with her big 12-inch gun, the missile
striking Morro Castle squarely, and knocking a great hole in the masonry.
Then the _Indiana_ sent a 13-inch projectile from the forward turret, and
one after the other, with but little loss of time, the remaining vessels
of the fleet aided in the work of destruction.
The French war-ship _Admiral Rigault de Genoailly_ was at anchor in the
harbour, and a shell exploded within a few hundred feet of where she lay,
but worked no injury.
The French officers thus reported the action:
“The American gunners were generally accurate in their firing, while the
marksmanship of the Spaniards was inferior. Some of the American shells,
however, passed over the fortifications into the city, where they did
terrible damage, crashing straight through rows of buildings before
exploding, and there killing many citizens.
“The fortifications were irreparably injured. Repeatedly masses of masonry
were blown skyward by the shells from the American guns. Fragments from
one shell struck the commandante’s residence, which was situated near the
fortifications, damaging it terrifically.”
Morro Castle was speedily silenced, and then the guns of the fleet were
turned on the land-batteries and the fortifications near the government
buildings.
The inhabitants fled in terror from the city; the volunteers,
panic-stricken, ran frantically in every direction, discharging their
weapons at random, until they were a menace to all within possible range.
The crashing of the falling buildings, the roar of the heavy guns, the
shrieks of the terrified and groans of the wounded, formed a horrible
accompaniment to the work of destruction.
Three times the line of American ships passed from the entrance of the
harbour to the extreme eastward battery, sending shot and shell into the
crumbling forts. Clouds of dust showed where the missiles struck, but the
smoke hung over everything. The shells screeching overhead and dropping
around were the only signs that the Spaniards still stuck to their guns.
At 7.45 A. M. Admiral Sampson signalled, “Cease firing.”
“Retire” was sounded on the _Iowa_, and she headed from the shore.
The _Terror_ was the last ship in the line, and, failing to see the
signal, banged away alone for about half an hour, the concert of shore
guns roaring at her and the water flying high around her from the
exploding shells. But she possessed a charmed life, and reluctantly
retired at 8.15.
[Illustration: THE BOMBARDMENT OF SAN JUAN, PORTO RICO.]
_May 13._ In the Spanish Cortes, Señor Molinas, deputy for Porto Rico,
protested against the bombardment of San Juan without notice, as an
infringement of international usage.
To this General Correa, Minister of War, replied that the conduct of the
Americans was “vandalism,” and that the government “will bring their
outrageous action under the notice of the powers.” He echoed Señor
Molinas’s eulogy of the bravery of the Spanish troops and marines, and
promised that the government would send its thanks.
An authority on international law thus comments upon the bombardment, in
the columns of the New York _Sun_:
“There is nothing in the laws of war which requires notice of bombardment
to be given to a fortified place, during the progress of war. When the
Germans threatened to bombard Port au Prince, a few months ago, they gave
a notice of a few hours, but in that case no state of war existed. Again,
when Spain bombarded Valparaiso, in 1865, an hour’s interval was allowed
between the blank charge that gave the notice, and the actual bombardment.
But that interval was intended to allow Chili an opportunity to do the
specific thing demanded, namely, to salute the Spanish flag, in atonement
for a grievance. Besides, Valparaiso was wholly unfortified, and the guns
were directed, not at military works, but at public buildings.
“The case of San Juan was far different. Hostilities had been going on in
Gulf waters for weeks, while, as Doctor Snow, the well-known authority on
international law, says, ‘In case of war, the very fact of a place being
fortified is evidence that at any time it is liable to attack, and the
non-combatants residing within its limits must be prepared for a
contingency of this kind.’ This is true, also, of the investment of
fortified places by armies, where ‘if the assault is made, no notice is
given, as surprise is essential to success.’ In the same spirit Halleck
says that ‘every besieged place is for a time a military garrison; its
inhabitants are converted into soldiers by the necessities of
self-defence.’
“Turning to the official report of Admiral Sampson, we find him saying
that, as soon as it was light enough, he began ‘an attack upon the
batteries defending the city. This attack lasted about three hours, and
resulted in much damage to the batteries, and incidentally to a portion of
the city adjacent to the batteries.’ It is, therefore, clear that this
latter damage was simply the result of the proximity of the defensive
works to some of the dwellings. The same thing would occur in bombarding
Havana. Can any one imagine that the Spaniards, if they suddenly appeared
in New York Bay, would be obliged to give notice before opening fire on
Fort Hamilton and Fort Wadsworth, for the reason that adjacent settlements
would suffer from the fire? The advantage of suddenness in the attack upon
a place, not only fortified, but forewarned by current events, cannot be
renounced. Civilians dwelling near defensive works know what they risk in
war.
“In the Franco-German war of 1870 there were repeated instances, according
to the authority already quoted, of deliberately firing on inhabited towns
instead of on their fortifications, and ‘there were cases, like that of
Peronne, where the town was partially destroyed while the ramparts were
nearly intact.’ The ground taken was that which a military writer, General
Le Blois, had advocated five years before, namely, that the pressure for
surrender exercised by the people becomes greater on subjecting them to
the loss of life and property. ‘The governor is made responsible for all
the disasters that occur; the people rise against him, and his own troops
seek to compel him to an immediate capitulation.’ At San Juan there was no
attempt of this sort, the fire being concentrated upon the batteries, with
the single view of destroying them. The likelihood that adjacent buildings
and streets would suffer did not require previous notice of the
bombardment, and, in fact, when the Germans opened fire on Paris without
notification, and a protest was made on behalf of neutrals, Bismarck
simply replied that no such notification was required by the laws of war.”
CHAPTER VII.
FROM ALL QUARTERS.
_May 11._ A state of siege proclaimed throughout Spain. In a dozen cities
or more continued rioting and sacking of warehouses. The seacoast between
Cadiz and Malaga no longer lighted. The second division of the Spanish
navy, consisting of the battle-ship _Pelayo_, the armoured cruiser _Carlos
V._, the protected cruiser _Alphonso XIII._, the converted cruisers
_Rapido_ and _Patria_, and several torpedo-boats, remain in Cadiz Harbour.
_May 12._ The story of an attempt to land American troops in Cuba is thus
told by one of the officers of the steamer _Gussie_, which vessel left
Tampa on the tenth.
“In an effort to land Companies E and G of the first U. S. Infantry on the
shore of Pinar del Rio this afternoon, with five hundred rifles, sixty
thousand rounds of ammunition, and some food supplies for the insurgents,
the first land fight of the war took place. Each side may claim a victory,
for if the Spaniards frustrated the effort to connect with the insurgents,
the Americans got decidedly the better of the battle, killing twelve or
more of the enemy, and on their own part suffering not a wound.
[Illustration: U. S. S. MIANTONOMAH.]
“After dark last evening the old-fashioned sidewheel steamer _Gussie_ of
the Morgan line, with troops and cargo mentioned, was near the Cuban
coast. At sunrise she fell in with the gunboat _Vicksburg_ on the blockade
off Havana. Other blockading vessels came up also. The converted revenue
cutter _Manning_, Captain Munger, was detailed to convoy the _Gussie_,
and, three abreast, the steamers moved along the coast.
“The Cuban guides on the _Gussie_ took their machetes to a grindstone on
the hurricane-deck. Our soldiers gathered around to see them sharpen their
long knives, but only one could be induced to test the edge of these
barbarous instruments with his thumb.
“By the ruined walls of an old stone house Spanish troops were gathered.
Several shots were fired by the gunboat _Manning_, and presently no troops
were visible. It had been decided to land near here, but the depth of
water was not favourable.
“Just west of Port Cabanas Harbour the _Gussie_ anchored, the _Manning_
covering the landing-place with her guns, and the torpedo-boat _Wasp_ came
up eager to assist. The first American soldier to step on the Cuban shore
from this expedition was Lieutenant Crofton, Captain O’Connor with the
first boatload having gone a longer route. A reef near the beach threw the
men out, and they stumbled through the water up to their breasts. When
they reached dry land they immediately went into the bush to form a
picket-line. Two horses had been forced to swim ashore, when suddenly a
rifle-shot, followed by continuous sharp firing, warned the men that the
enemy had been in waiting.
“The captain of the transport signalled the war-ships, and the _Manning_
fired into the woods beyond our picket-line. Shrapnel hissed through the
air like hot iron plunged in water. The _Wasp_ opened with her small guns.
The cannonade began at 3.15 and lasted a quarter of an hour; then our
pickets appeared, the ships circled around, and, being told by Captain
O’Connor, who had come from shore with the clothing torn from one leg,
where the Spaniards were, a hundred shots more were fired in that
direction.
“‘Anybody hurt, captain?’ some one asked.
“‘None of our men, but we shot twelve Spaniards,’ he shouted back.
“The soldiers on board the _Gussie_ heard the news without a word, but
learning where the enemy were situated, gathered aft on the upper deck,
and sent volleys toward the spot.
“The pickets returned to the bush. Several crept along the beach, but the
Spaniards had drawn back. It was decided that the soldiers should reëmbark
on the _Gussie_, and that the guides take the horses, seek the insurgents,
and make a new appointment. They rode off to the westward, and disappeared
around a point.
“‘Say,’ shouted a man from Company G after them, ‘you forgot your
grindstone.’”
_May 12._ On Thursday morning, May 12th, the gunboat _Wilmington_ stood in
close to the coast, off the town of Cardenas, with her crew at quarters.
She had come for a specific purpose, which was to avenge the _Winslow_,
and not until she was within range of the gunboats that had decoyed the
_Winslow_ did she slacken speed. Then the masked battery, which had opened
on the American boat with such deadly effect, was covered by the
_Wilmington’s_ guns.
There were no preliminaries. The war-vessel was there to teach the
Spaniards of Cardenas a lesson, and set about the task without delay.
The town is three miles distant from the gulf entrance to the harbour,
therefore no time need be wasted in warning non-combatants, for they were
in little or no danger.
During two weeks troops had been gathering near about Cardenas to protect
it against American invasion; masked batteries were being planted,
earthworks thrown up, and blockhouses erected. There was no lack of
targets.
Carefully, precisely, as if at practice, the _Wilmington_ opened fire from
her 4-inch guns, throwing shells here, there, everywhere; but more
particularly in the direction of that masked battery which had trained its
guns on the _Winslow_, and as the Spaniards, panic-stricken, hearing a
death-knell in the sighing, whistling missiles, fled in mad terror, the
gunboats’ machine guns were called into play.
It is safe to assert that the one especial object of the American sailors’
vengeance was completely destroyed. Not a gun remained mounted, not a man
was alive, save those whose wounds were mortal. The punishment was
terrible, but complete.
Until this moment the Spaniards at Cardenas had believed they might with
impunity open fire on any craft flying the American flag; but now they
began to understand that such sport was in the highest degree dangerous.
During a full hour—and in that time nearly three hundred shells had been
sent on errands of destruction—the _Wilmington_ continued her bombardment
of the defences.
When the work was completed two gunboats had been sunk so quickly that
their crews had no more than sufficient time to escape. Two schooners were
converted into wrecks at their moorings. One blockhouse was consumed by
flames, and signal-stations, masked batteries, and forts were in ruins.
While this lesson was in progress the Spaniards did their best to bring it
to a close; but despite all efforts the _Wilmington_ was unharmed. There
was absolutely no evidence of conflict about her when she finally steamed
away, save such as might have been read on the smoke-begrimed faces of the
hard-worked but triumphant and satisfied crew.
[Illustration: ADMIRAL SCHLEY.]
_May 13._ An English correspondent, cabling from Hongkong regarding the
Spaniards in the Philippine Islands, made the following statement:
“They are in a position to give the Americans a deal of trouble. There are
twenty-five thousand Spanish soldiers in the garrison at Manila, and one
hundred thousand volunteers enrolled. Scores of coasting steamers are
imprisoned on the river Pasig, which is blocked at the mouth by some
sunken schooners.
“Mr. Wildman, the American consul here, tells me that, according to his
despatches, a flag of truce is flying over Manila, and the people are
allowed to proceed freely to and from the ships in the harbour.
“The Americans are on duty night and day on the lookout for boats which
endeavour to run the blockade with food supplies. The hospital is
supported by the Americans. The Spaniards are boasting that their big
battle-ship _Pelayo_ is coming, and will demolish the Americans in ten
minutes.”
On the afternoon of May 13th the flying squadron, Commodore W. S. Schley
commanding, set sail from Old Point Comfort, heading southeast. The
following vessels comprised the fleet. The cruiser _Brooklyn_, the
flag-ship, the battle-ships _Massachusetts_ and _Texas_, and the
torpedo-boat destroyer _Scorpion_. The _Sterling_, with 4,000 tons of
coal, was the collier of the squadron. At eight o’clock in the evening the
_Minneapolis_ followed, and Captain Sigsbee of the _St. Paul_ received
orders to get under way at midnight.
_May 14._ Eleven steamers, chartered by the government as troop-ships,
sailed from New York for Key West. At San Francisco, the cruiser
_Charleston_, with supplies and reinforcements for Admiral Dewey’s fleet
at Manila, had been made ready for sea.
At Havana General Blanco had shown great energy in preparing for the
expected siege by American forces. The city and forts were reported as
being provisioned sufficiently for three or four months, and Havana was
surrounded by entrenchments for a distance of thirty miles. The troops in
the garrison numbered seventy thousand, and a like number were in the
interior fighting the insurgents.
The condition of the reconcentrados in Havana had grown steadily worse.
The mortality increased among this wretched class, who had taken to
begging morsels of food.
Nobody in Havana except a few higher officers knew that the Spanish fleet
was annihilated at Manila, and the story was believed that the Americans
were beaten there.
At Madrid in the Chamber of Deputies Señor Bores asked the government to
inform the house of the condition of the Philippines. After the
pacification of the islands, he said, outbreaks had occurred at Pansy and
Cebu and even in Manila. Was this a new rebellion, he asked, or a
continuation of the old one? If it was a continuation of the old
rebellion, then General Prima de Rivera’s pacification of the islands had
been a perfect fraud. General Correa, Minister of War, replied that the
old insurrection was absolutely over. The present one, he said, arose from
the incitements of the Americans.
Señor Bores retorted that he had received a private letter from the
Philippines, dated April 10th, prior to the arising of any fear of war
with the United States, giving pessimistic accounts of the risings there,
and passengers arriving by the steamer _Leon III._ had told similar
stories. Now, he declared, the Spanish troops in the Philippines were in a
terrible condition, being between two fires, the natives and the
Americans. Señor Bores’s remarks created a profound sensation.
The cruiser _Charleston_ was reported as being ready to sail from San
Francisco for Manila. Three hundred sailors and marines to reinforce
Admiral Dewey’s fleet were to be sent on the cruiser.
The U. S. S. _Oregon_, _Marietta_, and _Nictheroy_ arrived at Bahia,
Brazil.
The Spanish torpedo-boat _Terror_, of the Cape Verde fleet, reported as
yet remaining at Port de France, Martinique.
A press correspondent gives the following spirited account, under the date
of May 14th, of a second attempt to entice the American blockading
squadron within range of the Santa Clara battery guns:
“Captain-General Blanco, two hours before sunset to-night, attempted to
execute a ruse, which, if successful, would have cleared the front of
Havana of six ships on that blockading station.
“Unable to come out to do battle, he adopted the tactics of the spider,
and cunningly planned to draw the prey into his net, but, though a clever
and pretty scheme as an original proposition, it was practically a
repetition of the trick by which the gunboat _Vicksburg_ and the little
converted revenue cutter _Morrill_ were last week decoyed by a
fishing-smack under the big Krupp guns of Santa Clara batteries.
“Thanks to bad gunnery, both ships on that occasion managed to get out of
range without being sunk, though some of the shells burst close aboard,
and the _Vicksburg’s_ Jacob’s-ladder was cut adrift.
“Late this afternoon the ships on the Havana station were dumfounded to
see two vessels steam out of Havana Harbour and head east. Dense smoke was
streaming like black ribbons from their stacks, and a glance showed that
they were under full head of steam.
“By aid of glasses Commander Lilly of the _Mayflower_, which was flying
the pennant, made out the larger vessel of the two, which was two hundred
feet long and about forty-five hundred tons displacement, to be the
cruiser _Alphonso XII._, and the small one to be the gunboat _Legaspi_,
both of which were known to be bottled up in Havana Harbour.
“At first he supposed that they were taking advantage of the absence of
the heavy fighting-ships, and were making a bona-fide run for the open
sea.
“As superior officer, he immediately signalled the other war-ships on the
station, the _Vicksburg_, _Annapolis_, _Wasp_, _Tecumseh_, and _Osceola_.
The little squadron gave chase to the flying Spaniards, keeping up a
running fire as they advanced. The _Alphonso_ and her consort circled
inshore about five miles below Havana, and headed back for Morro Castle.
“Our gunboats and the vessels of the mosquito fleet did not follow them
in. Commander Lilly saw that the wily Spanish ruse was to draw them in
under the guns of the heavy batteries, where Spanish artillery officers
could plot out the exact range with their telemeters. So the return was
made in line ahead, parallel with the shore.
“Commander Lilly had not been mistaken. As his ships came abreast of Santa
Clara battery the big guns opened, and fired thirteen shells at a distance
of about five miles. The range was badly judged, as more than half the
missiles overshot the mark, and others fell short, some as much as a mile.
“The big _Alphonso_ and her convoy steamed swiftly from the dark shadow of
the harbour’s mouth, and, turning sharply east, ran along the coast as
though to slip through the cordon of blockade.
“It was a bold trick and not at first transparent, although the folly of
it created a suspicion.
“The Spanish boats crowded on steam and stood along the coast as long as
they dared, to give zest to the chase. The _Mayflower_ signalled her
consorts, ‘Close in and charge.’
“Seeing that the bait had apparently taken, the Spaniards veered about,
and, bringing their stern-chasers to bear on the Americans, doubled back
for Morro.
“Two of the shells from the _Vicksburg_ burst in the rigging of the
_Alphonso_, and some of it came down, but it was, of course, impossible to
know whether any fatalities occurred. The American fire was much more
accurate than the Spanish, as every shell of the latter fell short of
their pursuers.
“The Spaniards were a mile off Morro, and our ships fully four miles out,
when flame leaped from the batteries of the Santa Clara forts, and clouds
of white smoke drifted up the coast. Half a minute later a dull, heavy
roar of a great gun came like a deep diapason of an organ on high treble
of smaller guns. It was from one of the 12-inch Krupp guns mounted there,
and an 85-pound projectile plunged into the water half a mile inside of
the American line, throwing up a tower of white spray. It ricochetted and
struck again half a mile outside.
“The mask was now off. Maddened by the failure of their plot, the
Spaniards continued to fire at intervals of about ten minutes. In all,
thirteen shots were fired, but not one struck within two hundred yards of
our ships.
“As soon as the battery opened, Commander Lilly signalled, and his fleet
stood offshore. Captain McKensie, on the bridge of the _Vicksburg_,
watched the fall of the shells, but he considered it useless to waste
ammunition at that distance. He appeased the desire of the men at the
guns, however, by letting go a final broadside at the Spanish ships, in
the chance hope of making them pay for their daring before they gained the
harbour, but they steamed under Morro’s guns untouched, and, as they
disappeared, discharged several guns.
“Half a dozen shots were sent after them at that moment by the
_Annapolis_, which dropped inside the harbour, probably creating
consternation among scores of boats on the water-front.”
_May 15._ The Spanish cruisers _Maria Teresa_, _Vizcaya_, _Almirante
Oquendo_, and _Cristobal Colon_, and torpedo-boat destroyers, which
arrived off the port of Curacoa, sailed at sunset on the 15th, after
having purchased coal and provisions.
The flying squadron under command of Commodore Schley arrived off
Charleston, S. C.
Admiral Sampson’s squadron passed Cape Haytien.
All the members of the Spanish Cabinet have resigned.
A report from Ponce, Porto Rico, under date of May 15th, describes the
inhabitants of the island as living in constant fear of a renewal of the
bombardment of San Juan by Admiral’s Sampson’s fleet. There are no
submarine mines in the harbour of Ponce, and the generally unprotected
condition of the place is a cause of much anxiety.
_May 16._ Freeman Halstead, an American newspaper correspondent, arrested
at San Juan de Porto Rico, while in the act of making photographs of the
fortifications. He was sentenced by a military tribunal to nine years’
imprisonment.
In a general order issued at the War Department, the assignments to the
different corps and other important commands were announced. The order is
as follows:
“The following assignments of general officers to command is hereby made
by the President:
“Maj.-Gen. Wesley Merritt, U. S. A., the Department of the Pacific.
“Maj.-Gen. John R. Brooke, U. S. A., the first corps and the Department of
the Gulf.
“Maj.-Gen. W. M. Graham, U. S. Volunteers, the second corps, with
headquarters at Falls Church, Va.
“Maj.-Gen. James M. Wade, U. S. Volunteers, the third corps, reporting to
Major-General Brooke, Chickamauga.
“Maj.-Gen. John J. Coppinger, U. S. Volunteers, the fourth corps, Mobile,
Ala.
“Maj.-Gen. William R. Shafter, U. S. Volunteers, the fifth corps, Tampa,
Fla.
“Maj.-Gen. Elwell S. Otis, U. S. Volunteers, to report to Major-General
Merritt, U. S. A., for duty with troops in the Department of the Pacific.
“Maj.-Gen. James H. Wilson, U. S. Volunteers, the sixth corps,
Chickamauga, reporting to Major-General Brooke.
“Maj.-Gen. Fitzhugh Lee, U. S. Volunteers, the seventh corps, Tampa, Fla.
“Maj.-Gen. Joseph H. Wheeler, U. S. Volunteers, the cavalry division,
Tampa, Fla.”
Orders were given by Admiral Sampson to Captain Goodrich of the _St.
Louis_, on May 15th, to take the fleet tender in tow and proceed to
Santiago de Cuba to cut the cables at that point. The grappling implements
were secured from the tug _Wampatuck_ on May 16th, and at eleven P. M. the
expedition, in the small boats, left the cruiser for the entrance of
Santiago. It was then perfectly dark and hazy, but the Santiago light was
burning brightly. Moonrise was not until 3.45 A. M. At three A. M. on May
17th the expedition returned with part of one cable, but it had failed to
find a second cable, which is close under the fort, and was protected by
two patrol-boats. Then a start was made to cut the cable on the other side
of the island. At seven A. M. the _St. Louis_ fired her first gun at the
forts protecting the entrance to Santiago Harbour, and after a little time
the fire was returned by what must have been a 2-pounder.
At eight A. M. the _St. Louis_ was about two miles distant from the fort,
which seemed to be unprovided with modern guns. After three hours
grappling in over five hundred fathoms, the cable had not been found. At
12.15 P. M. the guns of Morro Castle opened fire, followed by the shore
battery on the southerly point, and also the west battery. The _St.
__Louis_ kept up a constant fire from her bow guns, and soon succeeded in
silencing the guns of Morro Castle, the Spaniards running in all
directions.
Most of the shots from the fort fell short of the ship. Shells from the
mortar battery went over the cruiser and exploded in the water quite close
to the _St. Louis_. The mortar battery ceased at 12.56 P. M., after a
fusilade of forty-one minutes. After firing the cable was grappled, hauled
on board, and cut.
_May 17._ The Spanish squadron reported as yet remaining at Cadiz.
The U. S. S. _Wilmington_ had a slight action with a Spanish gunboat off
the Cuban coast, during which the latter was disabled.
_May 18._ The U. S. cruiser _Charleston_ left San Francisco for the
Philippines with supplies for Commodore Dewey’s fleet.
_May 19._ By cable from Madrid it was learned that the Spanish fleet had
arrived at Santiago de Cuba.
The cruiser _Charleston_, which sailed for Manila, returned to Mare Island
navy yard with her condensers out of order.
_May 21._ An order was despatched to San Francisco to prepare the
_Monterey_ for a voyage to Manila, where she would join Commodore Dewey’s
fleet. The _Monterey_ is probably the most formidable monitor in the
world; technically described she is a barbed turret, low freeboard monitor
of four thousand tons displacement, 256 feet long, fifty-nine feet beam,
and fourteen feet six inches draught. She carries in two turrets,
surrounded by barbettes, two 12-inch and two 10-inch guns, while on her
superstructure, between the turrets, are mounted six 6-pounders, four
1-pounders, and two Gatlings. The turrets are seven and one-half and eight
inches thick, and the surrounding barbettes are fourteen inches and eleven
and one-half inches of steel.
[Illustration: U. S. S. MONTEREY.]
One of the most important prizes captured during the war was taken by the
U. S. S. _Minneapolis_ off the eastern coast of Cuba. The craft was the
Spanish brig _Santa Maria de Lourdes_, loaded with coal, ammunition, arms,
and supplies for Admiral Cervera.
Nearly four hundred men, with a pack-train and a large quantity of arms
and ammunition, sailed for a point about twenty-five miles east of Havana,
on the steamer _Florida_. These men and their equipment constituted an
expedition able to operate independently, and to defend itself against any
body of Spanish troops which might oppose it.
The _Florida_ returned to Key West on the thirty-first, after having
successfully landed the ammunition and men.
_May 22._ The U. S. S. _Charleston_ again left San Francisco, bound for
Manila.
_May 25._ The U. S. S. _St. Paul_ captured the British steamer
_Restormel_, loaded with coal, off Santiago de Cuba. The prize is a long,
low tramp collier belonging to the Troy company of Cardiff, Wales. She
left there on April 22d, the day before war was declared, with
twenty-eight hundred tons of the finest grade of Cardiff coal consigned to
a Spanish firm in San Juan de Porto Rico, where the Spanish fleet was
supposed to make its first stop.
“When we reached San Juan,” said the captain of the _Restormel_, “the
consignees told me very curtly that the persons for whom the coal was
destined were in Curacoa. At Porto Rico I learned that war had been
declared. I began to suspect that the coal was going to Cervera’s fleet,
but my Spanish consignees said it would be all right. They told me not to
ask any questions, but to go to Curacoa as soon as possible. I did so,
placing my cargo under orders.
“The consignee at Curacoa was a Spanish officer. He said there had been
another change of base, and that the coal was wanted at Santiago de Cuba.
I tried to cable my owners for instructions, but found that the cables had
been cut. Under the circumstances there was nothing for me to do but to go
to Santiago. By this time I was pretty well convinced that the cargo was
for Cervera. I suspected that coal had been made a contraband of war, so I
wasn’t a bit surprised when the _St. Paul_ brought us to, with a shot,
three and a half miles from shore.”
In the prize court it was decided to confiscate the coal, and release the
steamer.
The President issued a proclamation calling for seventy-five thousand men.
Three troop-ships, laden with soldiers, sailed from San Francisco for
Manila.
_May 26._ The battle-ship _Oregon_, which left San Francisco March 19th,
arrived at Key West.
_May 27._ The Spanish torpedo-boat destroyer arrived at San Juan de Porto
Rico.
_May 28._ From Commodore Dewey the following cablegram was received:
“CAVITE, May 25th, via Hongkong, May 27th.
“_Secretary Navy, Washington_:—No change in the situation of the blockade.
Is effective. It is impossible for the people of Manila to buy provisions,
except rice.
“The captain of the _Olympia_, Gridley, condemned by medical survey. Is
ordered home. Leaves by Occidental and Oriental steamship from Hongkong
the twenty-eighth. Commander Lamberton appointed commander of the
_Olympia_.”
_May 29._ Maj.-Gen. Wesley Merritt issued an order formally announcing
that he had taken command of the Philippine forces and expeditions.
_May 31._ United States troops board transports for Cuba.
The beginning of June saw the opening of the first regular campaign of the
war, and it is eminently proper the operations around and about Santiago
de Cuba be told in a continuous narrative, rather than with any further
attempt at giving the news from the various parts of the world in
chronological order.
Therefore such events, aside from the Santiago campaign, as are worthy a
place in history, will be set down in regular sequence after certain deeds
of the boys of ’98 have been related in such detail as is warranted by the
heroism displayed.
CHAPTER VIII.
HOBSON AND THE MERRIMAC.
_May 29._ The blockading fleet, under command of Commodore Schley, off
Santiago de Cuba, was composed of the _Brooklyn_, _Iowa_, _Massachusetts_,
_Texas_, _New Orleans_, _Marblehead_, and _Vixen_.
At about midnight on May 29th the officer of the deck on board the _Texas_
saw, by aid of his night-glass, two low-lying, swiftly-running steamers
stealing out of Santiago Harbour, and keeping well within the shadows of
the land.
As soon as might be thereafter the war-vessel’s search-lights were turned
full on, and at the same moment the sleeping crew were awakened.
It was known beyond a question that the Spanish fleet under Admiral
Cervera was hidden within the harbour, not daring to come boldly out while
the blockading squadron was so strong, and the first thought of men as
well as officers, when these stealthily moving vessels were sighted, was
that the Spaniards were making a desperate effort to escape from the trap
they had voluntarily entered.
The search-lights of the _Texas_ revealed the fact that the two strangers
were torpedo-boats, and a heavy fire was opened upon them instantly.
With the report of the first gun the call to quarters was sounded on all
the other ships, and a dozen rays of blinding light flashed here and there
across the entrance to the harbour, until the waters were so brilliantly
illumined that the smallest craft in which mariner ever set sail could not
have come out unobserved.
The same report which aroused the squadron told the Spaniards that their
purpose was no longer a secret, and the two torpedo-boats were headed for
the _Brooklyn_ and the _Texas_, running at full speed in the hope of
discharging their tubes before the fire should become too heavy.
The enemy had not calculated, however, upon such a warm and immediate
reception. It was as if every gun on board both the _Brooklyn_ and _Texas_
was in action within sixty seconds after the Spaniards were sighted, and
there remained nothing for the venturesome craft save to seek the shelter
of the harbour again, fortunate indeed if such opportunity was allowed
them.
_May 31._ The U. S. S. _Marblehead_, cruising inshore to relieve the
monotony of blockading duties, discovered that lying behind the batteries
at the mouth of Santiago Harbour were four Spanish cruisers and two
torpedo-boat destroyers.
When this fact was reported to the commodore he decided to tempt the
Spanish fleet into a fight, and at the same time discover the location of
the masked batteries. In pursuance of this plan he transferred his flag
from the _Brooklyn_ to the more heavily armed _Massachusetts_.
[Illustration: U. S. S. MASSACHUSETTS.]
Two hours after noon the _Massachusetts_, _New Orleans_, and _Iowa_, in
the order named, and not more than a cable length apart, steamed up to the
harbour mouth to within four thousand yards of Morro Castle.
Two miles out to sea lay the _Brooklyn_, _Texas_, and other ships of the
blockading fleet awaiting the summons which should bring them into the
fight; but none came.
The _Massachusetts_ opened fire first, taking the Spanish flag-ship for
its target. An 8-inch shell was the missile, and it fell far short of its
mark. Then the big machine tried her 13-inch guns.
The _Cristobal Colon_ and four batteries—two on the east side, one on the
west, and one on an island in the middle of the channel, replied. Their 10
and 12-inch Krupps spoke shot for shot with our sixes, eights and
thirteens. It was noisy and spectacular, but not effective on either side.
The American fleet steamed across before the batteries at full speed;
circled, and passed again. Both sides had found the range by the time of
the second passing, and began to shoot close. Several shots burst directly
over the _Iowa_, three fell dangerously near the _New Orleans_, and one
sprayed the bow of the _Massachusetts_.
After half an hour both forts on the east and the one on the island were
silenced. Five minutes later our ships ceased firing. The western battery
and the Spanish flag-ship kept up the din fifteen minutes longer, but
their work was ineffective.
_June 1._ Rear-Admiral Sampson, with the _New York_ as his flag-ship, and
accompanied by the _Oregon_, the _Mayflower_, and the torpedo-boat
_Porter_, joined Commodore Schley’s squadron off Santiago on the first of
June.
A naval officer with the squadron summed up the situation in a
communication to his friend at home:
“Pending the execution of Admiral Sampson’s plan of campaign, our ships
form a cordon about the entrance of Santiago Harbour to prevent the
possible egress of the Spaniards, should Admiral Cervera be foolhardy
enough to attempt to cut his way out.”
The officers of the blockading squadron were well informed as to the
situation ashore. Communication with the Cubans had been established, and
it was known that a line of insurgents had been drawn around Santiago, in
order that they might be of assistance when the big war-vessels had struck
the first blow.
The defences of the harbour were fairly well-known despite the vigilance
of the enemy, and it was no secret that within the narrow neck of the
channel, which at the entrance is hardly more than three hundred feet
wide, eighteen or twenty mines had been planted.
A report from one of the newspaper correspondents, under date of June 1st,
was as follows:
“So far as has been ascertained, there are three new batteries on the west
side of the entrance. These appear to be formed entirely of earthworks.
“The embrasures for the guns can easily be discerned with the glasses.
Cayo Smith, a small island which lies directly beyond the entrance, is
fortified, and back of Morro, which sits on the rocky eminences at the
right of the entrance, are Estrella battery and St. Carolina fort. Further
up the bay, guarding the last approach to the city of Santiago, is Blanco
battery.
“The first are of stone, and were constructed in the early sixties. St.
Carolina fort is partially in ruins. The guns in Morro Castle and Estrella
are of old pattern, 18 and 24-pounders, and would not even be considered
were it not for the great height of the fortifications, which would enable
these weapons to deliver a plunging fire.
“Modern guns are mounted on the batteries to the left of the entrance. On
Cayo Smith and at Blanco battery there are also four modern guns. The
mines in the narrow, tortuous channel, and the elevation of the forts and
batteries, which must increase the effectiveness of the enemy’s fire, and
at the same time decrease that of our own, reinforced by the guns of the
Spanish fleet inside, make the harbour, as it now appears, almost
impregnable. Unless the entrance is countermined it would be folly to
attempt to force its passage with our ships.
“But the Spanish fleet is bottled up, and a plan is being considered to
drive in the cork. If that is done, the next news may be a thrilling story
of closing the harbour. It would release a part of our fleet, and leave
the Spaniards to starve and rot until they were ready to hoist the white
flag.”
“To drive in the cork,” was the subject nearest Rear-Admiral Sampson’s
heart, and he at once went into consultation with his officers as to how
it could best be done. One plan after another was discussed and rejected,
and then Assistant Naval Constructor Richmond Pearson Hobson proposed that
the big collier _Merrimac_, which then had on board about six hundred tons
of coal, be sunk across the channel in such a manner as to completely
block it.
The plan was a good one; but yet it seemed certain death for those who
should attempt to carry it out as proposed. Lieutenant Hobson, however,
claimed that, if the scheme was accepted, he should by right be allowed to
take command of the enterprise.
The end to be attained was so great that Admiral Sampson decided that the
lives of six or seven men could not be allowed to outweigh the advantage
to be gained, and Lieutenant Hobson was notified that his services were
accepted; the big steamer was at his disposal to do with as he saw fit.
_June 11._ The preliminary work of this desperate undertaking was a strain
upon the officers and men. On Wednesday morning the preparations to
scuttle the _Merrimac_ in the channel were commenced. All day long crews
from the _New York_ and _Brooklyn_ were on board the collier, never
resting in their efforts to prepare her. She lay alongside the
_Massachusetts_, discharging coal, when the work was first begun.
The news of the intended expedition travelled quickly through the fleet,
and it soon became known that volunteers were needed for a desperate
undertaking. From the _Iowa’s_ signal-yard quickly fluttered the
announcement that she had 140 volunteers, and the other ships were not far
behind. On the _New York_ the enthusiasm was intense. Over two hundred
members of the crew volunteered to go into that narrow harbour and face
death. The junior officers literally tumbled over each other in their
eagerness to get their names on the volunteer list.
When it was learned that only six men and Lieutenant Hobson were to go,
there was much disappointment on all sides. All Wednesday night the crews
worked on board the _Merrimac_; and the other ships, as they passed the
collier, before sundown, cheered her. Lieutenant Hobson paid a brief visit
to the flag-ship shortly before midnight, and then returned to the
_Merrimac_.
While on board the flag-ship Lieutenant Hobson thus detailed his plan of
action:
“I shall go right into the harbour until about four hundred yards past the
Estrella battery, which is behind Morro Castle. I do not think they can
sink me before I reach somewhere near that point. The _Merrimac_ has seven
thousand tons buoyancy, and I shall keep her full speed ahead. She can
make about ten knots. When the narrowest part of the channel is reached I
shall put her helm hard aport, stop the engines, drop the anchors, open
the sea connections, touch off the torpedoes, and leave the _Merrimac_ a
wreck, lying athwart the channel, which is not as broad as the _Merrimac_
is long. There are ten 8-inch improvised torpedoes below the water-line,
on the _Merrimac’s_ port-side. They are placed on her side against the
bulk-heads and vital spots, connected with each other by a wire under the
ship’s keel. Each torpedo contains eighty-two pounds of gunpowder. Each
torpedo is also connected with the bridge; they should do their work in a
minute, and it will be quick work even if done in a minute and a quarter.
“On deck there will be four men and myself. In the engine-room there will
be two other men. This is the total crew, and all of us will be in our
underclothing, with revolvers and ammunition in water-tight packing
strapped around our waists. Forward there will be a man on deck, and
around his waist will be a line, the other end of the line being made fast
to the bridge, where I will stand. By that man’s side will be an axe. When
I stop the engines I shall jerk this cord, and he will thus get the signal
to cut the lashing which will be holding the forward anchor. He will then
jump overboard and swim to the four-oared dingy, which we shall tow
astern. The dingy is full of life-buoys, and is unsinkable. In it are
rifles. It is to be held by two ropes, one made fast at her bow and one at
her stern. The first man to reach her will haul in the tow-line and pull
the dingy to starboard. The next to leave the ship are the rest of the
crew. The quartermaster at the wheel will not leave until after having put
it hard aport, and lashed it so; he will then jump overboard.
[Illustration: LIEUTENANT HOBSON.]
“Down below, the man at the reversing gear will stop the engines, scramble
up on deck, and get over the side as quickly as he is able. The man in the
engine-room will break open the sea connections with a sledge-hammer, and
will follow his leader into the water. This last step ensures the sinking
of the _Merrimac_ whether the torpedoes work or not. By this time I
calculate the six men will be in the dingy and the _Merrimac_ will have
swung athwart the channel, to the full length of her three hundred yards
of cable, which will have been paid out before the anchors are cut loose.
Then, all that is left for me is to touch the button. I shall stand on the
starboard side of the bridge. The explosion will throw the _Merrimac_ on
her starboard side. Nothing on this side of New York City will be able to
raise her after that.”
