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Title: History of Woman Suffrage, Volume II
Author: Stanton, Elizabeth Cady, 1815-1902 [Editor], Anthony, Susan B. (Susan Brownell), 1820-1906 [Editor], Gage, Matilda Joslyn, 1826-1898 [Editor]
Language: English
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Copyright Status: Not copyrighted in the United States. If you live elsewhere check the laws of your country before downloading this ebook. See comments about copyright issues at end of book.

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HISTORY OF WOMAN SUFFRAGE.

Edited by

ELIZABETH CADY STANTON, SUSAN B. ANTHONY, AND MATILDA JOSLYN GAGE.

Illustrated with Steel Engravings.

In Three Volumes.

VOL. II.

1861-1876.


[Illustration: Anna Dickinson. "The World belongs to those who take
it. Truly Yours Anna Dickinson"]


  ALL PERSONS BORN OR NATURALIZED IN THE UNITED STATES, AND SUBJECT TO
       THE JURISDICTION THEREOF, ARE CITIZENS OF THE UNITED STATES.



Susan B. Anthony,
17 Madison St., Rochester, N. Y.

Entered, according to Act of Congress, in the year 1881, by
Elizabeth Cady Stanton, Susan B. Anthony, And
Matilda Joslyn Gage.
In the Office of the Librarian of Congress, at Washington, D. C.



PREFACE.


In presenting to our readers the second volume of the "History of
Woman Suffrage," we gladly return our thanks to the press for the many
favorable notices we have received from leading journals, both in the
old world and the new. The words of cordial approval from a large
circle of friends, and especially from women well known in periodical
literature, have been to us a constant stimulus during the toilsome
months we have spent in gathering material for these pages. It was our
purpose to have condensed the records of the last twenty years in a
second volume, but so many new questions in regard to Citizenship,
State rights, and National power, indirectly bearing on the political
rights of women, grew out of the civil war, that the arguments and
decisions in Congress and the Supreme Courts have combined to swell
these pages beyond our most liberal calculations, with much valuable
material that can not be condensed nor ignored, making a third volume
inevitable.

By their active labors all through the great conflict, women learned
that they had many interests outside the home. In the camp and
hospital, and the vacant places at their firesides, they saw how
intimately the interests of the State and the home were intertwined;
that as war and all its concomitants were subjects of legislation, it
was only through a voice in the laws that their efforts for peace
could command consideration.

The political significance of the war, and the prolonged discussions
on the vital principles of government involved in the reconstruction,
threw new light on the status of woman in a republic. Under a liberal
interpretation of the XIV. Amendment, women, believing their rights of
citizenship secured, made several attempts to vote in different
States. Those who succeeded were arrested, tried, and convicted. Those
who were denied the right to register their names and deposit their
votes, sued the Inspectors of Election. Others attempting to practice
law, being denied that right in the States, took their cases up to the
Supreme Court of the United States for adjudication. Others invaded
the pulpit, asking to be ordained, which brought the question of
woman's right to preach before ecclesiastical assemblies. These
various attempts to secure her political and civil rights have called
forth endless discussions on woman's true position in the State, the
church, and the world of work.

While gratefully accepting the generous praises of our friends, we
must briefly reply to some strictures by our critics. Some object to
the title of our work; they say you can not write the "History of
Woman Suffrage" until the fact is accomplished. We feel that already
enough has been achieved to make the final victory certain. Women vote
in England, Australia, New Zealand, Russia, Sweden, Switzerland, and
even India, on certain interests and qualifications; in Wyoming and
Utah on all questions, and on the same basis as male citizens; and in
a dozen States of the Union on school affairs. Moreover, women are
filling many offices, such as Clerks of Courts, Notaries Public,
Masters in Chancery, State Librarians, School Superintendents,
Commissioners of Charity, Post Mistresses, Pension Agents, Engrossing
and Enrolling Clerks in Legislative Assemblies.

After years of persistent effort a resolution was passed in both
Houses, during the present session of Congress (1882), securing "a
select committee on the political Rights and Disabilities of
Woman"--the first time in the history of our Government that a special
committee to look after the interests of woman was ever appointed. A
proposition for a XVI. Amendment to the National Constitution, to
secure to women the right of suffrage, is now pending in Congress.
Some phase of this question is being debated every year in State
Legislatures. Propositions for so amending their constitutions as to
extend the elective franchise to women will be voted upon by the
people in four of the Western States within the coming two years.
These successive steps of progress during forty years are as surely a
part of the History of Woman Suffrage as will be the events of the
closing period in which victory shall at last crown the hard fought
battles of half a century.



CONTENTS.


CHAPTER XVI.

WOMAN'S PATRIOTISM IN THE WAR.
                                                                  PAGE
The first gun on Sumter, April 12, 1861--Woman's military
genius--Anna Ella Carroll--The Sanitary Movement--Dr. Elizabeth
Blackwell--The Hospitals--Dorothea Dix--Services on the
battle-field--Clara Barton--The Freedman's Bureau--Josephine
Griffing--Ladies' National Covenant--Political campaigns--Anna
Dickinson--The Woman's Loyal National League--The Mammoth
Petition--Anniversaries--The Thirteenth Amendment                    1


CHAPTER XVII.

CONGRESSIONAL ACTION.

First Petitions to Congress December, 1865, against the word "male"
in the 14th Amendment--Joint resolutions before Congress--Messrs.
Jenckes, Schenck, Broomall, and Stevens--Republicans protest in
presenting petitions--The women seek aid of Democrats--James
Brooks in the House of Representatives--Horace Greeley on the
petitions--Caroline Healy Dall on Messrs. Jenckes and Schenck--The
District of Columbia Suffrage Bill--Senator Cowan, of Pennsylvania,
moved to strike out the word "male"--A three days' debate in the
Senate--The final vote nine in favor of Mr. Cowan's amendment, and
thirty-seven against                                                90


CHAPTER XVIII.

NATIONAL CONVENTIONS IN 1866-67.

The first National Woman Suffrage Convention after the
war--Speeches by Ernestine L. Rose, Antoinette Brown Blackwell,
Henry Ward Beecher, Frances D. Gage, Theodore Tilton, Wendell
Phillips--Petitions to Congress and the Constitutional
Convention--Mrs. Stanton a candidate to Congress--Anniversary of
the Equal Rights Association                                       152


CHAPTER XIX.

THE KANSAS CAMPAIGN--1867.

The Battle Ground of Freedom--Campaign of 1867--Liberals did
not Stand by their Principles--Black Men Opposed to Woman
Suffrage--Republican Press and Party Untrue--Democrats in
Opposition--John Stuart Mill's Letters and Speeches Extensively
Circulated--Henry B. Blackwell and Lucy Stone Opened
the Campaign--Rev. Olympia Brown Followed--60,000 Tracts
Distributed--Appeal Signed by Thirty-one Distinguished Men--Letters
from Helen E. Starrett, Susan E. Wattles, Dr. R. S. Tenney,
Lieut.-Governor J. B. Root, Rev. Olympia Brown--The Campaign closed
by ex-Governor Robinson, Elizabeth Cady Stanton, Susan B. Anthony,
and the Hutchinson Family--Speeches and Songs at the Polls in every
Ward in Leavenworth Election Day--Both Amendments lost--9,070 Votes
for Woman Suffrage, 10,843 for Negro Suffrage                      229


CHAPTER XX.

NEW YORK CONSTITUTIONAL CONVENTION.

Constitution Amended once in Twenty Years--Mrs. Stanton before the
Legislature Claiming Woman's Right to Vote for Members to the
Convention--An Immense Audience in the Capitol--The Convention
Assembled June 4th, 1867. Twenty Thousand Petitions Presented for
Striking the Word "Male" from the Constitution--"Committee on the
Right of Suffrage, and the Qualifications for Holding Office"
Horace Greeley, Chairman--Mr. Graves, of Herkimer, Leads the
Debate in favor of Woman Suffrage--Horace Greeley's Adverse
Report--Leading Advocates Heard before the Convention--Speech of
George William Curtis on Striking the Word "Man" from Section 1,
Article 11--Final Vote, 19 For, 125 Against--Equal Rights
Anniversary of 1868                                                269


CHAPTER XXI.

RECONSTRUCTION.

The Fourteenth and Fifteenth Amendments--Universal Suffrage and
Universal Amnesty the Key-note of Reconstruction--Gerrit Smith and
Wendell Phillips hesitate--A Trying Period in the Woman Suffrage
Movement--Those Opposed to the word "Male" in the Fourteenth
Amendment Voted Down in Conventions--The Negro's Hour--Virginia L.
Minor on Suffrage in the District of Columbia--Women Advised to be
Silent--The Hypocrisy of the Democrats preferable to that of the
Republicans--Senator Pomeroy's Amendment--Protests against a Man's
Government--Negro Suffrage a Political Necessity--Charles Sumner
Opposed to the Fourteenth Amendment, but Voted for it as a Party
Measure--Woman Suffrage for Utah--Discussion in the House as to who
Constitute Electors--Bills for Woman Suffrage presented by the Hon.
George W. Julian and Senators Wilson and Pomeroy--The Fifteenth
Amendment--Anna E. Dickinson's Suggestion--Opinions of Women on the
Fifteenth Amendment--The Sixteenth Amendment--Miss Anthony chosen a
Delegate to the Democratic National Convention July 4, 1868--Her
Address Read by a Unanimous Vote--Horatio Seymour in the
Chair--Comments of the Press--_The Revolution_                     313


CHAPTER XXII.

NATIONAL CONVENTIONS--1869.

First Convention in Washington--First hearing before
Congress--Delegates Invited from Every State--Senator Pomeroy, of
Kansas--Debate between Colored Men and Women--Grace Greenwood's
Graphic Description--What the Members of the Convention Saw and
Heard in Washington--Robert Purvis--A Western Trip--Conventions in
Chicago, Milwaukee, St. Louis, Springfield, and Madison--Editorial
Correspondence in _The Revolution_--Anniversaries in New York and
Brooklyn--Conventions in Newport and Saratoga                      345


CHAPTER XXIII.

THE NEW DEPARTURE--UNDER THE FOURTEENTH AMENDMENT.

Francis Minor's Resolutions--Hearing before Congressional
Committee--Descriptions by Mrs. Fannie Howland and Grace
Greenwood--Washington Convention 1870--Rev. Samuel J. May--Senator
Carpenter--Professor Sprague, of Cornell University--Notes
of Mrs. Hooker--May Anniversary in New York--The Fifth Avenue
Conference--Second Decade Celebration--Washington, 1871--Victoria
Woodhull's Memorial--Judiciary Committee--Majority and Minority
Reports--George W. Julian and A. A. Sargent in the House--May
Anniversary, 1871--Washington in 1872--Senate Judiciary
Committee--Benjamin F. Butler--The Sherman-Dahlgren Protest--Women
in Grant and Wilson Campaign                                       407


CHAPTER XXIV.

NATIONAL CONVENTIONS--1873, '74, '75.

Fifth Washington Convention--Mrs. Gage on Centralization--May
Anniversary in New York--Washington Convention, 1874--Frances
Ellen Burr's Report--Rev. O. B. Frothingham in New York
Convention--Territory of Pembina--Discussion in the
Senate--Conventions in Washington and New York, 1875--Hearings
before Congressional Committees                                    521


CHAPTER XXV.

TRIALS AND DECISIONS.

Women Voting under the XVI. Amendment--Appeals to the
Courts--Marilla M. Ricker, of New Hampshire, 1870--Nannette
B. Gardner, Michigan--Sara Andrews Spencer, District of
Columbia--Ellen Rand Van Valkenburgh, California--Catherine V.
Waite, Illinois--Carrie S. Burnham, Pennsylvania--Sarah M. T.
Huntingdon, Connecticut--Susan B. Anthony, New York--Virginia
L. Minor, Missouri--Judges McKee, Jameson, Sharswood,
Cartter--Associate Justice Hunt--Chief Justice Waite--Myra
Bradwell--Hon. Matt. H. Carpenter--Supreme Court Decisions         586


CHAPTER XXVI.

AMERICAN WOMAN SUFFRAGE ASSOCIATION.

Circular Letter--Cleveland Convention--Association Completed--Henry
Ward Beecher, President--Convention in Steinway Hall, New
York--George William Curtis Speaks--The First Annual Meeting held
in Cleveland--Mrs. Tracy Cutler, President--Mass Meeting in
Steinway Hall, New York, 1870--State Action Recommended--Moses Coit
Tyler Speaks--Mass Meetings in 1871 in Philadelphia, Washington,
Baltimore, Pittsburgh--Memorial to Congress--Letters from William
Lloyd Garrison and others--Hon. G. F. Hoar Advocates Woman
Suffrage--Anniversary celebrated at St. Louis--Dr. Stone, of
Michigan--Thomas Wentworth Higginson, President, 1872--Convention
in Cooper Institute, New York--Two Hundred Young Women march
in--Meeting in Plymouth Church--Letters from Louise May Alcott and
Elizabeth Stuart Phelps--The Annual Meeting in Detroit--Julia Ward
Howe, President--Letter from James T. Field--Mary F. Eastman
Addresses the Convention. Bishop Gilbert Haven President for
1875--Convention in Steinway Hall, New York--Hon. Charles Bradlaugh
Speaks--Centennial Celebration, July 3d--Petition to Congress for a
XVI. Amendment--Conventions in Indianapolis, Cincinnati,
Washington, and Louisville                                         756

Appendix                                                           863



LIST OF ENGRAVINGS.