In reply to frequent questions, Hobson said:
“I suppose the Estrella battery will fire down on us a bit, but the ships
will throw their search-lights in the gunners’ faces, and they won’t see
much of us. If we are torpedoed we should even then be able to make the
desired position in the channel. It won’t be easy to hit us, and I think
the men should be able to swim to the dingy. I may jump before I am blown
up. But I don’t see that it makes much difference what I do. I have a fair
chance of life either way. If our dingy gets shot to pieces we shall then
try to swim for the beach right under Morro Castle. We shall keep together
at all hazards. Then we may be able to make our way alongside, and perhaps
get back to the ship. We shall fight the sentries or a squad until the
last, and shall only surrender to overwhelming numbers, and our surrender
will only take place as a last and almost uncontemplated emergency.”
The volunteers accepted for this most hazardous enterprise were, after
Lieutenant Hobson: George F. Phillips, machinist on the _Merrimac_;
Francis Kelly, water tender on the _Merrimac_; Randolph Clausen, coxswain
on the _New York_; George Charette, first-class gunner’s mate on the _New
York_; Daniel Montague, first-class machinist on the _New York_; Osburn
Deignan, coxswain on the _Merrimac_; J. C. Murphy, coxswain on the _Iowa_.
_June 21._ At three o’clock in the morning the admiral and Flag Lieutenant
Staunton got into the launch to make an inspection of the _Merrimac_. The
working gangs were still on board of her, and the officers of the
flag-ship stood with their glasses focused on the big black hull that was
to form an impassable obstacle for Spain’s best ships.
The minutes slipped by, the crews had not completed their work on the
_Merrimac_, but at last a boatload of men, black and tired out, came over
to the flag-ship. Last of all, at 4.30, came the admiral. He had been
delayed by a breakdown of the steam launch.
Dawn was breaking over Santiago de Cuba, and nearly everybody thought it
was too late for the attempt to be made that morning. Then somebody cried:
“She is going in.”
Surely enough, the seemingly deserted collier was seen heading straight
for Morro Castle. A few moments later, however, she was recalled by
Admiral Sampson, who thought it sure death for Hobson to venture in at
that hour. The _Merrimac_ did not return at once. Word came back:
“Lieutenant Hobson asks permission to continue on his course. He thinks he
can make it.”
The admiral sent Hobson a message to the effect that the _Merrimac_ must
return at once, and in due course of time the doomed collier slowly
steamed back, her commander evidently disappointed with the order. All day
Thursday the collier lay near the flag-ship, and more elaborate
preparations were made to carry out the mission of the _Merrimac_
successfully. During these preparations Hobson was cool and confident,
supervising personally every little detail.
When, finally, he went on board the _Merrimac_ Thursday night, he had been
without sleep since Wednesday morning. His uniform was begrimed, his hands
were black, and he looked like a man who had been hard at work in and
about an engine-room for a long time. As he said good-bye, the lieutenant
remarked that his only regret was that all of the _New York’s_ volunteers
could not go with him.
_June 3._ The hazardous voyage was begun at three o’clock Friday morning.
The _Merrimac_ was lying to the westward. Under cover of the clouds over
the moon, she stole in toward the coast and made her way to the eastward,
followed by a steam launch from the _New York_, with the following crew on
board: Naval Cadet J. W. Powell, of Oswego, N. Y.; P. K. Peterson,
coxswain; H. Handford, apprentice of the first class; J. Mullings, coal
passer; G. L. Russell, machinist of the second class. In the launch were
bandages and appliances for the wounded.
From the crowded decks of the _New York_ nothing could be seen of the
_Merrimac_ after she got under the shadow of the hills. For half an hour
officers and men strained their eyes peering into the gloom, when,
suddenly, the flash of a gun streamed out from Morro Castle, and then all
on board the _New York_ knew the _Merrimac_ was nearing her end.
The guns from the Spanish battery opposite Morro Castle answered quickly
with more flashes, and for about twenty minutes tongues of fire seemed to
leap across the harbour entrance. The flag-ship was too far away to hear
the reports, and when the firing ceased it was judged that Hobson had
blown up the _Merrimac_.
[Illustration: U. S. S. NEW YORK.]
During an hour the anxious watchers waited for daylight. Rear-Admiral
Sampson and Captain Chadwick were on the bridge of the _New York_ during
the entire time. At five o’clock thin streams of smoke were seen against
the western shore, quite close to the Spanish batteries, and strong
glasses made out the launch of the _New York_ returning to the flag-ship.
Scarcely had the small craft been sighted before a puff of smoke issued
from a battery on the western arm of the harbour, and a shot plunged far
over the launch. Then for fifteen minutes the big guns ashore kept up an
irregular fire on the little craft. As the shells fell without hitting the
object for which they were intended, the men on board the _New York_
jeered at the Spanish marksmanship, and cheered their shipmates.
At 6.15 the launch came alongside the flag-ship, but she did not have on
board any of the _Merrimac’s_ crew. Cadet Powell reported that he had been
unable to see any of the men. It was learned that the cadet had gone
directly under the batteries, and only returned when he found his efforts
were useless.
He also reported that he had clearly seen the _Merrimac’s_ masts sticking
up just where Hobson hoped to sink her, north of the Estrella battery, and
well past the guns of Morro Castle.
Cadet Powell thus related the last interview he had with the officer whom
it seemed certain had voluntarily gone to his death:
“Lieutenant Hobson took a short sleep for a few hours, which was often
interrupted. At a quarter before two he came on deck and made a final
inspection, giving his last instructions. Then we had a little lunch.
Hobson was as cool as a cucumber. At about half past two I took the men
who were not going on the trip into the launch, and started for the
_Texas_, the nearest ship, but had to go back for one of the assistant
engineers, whom Hobson finally compelled to leave. I shook hands with
Hobson last of all. He said:
“‘Powell, watch the boat’s crew when we pull out of the harbour. We will
be cracks, pulling thirty strokes to the minute.’
“After leaving the _Texas_ I saw the _Merrimac_ steaming slowly in.
“It was only fairly dark then, and the shore was quite visible. We
followed about three-quarters of a mile astern. The _Merrimac_ stood about
a mile to the westward of the harbour, and seemed a bit mixed, turning
completely around, and finally heading to the east, she ran down and then
turned in. We were then chasing him because I thought Hobson had lost his
bearings.
“When Hobson was about two hundred yards from the harbour the first gun
was fired, from the eastern bluff. We were then about half a mile
offshore, and nearing the batteries. The firing increased rapidly. We
steamed in slowly, and lost sight of the _Merrimac_ in the smoke which the
wind carried offshore. It hung heavily. Before Hobson could have blown up
the _Merrimac_ the western battery picked us up and commenced firing. They
shot wild, however, and we ran in still farther to the shore until the
gunners lost sight of us. Then we heard the explosion of the torpedoes on
the _Merrimac_.
“Until daylight we waited just outside the breakers, half a mile to the
westward of Morro, keeping a sharp lookout for the boat or for swimmers,
but saw nothing. Hobson had arranged to meet us at that point, but
thinking that some one might have drifted out, we crossed in front of
Morro and the mouth of the harbour, to the eastward.
“At about five o’clock we crossed the harbour again, and stood to the
westward. In passing we saw one spar of the _Merrimac_ sticking out of the
water. We hugged the shore just outside of the breakers for a mile, and
then turned toward the _Texas_, when the batteries saw us and opened fire.
It was then broad daylight. The first shot dropped thirty yards astern,
but the others went wild. I drove the launch for all she was worth,
finally making the _New York_. The men behaved splendidly.”
_June 3._ Later in the day a boat with a white flag put out from the
harbour, and Captain Oviedo, chief of staff of Admiral Cervera, boarded
the _New York_, and informed Admiral Sampson that the whole party had been
captured; that only two were injured. Lieutenant Hobson was not hurt. The
Spanish admiral was so impressed with the courage of the _Merrimac’s_ crew
that he decided to inform Admiral Sampson of the fact that they had not
lost their lives, but were prisoners of war and could be exchanged.
To a newspaper correspondent Commodore Schley said, as he stood on his
flag-ship pointing towards Morro Castle:
“History does not record an act of finer heroism than that of the gallant
men who are prisoners over there. I watched the _Merrimac_ as she made her
way to the entrance of the harbour, and my heart sank as I saw the perfect
hell of fire that fell upon those devoted men. I did not think it possible
one of them could have gone through it alive.
“They went into the jaws of death. It was Balaklava over again without the
means of defence which the Light Brigade had. Hobson led a forlorn hope
without the power to cut his way out; but fortune once more favoured the
brave, and I hope he will have the recognition and promotion he deserves.
His name will live as long as the heroes of the world are remembered.”
Admiral Sampson made the following report to the Navy Department:
“Permit me to call your especial attention to Assistant Naval Constructor
Hobson.
“As stated in a special telegram, before coming here I decided to make the
harbour entrance secure against the possibility of egress by Spanish
ships, by obstructing the narrow part of the entrance by sinking a collier
at that point.
“Upon calling upon Mr. Hobson for his professional opinion as to a sure
method of sinking the ship, he manifested the most lively interest in the
problem. After several days’ consideration, he presented a solution which
he considered would ensure the immediate sinking of the ship when she
reached the desired point in the channel. This plan we prepared for
execution when we reached Santiago.
“The plan contemplated a crew of only seven men and Mr. Hobson, who begged
that it might be entrusted to him. The anchor chains were arranged on deck
for both the anchors, forward and aft, the plan including the anchoring of
the ship automatically. As soon as I reached Santiago, and I had the
collier to work upon, the details were completed and diligently
prosecuted, hoping to complete them in one day, as the moon and tide
served best the first night after our arrival.
“Notwithstanding every effort the hour of four o’clock arrived, and the
preparation was scarcely completed. After a careful inspection of the
final preparations, I was forced to relinquish the plan for that morning,
as dawn was breaking. Mr. Hobson begged to try it at all hazards.
“This morning proved more propitious, as a prompt start could be made.
Nothing could have been more gallantly executed.
“We waited impatiently after the firing by the Spaniards had ceased. When
they did not reappear from the harbour at six o’clock, I feared that they
had all perished. A steam launch, which had been sent in charge of Naval
Cadet Powell to rescue the men, appeared at this time, coming out under a
persistent fire of the batteries, but brought none of the crew.
“A careful inspection of the harbour from this ship showed that the vessel
_Merrimac_ had been sunk in the channel.
“This afternoon the chief of staff of Admiral Cervera came out under a
flag of truce, with a letter from the admiral, extolling the bravery of
the crew in an unusual manner.
“I cannot myself too earnestly express my appreciation of the conduct of
Mr. Hobson and his gallant crew. I venture to say that a more brave or
daring thing has not been done since Cushing blew up the _Albemarle_.
“Referring to the inspiring letter which you addressed to the officers at
the beginning of the war, I am sure you will offer a suitable professional
reward to Mr. Hobson and his companions. I must add that Commander J. M.
Miller relinquished his command with the very greatest reluctance,
believing he should retain his command under all circumstances.
[Illustration: HOBSON AND HIS MEN ON THE RAFT.]
“He was, however, finally convinced that the attempt of another person to
carry out the multitude of details which had been in preparation by Mr.
Hobson might endanger its proper execution. I therefore took the liberty
to relieve him, for this reason only.
“There were hundreds of volunteers who were anxious to participate. There
were a hundred and fifty men from the _Iowa_, nearly as many from this
ship, and large numbers from all the other ships, officers and men alike.
“W. T. SAMPSON.”
Not until the sixth of July were Hobson and his brave comrades exchanged,
and then to his messmates the gallant lieutenant told the story of his
perilous voyage on that morning of June 4th:
“I did not miss the entrance to the harbour,” he said, “as Cadet Powell in
the launch supposed. I headed east until I got my bearings, and then made
for it straight in. Then came the firing. It was grand, flashing out first
from one side of the harbour and then from the other, from those big guns
on the hill, the _Vizcaya_, lying inside the harbour, joining in.
“Troops from Santiago had rushed down when the news of the _Merrimac’s_
coming was telegraphed, and soldiers lined the foot of the cliffs, firing
wildly across, and killing each other with the cross-fire.
“The _Merrimac’s_ steering-gear broke as she got to Estrella Point. Only
three of the torpedoes on her side exploded when I touched the button. A
huge submarine mine caught her full amidships, hurling the water high in
the air, and tearing a great rent in her side.
“Her stern ran upon Estrella Point. Chiefly owing to the work done by the
mine, she began to sink slowly. At that time she was across the channel,
but before she settled the tide drifted her around. We were all aft, lying
on the deck. Shells and bullets whistled around. Six-inch shells from the
_Vizcaya_ came tearing into the _Merrimac_, crashing into wood and iron,
and passing clear through, while the plunging shots from the forts broke
through her deck.
“‘Not a man must move,’ I said, and it was only owing to the splendid
discipline of the men that we all were not killed, as the shells rained
over us, and the minutes became hours of suspense. The men’s mouths became
parched, but we must lie there till daylight, I told them. Now and again,
one or the other of the men, lying with his face glued to the deck and
wondering whether the next shell might not come our way, would say,
‘Hadn’t we better drop off now, sir?’ But I said, ‘Wait till daylight.’
“It would have been impossible to get the catamaran anywhere but on to the
shore, where the soldiers stood shooting, and I hoped that by daylight we
might be recognised and saved.
“The grand old _Merrimac_ kept sinking. I wanted to go forward and see the
damage done there, where nearly all the fire was directed. One man said
that if I rose it would draw all the fire on the rest. So I lay
motionless. It was splendid the way these men behaved.
[Illustration: ADMIRAL CERVERA.]
“The fire of the soldiers, the batteries and the _Vizcaya_ was awful. When
the water came up on the _Merrimac’s_ deck the catamaran floated amid the
wreckage, but she was still made fast to the boom, and we caught hold of
the edges and clung on, our heads only being above water.
“One man thought we were safer right there; it was quite light, the firing
had ceased, except that on the _New York’s_ launch, and I feared Cadet
Powell and his men had been killed.
“A Spanish launch came toward the _Merrimac_. We agreed to capture her and
run. Just as she came close the Spaniards saw us, and half a dozen marines
jumped up and pointed their rifles at our heads sticking out of the water.
“‘Is there any officer in that boat to receive a surrender of prisoners of
war?’ I shouted.
“An old man leaned out under the awning and waved his hand. It was Admiral
Cervera. The marines lowered their rifles and we were helped into the
launch.
“Then we were put in cells in Morro Castle. It was a grand sight a few
days later to see the bombardment, the shells striking and bursting around
El Morro. Then we were taken into Santiago. I had the court martial room
in the barracks. My men were kept prisoners in the hospital.
“From my window I could see the army moving, and it was terrible to watch
those poor lads coming across the opening and being shot down by the
Spaniards in the rifle-pits in front of me.
“Yesterday the Spaniards became as polite as could be. I knew something
was coming, and then I was exchanged.”
[Illustration: QUEEN REGENT, MARIA CHRISTINA OF SPAIN.]
CHAPTER IX.
BY WIRE.
_May 30._ The auxiliary cruisers _Leyden_ and _Uncas_ made an attack on
one of the outlying blockhouses at Cardenas, plying their 3-pounders until
the Spaniards deserted their batteries.
_June 1._ The government of Paraguay represented to the American consul at
Asuncion that the Spanish torpedo-boat _Temerario_ was disabled, and had
been granted permission to remain at that port until the war between the
United States and Spain had come to an end.
In Spain there are many differences of opinion regarding the conduct of
the war, as evinced by a newspaper article to which was signed the name of
Emilio Castelar, the distinguished republican statesman.
Señor Castelar attacked the queen regent, reproaching her with being a
foreigner and unpopular, and with interfering unjustifiably in political
affairs. He compared her position with that of Queen Marie Antoinette on
the eve of the French revolution.
The matter came before the Senate; Duke de Roca demanded the prosecution
of Castelar, and other Senators expressed in violent terms their
indignation at Señor Castelar’s conduct.
_June 2._ The British steamer _Restormel_, captured by the auxiliary
cruiser _St. Paul_ off Santiago de Cuba, was released by the government.
It was shown that the _Restormel_ sailed previous to the declaration of
war, there being no evidence that the steamer’s owners were wilfully and
knowingly guilty of aiding the enemy’s fleet, and she was ordered
released. The cargo was condemned.
The names of the captains and commanders of the ships in Admiral Dewey’s
squadron were sent to the Senate, by the President, for advancement
because of their conspicuous conduct.
The House of Representatives passed an urgency appropriation of nearly
eighteen million dollars for war purposes.
From Captain Clark’s report, the Navy Department made public the following
extract relative to the extraordinary voyage of the _Oregon_:
“It is gratifying to call the department’s attention to the spirit aboard
this ship in both officers and men. This best can be described by
referring to instances such as that of the engineer officers in
voluntarily doubling their watches when high speed was to be made, to the
attempt of men to return to the fire-room after being carried out of it
insensible, and to the fact that most of the whole crew, who were working
by watches by day and night at Sandy Point, preferred to leave their
hammocks in the nettings until they could get the ship coaled and ready to
sail from Sandy Point.”
_June 3._ The collier _Merrimac_ was sunk in the channel of Santiago
Harbour, as has already been told.
_June 4._ Captain Charles Vernon Gridley, commander of the cruiser
_Olympia_, and commanding her during the battle of Manila Bay, died at
Kobe, Japan.
_June 5._ An account of personal heroism which should be set down in every
history, that future generations may know of what metal the boys of ’98
were made, was telegraphed from Tampa, Florida.
Lieutenant Parker, who was in charge of the old clubhouse on Lafayette
Street, near the brigade headquarters, and which was being used by the
government as a storehouse, and Thomas McGee, a veteran of the civil war,
prevented what might have been a calamity.
While a force of soldiers was engaged in carrying boxes of ammunition from
the warehouse and loading them to waiting army wagons, smoke was seen
issuing from a box of ammunition. In an instant the cry of fire went up,
and soldiers and negro roustabouts piled over each other in their scramble
for safety. McGee, however, rushed toward the box, picked it up, and was
staggering in the direction of the river, some distance away, when
Lieutenant Parker, who had heard the warning cry, came to his assistance.
Together they carried the smoking box until it was possible to throw it
into the water.
How the fire originated is a mystery. In the storehouse were piled
hundreds of boxes of ammunition, each containing one thousand cartridges.
Had the cartridges in the burning box exploded, a great loss of life might
have resulted, as there were at least a score of soldiers working in and
around the building.
At Madrid the Spanish Minister of Marine issued orders that every one
connected with the admiralty must abstain from giving information of any
kind regarding naval affairs.
General Blanco in Havana published an order prohibiting foreign newspaper
correspondents from remaining in Cuba, under the penalty of being treated
as spies.
_June 6._ As is told in that chapter relating to Santiago de Cuba,
American troops were landed a few miles east of the city, at a place known
as Aguadores; the forts at the entrance of Santiago Harbour were
bombarded.
The Navy Department made public a cablegram from Admiral Dewey:
“The insurgents are acting energetically in the province of Cavite. During
the past week they have won several victories, and have taken prisoners
about eighteen hundred men and fifty officers of the Spanish troops, not
natives. The arsenal of Cavite is being prepared for occupation by United
States troops on the arrival of the transports.”
Cablegrams from Hongkong announced that the insurgents had cut the railway
lines and were closing in on Manila. Frequent actions between Aguinaldo’s
forces and the Spaniards had taken place, and the foreign residents were
making all haste to leave the city. A proclamation issued by the insurgent
chief points to a desire to set up a native administration in the
Philippines under an American protectorate. Aguinaldo, with an advisory
council, would hold the dictatorship until the conquest of the islands,
and would then establish a republican assembly.
_June 7._ The monitor _Monterey_ and the collier _Brutus_ sailed from San
Francisco for Manila. The double-turreted monitor _Monadnock_ has been
ordered to set out for the same port within ten days.
_June 9._ The Spanish bark _Maria Dolores_, laden with coal and patent
fuel, was captured by the cruiser _Minneapolis_ twelve miles off San Juan
de Porto Rico.
_June 10._ A battalion of marines was landed in the harbour of Guantanamo,
forty miles east of Santiago.(3)
A blockhouse at Daiquiri shelled by the transport steamer _Panther_.(4)
_June 11–12._ Attack upon American marines in Guantanamo Bay by Spanish
regulars and guerillas.(5)
_June 11._ The British steamer _Twickenham_, laden with coal for Admiral
Cervera’s fleet, was captured off San Juan de Porto Rico by the U. S. S.
_St. Louis_.
_June 12._ Major-General Merritt issued orders to the officers assigned to
the second Philippine expedition, to the effect that they must be ready to
embark their troops not later than the fifteenth instant.
The following cablegram was made public by the Navy Department:
“Cavite, June 12.—The insurgents continue hostilities, and have
practically surrounded Manila. They have taken twenty-five hundred Spanish
prisoners, whom they treat most humanely. They do not intend to attack the
city at the present time.
“Twelve merchant vessels are anchored in the bay, with refugees on board,
under guard of neutral men-of-war; this with my permission. Health of the
squadron continues excellent. German commander-in-chief arrived to-day.
Three Germans, two British, one French, one Japanese man-of-war in port.
Another German man-of-war expected.
“The following is a corrected list of vessels captured or destroyed: Two
protected cruisers, five unprotected cruisers, one transport, one
surveying vessel, both armed. The following are captured: Transport
_Manila_, gunboat _Callao_.
“DEWEY.”
Advices from Honolulu report that on June 1st H. Renjes, vice-consul for
Spain, at Honolulu, sent the following letter to H. E. Cooper, Hawaiian
Minister of Foreign Affairs, relative to the entertainment of the American
troops at Honolulu:
“_Sir_:—In my capacity as vice-consul for Spain, I have the honour to-day
to enter formal protest with the Hawaiian government against the constant
violation of neutrality in this harbour, while actual war exists between
Spain and the United States of America.”
_June 6._ On June 6th Minister Cooper replied as follows:
“_Sir_:—In reply to your note of the first instant, I have the honour to
say that, owing to the intimate relations now existing between this
country and the United States, this government has not proclaimed a
proclamation of neutrality having reference to the present conflict
between the United States and Spain, but, on the contrary, has tendered to
the United States privileges and assistance, for which reason your protest
can receive no further consideration than to acknowledge its receipt.”
_June 13._ American troops sailed from Tampa and Key West for Santiago.
The Spaniards again attacked the American marines at Guantanamo Bay, and
were repulsed after seven hours’ hard fighting.(6)
President McKinley signed the war revenue bill.
Secretary Gage issued a circular inviting subscriptions to the popular
loan.
The dynamite cruiser _Vesuvius_ joined Admiral Sampson’s fleet.(7)
While the U. S. S. _Yankee_ was off Cienfuegos on this day, a Spanish
gunboat steamed out of the harbour, evidently mistaking the character of
the newcomer; but on learning that the _Yankee_ was ready for business,
put back in hot haste. Both vessels opened fire, and after the gunboat had
gained the security of the harbour the _Yankee_ engaged the eastern and
western batteries. During the brief action a shell burst over the American
ship, its fragments wounding one man.
_June 14._ The American marines at Guantanamo Bay again attacked by the
Spaniards.(8)
The heroes of Santiago Bay, who sank the _Merrimac_, rewarded by the Navy
Department.(9)
First trial of the dynamite cruiser _Vesuvius_.(10)
The war tax on beer, ale, tobacco, cigars, and cigarettes went into effect
on this date.
_June 14._ From Manila on June 14th much of interest was received. A
severe engagement occurred, when one thousand insurgents attacked twice
that number of Spaniards, inflicting heavy losses. The insurgents had
drawn their lines closely around the landward side of the city, and
Captain-General Augusti published a decree ordering all the male
population under arms. Mr. E. W. Harden, correspondent of the New York
_World_, thus summed up the situation:
“Terrific fighting has been going on for six days between the Philippine
insurgents and the Spaniards. The rebels, under Aguinaldo, more than held
their ground, while the Spaniards lost heavily. The insurgents now hold
three thousand prisoners, mostly Spanish soldiers.
“I have been in the field with the rebels, and I was present at the taking
of the garrisoned church at Old Cavite, June 7th, where three hundred
insurgents captured a superior force of Spaniards after an eight days’
bombardment. The rebels are competent, courageous fighters. They have
captured the entire provinces of Cavite and Bataan, and parts of the
provinces of Pampagna, Bulucan, and Manila.
“Aguinaldo’s troops, in three divisions, have now surrounded Manila. They
have the Spaniards hemmed in, and could capture the city if they wanted
to, but will await the arrival of the American troops before doing so.
“The rebels have captured Gov. Leopoldo Garcia Penas, of Cavite province,
and Gov. Antonio Cardola, of Bataan province. Cardola tried to commit
suicide before surrendering. He shot himself three times in the head, but
will recover. The insurgents behaved gallantly in the fight for the
possession of the stone convent in Old Cavite, June 1st. General Augusti
sent two thousand Spanish regulars of the Manila force to attack
Aguinaldo’s forces at Cavite. The fight lasted all day. The Spaniards were
repulsed, and the officers led in retreat. They took refuge in the old
convent, a substantial building, with walls five feet thick, built for all
time.
“Aguinaldo surrounded the convent, and his first plan was to starve out
the beleaguered ones, but he found, June 6th, that provisions were being
smuggled in to them, and so he attacked the building, beginning by opening
fire with his mountain guns. Meantime, General Augusti, hearing of his
soldiers’ plight, sent four thousand regulars to relieve them.
“Aguinaldo led the attack on these four thousand. But after the first
brush he adopted another method. He sent detachments of three hundred or
four hundred men, armed with machetes, on the flanks of the Spaniards, who
constantly harassed them. In the first attack of these detachments one
hundred and fifty Spanish soldiers and a lieutenant-colonel were killed.
In the second onslaught four officers and sixty men were killed.
“Again and again these attacks were repeated until nine hundred Spaniards
had been killed, the insurgents report. The convent, too, became
untenable. The Spaniards retreated along the road to Manila, but made a
stand at Bacoor.
“Aguinaldo and his men fought them fiercely there, and the Spanish fled
again. The rebels pursued the enemy to within sight of Manila. Returning,
Aguinaldo stormed the old convent, and of the Spaniards who remained there
he killed ninety and captured 250.”
[Illustration: GENERAL GARCIA.]
_June 15._ The second fleet of transports, comprised of the steamers
_China_, _Colon_, _Senator_, and _Zealandia_, carrying 3,465 men, left San
Francisco for Manila.
The war loan of two hundred million dollars subscribed for twice over.
Bombardment of the fortifications in Guantanamo Bay.(11)
The House of Representatives passed the Hawaiian annexation resolution.
_June 16._ Third bombardment of the batteries near Santiago.(12)
The Spanish forces in and near Cardenas had repaired the damages inflicted
by the American vessels when they bombarded the works, and on June 16th
another lesson was given those who killed Ensign Bagley and his brave
comrades. Five blockhouses were completely demolished, the enemy beating a
hasty retreat without having fired a shot.
_June 17._ Fortifications in Guantanamo Bay shelled by American naval
force.(13)
Capture of the Spanish sloop _Chato_ in Guantanamo Bay.(14)
_June 18._ Bombardment of blockhouse in Guantanamo Bay.(15)
Battery at Cabanas shelled by the U. S. S. _Texas_.(16)
_June 19._ First American troops landed on Cuban soil.(17)
_June 20._ General Shafter and Admiral Sampson visit General Garcia in his
camp.(18)
_June 21._ Landing of General Shafter’s army begun.(19)
Bombardment of all the fortifications near about Santiago.(20)
Captain-General Augusti cabled the Madrid government that he, having been
forced to take refuge in the walled city,(21) would be unable to continue
communication.
_June 22._ By a decision of the Attorney-General, the United States
government will surrender to the ambassadors of France and Germany, as the
diplomatic representatives of Spain, the non-combatants and crews of the
prize merchant vessels captured by ships of the American navy since the
declaration of war.
Boats’ crews from the U. S. S. _Marblehead_ and _Dolphin_ remove the mines
from Guantanamo Bay.(22)
Bombardment of the Socapa battery near Santiago.(23)
Spaniards set fire to the town of Aguadores.(24)
The U. S. S. _Texas_ engages the west battery of Cabanas.(25)
Captain Sigsbee of the U. S. S. _St. Paul_, in reporting his cruise of
twenty-three days, gave the following account of a meeting with the enemy
off San Juan de Porto Rico on the 22d of June:
_June 22._ “We came off the port on the twenty-second. The weather was
fair, the trade wind blowing fresh from the eastward and raising somewhat
of a sea. At about 12.40 the third-class cruiser _Isabel III._ came out,
and, steaming under the Morro until she was abreast of the batteries,
commenced edging out toward us, firing at such a long range that her shots
were ineffective.
“As her purpose evidently was to put us within fire of the batteries, we
took but little notice of her, lying still and occasionally sending in our
largest shell at her to try the range.
“Soon afterward she dropped to the westward, and the torpedo-boat
destroyer _Terror_, or it may have been her sister ship, the _Furor_, was
sighted steaming along shore under the batteries.
“We watched her for awhile, and worked along with her, in order to
separate her from the cruiser and keep her in trough if she came for us.
She then circled to get up speed, and headed for us, firing straight as
far as direction went, but her shots fell short.
“When within range of our guns, the signal ‘commence firing’ was made, and
for several minutes we let fly our starboard battery at her at from
fifty-five hundred to six thousand yards, the shells striking all around
her.
“This stopped her. She turned her broadside to us and her fire soon
ceased. She then headed inshore, to the southward and westward, going
slow, and it was evident to all on board that she was crippled. Off the
Morro she flashed some signals to the shore, and afterward a tug came out
and towed her into the harbour.
“All this time the cruiser was firing at us, and some of her shots and
those of the _Terror_ fell pretty close. The cruiser followed the _Terror_
back toward the port and soon afterward was joined by a gunboat, and the
two steamed under the batteries to the eastward; but when the _St. Paul_,
making an inshore turn, seemed to be going for them, they returned to the
harbour, and we saw no more of them.”
_June 23._ The U. S. monitor _Monadnock_ left San Francisco for Manila.
The U. S. dynamite cruiser _Vesuvius_ again shells the Santiago
fortifications.(26)
_June 24._ The Spanish Cortes suspended by royal decree. The Chamber of
Deputies adjourned without the customary cheers for the throne.
Major-General Lawton advancing on Santiago.(27)
Action near Juragua.(28)
_June 25._ Skirmish near Sevilla.
The American government protested a draft drawn by its consul at St.
Thomas, D. W. I., under circumstances calculated to make an extremely
dangerous precedent. The draft was made by Consul Van Horne for the
purchase of twenty-seven hundred tons of coal, which arrived in St. Thomas
in the _Ardenrose_ about the twenty-eighth of May. The consul bought it
for ten dollars a ton when the Spanish consul had offered twenty dollars a
ton for it. Van Horne apparently did the proper thing and did not exceed
instructions.
_June 26._ General Garcia with three thousand Cuban insurgents landed at
Juragua by American transports.(29)
The troops comprising the third expedition to Manila embarked at San
Francisco.
The sloop _Isabel_ arrived at Key West flying the Cuban flag. On her were
Capt. Rafael Mora, Lieut. Felix de los Rios and four others of the Cuban
army, carrying sealed dispatches from the Cuban government to Señor T.
Estrada Palma, of the New York junta.
The U. S. dynamite cruiser _Vesuvius_ shelled the fortifications at the
entrance to Santiago harbour.(30)
The water-supply of Santiago cut off by the American forces.(31)
A Spanish fleet entered the harbour of Port Said, Egypt, at the head of
the Suez Canal, on the twenty-sixth. It was composed of:
Battle-ship _Pelayo_, Admiral Camara’s flag-ship.
Armoured cruiser _Emperador Carlos V._
Auxiliary cruiser _Patriota_, equipped with twelve guns, and carrying
troops and marines.
Auxiliary cruiser _Buenos Ayres_, equipped with ten guns, and carrying
stores and a few troops.
Torpedo destroyer _Audaz_.
Armed merchantman _Isla de Pany_, equipped with two guns, and carrying
stores and a few troops.
Auxiliary cruiser _Rapido_, equipped with twelve guns.
Steamship _Colon_, unarmed and with no troops.
Torpedo destroyer _Proserpina_.
Torpedo-boat destroyer _Osada_.
Transport _Covadonga_, carrying no guns.
Collier _San Francisco_.
_June 27._ The United States government, determined to delay, if possible,
the progress of the fleet toward the Philippines, instructed its consul to
protest to the English government against the coaling of the fleet at Port
Said. In response to such protest the Egyptian government refused Admiral
Camara’s request to buy coal, and also refused to allow him to hire a
hundred and fifty native stokers.
The U. S. transport _Yale_, laden with troops, arrived at Daiquiri.(32)
The President sent to Congress the following messages:
“_To the Congress of the United States_:—On the morning of the third of
June, 1898, Assistant Naval Constructor Richmond P. Hobson, U. S. N., with
a volunteer crew of seven men, in charge of the partially dismantled
collier _Merrimac_, entered the fortified harbour of Santiago, Cuba, for
the purpose of sinking the collier in the narrowest portion of the channel
and thus interposing a serious obstacle to the egress of the Spanish
fleet, which had recently entered that harbour.
“This enterprise, demanding coolness, judgment and bravery amounting to
heroism, was carried into successful execution in the face of a persistent
fire from the hostile fleet as well as from the fortifications on shore.
Rear-Admiral Sampson, commander-in-chief of our naval force in Cuban
waters, in an official report addressed to the Secretary of the Navy,
referring to Mr. Hobson’s gallant exploit, says:
[Illustration: ADMIRAL CAMARA.]
“‘I decided to make the harbour entrance secure against the possibility of
egress of the Spanish ships by obstructing the narrow part of the
entrance, by sinking a collier at that point.
“‘Mr. Hobson, after several days consideration, presented a solution which
he considered would ensure the immediate sinking of the ship when she had
reached the desired point in the channel. The plan contemplated a crew of
only seven men, and Mr. Hobson begged that it might be entrusted to him.
“‘I cannot myself too earnestly express my appreciation of the conduct of
Mr. Hobson and his gallant crew. I venture to say that a more brave and
daring thing has not been done since Cushing blew up the _Albemarle_.’
“The members of the crew who were with Mr. Hobson on the memorable
occasion have already been rewarded for their services by advancement,
which, under the provisions of law and regulation, the Secretary of the
Navy was authorised to make; and the nomination to the Senate of Naval
Cadet Powell, who, in a steam launch, followed the _Merrimac_ on her
perilous trip, for the purpose of rescuing her force after the sinking of
that vessel, to be advanced in rank to the grade of ensign, has been
prepared and will be submitted.
“Cushing, with whose gallant act in blowing up the _Albemarle_, during the
civil war, Admiral Sampson compares Mr. Hobson’s sinking of the
_Merrimac_, received the thanks of Congress upon recommendation of the
President, by name, and was in consequence, under the provisions of
Section 1,508 of the Revised Statutes, advanced one grade, such
advancement embracing fifty-six numbers. The section cited applies,
however, to line officers only, and Mr. Hobson, being a member of the
staff of the navy, could not, under the provisions, be so advanced.
“In considering the question of suitably rewarding Assistant Naval
Constructor Hobson for his valiant conduct on the occasion referred to, I
have deemed it proper to address this message to you with the
recommendation that he receive the thanks of Congress, and further that he
be transferred to the line of the navy and promoted to such position
therein as the President, by and with the advice and consent of the
Senate, may determine.
“Mr. Hobson’s transfer from the construction corps to the line is fully
warranted, he having received the necessary technical training as a
graduate of the naval academy, where he stood number one in his class, and
such action is recommended partly in deference to what is understood to be
his own desire, although, he being a prisoner now in the hands of the
enemy, no direct communication on the subject has been received from him,
and partly for the reason that the abilities displayed by him at Santiago
are of such a character as to indicate especial fitness for the duties of
the line.
“WILLIAM MCKINLEY.
“_Executive Mansion, June 27._”
The second message was as follows:
“_To the Congress of the United States_:—On the eleventh day of May, 1898,
there occurred a conflict in the bay of Cardenas, Cuba, in which the naval
torpedo-boat _Winslow_ was disabled, her commander wounded, and one of her
officers and a part of her crew killed by the enemy’s fire.
“In the face of a most galling fire from the enemy’s guns the revenue
cutter _Hudson_, commanded by First Lieut. Frank H. Newcomb, U. S. Revenue
Cutter Service, rescued the disabled _Winslow_ and her wounded crew. The
commander of the _Hudson_ kept his vessel in the very hottest fire of the
action, although in constant danger of going ashore on account of the
shallow water, until he finally got a line made fast to the _Winslow_, and
towed that vessel out of range of the enemy’s guns, a deed of special
gallantry.
“I recommend that, in recognition of the signal act of heroism of First
Lieut. Frank H. Newcomb, U. S. Revenue Cutter Service, above set forth,
the thanks of Congress be extended to him and to his officers and men of
the _Hudson_, and that a gold medal of honour be presented to Lieutenant
Newcomb, a silver medal of honour to each of his officers, and a bronze
medal of honour to each member of his crew who served with him at
Cardenas.
(Signed) “WILLIAM MCKINLEY.”
The President also sent the following special nomination to Congress:
“EXECUTIVE MANSION, WASHINGTON, June 27, 1898.
“_To the Senate of the United States_:—I nominate Naval Cadet Joseph W.
Powell to be advanced two numbers under the provisions of section 1,506 of
the Revised Statutes, and to be an ensign in the navy, for extraordinary
heroism while in charge of the steam launch which accompanied the collier
_Merrimac_, for the purpose of rescuing her gallant force when that vessel
was, under the command of Naval Constructor Hobson, run into the mouth of
the harbour of Santiago, Cuba, on the third instant, and dexterously sunk
in the channel.
(Signed) “WILLIAM MCKINLEY.”
_June 27._ The third fleet of vessels, laden with soldiers, sailed from
San Francisco for the Philippines.
From London the following news was received from the Canary Islands:
Most of the new forts have guns mounted, but are still quite exposed to
view. The earthworks are not nearly completed. It is reported that ten
thousand more soldiers are on the way from Spain. Of these five thousand
are for the Grand Canary, and the others are for Teneriffe. The Spanish
government is determined to hold the islands at any cost.
Nearly all business is absolutely at a standstill, and many of the sugar
mills are closed. If this state of uncertainty continues much longer it
will mean starvation to the working classes. All lights that can be seen
from the sea are ordered extinguished at night, though the lighthouse on
Isletta is still lighted.
The U. S. S. _Yankee_, off the Isle of Pines, captured and destroyed the
Spanish sloops _Nemesia_, of Batabano, _Amistad_ and _Manuelita_, of
Coloma, and the pilot-boats _Luz_ and _Jacinto_.
_June 28._ The President issued a proclamation extending the blockade of
Cuba to the southern coast, from Cape Frances to Cape Cruz, inclusive, and
also blockading San Juan, Porto Rico.