Vol. II.


  ANNA E. DICKINSON         _Frontispiece._
  CLARA BARTON                       page 25
  CLEMENCE S. LOZIER, M. D.              153
  REV. OLYMPIA BROWN                     265
  JANE GRAHAM JONES                      313
  VIRGINIA L. MINOR                      409
  ISABELLA BEECHER HOOKER                489
  BELVA A. LOCKWOOD                      521
  ELLEN CLARK SARGENT                    553
  MYRA BRADWELL                          617
  LUCY STONE                             761
  JULIA WARD HOWE                        793



CHAPTER XVI.

WOMAN'S PATRIOTISM IN THE WAR.

     The first gun on Sumter, April 12, 1861--Woman's military
     genius--Anna Ella Carroll--The Sanitary Movement--Dr. Elizabeth
     Blackwell--The Hospitals--Dorothea Dix--Services on the
     battle-field--Clara Barton--The Freedman's Bureau--Josephine
     Griffing--Ladies' National Covenant--Political campaigns--Anna
     Dickinson--The Woman's Loyal National League--The Mammoth
     Petition--Anniversaries--The Thirteenth Amendment.


Our first volume closed with the period when the American people stood
waiting with apprehension the signal of the coming conflict between
the Northern and Southern States. On April 12, 1861, the first gun was
fired on Sumter, and on the 14th it was surrendered. On the 15th, the
President called out 75,000 militia, and summoned Congress to meet
July 4th, when 400,000 men and $400,000,000 were voted to carry on the
war.

These startling events roused the entire people, and turned the
current of their thoughts in new directions. While the nation's life
hung in the balance, and the dread artillery of war drowned alike the
voices of commerce, politics, religion and reform, all hearts were
filled with anxious forebodings, all hands were busy in solemn
preparations for the awful tragedies to come.

At this eventful hour the patriotism of woman shone forth as fervently
and spontaneously as did that of man; and her self-sacrifice and
devotion were displayed in as many varied fields of action. While he
buckled on his knapsack and marched forth to conquer the enemy, she
planned the campaigns which brought the nation victory; fought in the
ranks when she could do so without detection; inspired the sanitary
commission; gathered needed supplies for the grand army; provided
nurses for the hospitals; comforted the sick; smoothed the pillows of
the dying; inscribed the last messages of love to those far away; and
marked the resting-places where the brave men fell. The labor women
accomplished, the hardships they endured, the time and strength they
sacrificed in the war that summoned three million men to arms, can
never be fully appreciated.

Think of the busy hands from the Atlantic to the Pacific, making
garments, canning fruits and vegetables, packing boxes, preparing lint
and bandages[1] for soldiers at the front; think of the mothers, wives
and daughters on the far-off prairies, gathering in the harvests, that
their fathers, husbands, brothers, and sons might fight the battles of
freedom; of those month after month walking the wards of the hospital;
and those on the battle-field at the midnight hour, ministering to the
wounded and dying, with none but the cold stars to keep them company.

Think of the multitude of delicate, refined women, unused to care and
toil, thrown suddenly on their own resources, to struggle evermore
with poverty and solitude; their hopes and ambitions all freighted in
the brave young men that marched forth from their native hills, with
flying flags and marshal music, to return no more forever. The
untiring labors, the trembling apprehensions, the wrecked hopes, the
dreary solitude of the fatherless, the widowed, the childless in that
great national upheaval, have never been measured or recorded; their
brave deeds never told in story or in song, no monuments built to
their memories, no immortal wreaths to mark their last resting-places.

How much easier it is to march forth with gay companions and marshal
music; with the excitement of the battle, the camp, the ever-shifting
scenes of war, sustained by the hope of victory; the promise of
reward; the ambition for distinction; the fire of patriotism kindling
every thought, and stimulating every nerve and muscle to action! How
much easier is all this, than to wait and watch alone with nothing to
stimulate hope or ambition.

The evils of bad government fall ever most heavily on the mothers of
the race, who, however wise and far-seeing, have no voice in its
administration, no power to protect themselves and their children
against a male dynasty of violence and force.

While the mass of women never philosophize on the principles that
underlie national existence, there were those in our late war who
understood the political significance of the struggle: the
"irrepressible conflict" between freedom and slavery; between national
and State rights. They saw that to provide lint, bandages, and
supplies for the army, while the war was not conducted on a wise
policy, was labor in vain; and while many organizations, active,
vigilant, self-sacrificing, were multiplied to look after the
material wants of the army, these few formed themselves into a
National Loyal League to teach sound principles of government, and to
press on the nation's conscience, that "freedom to the slaves was the
only way to victory." Accustomed as most women had been to works of
charity, to the relief of outward suffering, it was difficult to rouse
their enthusiasm for an idea, to persuade them to labor for a
principle. They clamored for practical work, something for their hands
to do; for fairs, sewing societies to raise money for soldier's
families, for tableaux, readings, theatricals, anything but
conventions to discuss principles and to circulate petitions for
emancipation. They could not see that the best service they could
render the army was to suppress the rebellion, and that the most
effective way to accomplish that was to transform the slaves into
soldiers. This Woman's Loyal League voiced the solemn lessons of the
war: liberty to all; national protection for every citizen under our
flag; universal suffrage, and universal amnesty.

As no national recognition has been accorded the grand women who did
faithful service in the late war; no national honors nor profitable
offices bestowed on them, the noble deeds of a few representative
women should be recorded. The military services of Anna Ella Carroll
in planning the campaign on the Tennessee; the labors of Clara Barton
on the battle-field; of Dorothea Dix in the hospital; of Dr. Elizabeth
Blackwell in the Sanitary; of Josephine S. Griffing in the Freedman's
Bureau; and the political triumphs of Anna Dickinson in the
Presidential campaign, reflecting as they do all honor on their sex in
general, should ever be proudly remembered by their countrywomen.


ANNA ELLA CARROLL.

THE TENNESSEE CAMPAIGN.

Anna Ella Carroll, the daughter of Thomas King Carroll formerly
Governor of Maryland, belongs to one of the oldest and most patriotic
families of that State. Her ancestors founded the city of Baltimore;
Charles Carroll, of Carrollton, one of the signers of the Declaration
of Independence, was of the same family.

At the breaking out of the civil war, Maryland was claimed by the
rebellious States, and for a long time her position seemed uncertain.
Miss Carroll, an intimate friend of Gov. Hicks, and at that time a
member of his family, favored the national cause, and by her powerful
arguments induced the Governor to remain firm in his opposition to the
scheme of secession. Thus, despite the siren wooing of the South, in
its plaint of

  "Maryland, my Maryland."

Miss Carroll was the means of preserving her native State to the
Union. Although a slave-owner, and a member of that class which so
largely proved disloyal, Miss Carroll freed her slaves, and devoted
herself throughout the war to the cause of liberty. She replied to the
secession speech of Senator Breckenridge, made during the July session
of Congress 1861, with such lucid and convincing arguments, that the
War Department not only circulated a large edition, but the Government
requested her to prepare other papers upon unsettled points. In
response she wrote a pamphlet entitled "The War Powers of the
Government," published in December, 1861. By the especial request of
President Lincoln she also prepared a paper entitled "The Relation of
Revolted Citizens to the National Government," which was approved by
him, and formed the basis of his subsequent action. In September,
1861, she also prepared a paper on the Constitutional power of the
President to make arrests, and to suspend the writ of _habeas corpus_;
a subject upon which a great conflict of opinion then existed, even
among persons of unquestioned loyalty.

Early in the fall of 1861, Miss Carroll took a trip to St. Louis to
inspect the progress of the war in the West. A gun-boat fleet, under
the special authorization of the President, was then in preparation
for a descent of the Mississippi. An examination of this plan by Miss
Carroll showed its weakness, and the inevitable disaster it would
bring to the National arms. Her astute military genius led her to the
substitution of another plan, upon which she based great hopes of
success, and its results show it to have been one of the profoundest
strategic movements of the ages. Strategy and generalship are two
entirely distinct forms of the art of war. Many a general, good at
following out a plan, is entirely incapable of forming a successful
one. Napoleon stands in the foremost ranks as a strategist, and is
held as the greatest warrior of modern times, yet he led no forces
into battle. So entirely was he convinced that strategy was the whole
art of war, that he was accustomed to speak of himself as the only
general of his army, thus subordinating the mere command and movement
of forces to the art of strategy. Judged by this standard, which is
acknowledged by all military men, Anna Ella Carroll, of Maryland,
holds foremost rank as a military genius. On the 12th of November,
1861, while still in St. Louis, Miss Carroll wrote to Hon. Edward
Bates at Washington (the member of the Cabinet who first suggested the
expedition down the Mississippi), that from information gained by her
she believed this plan would fail, and urged him, instead, to have the
expedition directed up the Tennessee River, as the true line of
attack. She also dispatched a similar letter to Hon. Thomas A. Scott,
at that time Assistant Secretary of War. On the 30th of this month
(November, 1861), Miss Carroll laid the following plan, accompanied by
explanatory maps, before the War Department:

     The civil and military authorities seem to me to be laboring
     under a great mistake in regard to the true key of the war in the
     South-west. It is not the Mississippi, but the Tennessee River.
     Now, all the military preparations made in the West indicate that
     the Mississippi River is the point to which the authorities are
     directing their attention. On that river many battles must be
     fought and heavy risks incurred, before any impression can be
     made on the enemy, all of which could be avoided by using the
     Tennessee River. This river is navigable for medium-class boats
     to the foot of Muscle Shoals in Alabama, and is open to
     navigation all the year, while the distance is but two hundred
     and fifty miles by the river from Paducah on the Ohio. The
     Tennessee offers many advantages over the Mississippi. We should
     avoid the almost impregnable batteries of the enemy, which can
     not be taken without great danger and great risk of life to our
     forces, from the fact that our forces, if crippled, would fall a
     prey to the enemy by being swept by the current to him, and away
     from the relief of our friends. But even should we succeed, still
     we have only begun the war, for we shall then have to fight the
     country from whence the enemy derives his supplies.

     Now an advance up the Tennessee River would avoid this danger;
     for, if our boats were crippled, they would drop back with the
     current and escape capture. But a still greater advantage would
     be its tendency to _cut the enemy's lines in two_, by reaching
     the Memphis and Charleston Railroad, threatening Memphis, which
     lies one hundred miles due west, and no defensible point between;
     also Nashville, only ninety miles north-east, and Florence and
     Tuscumbia in North Alabama, forty miles east. A movement in this
     direction would do more to relieve our friends in Kentucky, and
     inspire the loyal hearts in East Tennessee, than the possession
     of the whole of the Mississippi River. If well executed, it would
     cause the evacuation of all those formidable fortifications on
     which the rebels ground their hopes for success; and in the event
     of our fleet attacking Mobile, the presence of our troops in the
     northern part of Alabama, would be material aid to the fleet.

     Again, the aid our forces would receive from the loyal men in
     Tennessee would enable them soon to crush the last traitor in
     that region, and the _separation of the two extremes_ would do
     more than one hundred battles for the Union cause. The Tennessee
     River is crossed by the Memphis and Louisville Railroad, and the
     Memphis and Nashville Railroad. At Hamburg the river makes the
     big bend on the east, touching the north-east corner of
     Mississippi, entering the north-west corner of Alabama, forming
     an arc to the south, entering the State of Tennessee at the
     north-east corner of Alabama, and if it does not touch the
     north-west corner of Georgia, comes very near it. It is but eight
     miles from Hamburg to the Memphis and Charleston Railroad, which
     goes through Tuscumbia, only two miles from the river, which it
     crosses at Decatur thirty miles above, intersecting with the
     Nashville and Chattanooga road at Stephenson. The Tennessee never
     has less than three feet to Hamburg on the "shoalest" bar, and
     during the fall, winter, and spring months, there is always water
     for the largest boats that are used on the Mississippi River. It
     follows, from the above facts, that in making the Mississippi the
     key to the war in the West, or rather in overlooking the
     Tennessee River, the subject is not understood by the superiors
     in command.