The proclamation was as follows:
“_Whereas_, for the reasons set forth in my proclamation of April 22,
1898, a blockade of ports on the northern coast of Cuba, from Cardenas to
Bahia Honda, inclusive, and of the port of Cienfuegos, on the south coast
of Cuba, was declared to have been instituted, and
“_Whereas_, it has become desirable to extend the blockade to other
southern ports,
“Now, therefore, I, William McKinley, President of the United States, do
hereby declare and proclaim that, in addition to the blockade of the ports
specified in my proclamation of April 22, 1898, the United States of
America has instituted and will maintain an effective blockade of all of
the ports on the south coast of Cuba, from Cape Frances to Cape Cruz,
inclusive, and also of the port of San Juan in the island of Porto Rico.
“Neutral vessels lying in any of the ports to which the blockade is by the
present proclamation extended, will be allowed thirty days to issue
therefrom with cargo.”
The Spanish cruiser _Antonio Lopez_, while trying to enter the river San
Juan, near San Juan de Porto Rico, secretly, with a cargo of provisions
and war material, was detected by two American war-ships, but escaped by
swiftly changing her course. Her captain, determined to land his cargo,
headed for the shore at Salinas. The shock of grounding exploded the
boiler. The Spanish gunboats _Concha_ and _Isabella_ issued to the
assistance of the _Antonio Lopez_, whereupon the Americans withdrew, and
the _Antonio Lopez_ landed her cargo.
Captain-General Augusti sent the following by cable from Manila to the
government at Madrid:
“The situation is still as grave. I continue to maintain my position
inside the line of blockhouses, but the enemy is increasing in numbers, as
the rebels occupy the provinces, which are surrendering. Torrential rains
are inundating the entrenchments, rendering the work of defence difficult.
The number of sick among the troops is increasing, making the situation
very distressing, and causing increased desertions of the native soldiers.
[Illustration: GENERAL AUGUSTI.]
“It is estimated that the insurgents number thirty thousand armed with
rifles, and one hundred thousand armed with swords, etc.
“Aguinaldo has summoned me to surrender, but I have treated his proposals
with disdain, for I am resolved to maintain the sovereignty of Spain and
the honour of the flag to the last extremity.
“I have more than one thousand sick and two hundred wounded. The citadel
has been invaded by the suburban inhabitants, who have abandoned their
homes, owing to the barbarity of the rebels. These inhabitants constitute
an embarrassment, aggravating the situation, in view of a bombardment,
which, however, is not seriously apprehended for the moment.”
The captain-general’s family was made prisoners by the insurgents several
days prior to the sending of this despatch, and all efforts to effect
their release had thus far been in vain.
From all parts of the world the Spanish people, during the last days of
June, looked toward Santiago de Cuba, in whose harbour was imprisoned
Cervera’s fleet, for there only could they hope to resist the American
arms.
CHAPTER X.
SANTIAGO DE CUBA.
The campaign of Santiago, during which the Spanish fleet under Admiral
Cervera was entirely destroyed, and which ended with the capture of the
city, can best be told as a continuous story. The record of other events
will be found elsewhere in regular order.
Even though a repetition, it should be set down that the North Atlantic
fleet, Rear-Admiral W. T. Sampson commanding, with Commodores J. C. Watson
and W. S. Schley of the first and second squadrons respectively, which
blockaded the port of Santiago, consisted of the battle-ships
_Massachusetts_, _Iowa_, _Texas_, _Indiana_, _Oregon_; armoured cruisers
_New York_, Admiral Sampson’s flag-ship, _Brooklyn_, Commodore Schley’s
flag-ship; protected cruisers _New Orleans_, _Newark_, Commodore Watson’s
flag-ship; converted yachts _Vixen_, _Gloucester_.(33)
Inside the harbour, caught like rats in a trap of their own making, lay
the Spanish fleet under command of Admiral Pasquale Cervera, consisting of
the armoured cruisers _Cristobal Colon_, _Vizcaya_, _Almirante Oquendo_,
_Maria Teresa_, Admiral Cervera’s flag-ship; torpedo-boat destroyers
_Furor_ and _Pluton_.
The Americans were on the alert, lest by some inadvertence their prey
should escape, and it may well be supposed that the Spaniards, knowing
full well they were not in sufficient strength to give battle, awaited a
favourable opportunity to slip through the blockading squadron.
_June 2._ The first detachment of troops, including heavy and light
artillery and the engineer corps, embarked for Santiago on the second of
June. Four days later this force was landed at Aguadores, a few miles east
of Santiago, under the cover of Admiral Sampson’s guns.
_June 6._ The American fleet began the bombardment of the batteries
guarding the entrance to the harbour at six o’clock in the morning, having
steamed in to within three thousand yards of the shore, the _Brooklyn_ in
advance of the first column, with the _Marblehead_, the _Texas_, and the
_Massachusetts_ in line. The second column was led by the _New York_, with
the _New Orleans_, _Yankee_, _Iowa_, and _Oregon_ in the order named. On
the left flank were the _Vixen_ and the _Suwanee_, and on the right the
_Dolphin_ and the _Porter_ kept watchful eyes upon the riflemen ashore.
The first column took station opposite the Estrella and Catalina
batteries,(34) while the second was stationed off the new earthworks near
Morro Castle. Orders had been given that no shots should be thrown into El
Morro, because of the fact that Lieutenant Hobson and his crew were
imprisoned there.
The fleet continued the bombardment without moving from the stations
originally taken. It was the _Iowa_ which opened the action with a 12-inch
shell, and the skill of the gunners was shown by the shower of stone which
spouted up from the base of the Estrella battery. As if this shot was the
signal agreed upon, the other vessels of the fleet opened fire, the enemy
answering promptly but ineffectively.
Very quickly were the shore-batteries silenced by the _Brooklyn_ and the
_Texas_. Estrella Fort was soon on fire; the Catalina battery gave up the
struggle in less than an hour, and the _Vixen_ and _Suwanee_ engaged with
some light inshore works, speedily reducing them to ruins. Until nine
o’clock the bombardment continued without interruption, and then the
American fire ceased until the ships could be turned, in order that their
port batteries might be brought into play.
One hour more, that is to say, until ten o’clock, this terrible rain of
iron was sent from the fleet to the shore, and then on the flag-ship was
hoisted the signal: “Cease firing.”
The American fleet withdrew absolutely uninjured,—not a ship had been hit
by the Spaniards nor a man wounded.
On board the Spanish ship _Reina Mercedes_, a lieutenant and five seamen
had been killed, and seventeen wounded; the vessel was set on fire no less
than three times, and otherwise seriously damaged by the missiles. Near
about Morro Castle, although none of the American guns were aimed at that
structure, two were killed and four wounded, while on Smith Cay great
havoc was wrought.
Admiral Cervera made the following report to his government:
“Six American vessels have bombarded the fortifications at Santiago and
along the adjacent coast.
“Six were killed and seventeen were wounded on board the _Reina Mercedes_;
three officers were killed and an officer and seventeen men were wounded
among the troops.
“The Americans fired fifteen hundred shells of different calibres. The
damage inflicted upon the batteries of La Socapa and Morro Castle were
unimportant. The barracks at Morro Castle suffered damage.
“The enemy had noticeable losses.”
_June 8._ Nearly, if not quite, twenty-seven thousand men were embarked at
Tampa for Santiago on the eighth of June, under the command of Maj.-Gen.
William R. Shafter.
Fire was opened by the _Marblehead_ and the _Yankee_ of the blockading
squadron upon the fortifications of Camianera, a port on Cumberland
Harbour fifteen miles distant from Guantanamo. The enemy was forced to
retire to the town, but no great injury was inflicted.
The _Vixen_ entered Santiago Harbour under a flag of truce from Admiral
Sampson, to arrange for an exchange of Lieutenant Hobson and his men.
Admiral Cervera said in reply that the matter had been referred to General
Blanco.
The _Suwanee_ landed weapons, ammunition, and provisions for the
insurgents at a point fifteen miles west of Santiago.
In Santiago were about twenty thousand Spanish soldiers, mostly infantry;
but with cavalry and artillery that may be drawn from the surrounding
country. On the mountains five thousand insurgents, many unarmed, watched
for a favourable opportunity to make a descent upon the city.
Orders were sent by the Navy Department to Admiral Sampson to notify
Admiral Cervera that, if the latter destroyed his four armoured cruisers
and two torpedo-boat destroyers to prevent their capture, Spain, at the
end of the war, would be made to pay an additional indemnity at least
equivalent to the value of these vessels.
_June 10._ The American troops made a landing on the eastern side of
Guantanamo Harbour, forty miles east of Santiago, at two P. M. on the
tenth of June. The debarkation was effected under the cover of the guns of
the _Oregon_, _Marblehead_, _Dolphin_, and _Vixen_.
The war-vessels prepared the way by opening fire on the earthworks which
lined the shore, a blockhouse, and a cable station which was occupied by
Spanish soldiers. The defence was feeble; the enemy retreated in hot haste
after firing a few shots. A small gunboat came down from Guantanamo, four
miles away, at the beginning of the bombardment, but she put back with all
speed after having approached within range.
Soon after the enemy had been driven away, the steamer _Panther_ arrived
with a battalion of marines under command of Lieutenant-Colonel
Huntington. She reported having shelled a blockhouse at Daiquiri, ten
miles east of Santiago, but without provoking any reply.
Colonel Huntington’s force took possession of the heights overlooking the
bay, where was a fortified camp which had been abandoned by the Spaniards.
There was nothing to betoken the presence of the enemy in strong numbers,
and the men soon settled down to ordinary camp duties, believing their
first serious work would be begun by an attack on Guantanamo.
_June 11._ It was three o’clock on Saturday afternoon; Colonel
Huntington’s marines were disposed about the camp according to duty or
fancy; some were bathing, and a detail was engaged in the work of carrying
water. Suddenly the sharp report of a musket was heard, followed by
another and another until the rattle of firearms told that a skirmish of
considerable importance was in progress on the picket-line.
The principal portion of the enemy’s fire appeared to come from a small
island about a thousand yards away, and a squad of men was detailed with a
3-inch field-gun to look out for the enemy in this direction, while the
main force defended the camp.
After perhaps an hour had passed, during which time the boys of ’98 were
virtually firing at random, the men on the picket-line fell back on the
camp. Two of their number were missing. The battalion was formed on three
sides of a hollow square, and stood ready to resist an attack which was
not to be made until considerably later.
The firing ceased as abruptly as it had begun. Skirmishers were sent out
and failed to find anything save a broad trail, marked here and there by
blood, which came to an end at the water’s edge.
There were no longer detonations to be heard from the island. The 3-inch
gun had been well served.
The skirmishers which had been sent out returned, bearing the bodies of
two boys in blue who had been killed by the first shots, and, after death,
mutilated by blows from Spanish machetes.
Night came; heavy clouds hung low in the sky; the force of the wind had
increased almost to a gale; below in the bay the war-ships were anchored,
their search-lights streaming out here and there like ribbons of gold on a
pall of black velvet.
No signs of the enemy on land or sea, and, save for those two cold,
lifeless forms on the heights, one might have believed the previous rattle
of musketry had been heard only by the imagination.
Until nine o’clock in the evening the occupants of the camp kept careful
watch, and then without warning, as before, the crack of repeating rifles
broke the almost painful stillness.
[Illustration: U. S. S. MARBLEHEAD.]
The enemy was making his presence known once more, and this time it became
evident he was in larger force.
Another 3-inch gun was brought into play; a launch from the _Marblehead_,
with a Colt machine gun in her bow, steamed swiftly shoreward and opened
fire; skirmish lines were thrown out through the tangle of foliage, and
only when a dark form was seen, which might have been that of a Spaniard,
or only the swaying branches of the trees, did the boys in blue have a
target.
It was guerrilla warfare, and well-calculated to test the nerves of the
young soldiers who were receiving their “baptism of blood.”
Until midnight this random firing continued, and then a large body of
Spanish troops charged up the hill until they were face to face with the
defenders of the camp, when they retreated, being lost to view almost
immediately in the blackness of the night.
_June 12._ Again and again the firing was renewed from this quarter or
that, but the enemy did not show himself until the morning came like a
flash of light, as it does in the tropics, disclosing scurrying bands of
Spanish soldiers as they sought shelter in the thicket.
Now more guns were brought into play at the camp; the war-ships began
shelling the shore, and the action was speedily brought to an end. Four
Americans had been killed, and among them one of the surgeons.
At intervals during the day the crack of a rifle would tell that Spanish
sharpshooters were hovering around the camp; but not until eight o’clock
in the evening did the enemy approach in any great numbers.
Then the battle was on once more; again did the little band of bluejackets
stand to their posts, fighting against an unseen foe. Again the war-ships
flashed their search-lights and sent shell after shell into the thicket,
and all the while the Spanish fire was continued with deadly effect.
Lieutenants Neville and Shaw, each with a squad of ten men, were sent out
to dislodge the advance line of the enemy, and as the boys in blue swung
around into the thicket with a steady, swinging stride, the Spaniards gave
way, firing rapidly while so doing.
The Americans, heeding not the danger, pursued, following the foe nearly
to a small stone house near the coast, which had been used as a fort. They
were well up to this structure when the bullets rained upon them in every
direction from out the darkness. Sergeant Goode fell fatally wounded, and
the Spaniards charged, forcing the Americans to the very edge of a cliff,
over which one man fell and was killed; another fell, but with no further
injury than a broken leg. A third was shot through the arm, after which he
and the man with the broken limb joined forces, fighting on their own
account. One more was wounded, and then the Americans made a desperate
charge, forcing the enemy back into the stone house, and then out again,
after fifteen had been killed.
Meanwhile severe fighting was going on in the vicinity of the camp; but
six field-pieces were brought up, and the second battle was ended after
two Americans had been killed and seven wounded.
_June 13._ The camp was moved to a less exposed position, while the
war-ships poured shell and shrapnel into the woods, and then the marines
filed solemnly out to a portion of the hill overlooking the bay where were
six newly made graves.
All the marines could not attend the funeral, many having to continue the
work of moving camp, or to rest on their guns, keeping a constant watch
for the lurking Spaniards; but all who could do so followed the stumbling
bearers of the dead over the loose gravel, and grouped themselves about
the graves.
The stretcher bearing the bodies had just been lifted to its place, and
Chaplain Jones of the _Texas_ was about to begin the reading of the burial
service, when the Spaniards began shooting at the party from the western
chaparral.
“Fall in, Company A, Company B, Company C, fall in!”
“Fall in!” was the word from one end of the camp to the other. The graves
were deserted by all save the chaplain and escort, who still stood
unmoved.
The men sprang to arms, and then placed themselves behind the rolled
tents, their knapsacks, the bushes in the hollows, boxes and piles of
stones, their rifles ready, their eyes strained into the brush.
Howitzers roared, blue smoke arose where the shells struck and burst in
the chaparral, and rifles sounded angrily.
The _Texas_ fired seven shots at the place from which the shooting came,
and the Spaniards, as usual, fled out of sight.
The funeral services had hardly been resumed when there was another
attack; but this time the pits near the old blockhouse got the range of
the malignant marksmen and shattered them with a few shots. The _Texas_
and _Panther_ shelled the brush to the eastward, but the chaplain kept
right on with the service, and from that time until night there was little
shooting from the cover.
On this day the dynamite cruiser _Vesuvius_ joined Admiral Sampson’s
fleet, and the weary marines, holding their posts on shore against
overwhelming odds, hoped that her arrival betokened the speedy coming of
the soldiers who were so sadly needed.
_June 14._ Substantial recognition was given by the Navy Department to the
members of the gallant crew who took the _Merrimac_ into the entrance of
Santiago Harbour and sunk her across the channel under the very muzzles of
the Spanish guns.
The orders sent to Admiral Sampson directed the promotion of the men as
follows:
Daniel Montague, master-at-arms, to be a boatswain, from fifty dollars a
month to thirteen hundred dollars a year.
George Charette, gunner’s mate, to be a gunner, from fifty dollars a month
to thirteen hundred dollars a year.
Rudolph Clausen, Osborne Deignan, and —— Murphy, coxswains, to be chief
boatswain’s mates, an increase of twenty dollars a month.
George F. Phillips, machinist, from forty dollars a month to seventy
dollars a month.
Francis Kelly, water tender, to be chief machinist, from thirty-seven
dollars a month to seventy dollars a month.
Lieutenant Hobson’s reward would come through Congress.
While a grateful people were discussing the manner in which their heroes
should be crowned, that little band of marines on the shore of Guantanamo
Bay, worn almost to exhaustion by the harassing fire of the enemy during
seventy-two hours, was once more battling against a vastly superior force
in point of numbers.
From the afternoon of the eleventh of June until this morning of the
fourteenth, the Americans had remained on the defensive,—seven hundred
against two thousand or more. Now, however, different tactics were to be
used. Colonel Huntington had decided that it was time to turn the tables,
and before the night was come the occupants of the graves on the crest of
the hill had been avenged.
A scouting party, made up of nine officers, two hundred and eighty
marines, and forty-one Cubans, was divided into four divisions, the first
of which had orders to destroy a water-tank from which the enemy drew
supplies. The second was to attack the Spanish camp beyond the first range
of hills. The third had for its objective point a signal-station from
which information as to the movements of the American fleet had been
flashed into Santiago. The fourth division was to act as the reserve.
In half an hour from the time of leaving camp the signal-station was in
the hands of the Americans, and the heliograph outfit lost to the enemy.
The boys of ’98 had suffered no loss, while eight Spaniards lay with faces
upturned to the rays of the burning sun.
At noon the Spanish camp had been taken, with a loss of two Cubans killed,
one American and four Cubans wounded. Twenty-three Spaniards were dead.
The water-tank was destroyed, and the enemy, panic-stricken, was fleeing
here and there, yet further harassed by a heavy fire from the _Dolphin_,
who sent her shells among the fugitives whenever they came in view.
When the day drew near its close, and the weary but triumphant marines
returned to camp, a hundred of the enemy lay out on the hills dead; more
than twice that number must have been wounded, and eighteen were being
brought in as prisoners.
[Illustration: U. S. S. VESUVIUS.]
On this night of June 14th, at the entrance to Santiago Harbour, the
dynamite cruiser _Vesuvius_—that experimental engine of destruction—was
given a test in actual warfare, and the result is thus graphically
pictured by a correspondent of the New York _Herald_:
“Three shells, each containing two hundred pounds of guncotton, were fired
last night from the dynamite guns of the _Vesuvius_ at the hill at the
western entrance to Santiago Harbour, on which there is a fort.
“The frightful execution done by those three shots will be historic.
“Guns in that fort had not been silenced when the fleet drew off after the
attack that followed the discovery of the presence of the Spanish fleet in
the harbour.
“In the intense darkness of last night the _Vesuvius_ steamed into close
range and let go one of her mysterious missiles.
“There was no flash, no smoke. There was no noise at first. The pneumatic
guns on the little cruiser did their work silently. It was only when they
felt the shock that the men on the other war-ships knew the _Vesuvius_ was
in action.
“A few seconds after the gun was fired there was a frightful convulsion on
the land. On the hill, where the Spanish guns had withstood the missiles
of the ordinary ships of war, tons of rock and soil leaped in air. The
land was smitten as by an earthquake.
“Terrible echoes rolled around through the shaken hills and mountains.
Sampson’s ships, far out at sea, trembled with the awful shock. Dust rose
to the clouds and hid the scene of destruction.
“Then came a long silence; next another frightful upheaval, and following
it a third, so quickly that the results of the work of the two mingled in
mid-air.
“Another still, and then two shots from a Spanish battery, that, after the
noise of the dynamite, sounded like the crackle of firecrackers.
“The _Vesuvius_ had tested herself. She was found perfect as a destroyer.
She proved that no fortification can withstand her terrible missiles.
“Just what damage she did I could not tell from the sea. Whatever was
within hundreds of feet of the point of impact must have gone to
destruction.”
_June 16._ On the fifteenth of June the marines at Guantanamo Bay were
given an opportunity to rest, for the lesson the Spaniards received on the
fourteenth had been a severe one, and the fleet off Santiago remained
inactive. It was but the lull before the storm of iron which was rained
upon the Spanish on the sixteenth.
The prelude to this third bombardment of Santiago was a second trial of
the _Vesuvius_ at midnight on the fifteenth, when she sent three more
250-pound charges of guncotton into the fortifications. This done, the
fleet remained like spectres, each vessel at its respective station, until
half-past three o’clock on the morning of the sixteenth, when the
bluejackets were aroused and served with coffee.
Immediately the first gray light of dawn appeared, the ships steamed in
toward the fortifications of Santiago until within three thousand yards,
and there, lying broadside on, three cables’-lengths apart, they waited
for the day to break.
It was 5.25 when the _New York_ opened with a broadside from her main
battery, and the bombardment was begun.
All along the crescent-shaped line the big guns roared and the smaller
ones crackled and snapped, each piece throughout the entire squadron being
worked with such energy that it was like one mighty, continuous wave of
crashing thunder, and from out this convulsion came projectiles of
enormous weight, until it seemed as if all that line of shore must be rent
and riven.
Not a gun was directed at El Morro, for there it was believed the brave
Hobson and his gallant comrades were held prisoners.
When the signal was given for the fleet to retire, not a man had been
wounded, nor a vessel struck by the fire from the shore.
The governor of Santiago sent the following message to Madrid relative to
the bombardment:
“The Americans fired one thousand shots. Several Spanish shells hit the
enemy’s vessels. Our losses are three killed and twenty wounded, including
two officers. The Spanish squadron was not damaged.”
While the Americans were making their presence felt at Santiago, those who
held Guantanamo Bay were not idle. The _Texas_, _Marblehead_, and the
_Suwanee_ bombarded the brick fort and earthworks at Caimanera, at the
terminus of the railroad leading to the city of Guantanamo, demolishing
them entirely after an hour and a half of firing. When the Spaniards fled
from the fortifications, the _St. Paul_ shelled them until they were
hidden in the surrounding forest.
An hour or more after the bombardment ceased the _Marblehead’s_ steam
launch began dragging the harbour near the fort for mines. One was found
and taken up, and while it was being towed to the war-ship a party of
Spaniards on shore opened fire. The launch headed toward shore and began
banging away, but the bow gun finally kicked overboard, carrying the
gunner with it. At this moment the enemy beat a prompt retreat; the gunner
was pulled inboard, and the bluejackets continued their interrupted work.
_June 17._ Next day the batteries on Hicacal Point and Hospital Cay were
shelled, the _Marblehead_ and the _St. Paul_ attending to the first, and
the _Suwanee_ caring for the latter, while the _Dolphin_ and even the
collier _Scindia_ fired a few shots for diversion. The task was concluded
in less than half an hour, and had no more than come to an end when a
small sloop was sighted off the entrance to the bay.
The _Marblehead’s_ steam launch was sent in pursuit, and an hour later
returned with the prize, which proved to be the _Chato_. Her crew of five
were taken on board the _Marblehead_ as prisoners.
_June 18._ The active little steam launch made another capture next day
while cruising outside the bay; a nameless sloop, on which were four men
who claimed to have been sent from the lighthouse at Cape Maysi to
Guantanamo City for oil. There were strong reasons for believing this
party had come to spy out the position of the American ships, and all were
transferred to the _Marblehead_.
The crew of the _Oregon_ had gun practice again on this day when they
shelled and destroyed a blockhouse three miles up the bay, killing, so it
was reported, no less than twenty of the enemy.
The first vessel of a long-expected fleet of transports, carrying the
second detachment of General Shafter’s army, hove in sight of Admiral
Sampson’s squadron on the evening of June 18th, and next morning at
daylight the launches of the _New York_ and _Massachusetts_ reconnoitred
the shore between Cabanas, two miles off the entrance to Santiago Harbour,
and Guayaganaco, two miles farther west, in search of a landing-place.
Lieutenant Harlow, in command of the expedition, made the following
report:
“The expedition consisted of a steam launch from the _Massachusetts_, in
charge of Cadet Hart, and a launch from the _New York_, in charge of Cadet
Powell. I took passage on the _Massachusetts’_ launch, leading the way.
Soundings were taken on entering the bay close under the old fort, and we
were preparing to circumnavigate the bay at full speed when fire was
opened from the fort and rocks on the shore. The _Massachusetts’_ launch
was some distance ahead and about forty yards off the fort. There was no
room to turn, and our 1-pounder could not be brought to bear. We backed
and turned under a heavy fire.
“Cadet Hart operated the gun as soon as it could be brought to bear,
sitting exposed in the bow, and working the gun as coolly and carefully as
at target practice.
“Cadet Powell had been firing since the Spaniards opened. He was also
perfectly cool. Both launches ran out under a heavy fire of from six to
eight minutes. I estimate that there were twenty-five Spaniards on the
parapet of the old fort. The number along shore was larger, but
indefinite. The launches, as soon as it was practicable, sheered to give
the _Vixen_ the range of the fort. The _Vixen_ and the _Texas_ silenced
the shore fire promptly.
“I strongly commend Cadet Hart and Cadet Powell for the cool management of
the launches. One launch was struck seven times. Nobody in either was
hurt. A bullet struck a shell at Cadet Hart’s feet between the projectile
and the powder, but failed to explode the latter.
“Coxswain O’Donnell and Seaman Bloom are commended, as is also the
coolness with which the marines and sailors worked under the Spanish fire.
“Nothing was learned at Cabanas Bay, but at Guayaganaco it is evident a
landing is practicable for ships’ boats. The same is true of Rancho Cruz,
a small bay to the eastward. Both would be valuable with Cabanas, but
useless without it.
“I am informed that to the north and westward of Cabanas Bay there is a
large clearing, with plenty of grass and water.
“I think a simultaneous landing at the three places named would be
practicable if the ships shelled the adjacent wood. A junction would
naturally follow at the clearing.”
Cuban scouts reported to Colonel Huntington on Guantanamo Bay that the
streets of Caimanera have been covered with straw saturated in oil, in
order that the city may be destroyed when the Americans evince any
disposition to take possession. The Spanish gunboat _Sandoval_, lying at
one of the piers, has been loaded with inflammables, and will be burned
with the city, her commander declaring that she shall never become an
American prize.
During this Sunday night the _Vesuvius_ again discharged her dynamite
guns, with the western battery as a target, and because of the frightful
report which followed the second shot, it was believed a magazine had been
exploded.
_June 20._ The fleet of transports arrived off Santiago at noon on the
twentieth, and hove to outside the cordon of war-vessels. General Shafter
immediately went on board the flag-ship, and returned to his own ship an
hour later in company with Admiral Sampson, when the two officers sailed
for Asserradero, seventeen miles from Santiago, where General Calixto
Garcia was encamped with his army of four thousand Cubans. Here a long
conference was held with the insurgent general, after which the two
commanders returned to the fleet.
_June 21._ The despatch quoted below was sent by Admiral Sampson to the
Navy Department, and gives in full the work of the day:
“Landing of the army is progressing favorably at Daiquiri. There is very
little, if any, resistance. The _New Orleans_, _Detroit_, _Castine_,
_Wasp_, and _Suwanee_ shelled the vicinity before the landing. We made a
demonstration at Cabanas to engage the attention of the enemy. The _Texas_
engaged the west battery for some hours. She had one man killed. Ten
submarine mines have been recovered from the channel of Guantanamo.
Communication by telegraph has been established at Guantanamo.”
Daiquiri was chosen as the point of debarkation by General Shafter, and
its only fortifications were a blockhouse on a high cliff to the right of
an iron pier, together with a small fort and earthworks in the rear. From
this town extends a good road to Santiago, and in the immediate vicinity
of the port the water-supply is plentiful.
_June 22._ Bombarding the coast as a cover for the troops which were being
disembarked, was the principal work of the war-ships on the twenty-second
of June, except in Guantanamo Harbour, where volunteers were called for
from the _Marblehead_ and the _Dolphin_ to grapple for and remove the
contact mines in the harbour. It was an undertaking as perilous as
anything that had yet been accomplished, but the bluejackets showed no
fear. Four times the designated number came forward in response to the
call, and before nightfall seven mines had been removed.
[Illustration: U. S. S. TEXAS.]
The battle-ship _Texas_ was assigned to duty off Matamoras, the works of
which were to be bombarded as a portion of the general programme for this
day while the troops were being landed. The men of the _Texas_ performed
their part well; the Socapa battery was quickly silenced; but not quite
soon enough to save the life of one brave bluejacket. The last shell fired
by the retreating Spaniards struck the battle-ship twenty feet abaft the
stem on the port side. It passed through the hull about three feet below
the main-deck line, and failed to explode until striking an iron stanchion
at the centre line of the berth-deck. Here were two guns’ crews, and among
them the fragments of the shell flew in a deadly shower, killing one and
wounding eight. Later in the day the _Texas_ steamed out to sea to bury
the dead, and, this sad duty performed, returned before nightfall to her
station on the blockade.
_June 23._ General Shafter thus reported to the War Department:
“Daiquiri, June 23.—Had very fine voyage; lost less than fifty animals,
six or eight to-day; lost more putting them through the surf to land, than
on transports.
“Command as healthy as when we left; eighty men sick; only deaths, two men
drowned in landing; landings difficult; coast quite similar to that in
vicinity of San Francisco, and covered with dense growth of bushes.
Landing at Daiquiri unopposed; all points occupied by Spanish troops
heavily bombarded by navy to clear them out.
“Sent troops toward Santiago, and occupied Juragua, a naturally strong
place, this morning. Spanish troops retreating as soon as our advance was
known. Had no mounted troops, or could have captured them, about six
hundred all told.
“Railroad from there in. Have cars and engine in possession.
“With assistance of navy disembarked six thousand men yesterday, and as
many more to-day.
“Will get all troops off to-morrow, including light artillery and greater
portion of pack-train, probably all of it, with some of the wagons;
animals have to be jumped to the water and towed ashore.
“Had consultation with Generals Garcia, Rader and Castillo, on afternoon
of twentieth, twenty miles west of Santiago. These officers were
unanimously of the opinion that the landing should be made east of
Santiago. I had come to the same conclusion.
“General Garcia promises to join me at Juragua to-morrow with between
three thousand and four thousand men, who will be brought from west of
Santiago by ships of the navy to Juragua, and there disembarked.
“This will give me between four thousand and five thousand Cubans, and
leave one thousand under General Rabi to threaten Santiago from the west.
“General Kent’s division is being disembarked this afternoon at Juragua,
and this will be continued during the night. The assistance of the navy
has been of the greatest benefit and enthusiastically given; without them
I could not have landed in ten days, and perhaps not at all, as I believe
I should have lost so many boats in the surf.
“At present want nothing; weather has been good, no rain on land, and
prospects of fair weather.
“SHAFTER,
“_Major-General U. S. Commanding._”
The boys of ’98 occupied the town of Aguadores before nightfall on the
twenty-third of June, the Spaniards having applied the torch to many
buildings before they fled. The enemy was driven back on to Santiago,
General Linares commanding in person, and close to his heels hung General
Lawton and the advance of the American forces.
_June 24._ It was evident that the Spanish intended to make a stand at
Sevilla, six miles from Juragua, and five miles from Santiago. The
Americans were pressing them hotly to prevent General Linares from gaining
time to make preparations for an encounter, when the Rough Riders, as
Colonel Wood’s regiment was termed, and the First and Tenth Cavalry fell
into an ambuscade. Then what will probably be known as the battle of La
Quasina was fought.
It is thus described by a correspondent of the Associated Press:
That the Spaniards were thoroughly posted as to the route to be taken by
the Americans in their movement toward Sevilla was evident, as shown by
the careful preparations they had made.
The main body of the Spaniards was posted on a hill, on the heavily wooded
slopes of which had been erected two blockhouses flanked by irregular
intrenchments of stone and fallen trees. At the bottom of these hills run
two roads, along which Lieutenant-Colonel Roosevelt’s men, and eight
troops of the First and Tenth Cavalry, with a battery of four howitzers,
advanced. These roads are but little more than gullies, rough and narrow,
and at places almost impassable.
In these trails the fight occurred. Nearly half a mile separated
Roosevelt’s men from the regulars, and between, and on both sides of the
road in the thick underbrush, was concealed a force of Spaniards that must
have been large, judging from the terrific and constant fire they poured
in on the Americans.
The fight was opened by the First and Tenth Cavalry, under General Young.
A force of Spaniards was known to be in the vicinity of La Quasina, and
early in the morning Lieutenant-Colonel Roosevelt’s men started off up the
precipitous bluff, back of Siboney, to attack the enemy on his right
flank. General Young at the same time took the road at the foot of the
hill.
[Illustration: COLONEL THEODORE ROOSEVELT.]
About two and one-half miles out from Siboney some Cubans, breathless and
excited, rushed into camp with the announcement that the Spaniards were
but a little way in front, and were strongly entrenched. Quickly the
Hotchkiss guns in the front were brought to the rear, while a strong
scouting line was thrown out.
Then cautiously and in silence the troops moved forward until a bend in
the road disclosed a hill where the Spaniards were located. The guns were
again brought to the front and placed in position, while the men crouched
down in the road, waiting impatiently to give Roosevelt’s men, who were
toiling over the little trail along the crest of the hill, time to get up.
At 7.30 A. M. General Young gave the command to the men at the Hotchkiss
guns to open fire. That command was the signal for a fight that for
stubbornness has seldom been equalled. The instant the Hotchkiss guns were
fired, from the hillside commanding the road came volley after volley from
the Mausers of the Spaniards.
“Don’t shoot until you see something to shoot at,” yelled General Young,
and the men, with set jaws and gleaming eyes, obeyed the order. Crawling
along the edge of the road, they protected themselves as much as possible
from the fearful fire of the Spaniards, the troopers, some of them
stripped to the waist, watching the base of the hill, and when any part of
a Spaniard became visible, they fired. Never for an instant did they
falter.
One dusky warrior of the Tenth Cavalry, with a ragged wound in his thigh,
coolly knelt behind a rock, loading and firing, and when told by one of
his comrades that he was wounded, laughed and said:
“Oh, that’s all right. That’s been there for some time.”
In the meantime, away off to the left could be heard the crack of the
rifles of Colonel Wood’s men, and the regular, deeper-toned volley-firing
of the Spaniards.
Over there the American losses were the greatest. Colonel Wood’s men, with
an advance-guard well out in front, and two Cuban guides before them, but
apparently with no flankers, went squarely into the trap set for them by
the Spaniards, and only the unfaltering courage of the men in the face of
a fire that would even make a veteran quail, prevented what might easily
have been a disaster. As it was, Troop L, the advance-guard under the
unfortunate Captain Capron, was almost surrounded, and but for the
reinforcement hurriedly sent forward every man would probably have been
killed or wounded.
When the reserves came up there was no hesitation. Colonel Wood, with the
right wing, charged straight at a blockhouse eight hundred yards away, and
Colonel Roosevelt, on the left, charged at the same time. Up the men went,
yelling like fiends, and never stopping to return the fire of the
Spaniards, but keeping on with a grim determination to capture that
blockhouse.
That charge was the end. When within five hundred yards of the coveted
point, the Spaniards broke and ran, and for the first time the boys of ’98
had the pleasure which the Spaniards had been experiencing all through the
engagement, of shooting with the enemy in sight.
The losses among the Rough Riders were reported as thirteen killed and
forty wounded; while the First Cavalry lost sixteen wounded. Edward
Marshall, a newspaper correspondent, was seriously wounded.
While the land-forces were fighting four miles northwest of Juragua,
Rear-Admiral Sampson learned that the Spaniards were endeavouring to
destroy the railroad leading from Juragua to Santiago de Cuba.
This road runs west along the seashore, under cover of the guns of the
American fleet, until within three miles of El Morro, and then cuts
through the mountains along the river into Santiago.
When the attempt of the Spaniards was discovered, the _New York_,
_Scorpion_, and _Wasp_ closed in and cleared the hill and brush of
Spaniards.
_June 26._ The American lines were advanced to within four miles of
Santiago, and the boys could look into the doomed city. It was possible to
make accurate note of the defences, and most likely officers as well as
men were astonished by the preparations which had been made.
There were blockhouses on every hill; from the harbour batteries, sweeping
in a semicircle to the eastward of the city, were rifle-pits and
intrenchments skilfully arranged. Earthworks, in a regular line,
completely shut off approach to the city, and in front of the
entrenchments and rifle-pits were barbed-wire fences, or trochas.
Three more charges of guncotton did the dynamite cruiser _Vesuvius_ throw
into the batteries at the mouth of Santiago Harbour on the night of June
26th, and next morning the evidences of her work could be seen on the
western battery, a portion of which was in ruins. The water-mains which
supplied the city of Santiago were cut on the same night, and the doomed
city thus brought so much nearer to capitulation.
_July 1._ Knowing that with the close of June the American army was in
readiness for a decisive action, the people waited anxiously, tearfully,
for the first terrible word which should be received telling of slaughter
and woeful suffering, and it came on the evening of July 1st, when the
cablegram given below was flashed over the wires to the War Department:
“PLAYA DEL ESTE, July 1, 1898.
“_A. G. O., U. S. Army, Washington_:
“Siboney, July 1. Had a very heavy engagement to-day, which lasted from
eight A. M. till sundown.
“We have carried their outer works and are now in possession of them.
“There is now about three-quarters of a mile of open country between my
lines and city; by morning troops will be entrenched and considerable
augmentation of forces will be there.
“General Lawton’s division and General Bates’s brigade, which had been
engaged all day in carrying El Caney, which was accomplished at four
P. M., will be in line and in front of Santiago during the night.
“I regret to say that our casualties will be above four hundred; of these
not many are killed.
(Signed) “W. R. SHAFTER, _Major-General_.”
CHAPTER XI.
EL CANEY AND SAN JUAN HEIGHTS.
General W. R. Shafter, in his official report of the operations around
Santiago, says:
“On June 30th I reconnoitred the country about Santiago and made my plan
of attack. From a high hill, from which the city was in plain view, I
could see the San Juan Hill and the country about El Caney. The roads were
very poor and, indeed, little better than bridle-paths until the San Juan
River and El Caney were reached. The position of El Caney, to the
northeast of Santiago, was of great importance to the enemy, as holding
the Guantanamo road, as well as furnishing shelter for a strong outpost
that might be used to assail the right flank of any force operating
against San Juan Hill. In view of this, I decided to begin the attack next
day at El Caney with one division, while sending two divisions on the
direct road to Santiago, passing by the El Pozo house, and as a diversion
to direct a small force against Aguadores, from Siboney along the railroad
by the sea, with a view of attracting the attention of the Spaniards in
the latter direction, and of preventing them from attacking our left
flank.... But we were in a sickly climate; our supplies had to be brought
forward by a narrow wagon-road which the rain might at any time render
impassable; fear was entertained that a storm might drive the vessels
containing our stores to sea, thus separating us from our base of
supplies, and, lastly, it was reported that General Pando, with eight
thousand reinforcements for the enemy, was en route for Manzanillo, and
might be expected in a few days. Under these conditions I determined to
give battle without delay.
[Illustration: MAJOR-GENERAL SHAFTER.]
“Early on the morning of July 1st Lawton was in position around El Caney,
Chaffee’s brigade on the right across the Guantanamo road, Miles’s brigade
in the centre and Ludlow’s on the left. The duty of cutting off the
enemy’s retreat along the Santiago road was assigned to the latter
brigade. The artillery opened on the town at 6.15 A. M. The battle here
soon became general, and was hotly contested. The enemy’s position was
naturally strong, and was rendered more so by blockhouses, a stone fort
and entrenchments cut in solid rock, and the loopholing of a solidly built
stone church. The opposition offered by the enemy was greater than had
been anticipated, and prevented Lawton from joining the right of the main
line during the day, as had been intended. After the battle had continued
for some time, Bates’s brigade of two regiments reached my headquarters
from Siboney. I directed him to move near El Caney, to give assistance if
necessary. He did so, and was put in position between Miles and Chaffee.
The battle continued with varying intensity during most of the day and
until the place was carried by assault about 4.30 P. M. As the Spaniards
endeavoured to retreat along the Santiago road, Ludlow’s position enabled
him to do very effective work, and practically to cut off all retreat in
that direction.
“After the battle at El Caney was well opened, and the sound of the
small-arms fire caused us to believe that Lawton was driving the enemy
before him, I directed Grimes’s battery to open fire from the heights of
El Pozo on the San Juan blockhouse, situated in the enemy’s entrenchments,
extending along the crest of San Juan Hill. This fire was effective, and
the enemy could be seen running away from the vicinity of the blockhouse.
The artillery fire from El Pozo was soon returned by the enemy’s
artillery. They evidently had the range of this hill, and their first
shells killed and wounded several men. As the Spaniards used smokeless
powder, it was very difficult to locate the position of their pieces,
while, on the contrary, the smoke caused by our black powder plainly
indicated the position of our battery.
“At this time the cavalry division, under General Sumner, which was lying
concealed in the general vicinity of the El Pozo house, was ordered
forward with directions to cross the San Juan River and deploy to the
right on the Santiago side, while Kent’s division was to follow closely in
its rear and deploy to the left. These troops moved forward in compliance
with orders, but the road was so narrow as to render it impracticable to
retain the column of fours formation at all points, while the undergrowth
on both sides was so dense as to preclude the possibility of deploying
skirmishers. It naturally resulted that the progress made was slow, and
the long-range rifles of the enemy’s infantry killed and wounded a number
of our men while marching along this road, and before there was any
opportunity to return this fire. At this time Generals Kent and Sumner
were ordered to push forward with all possible haste, and place their
troops in position to engage the enemy. General Kent, with this end in
view, forced the head of his column alongside the cavalry column as far as
the narrow trail permitted, and thus hurried his arrival at the San Juan,
and the formation beyond that stream. A few hundred yards before reaching
the San Juan, the road forks, a fact that was discovered by
Lieutenant-Colonel Derby of my staff, who had approached well to the front
in a war balloon. This information he furnished to the troops, resulting
in Sumner moving on the right-hand road while Kent was enabled to utilise
the road to the left. General Wheeler, the permanent commander of the
cavalry division, who had been ill, came forward during the morning, and
later returned to duty and rendered most gallant and efficient service
during the remainder of the day. After crossing the stream the cavalry
moved to the right, with a view to connecting with Lawton’s left when he
would come up, with their left resting near the Santiago road.
“In the meantime, Kent’s division, with the exception of two regiments of
Hawkins’s brigade, being thus uncovered, moved rapidly to the front from
the forks previously mentioned in the road, utilising both trails, but
more especially the one to the left, and, crossing the creek, formed for
attack in the front of San Juan Hill. During this formation the Third
Brigade suffered severely. While personally superintending this movement
its gallant commander, Colonel Wikoff, was killed. The command of the
brigade then devolved upon Lieutenant-Colonel Worth, Thirteenth Infantry,
who was soon severely wounded, and next upon Lieutenant-Colonel Liscum,
Twenty-fourth Infantry, who, five minutes later, also fell under the
terrible fire of the enemy, and the command of the brigade then devolved
upon Lieutenant-Colonel Ewers of the Ninth Infantry.
“While the formation just described was taking place, General Kent took
measures to hurry forward his rear brigade. The Tenth and Second Infantry
were ordered to follow Wikoff’s brigade, while the Twenty-first was sent
on the right-hand road to support the First Brigade under General Hawkins,
who had crossed the stream and formed on the right of the division. The
Second and Tenth Infantry, Colonel E. P. Pearson commanding, moved forward
in good order on the left of the division, passing over a green knoll, and
drove the enemy back toward his trenches.
[Illustration: THE ATTACK ON SAN JUAN HILL.]
“After completing their formation under a destructive fire, advancing a
short distance, both divisions found in their front a wide bottom, in
which had been placed a barbed-wire entanglement, and beyond which there
was a high hill, along the crest of which the enemy was strongly posted.
Nothing daunted, these gallant men pushed on to drive the enemy from his
chosen position, both divisions losing heavily. In this assault Colonel
Hamilton, Lieutenants Smith and Shipp were killed, and Colonel Carroll,
Lieutenants Thayer and Myer, all in the cavalry, were wounded. Great
credit is due to Brigadier-General H. S. Hawkins, who, placing himself
between his regiments, urged them on by voice and bugle-call to the attack
so brilliantly executed.
“In this fierce encounter words fail to do justice to the gallant
regimental commanders and their heroic men, for, while the generals
indicated the formation and the points of attack, it was, after all, the
intrepid bravery of the subordinate officers and men that planted our
colours on the crest of San Juan Hill and drove the enemy from his
trenches and blockhouses, thus gaining a position which sealed the fate of
Santiago.
“In the action on this part of the field, most efficient service was
rendered by Lieutenant J. H. Parker, Thirteenth Infantry, and the Gatling
gun detachment under his command.
“The fighting continued at intervals until nightfall, but our men held
resolutely to the position gained at the cost of so much blood and toil.
“On the night of July 1st I ordered General Duffield, at Siboney, to send
forward the Thirty-fourth Michigan and the Ninth Massachusetts, both of
which had just arrived from the United States.
“All day on the second the battle raged with more or less fury, but such
of our troops as were in position at daylight held their ground, and
Lawton gained a strong and commanding position on the right. About ten
P. M. the enemy made a vigorous assault to break through my lines, but he
was repulsed at all points.
“On the morning of the third the battle was renewed, but the enemy seemed
to have expended his energy in the assault of the previous night, and the
firing along the line was desultory.”
Such is the official report of the battle before Santiago, where were
killed of the American forces twenty-three officers, and 208 men; wounded
eighty officers, and 1,203 men; missing, eighty-one; total, 1,595.
An account of any engagement is made more vivid by a recital of those who
participated in the bloody work, since the commanding officer views the
action as a whole, and purely from a military standpoint, while the
private, who may know little or nothing regarding the general outcome,
understands full well what took place immediately around him. Mr. W. K.
Hearst, the proprietor of the New York _Journal_, told the following
graphic story in the columns of his paper:
“I set out before daybreak this morning on horseback with Honore Laine,
who is a colonel in the Cuban army. We rode over eight miles of difficult
country which intervenes between the army base, on the coast, and the
fighting line, which is being driven forward toward Santiago.
“Pozo, as a position for our battery, was ill chosen. The Spaniards had
formerly occupied it as a fort, and they knew precisely the distance to it
from their guns, and so began their fight with the advantage of a perfect
knowledge of the range.
“Their first shell spattered shrapnel in a very unpleasant way all over
the tiled roof of the white house at the back of the ridge. It was the
doors of this house which we were approaching for shelter, and later, when
we came to take our luncheon, we found that a shrapnel ball had passed
clean through one of our cans of pressed beef which our pack-mule was
carrying.
“We turned here to the right toward our battery on the ridge. When we were
half-way between the white house and the battery, the second shell which
the Spaniards fired burst above the American battery, not ten feet over
the heads of our men. Six of our fellows were killed, and sixteen wounded.
“The men in the battery wavered for a minute; then rallied and returned to
their guns, and the firing went on. We passed from there to the right
again, where General Shafter’s war balloon was ascending. Six shells fell
in this vicinity, and then our batteries ceased firing.
“The smoke clouds from our guns were forming altogether too plain a target
for the Spaniards. There was no trace to be seen of the enemy’s batteries,
by reason of their use of smokeless powder.
“Off to the far right of our line of formation, Captain Capron’s
artillery, which had come through from Daiquiri without rest, could be
heard banging away at Caney. We had started with a view of getting where
we could observe artillery operations, so we directed our force thither.
“We found Captain Capron blazing away with four guns, where he should have
had a dozen. He had begun shelling Caney at four o’clock in the morning.
It was now noon, and he was still firing. He was aiming to reduce the
large stone fort which stood on the hill above the town and commanded it.
Captain O’Connell had laid a wager that the first shot of some one of the
four guns would hit the fort, and he had won his bet. Since that time
dozens of shells had struck the fort, but it was not yet reduced. It had
been much weakened, however.
“Through glasses our infantry could be seen advancing toward this fort. As
the cannon at our side would bang, and the shell would swish through the
air with its querulous, vicious, whining note, we would watch its
explosion, and then turn our attention to the little black specks of
infantry dodging in and out among the groups of trees. Now they would
disappear wholly from sight in the brush, and again would be seen hurrying
along the open spaces, over the grass-covered slopes, or across ploughed
fields. The infantry firing was ceaseless, our men popping away
continuously, as a string of firecrackers pops.
“The Spaniards fired in volleys against our men. Many times we heard the
volley fire, and saw the brave fellows pitch forward and lie still on the
turf, while the others hurried on to the next protecting clump of bushes.
“For hours the Spaniards had poured their fire from slits in the stone
fort, from their deep trenches, and from the windows of the town. For
hours our men answered back from trees and brush and gullies. For hours
cannon at our side banged and shells screamed through air and fell upon
fort and town. Always our infantry advanced, drawing nearer and closing up
on the village, till at last they formed under a group of mangrove-trees
at the foot of the very hill on which the stone fort stood.
“With a rush they swept up the slope and the stone fort was ours. Then you
should have heard the yells that went up from the knoll on which our
battery stood. Gunners, drivers, Cubans, correspondents, swung their hats
and gave a mighty cheer. Immediately our battery stopped firing for fear
we should hurt our own men, and, dashing down into the valley, hurried
across to take up a position near the infantry, who were now firing on
Caney from the blockhouse. The town artillery had not sent half a dozen
shots from its new position before the musketry firing ceased, and the
Spaniards, broken into small bunches, fled from Caney in the direction of
Santiago.
“Laine and I hurried up to the stone fort and found that James Creelman, a
_Journal_ correspondent with the infantry column, had been seriously
wounded and was lying in the Twelfth Infantry hospital. Our men were still
firing an occasional shot, and from blockhouses and isolated trenches,
from which the Spaniards could not safely retreat, flags of truce were
waving.
“Guns and side-arms were being taken away from such Spaniards as had
outlived the pitiless fire, and their dead were being dumped without
ceremony into the trenches, after the Spanish fashion.
“When I left the fort to hunt for Creelman, I found him, bloody and
bandaged, lying on his back on a blanket on the ground, but shown all care
and attention that kindly and skilful surgeons could give him. His first
words to me were that he was afraid he could not write much of a story, as
he was pretty well dazed, but if I would write for him he would dictate
the best he could. I sat down among the wounded, and Creelman told me his
story of the fight. Here it is:
“‘The extraordinary thing in this fight of all the fights I have seen, is
the enormous amount of ammunition fired. There was a continuous roar of
musketry from four o’clock in the morning until four in the afternoon.
[Illustration: VICE-PRESIDENT HOBART.]
“‘Chaffee’s brigade began the fight by moving along the extreme right,
with Ludlow down in the low country to the left of Caney. General
Chaffee’s brigade consisted of the Seventeenth, Seventh, and Twelfth
Infantry, and was without artillery. It occupied the extreme right.
“‘The formation was like two sides of an equilateral triangle, Ludlow to
the south, and Chaffee to the east.
“‘Ludlow began firing through the brush, and we could see through the
palm-trees and tangle of bushes the brown and blue figures of our soldiers
in a line a mile long, stealing from tree to tree, bush to bush, firing as
they went.
“‘Up here on the heights General Chaffee, facing Caney, moved his troops
very early in the morning, and the battle opened by Ludlow’s artillery
firing on the fort and knocking several holes in it.
“‘The artillery kept up a steady fire on the fort and town, and finally
demolished the fort. Several times the Spaniards were driven from it, but
each time they returned before our infantry could approach it.
“‘Our artillery had but four small guns, and, though they fired with great
accuracy, it was ten hours before they finally reduced the stone fort on
the hill and enabled our infantry to take possession.
“‘The Twelfth Infantry constituted the left of our attack, the Seventeenth
held the right, while the Seventh, made up largely of recruits, occupied
the centre.
“‘The Spanish fired from loopholes in the stone houses of the town, and,
furthermore, were massed in trenches on the east side of the fort. They
fought like devils.
“‘From all the ridges round about the stream of fire was kept up on
Chaffee’s men, who were kept wondering how they were being wounded. For a
time they thought General Ludlow’s men were on the opposite side of the
fort and were firing over it.
“‘The fact was the fire came from heavy breastworks on the northwest
corner of Caney, where the principal Spanish force lay, with their hats on
sticks to deceive our riflemen. From this position the enemy poured in a
fearful fire. The Seventeenth had to lie down flat under the pounding, but
even then men were killed.
“‘General Chaffee dashed about with his hat on the back of his head like a
magnificent cowboy, urging his men on, crying to them to get in and help
their country win a victory. Smokeless powder makes it impossible to
locate the enemy, and you wonder where the fire comes from. When you stand
up to see you get a bullet.
“‘We finally located the trenches, and could see the officers moving about
urging their men. The enemy was making a turning movement to the right. To
turn the left of the Spanish position it was necessary to get a
blockhouse, which held the right of our line. General Chaffee detailed
Captain Clark to approach and occupy this blockhouse as soon as the
artillery had sufficiently harried its Spanish defenders.
“‘Clark and Captain Haskell started up the slope. I told them I had been
on the ridge and knew the condition of affairs, so I would show them the
way.
“‘We pushed right up to the trench around the fort, and, getting out our
wire-cutters, severed the barbed wire in front of it. I jumped over the
severed strand and got into the trench.
“‘It was a horrible, blood-splashed thing, and an inferno of agony. Many
men lay dead, with gleaming teeth, and hands clutching their throats.
Others were crawling there alive.
“‘I shouted to the survivors to surrender, and they held up their hands.
“‘Then I ran into the fort and found there a Spanish officer and four men
alive, while seven lay dead in one room. The whole floor ran with blood.
Blood splashed all the walls. It was a perfect hog-pen of butchery.
“‘Three poor wretches put their hands together in supplication. One had a
white handkerchief tied on a stick. This he lifted and moved toward me.
The other held up his hands, while the third began to pray and plead.
“‘I took the guns from all three and threw them outside the fort. Then I
called some of our men and put them in charge of the prisoners.
“‘I then got out of the fort, ran around to the other side, and secured
the Spanish flag. I displayed it to our troops, and they cheered lustily.
“‘Just as I turned to speak to Captain Haskell I was struck by a bullet
from the trenches on the Spanish side.’”
Before five o’clock, on the morning of July 2d, the crew of the flag-ship
_New York_ was astir, eating a hurried breakfast.
At 5.50 general quarters was sounded, and the flag-ship headed in toward
Aguadores, about three miles east of Morro Castle. The other ships
retained their blockading stations. Along the surf-beaten shore the smoke
of an approaching train from Altares was seen. It was composed of open
cars full of General Duffield’s troops.
At a cutting a mile east of Aguadores the train stopped, and the Cuban
scouts proceeded along the railroad track. The troops got out of the cars,
and soon formed in a long, thin line, standing out vividly against the
yellow rocks that rose perpendicularly above, shutting them off from the
main body of the army, which was on the other side of the hill, several
miles north.
From the quarter of the flag-ship there was a signal, by a vigorously
wigwagged letter, and a few minutes later, from a clump of green at the
water’s edge, came an answer from the army. This was the first coöperation
for offensive purposes between the army and navy. The landing of the army
at Daiquiri and Altares was purely a naval affair.
[Illustration: U. S. S. NEWARK.]
With the flag in his hand, the soldier ashore looked like a butterfly.
“Are you waiting for us to begin?” was the signal made by Rear-Admiral
Sampson to the army.
“General Duffield is ahead with the scouts,” came the answer from the
shore to the flag-ship.
By this time it was seven A. M. The admiral ran the flag-ship’s bow within
three-quarters of a mile of the beach. She remained almost as near during
the forenoon, and the daring way she was handled by Captain Chadwick,
within sound of the breakers, made the Cuban pilot on board stare with
astonishment.
The _Suwanee_ was in company with the flag-ship, still closer inshore, and
the _Gloucester_ was to the westward, near Morro Castle. From the
southward the _Newark_ came up and took a position to the westward. Her
decks were black with fifteen hundred or more troops.
She went alongside of the flag-ship, and was told to disembark the troops
at Altares.
Then Admiral Sampson signalled to General Duffield:
“When do you want us to commence firing?”
In a little while a white flag on shore sent back the answer:
“When the rest of the command arrives; then I will signal you.”
It was a long and tedious wait for the ships before the second fifty
car-loads of troops came puffing along from Altares.
By 9.30 the last of the soldiers had left the open railroad tracks,
disappearing in the thick brush that covered the eastern side of Aguadores
inlet.
The water in the sponge tubes under the breeches of the big guns was
growing hot in the burning sun.
Ashore there was no sign of the Spaniards. They were believed to be on the
western bluff.
Between the bluffs ran a rocky gully, leading into Santiago City. On the
extremity of the western arm was an old castellated fort, from which the
Spanish flag was flying, and on the parapet on the eastern hill,
commanding the gully, two stretches of red earth could easily be seen
against the brush. These were the rifle-pits.
At 10.15 a signal-flag ashore wigwagged to Admiral Sampson to commence
firing, and a minute later the _New York’s_ guns blazed away at the
rifle-pits and at the old fort.
The _Suwanee_ and _Gloucester_ joined in the firing.
Of our troops ashore in the brush nothing could be seen, but the ping,
ping, of the small arms of the army floated out to sea during the
occasional lull in the firing of the big guns, which peppered the
rifle-pits until clouds of red earth rose above them.
An 8-inch shell from the _Newark_ dropped in the massive old fort, and
clouds of white dust and huge stones filled the air. When the small shells
hit its battlements, almost hidden by green creepers, fragments of masonry
came tumbling down. A shot from the _Suwanee_ hit the eastern parapet, and
it crumbled away. Amid the smoke and débris, the flagstaff was seen to
fall forward.
“The flag has been shot down!” shouted the ship’s crew, but, when the
smoke cleared away, the emblem of Spain was seen to be still flying and
blazing brilliantly in the sun, though the flagstaff was bending toward
the earth.
A few more shots from the _Suwanee_ levelled the battlements until the old
castle was a pitiful sight.
When the firing ceased, Lieutenant Delehanty of the _Suwanee_ was anxious
to finish his work, so he signalled to the _New York_, asking permission
to knock down the Spanish flag.
“Yes,” replied Admiral Sampson, “if you can do it in three shots.”
The _Suwanee_ then lay about sixteen hundred yards from the old fort. She
took her time. Lieutenant Blue carefully aimed the 4-inch gun, and the
crews of all the ships watched the incident amid intense excitement.
When the smoke of the _Suwanee’s_ first shot cleared away, only two red
streamers of the flag were left. The shell had gone through the centre of
the bunting.
A delighted yell broke from the crew of the _Suwanee_.
Two or three minutes later the _Suwanee_ fired again, and a huge cloud of
débris rose from the base of the flagstaff.
For a few seconds it was impossible to tell what had been the effect of
the shot. Then it was seen that the shell had only added to the ruin of
the fort.
The flagstaff seemed to have a charmed existence, and the _Suwanee_ only
had one charge left. It seemed hardly possible for her to achieve her
object with the big gun, such a distance, and such a tiny target.
There was breathless silence among the watching crews. They crowded on the
ships’ decks, and all eyes were on that tattered flag, bending toward the
top of what had once been a grand old castle. But it was only bending, not
yet down. Lieutenant-Commander Delehanty and Lieutenant Blue took their
time. The _Suwanee_ changed her position slightly.
Then a puff of smoke shot out from her side, up went a shooting cloud of
débris from the parapet, and down fell the banner of Spain.
Such yells from the flag-ship will probably never be heard again. There
was more excitement than witnessed at the finish of a college boat-race,
or a popular race between first-class thoroughbreds on some big track.
The _Suwanee’s_ last shot had struck right at the base of the flagstaff,
and had blown it clear of the wreckage, which had held it from finishing
its fall.
“Well done!” signalled Admiral Sampson to Lieutenant-Commander Delehanty.
At 11.30 General Duffield signalled that his scouts reported that no
damage had been done to the Spanish rifle-pits by the shells from the
ships, and Admiral Sampson told him they had been hit several times, but
that there was no one in the pits. However, the _Suwanee_ was ordered to
fire a few more shots in their direction.
[Illustration: ADMIRAL W. T. SAMPSON.]
At 12.18 P. M. the _New York_ having discontinued fire at Aguadores,
commenced firing 8-inch shells clear over the gully into the city of
Santiago de Cuba. Every five minutes the shells went roaring over the
hillside. What destruction they wrought it was impossible to tell, as the
smoke hid everything. In reply to General Duffield’s question:
“What is the news?”
Admiral Sampson replied:
“There is not a Spaniard left in the rifle-pits.”
Later General Duffield signalled that his scouts thought reinforcements
were marching to the battered old fort, and Admiral Sampson wigwagged him:
“There is no Spaniard left there. If any come the _Gloucester_ will take
care of them.”
A little later the _Oregon_ joined the _New York_ intending 8-inch shells
into the city of Santiago. This was kept up until 1.40 P. M. By that time
General Duffield had sent a message saying that his troops could not cross
the stream, but would return to Altares.
On the report that some Spanish troops were still in the gully, the _New
York_ and _Gloucester_ shelled it once more, and _Newark_, which had not
fired, signalled:
“Can I fire for target practice? Have had no previous opportunity.”
Permission for her to do so was signalled, and she blazed away, shooting
well, her 6-inch shells exploding with remarkable force among the rocks.
At 2.40 P. M. Admiral Sampson hoisted the signal to cease firing, and the
flag-ship returned to the blockading station.
On the railroad a train-load of troops had already left for Altares.
Mr. A. Maurice Low, of the Boston _Globe_, thus relates his personal
experience:
“When the fighting ceased on Friday evening, July 1st, every man was
physically spent, and needed food and rest more than anything else. For a
majority of the troops there was a chance to cook bacon and make coffee;
for the men of the hospital corps, the work of the day was commencing. At
convenient points hospitals were established, and men from every company
were sent out to search the battle-ground for the dead and wounded.
“It is the men of the hospital corps who have the ghastly side of war.
There is never any popular glory for them; there is no passion of
excitement to sustain them. The emotion of battle keeps a man up under
fire. Something in the air makes even a coward brave. But all that is
wanting when the surgeons go into action.
“Men come staggering into the hospital with blood dripping from their
wounds; squads of four follow one another rapidly, bearing stretchers and
blankets, on which are limp, motionless, groaning forms.
“To those of us at home who are in the habit of seeing our sick and
injured treated with the utmost consideration and delicacy, who see the
poor and outcast and criminal put into clean beds and surrounded with
luxuries, the way in which the wounded on a battle-field are disposed of
seems barbarous in the extreme. Of course it is unavoidable, but it is
nevertheless horrible.
“As soon as men were brought in they were at once taken off the litters
and placed on the bare ground. Time was too precious, and there were too
many men needing attention for a soldier to monopolise a stretcher until
the surgeon could reach him.
“There was no shelter. The men lay on the bare ground with the sun
streaming down on them, many of them suffering the greatest agony, and yet
very few giving utterance to a groan. Where I watched operations for a
time there was only one surgeon, who took every man in his turn, and
necessarily had to make many of them wait a long time.
“And yet these men were much more fortunate than many others, some of whom
lay on the battle-field for twenty-four hours before they were found.
There was no chloroform; very little of anything to numb pain. Painful
gunshot wounds were dressed hastily, almost roughly, until ambulances
could be sent out to take the men to the divisional hospitals in the rear.
“It is claimed that the hospital arrangements were inadequate, and that
many regiments went into action without a surgeon. From what I saw I think
the criticism to be justified. Naturally the wounded were taken care of
first,—the last duties to the dead could be performed later.
“It was ghastly as one moved over the battle-field to come across an
upturned face lying in a pool of blood, to see what was once a man, bent,
and twisted, and doubled. And still more horrible was it as the moonlight
fell over the field, and at unexpected places one ran against this fruit
of war and saw faces in the pallor of death made even more ghostlike by
the light, while the inevitable sea of crimson stood out in more startling
vividness by the contrast.
“We had won the battle, but our position was a somewhat precarious one.
“Our line was long and thin, and there was a danger of the Spaniards
breaking through and attacking us in the rear or left flank. To guard
against this possibility, Lawton’s division at El Caney was ordered to
move on to El Pozo, and Kent’s division was under orders to draw in its
left. The men who had fought at El Caney were hoping to be allowed to
sleep on the battle-field and obtain the rest which they so badly needed,
but after supper they were placed under arms and the march commenced.
“The Seventh U. S. Infantry led. It was a weird march. Immediately after
leaving El Caney we crossed an open field, a skirmish line was thrown out,
and the men were commanded to maintain absolute silence. We were in the
heart of the enemy’s country, and caution was necessary.
“After crossing this field we came to a deep gully through which ran a
swift stream almost knee-deep. Our way led across this stream, and there
was only one means of getting over. That was to plunge in and splash
through. Tired as we all were, after getting thoroughly wet our feet felt
like lead, and marching was perfect torture. Still there was no let-up.
“We pressed steadily forward until we came to where the road forked off.
Our directions had not been very explicit, we had no maps, and our
commander took the road which he thought was the right one. It soon led
between high banks of dense growth of chaparral on either side. The moon
had disappeared behind the clouds, and had the Spaniards wanted to
ambuscade us we were at their mercy.
“I will not say that we were nervous, exactly, but I think we would all
rather have been out of that lane. The fear that your enemy may be
crouching behind bushes, that you know nothing of his presence until he
pours a rifle fire into you, is rather trying on the nerves.
“The command was frequently halted for the officers to consult, and after
we had gone about a mile they concluded they were on the wrong road, and
went to the right about. When we came out where we had started we found
Brigadier-General Chaffee sitting silent on a big horse and watching a
seemingly never-ending line of men marching past him. We fell into
position and pushed on the road to Santiago.
“How long we marched that night I cannot tell. It seemed interminable. My
watch had run down and no one around me had the time. Finally we were
ordered to halt, and the men were told to stack arms, take off their
packs, and rest.
“I dropped my blanket roll, which seemed to me weighed not less than two
hundred pounds, on the muddy road, and sat down to rest. The next thing I
knew some one tapped me on the shoulder. It was three o’clock, and I had
been asleep for some hours. The regiment was again under arms, and was
receiving ammunition from a pack-train which had come up from the rear. We
pressed on until early dawn, when we were well in front of Santiago.
Entrenchments were hastily thrown up, and we were ready for the enemy. The
enemy did not give us much time for rest. They made an assault upon our
position early in the morning, which we repulsed....
“While the Spaniards were unable to dislodge us, they succeeded in forcing
our artillery back, which had taken a position that subjected it to a
withering infantry fire. Later in the day this position was recovered and
entrenchments thrown up, which, it was claimed, made the position
impregnable. The guns were so placed they could do tremendous destruction.
“There was a lull that afternoon, but in the evening the Spaniards opened
up an attack along our entire line, with the intention, evidently, of
taking us by surprise and rushing us out of our entrenchments. But their
purpose was a failure.”
General Lawton, in his report after the assault upon and the capture of El
Caney by his division during the first day’s fighting, says:
“It may not be out of place to call attention to this peculiar phase of
the battle.
“It was fought against an enemy fortified and entrenched within a compact
town of stone and concrete houses, some with walls several feet thick, and
supported by a number of covered solid stone forts, and the enemy
continued to resist until nearly every man was killed or wounded, with a
seemingly desperate resolution.”
It was Sergeant McKinnery, of Company B, Ninth Infantry, who shot and
disabled General Linares, the commander of the Spanish forces in Santiago.
The Spanish general was hit about an hour after San Juan Hill was taken,
during the first day’s fighting. The American saw a Spaniard, evidently a
general officer, followed by his staff, riding frantically about the
Spanish position, rallying his men.
Sergeant McKinnery asked Lieutenant Wiser’s permission to try a shot at
the officer, and greatly regretted to find the request refused. Major Bole
was consulted. He acquiesced, with the injunction that no one else should
fire. Sergeant McKinnery slipped a shell into his rifle, adjusted the
sights for one thousand yards, and fired. The shell fell short. Then he
put in another, raised the sights for another one thousand yards, took
careful aim, and let her go. The officer on the white horse threw up his
arms and fell forward.
“That is for Corporal Joyce,” said McKinnery as he saw that his ball had
reached the mark. The officer on the white horse was General Linares
himself. It was afterward learned that he was shot in the left shoulder.
He immediately relinquished the command to General Toral.
On the evening of July 3d, General Shafter sent the following cablegram to
the War Department:
“HEADQUARTERS FIFTH ARMY CORPS,
“NEAR SANTIAGO.
“To-night my lines completely surrounded the town from beyond the north of
the city to point of San Juan River on the south. The enemy holds from
west bend San Juan River at its mouth up the railroad to the city. General
Pando, I find to-night, is some distance away, and will not get into
Santiago.
(Signed) “SHAFTER.”
July 4th Secretary Alger received the communication given below:
“HEADQUARTERS FIFTH ARMY CORPS, July 3.
“The following is my demand for the surrender of the city of Santiago:
“‘HEADQUARTERS U. S. FORCES, NEAR SAN JUAN RIVER, CUBA, July 3, 1898, 8.30
A. M.
“‘TO THE COMMANDING GENERAL OF THE SPANISH FORCES, Santiago de Cuba.
“‘_Sir_:—I shall be obliged, unless you surrender, to shell Santiago de
Cuba. Please inform the citizens of foreign countries and all women and
children that they should leave the city before ten o’clock to-morrow
morning. Very respectfully,
“‘Your obedient servant,
“‘W. R. SHAFTER,
“‘_Major-General, U. S. A._’
“Following is the Spanish reply which Colonel Dorst has returned at 6.30
P. M.:
“‘SANTIAGO DE CUBA, 2 P. M., July 3, 1898.
“‘HIS EXCELLENCY, THE GENERAL COMMANDING FORCES OF UNITED STATES, San Juan
River.
“‘_Sir_:—I have the honour to reply to your communication of to-day,
written at 8.30 A. M. and received at 1 P. M., demanding the surrender of
this city; on the contrary case announcing to me that you will bombard
this city, and that I advise the foreigners, women, and children that they
must leave the city before ten o’clock to-morrow morning. It is my duty to
say to you that this city will not surrender, and that I will inform the
foreign consuls and inhabitants of the contents of your message.
“‘Very respectfully,
“‘JOSE TORAL,
“‘_Commander-in-chief, Fourth Corps._’
“The British, Portuguese, Chinese, and Norwegian consuls have come to my
line with Colonel Dorst. They ask if non-combatants can occupy the town of
Caney and railroad points, and ask until ten o’clock of fifth instant
before city is fired on. They claim that there are between fifteen
thousand and twenty thousand people, many of them old, who will leave.
They ask if I can supply them with food, which I cannot do for want of
transportation to Caney, which is fifteen miles from my landing. The
following is my reply:
“‘THE COMMANDING GENERAL SPANISH FORCES,
“‘Santiago de Cuba.
“‘_Sir_:—In consideration of the request of the consuls and officers in
your city for delay in carrying out my intention to fire on the city, and
in the interest of the poor women and children, who will suffer very
greatly by their hasty and enforced departure from the city, I have the
honour to announce that I will delay such action solely in their interest
until noon of the fifth, providing, during the interval, your forces make
no demonstration whatever upon those of my own. I am, with great respect,
“‘Your obedient servant,
“‘W. R. SHAFTER,
“‘_Major-General U. S. A._’
(Signed) “SHAFTER,
“_Major-General Commanding_.”
CHAPTER XII.
THE SPANISH FLEET.
“_Don’t cheer; the poor devils are dying._”
It was Sunday morning (July 3d), and the American squadron lay off
Santiago Harbour intent only on blockade duty. No signs of life were
visible about old Morro. Beyond and toward the city all was still. After
two days of fighting the armies of both nations were resting in their
trenches.
The fleet had drifted three miles or more from the land. The battle-ship
_Massachusetts_, the protected cruiser _New Orleans_, and Commodore
Watson’s flag-ship, the cruiser _Newark_, were absent, coaling fifty miles
or more away.
Shortly before nine o’clock Admiral Sampson, desiring to ascertain the
exact condition of the Spanish coast defences about Aguadores, ordered the
flag-ship to go that way, and after flying the signal, “Disregard the
motions of the commander-in-chief,” the _New York_ steamed leisurely off
to the eastward.
The little _Gloucester_ lay nearest the shore; the _Vixen_ was opposite in
a straight line, and to the eastward of her about five miles. A mile or
less from the _Gloucester_, to the seaward, was the _Indiana_. Nearly as
far from the latter ship, and southeast of her, lay the _Oregon_. The
_Iowa_ was the outermost ship of the fleet, lying four miles from the
harbour entrance; next her, to the eastward, each vessel slightly nearer
inshore, were the _Texas_ and the _Brooklyn_ in the order named.
[Illustration: GENERAL WEYLER.]
Shoreward, inside the harbour, could be seen a long line of black smoke.
On board the fleet religious services were being held, but the lookouts of
every ship were at their stations.
Suddenly, at about half past nine, a dark hull was seen coming out past
the point of the harbour, and instantly all was seemingly confusion on the
big fighting machines.
“The enemy is escaping,” was the signal run up on Commodore Schley’s
flag-ship, and within a few seconds the roar of a 6-pounder on the _Iowa_
broke the stillness of the Sabbath morning.
It was as if every American vessel was put in motion at the same instant,
and even as the flag-ship’s signal appeared, the clouds of dense smoke
from their stacks told that the men in the furnace-rooms had already begun
their portion of the task so unexpectedly set for all the fleet.
John R. Spear, author of “The History of our Navy,” who was with Sampson’s
fleet, wrote this complete story of the marvellous naval battle off
Santiago and along the southern shore of Cuba, for the _World_:
“The enemy was first seen at 9.30, and at 9.32 the men of the American
batteries were standing erect and silent beside their loaded guns, waiting
for the order to commence firing, and watching out of the corners of their
eyes the boys who were still sprinkling the decks with sand that no one’s
foot might slip when blood began to flow across the planks.
“But though silence prevailed among the guns, down in the sealed
stoke-hole the click and ring of the shovels that sprayed the coal over
the glowing grate-bars, the song of the fans that raised the air pressure,
and the throb of pump and engine made music for the whole crew, for the
steam-gauges were climbing, and the engineers were standing by the
wide-open throttles as the ships were driven straight at the enemy.
“For, as it happened, the _Texas_ had been lying directly off the harbour,
and a little more than two miles away the _Iowa_ was but a few lengths
farther out and to the westward, while Capt. Jack Philip of the one, and
‘Fighting Bob’ Evans of the other, were both on deck when the cry was
raised announcing the enemy. Hastening to their bridges, they headed away
at once for the Spaniards, while the _Oregon_ and the _Brooklyn_ went
flying to westward to intercept the leader.
“The mightiest race known to the history of the world, and the most
thrilling, was begun.
“They were all away in less time than it has taken the reader to get thus
far in the story, and in much less time still,—indeed, before the gongs in
the engine-rooms of the Yankee ships had ceased to vibrate under the
imperative order of ‘Ahead, full speed!’—the _Almirante Oquendo_, fugitive
as she was, had opened the battle. With impetuous haste, and while yet
more than two miles away, the Spaniard pointed one of his long 11-inch
hontoria rifles in the direction of the _Texas_ and pulled the lanyard.
The shell came shrieking out to sea, but to sea only.
[Illustration: CAPTAIN R. D. EVANS.]
“Instantly the great guns of the Morro, 180 feet above the water, and
those of the Socapa battery, lying higher still, with all the batteries
beneath those two, began to belch and roar as their crews strove with
frantic energy to aid the flying squadron.
“Now, it was about three minutes from the appearance of the first Spaniard
to the firing of the first American gun.
“In these three minutes the distance between the squadrons was lessened by
at least a mile,—the range was not more than two thousand yards.
“But while two thousand yards is the range (about one and one-sixth miles)
selected for great gun target practice, it will never do for an eager
fight, and as the trend of the land still headed the Spanish off to
southward, the battle-ships were able to reduce the range to fifteen
hundred yards before they were obliged to head a course parallel with the
Spaniards.
“Meantime the _Oregon_ and the _Brooklyn_, as they were stretching away
toward the coast, had opened fire also, and then the last of the big
Spaniards, the _Infanta Maria Teresa_, having rounded the point, the
magnificent spectacle of a squadron battle on the open sea—of a battle
between four of the best modern armed cruisers on the Spanish side,
against three battle-ships and an armoured cruiser on our side—was spread
out to view.
“And their best was the worst struggle the world ever saw, for it was a
struggle to get out of range while firing with hysterical vehemence their
unaimed guns.
“The first shot from the American ships fell short, and a second, in like
fashion, dropped into the sea. At that the gunner said things to himself
under his breath (it was in the forward turret of the _Iowa_), and tried
it once more.
“For a moment after it the cloud of gun smoke shrouded the turret, but as
that thinned away the eager crew saw the 12-inch shell strike into the
hull of the _Infanta Maria Teresa_. Instantly it exploded with tremendous
effect. Flame and smoke belched from the hole the shell had made, and
puffed from port and hatch. And then in the wake of the driven blast
rolled up a volume of flame-streaked smoke that showed the woodwork had
taken fire and was burning fiercely all over the after part of the
stricken ship.
“The yell that rose from the Yankee throats at that sight swelled to a
roar of triumph a moment later, for as he saw that smoke, the captain of
the _Teresa_ threw her helm over to port, and headed her for the rocky
beach. The one shell had given a mortal wound.
“And then came Wainwright of the _Maine_,—Lieut.-Commander Richard
Wainwright, who for weeks conducted the weary search for the dead bodies
of shipmates on the wreck in the harbour of Havana. He was captain of the
_Gloucester_, that was once known as the yacht _Corsair_. A swift and
beautiful craft she, but only armed with lean 6-pounders.