The War Department looked over these papers, and Col. Scott, the
Assistant Secretary, possessing a knowledge of the railroad facilities
and connections of the South, unequaled perhaps by any other man in
the country at that time, at once saw the vital importance of Miss
Carroll's plan. He declared it to be the first clear solution of the
difficult problem, and was soon sent West to assist in carrying it out
in detail. The Mississippi expedition was abandoned, and the Tennessee
made the point of attack. Both land and naval forces were ordered to
mass themselves at this point, and the country soon began to feel the
wisdom of this movement. The capture of Fort Henry, an important
Confederate post on the Tennessee River serving to defend the railroad
communication between Memphis and Bowling Green, was the first result
of Miss Carroll's plan. It fell Feb. 6, 1862, and was rapidly followed
by the capture of Fort Donelson, which, after a gallant defense,
surrendered to the Union forces Feb. 16th, and the name of Ulysses S.
Grant, as the general commanding these forces, for the first time
became known to the American people. By these victories the line of
Confederate fortifications was broken, and the enemy's means of
communication between the East and the West were destroyed.

All the historians of our civil war concede that the strategy which
made the Tennessee River the base of military operations in the
South-west, thus cutting the Confederacy in two by its control of the
Memphis and Charleston Railroad, also made its final destruction
inevitable. At an early day the Government had neither a just
conception of the rebellion, nor of the steps necessary for its
suppression. It was looked upon from a political rather than a
military point of view, and much valuable time was wasted in
suggestions and plans worse than futile. But while the national
Government had been blind to the real situation, the Confederacy had
every hour strengthened its position both at home and abroad, having
so far secured the recognition of France and England as to have been
acknowledged belligerents, while threats of raising the blockade were
also made by the same powers.

In order to a more full understanding of our national affairs at that
time, we will glance at the proceedings of Congress. When this body
met in December, 1861, a "Committee on the Conduct of the War" was at
once created, and spirited debates upon the situation took place in
both the Senate and the House. It was acknowledged that the salvation
of the country depended upon military success. It was declared that
the rebellion must be speedily put down or it would destroy the
resources of the country, as $2,000,000 a day were then required to
maintain the army in the field. Hon. Mr. Dawes compared the country to
a man under an exhausted receiver gasping for breath, and said that
sixty days of the present state of things must bring about an
ignominious peace. Hon. Geo. W. Julian declared that the country was
in imminent danger of a foreign war, and that in the opinion of many
the great model Republic of the world was in the throes of death. The
credit of the nation was then so poor as to render it unable to make
loans of money from foreign countries. The treasury notes issued by
the Government were falling in the market, selling at five and six per
cent. discount. Mr. Morrill, in the Senate, gave it as his opinion
that in six months the nation would be beyond hope of relief.

England was anxiously hoping for our downfall. _The London Post_, Lord
Palmerston's paper, the organ of the English Government, prophesied
our national bankruptcy within a short time. _The London Times_
denounced us in language deemed too offensive to be read before the
Senate. It urged England's direct interference; counseled the pouring
of a fleet of gun-boats through the St. Lawrence into the lakes with
the opening of spring, "to secure, with the mastery of these waters,
the mastery of all," and declared that three months hence the field
would be all England's own. At that time the British Government had
already sent some thirty thousand men into its colonies in North
America, preparatory to an assault upon our north-western frontier.
The nation seemed upon the point of being lost, and the hopes of
millions of oppressed men in other lands destroyed by the
disintegration of the Union. The war had been waged six months, but
with the exception of West Virginia, the battle had been against the
Union. The fact that military success alone could turn the scale,
though now acknowledged, seemed to Congress as far as ever from
consummation. Our military commanders, quite ignorant of both the
geographical and topographical outlines of our vast country, were
unable to formulate the plan necessary for a decisive blow.

Such was the situation at the time Miss Carroll sent her plan of the
Tennessee campaign to the War Department. Fortunately for civilization
this plan was adopted, and with the fall of Fort Henry, the enemy's
center was pierced, the decisive point gained. From that hour the
nation's final success was assured. Its fall opened the Tennessee
River, and its capture was soon followed by the evacuation of Columbus
and Bowling Green. Fort Donelson was given up, its rebel garrison of
14,000 troops marched out as prisoners of war, and hope sprang up in
the hearts of the people. Pittsburg Landing and Corinth soon followed
the fate of the preceding forts. The President declared the victory at
Fort Henry to be of the utmost importance. North and South its
influence was alike felt. Gen. Beauregard was himself conscious that
this campaign sealed the fate of the "Southern Confederacy." The
success of the Tennessee campaign rendered intervention impossible,
and taught those foreign enemies who were anxiously watching for our
country's downfall, the power and stability of a Republic. Missouri
was kept in the Union by its means, Tennessee and Kentucky were
restored, the National armies were enabled to push to the Gulf States
and secure possession of all the great rivers and routes of internal
communication through the heart of the Confederate territory.

On the 10th of April, 1862, the President issued the following
proclamation:

     It has pleased Almighty God to vouchsafe signal victories to the
     land and naval forces engaged in suppressing an internal
     rebellion; and at the same time to avert from our country the
     damages of foreign intervention and invasion.

During all this time the author of this plan remained unknown, except
to the President and his Cabinet, who feared to reveal the fact that
the Government was proceeding under the advice and plan of a civilian,
and that civilian _a woman_. Shortly after the capture of Forts Henry
and Donelson a debate as to the author of this campaign took place in
the House of Representatives.[2] The Senate discussed its origin March
13. It was variously ascribed to the President, to the Secretary of
War, and to different naval and land commanders, Halleck, Grant,
Foote, Smith, and Fremont. The historians of the war have also given
adverse opinions as to its authorship. Draper's "History of the Civil
War" ascribes it to Gen. Halleck; Boynton's "History of the Navy" to
Commodore Foote; Lossing's "Civil War" to the combined wisdom of
Grant, Halleck, and Foote; Badeau's "History of the Civil War"
credits it to Gen. C. F. Smith; and Abbott's "Civil War," to Gen.
Fremont.

But abundant testimony exists proving Miss Carroll's authorship of the
plan, in letters from Hon. B. F. Wade,[3] Chairman of the Committee on
the Conduct of the War; from Hon. Thos. A. Scott, Assistant Secretary
of War; from Hon. L. D. Evans, former Chief-Justice of the Supreme
Court of Texas (entrusted by the Government with an important secret
mission during the war); from Hon. Orestes A. Bronson, and many other
well-known public men; from conversations of President Lincoln and
Secretary Stanton; and from reports of the Military Committee of the
XLI., XLII., and XLVI. Congresses.[4] So anxious was the Government to
keep the origin of the Tennessee campaign a secret, that Col. Scott,
in conversation with Judge Evans, a personal friend of Miss Carroll,
pressed upon him the absolute necessity of Miss Carroll's making no
claim to the authorship while the struggle lasted. In the plenitude of
her self-sacrificing patriotism she remained silent, and saw the
honors rightfully belonging to her heaped upon others, although she
knew the country was indebted to her for its salvation.

Previous to 1862 historians reckoned but fifteen decisive battles[5]
in the world's history, battles in which, says Hallam, a contrary
result would have essentially varied the drama of the world in all its
subsequent scenes. Professor Cressy, of the chair of Ancient and
Modern History, University of London, has made these battles the
subject of two grand volumes. The battle of Fort Henry was the
sixteenth, and in its effects may well be deemed the most important of
all.[6] It opened the doors of liberty to the downtrodden and
oppressed among all nations, setting a seal of permanence on the
assertion that self-government is the natural right of every person.

But it was not alone through her plan of the Tennessee campaign that
Miss Carroll exhibited her military genius; throughout the conflict
she continued to send plans and suggestions to the War Department. The
events of history prove the wisdom of those plans, and that had they
been strictly followed, the war would have been brought to a speedy
close,[7] and millions of men and money saved to the country.

Upon the fall of Fort Henry, February, 1862, she again addressed the
War Department, advising an immediate advance upon Mobile or
Vicksburg. In March, 1862, she presented a memorial and maps to
Secretary Stanton in person, in regard to the reduction of Island 10,
which had long been a vain effort by the Union forces, in which she
said:

     The failure to take Island 10, which thus far occasions much
     disappointment to the country, excites no surprise to me. When I
     looked at the gun-boats at St. Louis, and was informed as to
     their powers, and that the current of the Mississippi at full
     tide runs at the rate of five miles per hour, which is very near
     the speed of our gun-boats, I could not resist the conclusion
     that they were not well fitted to the taking of batteries on the
     Mississippi River, if assisted by gun-boats perhaps equal to our
     own. Hence it was that I wrote Col. Scott from there, that the
     Tennessee River was our strategic point, and the successes at
     Forts Henry and Donelson establish the justice of these
     observations. Had our victorious army, after the fall of Fort
     Henry, immediately pushed up the Tennessee River and taken
     position on the Memphis and Charleston Railroad, between Corinth,
     Miss., and Decatur, Ala., which might easily have been done at
     that time with a small force, every rebel soldier in Western
     Kentucky and Tennessee would have fled from every position south
     of that railroad. And had Buell pursued the enemy in his retreat
     from Nashville, without delay, into a commanding position in
     North Alabama, on the railroad between Chattanooga and Decatur,
     the rebel government at Richmond would necessarily have been
     obliged to retreat to the cotton States. I am fully satisfied
     that the true policy of General Halleck is to strengthen Grant's
     column by such a force as will enable him at once to seize the
     Memphis and Charleston Railroad, as it is the readiest means of
     reducing Island 10, and all the strongholds to Memphis.

In October, 1862, observing the preparations for a naval attack upon
Vicksburg, Miss Carroll again addressed the Secretary of War in the
following memorial:

     As I understand an expedition is about to go down the river, for
     the purpose of reducing Vicksburg, I have prepared the enclosed
     map in order to demonstrate more clearly the obstacles to be
     encountered in the contemplated assault. In the first place, it
     is impossible to take Vicksburg in the front without too great a
     loss of life and material, for the reason that the river is only
     about half a mile wide, and our forces would be in point-blank
     range of their guns, not only from their water-batteries which
     line the shore, but from the batteries that crown the hills,
     while the enemy would be protected from the range of our fire.

     By examining the map I enclose, you will at once perceive why a
     place of so little apparent strength has been enabled to resist
     the combined fleets of the Upper and Lower Mississippi. The most
     economical plan for the reduction of Vicksburg now, is to push a
     column from Memphis or Corinth down the Mississippi Central
     Railroad to Jackson, the capital of the State of Mississippi. The
     occupation of Jackson, and the command of the railroad to New
     Orleans, would compel the immediate evacuation of Vicksburg, as
     well as the retreat of the entire rebel army east of that line;
     and by another movement of our army from Jackson, Miss., or from
     Corinth to Meridan, in the State of Mississippi, on the Ohio and
     Mobile Railroad, especially if aided by a movement of our
     gun-boats on Mobile, the Confederate forces, with all the
     disloyal men and slaves, would be compelled to fly east of the
     Tombigbee. Mobile being then in our possession, with 100,000 men
     at Meridan, would redeem the entire country from Memphis to the
     Tombigbee River. Of course I would have the gun-boats with a
     small force at Vicksburg, as auxiliary to this movement. With
     regard to the canal, Vicksburg can be rendered useless to the
     Confederate army upon the very first rise of the river; but I do
     not advise this, because Vicksburg belongs to the United States,
     and we desire to hold and fortify it, for the Mississippi River
     at Vicksburg and the Vicksburg and Jackson Railroad will become
     necessary as a base for our future operations. Vicksburg might
     have been reduced eight months ago, as I advised after the fall
     of Fort Henry, and with much more ease than it can be done
     to-day.

It will be recollected that after a month's attack upon Vicksburg,
commencing June 28, 1862, by the combined Farragut fleet, Porter
mortar flotilla and the gun-boat fleet under Capt. C. H. Davis, the
bombardment of the city was suspended, it being found impossible to
capture and hold it with the forces at command.

In October, 1862, Grant was appointed to the command of the forces
from New Orleans to Vicksburg under the name of the "Department of
Tennessee," and the capture of this "Gibraltar of the Confederacy" was
once more attempted. This was the period of Miss Carroll's memorial
above given, and the results proved the wisdom of her suggestions, as
it was not until the army, by an attack upon its rear, were enabled to
capture this stronghold, July 4, 1863, more than a year after the
first demand of Farragut's fleet for its capitulation. Had it been
attacked immediately after the fall of Fort Henry, according to Miss
Carroll's plan, many lives, costly munitions of war, and much valuable
time would have alike been saved. Miss Carroll's claim before Congress
in connection with the Tennessee campaign of 1862, shows that the
Military Committee of the United States Senate at the third session of
the 41st Congress, reported (document 337), through Senator Howard,
that Miss Carroll "furnished the Government the information which
caused the change of the military expedition which was preparing in
1861 to descend the Mississippi, from that river to the Tennessee
River." The same committee of the 42d Congress, second session
(document 167), reported the evidence in support of this claim. For
the House report of the 46th Congress, third session, see document
386.[8]

No fact in the history of our country is more clearly proved than that
its very existence is due to the military genius of Miss Carroll, and
no more shameful fact in its history exists, than that Congress has
refused all recognition and reward for such patriotic services because
they were rendered by a woman. While in the past twenty years
thousands of men, great and small, have received thanks and rewards
from the country she saved--for work done in accordance with her
plans--Grant, first made known at Donelson, having twice received the
highest office in the gift of the nation--having made the tour of the
world amid universal honors--having received gifts of countless value
at home and abroad--Miss Carroll is still left to struggle for a
recognition of her services from that country which is indebted to her
for its very life.