“‘Ahead, full speed,’ said Wainwright.
“And fortune once more favoured the brave, for in the wake of the mighty
_Maria Teresa_ came Spain’s two big torpedo-boats, called destroyers,
because of their size,—the _Pluton_ and the _Furor_. Either was more than
a match for the _Gloucester_, for one carried two 12-pounders, and the
other two 14-pounders, besides the 6-pounders that both carried.
“Moreover, both overmatched the speed of the _Gloucester_ by at least ten
knots per hour. But both had thin-plated sides. The shells of the
_Gloucester_ could pierce them, and at them went Wainwright, with the
memory of that night in Havana uppermost in his mind.
“The two boats—even the whole Spanish fleet—were still within easy range
of the Spanish forts, and to reach his choice of enemies the _Gloucester_
was obliged to risk not only the land fire, but that of the _Vizcaya_ and
the _Teresa_. Nevertheless, as the torpedo-boats steered toward the
_Brooklyn_, evidently bound to torpedo her, Wainwright headed them off,
and they never got beyond range of the forts.
“The shots they threw at him outweighed his three to one, but theirs flew
wild, and his struck home.
“The day of the destroyers was done. As the big _Maria Teresa_ turned
toward the shore, these two destroyers, like stricken wild fowl, fled
fluttering and splashing in the same direction, and they floundered as
they fled.
“While the _Infanta Maria Teresa_ was on fire, and running for the beach,
her crew was still working their guns, and the big _Vizcaya_ was handily
by to double the storm of projectiles she was hurling at the _Iowa_ and
_Texas_.
“It was not that the _Vizcaya’s_ crew were manfully striving to protect
the _Teresa_; they were making the snarling, clawing fight of a lifetime
to escape the relentless Yankees that were closing upon them. For both the
_Texas_ and the _Iowa_ had the range, and it was only when the smoke of
their own guns blinded them that their fire was withheld, or a shot went
astray.
“The _Iowa_ and the _Texas_ had headed off both the _Vizcaya_ and the
_Infanta Maria Teresa_, while the _Indiana_ was coming with tremendous
speed to join them.
“And then came the finishing stroke. A 12-inch shell from the _Texas_ went
crashing into the stoke-hole, and the _Vizcaya_,—the ship whose beauty and
power once thrilled the hearts of New Yorkers with mingled pleasure and
fear—was mortally wounded. Hope was gone, and with helm aport she headed
away for the beach, as her consort had done.
“The battle had opened on our side at 9.33 o’clock, and at 9.58 two of the
magnificent armoured cruisers of the Spanish navy were quivering, flaming
wrecks on the Cuban beach, with the _Texas_ rounding to less than a
thousand yards away off the stern of the _Vizcaya_.
“For a moment the _Texas_ tarried there to let the smoke clear, and to see
accurately the condition of the enemy, but while her gunners were taking
aim for a final broadside a half-naked quartermaster on the _Vizcaya_,
with clawing hands on the halliards, hauled down the fever-hued ensign
from her peak and hoisted the white flag instead.
“‘Cease firing!’ commanded Captain Jack Philip of the _Texas_.
“So far as the _Vizcaya_ and the _Infanta Maria Teresa_ were concerned,
the battle—and for that matter the war—was ended.
“Huge volumes of black smoke, edged with red flame, rolled from every port
and shot hole of the _Vizcaya_, as from the _Teresa_. They were both
furnaces of glowing fire. Though they had come from the harbour to certain
battle, not a wooden bulkhead, nor a partition in the quarters either of
officers or men had been taken out, nor had trunks and chests been sent
ashore. Neither had the wooden decks nor any other wooden fixtures been
prepared to resist fire. Apparently the crew had not even wet down the
decks.
“But the _Texas_ tarried at this gruesome scene only for a moment. They
wished only to make sure that the two Spaniards were really out of the
fight, and when they saw the _Iowa_ was going to stand by both, away they
went to join the race between the _Brooklyn_ and the _Oregon_ on our side,
and the _Cristobal Colon_ and _Almirante Oquendo_ on the other.
“In spite of the original superior speed on the part of the Spaniards, and
in spite of the delay on the part of the _Texas_, the Spaniards were not
yet wholly out of range, though the _Cristobal Colon_ was reaching away at
a speed that gave the Spanish shore forces hope.
“Under battened hatches the Yankee firemen, stripped to their trousers,
plied their shovels and raised the steam-gauges higher. The Yankee ships
were grass-grown and barnacled, but now they were driven as never before
since their trial trips. The Spaniards had called us pigs, but Nemesis had
turned us into spear-armed huntsmen in chase of game that neither tusks
nor legs could save.
“For while the _Colon_ was showing a speed that was the equal at least of
our own _Brooklyn_, long-headed Commodore Schley saw that she was hugging
the coast, although a point of land loomed in the distance to cut her off
or drive her out to sea.
“Instead of striving to close in on the Spaniards, Schley headed straight
for that point,—took the shortest cut for it, so to speak,—and in that way
drew steadily ahead of the _Colon_, leaving to the _Oregon_ and _Texas_
the task of holding the Spaniards from turning out across the _Brooklyn’s_
stern.
[Illustration: U. S. S. IOWA.]
“It was a splendid piece of strategy, well worthy of the gallant officer,
and it won.
“The task of the battle-ships was well within their powers. It is not
without reason that both the _Oregon_ and the _Texas_ are the pride of the
nation as well as of their crews.
“The _Oregon_ and the _Brooklyn_ had hurled a relentless fire at the
flying Spaniards, and it had told on the _Almirante Oquendo_ with
increasing effect.
“For the _Oregon_ was fair on the _Oquendo’s_ beam, and there was not
enough armour on any Spanish ship to stop the massive 13-inch projectiles
the ship from the Pacific was driving into her with unerring aim.
“At ten o’clock sharp the _Oquendo_ was apparently still fore and aft, but
within five minutes she wavered and lagged, and a little later, flag-ship
though she was, she put her helm to port, as her consorts had done, and
fled for life to the beach.
“The _Texas_ was coming with unflagging speed astern, and off to the east
could be seen the flag-ship of Admiral Sampson racing as never before to
get a shot in at the finish. An auxiliary had been sent by Commodore
Schley to call her, and it had met her coming at the call of the guns of
the Spanish fleet. She had overhauled and passed the _Indiana_ long since,
and was well-nigh abreast of the _Texas_. So the _Oregon_, in order to vie
with the _New York_ in the last of the mighty race, abandoned the
_Oquendo_ to her fate and stretched away after the _Cristobal Colon_.
“Some of the crew who looked back saw the _Texas_ bring to near the
_Oquendo_, and then the sea trembled under the impulse of a tremendous
explosion on board the doomed Spaniard, while a vast volume of smoke
filled with splintered wreck rose in the air. Had they been near enough
they would have heard the crew of the _Texas_ start in to cheer, and have
heard as well the voice of Captain Philip say, as he raised his hand to
check it:
“‘Don’t cheer; the poor devils are dying.’
“Only a man fit to command could have had that thought.
“The battle was well-nigh over. But one ship of the Spanish squadron
remained, and she was now in the last desperate struggle, the flurry of a
monster of the deep. Her officers peered with frowning brows through
gilded glasses at the _Brooklyn_ forging ahead far off their port bow; at
the _Oregon_ within range off the port quarter; at the _New York_ just
getting the range with her beautiful 8-inch rifles astern. They shivered
in unison with the quivering hulk as shot after shot struck home. They
screamed at their crews and stamped and fumed. At the guns their crews
worked with drunken desperation, but down in the stoke-hole the firemen
plied their shovels with a will and a skill that formed the most
surprising feature of the Spanish side of the battle. Because of them this
was a race worthy of the American mettle, for it put to the full test the
powers of the men of the three ships in chase.
“In the open sea they might have led the Yankees for an hour or more
beyond, but the strategy of Schley had cut them off, and yet it was not
until 1.15 o’clock—three hours and three-quarters after the first gun of
the _Oquendo_—that the _Colon’s_ gallant captain lost all hope, and, from
a race to save the ship, turned to the work of destroying her, so that we
should not be able to float the stars and stripes above her.
“The _Oregon_ had drawn up abeam of her, and was about a mile away. The
shots from the _New York_ astern were beginning to tell, and those from
the _Brooklyn_ had all along been smiting her in the face.
“Baffled and beaten she turned to the shore, ran hard aground near
Tarquino Point, fifty miles from Santiago, and then hauled down her flag.
“The most powerful sea force that ever fought under the American flag had
triumphed; the most remarkable race in the history of the world was
ended.”
On board the flag-ship _New York_ is published a tiny daily newspaper, 4 ×
7 inches in size, with the name “Squadron Bulletin” on the title-page.
Following is the account of the destruction of the Spanish fleet as given
in that publication:
“This is a red-letter day for the American navy, as dating the entire
destruction of Admiral Cervera’s formidable fleet; the _Infanta Maria
Teresa_, _Vizcaya_, _Oquendo_, _Cristobal Colon_, and the deep-sea
torpedo-boats _Furor_ and _Pluton_.
“The flag-ship had started from her station about nine to go to Siboney,
whence the admiral had proposed going for a consultation with General
Shafter; the other ships, with the exception of the _Massachusetts_ and
_Suwanee_, which had, unfortunately, gone this morning to Guantanamo for
coal, were in their usual positions, viz., beginning at the east, the
_Gloucester_, _Indiana_, _Oregon_, _Iowa_, _Texas_, _Brooklyn_, and
_Vixen_.
“When about two miles off from Altares Bay, and about four miles east of
her usual position, the Spanish fleet was observed coming out and making
westward in the following order: _Infanta Maria Teresa_ (flag), _Vizcaya_,
_Cristobal Colon_, _Almirante Oquendo_, _Furor_, and _Pluton_.
“They were at once engaged by the ships nearest, and the result was
practically established in a very short time. The heavy and rapid shell
fire was very destructive to both ships and men. The cruisers _Infanta
Maria Teresa_, _Almirante Oquendo_, and _Vizcaya_ were run ashore in the
order named, afire and burning fiercely. The first ship was beached at
Nima, nine and one-half miles west of the port; the second at Juan
Gonzalez, six miles west; the third at Acerraderos, fifteen miles. The
torpedo-boat destroyers were both sunk, one near the beach, the other in
deep water about three miles west of the harbour entrance.
“The remaining ship, the _Cristobal Colon_, stood on and gave a long chase
of forty-eight miles, in which the _Brooklyn_, _Oregon_, _Texas_, _Vixen_,
and _New York_ took part. The _Colon_ is reputed by her captain to have
been going at times as much as seventeen and a half knots, but they could
not keep this up, chiefly on account of the fatigue of her men, who, many
of them, had been ashore at Santiago the day before, and had been, while
there, long without food; her average speed was actually thirteen and
seven-tenths knots, the ship leaving the harbour at 9.43 A. M., and
reaching Rio Tarquino (forty-eight miles from Santiago entrance) at 1.15.
[Illustration: THE DESTRUCTION OF CERVERA’S FLEET.]
“She was gradually forced in toward the shore, and, seeing no chance of an
escape from so overwhelming a force, the heavy shells of the _Oregon_
already dropping around and beyond her, she ran ashore at Rio Tarquino and
hauled down her flag.
“She was practically uninjured, but her sea-valves were treacherously
opened, and in spite of all efforts she gradually sank, and now lies near
the beach in water of moderate depth. It is to be hoped that she may be
floated, as she was far the finest ship of the squadron. All her breech
plugs were thrown overboard after the surrender, and the breech-blocks of
her Mauser rifles thrown away.
“The flag-ship remained at Rio Tarquino until eleven P. M., and then
returned to Santiago. The _Texas_, _Oregon_, and _Vixen_ remained by the
prize. Commodore second in command of fleet, Captain de Navio of the first
class, Don Jose de Paredes y Chacon, Captain de Navio Don Emilio Moreu,
commanding the _Colon_, and Teniente de Navio Don Pablo Marina y Briengas,
aid and secretary to the commodore, were taken on board the _New York_.
The 525 men of the crew of the _Colon_ were placed aboard the _Resolute_,
which came from Santiago to report sighting a Spanish armoured cruiser,
which turned out to be the Austrian _Maria Teresa_. The other officers
were placed aboard the _Resolute_ and _Vixen_.
“Admiral Cervera and many of his officers were taken off the shore by the
_Gloucester_, and transferred to the _Iowa_, which ship had already taken
off many from the _Vizcaya_; thirty-eight officers and 238 men were on
board the _Iowa_, and seven officers and 203 men were aboard the
_Indiana_.
“All these were in a perfectly destitute condition, having been saved by
swimming, or having been taken from the water by our boats. Admiral
Cervera was in a like plight. He was received with the usual honours when
he came aboard, and was heartily cheered by the _Iowa’s_ crew.”
The Independence Day number is very brief. It announces that the prisoners
are to be sent north on the _Harvard_ and _St. Louis_; that they number
1,750; that the dead among the Spanish ships were over six hundred; that
General Pando had reached Santiago with five thousand men; that the
_Brooklyn_ and _Marblehead_ had gone to Guantanamo to overhaul and coal,
and then tells of the _Reina Mercedes’s_ skirmish on that day, saying:
[Illustration: U. S. S. INDIANA.]
“Just before midnight of this date the _Massachusetts_, which was in front
of the port with her search-light up to the entrance, reported an enemy’s
vessel coming out, and she and the _Texas_ fired a number of shots in the
direction of the harbour mouth. The batteries also opened, and a number of
shell fell at various points, the attention paid by the batteries to the
ships being general. The _Indiana_ was struck on the starboard side of the
quarter-deck by a mortar shell, which exploded on reaching the second deck
near the ward-room ladder; it caused a fire which was quickly
extinguished. This was the first accident of the kind to the fleet. The
vessel inside turned out to be the _Reina Mercedes_, which was sunk on the
east edge of the channel just by the Estrella battery. She heads north,
and is canted over to port with her port rail under water. She does not
appear to obstruct the channel.”
The issue of July 5th is of greater interest:
“Mention of the presence of the torpedo-boat _Ericsson_, on the third
instant, was unfortunately omitted. She was in company with a flag-ship,
and turned at once upon sighting the enemy. As she was drawing away from
the _New York_ she signalled, asking permission to continue in chase, but
she was directed to pick up two men in the water, which she did, and on
reaching the _Vizcaya_ she was directed by the _Iowa_, the flag-ship
having gone ahead, to assist in the rescue of the _Vizcaya’s_ crew. She
took off eleven officers and ninety men. The guns of the _Vizcaya_ during
the operation were going off from the heat, and explosions were frequent,
so that the work was trying and perilous for the boats of the two vessels
(_Iowa_ and _Ericsson_) engaged.
“The former report from the army, which was official, regarding General
Pando’s entry into Santiago, was an error. General Shafter thought that he
had been enabled to form a junction, but some few of his men only had been
able to do so; the general himself and his remaining force, it is thought,
will not be able.
“The day was an uneventful one from a naval standpoint. The flag-ship went
to the wrecks of the _Infanta Maria Teresa_ and the _Almirante_. The
former lies in an easy position on sand, and with almost her normal
draught of water. She is, of course, completely burned out inside above
her protective deck, but the shell of her hull seems very good, and her
machinery is probably not seriously injured.
“It looks very much as if she were salvable. The _Almirante_ was much
worse off. She had been subjected to a much heavier gun fire, being racked
and torn in every part; she is much more out of water, and the forward
part is much distorted and torn by the explosion of her magazine and
torpedoes. The loss of life was very great. Charred bodies are strewn
everywhere, the vicinity of the port forward torpedo-room, particularly,
was almost covered. The torpedo exploded in the tube; it may be by a shot.
This is a question which it is hoped may be conclusively decided. The fact
of so many bodies being about would seem to bear this out, but two of her
crew, taken off the beach this afternoon, were questioned, and both stated
that it was the result of fire, and that the number of bodies is to be
accounted for by the fact that the operating-room is just below, and that
many wounded came up that far and were suffocated. The two men were
intelligent young fellows, and talked freely. They said that the gun fire
was such that it was impossible to keep the men at the guns. One was a
powder passer, the other at a 57-mm gun. In the forward turret were two
officers and five men, evidently killed by the entry of a 6-pounder shell
between the top of the turret and the gun shield. Altogether the ship was
a most striking instance of what rapid and well-directed gun fire may
accomplish. She was terribly battered about.
“While the flag-ship was lying near the _Almirante_, and her steam cutter
was alongside, and a small boat from the press tug _Hercules_ lying on the
starboard quarter, a shell exploded in a 15-centimetre gun, and a piece
went through the tug’s boat, cutting it in two; the man in the boat was
not hurt. It is somewhat extraordinary that this shell should have waited
so long to act, as the after part of the ship was generally well cooled
off. There was still much heat and some flames about the bow. One
extraordinary fact is the survival, in proper shape, of many powder
grains, baked hard; several of these were picked up about the deck.
“A board has been ordered by the commander-in-chief to report in detail
upon the stranded ships.”
On the fifteenth of July Admiral Sampson made his official report, which
is given in full:
“U. S. FLAGSHIP NEW YORK, FIRST RATE, OFF
SANTIAGO DE CUBA, CUBA, July 15, 1898.
“_Sir_:—I have the honour to make the following report upon the battle
with and the destruction of the Spanish squadron, commanded by Admiral
Cervera, off Santiago de Cuba, on Sunday, July 3, 1898:
“2. The enemy’s vessels came out of the harbour between 9.35 and 10 A. M.,
the head of the column appearing around Cay Smith at 9.31, and emerging
from the channel five or six minutes later.
“3. The positions of the vessels of my command off Santiago at that moment
were as follows: The flag-ship _New York_ was four miles east of her
blockading station and about seven miles from the harbour entrance. She
had started for Siboney, where I had intended to land, accompanied by
several of my staff, and go to the front to consult with General Shafter.
A discussion of the situation, and a more definite understanding between
us of the operations proposed, had been rendered necessary by the
unexpectedly strong resistance of the Spanish garrison at Santiago.
“I had sent my chief of staff on shore the day before to arrange an
interview with General Shafter, who had been suffering from heat
prostration. I made arrangements to go to his headquarters, and my
flag-ship was in the position mentioned above when the Spanish squadron
appeared in the channel.
“The remaining vessels were in or near their usual blockading positions,
distributed in a semicircle about the harbour entrance, counting from the
eastward to the westward in the following order: The _Indiana_, about a
mile and a half from shore, the _Oregon_,—the _New York’s_ place between
these two,—the _Iowa_, _Texas_, and _Brooklyn_, the latter two miles from
the shore west of Santiago.
“The distance of the vessels from the harbour entrance was two and a half
to four miles,—the latter being the limit of day blockading distance. The
length of the arc formed by the ships was about eight miles.
“The _Massachusetts_ had left at four A. M. for Guantanamo for coal. Her
station was between the _Iowa_ and _Texas_. The auxiliaries, _Gloucester_
and _Vixen_, lay close to the land and nearer the harbour entrance than
the large vessels, the _Gloucester_ to the eastward and the _Vixen_ to the
westward.
“The torpedo-boat _Ericsson_ was in company with the flag-ship, and
remained with her during the chase until ordered to discontinue, when she
rendered very efficient service in rescuing prisoners from the burning
_Vizcaya_. I enclose a diagram showing approximately the positions of the
vessels as described above.
“4. The Spanish vessels came rapidly out of the harbour, at a speed
estimated at from eight to ten knots, and in the following order: _Infanta
Maria Teresa_ (flag-ship), _Vizcaya_, _Cristobal Colon_, and the
_Almirante Oquendo_.
“The distance between these ships was about eight hundred yards, which
means that, from the time the first one became visible in the upper reach
of the channel until the last one was out of the harbour, an interval of
only about twelve minutes elapsed.
“Following the _Oquendo_, at a distance of about twelve hundred yards,
came the torpedo-boat destroyer _Pluton_, and after her came the _Furor_.
The armoured cruisers, as rapidly as they could bring their guns to bear,
opened a vigorous fire upon the blockading vessels, and emerged from the
channel shrouded in the smoke from their guns.
“5. The men of our ships in front of the port were at Sunday ‘quarters for
inspection.’ The signal was given simultaneously from several vessels,
‘Enemy’s ships escaping,’ and general quarters were sounded. The men
cheered as they sprang to their guns, and fire was opened, probably within
eight minutes, by the vessels whose guns commanded the entrance.
“The _New York_ turned about and steamed for the escaping fleet, flying
the signal, ‘Close in toward harbour entrance and attack vessels,’ and
gradually increasing speed until toward the end of the chase she was
making sixteen and one-half knots, and was rapidly closing on the
_Cristobal Colon_.
[Illustration: U. S. S. OREGON.]
“She was not, at any time, within the range of the heavy Spanish ships,
and her only part in the firing was to receive the undivided fire from the
forts in passing the harbour entrance, and to fire a few shots at one of
the destroyers, thought at the moment to be attempting to escape from the
_Gloucester_.
“6. The Spanish vessels, upon clearing the harbour, turned to the westward
in column, increasing their speed to the full power of their engines. The
heavy blockading vessels, which had closed in toward the Morro, at the
instant of the enemy’s appearance, and at their best speed, delivered a
rapid fire, well sustained and destructive, which speedily overwhelmed and
silenced the Spanish fire.
“The initial speed of the Spaniards carried them rapidly past the
blockading vessels, and the battle developed into a chase in which the
_Brooklyn_ and _Texas_ had at the start the advantage of position. The
_Brooklyn_ maintained this lead.
“The _Oregon_, steaming with amazing speed from the commencement of the
action, took first place. The _Iowa_ and the _Indiana_ having done good
work, and not having the speed of the other ships, were directed by me, in
succession, at about the time the _Vizcaya_ was beached, to drop out of
the chase and resume blockading stations. These vessels rescued many
prisoners. The _Vixen_, finding that the rush of the Spanish ships would
put her between two fires, ran outside of our own column and remained
there during the battle and chase.
“7. The skilful handling and gallant firing of the _Gloucester_ excited
the admiration of every one who witnessed it, and merits the commendation
of the Navy Department. She is a fast and entirely unprotected auxiliary
vessel,—the yacht _Corsair_,—and has a good battery of light rapid-fire
guns.
“She was lying about two miles from the harbour entrance to the southward
and eastward, and immediately steamed in, opening fire upon the large
ships.
“Anticipating the appearance of the _Pluton_ and _Furor_, the _Gloucester_
was slowed, thereby gaining more rapidly a high pressure of steam, and
when the destroyers came out she steamed for them at full speed and was
able to close at short range, where her fire was accurate, deadly, and of
great volume.
“During this fight the _Gloucester_ was under the fire of the Socapa
battery. Within twenty minutes from the time they emerged from Santiago
Harbour the careers of the _Furor_ and the _Pluton_ were ended, and
two-thirds of their people killed. The _Furor_ was beached and sunk in the
surf; the _Pluton_ sank in deep water a few minutes later. The destroyer
probably suffered much injury from the fire of the secondary batteries of
the battle-ships _Iowa_, _Indiana_, and the _Texas_, yet I think a very
considerable factor in their speedy destruction was the fire, at close
range, of the _Gloucester’s_ battery.
“After rescuing the survivors of the destroyers, the _Gloucester_ did
excellent service in landing and securing the crew of the _Infanta Maria
Teresa_.
“8. The method of escape attempted by the Spaniards—all steering in the
same direction, and in formation—removed all practical doubts or
difficulties, and made plain the duty of every United States vessel to
close in, immediately engage and pursue. This was promptly and effectively
done.
“As already stated, the first rush of the Spanish squadron carried it past
a number of the blockading ships, which could not immediately work up to
their best speed, but they suffered heavily in passing, and the _Infanta
Maria Teresa_ and the _Oquendo_ were probably set on fire by the shells
fired during the first fifteen minutes of the engagement. It was afterward
learned that the _Infanta Maria Teresa’s_ fire main had been cut by one of
our first shots, and that she was unable to extinguish the fire.
“With large volumes of smoke rising from their lower deck aft these
vessels gave up both fight and flight, and ran in on the beach, the
_Infanta Maria Teresa_ at about 10.15 A. M., at Nima, nine and one-half
miles from Santiago Harbour entrance, and the _Almirante Oquendo_ at about
10.30 A. M., at Juan Gonzales, seven miles from the port.
“9. The _Vizcaya_ was still under the fire of the leading vessels. The
_Cristobal Colon_ had drawn ahead, leading the chase, and soon passed
beyond the range of the guns of the leading American ships. The
_Viz__caya_ was soon set on fire, and at 11.15 she turned inshore and was
beached at Acerraderos, fifteen miles from Santiago, burning fiercely, and
with her reserves of ammunition on deck already beginning to explode.
“When about ten miles west of Santiago the _Indiana_ had been signalled to
go back to the harbour entrance, and at Acerraderos the _Iowa_ was
signalled to ‘resume blockading station.’ The _Iowa_, assisted by the
_Ericsson_ and the _Hist_, took off the crew of the _Vizcaya_, while the
_Harvard_ and the _Gloucester_ rescued those of the _Infanta Maria Teresa_
and the _Almirante Oquendo_.
“This rescue of prisoners, including the wounded from the burning Spanish
vessels, was the occasion of some of the most daring and gallant conduct
of the day. The ships were burning fore and aft, their guns and reserve
ammunition were exploding, and it was not known at what moment the fire
would reach the main magazine.
“In addition to this a heavy surf was running just inside of the Spanish
ships. But no risk deterred our officers and men until their work of
humanity was complete.
“10. There remained now of the Spanish ships only the _Cristobal Colon_,
but she was their best and fastest vessel. Forced by the situation to hug
the Cuban coast, her only chance of escape was by superior and sustained
speed.
“When the _Vizcaya_ went ashore the _Colon_ was about six miles ahead of
the _Brooklyn_ and the _Oregon_, but her spurt was finished, and the
American ships were now gaining upon her. Behind the _Brooklyn_ and the
_Oregon_ came the _Texas_, _Vixen_, and _New York_.
“It was evident from the bridge of the _New York_ that all the American
ships were gradually overhauling the chase, and that she had no chance of
escape. At 12.50 the _Brooklyn_ and the _Oregon_ opened fire and got her
range,—the _Oregon’s_ heavy shells striking beyond her,—and at 1.20 she
gave up without firing another shot, hauled down her colours and ran
ashore at Rio Tarquino, forty-eight miles from Santiago.
“Captain Cook of the _Brooklyn_ went on board to receive the surrender.
While his boat was alongside I came up in the _New York_, receiving his
report, and placed the _Oregon_ in charge of the wreck to save her, if
possible, and directed the prisoners to be transferred to the _Resolute_,
which had followed the chase. Commodore Schley, whose chief of staff had
gone on board to receive the surrender, had directed that all their
personal effects should be retained by the officers. This order I did not
modify.
“The _Cristobal Colon_ was not injured by our firing, and probably is not
injured by beaching, though she ran ashore at high speed. The beach was so
steep that she came off by the working of the sea. But her sea valves were
opened or broken, treacherously, I am sure, after her surrender, and
despite all efforts she sank. When it became evident that she could not be
kept afloat she was pushed by the _New York_ bodily upon the beach, the
_New York’s_ stem being placed against her for this purpose, the ship
being handled by Captain Chadwick with admirable judgment, and sank in
shoal water, and may be saved. Had this not been done she would have gone
down in deep water, and would have been to a certainty a complete loss.
“11. I regard this complete and important victory over the Spanish forces
as the successful finish of several weeks of arduous and close blockade,
so stringent and effective during the night that the enemy was deterred
from making the attempt to escape at night, and deliberately elected to
make the attempt in daylight. That this was the case I was informed by the
commanding officer of the _Cristobal Colon_.
“12. It seems proper to briefly describe here the manner in which this was
accomplished. The harbour of Santiago is naturally easy to blockade, there
being but one entrance and that a narrow one, and the deep water extending
close up to the shore line, presenting no difficulties of navigation
outside of the entrance. At the time of my arrival before the port, June
1st, the moon was at its full, and there was sufficient light during the
night to enable any movement outside of the entrance to be detected; but
with the waning of the moon and the coming of dark nights there was
opportunity for the enemy to escape, or for his torpedo-boats to make an
attack upon the blockading vessels.
“It was ascertained with fair conclusiveness that the _Merrimac_, so
gallantly taken into the channel on June 3d, did not obstruct it. I
therefore maintained the blockade as follows: To the battle-ships was
assigned the duty, in turn, of lighting the channel. Moving up to the
port, at a distance of from one to two miles from the Morro,—dependent
upon the condition of the atmosphere,—they threw a search-light beam
directly up the channel and held it steadily there.
“This lighted up the entire breadth of the channel for half a mile inside
of the entrance so brilliantly that the movement of small boats could be
detected.
“Why the batteries never opened fire upon the search-light-ship was always
a matter of surprise to me; but they never did. Stationed close to the
entrance of the port were three picket-launches, and, at a little distance
further out, three small picket-vessels—usually converted yachts—and, when
they were available, one or two of our torpedo-boats.
“With this arrangement there was at least a certainty that nothing could
get out of the harbour undetected.
“After the arrival of the army, when the situation forced upon the Spanish
admiral a decision, our vigilance increased. The night blockading distance
was reduced to two miles for all vessels, and a battle-ship was placed
alongside the search-light-ship, with her broadside trained upon the
channel in readiness to fire the instant a Spanish ship should appear. The
commanding officers merit great praise for the perfect manner in which
they entered into this plan, and put it into execution. The
_Massachusetts_, which, according to routine, was sent that morning to
coal at Guantanamo, like the others, had spent weary nights upon this
work, and deserved a better fate than to be absent that morning.
“I enclose, for the information of the department, copies of orders and
memorandums issued from time to time, relating to the manner of
maintaining the blockade. When all the work was done so well, it is
difficult to discriminate in praise.
“The object of the blockade of Cervera’s squadron was fully accomplished,
and each individual bore well his part in it, the commodore in command of
the second division, the captains of ships, their officers, and men.
“13. The fire of the battle-ships was powerful and destructive, and the
resistance of the Spanish squadron was, in great part, broken almost
before they had got beyond the range of their own force.
“The fine speed of the _Oregon_ enabled her to take a front position in
the chase, and the _Cristobal Colon_ did not give up until the _Oregon_
had thrown a 13-inch shell beyond her. This performance adds to the
already brilliant record of this fine battle-ship, and speaks highly of
the skill and care with which her admirable efficiency has been maintained
during a service unprecedented in the history of vessels of her class.
“The _Brooklyn’s_ westerly blockading position gave her an advantage in
the chase which she maintained to the end, and she employed her fine
battery with telling effect.
[Illustration: U. S. S. BROOKLYN.]
“The _Texas_ and the _New York_ were gaining on the chase during the last
hour, and, had any accident befallen the _Brooklyn_ or the _Oregon_, would
have speedily overhauled the _Cristobal Colon_.
“From the moment the Spanish vessel exhausted her first burst of speed,
the result was never in doubt. She fell, in fact, far below what might
reasonably have been expected of her.
“Careful measurements of time and distance give her an average speed, from
the time she cleared the harbour mouth until the time she was run on shore
at Rio Tarquino, of 13.7 knots.
“Neither the _New York_ nor the _Brooklyn_ stopped to couple up their
forward engines, but ran out of the chase with one pair, getting steam, of
course, as rapidly as possible on all boilers. To stop to couple up the
forward engines would have meant a delay of fifteen minutes, or four miles
in the chase.
“14. Several of the ships were struck, the _Brooklyn_ more often than the
others, but very light material injury was done, the greatest being aboard
the _Iowa_.
“Our loss was one man killed and one wounded, both on the _Brooklyn_. It
is difficult to explain the immunity from loss of life or injury to ships
in a combat with modern vessels of the best type, but Spanish gunnery is
poor at the best, and the superior weight and accuracy of our fire
speedily drove the men from their guns and silenced their fire.
“This is borne out by the statements of prisoners and by observation. The
Spanish vessels, as they dashed out of the harbour, were covered with the
smoke from their own guns, but this speedily diminished in volume, and
soon almost disappeared.
“The fire from the rapid-fire batteries of the battle-ships appears to
have been remarkably destructive. An examination of the stranded vessels
shows that the _Almirante Oquendo_ especially had suffered terribly from
this fire. Her sides are everywhere pierced, and her decks were strewn
with the charred remains of those who had fallen.
“15. The reports of Commodore W. S. Schley and the commanding officers are
enclosed.
“16. A board, appointed by me several days ago, has made a critical
examination of the stranded vessels, both with a view of reporting upon
the result of our fire and the military features involved, and of
reporting upon the chance of saving any of them, and of wrecking the
remainder. The report of the board will be speedily forwarded. Very
respectfully,
“W. T. SAMPSON,
“_Rear-Admiral U. S. Navy, Commander-in-Chief_
_U. S. Naval Force, North Atlantic Station._
“_The Secretary of the Navy, Navy Department, Washington, D. C._”
A letter from Captain Chadwick of the flag-ship _New York_, to his wife,
is an entertaining addition to the story of this most marvellous sea
fight:
“FLAGSHIP NEW YORK, July 4, 1898.
“Yesterday was a wonderful day, as you will know in a few hours after my
writing this.
“We were in a rather disgruntled frame of mind on account of a little note
from Shafter. He wanted to know why the navy could not go under a
destructive fire as well as the army. It was decided to go and have a
consultation with him, explain the situation, and lay our plans before
him, which were to countermine the harbour, going in at the same time, and
also trying to carry the Morro by assault with one thousand marines landed
in Estrella cove.
“It was arranged we were to go to Siboney about 9.30, so Sampson,
Staunton, and I put on our leggings, got some sandwiches, filled a flask,
and the ship started to go the seven miles to Siboney, where we were to
find horses and a cavalry escort.
“We were within a mile or so of the place when a message came to me that a
ship was coming out, and by the time I was on deck I found the _New York_
turned around, and headed back, and there they were, coming out one after
the other, and putting west as hard as they could go.
“The situation was one which rather left us out of it. We were too far off
to shoot, but could see the rest banging away. The last to come were the
two torpedo-boat destroyers, so we headed in to cut off any attempt on
their part to return to port, and we saw Wainwright in the _Gloucester_
firing at them for all he was worth, and soon one evidently had a hole
through her boiler, as there was a great white cloud of steam which shot
into the air. We fired two or three 4-inch shots at the other, which was
moving back toward the entrance, and then left him to Wainwright’s mercy,
as it was a clear case, and stood on; in a few moments we came, first to
one and then the other, but a little way apart, the _Infanta Maria Teresa_
and the _Oquendo_ afire and ashore.
“As we were going past the torpedo-boats, I ought to have mentioned two
men in the water, stripped, to whom we threw life-buoys, with which they
expressed themselves satisfied. It is impossible in such a case, with two
of the enemy’s ships going ahead of us, to stop.
“We had not passed the two ships I mentioned far, until we saw the
_Vizcaya_ head in, and soon she was on the beach and aflame, at
Ascerraderos, right under the old Cuban camp.
“There was still the _Cristobal Colon_, a good way ahead, the newest and
fastest and much more powerful. We had passed the _Iowa_ (which we left
with the burning _Vizcaya_) and the _Indiana_, which we ordered to return
off the harbour, and tailed on to the procession after the _Cristobal
Colon_, which consisted of the _Oregon_, the _Brooklyn_, and _Texas_, and
the _Vixen_. We got each of our extra boilers into operation until we were
going a good fifteen knots, and we were overhauling the advance somewhat.
“The _Oregon_ and _Brooklyn_ kept well up, and soon the _Oregon_ began to
fire, and we could see the _Cristobal Colon_ gradually edge inshore, so
that we knew the game was up and the victory complete; soon she headed in,
and went under one of the points which come down from the mountains, which
here (some sixty miles west of Santiago) are close at the water’s edge,
and are the highest (seventy-eight hundred feet) in Cuba. We hurried
forward and soon saw she had hauled her flag down, and was ashore.
“The _Brooklyn_ had sent a boat, and Cook, who had gone in it, came
alongside on his return, and stated he had received their surrender,
stating he was not empowered to make any condition as to personal effects,
etc., as to which they seemed anxious.
“I then went on board and arranged things, the admiral allowing them, of
course, to take with them all their personal belongings, so while we were
dividing them up among the ships (525 men) along came the _Resolute_,
reporting having been chased by a Spanish armoured ship, so we put all the
prisoners in her. This was a long job.
“The thing was to save the _Cristobal Colon_, as she is one of the finest
modern ships of her class. We hurried a prize-crew aboard from the
_Oregon_, closed all water-tight doors, as she was evidently leaking
somewhere, but for all we could do she settled down on the beach after
floating with the rising tide. It was a great pity, but the rascally
engineers’ force had opened all the valves connecting with the sea, and we
could not get at them.
“We finally, after eight hours of hard work, left her in charge of the
_Texas_ and _Oregon_, and are now steaming back to our post off Santiago.
The failure to save the _Colon_ was too bad. It is possible to do so, of
course, with the assistance of a wrecking company, but she was practically
in an undamaged condition. She had one man killed and twenty-five wounded.
“I am only too thankful we did not get ashore this morning. Poor
Higginson, who was down at Guantanamo coaling, will be full of grief, as
also Watson, in the _Newark_.
“I had forgotten to mention that day before yesterday we bombarded the
forts very heavily, knocking off a good deal of the poor old Morro, and
bringing down the flagstaff and the flag which was so proudly flaunted in
our eyes for more than a month.
“We did this at the request of the army, as a demonstration while they
attacked. They did not, however, make the attack, as it turned out.
“These bombardments are very unsatisfactory; one reads lurid accounts of
them in the papers, but nothing really is gained unless we strike the guns
themselves, and this we have not done.
“As we steamed by to-day in close range, our friends of the western
battery, who paid a great deal of attention to us yesterday, banged away
at us in fine style, and a number of shells burst around us. Finally, when
I had them entirely off my mind and was paying attention only to the
torpedo-boat destroyers, came a tremendous screech, and everybody on the
forecastle dodged. It was their last; it fell about two hundred yards to
our right. We did not reply as we came along. I thought it a waste of
material, and thought they might have their amusement so long as they did
no damage.
“There—the engines have stopped and we are back at Santiago; it is 4.30,
and I shall turn in again for a final nap. The captain of the _Colon_ is
occupying my room; very nice fellow, about fifty-six, indeed, as are most
Spanish naval officers, who, as a Cuban officer said to me, are the flower
of the Spanish blood.
“We also have a general and his aid-de-camp, whom we took in the _Colon_,
a nice old boy and very chirpy. The captain, of course, takes the loss of
his ship to heart very much, but the general and his aid seem as cheerful
as possible. I suppose they think ‘it’s none of their funeral.’
“I stored the general in Staunton’s room, Staunton going to Santiago in a
torpedo-boat to send the news.