DOROTHEA DIX,

GOVERNMENT SUPERINTENDENT OF NURSES.

Upon the breaking out of the war, Miss Dix, who for years had been
engaged in philanthropic work, saw here another requirement for her
services and hurried to Washington to offer them to her country. She
found her first work in nursing soldiers who had been wounded by the
Baltimore mob.[9] Upon June 10, 1861, she received from the War
Department, Simon Cameron at that time its head, an appointment as the
Government Superintendent of Women Nurses. Secretary Stanton,
succeeding him, ratified this appointment, thus placing her in an
extraordinary and exceptional position, imposing numerous and onerous
duties, among them that of hospital visitation, distributing supplies,
managing ambulances, adjusting disputes, etc. But while appointed to
this office by the Government, Miss Dix found herself as a member of a
disfranchised class, in a position of authority without the power of
enforcing obedience, and the subject of jealousy among hospital
surgeons, which largely militated against the efficiency of her
work.[10]


ELIZABETH BLACKWELL, M.D.

THE SANITARY COMMISSION.

It has been computed that since the historic period, fourteen thousand
millions of human beings have fallen in the wars which men have waged
against each other. From careful statistics it has also been estimated
that four-fifths of this loss of life has been due to privation,
exposure, and want of care. At an early day the mortality from
sickness was evidently far greater than the above estimate; as late as
the Crimean War, this mortality reached seven-eighths of the whole
number of deaths. Military surgery was formerly but little understood.
The wounded and sick of an army were indebted to the chance aid of
friend or stranger, or were left to perish from neglect. Nothing has
ever been held so cheap as human life, unless, indeed, it were human
rights. But even from times of antiquity we read of women, sometimes
of noble birth, who followed the soldiers to the field, treating the
wounds of friend or lover with healing balms or rude surgical
appliance. To woman is the world indebted for the first systematic
efforts toward relief, through the establishment of hospitals for sick
or wounded soldiers. As early as the fifth century, the Empress Helena
erected hospitals on the routes between Rome and Constantinople, where
soldiers requiring it, received careful nursing.

In the ninth century an order of women, who consecrated themselves to
field work, arose in the Catholic Church. They were called Beguines,
and everywhere ministered to the sick and wounded of the armies of
Continental Europe during its long period of devastating wars.

To Isabella of Spain,[11] she who sold her jewels to fit Columbus for
the discovery of a New World, is modern warfare most indebted for a
mitigation of its horrors, through the establishment of the first
regular Camp Hospitals. During her war with the Moors she caused a
large number of tents to be furnished at her own charge, with the
requisite medicines, appliances, and attendants for the wounded and
sick of her army. These were known as the "Queen's Hospitals," and
formed the inception of all the tender care given in army hospitals by
the most enlightened nations of to-day.

It is but a few years since Christendom was thrilled by the heroism of
a young English girl of high position, Florence Nightingale, who
having passed through the course of training required for hospital
nurses, voluntarily went out to the Crimea at the time when English
soldiers, wounded and sick, were dying by scores and thousands without
medicine or care, broke over the red-tape rules of the army, and with
her corps of women nurses, brought life in place of death, winning the
gratitude and admiration of her country and mankind by her
self-sacrifice and her powers of organization. Rev. Henry Kinglake, in
his "History of the Crimea," says she brought a priceless
reinforcement of brain power to the nation at a time when the brains
of Englishmen had given signs of inanition.

A few years later brought our own civil war, and the wonderful
sanitary commission, more familiarly known as "The Sanitary," the
public records of which are a part of the history of the war; its
sacrifices and its successes have burned themselves deep into the
hearts of thousands upon thousands. Its fairs in New York, New
England, and the Northwest, were the wonders of the world in the
variety and beauty of their exhibits and the vast sums realized from
them. Scarcely a woman in the nation, from the girl of tender
years,[12] to the aged matron of ninety, whose trembling hands scraped
lint or essayed to knit socks and mittens for "the boys in blue," but
knows its work, for of it they were a part. But not a hundred of all
those thousands who toiled with willing hands, and who, at every
battle met anew to prepare or send off stores, knows that to one of
her own sex was the formation of the Great Sanitary due.[13]

Dr. Elizabeth Blackwell, returning to this country from England about
the time of the breaking out of the war, fresh from an acquaintance
with Miss Nightingale, and filled with her enthusiasm, at once called
an informal meeting at the New York Infirmary[14] for Women and
Children, where, on April 25th, 1861, the germ of the sanitary, known
as the Ladies' Central Relief,[15] was inaugurated. A public meeting
was held April 26, 1861, at the Cooper Union, its object being to
concentrate scattered efforts by a large and formal organization. The
society then received the name of the "Woman's Central Relief
Association of New York." Miss Louisa Lee Schuyler was chosen its
president. She soon sent out an appeal to women which brought New York
into direct connection with many other portions of the country,
enabling it "to report its monthly disbursements by tens of thousands,
and the sum total of its income by millions." But very soon after its
organization, Miss Schuyler saw the need of more positive connection
with the Government. A united address was sent to the Secretary of War
from the Woman's Central Relief Association, the Advisory Committee of
the Board of Physicians and Surgeons of the hospitals of New York, and
the New York Medical Association for furnishing medical supplies. As
the result of this address, the Sanitary Commission was established
the 9th of June, 1861, under the authority of the Government, and went
into immediate operation. Although acting under Government
authorization, this commission was not sustained at Government
expense, but was supported by the women of the nation. It was
organized under the following general rules:

     1. The system of sanitary relief established by army regulations
     was to be adopted; the Sanitary Commission was to acquaint itself
     fully with those rules, and see that its agents were familiar
     with all the plans and methods of the army system.

     2. The Commission was to direct its efforts mainly to
     strengthening the regular army system, and work to secure the
     favor and co-operation of the Medical Bureau.

     3. The Commission was to know nothing of religious differences or
     State distinctions, distributing without regard to the place
     where troops were enlisted, in a purely national spirit.

Under these provisions the Sanitary Commission completed its full
organization. Dr. Blackwell, in the Ladies' Relief Association, acted
as Chairman of the Registration Committee, a position of onerous
duties, requiring accord with the Medical Bureau and War Department,
and visited Washington in behalf of this committee. But the
Association soon lost her services by her own voluntary act of
withdrawal. Professional jealousy of women doctors being offensively
shown by some of those male physicians with whom she was brought in
contact, she chose to resign rather than allow sex-prejudice to
obstruct the carrying on of the great work originated by her. The
Sanitary, with its Auxiliary Aid Societies, at once presented a method
of help to the loyal[16] women of the country, and every city,
village, and hamlet soon poured its resources into the Commission.
Through it $92,000,000 were raised in aid of the sick and wounded of
the army. Nothing connected with the war so astonished foreign nations
as the work of the Sanitary Commission.

Dr. Henry Bellows, its President at the close of the war, declared in
his farewell address, that the army of women at home had been as
patriotic and as self-sacrificing as the army of men in the field, and
had it not been for their aid the war could not have been brought to a
successful termination.[17]

At every important period in the nation's history, woman has stood by
the side of man in duties. Husband, father, son, or brother have not
suffered or sacrificed alone.

    "The old Continentals
    In their ragged regimentals
    Faltered not,"

because back of them stood the patriotic women of the thirteen
Colonies; those of the north-eastern pine-woods, who aided in the
first naval battle of the Revolution; those of Massachusetts,
Daughters of Liberty, who formed anti-tea leagues, proclaimed inherent
rights, and demanded an independency in advance of the men; those of
New York, who tilled the fields, and, removing their hearth-stones,
manufactured saltpetre from the earth beneath, to make powder for the
army; those of New Jersey, who rebuked traitors; those of
Pennsylvania, who saved the army; those of Virginia, who protested
against taxation without representation; those of South Carolina, who
at Charleston established a paper in opposition to the Stamp Act;
those of North Carolina, whose fiery patriotism secured for the
counties of Rowan and Mecklenberg the derisive name of "The Hornet's
Nest of America." The women of the whole thirteen Colonies everywhere
showed their devotion to freedom and their choice of liberty with
privation, rather than oppression with luxury and ease.

The civil war in our own generation was but an added proof of woman's
love for freedom and her worthiness of its possession. The grandest
war poem, "The Battle Hymn of the Republic," was the echo of a woman's
voice,[18] while woman's prescience and power were everywhere
manifested. She saw, before President, Cabinet, generals, or Congress,
that slavery must die before peace could be established in the
country.[19] Months previous to the issue by the President of the
Emancipation Proclamation, women in humble homes were petitioning
Congress for the overthrow of slavery, and agonizing in spirit because
of the dilatoriness of those in power. Were proof of woman's love of
freedom, of her right to freedom needed, the history of our civil war
would alone be sufficient to prove that love, to establish that right.


WOMEN AS SOLDIERS.

Many women fought in the ranks during the war, impelled by the same
patriotic motives which led their fathers, husbands, and brothers into
the contest. Not alone from one State, or in one regiment, but from
various parts of the Union, women were found giving their services and
lives to their country among the rank and file of the army.[20]
Although the nation gladly summoned their aid in camp and hospital,
and on the battle-field with the ambulance corps, it gave them no
recognition as soldiers, even denying them the rights of
chaplaincy,[21] and by "army regulations" entirely refusing them
recognition as part of the fighting forces of the country.

Historians have made no mention of woman's services in the war;
scarcely referring to the vast number commissioned in the army, whose
sex was discovered through some terrible wound, or by their dead
bodies on the battle-field. Even the volumes especially devoted to an
account of woman's work in the war, have mostly ignored her as a
common soldier, although the files of the newspapers of that heroic
period, if carefully examined, would be found to contain many accounts
of women who fought on the field of battle.[22]

Gov. Yates, of Illinois, commissioned the wife of Lieut. Reynolds of
the 17th, as Major, for service in the field, the document being made
out with due formality, having attached to it the great seal of State.
President Lincoln, more liberal than the Secretary of War, himself
promoted the wife of another Illinois officer, named Gates, to a
majorship, for service in the hospital and bravery on the field.

One young girl is referred to who served in seven different regiments,
participated in several engagements, was twice severely wounded; had
been discovered and mustered out of service eight times, but as many
times had re-enlisted, although a Canadian by birth, being determined
to fight for the American Union.

Hundreds of women marched steadily up to the mouth of a hundred cannon
pouring out fire and smoke, shot and shell, mowing down the advancing
hosts like grass; men, horses, and colors going down in confusion,
disappearing in clouds of smoke; the only sound, the screaming of
shells, the crackling of musketry, the thunder of artillery, through
all this women were sustained by the enthusiasm born of love of
country and liberty.

    Amid "sighing shot and shrieking shell
    And the splintered fire of the shattered hell,
    And the great white breaths of the cannon smoke
    As the growling guns by the battery spoke.

    .   .   .   .   .   .   .   .   .   .   .   .

    Right up to the guns, black-throated and grim,
    Right down on the hedges bordered with steel,"

bravely marched hundreds of women.

Nor was the war without its naval heroines. Among the vessels captured
by the pirate cruiser _Retribution_, was the Union brigantine, _J. P.
Ellicott_, of Bucksport, Maine, the wives of the captain and mate
being on board. Her officers and crew were transferred to the pirate
vessel and ironed, while a crew from the latter was put on the
brigantine; the wife of the mate was left on board the brig with the
pirate crew. Having cause to fear bad treatment at the hands of the
prize-master[23] and his mate, this woman formed the bold plan of
capturing the vessel. She succeeded in getting the officers
intoxicated, handcuffed them and took possession of the vessel,
persuading the crew, who were mostly colored men from St. Thomas, to
aid her. Having studied navigation with her husband on the voyage, she
assumed command of the brig, directing its course to St. Thomas, which
she reached in safety, placing the vessel in the hands of the United
States Consul, who transferred the prize-master, mate, and crew to a
United States steamer, as prisoners of war. Her name was not given,
but had this bold feat been accomplished by a man or boy, the country
would have rung with praises of the daring deed, and history would
have borne the echoes down to future generations.

Not alone on the tented field did the war find its patriotic victims.
Many women showed their love of country by sacrifices still greater
than enlistment in the army. Among these, especially notable for her
surroundings and family, was Annie Carter Lee, daughter of Gen. Robert
E. Lee, Commander-in-Chief of the rebel army. Her father and three
brothers fought against the Union which she loved, and to which she
adhered. A young girl, scarcely beyond her teens when the war broke
out, she remained firm in her devotion to the National cause, though
for this adherence she was banished by her father as an outcast from
that elegant home once graced by her presence. She did not live to see
the triumph of the cause she loved so well, dying the third year of
the war, aged twenty-three, at Jones Springs, North Carolina,
homeless, because of her love for the Union, with no relative near
her, dependent for care and consolation in her last hours upon the
kindly services of an old colored woman. In her veins ran pure the
blood of "Light-Horse Harry" and that of her great aunt, Hannah Lee
Corbin, who at the time of the Revolution, protested against the
denial of representation to taxpaying women, and whose name does much
to redeem that of Lee from the infamy, of late so justly adhering to
it. When her father, after the war, visited his ancestral home,[24]
then turned into a vast national cemetery, it would seem as though
the spirit of his Union-loving daughter must have floated over him,
whispering of his wrecked hopes, and piercing his heart with a
thousand daggers of remorse as he recalled his blind infatuation, and
the banishment from her home of that bright young life.

Of the three hundred and twenty-eight thousand Union soldiers who lie
buried in national cemeteries, many thousands with headboards marked
"Unknown," hundreds are those of women obliged by army regulations to
fight in disguise. Official records of the military authorities show
that a large number of women recruits were discovered and compelled to
leave the army. A much greater number escaped detection, some of them
passing entirely through the campaigns, while others were made known
by wounds or on being found lifeless upon the battle-field. The
history of the war--which has never yet been truly written--is full of
heroism in which woman is the central figure.

The social and political condition of women was largely changed by our
civil war. Through the withdrawal of so many men from their accustomed
work, new channels of industry were opened to them, the value and
control of money learned, thought upon political questions compelled,
and a desire for their own personal, individual liberty intensified.
It created a revolution in woman herself, as important in its results
as the changed condition of the former slaves, and this silent
influence is still busy. Its work will not have been accomplished
until the chains of ignorance and selfishness are everywhere broken,
and woman shall stand by man's side his recognized equal in rights as
she is now in duties.


CLARA BARTON.

MINISTERING ON THE FIELD OF BATTLE.

Clara Barton was the youngest child of Capt. Stephen Barton, of
Oxford, Mass., a non-commissioned officer under "Mad Anthony Wayne."
Captain Barton, who was a prosperous farmer and leader in public
affairs, gave his children the best opportunities he could secure for
their improvement. Clara's early education was principally at home
under direction of her brothers and sisters. At sixteen, she commenced
teaching, and followed the occupation for several years, during which
time she assisted her oldest brother, Capt. Stephen Barton, Jr., a man
of fine scholarship and business capacity, in equitably arranging and
increasing the salaries of the large village schools of her native
place, at the same time having clerical oversight of her brother's
counting-house. Subsequently, she finished her school education by a
very thorough course of study at Clinton, N. Y. Miss Barton's
remarkable executive ability was manifested in the fact that she
popularized the Public School System in New Jersey, by opening the
first free school in Bordentown, commencing with six pupils, in an old
tumble-down building, and at the close of the year, leaving six
hundred in the fine edifice at present occupied.

At the close of her work in Bordentown, she went to Washington, D. C.,
to recuperate and indulge herself in congenial literary pursuits.
There she was, without solicitation, appointed by Hon. Charles Mason,
Commissioner of Patents, to the first independent clerkship held by a
woman under our Government. Her thoroughness and faithfulness fitted
her eminently for this position of trust, which she retained until
after the election of President Buchanan, when, being suspected of
Republican sentiments, and Judge Mason having resigned, she was
deposed, and a large part of her salary withheld. She returned to
Massachusetts and spent three years in the study of art,
belles-lettres, and languages. Shortly after the election of Abraham
Lincoln, she was recalled to the Patent Office by the same
administration which had removed her. She returned, as she had left,
without question, and taking up her line of duty, awaited
developments.

When the civil war commenced, she refused to draw her salary from a
treasury already overtaxed, resigned her clerkship and devoted herself
to the assistance of suffering soldiers. Her work commencing before
the organization of Commissions, was continued outside and altogether
independent of them, but always with most cordial sympathy. Miss
Barton never engaged in hospital service. Her chosen labors were on
the battle-field from the beginning, until the wounded and dead were
attended to. Her supplies were her own, and were carried by Government
transportation. Nearly four years she endured the exposures and rigors
of soldier life, in action, always side by side with the field
surgeons, and this on the hardest fought fields; such battles as Cedar
Mountain, second Bull Run, Chantilly, Antietam, Falmouth, and old
Fredericksburg, siege of Charleston, on Morris Island, at Wagner,
Wilderness and Spotsylvania, The Mine, Deep Bottom, through sieges of
Petersburg and Richmond, with Butler and Grant; through summer without
shade, and winter without shelter, often weak, but never so far
disabled as to retire from the field; always under fire in severe
battles; her clothing pierced with bullets and torn by shot, exposed
at all times, but never wounded.

Firm in her integrity to the Union, never swerving from her belief in
the justice of the cause for which the North was fighting, on the
battle-field she knew no North, no South; she made her work one of
humanity alone, bestowing her charities and her care indiscriminately
upon the Blue and the Gray, with an impartiality and Spartan firmness
that astonished the foe and perplexed the friend, often falling under
suspicion, or censure of Union officers unacquainted with her motives
and character for her tender care and firm protection of the wounded
captured in battle. Their home-thrusts were met with the same calm
courage as were the bullets of the enemy, and many a Confederate
soldier lives to bless her for care and life, while no Union man will
ever again doubt her loyalty. All unconsciously to herself she was
carrying out to the letter in practice the grand and beautiful
principles of the Red Cross of Geneva (of which she had never heard),
for the entire _neutrality_ of war relief among the nations of the
earth, that great international step toward a world-wide recognized
humanity, of which she has since become the national advocate and
leader in this country.

[Illustration: Clara Barton. "Very Sincerely Yours Clara Barton."]

At the close of the war she met exchanged prisoners at Annapolis.
Accompanied by Dorrence Atwater, she conducted an expedition, sent at
her request by the United States Government to identify and mark the
graves of the 13,000 soldiers who perished at Andersonville. From
Savannah to that point, as theirs were the first trains which had
passed since the destruction of the railroads by Sherman, they were
obliged to repair the bridges and the embankments, straighten bent
rails, and in some places make new roads. The work was completed in
August, 1865, and her report of the expedition was issued in the
winter of 1866.

The anxiety felt by the whole country for the fate of those whom the
exchange of prisoners and the disbanding of troops failed to reveal,
stimulated her to devise the plan of relief, which, sanctioned by
President Lincoln, resulted in the "search for missing men," which
(except the printing) was carried on entirely at her own expense, to
the extent of several thousand dollars, employing from ten to fifteen
clerks. In the winter of '66, when she was on the point, for want of
further means to carry out her plan, of turning the search over to the
Government, Congress voted $15,000 for reimbursing moneys expended,
and carrying on the work. The search was continued until 1869, and
then a full report made and accepted by Congress. During the winter of
1867-8 Miss Barton was called on to lecture before many lyceums
regarding the incidents of the war.

In 1869, her health failing, she went to Switzerland to rest and
recover, where she was at the breaking out of the Franco-Prussian
war, and immediately tendered her services there, as here, on the
battle-field, under the auspices of the Red Cross of Geneva. Her Royal
Highness the Grand Duchess of Baden, daughter of the Emperor of
Germany, invited Miss Barton to aid her in the establishment of her
noble Badise hospitals, a work which consumed several months. On the
fall of Strasburg she entered the city with the German army, organized
labor for women, conducting the enterprise herself, employing
remuneratively a great number, and clothing over thirty thousand. She
entered Metz with hospital supplies the day of its fall, and Paris the
day after the fall of the Commune. Here she remained two months,
distributing money and clothing which she carried, and afterward met
the poor in every besieged city in France, extending succor to them.

She is a representative of the "International Red Cross of Geneva,"
and President of the American National Association of the Red Cross,
honorary and only woman member of "Comité de Strasbourgeois"; was
decorated with the "Gold Cross of Remembrance" by the Grand Duke and
Duchess of Baden, and with the "Iron Cross of Merit" by the Emperor
and Empress of Germany.

Miss Barton may be said to have given her whole life to humanitarian
affairs, largely national in character. The positions she has
occupied, whether remunerative or not--and she has filled but few paid
positions--have been pioneer ones, in which her efforts and success
have been to raise the standard of woman's work and its recognition
and remuneration. Her time, her property, and her influence have been
held sacred to benevolence of that character that will assist in true
progress. Nevertheless, she is one of the most retiring of women,
never voluntarily coming before the world except at the call of
manifest duty, and shrinking with peculiar sensitiveness from anything
verging on notoriety.

Her summers are passed at her pleasant country residence at Dansville,
New York, where she has regained in a most gratifying degree her
shattered health and war-worn strength, and her winters in Washington
in the interests and charge of the great International movement which
she represents in America.


JOSEPHINE SOPHIE GRIFFING.

_The National Freedman's Relief Association._

BY CATHARINE A. F. STEBBINS.

Josephine Sophie White was born at Hebron, Conn., December, 1816, and
was educated in her native State. She grew to young womanhood in the
pure and religious atmosphere of the New England hills, and developed
a strength of constitution and character which was the basis of her
truly beneficent life-work. Refined, sympathetic, and conscientious,
with the golden rule for her text, her career was ever marked with
deeds of kindness and charity to the oppressed of every class. Taking
an active part in both the "Anti-slavery" and "Woman's Rights"
struggles, she early learned the very alphabet of liberty. With her
the perception of its blessings and its glory was also a rich
inheritance, and the vigilance and courage to conquer and secure it
for others was not less a noble legacy. The love of liberty flowed
down to her through two streams of life. On the mother's side she was
descended from Peter Waldo[25], after whom the Waldenses were named;
and on the father's, from Peregrine White, who was born in
Massachusetts in 1620, the first child of Pilgrim parents. It is not
strange she was by temperament and constitution a reformer, and a
protestant against all despotisms, whether of mind, body, or estate.
In the agitation for human rights of one class after another, in their
historical order, she enlisted with the Abolitionists, with the Woman
Suffragists, with the Loyal League and sanitary workers, and after the
war, in relief of the Freedmen. Her interest in her own sex began
early, and continued to the last.

At the age of twenty-two she married, and about the year 1842 removed
with her family to Ohio, where her home soon became the refuge of the
fugitive slave, and the resting-place of his defenders. In 1849 she
began, with her husband, Chas. S. S. Griffing, her public labors in
connection with the "American" and the "Western Anti-Slavery
Societies," speaking at first to small audiences in school-houses, and
when prejudice and bitterness gave way, to conventions, and
mass-meetings; opposition and curiosity yielding finally to sympathy
and aid. But for years the meetings were often broken up by mobs. The
effort to uproot slavery was pronounced either absurd, treasonable, or
irreligious; that it would incite insurrection of the slaves; or if
successful, bring great responsibility upon the Abolitionists, and
disaster to the whole country.

In 1861, Mrs. Griffing, prompted by the same loyal spirit that moved
all the women of the nation, turned from the ordinary occupations of
life to see what she could do to mitigate the miseries of the war. She
united at once with "The National Woman's Loyal League," lecturing and
organizing societies in the West for the soldiers and freedmen, to
whom large quantities of clothing and other supplies were sent, and
circulating petitions to Congress for the emancipation of slaves as a
war measure.

While thus engaged, her thoughts naturally turned to the large number
of Southern slaves coming with the army into Washington, whose future
she foresaw would be beset with distress and want during the long
period of change from chattelism to the settled habits of freedom.
They were coming by the hundreds and thousands in 1863, with a vague
idea of being cared for by "the Governor," but the Government had as
yet made no provision, separate from that for the soldiers, when Mrs.
Griffing went to Washington and began her labors for them, which were
continued until her death.

She at once counseled with President Lincoln and Secretary Stanton as
to the best methods for immediate relief; proposed plans which they
approved, and received from them every aid possible in their
execution. Her first step was to open three ration-houses, where she
fed at least a thousand of the old and most destitute of the freed
people daily. She visited hundreds in the alleys and old stables, in
attics and cellars, and in almost every place where shelter could be
found, and became acquainted personally with their necessities, and
the best means of supplying them. There were 30,000 in the capital at
this time, and it would be difficult to give an idea to one not there,
of the time and labor it cost to hunt out the old barracks and get
them transformed into shelters for these outcasts. Upon the personal
order of the Secretary of War, she was allowed army blankets and wood,
which she distributed herself, going with the army wagons to see that
those suffering most were first supplied. This "temporary relief" was
necessarily continued for some time, during which Mrs. Griffing was
made the General Agent of "The National Freedman's Relief Association
of the District of Columbia." She opened a correspondence with the Aid
societies of the Northern and New England States, which resulted in
her receiving supplies of clothing and provisions, which were most
acceptable. These were carefully dispensed by herself and two
daughters, who were her assistants. Mrs. Griffing opened three
industrial schools, where the women were taught to sew;[26] a price
was set on their labors, and they were paid in ready-made garments.
The Secretary aided in the purchase of suitable cloth, and with that
sent from the North, such outfits were supplied as could be afforded.