“We have got off our Spanish friends, and are now loafing. It is a great
relief to feel that there is nothing to look after to-night.
“This goes in the _St. Louis_, so I hope you will have it before many
days, and I hope, too, it won’t be long before I get to see you. I think
this terrific defeat must go far toward ending things.”
CHAPTER XIII.
THE SURRENDER OF SANTIAGO.
With the victory at El Caney and San Juan Hill fresh in their minds, the
American people believed that the war was well-nigh at an end. Information
that Spain had sued for peace was hourly expected.
There was much to be done, however, before the enemy was willing to admit
himself beaten. The city of Santiago yet remained in the hands of the
Spaniards, Manila was still defiant; and until those two strongholds had
been reduced, the boys of ’98 must continue to struggle in the trenches
and on the field.
The end was not far away, however.
_July 5._ General Shafter telegraphed to the War Department on the fifth
of July to the effect that the people of Santiago were not only
panic-stricken through fear of bombardment, but were suffering from lack
of actual necessaries of life. There was no food save rice, and the supply
of that was exceedingly limited. The belief of the war officials, however,
was that the Spaniards would fight to the last, and capitulate only when
it should become absolutely necessary.
Meanwhile the soldiers were waiting eagerly for the close of the truce,
and, as the hour set by General Shafter drew near, every nerve was
strained to its utmost tension once more. Then a white flag was carried
down the line, and all knew the truce had been prolonged.
General Kent, whose division was facing the hospital and barracks of
Santiago, was notified by the enemy that Assistant Naval Constructor
Hobson and his companions were confined in the extreme northern building,
over which two white flags were flying.
The citizens of Santiago, learning that General Toral refused to consider
the question of surrender, began to leave the city,—a mournful procession.
General Shafter cabled to the government at Washington under date of July
5th:
“I am just in receipt of a letter from General Toral, agreeing to exchange
Hobson and men here; to make exchange in the morning. Yesterday he refused
my proposition of exchange.”
_July 7._ General Miles and staff left Washington en route for Santiago.
Lieutenant Hobson and the other _Merrimac_ heroes were brought into the
American lines on the morning of the seventh. The exchange of prisoners
had been arranged to take place under a tree midway between the
entrenchments occupied by the Rough Riders and the first lines of the
Spanish position. Col. John Jacob Astor represented the American
commander, and took with him to the rendezvous three Spanish lieutenants
and fourteen other prisoners. Major Irles, a Spanish staff officer, acted
for the enemy. The transfer was quickly effected, and once more the brave
fellows who had set their lives as a sacrifice on the altar of their
country were free.
_July 10._ The truce continued, with the exception of a brief time on the
tenth, when the bombardment was resumed by the fleet, until the
thirteenth, when Generals Miles, Shafter, Wheeler, and Gilmour had an
interview with General Toral and his staff at a point about halfway
between the lines.
_July 13._ During this interview the situation was placed frankly before
General Toral, and he was offered the alternative of being sent home with
his garrison, or leaving Santiago province, the only condition imposed
being that he should not destroy the existing fortifications, and should
leave his arms behind.
_July 15._ Not until two days later were the details arranged, and then
the Spanish commander sent the following letter:
“SANTIAGO DE CUBA, July 15, 1898.
“EXCELLENCY COMMANDER-IN-CHIEF
OF THE AMERICAN FORCES.
“_Excellent Sir_:—I am now authorised by my government to capitulate. I
have the honour to so advise you, requesting you to designate hour and
place where my representatives should appear to compare with those of your
excellency, to effect that article of capitulation on the basis of what
has been agreed upon to this date.
[Illustration: MAJOR-GENERAL JOSEPH WHEELER.]
“In due time I wish to manifest to your excellency that I desire to know
the resolution of the United States government respecting the return of
arms, so as to note on the capitulation, also the great courtesy and
gentlemanly deportment of your great grace’s representatives, and return
for their generous and noble impulse for the Spanish soldiers, will allow
them to return to the peninsula with the arms that the American army do
them the honour to acknowledge as dutifully descended.
(Signed) “JOSE TORAL,
“_Commander-in-Chief Fourth Army Corps._”
_July 16._ Commissioners on behalf of the United States and of Spain were
appointed, and after but little discussion an agreement between them was
arrived at.
The agreement consists of nine articles.
The first declared that all hostilities cease pending the agreement of
final capitulation.
_Second_: That the capitulation includes all the Spanish forces and the
surrender of all war material within the prescribed limits.
_Third_: The transportation of the troops to Spain at the earliest
possible moment, each force to be embarked at the nearest port.
_Fourth_: That the Spanish officers shall retain their side-arms and the
enlisted men their personal property.
_Fifth_: That after the final capitulation, the Spanish forces shall
assist in the removal of all obstructions to navigation in Santiago
Harbour.
_Sixth_: That after the final capitulation the commanding officers shall
furnish a complete inventory of all arms and munitions of war, and a
roster of all the soldiers in the district.
_Seventh_: That the Spanish general shall be permitted to take the
military archives and records with him.
_Eighth_: That all guerrillas and Spanish regulars shall be permitted to
remain in Cuba if they so elect, giving a parole that they will not again
take up arms against the United States unless properly paroled.
_Ninth_: That the Spanish forces shall be permitted to march out with all
the honours of war, depositing their arms to be disposed of by the United
States in the future. The American commissioners to recommend to their
government that the arms of the soldiers be returned to those “who so
bravely defended them.”
General Shafter cabled at once to Washington the cheering news:
“CAMP NEAR SANTIAGO, July 16.
“The surrender has been definitely settled and the arms will be turned
over to-morrow morning, and the troops will be marched out as prisoners of
war.
“The Spanish colours will be hauled down at nine o’clock, and the American
flag hoisted.
“SHAFTER, _Major-General_.”
_July 17._ The ceremony of surrendering the city was impressive, and, as
can well be imagined, thrilling for those boys of ’98 who had been
standing face to face with death in the trenches.
At six o’clock in the morning Lieutenant Cook, of General Shafter’s staff,
entered the city, and all the arms in the arsenal were turned over to him.
The work of removing the mines which obstructed navigation at the entrance
of the harbour had been progressing all night. At about seven o’clock
General Toral, the Spanish commander, sent his sword to General Shafter,
as evidence of his submission, and at 8.45 A. M. all the general officers
and their staffs assembled at General Shafter’s headquarters. Each
regiment was drawn up along the crest of the heights.
Shortly after nine o’clock the Ninth Infantry entered the city. This
position of honour was given them as a reward for their heroic assault on
San Juan Hill.
The details of the surrender are thus described by a correspondent of the
Associated Press, who accompanied General Shafter’s staff:
“General Shafter and his generals, with mounted escort of one hundred
picked men of the Second Cavalry, then rode over our trenches to the open
ground at the foot of the hill on the main road to Santiago, midway to the
then deserted Spanish works. There they were met by General Toral and his
staff, all in full uniform and mounted, and a select detachment of Spanish
troops.
“What followed took place in full view of our troops.
“The scene was picturesque and dramatic. General Shafter, with his
generals and their staffs grouped immediately in their rear, and with the
troops of dashing cavalrymen with drawn sabres on the left, advanced to
meet the vanquished foe.
“After a few words of courteous greeting, General Shafter’s first act was
to return General Toral’s sword. The Spanish general appeared to be
touched by the complimentary words with which General Shafter accompanied
this action, and he thanked the American commander feelingly.
“Then followed a short conversation as to the place selected for the
Spanish forces to deposit their arms, and a Spanish infantry detachment
marched forward to a position facing our cavalry, where the Spaniards were
halted. The latter were without their colours.
“Eight Spanish trumpeters then saluted, and were saluted, in turn, by our
trumpeters, both giving flourishes for lieutenant and major-generals.
“General Toral then personally ordered the Spanish company, which in
miniature represented the forces under his command, to ground arms. Next,
by his direction, the company wheeled and marched across our lines to the
rear, and thence to the place selected for camping them. The Spaniards
moved rapidly, to the quick notes of the Spanish march, played by the
companies; but it impressed one like the ‘Dead March’ from Saul.
“Although no attempt was made to humiliate them, the Spanish soldiers
seemed to feel their disgrace keenly, and scarcely glanced at their
conquerors as they passed by. But this apparent depth of feeling was not
displayed by the other regiments. Without being sullen, the Spaniards
appeared to be utterly indifferent to the reverses suffered by the Spanish
arms, and some of them, when not under the eyes of their officers, seemed
to secretly rejoice at the prospect of food and an immediate return to
Spain.
“General Toral, throughout the ceremony, was sorely dejected. When General
Shafter introduced him by name to each member of his staff, the Spanish
general appeared to be a very broken man. He seems to be about sixty years
of age, and of frail constitution, although stern resolution shone in
every feature. The lines are strongly marked, and his face is deep drawn,
as if with physical pain.
“General Toral replied with an air of abstraction to the words addressed
to him, and when he accompanied General Shafter at the head of the escort
into the city, to take formal possession of Santiago, he spoke but few
words. The appealing faces of the starving refugees streaming back into
the city did not move him, nor did the groups of Spanish soldiers lining
the road and gazing curiously at the fair-skinned, stalwart-framed
conquerors. Only once did a faint shadow of a smile lurk about the corners
of his mouth.
“This was when the cavalcade passed through a barbed-wire entanglement. No
body of infantry could ever have got through this defence alive, and
General Shafter’s remark about its resisting power found the first
gratifying echo in the defeated general’s heart.
“Farther along the desperate character of the Spanish resistance, as
planned, amazed our officers. Although primitive, it was well done. Each
approach to the city was thrice barricaded and wired, and the barricades
were high enough and sufficiently strong to withstand shrapnel. The
slaughter among our troops would have been frightful had it ever become
necessary to storm the city.
“Around the hospitals and public buildings and along the west side of the
line there were additional works and emplacements for guns, though no guns
were mounted in them.
“The streets of Santiago are crooked, with narrow lines of one-storied
houses, most of which are very dilapidated, but every veranda of every
house was thronged by its curious inhabitants,—disarmed soldiers. These
were mostly of the lower classes.
“Few expressions of any kind were heard along the route. Here and there
was a shout for free Cuba from some Cuban sympathiser, but as a rule there
were only low mutterings. The better class of Spaniards remained indoors,
or satisfied their curiosity from behind drawn blinds.
“Several Spanish ladies in tumble-down carriages averted their faces as we
passed. The squalor in the streets was frightful. The bones of dead horses
and other animals were bleaching in the streets, and buzzards, as tame as
sparrows, hopped aside to let us pass.
“The windows of the hospitals, in which there are over fifteen hundred
sick men, were crowded with invalids, who dragged themselves there to
witness our incoming.
“The palace was reached soon after ten o’clock. There General Toral
introduced General Shafter and the other American generals to the alcalde,
Señor Feror, and to the chief of police, Señor Guiltillerrez, as well as
to the other municipal authorities.
“Luncheon was then served at the palace. The meal consisted mainly of rum,
wine, coffee, rice, and toasted cake. This scant fare occasioned many
apologies on the part of the Spaniards, but it spoke eloquently of their
heroic resistance. The fruit supply of the city was absolutely exhausted,
and the Spaniards had nothing to live on except rice, on which the
soldiers in the trenches of Santiago have subsisted for the last twelve
days.”
Ten thousand people witnessed the ceremony of hoisting the stars and
stripes over the governor’s palace in Santiago.
A finer stage setting for a dramatic episode it would be difficult to
imagine. The palace, a picturesque old dwelling in the Moorish style of
architecture, faces the Plaza de la Reina, the principal public square.
Opposite rises the imposing Catholic cathedral. On one side is a quaint,
brilliantly painted building with broad verandas, the club of San Carlos;
on the other a building of much the same description, the Café de la
Venus.
Across the plaza was drawn up the Ninth Infantry, headed by the Sixth
Cavalry band. In the street facing the palace stood a picked troop of the
Second Cavalry, with drawn sabres, under command of Captain Brett. Massed
on the stone flagging between the band and the line of horsemen were the
brigade commanders of General Shafter’s division, with their staffs. On
the red-tiled roof of the palace stood Captain McKittrick, Lieutenant
Miles, and Lieutenant Wheeler. Immediately above them, above the
flagstaff, was the illuminated Spanish arms, and the legend, “_Vive
Alphonso XIII._”
All about, pressing against the veranda rails, crowding to windows and
doors, and lining the roofs, were the people of the town, principally
women and non-combatants.
As the chimes of the old cathedral rang out the hour of twelve, the
infantry and cavalry presented arms. Every American uncovered, and Captain
McKittrick hoisted the stars and stripes. As the brilliant folds unfurled
in the gentle breeze against the fleckless sky, the cavalry band broke
into the strains of “The Star Spangled Banner,” making the American pulse
leap and the American heart thrill with joy.
[Illustration: KING ALPHONSO XIII. OF SPAIN.]
At the same instant the sound of the distant booming of Captain Capron’s
battery, firing a salute of twenty-one guns, drifted in.
When the music ceased, from all directions around our lines came flying
across the plaza the strains of the regimental bands and the muffled,
hoarse cheers of our troops.
The infantry came to “order arms” a moment later, after the flag was up,
and the band played “Rally Round the Flag, Boys.”
Instantly General McKibben called for three cheers for General Shafter,
which were given with great enthusiasm, the band playing “The Stars and
Stripes For Ever.”
The ceremony over, General Shafter and his staff returned to the American
lines, leaving the city in the possession of the municipal authorities
subject to the control of General McKibben, who had been appointed
temporary military governor.
CHAPTER XIV.
MINOR EVENTS.
_June 24._ The details of the bloodless capture of the principal of the
Ladrone Islands are thus told by a private letter from the naval officer
who figured in the leading rôle of the exploit, Lieutenant William
Braunerzruther, executive officer of the cruiser _Charleston_:
“U. S. S. CHARLESTON, AT SEA AND ONE
“THOUSAND MILES FROM MANILA,
“June 24, 1898.
“We have just carried out our orders to capture the Spanish authorities at
the capital of the Ladrone Islands, Agana. I was selected by the captain
to undertake this job, and given 160 men to land as a starter.
“I went ashore to have a talk with the governor about affairs, and the
results were that I did not lose even a single man. The matter was all
settled in one day, and we are carrying with us fifty-four soldiers
(Spanish) and six officers, besides a lot of Mauser rifles and nearly ten
thousand pounds of ammunition.
“I had the whole to handle, and did it quickly. The captain’s instructions
were to wait a half hour for his answer to our ultimatum, then use my
troops. I waited, and in just twenty-nine minutes the governor handed me
his sealed reply addressed to the captain of our ship out in the harbour
about four or five miles off.
“I knew this was sealed with the sole object of gaining time, and hence I
broke the seal, read the contents, the governor protesting and saying that
was a letter for my captain. I replied: ‘I represent him here. You are now
my prisoners, and will have to come on board ship with me.’
“They protested and pleaded, and finally the governor said:
“‘You came on shore to talk over matters, and you make us prisoners
instead.’ I replied: ‘I came on shore to hand you a letter and to get your
reply; in this reply, now in my hand, you agree to surrender all under
your jurisdiction. If this means anything at all, it means that you will
accede to any demands I may deem proper to make. You will at once write an
order to your military man at Agana (the capital; this place was five
miles distant), directing him to deliver at this place at four P. M. (it
was 10.30 A. M., June 21st) all ammunition and flags in the island, each
soldier to bring his own rifle and ammunition, and all soldiers, native
and Spanish, with their officers, must witness this.’
“They protested and demurred, saying there was not time enough to do it,
but I said: ‘Señors, it must be done.’
“The letter was written, read by me, and sent. I took all the officers
with me in a boat, and at four P. M. went ashore again and rounded in the
whole outfit. I was three miles away from my troops, and I had only four
men with me. At four P. M., when I disarmed 108 men and two officers, I
had forty-six men and three officers with me.
“The key-note to the whole business was my breaking the seal of that
letter and acting at once. They had no time to delay or prepare any
treacherous tricks, and I got the ‘drop’ on the whole outfit, as they say
out West.
“The native troops I released and allowed to return to their homes
unrestricted; they had manifested great joy in being relieved from Spanish
rule. While it is harsh, it is war, and in connection with the Spanish
treachery it was all that could be done.
“Twenty-four hours would have—yes, I believe even four hours with a leader
such as the governor was, a lieutenant-colonel in the Spanish army—given
them a chance to hide along the road to Agana, and at intervals in the
dense tropical foliage they could have almost annihilated any force that
could land.
“The approaches to the landing over shallow coral reefs would have made a
landing without a terrible loss of life almost an impossibility.
“We have increased by conquest the population of the United States by
nearly twelve thousand people. The capital has a population of six
thousand people. This harbour in which we were is beautiful, easy of
access, plenty of deep water, admitting of the presence of a large number
of vessels at the same time, and is an ideal place for a coaling station.
“If our government decided to hold the Philippines it would then come in
so well; San Francisco to Honolulu twenty-one hundred miles, Honolulu to
island of Guam thirty-three hundred, and thence to Manila sixteen hundred
miles. With a chain of supply stations like this, we could send troops the
whole year round if necessary, and any vessel with a steaming capacity of
thirty-five hundred miles could reach a base of supplies.
“The details I have scarcely touched upon, but had the officers and
soldiers dreamed for one moment that they were to be torn from their
homes, there would, I feel sure, have been another story to tell, and I am
firmly convinced this letter would never have been written.
“The captain, in extending to me his congratulations, remarked:
‘Braunerzruther, you’ll never, as long as you live, have another
experience such as this. I congratulate you on your work.’
“All this whole affair was transacted in Spanish. I had an interpreter
with me, but forgot all about using him. I did not want them to get a
chance to think, even, before it was too late.”
_June 25._ The _Florida_ and the _Fanita_ left Key West Saturday, June
25th, under convoy of the _Peoria_, commanded by Lieut. C. W. Rice. On
board the steamers were 650 Cubans under Gen. Emilio Nunez, fifty troopers
of the Tenth U. S. Cavalry under Lieutenants Johnson and Ahearn, and
twenty-five Rough Riders under Winthrop Chanler, brother of Col. William
Astor Chanler.
The cargoes were enormous. There were the horses of the cavalry and 167
sacks of oats and 216 bales of hay to feed them. Topping the list of arms
were two dynamite guns, with 50-pound projectiles to fit them, and two
full batteries of light field-pieces, ten 3-inch rifles of regular
ordnance pattern, with harnesses that go with them, and 1,500 cartridges.
In the matter of infantry rifles there were 4,000 Springfields, with
954,000 cartridges, and 200 Mausers, with 2,000 shells.
Fifty of the Cubans aboard were armed with Mausers, and the others had
Springfields. For the insurgent officers were provided 200 army Colts and
2,700 cartridges. Two hundred books of United States cavalry and infantry
tactics, translated into Spanish, were taken along. In the expedition were
also 1,475 saddles, 950 saddle-cloths, and 450 bridles. For the Cuban
soldiers there were taken 7,663 uniforms, 5,080 pairs of shoes, 1,275
blankets, 400 shirts, 450 hats and 250 hammocks.
There were these commissary stores carried, calculated by pounds: Bacon,
67,275; corn-meal, 31,250; roasted coffee, 10,200; raw coffee, 3,250;
sugar, 2,425; mess pork and beef, 9,600; corned beef, 24,000; beans
18,900; hardtack, 1,250; cans of corn, 1250.
_June 29._ The expectation was that the landing would be effected at San
Juan Point, on the south coast of Cuba, midway between Cienfuegos and
Trinidad. This place was reached Wednesday evening, June 29th. A scouting
party put off in a small boat and sculled toward shore, but had made only
half the distance when there came a lively fire from what had been taken
to be an abandoned blockhouse near the point. The men were called back and
the three ships moved to the eastward. About four o’clock the next
afternoon they arrived at Las Tunas, forty miles away.
Four miles west of the town, at the mouth of the Tallabacoa River, stood a
large fort built of railroad iron and surrounded by earthworks. The
_Peoria_ ran boldly in and fired several shots from her 3-pounders, but
brought no response and no signs of life. Here was thought to be the
desired opportunity, and another scouting party was organised. This was
made up of fifteen volunteers under Winthrop Chanler, and as many Cubans
under Captain Nunez.
The _Peoria_ took a position within short range of the fort to protect a
landing or cover a retreat, and the small boats headed for the shore. They
reached it five hundred yards east of the fort; the boats were beached,
and their occupants cautiously scrambled toward the brush. But at almost
the very moment they set foot on the sand, the fort and the entrenchments
around it burst into flame, and shot and shell screamed about the little
band of invaders. Captain Nunez was stepping from his boat when a shot
struck him between the eyes and he went down dead. Chanler fell with a
broken arm. The others safely gained a thicket and replied with a sharp
fire directed at the entrenchments.
Meanwhile the _Peoria_ set all her guns at work, and rained shells upon
the fort until the enemy’s fire ceased. The moment the gunboat slackened
fire, however, the Spanish fire was renewed with fury, and it became
evident that their forces were too large to allow a landing there. A
retreat was ordered, and the party on shore rushed to the boats, but
volley after volley came from the shore, and they were compelled to throw
themselves into the water, and paddle alongside the boats with only their
heads exposed, until the ships were reached. The Spaniards had the range,
however, and five Cubans were wounded, though none seriously. Returning to
the _Peoria_, the men reported that a vicious fire had come from a grove
of cocoanut palms to the eastward of the fort. The _Peoria_ opened her
guns on the place indicated, and must have killed many Spaniards, for her
shells dropped into the smoke and flash of the adversary’s fire, silenced
it at once, and forced them to send up rockets for help.
A number of volleys were sent at the _Peoria_ with a view to disabling her
gunners, but they were badly directed, and fell against her side and into
the water. When the small boats reached the ship it was dark. Then the
discovery was made that, besides Captain Nunez, whose body was left on the
beach, there were missing, Chanler, Doctors Lund and Abbott, Lieutenant
Agramonte, and two Cubans. It was reported that Chanler had been mortally
wounded, and was kept hidden in the bushes along the shore by the two
doctors. Rescue parties were immediately organised, composed of
volunteers, and no less than four were sent ashore during the night.
Toward morning Lieutenant Ahearn, in charge of one of these, found Chanler
and his companion.
Chanler’s wound proved to be in the right elbow. After sunrise Agramonte
and his Cubans were discovered and brought off.
_July 1._ The next day the gunboat _Helena_, under Captain Swynburn,
arrived, and she and the _Peoria_ steamed in toward Las Tunas, which the
Spaniards had been vigorously fortifying.
Tunas is connected by rail with Sancti Spiritus, a town of considerable
size, and reinforcements and artillery had been rapidly coming in. Range
buoys had been placed in the bay, but avoiding these, the ships drew in to
close range, and opened fire, the _Peoria_ at twelve hundred and the
_Helena_ at fourteen hundred yards. The Spaniards had several Krupp
field-pieces of three or four inches, mounted on earthworks along the
water-front, and they began a vigorous, but ill-directed reply with shell
and shrapnel. The fire of the American ships was most accurate and
terribly destructive. The Spanish gunners had not fired more than fifteen
or twenty shots before their guns were flying in the air, their earthworks
a mass of blood-stained dust, and their gunners running for their lives.
Both the _Peoria_ and the _Helena_ were struck several times, chiefly by
shrapnel, but no one on either ship was injured. As they withdrew, several
buildings on shore were in flames.
That afternoon both ships again turned their attention to the fort and the
entrenchments at the mouth of the Tallabacoa River, and for half an hour
poured a wicked fire upon them. The Spaniards had been largely reinforced
during the day, and some field-pieces had been mounted near the fort.
These replied to the American fire, but without effect, and the shells of
the two ships speedily silenced them. The iron blockhouse was struck
repeatedly, and the earthworks were partially destroyed. No damage was
done to the ships, and they again withdrew.
That night the Spaniards burned a large wharf and the adjacent buildings,
evidently expecting a landing in force the next day.
It was learned from various sources that reinforcements were pouring into
Las Tunas from all directions; a newspaper from Sancti Spiritus stated
that two thousand men had been despatched from the nearest trocha. It was
determined to proceed during the night to Palo Alto, fifty miles to the
eastward, the _Helena_ remaining at Las Tunas to confirm the Spaniards in
the belief that an attempt was to be made to land there.
_July 2._ At ten o’clock Saturday night, while the _Helena_ lay offshore,
making lively play with her search-lights toward shore, the _Peoria_, the
_Florida_, and the _Fanita_, with all lights out, slipped silently away.
Palo Alto was reached at daybreak. There was not a Spaniard to be seen,
and the men and cargo were put ashore without a single obstacle.
[Illustration: GENERAL GOMEZ.]
_July 4._ Gomez, with two thousand men, was known to be in the vicinity,
and scouts hurried into his lines. On Monday the old warrior appeared in
person at Palo Alto.
_July 5._ A steamer was sighted about midnight by the U. S. S. _Hawk_,
formerly the yacht _Hermione_, off the north coast of Pinar del Rio,
steaming eastward, close inshore. She paid no attention to three shots
across her bow, or a signal to heave to. The _Hawk_ then opened fire and
gave chase.
Twenty-five shots were fired, of which only three were without effect. The
vessel was soon on fire, and flew signals of distress while making full
speed head on to the beach. The _Hawk_ ceased firing, and manned a
relief-boat just as the Spaniard ran high and dry on a reef, under cover
of Fort Mariel.
Though the Spaniard as yet had not fired a shot in response to the
_Hawk’s_ attack, and was burning signals calling for help, the American
relief-boat was received with a joint volley from both the sinking steamer
and the neighbouring fort, turning her back, luckily unscathed, By this
time daylight was breaking, and another Yankee ship, the gunboat
_Castine_, hove in sight, reinforcing the _Hawk_.
The two opened fire upon the Spanish vessel and fort. A well-directed
4-inch shell from the _Castine_ blew the steamer up.
Most of the latter’s crew and passengers by this time had, however,
escaped by rowing or swimming ashore. Just at sunrise, while the _Castine_
and _Hawk_ were reconnoitring in the vicinity of the wreck, a big Spanish
gunboat hove in sight, training all her batteries on the two American
boats. It was an exciting moment.
The _Castine’s_ 4-inchers opened promptly, and the Spaniard returned at
full speed to cover, under Morro Castle.
The Spanish fleet, commanded by Admiral Camara, arrived at Suez, and was
notified by the officials of the Egyptian government that it must leave
the port within twenty-four hours.
The government also notified Admiral Camara that he would not be allowed
to coal.
While the U. S. gunboat _Eagle_ was on the blockading route in the
vicinity of the Isle of Pines, on the south Cuban coast, about five miles
from the shore, she sighted the schooner _Gallito_, provision laden. She
immediately gave chase, and the schooner ran in until about a quarter of a
mile from the shore, when she dropped her anchor, and those aboard slipped
over her side and swam ashore.
Ensign J. H. Roys and a crew of eight men from the _Eagle_ were sent in a
small boat to board the schooner. They found her deserted, and while
examining her were fired upon by her crew from the beach. Several
rifle-shots went through the schooner’s sails, but no one was injured. The
_Eagle_ drew closer in, and sent half a dozen shots toward the beach from
her 6-pounders, whereupon the Spaniards disappeared. The _Gallito_ was
taken into Key West.
_July 7._ Congress having passed resolutions to the effect that Hawaii be
annexed to the United States, the President added his signature, and a new
territory was thus added to the American nation.
Secretary Long gave orders for the departure of the _Philadelphia_ from
Mare Island for Hawaii. She was to carry the flag of the United States to
those islands and include them within the Union. Admiral Miller,
commanding the Pacific station, was charged with the function of hoisting
the flag.
_July 8._ Admiral Camara, commander of the Spanish fleet, which was bound
for the Philippines, informed the Egyptian government that he had been
ordered to return home, and would, therefore, reënter the Suez Canal.
_July 12._ The auxiliary gunboat _Eagle_ sighted the Spanish steamer
_Santo Domingo_, fifty-five hundred tons, aground near the Cuban coast,
off Cape Francis, and opened fire with her 6-pounders, sending seventy
shots at her, nearly all of which took effect.
While this was going on, another steamer came out of the bay and took off
the officers and crew of the _Santo Domingo_. When the men from the
_Eagle_ boarded the latter they found that she carried two 5-inch and two
12-inch guns, the latter being loaded and her magazines open. The steamer
had been drawing twenty-four feet of water and had gone aground in twenty
feet.
The men from the _Eagle_ decided that the steamer could not be floated,
and she was set on fire after fifty head of cattle, which were on board,
had been shot.
The _Santo Domingo_ carried a large cargo of grain, corn, etc. While the
steamer was burning, the vessel which had previously taken off the crew
emerged from the bay, and tried to get off some of the cargo, but failed.
The Spanish steamer burned for three days, and was totally destroyed.
_July 17._ The cruiser _New Orleans_ captured the French steamer _Olinde
Rodriguez_ off San Juan de Porto Rico, as she was trying to enter the port
with passengers and a cargo of coffee and tobacco.
The U. S. S. _Mayflower_ captured the British steamer _Newfoundland_ off
Cienfuegos while the latter was trying to run the Cuban blockade.
The Spanish sloop _Domingo Aurello_ was captured by the U. S. S. _Maple_
as the former was leaving the port of Sagua de Tanamo, province of
Santiago, with a cargo of tobacco.
_July 22._ The following cablegram was received at the Navy Department:
[Illustration: U. S. S. NEW ORLEANS.]
“PLAYA, July 22.
“Expedition to Nipe has been entirely successful, although the mines have
not been removed for want of time.
“The Spanish cruiser _Jorge Juan_, defending the place, was destroyed,
without loss on our part.
“The _Annapolis_ and _Wasp_ afterward proceeded from Nipe to assist in the
landing of the commanding general of the army on arrival at Porto Rico.
(Signed) “SAMPSON.”
_July 30._ Another “jackie” achieved the reputation of a hero. He is
boatswain’s mate Nevis of the gunboat _Bancroft_, and the tale of his
valour is not unmixed with humour.
The _Bancroft_, accompanied by the converted yacht _Eagle_, which had been
covering the blockading station around the Isle of Pines, sighted a small
Spanish schooner in Sigunea Bay.
The _Bancroft’s_ steam launch, in charge of Nevis and one seaman, each
armed with a rifle, were sent in to take the schooner. This was only a
task of minutes, and the launch returned with the prize, which proved to
be the schooner _Nito_, little more than a smack, and with no cargo.
Commander Clover sent Nevis in with her to anchor near the wreck of the
Spanish transatlantic liner _Santo Domingo_, sunk by the _Eagle_ a few
weeks ago. Then the _Bancroft_ and _Eagle_ cruised off to Mangle Point,
where they happened to be put in communication with the insurgent camp.
Two hours later they returned. For a time nothing could be seen of the
launch or the prize. Suddenly Commander Clover, who was scanning the
waters with his glass, shouted to Captain Sutherland of the _Eagle_: “By
heavens, they have recaptured my prize.” The little schooner lay near the
wrecked steamer, but the Spanish flag was flying from her mast, and,
instead of only Nevis and his companion, she was apparently filled with
men.
Meanwhile the gunboat _Maple_ had drawn up, and Commander Clover ordered
her into the work of rescue. With guns ready she steamed toward the
schooner, but the sight that greeted her was not what was expected.
Nevis and his companion sat at one end of the boat attempting to navigate
her out of the harbour. Each had his rifle across his knee and was keeping
a wary eye on a party of half a dozen cowering Spaniards huddled in the
other end of the boat.
The _Maple_ asked for information, and offered Nevis a tow, but he replied
with a joke and declined the proffered assistance. Then it developed that,
in going in to anchor, he had observed two other small Spanish boats near
the wreck of the _Santo Domingo_, and had resolved to capture them, too.
He knew it was hazardous work, but “bluff” carried him through.
He took the Spanish colours of the schooner, ran them up, and boldly
sailed in. There were six men on the two other boats, and they watched the
approach of their supposed compatriots with calmness that speedily changed
to consternation when Nevis and the other “jackie” suddenly whipped their
rifles to their shoulders, and demanded an immediate surrender.
The scared Spanish seamen lost no time in complying, and had the unique
experience of surrendering to their own flag. Then, scorning all aid,
Nevis took them out to his ship, and in the most matter-of-fact manner
reported the adventure to his astonished commander.
The capture was no mean one, for these six men gave important information
to the American ships.
_August 1._ The Norwegian steamer _Franklin_, of about five hundred tons,
bound from Vera Cruz with a cargo of food supplies, was captured by the
converted yacht _Siren_ off Francis Key, near Caibarien.
_August 6._ The Norwegian steamer _Aladdin_, sugar-laden, was captured by
the auxiliary gunboat _Hawk_ off Cadiz Light, Isle of Pines.
_August 7._ The auxiliary gunboat _Viking_ captured the Norwegian steamer
_Bergen_ off Francis Key.
_August 8._ General Shafter and the Spanish General Toral held a
consultation at the palace in Santiago, with regard to the embarkation of
the Spanish prisoners of war. As a result of the conference, one thousand
of the Spanish sick and wounded were taken on board the _Alicante_ next
morning, to be sent to Spain as soon as the vessel was properly loaded.
_August 10._ The President to-day promoted Sampson and Schley to be
rear-admirals, ranking in the order named.
A department of the army, to be known as the Department of Santiago, was
created, and Maj.-Gen. Henry W. Lawton assigned to its command.
The Norwegian steamers _Aladdin_ and _Bergen_ were released, by orders
from Washington.
_August 12._ The flag-ship _San Francisco_, the monitor _Miantonomah_, and
the auxiliary yacht _Sylvia_ were fired upon by the Havana batteries. One
10 or 12-inch shell struck the _San Francisco’s_ stern as she turned to
get out of range, and tore a hole about a foot in diameter, completely
wrecking Commodore Howell’s quarters, and smashing his book-case to
fragments. Nobody was injured, and, being under orders not to attack the
batteries, the ships retreated as fast as their engines could carry them.
_August 13._ General Shafter, at Santiago, learned that Manzanillo had
been bombarded for twenty hours.
General Shafter at once cabled to the Spanish commander at Manzanillo that
peace had been declared,(35) and requesting him to advise the American
commander of the fact under a flag of truce, which he did, and the
shelling of the town ceased.
_August 16._ The following message was the first received in this country
from the territory so lately annexed:
[Illustration: U. S. S. SAN FRANCISCO.]
“HONOLULU, August 16.
“_Day, State Department_:—Flag raised Friday, the twelfth, at noon.
Ceremonies of transfer produced excellent impression.
(Signed) “SEWALL.”
CHAPTER XV.
THE PORTO RICAN CAMPAIGN.
_July 20._ With bands playing and thirty thousand people cheering, the
first expedition to Porto Rico left Charleston, S. C., at seven o’clock in
the evening, under command of Maj.-Gen. J. H. Wilson. The Second and Third
Wisconsin and Sixteenth Pennsylvania regiments, and two companies of the
Sixth Illinois, made up the list of troops.
_July 21._ General Miles accompanied the expedition bound for Porto Rico,
which left Guantanamo Bay, made up of eight transports convoyed by the
_New Orleans_, _Annapolis_, _Cincinnati_, _Leyden_, and _Wasp_.
_July 22._ An expedition under command of Brig.-Gen. Theo. Schwan left
Tampa on five transports, bound for Porto Rico.
_July 25._ The expedition under the command of Major-General Miles landed
at Guanica de Porto Rico, the _Gloucester_, in charge of
Lieutenant-Commander Wainwright, steaming into the harbour in order to
reconnoitre the place. With the fleet waiting outside, the gallant little
fighting yacht _Gloucester_ braved the mines which were supposed to be in
this harbour, and, upon sounding, found that there were five fathoms of
water close inshore.
[Illustration: MAJOR-GENERAL MILES.]
The Spaniards were completely taken by surprise. Almost the first they
knew of the approach of the army of invasion was the firing of a gun from
the _Gloucester_, saucily demanding that the Spaniards haul down the flag
of Spain, which was floating from the flagstaff in front of a blockhouse
standing to the east of the village.
The first 3-pounders were aimed at the hills right and left of the bay and
in order to scare the enemy, the fighting yacht purposely avoiding firing
into the town.
The _Gloucester_ then hove to within about six hundred yards of the shore,
and lowered a launch, having on board a colt rapid-fire gun and thirty
men, under the command of Lieutenant Huse. She was sent ashore without
encountering any opposition.
Quartermaster Beck thereupon told Yeoman Lacey to haul down the Spanish
flag, which was done, and then they raised the first United States flag to
float over Porto Rican soil.
Suddenly about thirty Spaniards opened fire with Mauser rifles upon the
American party. Lieutenant Huse and his men responded with great
gallantry, the Colt gun doing effective work.
Norman, who received Admiral Cervera’s surrender, and Wood, a volunteer
lieutenant, shared the honours with Lieutenant Huse.
Almost immediately after the Spaniards fired on the Americans, the
_Gloucester_ opened fire on the enemy with all her 3 and 6-pounders which
could be brought to bear, shelling the town and also dropping shells into
the hills to the west of Guanica, where a number of Spanish cavalry were
to be seen hastening toward the spot where the Americans had landed.
Lieutenant Huse then threw up a little fort, which he named Fort
Wainwright, and laid barbed wire in the street in front of it in order to
repel the expected cavalry attack. The lieutenant also mounted the Colt
gun and signalled for reinforcements, which were sent from the
_Gloucester_.
Presently a few of the Spanish cavalry joined those who were fighting in
the streets of Guanica, but the Colt barked to a purpose, killing four of
them.
Soon afterward white-coated galloping cavalrymen were seen climbing the
hills to the westward, and the foot-soldiers were scurrying along the
fences from the town.
By 9.45, with the exception of a few guerrilla shots, the town was won,
and the enemy driven out of the neighbourhood.
The troops from the transports were landed before nightfall.
_July 26._ Near Yauco, while the Americans were pushing toward the
mountains, the Spaniards ambushed eight companies of the Sixth
Massachusetts and Sixth Illinois regiments, but the enemy was repulsed and
driven back a mile to a ridge, where the Spanish cavalry charged and were
routed by our infantry.
General Garretson led the fight with the men from Illinois and
Massachusetts, and the enemy retreated to Yauco, leaving three dead on the
field and thirteen wounded. None of our men were killed, and only three
were slightly wounded.
_June 27._ The port of Ponce, Porto Rico, surrendered to Commander C. H.
Davis of the auxiliary gunboat _Dixie_. There was no resistance, and the
Americans were welcomed with enthusiasm. General Miles issued the
following proclamation:
“In the prosecution of the war against the kingdom of Spain by the people
of the United States, in the cause of liberty, justice, and humanity, its
military forces have come to occupy the island of Porto Rico. They come
bearing the banners of freedom, inspired by a noble purpose, to seek the
enemies of our government and of yours, and to destroy or capture all in
armed resistance.