It was soon apparent to Mrs. Griffing that the Government must provide
for the old and the infirm, and that until labor could be found, even
a majority of the strong must be included in the provision--with the
understanding, however, that they must seek employment and exert
themselves to find homes--and that educational and political interests
must be established and encouraged. The stress of the situation can
not be said ever to have relaxed during our friend's life, except as
to numbers--at any rate in the early years; but as soon as some system
grew out of the confusion, and all that could be, were supplied with
bread and shelter, she turned her attention in part to the larger
plan, and urged a bureau under Government; a department for these
freedmen's interests. This plan was favored by Messrs. Sumner, Wade,
Wilson, and a few other Senators and Members of Congress, and in
December, 1863, a bill for a Bureau of Emancipation was introduced in
the House of Representatives by Hon. Mr. Elliot, of Massachusetts. It
received no welcome; few cared to listen to the details of the
necessity, and it was only through Mrs. Griffing's brave and unwearied
efforts that the plan was accepted, and carried through in March,
1865, under the title of "The Freedman's Bureau." The writer has had
testimony to the truth of this from Senators Wade of Ohio, Howard of
Michigan, and others, as well as to the fact that a majority of the
Congressional Committee in charge of the bill, wished that Mrs.
Griffing should be made Commissioner (among whom, and most active in
support of the bill, was Senator Henry Wilson), but it was decided to
place the Bureau in the War Department, with a military man at the
head, Mrs. Griffing being appointed "Assistant Commissioner." She
really held the position but a few weeks--in name, five months--a
second military officer standing ready to take the appointment, as men
have ever done, and as they will always crowd women aside so long as
they are held political inferiors, without the citizen's charter to
sustain their claim. This officer had the title and drew the pay,
while our noble friend went on as before in her arduous and almost
superhuman labors. The Bureau adopted _her_ plan of finding homes in
the North, sending the freedmen at Government charge, and of opening
employment offices in New York City and in Providence, R. I.;
nevertheless it was necessary to supplement Government provision by
private generosity; and moreover, that Congress should provide
temporary relief for the helpless in the District. Appropriations were
made in sums of $25,000, amounting in all to nearly $200,000, for the
purchase of supplies, a very large proportion of which were
distributed by Mrs. Griffing in person from her own residence.[27]
"Shirley Dare," in writing to _The New York World_, after a little
time spent with Mrs. G., said:

     "I sat an hour this morning in Mrs. Griffing's office during the
     distribution of rations, and a curious scene it was. There was
     not a sound creature among the crowd which filled the yard, and
     which hangs about all day from nine till four, and which the
     neighborhood calls 'Mrs. Griffing's signs.' It reminded me of
     another crowd of impotent folk, lame, halt, and blind, which
     filled the loveliest space in Jerusalem, and was a _sign_ of joy
     and charity in the place. Queer, tender, wistful faces, so
     earnest one forgets their grotesque character and ragged, faded
     forms, cluster in the porch; such a set as one might once have
     seen put up at auction as a 'refuse lot' of plantation negroes.
     The men wear old army cloaks, while the women, with dresses in
     every stage of decay, are so comic, one struggles between the
     ludicrous and the pitiful.... The faith of this class seems to be
     fastened nowhere so strongly as upon Mrs. Griffing. Salutations
     follow her along the streets, enough to satisfy the proudest
     Pharisee, and it provokes one between a smile and a tear, to see
     the women waiting timidly, yet eagerly, for a word from her, to
     set their faces all aglow. They used to say, persistently, 'We
     belongs to you,' and no efforts could induce them to change that
     phrase. 'Who has we but the Lord and you?' was the simple
     argument which stayed protest from the kind, proud woman who was
     their benefactress. A few words from her will draw out histories
     simple, funny, and sad beyond question."

Our friend had a strong belief that the able in body could sustain
themselves if labor were provided, which it could not be there, so she
urged them to go to the North, which greatly needed laborers to fill
the places of Northern men in the army. Woman's help, too, was as much
in demand, for in many places large farms were wholly managed by women
in the absence of husbands and sons; but it was learned by Mrs.
Griffing and daughters through repeated testimony, that the life-long
teaching of the slaves had been, that no good could come from
Northern people,[28] and this led the many in their pitiable ignorance
to believe that, somewhere in the North, the monsters surely lived who
were waiting to destroy them, and that the kind few whom they had met
were of a different race; that "the North" was beyond the sea, and
they could never return, nor hear from their friends left behind; so
persistent argument was needed to convince the most ignorant of their
false notions, and many of them never were, until some had gone and
returned with good tidings. The first company prepared to go numbered
sixty persons, for whom Mrs. Griffing procured Government
transportation and a day's rations. She went with them to New York
City, and as they passed from the cars the sight was a new and strange
one. Filing through the streets, the anxious, wondering women dressed
partly in neat garments given them, with others of their own selection
in less good taste; while on the men an occasional damaged silk hat
topped off a coat that would have made Joseph's of old look plain;
with ironclad army shoes; or a half-worn wedding swallow-tail, eked
out by a plantation broad-brim, and boots too much worn for either
comfort or beauty. This motley band, led by a gentle and
spiritual-faced woman, will not soon be forgotten by those who saw it
depart. Leaving a few at one depot, and a few at another, to be met at
the journey's end by their employer, Mrs. Griffing took those
remaining to Providence, near which place homes had been provided.
After these sent messages back to friends, others went more readily,
and during a little more than two years over seven thousand freed
people left Washington under Mrs. Griffing's special supervision and
direction for homes in the North. I wish I could say how many parties
she actually convoyed on the journey, and how many miles she traveled,
but I know that she went as far as New York with a great many; and as
I have seen them start, knew and felt that it was too much for her,
and longed that some stronger person should appear to share her
burdens, and relieve her from these exhausting duties. Perhaps she had
written letters till twelve o'clock the night before; had taken a long
walk beyond the Navy-Yard cars, in the afternoon, to visit her
centenarians; or had received calls, and talked till her voice had
almost given out.

But she had the comfort of knowing that many remained where they had
been sent, some buying homes and planting vines about the roof-tree.
To behold this, she had wrought heroically in the past for
emancipation. She was busy with her hands, busier with her brain, and
her spiritual nature was like a spring of sweet waters, overflowing in
bounteous blessing on all around. Of the great painter Leonardo da
Vinci, his biographer says: "He always saw four things he wanted to do
at once." Our friend always saw many more. Her mind was teeming not
only with ideals as beautiful as those of the great artist, but with
practical plans to educate the ignorant, and lift them to self-support
and self-protection. Her being was instinct with constructive and
spiritual force.

It would be hard to find any sphere of woman's activity in which she
had not been leader. Believing that "the manifest intention of nature
is the perfection of man," she faithfully did her part. In the
laborious and the menial she served the colored poor, while she
neglected no opportunity to open their spiritual vision. She fed,
warmed, and clothed them; ministered to the sick; attended the dying;
procured their coffins; spoke the comforting words, and sung the hymns
at their funerals. She instructed them in their Sunday meetings, and
gained release for those in prison for petty offences, or for those
unjustly accused. Soldiers often appealed to her to assist and aid
them. Her work at the jails was very wearing, for the poor creatures,
not unfrequently the mother of an infant left at home, arrested for an
imaginary offense, or for _stealing_ bread to avert starvation, would
_plead_ so hard for her to get them released, and had such full faith
that she could, that it was a constant tax upon her sympathy and
strength, as was all her work connected with them.

Josephine Griffing had to deal too much with the realities of life and
death to make many records of her work, save those required in the
routine of her office. These were mostly kept by her daughter Emma,
her official assistant. But the substance of what was done in these
years may be found in the archives of the Government. On the calendar
of both Houses of Congress, in the _Congressional Globe_, in the War
Office, in the Freedman's Bureau, in the offices of District
Government and District Courts, and perhaps in the prisons, the future
historian may find abundant records of the patient and humane labors
of this merciful, vigilant, and untiring woman. Whether he finds them
in her name is not so certain!

Mrs. Griffing not only devoted to these people the six days of the
week allotted to labor, but her Sundays were given to public
ministrations as well as private visits to the distant and aged,
unable to come to the Relief rooms during the week. But for a real
picture of the condition of these people, nothing can be more graphic
or full of feeling, than her own account in a letter to Lucretia
Mott,[29] intended as an appeal to the Society of Friends in
Philadelphia. It, with others, had early responded, and with its
contributions in part, she had established the soup-houses before
noted. Her account is also in connection with the Bureau, of
historical interest. During this long struggle her evenings were spent
in writing letters to the North, framing bills, petitions, and appeals
to amend the laws of the District. As she was interested in all the
reforms of the day, she was frequently called upon for active service
in conventions and political gatherings.

Of the public men whom she consulted, two at least, I know, made
everybody and everything yield when she appeared; these were Secretary
Stanton and Chas. Sumner--so interested were they in the objects of
her devotion, and so sure that Mrs. Griffing would not take their time
without sufficient reason. Benj. F. Wade and Henry Wilson would not
yield the palm in their respect to her, and Senator Howard, of
Michigan, was also one of her most friendly helpers. Stevens, Julian,
Dawes, Ashley--all the friends in Congress--could tell of her great
achievements, and their unbounded confidence in her, as the following
letters show:


                                   WASHINGTON, D. C., _March 11, 1865._

     _To the Commissioner of the Freedman's Bureau_:

     SIR:--I take pleasure in giving my influence to this application
     for a place at the head of freedmen's affairs in the District of
     Columbia for Mrs. Josephine S. Griffing, believing her to be
     eminently qualified to develop the resources of the freed people
     in this District, most of whom are women and children--secure the
     national interest, and give satisfaction to the country. Mrs.
     Griffing has given successful public and private efforts in
     behalf of the colored race for many years, and has devoted the
     entire time of the last year to an investigation of the condition
     and best method of giving relief to the multitudes of freed
     people in and around the National Capital. Finding many thousands
     of women with families without employment or the means of
     self-support, she has conferred with the President and Governors
     of the Northwestern States upon the practicability of encouraging
     their emigration. To meet the destitution of these people in this
     city during the past winter, Mrs. Griffing has disbursed from the
     Government about $25,000 in wood and blankets and rations, and
     $5,000 in clothing and money from the public charity. I believe
     the appointment of Mrs. J. S. Griffing to a chief clerkship or
     general agency for the District in this Bureau will be creditable
     to the Government and satisfactory to the freed people.

                                             Z. CHANDLER.


     I fully concur with my colleague. Mrs. Griffing is both worthy
     and capable, and I trust her services will be secured.

                                             J. M. HOWARD.


     If I had this appointment to make, I would make Mrs. Griffing
     Commissioner.

                                             J. M. ASHLEY.


     I know Mrs. Griffing to be capable and humane, and very devoted
     to the colored race. I hope that her services may be secured.

                                             CHARLES SUMNER.


     I most cheerfully join in this recommendation.

                                             H. WILSON,
                                             J. N. GRIMES.


     I fully concur in the above, and hope that Mrs. Griffing will
     receive a conspicuous place in the Freedman's Bureau. She is the
     best qualified of any person within my knowledge; her whole heart
     is in the work.

                                             B. F. WADE, SOLOMON FOOT,
                                             IRA HARRIS, E. D. MORGAN,
                                             W. P. FESSENDEN.


     I most fully concur.

                                             J. V. DRIGGS,
                                             T. W. FERRY.


     I fully concur in all that is said within in behalf of Mrs.
     Griffing, and earnestly commend her to the favor sought.

                                             GEO. W. JULIAN.


                                   WASHINGTON, _July 9, 1869_.

     Mrs. Griffing has for several years devoted herself with great
     industry, intelligence, and success to the freed people in the
     District of Columbia, and in this service she has accomplished
     more good than any other one individual within my acquaintance.
     When the War Department was in my charge, she rendered very
     efficient aid of a humane character to relieve the wants and
     sufferings of destitute freed people, and was untiring in her
     benevolent exertions. Property for distribution was often placed
     in her hands, or under her directions, and she was uniformly
     trustworthy and skillful in its management and administration. In
     my judgment, she is entitled to the most full confidence and
     trust.

                                             EDWIN M. STANTON.


                                   JEFFERSON, OHIO, _Nov. 12, 1869_.

     MY DEAR MRS. GRIFFING:--On my return from Washington I found your
     kind letter of the 28th, ult. I regret much that I did not meet
     with you at Washington. I know your merits. I know that no person
     in America has done so much for the cause of humanity for the
     last four years as you have. Your disinterested labors have saved
     hundreds of poor human beings not only the greatest destitution
     and misery, but from actual starvation and death. I also know
     that in doing this you have not only devoted your whole time, but
     all the property you have. And I know, too, that your labors are
     just as necessary now as they ever have been. Others know all
     this as well as I do. Secretary Stanton can vouch for it all, and
     I can not doubt that Congress will not only pay you for what you
     have done, but give you a position where this necessary work may
     be done by you effectually. This is the very thing that ought to
     be done at once. Since the Bureau has been abolished it will be
     impossible to get along with the great influx of imbecility and
     destitution which gathers and centers in Washington every
     winter, without some one being appointed to see to it, and
     certainly everybody knows that there is no one so competent for
     this work as yourself. To this end I will do whatever I can, but
     you know that I am now out of place, and have no influence at
     Court, but whatever I can do to effect so desirable an object
     will be done.

                                             Truly yours,  B. F. WADE.


                                   SENATE CHAMBER, _April 2_.

     DEAR MADAM:--I have your note of the 31st, and am very sorry to
     hear that there is so much distress in the city. I shall endeavor
     to bring the charter up as soon as I have an opportunity; but
     while this trial is pending,[30] it is improbable that any
     legislative business will be done. I am as anxious as you are to
     secure its adoption.

                                        Yours truly,    CHARLES SUMNER.

     MRS. J. S. GRIFFING, Washington.


                                   BOSTON, _27th July, 1869_.

     DEAR MADAM:--The statement or memorial which you placed in my
     hands was never printed. It is, probably, now on the files of the
     Senate. I wish I could help your effort with the Secretary of
     War. You must persevere. If Gen. Rawlins understands the case, he
     will do all that you desire. Accept my best wishes, and believe
     me, faithfully yours,

                                             CHARLES SUMNER.


     Will Mrs. Griffing let Mr. Sumner know what institution or person
     should disburse the money appropriated?

     SENATE CHAMBER,
                 Tuesday.


     LETTERS ON THE FREEDMAN'S RELIEF ASSOCIATION.

                                   WASHINGTON, _April 8, '71_.

     _To the Mayor and Board of Common Council, City of Washington,
     District of Columbia_:

     MESSRS.:--I have the honor to state that the aged, sick,
     crippled, and blind persons, for whom the National Freedman's
     Relief Association of this District partially provides, are at
     this time in very great destitution, many of them in extreme
     suffering for want of food and fuel. The Association has provided
     clothing. It is now twelve weeks since the Government
     appropriation for their temporary support for the last year was
     exhausted. This Association has by soliciting contributions, up
     to this time, relieved the most extreme cases, that otherwise
     must have died; but the want of food is so great among at least a
     thousand of these, not one of whom is able _to labor_ for a
     support, that it is impossible to provide the absolute relief
     they must have, by further contributions from the charitable and
     the humane.

     I would therefore most earnestly appeal in their behalf, that the
     Hon. Council and Mayor will appropriate from the market fund for
     their temporary relief one thousand dollars, to be disbursed by
     the above-named association, which sum will enable these
     destitute persons to subsist until, as is hoped and believed,
     Congress will make the usual special appropriation for their
     partial temporary support. This Association to report the use of
     such money to the Mayor and Common Council of the City of
     Washington, D. C.

          Very respectfully,                      J. S. GRIFFING,
                           _General Agent N. F. R. Association, D. C._


                         TRIBUNE OFFICE, NEW YORK, _Sept. 7, 1870_.

     MRS. GRIFFING:--In my judgment you and others who wish to
     befriend the blacks crowded into Washington, do them great
     injury. Had they been told years ago, "You _must_ find work; go
     out and seek it," they would have been spared much misery. They
     are an easy, worthless race, taking no thought for the morrow,
     and liking to lean on those who befriend them. Your course
     aggravates their weaknesses, when you should raise their ambition
     and stimulate them to self-reliance. Unless you change your
     course speedily and signally, the swarming of blacks to the
     District will increase, and the argument that Slavery is their
     natural condition will be immeasurably strengthened. So long as
     they look to others to calculate and provide for them, they are
     not truly free. If there be any woman capable of earning wages
     who would rather some one else than herself should pay her
     passage to the place where she can have work, then she needs
     reconstruction and awakening to a just and honest self-reliance.

                                    Yours,            HORACE GREELEY.

     MRS. J. S. GRIFFING, Washington, D. C.


                                                  _Sept. 12, 1870_.
     HORACE GREELEY:

     DEAR SIR:--Much as I respect your judgment, and admire your
     candor, I must express entire dissent with your views in
     reference to those who are laboring to befriend the Freedmen, and
     also of your estimate of the character of the black race.

     When you condemn my work for the old slaves, who can not labor,
     and are "crowded into Washington" by force of events
     uncontrollable, as a "great injury," I am at a loss to perceive
     your estimate of any and all benevolent action. If, to provide
     houses, food, clothing, and other physical comforts, to those
     broken-down aged slaves whom we have liberated in their declining
     years, when all their strength is gone, and for whom no home,
     family friendship, or subsistence is furnished; if this is a
     "great injury," in my judgment there is no call for alms-house,
     hospital, home, or asylum in human society, and all
     appropriations of sympathy and material aid are worse than
     useless, and demand your earnest rebuke and discountenance, and
     to the unfortunates crowded into these institutions, you should
     say, "You must find work, go out and seek it." So far as an
     humble individual can be, I am substituting to these a freedman's
     (relief) bureau; sanitary commission; church sewing society, to
     aid the poor; orphan asylum; old people's home; hospital and
     alms-house for the sick and the blind; minister-at-large, to
     visit the sick, console the dying, and bury the dead; and wherein
     I fail, and perhaps you discriminate, is the want of wealthy,
     popular, and what is called honorable associations. Were these at
     my command, with the field before me, it would be easy to
     illustrate the practical use as well as the divine origin of the
     Golden Rule.

     If, in your criticism, you refer to my secondary department in
     which I have labored to furnish employment to the Freedmen both
     in the District and out, is it not a direct reflection upon all
     efforts made for the distribution of labor? Is my course more
     aggravating to the weakness of destitute unemployed freed people,
     than emigrant societies, intelligence offices, benevolent ladies'
     societies, and young men's Christian associations, to give work
     to the poor of all nations; and lastly the Government Indian
     department, that has wisely called to its aid the American
     missionary, and the Quaker societies, to farm out the poor
     Indians? or, if the measures put forth by these admissible agents
     can raise the ambition and stimulate to self-reliance their
     beneficiaries, will you be good enough to show wherein the same
     means, which I claim to employ, must have the opposite effect
     upon the freedmen crowded into Washington.

     Is it possible that the swarming of the Irish, Swiss, and German
     poor, to the city of New York, is attributable to the
     intelligence offices and immigration societies of your city, and
     not, as we have supposed, to the want of work and bread at home,
     and is there really a danger, that in providing and calculating
     for them, we shall strengthen the argument of race, while our
     institutions of charity are filled with descendants of the Saxon,
     the Norman, the Goth, and the Vandal? I think not.

                         Respectfully yours,    JOSEPHINE S. GRIFFING.


     _From the New National Era._

     MRS. JOSEPHINE S. GRIFFING THE ORIGINATOR OF THE FREEDMEN's
     BUREAU.

     This truly excellent and noble woman was fitly spoken of in the
     _New National Era_ just after her death, but at that early date
     it was not possible to obtain the facts to prove the statement at
     the head of this article, which is but simple truth and historic
     justice.

     Mrs. Griffing was engaged in an arduous work for the Loyal League
     in the Northwest in 1862, and foresaw the need of a comprehensive
     system of protection, help, and education, for the slaves in the
     trying transition of freedom. She sought counsel and aid from fit
     persons in Ohio and Michigan, and came here only in 1863 to begin
     her work of urging the plan of a Bureau for that purpose. Nothing
     daunted by coldness or indifference she nobly persisted, until in
     December, 1863, a bill for a Bureau of Emancipation was
     introduced in the House of Representatives by Hon T. D. Elliott,
     of Massachusetts. After some changes in the bill, and a committee
     of conference of the House and Senate, and the valuable aid of
     Sumner, Wilson, and other Senators, the bill for the Freedman's
     Bureau finally passed in March, 1865, and was signed by President
     Lincoln just before his assassination.

     The original idea was Mrs. Griffing's; her untiring efforts gave
     it life, and it is but just that the colored people, of the South
     especially, should bear in grateful remembrance this able and
     gentle woman, whose life and strength were spent for their poor
     sufferers, and who called into useful existence that great
     national charity, the Freedman's Bureau.

The following letter from William Lloyd Garrison to Giles B. Stebbins,
then in Washington, corroborates the above statements:


                                   ROXBURY, MASS., _March 4, 1872_.

     MY DEAR FRIEND: ... I was glad to see the well-merited tributes
     paid by yourself and others to the memory of Mrs. Josephine S.
     Griffing. She was, for a considerable period, actively engaged in
     the anti-slavery struggle in Ohio, where by her rare executive
     ability and persuasiveness as a public lecturer, she aided
     greatly in keeping the abolition flag flying, enlightening and
     changing public sentiment, and hastening the year of jubilee.
     With what unremitting zeal and energy did she espouse the cause
     of the homeless, penniless, benighted, starving freedmen, driven
     by stress of circumstances into the national capital in such
     overwhelming numbers; and what a multitude were befriended and
     saved through her moving appeals in their behalf! How like an
     angel of mercy must she have seemed to them all! No doubt the
     formation of the Freedman's Bureau was mainly due to her
     representations as to its indispensable necessity; and how much
     good was done by that instrumentality in giving food, clothing,
     and protection to those who were so suddenly brought out of the
     house of bondage, as against the ferocity of the rebel element,
     it is difficult to compute because of its magnitude. She deserves
     to be gratefully remembered among "the honorable women not a
     few," who, in their day and generation, have been

    "Those starry lights of virtue that diffuse,
    Through the dark depths of time their vital flame,"

     whose self-abnegation and self-sacrifice in the cause of
     suffering humanity having been absolute, and who have nobly
     vindicated every claim made by their sex to full equality with
     men in all that serves to dignify human nature. Her rightful
     place is among "the noble army of martyrs," for her life was
     undoubtedly very much shortened by her many cares and heavy
     responsibilities and excessive labors in behalf of the pitiable
     objects of her sympathy and regard.

                         Very truly yours,     WILLIAM LLOYD GARRISON.


     PARKER PILLSBURY, in a letter to Mrs. Stebbins says: "The
     anti-slavery conflict could never boast a braver, truer, abler
     advocate than Josephine Griffing. It was always an honor and
     inspiration to stand by her side, no matter how fierce the
     encounter. I have seen her when an infuriated mob assailed our
     Conventions, and dashed down doors, windows, seats, stoves,
     tables, everything that would yield to their demoniac rage, stand
     amid the ruins calm and unmoved, and with her gentle words of
     remonstrance shame the intruders, until one by one they shrank
     away, glad to get out of her sight.

     Her beautiful home hospitalities; her warm welcome ever extended
     to the faithful friends of freedom and humanity, were equal to
     her unshaken courage and self-control in public assemblies. We
     used to call that humble home in Litchfield, 'The Saint's Rest,'
     and such it was to many a fugitive slave, as well as soldier in
     his cause.

To the first demand for the enfranchisement of women in 1848, Mrs.
Griffing heartily responded, and in this reform she was ever untiring
in effort, wise in counsel, and eminent in public speech. In 1867 she
helped to organize the Universal Franchise Association of the District
of Columbia, of which she was president for years. She was also
Corresponding Secretary of the National Woman Suffrage Association,
and was ever considered the organizing power at Washington. She first
suggested the importance of annual conventions at the capital, in
order to influence Congressional action.

Mrs. Griffing's last appearance in public was at the May Anniversary
of the National Woman Suffrage Association, held in New York in 1871,
and so feeble was her condition that a screen was placed behind her to
enable the audience to hear her voice. At the close of the Convention
she went to the home of her childhood, in Hebron, Conn., hoping that
the bracing air of the New England hills would give her new life and
strength, until she could finish her work. But it was already
finished. She had taxed herself to the uttermost, beyond nature's
power to recuperate. In November she returned to Washington, and
enjoyed the sweet presence and tender care of her daughters until she
passed away on Feb. 18, 1872.


THE LADIES' NATIONAL COVENANT.