“They bring you the fostering arms of a free people, whose greatest power
is justice and humanity to all living within their fold. Hence they
release you from your former political relations, and it is hoped your
cheerful acceptance of the government of the United States will follow.
“The chief object of the military forces will be to overthrow the armed
authority of Spain, and give the people of your beautiful island the
largest measure of liberty consistent with this military occupation.
“They have not come to make war on the people of the country, who for
centuries have been oppressed, but, on the contrary, they bring protection
not only to yourselves, but to your property, will promote your prosperity
and bestow upon you the immunities and blessings of our enlightened and
liberal institutions and government.
“It is not their purpose to interfere with the existing laws and customs
which are wholesome and beneficial to the people, so long as they conform
to the rules of the military administration, order, and justice. This is
not a war of devastation and desolation, but one to give all within the
control of the military and naval forces the advantages and blessings of
enlightened civilisation.”
_July 28._ The expedition destined for Porto Rico, under command of
Major-General Brooke, left Newport News. Four transports and the auxiliary
cruisers _St. Louis_ and _St. Paul_ comprises the fleet.
The Navy Department made public the following telegram:
“U. S. S. MASSACHUSETTS, PONCE, PORTO
RICO, July 28.
“Commander Davis with _Dixie_, _Annapolis_, _Wasp_, and _Gloucester_ left
Guanica July 27th to blockade Ponce and capture lighters for United States
army. City of Ponce and Playa surrendered to Commander Davis upon demand
at 12.30 A. M., July 28th. American flag hoisted 6 A. M., 28th.
“Spanish garrison evacuated.
“Provisional articles of surrender until occupation by army: first,
garrison to be allowed to retire; second, civil government to remain in
force; third, police and fire brigade to be maintained without arms;
fourth, captain of port not to be made prisoner.
“Arrived at Ponce from Guanica with _Massachusetts_ and _Cincinnati_,
General Miles and General Wilson and transport, at 6.40 A. M., 28th;
commenced landing army in captured sugar lighters.
“No resistance. Troops welcomed by inhabitants; great enthusiasm.
“Captured sixty lighters, twenty sailing vessels, and 120 tons of coal.
“HIGGINSON.”
_July 29._ The advance guard of General Henry’s division, which landed at
Guanica on Tuesday, arrived at Ponce, taking en route the cities of Yauco,
Tallaboa, Sabana, Grande, and Penuelas.
Attempts by the Spaniards to blow up bridges and otherwise destroy the
railroad between Yauco and Ponce failed, only a few flat cars being
burned. At Yauco the Americans were welcomed in an address made by the
alcalde, and a public proclamation was issued, dated “Yauco, Porto Rico,
United States of America, July 27th.”
_July 31._ In General Miles’s despatches to the War Department, the
following statements are made regarding the condition of affairs on the
island:
“Volunteers are surrendering themselves with arms and ammunition.
Four-fifths of the people are overjoyed at the arrival of the army. Two
thousand from one place have volunteered to serve with it. They are
bringing in transportation, beef, and other needed supplies.
“The custom-house has already yielded fourteen thousand dollars. As soon
as all the troops are disembarked they will be in readiness to move.”
Colonel Hulings, with ten companies of the Sixteenth Pennsylvania,
occupied Juan Diaz, about eight miles northeast of Ponce, on the road to
San Juan. The American flag was raised, and greeted with great enthusiasm
by the populace.
_August 1._ The American scouts were within six miles of Coamo, and the
Spanish rear guard was retiring fast. The Spanish had fled toward
Aibonito, thirty miles from Ponce, and the place was being fortified.
There the road winds around among the mountains, and the artillery
commanding it rendered the position impregnable. Détours were to be made
by the Americans from Coamo through Arroyo and Guayamo, thus avoiding the
main road, which had been mined for three miles. Captain Confields of the
engineers went ahead to kill these mines. The Fifth Signal Corps men in
advance of the Sixteenth Pennsylvania sent word to General Stone that it
had reconnoitred the road to Adjuntas. A signal-station was established,
and the stars and stripes run up at Santa Isabel amid great enthusiasm.
Yabricoa, Patillas, Arroyo, Guayanillo, Penuelas, Adjuntas, Guayamo, and
Salinas had all surrendered.
[Illustration: MAJOR-GENERAL BROOKE.]
The Spaniards hurried from these towns towards San Juan before an attack
was made. The second fleet of transports arrived safely at Fort Ponce, the
_Roumanian_ bringing the cavalry detachment, and the _Indiana_ and
_Missouri_ the batteries. Generals Brooke, Schwan, and Haines, with their
staffs, were on board. The troops carried included the Thirteenth
Illinois, Seventh Ohio, Fourth Pennsylvania, Nineteenth Regulars, and
Troops A and C of the New York volunteer cavalry.
There were also one thousand animals, thirty days’ rations for thirty
thousand men, a signal corps detachment, and an ambulance corps. The whole
force, as well as the ammunition and quartermaster’s stores, was landed,
and the men were camping on the outskirts of the town.
_August 2._ San Juan blockaded by the _New Orleans_, _Puritan_, _Prairie_,
_Dixie_, and _Gloucester_, which kept out of range of the masked batteries
ashore.
The railroad from Ponce to Yauco in possession of U. S. troops. Spanish
volunteers continued to come into the American lines and give themselves
up.
_August 4._ A portion of General Grant’s brigade, on the transport
_Hudson_, sailed from Newport News.
A correspondent for the Associated Press, with the invading army, thus
wrote under date of August 4th:
“The Americans have taken peaceful possession of the eastern portion of
the island.
“Small parties of marines have been landed, who have lighted the lamps in
the lighthouse at Cape San Juan, and in other lighthouses along the coast.
They met with no resistance.
“Indeed, at Cape San Juan, deputations of citizens came out to meet them.
“The war-ships now in this vicinity are the _Montgomery_, the _Annapolis_,
the _Puritan_, and the _Amphitrite_. The two former are looking for the
transports with troops which left the United States and have scattered all
about the island.
“The _Annapolis_ rounded up the _Whitney_, the _Florida_, and the
_Raleigh_, yesterday, and they are now at Cape San Juan. There seems to
have been a serious mistake as to the rendezvous, for no two ships go to
the same place, and it will take several days to overtake them and get
them to Ponce, where General Miles is waiting.
“Off San Juan the cruiser _New Orleans_ alone maintains the blockade. The
city is grim and silent, but back of her yellow walls there will be plenty
of determination to fight when the Americans fire.
“Captain-General Macias has issued a proclamation, in the course of which
he says:
“‘Spain has not sued for peace, and I can drive off the American boats now
as I did Sampson’s attempt before.’
“The daughter of the captain-general is helping to drill the gunners in
the fort. Altogether there are ninety-five hundred Spanish regulars in the
city. The troops of the enemy, who are retreating from Ponce and the other
towns on the south coast occupied by the Americans, have not yet arrived.”
_August 5._ General Haines, with the Fourth Ohio and the Third Illinois,
left Arroyo for the Spanish stronghold of Guayama. The Fourth Ohio was
placed in the lead, and when only three miles from Arroyo its
skirmish-lines were attacked by the Spaniards from ambush. There was a hot
running fight from this time on until the American troops reached and
captured Guayama, which is about six miles from Arroyo. The Americans lost
three wounded, and the enemy, one killed and two wounded.
_August 6._ The foreign consuls at San Juan de Porto Rico advised the
Spanish authorities to surrender the island to the American troops. The
Spaniards, however, in reply, announced that they had resolved to fight;
thereupon the consuls notified the Spanish commander, Captain-General
Macias, that they would establish a neutral zone between Bayamon and Rio
Piedrass, in which to gather the foreign residents and their portable
properties in order to ensure their safety in the event of a bombardment
of the place by the American forces. The consul sent a similar
notification to General Miles.
_August 7._ A general advance of the American forces. The custom-house in
the village of Farjardo was seized.
_August 8._ The town of Coamo was taken by the Sixteenth Pennsylvania and
the Second and Third Wisconsin. Artillery was used on an outlying
blockhouse, and under cover of this fire the advance was made.
Two hundred Spaniards were captured and twenty killed, including the
commander, Rafael Igleseas, and three other officers.
Five Americans were wounded.
_August 9._ Gen. Fred Grant, his staff, and six companies of the First
Kentucky regiment sailed for Porto Rico from Newport News on the transport
_Alamo_.
“PONCE, August 9.
“_Secretary of War, Washington_:—The following received from General
Wilson:
“‘General Ernst’s brigade captured Coamo 8.30 this morning. Sixteenth
Pennsylvania, Colonel Hulings commanding, led by Lieutenant-Colonel
Biddle, of my staff, having made a turning movement through the mountains,
striking the Aibonito road half a mile beyond town, captured the entire
garrison of Coamo, about 150 men.
“‘Spanish commander, Igleseas, and Captain Lopez killed. Our loss reported
six wounded, only one severely. Men and officers behaving excellently.’
“Colonel Hulings and Colonel Biddle are especially to be commended. This
is a very important capture, and well executed. Names of wounded as soon
as received here.
(Signed) “MILES.”
Troop C, of New York, pursued a party of fleeing Spanish engineers, after
the capture of Coamo, a distance of four miles along the road to Aibonito.
The Americans were checked at the Cuyon River, where the Spaniards had
blown up the bridge, and were shelled from a Spanish battery on the crest
of Asoniante Mountain. The dismounted cavalry returned the fire, receiving
no damage, and holding the position. A battalion of the Third Wisconsin
Volunteers went to their support.
_August 11._
“PONCE, VIA BERMUDA, August 11.
“_Secretary of War, Washington_:—The following message received from
Schwan:
“‘CAMP, NEAR HORMIGUEROS, August 10.
“‘Advance guard, including cavalry of this command, while reconnoitring
northwest of Rosario River, near Hormigueros, developed strong Spanish
force, which lay concealed in hills north of Mayaguez.
“‘In general engagement that followed, Lieutenant Byron, Eighth Cavalry,
my aid-de-camp, was wounded in foot, and Private Fermberger, Company D,
Eleventh Infantry, and one other private were killed, and fourteen
enlisted men were wounded.
“‘It is reported that the most, if not the entire Spanish garrison of
Mayaguez and surrounding country, consisting of one thousand regulars and
two hundred volunteers, took part in the engagement. We drove enemy from
his position, and it is believed inflicted heavy loss.
“‘A wounded Spanish lieutenant was found in the field and brought into our
line. Conduct of officers and men was beyond all praise. I propose to
continue my march on Mayaguez at early hour to-morrow.
“‘SCHWAN.’
(Signed) “MILES.”
_August 12._ General Wilson moved one Lancaster battery out to the front
for the purpose of shelling the Spanish position on the crest of the
mountain at the head of the pass through which the road winds.
The enemy occupied a position of great natural strength, protected by
seven lines of entrenchments, and a battery of two howitzers.
The Spaniards were eager for the fray, and early in the day had fired upon
Colonel Biddle of the engineer corps, who, with a platoon of Troop C, of
New York, was reconnoitring on their right flank.
As the American battery rounded a curve in the road, two thousand yards
away, the enemy opened an artillery and infantry fire. Four companies of
the Third Wisconsin, which were posted on the bluff to the right of the
road, were not permitted to respond.
The guns advanced at a gallop in the face of a terrific fire, were
unlimbered, and were soon hurling common shell and shrapnel at the enemy
at a lively rate, striking the emplacements, batteries, and entrenchments
with the rhythmic regularity of a triphammer.
[Illustration: GENERAL BROOKE RECEIVING THE NEWS OF THE PROTOCOL.]
The enemy soon abandoned one gun, but continued to serve the other at
intervals for over an hour. They had the range, and their shrapnel burst
repeatedly over the Americans.
In about two hours the enemy abandoned the other gun, and the men began to
flee from the entrenchments toward a banana growth near the gorge. Then
the guns shelled them as they ran. One gun was ordered to advance a
position a quarter of a mile farther on. It had just reached the new
position when Spanish infantry reinforcements filed into the trenches and
began a deadly fire upon the Americans, compelling the battery to retire
at a gallop. Then both the enemy’s howitzers reopened, the shrapnel
screamed, and Mausers sang. Another gun galloped from the rear, but the
American ammunition was exhausted.
Colonel Bliss of General Wilson’s staff went forward to the enemy’s lines
with a flag of truce, and explained that peace negotiations were almost
concluded, that their position was untenable, and demanded their
surrender. The Spanish had had no communication with the outside world,
and the commander asked until the next morning in order that he might
communicate with General Macias at San Juan.
_August 13._ Twelve hours later the Spanish commander gave the following
command to one of his staff:
“Tell the American general, if he desires to avoid further shedding of
blood, to remain where he is.”
General Miles telegraphed the War Department that he was in receipt of
Secretary Alger’s order to suspend hostilities in Porto Rico. The soldiers
of the American army generally received the news of peace with delight,
although some were disappointed that there was to be no further fighting,
and many officers expressed regrets at the suspension of hostilities in
the midst of the campaign.
_August 14._ General Schwan’s column was attacked between Mayaguez and
Lares. As the Eleventh Infantry under Colonel Burke was descending the
valley of the Rio Grande they were fired upon from a hillside by a force
of fifteen hundred Spaniards, who were retreating toward the north. The
fire was returned, and the Spaniards were repulsed with, it was believed,
considerable loss.
Colonel Soto, the commander of the Mayaguez district, was wounded and
afterward captured in a wayside cottage. He was attended by two sergeants,
who surrendered. The Americans suffered no loss. The artillery and cavalry
were not engaged.
General Schwan had not received news of the signing of the protocol when
the action occurred, but obtained it later in the day.
[Illustration: GENERAL RUSSELL A. ALGER, SECRETARY OF WAR.]
CHAPTER XVI.
THE FALL OF MANILA.
With the opening of the month of July, affairs at Manila, so far as
concerned the American forces, were at a standstill.
_June 30._ Admiral Dewey awaited the coming of the army, the first
transports of the fleet having arrived at Cavite, June 30th, before
beginning offensive operations.
The situation on and around the island of Luzon was much the same as it
had been nearly all the month of June, except that the gunboat _Leite_,
which ran up a river on May 1st, the day of the battle, came out and
surrendered, having on board fifty-two army and navy officers and
ninety-four men. The _Leite_ has a battery of one 3 1-2-inch hontoria
guns, and several 2.7-inch rapid-fire guns.
_July 1._ Aguinaldo proclaimed himself President of the Revolutionary
Republic on the first of July. The progress of the insurgents can be
readily understood by the following extract from a letter written by Mr.
E. W. Harden:
“There are persistent rumours that it is the desire of Governor-General
Augusti to surrender Manila to the Americans, but the command of the
Spanish troops is practically held by the senior colonel of artillery, who
opposes surrender.
“The rebels have captured the water-works beyond Santa Mesa, which
supplied Manila, and the Spanish fear that their water will be cut off.
“The rebels have also captured the strongly fortified positions of San
Juan and Delmonte, where the Spaniards were to make their last stand if
Manila capitulated. The city is still surrounded by insurgents.
_July 2._ “There was fierce fighting Saturday before Malate. The Spaniards
had modern guns to command the rebel trenches, and maintained a steady
fire throughout the afternoon, but found it impossible to drive the
natives out. Forty rebels were killed. The Spaniards finally were driven
back.”
_July 4._ Brigadier-General Green, in command of the second army
detachment, on the way from San Francisco to Manila, rediscovered and took
formal possession of the long lost Wake Island, in north latitude 19° 15’
and east longitude 166° 33’.
_July 5._ To the Spanish consul at Singapore, Captain-General Augusti
telegraphed:
“The situation is unchanged. My family has succeeded in miraculously
escaping from Macabora in a boat, and, having passed through the American
vessels, all arrived safely at Manila. General Monet’s column is besieged
and attacked at Macabora.”
_July 15._ The steamers _City of Puebla_ and _Peru_ sailed from San
Francisco with the fourth Manila expedition, under command of
Major-General Otis.
_July 16._ The steamer _China_, of the second Manila expedition, arrived
at Cavite, and was followed on the next day by the steamers _Zealandia_,
_Colon_, and _Senator_.
_July 19._ The work of surrounding Manila by American forces was begun by
advancing the First California regiment to Jaubo, only two miles from the
Spanish lines. The Colorado and Utah batteries were landed at Paranaque,
directly from the transports. Over fifteen hundred men encamped between
Manila and Cavite. The Tenth Pennsylvania, with the rest of the artillery,
landed at Malabon, north of the besieged city.
_July 23._ The transport steamer _Rio Janeiro_, bearing two battalions of
South Dakota volunteers, recruits for the Utah Light Artillery, and a
detachment of the signal corps, sailed from San Francisco for Manila.
_July 25._ Major-General Merritt arrived at Cavite. Secretary Long
forwarded to Admiral Dewey the joint resolution of Congress, extending the
thanks of Congress for the victory achieved at Cavite. The resolution was
beautifully engrossed, and prefaced by a formal attestation of its
authenticity by Secretary of State Day, the whole being enclosed in richly
ornamented Russia covers.
Secretary Long, in his letter of transmittal, makes reference to a letter
from the Secretary of State complimenting Admiral Dewey upon his direction
of affairs since the great naval victory, a formal evidence that the State
Department is thoroughly well satisfied with the diplomatic qualities the
admiral has exhibited. The letter of Secretary Long is as follows:
“NAVY DEPARTMENT,
WASHINGTON, July 25, 1898.
“_Sir_:—The Department has received from the Secretary of State an
engrossed and certified copy of a joint resolution of Congress, tendering
the thanks of Congress to you, and the officers and men of the squadron
under your command, for transmission to you, and herewith encloses the
same.
“Accompanying the copy of the joint resolutions, the Department received a
letter from the Secretary of State requesting that there be conveyed to
you his high appreciation of your character as a naval officer, and of the
good judgment and prudence you have shown in directing affairs since the
date of your great achievement in destroying the Spanish fleet.
“This I take great pleasure in doing, and join most heartily on behalf of
the Navy Department, as well as personally, in the commendation of the
Secretary of State. Very respectfully,
“JOHN D. LONG, _Secretary_.
“_Rear-Admiral George Dewey, U. S. N., Commander-in-Chief U. S. Naval
Force, Asiatic Station._”
_July 29._ The transport steamer _St. Paul_, bearing the first battalion
of North Dakota volunteers, the Minnesota and Colorado recruits, sailed
from San Francisco for Manila.
_July 31._ The transports _Indiana_, _Ohio_, _Valencia_, _Para_, and
_Morgan City_ arrived at Cavite with American troops.
At 11.30, on the last night of July, the Spanish forces in Manila attacked
the American lines. A typhoon had set in, rain was falling in torrents,
and the blackness of the night was almost palpable. Three thousand
Spaniards made a descent upon an entrenched line of not more than nine
hundred Americans.
The Tenth Pennsylvania bore the brunt of the attack, and checked the
Spanish advance until the Utah battery, the First California Volunteers,
and two companies of the Third Artillery, fighting as infantry, could get
up to strengthen the right of the line.
The Spaniards had, by a rush, gone 150 yards through and beyond the
American right flank, when the regulars of the Third Artillery, armed as
infantrymen, pushed them back in confusion, the Pennsylvanians and Utah
battery aiding gallantly in the work.
_August 1._ After the attack on the right wing had been repulsed, the
second Spanish attack at two in the morning was directed against the
American left wing.
After thirty minutes of fighting the enemy was again beaten off, and the
rain seemed to be so heavy as to make further attack impossible.
But at 3.50 A. M. the battle was resumed at longer range, Spanish
sharpshooters firing from the trees, and the batteries working constantly,
using brass-coated bullets. The Americans, smoked and powder-stained,
stuck to their guns for fourteen hours without relief, and shortly after
sunrise the Spanish retreated. The American loss was eight killed, ten
seriously and thirty-eight slightly wounded.
_August 4._ The monitor _Monterey_ and the convoyed collier _Brutus_
arrived at Cavite.
_August 7._ Admiral Dewey demanded the surrender of Manila within
forty-eight hours. The Spanish commander replied that, the insurgents
being outside the walls, he had no safe place for the women and children
who were in the city, and asked for twenty-four hours additional delay.
This Admiral Dewey granted.
At the expiration of the specified time Admiral Dewey and General Merritt
consulted and decided to postpone the attack.
_August 13._ The American commanders decided to begin hostilities on the
thirteenth of August, and the navy began the action at 9.30 A. M., the
_Olympia_ opening fire, followed by the _Raleigh_, _Petrel_, and _Callao_.
The latter showed great daring, approaching within eight hundred yards of
the Malate forts and trenches, doing grand work and driving back the
Spanish forces.
The firing from the fleet continued for one hour, the Spanish then
retreating from Malate, where the fire was centred, and the American land
forces stormed the trenches, sweeping all before them. The First Colorado
Volunteers drove the Spaniards into the second line of defence. Then the
troops swept on, driving all the Spaniards into the inner fortification.
The fighting in the trenches was most fierce. Fifteen minutes after the
Spaniards were driven to the second line of defences, they were forced to
retreat to the walled city, where, seeing the uselessness of resistance,
they surrendered, and soon afterward a white flag was hoisted over Manila.
The total number of killed on the American side was forty-five, and
wounded about one hundred. The Spanish losses were two hundred killed and
four hundred wounded.
Captain-General Augusti took refuge on board the German ship _Kaiserin
Augusta_, and was conveyed to Hongkong.
The following official reports were made by cable:
“MANILA, August 13, 1898.
“_Secretary of Navy, Washington_:—Manila surrendered to-day to the
American land and naval forces, after a combined attack.
“A division of the squadron shelled the forts and entrenchments at Malate,
on the south side of the city, driving back the enemy, our army advancing
from that side at the same time.
“The city surrendered about five o’clock, the American flag being hoisted
by Lieutenant Brumby.
“About seven thousand prisoners were taken.
“The squadron had no casualties, and none of the vessels were injured.
“August 7th, General Merritt and I formally demanded the surrender of the
city, which the Spanish governor-general refused.
(Signed) “DEWEY.”
“HONGKONG, August 20th.
“_Adjutant-General, Washington_:—The following are the terms of the
capitulation:
“The undersigned, having been appointed a commission to determine the
details of the capitulation of the city and defences of Manila and its
suburbs and the Spanish forces stationed therein, in accordance with
agreement entered into the previous day by Maj.-Gen. Wesley Merritt,
U. S. A., American commander-in-chief in the Philippines, and His
Excellency Don Fermin Jaudenes, acting general-in-chief of the Spanish
army in the Philippines, have agreed upon the following:
“The Spanish troops, European and native, capitulate with the city and
defences, with all honours of war, depositing their arms in the places
designated by the authorities of the United States, remaining in the
quarters designated and under the orders of their officers and subject to
control of the aforesaid United States authorities, until the conclusion
of a treaty of peace between the two belligerent nations. All persons
included in the capitulation remain at liberty; the officers remaining in
their respective homes, which shall be respected as long as they observe
the regulations prescribed for their government and the laws enforced.
“2. Officers shall retain their side-arms, horses, and private property.
All public horses and public property of all kinds shall be turned over to
staff officers designated by the United States.
“3. Complete returns in duplicate of men by organisation, and full lists
of public property and stores shall be rendered to the United States
within ten days from this date.
“4. All questions relating to the repatriation of the officers and men of
the Spanish forces and of their families, and of the expense which said
repatriation may occasion, shall be referred to the government of the
United States at Washington. Spanish families may leave Manila at any time
convenient to them. The return of the arms surrendered by the Spanish
forces shall take place when they evacuate the city, or when the Americans
evacuate.
“5. Officers and men included in the capitulation shall be supplied by the
United States according to rank, with rations and necessary aid, as though
they were prisoners of war, until the conclusion of a treaty of peace
between the United States and Spain. All the funds in the Spanish treasury
and all other public funds shall be turned over to the authorities of the
United States.
“6. This city, its inhabitants, its churches and religious worship, its
educational establishments, and its private property of all description,
are placed under the special safeguard of the faith and honour of the
American army.
“F. V. GREENE,
“_Brigadier-General of Volunteers, U. S. A._
“B. P. LAMBERTON,
“_Captain U. S. Navy_.
“CHARLES A. WHITTIER,
“_Lieutenant-Colonel and Inspector-General_.
“E. H. CROWDER,
“_Lieutenant-Colonel and Judge-Advocate_.
“NICHOLAS DE LA PENA,
“_Auditor-General’s excts._
“CARLOS REYEO,
“_Colonel de Ingenieros_.
“JOSE MARIA OLQUEN,
“_Felia de Estado Majors_.
(Signed) “MERRITT.”
“HONGKONG, August 20th.
“_Adjutant-General, Washington_:—Cablegram of the twelfth directing
operations to be suspended received afternoon of sixteenth. Spanish
commander notified. Acknowledged receipt of cablegram same date,
containing proclamation of President.
“MERRITT.”
[Illustration: MAJOR-GENERAL WESLEY MERRITT.]
CHAPTER XVII.
PEACE.
On the twenty-sixth day of July, shortly after three o’clock in the
afternoon, the French ambassador, M. Cambon, accompanied by his first
secretary, called at the White House, the interview having been previously
arranged and an intimation of its purpose having been given. With the
President at the time was Secretary of State Day.
M. Cambon stated to the President that, representing the diplomatic
interests of the kingdom of Spain, “with whom at the present time the
United States is unhappily engaged in hostilities,” he had been directed
by the Spanish Minister for Foreign Affairs to ask on what terms the
United States would agree to a suspension of hostilities.
The French ambassador, continuing, said that Spain, realising the
hopelessness of a conflict, knowing that she was unable to cope with the
great power of her adversary, and appreciating fully that a prolongation
of the struggle would only entail a further sacrifice of life and result
in great misery to her people, on the ground of humanity appealed to the
President to consider a proposition for peace.
Spain, said the ambassador, had been compelled to fight to vindicate her
honour, and having vindicated it, having fought bravely and been conquered
by a more powerful nation, trusted to the magnanimity of the victor to
bring the war to an end.
The President’s reply showed that he was responsive to the appeal. He was
evidently moved by the almost pathetic position which the once proud
nation of Spain had been forced to take, but he had his feelings well
under control and behaved with great dignity.
The President frankly admitted that he was desirous of peace, that he
would welcome a cessation of hostilities, but he delicately intimated that
if Spain were really desirous of peace she must be prepared to offer such
terms as could be accepted by the United States. The President asked the
French ambassador if he had been instructed to formally propose terms, or
make any offer.
M. Cambon replied that he had not been so instructed, that his
instructions were to ask on what terms it would be possible to make peace.
Mr. McKinley said the matter would be considered by the Cabinet, and a
formal answer returned at the earliest possible moment. The French
ambassador thanked the President for his courtesy, and, with expressions
of good-will on both sides, the historical interview was brought to a
close.
On the thirtieth day of July the ultimatum of the United States was
delivered to the ambassador of France, and, in plain words, it was
substantially as follows:
The President does not now put forward any claim for pecuniary indemnity,
but requires the relinquishment of all claim of sovereignty over or title
to the island of Cuba, as well as the immediate evacuation by Spain of the
island, the cession to the United States and immediate evacuation of Porto
Rico and other islands under Spanish sovereignty in the West Indies, and
the like cession of an island in the Ladrones.
The United States will occupy and hold the city, bay, and harbour of
Manila, pending the conclusion of a treaty of peace, which shall determine
the control, disposition, and government of the Philippines.
If these terms are accepted by Spain in their entirety, it is stated that
the commissioners will be named by the United States to meet commissioners
on the part of Spain for the purpose of concluding a treaty of peace on
the basis above indicated.
August 12, 1898, peace negotiations were formally begun between the United
States and Spain.
A few minutes before four o’clock, in the midst of a drenching rain, M.
Cambon, the French ambassador, attended by his secretary, entered the
White House. They were immediately ushered to the library, where the
President, Secretary of State Day, and Assistant Secretaries of State
Moore, Adee, and Cridler were awaiting them.
The President cordially greeted the ambassador, who returned the
salutation with equal warmth, and then shook hands with Secretary Day and
the Assistant Secretaries. While the President, Judge Day, and the French
ambassador were discussing the weather,—and Washington has seldom known
such a rain-storm as that which engulfed the city while peace was being
signed,—M. Thiebaut and Assistant Secretary Moore were comparing the two
copies of the protocol to see that they corresponded, and were identical
in form.
The protocol is on parchment, in parallel columns in French and English.
In the copy retained by the American government the English text is in the
first column; in the other copy, which was transmitted to Madrid, the
French text leads the paper.
The two Secretaries having pronounced the protocol correct, Judge Day and
the French ambassador moved over to the table to affix their signatures.
Mr. Cridler lit a candle to melt the sealing wax to make the impression on
the protocols.
The striking of the match caused the French ambassador to stop, feel in
his pocket, and then remember that he had come away from his embassy
without his seal. Here was a contretemps. It would never do to seal such
an important document with anything else but the ambassador’s personal
seal.
A note was hastily written, and one of the White House messengers dashed
out into the rain, and went to the French embassy. Until his return the
distinguished party in the White House library continued to discuss the
weather, and wonder when the typical Cuban rain would cease falling. In a
few minutes the messenger returned. The ambassador drew from a small box
his seal, and the two plenipotentiaries turned to the table. The American
copy of the protocol was placed before Judge Day, who signed it, and then
handed the pen to the ambassador, who quickly affixed his signature and
seal.
[Illustration: DON CARLOS.]
The second copy was then laid before the ambassador, who signed, and in
turn handed back the pen to Judge Day.
Thus Judge Day signed the two documents, first and last, and with the last
stroke of his pen hostilities ceased.
BY THE PRESIDENT OF THE UNITED STATES OF AMERICA.
_A PROCLAMATION._
_Whereas_, by a protocol concluded and signed August 12, 1898, by Wm. R.
Day, Secretary of State of the United States, and His Excellency Jules
Cambon, Ambassador Extraordinary and Plenipotentiary of the Republic of
France, at Washington, respectively representing for this purpose the
government of the United States and the government of Spain, the
governments of the United States and Spain have formally agreed upon the
terms on which negotiations for the establishment of peace between the two
countries shall be undertaken; and,
_Whereas_, it is in said protocol agreed that upon its conclusion and
signature hostilities between the two countries shall be suspended, and
that notice to that effect shall be given as soon as possible by each
government to the commanders of its military and naval forces;
Now, therefore, I, William McKinley, President of the United States, do,
in accordance with the stipulations of the protocol, declare and proclaim
on the part of the United States a suspension of hostilities, and do
hereby command that orders be immediately given through the proper
channels to the commanders of the military and naval forces of the United
States to abstain from all acts inconsistent with this proclamation.
In witness whereof, I have hereunto set my hand and caused the seal of the
United States to be affixed.
Done at the City of Washington this twelfth day of August, in the year of
our Lord one thousand eight hundred and ninety-eight, and of the
Independence of the United States the one hundred and twenty-third.
WILLIAM MCKINLEY.
By the President,
WILLIAM R. DAY,
SECRETARY OF STATE.
THE END.
APPENDICES
APPENDICES.
APPENDIX A.
THE PHILIPPINE ISLANDS.
The number of islands in the Philippine group are believed to be upwards
of fourteen hundred, with an aggregate land area (estimated on Domann’s
map) of not less than 114,356 miles, situate in the southeast of Asia,
extending from 40° 40’ to 20° north latitude, and from 116° 40’ to 126°
30’ east longitude.
The archipelago was discovered by Magellan on March 12, 1521, and named by
him the St. Lazarus Islands. The discoverer was a Portuguese, who had
sought service under Charles V. of Spain because he was ignored by the
court of his own country.
By the bull of Pope Alexander VI., of May 4, 1493, which was then
universally recognised as law, the earth was divided into two hemispheres.
All lands thereafter discovered in the Eastern Hemisphere were decreed to
belong to Portugal; all the Western to Spain.
The St. Lazarus Islands were well within Portugal’s rights, but as the use
of the log and the variation of the compass were unknown, an error of
fifty-two degrees in longitude was made, and to Spain the islands were
given on the basis of that error.
By whom the name of Philippines was given to the archipelago it is
impossible to say. In 1567 it appears to have been used for the first
time.
The manufactures of the islands consist of silk, cotton, and piña fibres
cloth, hats, mats, baskets, ropes, coarse pottery, and musical
instruments.
The northern islands of the archipelago lie in the region of the typhoon,
and have three seasons,—the cold, the hot, and the wet. The first extends
from November to February or March, when the atmosphere is bracing rather
than cold. The hot season lasts from March to June, and the heat becomes
very oppressive before the beginning of the southerly monsoon.
Thunder-storms of terrific violence occur during May and June. The wet
season begins with heavy rains, known by the natives as “collas,” and
until the end of October the downpour is excessive.
“Earthquakes are sufficiently frequent and violent in the Philippines to
affect the style adopted in the erection of buildings; in 1874, for
instance, they were very numerous throughout the archipelago, and in
Manila and the adjacent provinces shocks were felt daily for several
weeks. The most violent earthquakes on record in the Philippines occurred
in July, 1880, when the destruction of property was immense, both in the
capital and in other important towns of central Luzon.”
Though situated in the equatorial region, the elevations of the mountains
give a range of climate that allows the production of a great variety of
valuable crops. Tobacco, sugar, hemp, and rice are the chief staples
produced. The swamps and rivers are infested with crocodiles, and the
dense woods with monkeys and serpents of many species. Rich deposits of
gold are known to exist, but have been little developed.
To quote from the _Revue des Deux Mondes_ of Paris:
In the same district are found Indians, Negritos, Manthras, Malays,
Bicols, half-breed Indians and Spaniards, Tagalas, Visayas, Sulus, and
other tribes. The Negritos (little negroes) are real negroes, blacker than
a great many of their African conquerors, with woolly hair growing in
isolated tufts. They are very diminutive, rarely attaining four feet nine
inches in height, and with small, retreating skulls. This race forms a
branch equal in importance to the Papuan. It is believed to be the first
race inhabiting the Philippines, but, as well as everywhere else, except
in the Andaman Islands, it has been more or less absorbed by the stronger
races, and the result in the archipelago has been the formation of several
tribes of half-breeds numbering considerably more than half a million.
Side by side with them, and equally poor and wretched, are the Manthras, a
cross between the Negritos and Malays and the degenerate descendants of
the Saletes, a warlike tribe conquered by the Malayan Rajah Permicuri in
1411. Then come the Malay Sulus, all Mohammedans and still governed by
their Sultan and their _datos_, feudal lords who, under the suzerainty of
the Spaniards, have possessed considerable power.
The soil is fully sufficient—indeed, more than sufficient—to support this
population, whose wants are of the most limited character. The land is
exceedingly fertile and bears in abundance all tropical products,
particularly rice, sugar, and the abaca, a variety of the banana-tree. The
fibres of the abaca are employed in making the finest and most delicate
fabrics, of which from three to four million dollars’ worth are exported
annually. The exports of sugar amount to about four millions and a half,
of gold to two millions and a half, and of coffee and tobacco close on to
a million and a quarter each. The rice is consumed at home. It forms the
staple food of the people, and nearly three million dollars’ worth is
imported yearly. The husbandman cannot complain that his toil is
inadequately rewarded. A rice plantation will yield a return of at least
fifteen per cent.; if he plant his farm with sugar-cane he will realise
thirty per cent., if not more. On the other hand, the price of labour is
very low. An adult who gains a _real fuerte_ (about thirteen cents) a day,
thinks he is doing well.
In this archipelago of the Philippines, where races, manners, and
traditions are so often in collision, the religious fanaticism of the
Spaniards has, more than once, come into conflict with a fanaticism fully
as fierce as that of the Mussulman. At a distance of six thousand leagues
from Toledo and Granada, the same ancient hatreds have brought European
Spaniards and Asiatic Saracens into the same relentless antagonism that
swayed them in the days of the Cid and Ferdinand the Catholic. The island
of Sulu, on account of its position between Mindanao and Borneo, was the
commercial, political, and religious centre of the followers of the
Prophet, the Mecca of the extreme Orient. From this centre they spread
over the neighbouring archipelago. Dreaded as merciless pirates and
unflinching fanatics, they scattered everywhere terror, ruin, and death,
sailing in their light proas up the narrow channels and animated with
implacable hatred for those conquering invaders, to whom they never gave
quarter and from whom they never expected it; constantly beaten in pitched
battle, they as constantly took again to the sea, eluding pursuit of the
heavy Spanish vessels, taking refuge in bays and creeks where no one could
follow them, pillaging isolated ships, surprising the villages, massacring
the old men, leading away the women and the adults into slavery, pushing
the audacious prows of their skiffs even up to within three hundred miles
of Manila, and seizing every year nearly four thousand captives.
Between the Malay creese and the Castilian carronade the struggle was
unequal, but it did not last the less long on that account, nor, obscure
though it was, was it the less bloody. On both sides there was the same
bravery, the same cruelty. It required all the tenacity of Spain to purge
these seas of the pirates who infested them, and it was not until after a
conflict of several years, in 1876, that the Spanish squadron was able to
bring its broadside to bear on Tianggi, that nest of the Suluan pirates,
land a division of troops, invest all the outlets, and burn up the town
and its inhabitants as well as its harbour and all the craft within it.
The soldiers planted their flag and the engineers built a new city on the
smoking ruins. This city is protected by a strong garrison. For a time, at
least, it was all over with piracy, but not with Moslem fanaticism, which
was exasperated rather than crushed by its defeat. To the rovers of the
seas succeeded the organisation known as _juramentados_.
One of the characteristic qualities of the Malays is their contempt of
death. They have transmitted it with their blood to the Polynesians, who
see in it only one of the multiple phenomena and not the supreme act of
existence, and witness it or submit to it with profound indifference.
Travellers have often seen a Canaque stretch his body on a mat, while in
perfect health, and without any symptom of disease whatever, and there
wait patiently for the end, convinced that it is near, and refuse all
nourishment and die without any apparent suffering. His relatives say of
him, “He feels he is going to die,” and the imaginary patient dies, his
mind possessed by some illusion, some superstitious idea, some invisible
wound through which life escapes. When to this absolute indifference to
death is united Mussulman fanaticism, which gives to the believer a
glimpse of the gates of a paradise where the abnormally excited senses
revel in endless and numberless enjoyments, a longing for extinction takes
hold of him and throws him like a wild beast on his enemies; he stabs them
and gladly invites their daggers in return. The _juramentado_ kills for
the sake of killing, and being killed, and so winning, in exchange for a
life of privation and suffering, the voluptuous existence promised by
Mahomet to his followers.
The laws of Sulu make the bankrupt debtor the slave of his creditor, and
not only the man himself, but his family also are enslaved. To free them
there is only one means left to the husband, the sacrifice of his life.
Reduced to this extremity he does not hesitate, he takes the formidable
oath. From that time forward he is enrolled in the ranks of the
_juramentados_, and has nothing to do but await the hour when the will of
his superior shall let him loose upon the Christians. Meanwhile the
_panditas_, or priests, subject him to a system of enthusiastic excitement
that will turn him into a wild beast of the most formidable kind. They
madden his already disordered brain, they make still more supple his oily
limbs, until they have the strength of steel and the nervous force of the
tiger or panther. They sing to him their rhythmic impassioned chants,
which show to his entranced vision the radiant smiles of intoxicating
houris. In the shadow of the lofty forests, broken by the gleam of the
moonlight, they evoke the burning and sensual energies of the eternally
young and beautiful companions who are calling him, opening their arms to
receive him. Thus prepared, the _juramentado_ is ready for everything.
Nothing can stop him, nothing can make him recoil. He will accomplish
prodigies of valour. Though stricken ten times he will remain on his feet,
will strike back, borne along by a buoyancy that is irresistible, until
the moment when death seizes him. He will creep with his companions into
the city that has been assigned to him; he knows that he will never leave
it, but he knows also that he will not die alone, and he has but one
aim,—to butcher as many Christians as he can.
An eminent scientist, Doctor Montano, sent on a mission to the Philippines
by the French government, describes the entry of eleven _juramentados_
into Tianggi. Divided into three or four bands, they managed to get
through the gates of the town bending under loads of fodder for cattle
which they pretended to have for sale, and in which they had hidden their
creeses. Quick as lightning they stabbed the guards, then, in their
frenzied course, they struck all whom they met.
Hearing the cry of “_Los juramentados!_” the soldiers seized their arms.
The _juramentados_ rushed on them fearlessly, their creeses clutched in
their hands. The bullets fell like hail among them. They bent, crept,
glided, and struck. One of them, whose breast was pierced through and
through by a bullet, rose and flung himself on the troops. He was again
transfixed by a bayonet; he remained erect, vainly trying to reach his
enemy, who held him impaled on the weapon. Another soldier had to run up
and blow the man’s brains out before he let go his prey. When the last of
the _juramentados_ had fallen, and the corpses were picked up from the
street which consternation had rendered empty, it was found that these
eleven men had, with their creeses, hacked fifteen soldiers to pieces, not
to reckon the wounded.
“And what wounds!” exclaims Doctor Montano; “the head of one corpse is cut
off as clean as if it had been done with the sharpest razor; another
soldier is almost cut in two! The first of the wounded to come under my
hands was a soldier of the Third Regiment, who was mounting guard at the
gate through which some of the assassins entered. His left arm was
fractured in three places; his shoulder and breast were literally cut up
like mince-meat; amputation appeared to be the only chance for him; but in
that lacerated flesh there was no longer a spot from which could be cut a
shred.”
It is easily seen how precarious and nominal has been Spanish rule on most
of the islands of this vast archipelago. In the interior of the great
island of Mindanao there is no system of control, no pretence even of
maintaining order. It is a land of terror, the realm of anarchy and
cruelty. There murder is a regular institution. A _bagani_, or man of
might, is a gallant warrior who has cut off sixty heads. The number is
carefully verified by the tribal authorities, and the _bagani_ alone
possesses the right to wear a scarlet turban. All the batos, or chiefs,
are _baganis_. It is carnage organised, honoured, and consecrated; and so
the depopulation is frightful, the wretchedness unspeakable.
The Mandayas are forced to seek a refuge from would-be _baganis_ by
perching on the tops of trees like birds, but their aerial abodes do not
always shelter them from their enemies. They build a hut on a trunk from
forty to fifty feet in height, and huddle together in it to pass the
night, and to be in sufficient numbers to repulse their assailants. The
_baganis_ generally try to take their victims by surprise, and begin their
attack with burning arrows, with which they endeavour to set on fire the
bamboo roof. Sometimes the besiegers form a _testudo_, like the ancient
Romans, with their locked shields, and advance under cover up to the
posts, which they attack with their axes, while the besieged hurl down
showers of stones upon their heads. But, once their ammunition is
exhausted, the hapless Mandayas have nothing to do but witness, as
impotent spectators, the work of destruction, until the moment comes when
their habitation topples over and falls. Then the captives are divided
among the assailants. The heads of the old men and of the wounded are cut
off, and the women and children are led away as slaves.
The genius of destructiveness seems incarnate in this Malay race. The
missionaries alone venture to travel among these ferocious tribes. They,
too, have made the sacrifice of their lives, and, holding life worth
nothing, they have succeeded in winning the respect of these savages in
evangelising and converting them. They work for God and for their country,
and the poorest and most wretched among the natives are not unwilling to
accept the faith and to submit to Spain; but the missionaries insist on
their leaving their homes and going to another district, to which, for
many reasons, the neophytes gladly consent. After several days’ journey a
pueblo is founded. These villages have multiplied for many years past,
forming oases of comparative peace and civilisation amid the barbarism by
which they are surrounded, and are open to all who choose to seek a
shelter in them. The more neophytes the pueblo holds, the less exposed it
is to hostile incursions. Doctor Montano gives a very striking account of
one of these daring missionaries, Father Saturnino Urios, of the Society
of Jesus, who, in a single year, converted and baptised fifty-two hundred
people.
There are thirty-one islands of considerable size in the Philippine group.
Their area exceeds that of Great Britain. Pine and fir-trees are abundant.
Large areas are suitable for wheat. There are eight ports open to
commerce. The principal exports are hemp, sugar, rice, tobacco, cigars,
coffee, and cocoa. Previous to the rebellion the annual value of the sugar
output was $30,000,000. Now it is almost nothing.
The population of the islands is about eight million, of which more than
three million are in Luzon, the insurgent stronghold.
“Under the administration of Spain the Philippines were subject to a
governor-general with supreme powers, assisted by a ‘junta of authorities’
instituted in 1850, and consisting of the archbishop, the commander of the
forces, the admiral, the president of the supreme court, etc.; a central
junta of agriculture, industry, and commerce (dating from 1866), and a
council of administration. In the provinces and districts the chief power
is in the hands of alcades mayores and civico-military governors. The
chief magistrate of a commune is known as the gobernadorcillo, or captain;
the native who is responsible for the collection of the tribute of a
certain group of families is the cabeca de barangay. Every Indian between
the ages of sixteen and sixty, subject to Spain, was forced to pay tribute
to the amount of $1.17, descendants of the first Christians of Cebu, new
converts, gobernadorcillos, etc., being exempted. Chinese were subject to
special taxes, and by a law of 1883 Europeans and Spanish half-castes were
required to pay a poll-tax of $2.50.”
The largest island in the archipelago is Luzon, with an area of 40,885
square miles, and on which is situated the city of Manila.
The population of Manila, as given in the consular reports for 1880, is in
the walled town 12,000, and in the suburbs from 250,000 to 300,000.
The city was founded in 1571, and is situated on the eastern shore of a
circular bay 120 nautical miles in circumference. It looks like a fragment
of Spain transplanted to the archipelago of Asia. On its churches and
convents, even on its ruined walls, overturned in the earthquake of 1863,
time has laid the brown, sombre, dull gold colouring of the mother
country. The ancient city, silent and melancholy, stretches interminably
along its gloomy streets, bordered with convents whose flat façades are
only broken here and there by a few narrow windows. But there is also a
new city within the ramparts of Manila; it is sometimes called the
Escolta, from the name of its central quarter, and this city is alive with
its dashing teams, its noisy crowd of Tagala women, shod in high-heeled
shoes, and every nerve in their bodies quivering with excitement. They are
almost all employed in the innumerable cigar factories whose output
inundates all Asia.
Here all sorts of nationalities elbow one another,—Europeans, Chinese,
Malays, Tagalas, Negritos, in all some 260,000 people of every known race
and of every known colour. In the afternoon, in the plain of Lunetto,
carriages and equipages of every kind drive past, and pedestrians swarm in
crowds around the military band stand in the marvellously picturesque
square, lit up by the slanting rays of the setting sun, which purples the
lofty peaks of the Sierra de Marivels in the distance, unfolds its long,
luminous train on the ocean, and tinges with a dark reddish shade the
sombre verdure of the city’s sloping banks. This is the hour when all the
inhabitants hold high festival, able at length to breathe freely after the
heat of the noontide.
The primary cause of the Philippine rebellion was excessive taxation by
Spain to raise money to carry on the war in Cuba. The islands were already
overburdened with assessments to enrich Spanish coffers and to support the
native poor. The additional money required for Cuba was the last straw.
Extreme cruelties began when General Aguirre arrived from Spain with
reinforcements. He did not undertake to penetrate the mountains, but
massacred the native population in the towns. When he took Santa Clara del
Laguna he spared neither man, woman, nor child. The people in the
mountains heard of this. They were almost wild with fury, but they were
helpless.
It is stated, on what seems to be good authority, that ten thousand dead
prisoners had been taken from prison in a year.
Three years ago it cost the government a little more than half a cent to
collect every dollar of taxation. In Luzon, it now costs ninety-five
cents. The only taxes that can be profitably collected are those in
Manila. The rich islands of Leyte and Mindanao contribute practically
nothing.
The first islands to revolt were Luzon, Mindanao, and Leyte. About one
year and a half ago, agents of the insurrectionists appealed to the
government at Washington to interfere in their behalf. The petition was
received and filed.
In the hot season, during the greater part of the day, the heat is so
intense that Europeans frequently fall with heat apoplexy. Even the
Spaniards do their business in the early hours, whiling away the heat of
the day in sleep. Late in the afternoon Manila begins to awaken.
The Escolta, or principal street, is crowded with loungers of all ranks
and colours, each with a segarito stuck pen-like behind his ear.
Caromattas, a species of two-wheeled hooded cabriolets peculiar to the
natives, crowd the roadway, together with the buggies and open carriages
of the foreign element.
At sunset the various tobacco stores close, and their thousand of
employees turn out into the streets. They form a motley yet effective
feature among the wayfarers. The Malay girls are usually very pretty, with
languishing eyes, shaded by long lashes, and supple figures, whose
graceful lines are revealed by their thin clothing. In fine weather their
bare feet are thrust into light, gold-embroidered slippers. In wet weather
they raise themselves on high clogs, which necessitates a very becoming
swinging of the hips.
There is not a bonnet to be seen. Women of the better classes affect lace
and flowers, those of the lower wear their own hair flowing down their
backs, in a long, blue-black wave. Jewelry is profusely worn. Every woman
sparkles with bracelets, earrings, and chains. Many of the males are
similarly attired. Everybody smokes. Cigarettes at fifteen for a cent are
in chief favour with the natives. Cigars at $1.50 a hundred are in favour
with the foreigners. The handful of Englishmen resident in Manila are
mostly bachelors, eager to make their pile and return to pleasanter
surroundings. These take up their quarters in a large house at Sampalog,
which is club and boarding-house combined, or in “chummeries,” established
in adjacent buildings.
The Spaniards classify all the Philippine islanders under three religious
groups,—the infidels, who have held to their ancient heathen rights, the
Moors, who retain the Mahometan religion of their first conquerors, and
the infinitely larger class of Catholics.
An important, though numerically small, element in the population of the
larger cities are the mestizos, or half-breeds, the result of admixture
either between the Chinese or the Spanish and the natives. These mestizos
occupy about the same social position as the mulattos of the United
States. But they are the richest and most enterprising among the native
population.
The most important personage is the cura, or parish priest. He is in most
instances a Spaniard by birth, and enrolled in one or other of the three
great religious orders, Augustinian, Franciscan, or Dominican, established
by the conquerors. At heart, however, he is usually as much, if not more,
of a native than the natives themselves. He is bound for life to the land
of his adoption. He has no social or domestic tie, no anticipated home
return, to bind him to any other place.
Next to the church, the greatest Sunday and holiday resort in a Philippine
village is the cock-pit, usually a large building wattled like a coarse
basket and surrounded by a high paling of the same description, which
forms a sort of courtyard, where cocks are kept waiting their turn to come
upon the stage, when their owners have succeeded in arranging a
satisfactory match. It is claimed that many a respectable Malay father has
been seen escaping from amid the ruins of his burning home bearing away in
his arms his favourite bird, while wife and children were left to shift
for themselves.
The diet of the Philippines has something to do, undoubtedly, with their
gentle and non-aggressive qualities. They eschew opium and spirituous
liquors. Their chief sustenance, morning, noon, and eve, is rice. The rice
crop seldom fails, not merely to support the population, but to leave a
large margin for export. Famine, that hideous shadow which broods over so
many a rice-subsisting population, is unknown here. Even scarcity is of
rare occurrence. In the worst of years hardly a sack of grain has to be
imported. It is this very abundance which stands in the way of what the
world calls progress. The Malay, like other children of the tropics,
limits his labour by the measure of his requirements, and that measure is
narrow indeed. Hence it is often difficult to obtain his services in the
development of the tobacco, coffee, hemp, and sugar industries, which
might make the archipelago one of the wealthiest and most prosperous
portions of the earth’s face.
Manila has been once before captured from Spain. The English were its
captors, although they held it only a few months. It was in 1762, a few
weeks after the English capture of Havana. Spain had been rash enough to
side with France in the war usually known in this country as the French
and Indian war. She was speedily punished for it.
The expedition against Manila was the plan of Colonel William Draper; he
was made a brigadier-general for the expedition and put in command, with
Admiral Cornish as his naval ally. There were nine ships of the line and
frigates, several troop-ships, and a land force of twenty-three hundred
including one English regiment, with Sepoys and marines.
On September 24, 1762, these forces were disembarked just south of Manila.
The Archbishop of Manila, who was also governor-general of the island,
collected and armed some ten thousand natives, as a reinforcement to the
Spanish garrison of eight hundred. During the progress of the siege some
daring attempts were made by the British to prevent the further
construction of defences, but the assailants were repulsed with great
slaughter.
A desperate sally was made by a strong body of natives, who “ran furiously
on the ranks of the besiegers and fought with almost incredible ferocity,
and many of them died, like wild beasts, gnawing with their teeth the
bayonets by which they were transfixed.”
On October 6th a breach was effected in the Spanish works, the English
carried the city by storm, and gave it up for several hours to the ravages
of a merciless soldiery. The Archbishop and his officers had retired to
the citadel, but this could not be defended, and a capitulation was agreed
upon, by which the city and port of Manila, with several ships and the
military stores, were surrendered, while for their private property the
Spanish agreed to pay as a ransom $2,000,000 in coin, and the same in
bills on the treasury at Madrid. This last obligation was never paid.
APPENDIX B.
WAR-SHIPS AND SIGNALS.
There are ten principal classes of vessels in the United States navy,
distinguished one from another by the differences in their uses and by
their strength and speed. The general principle underlying their
construction is that a vessel which is not strong enough to fight one of
her own size must be fast enough to run away. Any vessel which is inferior
in armament, and has no compensating superiority in speed, is outclassed.
The same is true of any vessel which is equal in armament, but inferior in
speed to an adversary.
The size of a vessel is measured by its displacement. This displacement is
the number of tons of water she will push aside to make room for herself.
A vessel of ten thousand tons will take engines of a certain weight and
power to drive her at a given speed, and the larger the engine the larger
the boilers and the greater the supply of coal required. Now, if it is
necessary to give this vessel heavy protective armour and big guns, the
additional weight of this equipment must be saved somewhere else, and
usually in the engine-room, reducing the speed of the vessel. Following
out this principle, it will be found that the fastest ships carry the
lightest armament, and that those which carry the biggest guns in their
batteries and the thickest armour on their sides are comparatively slow,
the extreme variation among vessels of the same displacement being about
eight or nine miles an hour.
In the matter of attack and defence, vessels are distinguished by the
number and weight of the guns they carry, and by the distribution and
thickness of their armour. Protective armour is of two kinds, that which
surrounds the guns, so as to protect them from the enemy’s fire, and that
which protects the motive-power of the ship, so as to prevent the engines
from being rendered useless.
The maximum of guns and armour and the minimum of speed are to be found in
the first-class battle-ship, which is simply a floating fortress, so
constructed that she need never run away, but can stand up and fight as
long as her gun turrets revolve. The general plan of construction in a
battle-ship is to surround the engines, boilers, and magazines with a wall
of Harveyized steel armour eighteen inches or so thick, and seven or eight
feet high, which extends about four feet below the water-line and three
feet above it. This armour belt is not only on the sides of the ship, but
is carried across it fore and aft, immediately in front of and behind the
space occupied by the engines and magazines, and the whole affair is
covered with a solid steel roof three or four inches thick. Outside this
central fortress, and extending from it clear to the bow and stern at each
end, is a protective deck of steel, three inches thick, which is placed
several feet below the water-line. Everything above this deck and outside
this fortress might be shot away, and the vessel would still float and
fight.
On the roof of the fortress are placed the turrets containing the big
guns. The largest of these guns, 13-inch calibre, weigh about sixty tons
each, and will carry a shell weighing eleven hundred pounds about twelve
miles. The turrets are circular, as a rule, large enough to hold two guns,
and are made of face-hardened steel from fifteen to eighteen inches thick.
They revolve within a barbette or ring of steel eighteen inches thick,
which protects the machinery by which the guns are trained. Farther back
on the roof of the fortress are other and lighter turrets made of 8-inch
steel and carrying 8-inch guns, and at other places are stationed
rapid-fire guns of lighter calibre, protected by thinner armour than that
of the main belt.
If all this secondary battery is stripped off, leaving nothing but the
turrets with the big guns, and these are brought down close to the water,
and the armour belt is reduced to seven or eight inches in thickness, the
type of vessel known as the monitor is reached. It is simply a battle-ship
on a reduced scale. Such vessels are very slow and cannot stand rough
weather, on account of their low freeboard. The speed of the monitors is
seldom more than twelve or fourteen miles an hour, and they are intended
to act in coast defence, usually in connection with shore-batteries. The
best types in the navy are the _Terror_ and the _Puritan_.
The speed of a battle-ship is about eighteen miles an hour. The best
specimen in the navy is the _Indiana_, declared by its admirers to be the
most powerful battle-ship afloat. Second-class battle-ships, like the
_Texas_, are smaller vessels, usually about seven thousand tons, and they
have a much lighter armour belt, about twelve inches, and do not carry so
heavy an armament as ships of the first class. The _Maine_ was a
second-class battle-ship. Her largest guns were of 10-inch calibre; her
armour was twelve inches thick, and her turrets were eight inches thick
only.
The first step in reducing the armament from that of the battle-ship
proper, at the same time increasing the speed, produces the armoured
cruiser. This type of vessel may carry no guns of more than 8-inch
calibre, and the armour belt is reduced to three or four inches in
thickness. Instead of the roof over the armour belt, the protective deck
is carried all over the ship, but it is not flat, nor is it of equal
thickness, as in a battle-ship. On the top and in the middle it is three
inches thick, but the sides are six inches and they slope abruptly to
below the water-line. Between these sloping sides and the thin armour belt
coal is stored, so that a shell would have to penetrate the outer belt,
six or eight feet of coal, and a sloping belt of steel six inches thick,
the total resistance of which is calculated to be equal to a solid
horizontal armour plate fifteen inches thick.
A cruiser is not supposed to fight with a battle-ship, because it could
not accomplish anything with its 8-inch guns against the 18-inch armour of
its heavier rival, while one well-directed shot from the 12-inch guns of a
battle-ship or monitor would probably sink any armoured cruiser afloat.
For this reason the cruiser must be faster than the battle-ship, so that
she can run away, and the weight that is saved in the armour belt and big
guns is therefore put into the engine-room. The average speed of an
armoured cruiser is about twenty-four miles an hour, and the best types of
this class in the navy are probably the _Brooklyn_ and _New York_.
Some vessels, like the Spaniard _Vizcaya_, are about half way between a
battle-ship and a cruiser, having the heavy guns of the former and the
speed of the latter. The _Vizcaya_, although a cruiser, carried 11-inch
guns with a 12-inch armour belt, and had a speed of twenty-three miles an
hour.
The next step in reducing armament and increasing speed, produced the
protected cruiser, which carries no armour belt, but retains the
protective deck, upon the sloping sides of which is stored the coal. The
turrets disappear altogether, and there is usually only one 8-inch gun,
the battery being principally made up of 4-inch rapid-fire guns and 6, 4,
and 1-pounders. As this class of vessel is not able to cope with the
armoured cruiser, it must be faster, for the general principle holds good
that the weaker the vessel becomes in point of offensive weapons or
defensive armour, the greater the necessity that she should be able to run
away. The best types of the protected cruiser in the navy may be found in
the _Columbia_ and _Minneapolis_, which have a speed of about twenty-seven
miles an hour.
The weakest class of all is composed of the unprotected cruisers, which
have neither armour-belt nor protective deck, and carry only light
batteries of rapid-fire guns. When these vessels are slow, like the
_Detroit_, they are intended for long voyages and for duty in foreign
countries, and are of little use in a sea fight. The very fast unprotected
cruiser, like the American line steamers, _St. Paul_ and _St. Louis_,
attach little importance to their armament, and rely for protection upon
stowing the coal behind the place occupied by the armour belt in other
vessels. All the beautiful wood-work, which was so much admired in these
vessels, was ripped out to make room for these coal-bunkers, which are
sufficient to protect them from anything but the heaviest guns. On account
of their extreme weakness as fighters, these cruisers are necessarily the
fastest of all the large vessels, and can run away from anything. For this
reason no concern was felt for the _Paris_ by those who knew the
principles which govern the safety of modern vessels.
The various types of cruisers are not expected to fight with any but
vessels of their own class, which they may encounter in the discharge of
similar duties, such as scouring the seas as the advance guard of the
slower line of battle-ships, preying upon or escorting merchant vessels,
blockading ports, and acting as convoys for troop-ships. Gunboats are
simply light-draught cruisers, and are intended for use in shallow waters
and rivers.
Torpedo-boats, as their name implies, depend entirely upon the torpedo as
the weapon of attack, and they carry no guns except a very few
light-calibre rapid-fires to keep off small boats. Their success depends
on their ability to approach a vessel very rapidly, launch their torpedo,
and retreat before they are detected and sunk. Speed is their great
requisite, and a torpedo-boat like the _Porter_ can speed thirty-two miles
an hour. Naval experts consider their bark worse than their bite, because,
with the modern system of lookouts and search-lights, and the accuracy and
rapidity of the secondary batteries, it is impossible for a torpedo-boat
to get within range without exposing itself to instant destruction, and
after a torpedo-fleet has once met with a serious repulse, it is believed
that it would be almost impossible to get the crews to go into action
again.
The torpedo-boat destroyer, contrary to general belief, does not carry any
heavy guns, but depends on its great speed and its ability to cripple a
torpedo-boat with its 6-pounders while keeping out of range of the enemy’s
tubes. All torpedo-boat destroyers carry torpedo tubes themselves, so that
they can be used against the enemy’s battle-ships or cruisers if the
occasion offers. The fastest boat in the United States navy is the
destroyer _Bailey_, which can steam thirty-four miles an hour.
In a naval battle the success or failure of a fleet may depend on keeping
open communication between the different vessels of the squadron engaged.
Owing to the fact that the surface of the sea would often be obscured by
the smoke of battle, the difficulty of this is apparent, and naval experts
have been kept busy devising some method by which the flag-ship can
communicate with the other vessels of the squadron at all times and under
all conditions. So far nothing has been put in general service which meets
this demand, but lately there have been experiments with the telephone,
which, it is said, can be used without wires, by which signals can be
projected by a vibrator on one vessel against a receiver on another. The
Navy Department is keeping the details of this new system carefully to
itself, as it desires to have the invention for the exclusive use of our
own ships of battle.
The present method of communication is by the use of flags representing
numerals which are displayed in the rigging; by the use of the Ardois
system of lights for night work; by the Myer code of wigwag signals, and
by the use of the heliograph. As it is of the utmost importance that the
enemy should not read the message, the signal books on board a vessel are
protected with the greatest care, and are destroyed along with the cipher
code whenever it is seen that capture is inevitable. The semaphore system
in use in the British navy was tried for a time aboard some of our
vessels, but it never became popular, and has been abandoned.
In signalling by the navy code, the sentence to be sent is looked up in
the code-book and its corresponding number is obtained. This number is
never more than four figures, on account of the necessity of setting the
signal with the least delay. The number having been obtained, the
quartermaster in charge of the signal-chest proceeds to bend the flags
representing the numerals to the signal halliards, so as to read from the
top down. These flags represent the numerals from one to nine and cipher,
and there is a triangular pennant termed a repeater, which is used in a
combination where one or more numerals recur. The numbers refer to those
found in the general signal-book, in which are printed all the words,
phrases, and sentences necessary to frame an order, make an inquiry,
indicate a geographical position, or signal a compass course. Answering,
interrogatory, preparatory, and geographical pennants form part of this
code; also telegraph, danger, despatch, and quarantine flags.
The signal, having been prepared, is hoisted and left flying until the
vessel to which the message has been sent signifies that it is understood
by hoisting what is called the answering pennant. If the number hoisted by
the flag-ship is a preparatory order for a fleet movement, it is left
flying until all the vessels of the fleet have answered, and then is
pulled down, the act of pulling the signal down being understood as the
command for the execution of the movement just communicated.
It is often necessary for a man-of-war to communicate with a merchant
vessel, or with some other war-ship belonging to a foreign country. For
this purpose the international code is also carried in the signal-chest.
These signals are those in general use by all the merchant navies of the
world for communication by day at sea. There are eighteen flags and a code
pennant, corresponding to the consonants of the alphabet, omitting x and
z. The code pennant is also used with these signals.
If a message is to be sent at night, the Ardois system of night signals,
with which all our vessels carrying an electric plant are fitted, is
employed. These signals consist essentially of five groups of double
lamps, the two lamps in each group containing incandescent electric lamps,
and showing white and red respectively. By the combination of these lights
letters can be formed, and so, letter by letter, a word, and hence an
order, can be spelled out for the guidance of the ships of the squadron.
These lamps are suspended on a stay in the rigging, and are worked by a
keyboard from the upper bridge.
On the smaller ships of the service, those which are not fitted with
electric lighting, Very’s night signals are used. This set includes the
implements for firing and recharging the signals.
The latter show green and red stars on being projected from pistols made
for them. The combination in various ways is used to express the numbers
from one to nine and cipher, so that the numbers, to four digits,
contained in the signal-book, may be displayed. The Myer wigwag system is
employed either by day or by night. Flags and torches are employed. The
official flag is a red field with a small white square in the centre; the
unofficial flag is the same with the colours reversed. The operator,
having attracted the attention of the ship which is to be signalled by
waving the flag or torch from right to left, transmits his message by
motions right, left, and front, each motion the element of a letter of the
alphabet, the letter being made up of from one to four motions.
When circumstances permit, the heliograph is sometimes used. The rays of
the sun are thrown by a system of mirrors to the point with which it is
desired to communicate, and then interrupted by means of a shutter, making
dots and dashes as used in the Morse telegraph code. This system is used
only when operations ashore are going on, as the rolling of the ship would
prevent the concentration of the sun’s rays.
The present systems of flag signalling are products of experience in the
past, and are the natural growth of the cruder flag system in use during
the War of 1812, and in the Civil War. There have been some changes in the
construction of flags, and the scope of communication has been enlarged,
but otherwise our forefathers talked at sea in much the same way as we do
now. Of course the Ardois light signal is something very modern. In old
times they communicated at night either with coloured lights or by
torches, and, as there was no alphabetical code in those days, the process
was by means of flashes (representing numbers in the signal book), and it
was long and tedious.
APPENDIX C.
SANTIAGO DE CUBA.
Santiago is the most easterly city on the southern coast of Cuba, second
only to Havana in its strategic and political importance, and is the
capital of the eastern department, as well as its most flourishing
seaport.
The harbour, now become famous as a theatre of action where American
heroism was displayed, is thus described by Mr. Samuel Hazard, in his
entertaining work on Cuba:
“Some one now remarks that we are near to Cuba; but, looking landward,
nothing is seen but the same continuous mountains which we have had for
the last twelve hours, except where, low down on the shore, there seems to
be a slight opening in the rocky coast, above which stands, apparently,
some dwelling-house. However, time tells, and in a half hour more we
discover the small opening to be the entrance to a valley, and the
dwelling-house to be the fort of the Cabanas. Still, no town and no
harbour; and yet ahead we see, high upon a rocky cliff, a queer-looking
old castle, with guns frowning from its embrasures, and its variegated
walls looking as if they were ready to fall into the waves dashing at
their base. That is the Morro Castle, which, with the battery of
Aguadores, the battery of the Estrella, and the above named Cabanas,
commands the approaches to the harbour and town of Cuba.
“The rocky shore above and below the castle has scattered along it the
remains of several vessels, whose captains, in trying to escape from the
dangers of the storm, have vainly sought to enter the difficult harbour,
and the bleaching timbers are sad warnings to the mariner not to enter
there except in the proper kind of weather. And now we are up to the
castle, and a sharp turn to the left takes us into a narrow channel and
past the Morro and the battery adjoining, whose sentry, with a trumpet as
big as himself, hails our vessel as she goes by; and soon we find
ourselves in a gradually enlarging bay, around which the mountains are
seen in every direction. As yet we have seen no town, and no place where
there will likely be one; but now a turn to the right, and there, rising
from the water’s side almost to the top of the mountains, is seen Santiago
de Cuba, with its red roofs, tall cathedral towers, and the green trees of
its pretty Paseo, lighted up by the evening sun, forming a brilliant
foreground to the hazy blue mountains that lie behind the city....
“Rising gradually from the bay, upon the mountainside, to the high plain
called the Campo del Marte, the city of Santiago reaches in its highest
point 160 feet above the level of the sea, and commands from almost any
portion superb views of the bay at its feet and of the majestic ranges of
mountains that surround it. With a population of about fifty thousand
inhabitants, it has regularly laid out streets and well-built houses of
stone in most portions of the city; though being built as it is on the
side of a hill, many of the streets are very steep in their ascent, and
from the constant washing of the rains, and the absence of side-walks, are
anything but an agreeable promenade.
“The town was founded in 1515, by Diego Velasquez, considered the
conqueror of the island, who landed here in that year on his first voyage;
and it was from here that Juan de Grijalva, in 1518, started on his
expedition for the conquest of Yucatan, being followed by Hernando Cortes,
who, however, was compelled to stop at Havana (as it was called then), now
Batabano. In 1522 the distinctions of ‘City’ and ‘Bishopric’ were bestowed
upon the town, having been taken from the older town of Baracoa, where
they had been bestowed in honour of that place being the first European
settlement; and in 1527 Fr. Miguel Ramirez de Salamanca, first bishop of
the island, arrived and established here his headquarters.
“In 1528 Panfilo de Narvaez set sail from here on his expedition for the
conquest of Florida, where he met his fate and found a tomb.
“In 1528 Hernando de Soto arrived here with nearly one thousand men,
having been authorised, in addition to the command of his Florida
expedition, to assume that of the whole island of Cuba.
“In 1553 the city was captured by four hundred French arquebusiers, who
took possession of it until a ransom of $80,000 was paid, the invaders
remaining nearly a month in the city, and as late as 1592, so frequent
were the attacks of pirates on this town, that it is related the place was
almost depopulated by the inhabitants taking refuge at Bayamo, some
distance in the interior.
“In 1608, the cathedral having been ruined by an earthquake, the Bishop
Lalcedo removed his residence to Havana, and almost all the diocesans, as
well as the ecclesiastical chapter, did the same, which action created
great excitement, the superior governor and chief of the island opposing
it.
“The Parroquial Church of Havana was about to be made into a cathedral,
through the efforts of the prelate, Armen Dariz, but these were opposed by
the captain-general, Pereda. The bishop then excommunicated said chief and
all in his vicinity, all the clergy even going in procession to curse and
stone his house.
“In 1662 there was a serious attack made upon the place by a squadron of
fifteen vessels under Lord Winsor, whose people landed at the place now
known as the ‘Aguadores,’ and to the number of eight hundred men marched
without opposition on the city, of which they took possession, after
repulsing a small force sent out to meet them. The invaders, it appears,
partook freely of the church-bells, carried off the guns from the forts,
took charge of the slaves, and not finding the valuables they anticipated,
which had been carried off by the retreating inhabitants, they, in their
disappointment, blew up the Morro Castle, and destroyed the cathedral,
remaining nearly a month in possession of the city.
“It was not until 1663, therefore, that the castle now known as the Morro
was rebuilt, by order of Philip I., and at the same time the fortresses of
Santa Catalina, La Punta, and La Estrella.
“In July and August, 1766, a large portion of the city was ruined by
earthquakes, more than one hundred persons being killed.
“The town has the honour of having for its first mayor, or ‘alcalde,’
Hernando Cortes; and it is said that the remains of Diego Velasquez, the
first explorer and conqueror, were buried there in the old cathedral. It
is related in corroboration of this fact, that on the 26th of November,
1810, on digging in the cemetery of the new cathedral, the broken slab of
his tomb was found, seven and a half feet under ground, the inscription
upon which is illegible, with the exception of a few Latin words giving
name and date.”
APPENDIX D.
PORTO RICO.
Porto Rico was discovered by Columbus in November, 1493. In 1510 Ponce de
Leon founded the town of Caparra, soon after abandoned, and now known as
Pureto Viejo, and in 1511, with more success, the city of San Juan
Bautista, or better known simply as San Juan. The native inhabitants were
soon subdued and swept away. In 1595 the capital was sacked by Drake, and
in 1598 by the Earl of Cumberland. In 1615 Baldwin Heinrich, a Dutchman,
lost his life in an attack on the Castello del Morro. The attempt of the
English, in 1678, was equally unsuccessful, and Abercrombie, in 1797, had
to retire after a three days’ strife. In 1820 a movement was made toward
the declaration of independence on the part of the Porto Ricans, but
Spanish supremacy was completely reëstablished by 1823. The last traces of
slavery were abolished in 1873.
San Juan is the ideal city and spot of the whole island, saving that it is
well fortified, for it is the coolest, the healthiest port, with
thirty-eight feet of water in the harbour, and twenty-eight feet of water
alongside the coal wharves. It is the only port on the island with
fortifications. There are barracks in a few of the larger towns, but
outside of the eight thousand or ten thousand troops there are very few
fighting men on the island.
The volunteers are not looked upon as a great factor in fighting by those
who know them, and are almost all Spaniards. The Guardia Civil is made up
of the best of the Spanish army, and commands great respect. The Porto
Rican civilians do not have to enter the army service unless they please,
and very few of them please.
The defences of San Juan are good. San Felippe del Morro fortress is at
the entrance of the harbour. It is the principal defence from the sea, and
has three rows of batteries. It is separated by a strong wall from the
city, which lies at the back of it, but communication between the city and
fort is had by a tunnel.
The roads of Porto Rico are, for the most part, bad. There are some
notable exceptions. There is a splendid road built by the Spanish
government from Ponce to San Juan. It is about eighty-five miles long, and
a young Porto Rican told the writer that he frequently went over it on his
bicycle, and it was splendid all the way. Another road from Guayama,
meeting the Ponce road at Cayey, has been recently finished. The scenery
is the most beautiful in the West Indies, for tropical wild flowers are
all over the island, and large tree ferns and magnificent plants
everywhere abound. There are no venomous snakes nor wild animals of any
kind in Porto Rico. Oranges and other tropical fruits thrive in Porto
Rico, but they are not specially cultivated.
Some years ago a railway around the island was projected, but only three
sections have been built. There is one to the north from San Juan to
Camuy, one on the west from Aguadilla to Mayaguez, and one on the south
from Yauco to Ponce. Any one wishing to travel around the coast from San
Juan to Ponce would be obliged to continue their journey by stage-coaches,
one from Camuy to Aguadilla, and one from Mayaguez to Yauco.
San Juan has about forty thousand inhabitants, and Ponce has almost thirty
thousand. There are many towns of between twelve thousand and thirty
thousand people. The buildings are low and are of wood. There are a few
three-story buildings in Ponce, and these are the latest examples of
modern construction.
APPENDIX E.
THE BAY OF GUANTANAMO.
On the extreme southeastern coast of Cuba, some distance east of Santiago,
is Guantanamo, or Cumberland Bay. It is an exceedingly beautiful sheet of
water, with a narrow entrance, guarded by high hills. It extends twelve
miles inland, with a level coast-line to the westward, and high hills on
the north and east.
Five miles from the entrance is the little town of Caimanera, from which
runs a railroad to the town of Guantanamo, twelve miles distant, with its
terminus at the town of Jamaica. There are two and one-half square miles
of anchorage, with a depth of forty feet, so far inside as to be fully
protected from the wind. For vessels drawing twenty-four feet or less
there are about two more square miles of harbourage.
FOOTNOTES
1 See Appendix, Part A, for general description of the Philippine
Islands and their inhabitants.
2 See Appendix B for types of war-ships and methods of signalling
while in action.
3 See Chapter X.
4 See Chapter X.
5 See Chapter X.
6 See Chapter X.
7 See Chapter X.
8 See Chapter X.
9 See Chapter X.
10 See Chapter X.
11 See Chapter X.
12 See Chapter X.
13 See Chapter X.
14 See Chapter X.
15 See Chapter X.
16 See Chapter X.
17 See Chapter X.
18 See Chapter X.
19 See Chapter X.
20 See Chapter X.
21 See Appendix A for description of Manila.
22 See Chapter X.
23 See Chapter X.
24 See Chapter X.
25 See Chapter X.
26 See Chapter X.
27 See Chapter X.
28 See Chapter X.
29 See Chapter X.
30 See Chapter X.
31 See Chapter X.
32 See Chapter X.
33 For types of war-ships see Appendix B.
34 See Appendix C for description of Santiago Harbour.
35 See Chapter XVII.
TRANSCRIBER’S NOTE
The illustrations, which were printed on separate pages in the original
edition, have been placed between paragraphs near the original positions,
which can be seen in the list of illustrations.
The following changes have been made to the text:
page 19, “last of March” changed to “last days of January”
page 22, “Viscaya” changed to “Vizcaya”
page 51, “procotol” changed to “protocol”
page 80, italics added to “Baltimore’s”
page 80, “San Juan de Austria” changed to “Don Juan de Austria”
page 81, “Valasco” changed to “Velasco”
page 85, quote added before “Capt. Frank Wildes”
page 89, “flagship” changed to “flag-ship”
page 133, double “the” removed before “gunboat”
page 158, “first class” changed to “first-class”
page 166, “Albermarle” changed to “Albemarle”
page 194, “armored” changed to “armoured”
page 264, double quote removed after “dying.’”
page 270, “of” changed to “off”
page 309, “organized” changed to “organised”
page 321, “flag-staff” changed to “flagstaff”
page 370, “WARSHIPS” changed to “WAR-SHIPS”
page 383, “Mono” changed to “Morro”
Inconsistent hyphenation and spelling of names in citations has not been
changed.
*** End of this LibraryBlog Digital Book "The Boys of '98" ***
Copyright 2023 LibraryBlog. All rights reserved.