After the war was fairly inaugurated, the manufactories of the country
largely turned their attention to the production of material required
by the army, which, combined with the immense number of volunteers
from such avocations, and the rise in prices of all home manufactures,
created an immense import of foreign goods, which, pouring into our
country when gold was at the highest, brought to our doors a danger no
less formidable than that of the Rebellion. It was shown from official
returns, in 1863, that during a period of nine months, the imports, at
the port of New York alone, amounted to $160,000,000 in gold; equal,
including exchange, freight, insurance, etc., to twice that sum, while
our exports amounted to only $120,000,000 in paper.

This ruinous state of our trade brought on us the taunts of foreign
enemies, and roused the attention of the country to devise some method
of meeting the new danger; Congress temporarily raised duties fifty
per cent. in hopes of stemming the tide of importation. The patriotic
women of the nation, ever on the alert for methods of aiding the
country, early in 1864 called a meeting of the loyal women of
Washington, at which time an association, pledging women to the use of
home manufactures, was formed under the name of "The Ladies' National
Covenant," with offices in every State and Territory within the
national lines. Mrs. General Jas. Taylor was elected President; Mrs.
Stephen A. Douglas, Vice-President; Mrs. Rebecca Gillis and Miss
Virginia Smith, Recording Secretaries; with ten Corresponding
Secretaries, of whom Mrs. H. C. Ingersoll was the most active.

This association, formed for the purpose of encouraging domestic
manufactures, was composed at its first meeting of the wives of
members of the Cabinet and of Senators and Representatives, women of
fashion, popular authoresses, mothers who had lost their sons, and
wives who had lost their husbands. An Advisory and Organizing
Committee was appointed, consisting of women from each State and
Territory within the national line. An ADDRESS TO THE WOMEN OF AMERICA
was issued, and a constitution consisting of eleven sections, together
with the following pledge, was adopted:


                              THE PLEDGE.

     For three years, or during the war, we pledge ourselves to each
     other and the country, to purchase no imported goods where those
     of American manufacture can be obtained, such as "dress goods of
     velvet, silks, grenadines, India crape, and imported organdies,
     India lace and broche shawls, fine wrought laces and
     embroideries, watches and precious stones, hair ornaments, fans,
     artificial flowers and feathers, carpets, furniture, silks and
     velvets, painted china, ormolu, bronze, marble, ornaments, and
     mirrors."

The emblem of this Covenant was a black or gilt bee, worn as a pin
fastening the national colors, upon the hair, arm, or bosom, as a
public recognition of membership. In August of the same year the
Secretary stated that orders for the emblem, the badge of the
Covenant, were received by the manufacturer of the pin from all parts
of the Union. A meeting was held in New York, rooms opened in Great
Jones Street, and the Covenant was in a fair way to assume large
proportions. When Lee's capitulation was announced the necessity for
the Covenant ended, and with peace, trade was allowed to drift into
its natural channels.


ANNA ELIZABETH DICKINSON.

Foremost among the women who understood the political significance of
the great conflict, was Miss Dickinson, a young girl of Quaker
ancestry, who possessed remarkable oratorical power, a keen sense of
justice, and an intense earnestness of purpose. In the heated
discussions of Anti-Slavery Conventions, she had acquired a clear
comprehension of the province of laws and constitutions; of the
fundamental principles of governments, and the rights of man. Like a
meteor, she appeared suddenly in the political horizon, as if born for
the eventful times in which she lived, and inspired by the dangers
that threatened the life of the republic.

At the very beginning of the war her radical utterances were heard at
different points in her native State.[31] Her admirable speech on the
higher law, first made at Kennett Square, and the discussion that
followed, in which Miss Dickinson maintained her position with
remarkable clearness and coolness for one of her years, were a
surprise to all who listened. The flattering reports of this meeting
in several of the Philadelphia journals introduced her at once to the
public.

On the evening of February 27, 1861, she addressed eight hundred
people in Concert Hall, Philadelphia. This was her first appearance
before so large an assembly, and the first time she had the sole
responsibility of entertaining an audience for an entire evening. She
spoke two full hours extemporaneously, and the lecture was pronounced
a success, not only by the press, but by the many notables and
professional men present. Although it was considered a marvelous
performance for a young girl, Miss Dickinson herself was mortified, as
she said, with the length of her speech and its lack of point, order,
and arrangement.

Soon after, she entered the United States Mint, to labor from seven
o'clock in the morning to six at night. Although she was ever faithful
to her duties and skillful in everything she undertook, soon becoming
the most rapid adjuster in the Mint, her radical criticisms on the war
and its leaders cost her the loss of the place. At a meeting just
after the battle of Ball's Bluff, in summing up the record, after
exonerating Stone and Baker, she said, "Future history will show that
this battle was lost not through ignorance and incompetence, but
through the treason of the commanding general, George B. McClellan,
and time will vindicate the truth of my assertion." She was hissed all
over the house, though some cried, "Go on!" "Go on!" She repeated this
startling assertion three times, and each time was hissed.

When Gen. McClellan was running against Lincoln in 1864, after she had
achieved a world-wide reputation, she was sent by the Republican
Committee of Pennsylvania to this same town, to speak to the same
people, in the same hall. In again summing up the incidents of the
war, when she came to Ball's Bluff, she said, "I say now, as I said
three years ago, history will record that this battle was lost, not
through ignorance or incompetence, but through the treason of the
commanding general, George B. McClellan." "And time has vindicated
your assertion," was shouted all over the house.

It was the speech made in 1861, that cost her her place in the mint,
for while laboring there daily with her hands, her mind was not
inactive nor indifferent to the momentous events transpiring about
her. She kept a close watch of the progress of the war, and the policy
of the Republican leaders. When ex-Governor Pollock dismissed her, he
admitted that his reason was that Westchester speech, for at that time
McClellan was the idol of the nation.[32]

With remarkable prescience all through the war, and the period of
reconstruction, Miss Dickinson took the advance position. Wendell
Phillips used to say that "she was the young elephant sent forward to
try the bridges to see if they were safe for older ones to cross."
When wily politicians found that her criticisms were applauded by
immense audiences, they gained courage to follow her lead. As popular
thought was centering everywhere on national questions, Miss Dickinson
thought less of the special wrongs of women and negroes and more of
the causes of revolutions and the true basis of government; hence she
spoke chiefly on the political aspects of the war, and thus made
herself available in party politics at once.

In the intervals of public speaking, she made frequent visits to the
Government hospitals, and became a most welcome guest among our
soldiers. In long conversations with them, she learned their
individual histories, experiences, hardships, and sufferings; the
motives that prompted them to go into the army; what they saw there;
what they thought of war in their hours of solitude, away from the
camp and the battle-field. Thus she acquired an insight into the
soldier's life and feelings, and from these narratives drew her
materials for that deeply interesting lecture on hospital life, which
she delivered in many parts of the country.

This lecture, given in Concord, New Hampshire, in the autumn of 1862,
was the turning-point of her fortunes. In this speech she proved
slavery to be the cause of the war, that its continuance would result
in prolonged suffering to our soldiers, defeat to our armies, and the
downfall of the Republic. She related many touching incidents of her
experiences in hospital life, and drew such vivid pictures of the
horrors of both war and slavery, that by her pathos and logic, she
melted her audience to tears, and forced the most prejudiced minds to
accept her conclusions.

It was on this occasion that the Secretary of the State Central
Committee heard her for the first time. He remarked to a friend at the
close of the lecture, "If we can get this girl to make that speech all
through New Hampshire we can carry the Republican ticket in the coming
election." Fully appreciating her magnetic power over an audience, he
resolved at once, that if the State Committee refused to invite her,
he should do so on his own responsibility. But through his influence
she was invited by the Republican Committee, and on the first of March
commenced her regular campaign speeches. During the four weeks before
election she spoke twenty times, everywhere to crowded, enthusiastic
audiences. Her march through the State was a succession of triumphs,
and ended in a Republican victory.

The member in the first district having no faith that a woman could
influence politics, sent word to the Secretary, "Don't send that damn
woman down here to defeat my election." The Secretary replied, "We
have work enough for her to do in other districts without interfering
with you." But when the would-be honorable gentleman saw the furor she
created, he changed his mind, and inundated the Secretary with letters
to have her sent there. But the Secretary replied, "It is too late;
the programme is arranged and published throughout the State; you
would not have her when you could, and now you can not have her when
you will."

It is pleasant to record that this man, who had the moral hardihood to
send a profane adjective over the wires, with the name of this noble
girl, lost his election. While all other districts went strongly
Republican, his was lost by a large majority. When the news came that
the Republicans had carried the State, due credit was awarded to Anna
Dickinson. The Governor-elect made personal acknowledgment that her
eloquent speeches had secured his election. She was serenaded,
feasted, and feted, the recipient of many valuable presents, and
eulogized by the press and the people.

New Hampshire safe, all eyes were now turned to Connecticut. The
contest there was between Seymour and Buckingham. It was generally
conceded that, if Seymour was elected, Connecticut would give no more
money or troops for the war. The Republicans were completely
disheartened. They said nothing could prevent the Democrats from
carrying the State by four thousand, while the Democrats boasted that
they would carry it by ten thousand. Though the issue was one of such
vital importance, there seemed so little hope of success, that the
Republicans were disposed to give it up without making an effort. And
no resistance to this impending calamity was made until Anna Dickinson
went into the State, and galvanized the desponding loyalists to life.
She spent two weeks there, and completely turned the tide of popular
sentiment. Democrats, in spite of the scurrilous attacks made on her
by some of their leaders and editors, received her everywhere with the
warmest welcome, tore off their party badges, substituted her
likeness, and applauded whatever she said. The halls where she spoke
were so densely packed, that Republicans stayed away to make room for
the Democrats, and the women were shut out to give place to those who
could vote. There never was such enthusiasm over an orator in this
country. The period of her advent, the excited condition of the
people, her youth, beauty, and remarkable voice, and wonderful
magnetic power, all heightened the effect of her genius, and helped to
produce this result. Her name was on every lip; ministers preached
about her, prayed for her, as a second Joan of Arc, raised up by God
to save that State to the loyal party, and through it the nation to
freedom and humanity. As the election approached, the excitement was
intense; and when at last it was announced that the State was saved by
a few hundred votes, the joy and gratitude of the crowds knew no
bounds. They shouted and hurrahed for Anna Dickinson, serenaded her
with full bands of music, sent her books, flowers, and ornaments,
manifesting in every way their love and loyalty to this gifted girl,
who through so many years had bravely struggled with poverty to this
proud moment of success in her country's cause. Some leading gentlemen
of the State who had invited her there presented her a gold watch and
chain, a hundred dollars for every night she had spoken, and four
hundred for the last night before election, in Hartford. The comments
of the press, though most flattering, give the reader but a faint idea
of the enthusiasm of the people.[33]

Fresh from the victories in New Hampshire and Connecticut, she was
announced to speak in Cooper Institute, New York. That meeting, in
May, 1862, was the most splendid ovation to a woman's genius since
Fanny Kemble, in all the wealth of her youth, beauty, and wonderful
dramatic power, appeared on the American stage for the first time.
There never was such excitement over any meeting in New York; hundreds
went away unable even to get standing places in the lobbies and outer
halls. The platform was graced with the most distinguished men and
women in the country, and so crowded that the young orator had scarce
room to stand. There were clergymen, generals, admirals, judges,
lawyers, editors, the literati, and leaders of fashion, and all alike
ready to do homage to this simple girl, who moved them alternately to
laughter and tears, to bursts of applause and the most profound
silence.

Henry Ward Beecher, who presided, introduced the speaker in his
happiest manner. For nearly two hours she held that large audience
with intense interest and enthusiasm, and when she finished with a
beautiful peroration, the people seemed to take a long breath, as if
to find relief from the intensity of their emotions. Loud cries
followed for Mr. Beecher; but he arose, and with great feeling and
solemnity, said: "Let no man open his lips here to-night; music is the
only fitting accompaniment to the eloquent utterances we have heard."
The Hutchinsons closed with one of their soul-stirring ballads, and
the audience slowly dispersed, singing the John Brown song with
thrilling effect, as they marched into the street.[34]

After her remarkable success in New York, the Philadelphia Union
League invited her to speak in that city. The invitation, signed by
leading Republicans, she readily accepted. Judge Wm. D. Kelley
presided, and a most appreciative audience greeted her. In this
address, reviewing the incidents of the war, she criticised General
McClellan as usual, with great severity. Some of his personal friends,
filled with indignation, left the house, while a derisive laugh
followed them to the door. The Philadelphia journals vied with each
other in their eulogiums of her grace, beauty, and eloquence. The
marked attention she has always received in her native city has been
most grateful to her, and honorable to her fellow-citizens.

In July, 1862, the first move was made to enlist colored troops in
Pennsylvania. A meeting was called for that purpose in Philadelphia.
Judge Kelley, Frederick Douglass, and Anna Dickinson were there, and
made strong appeals to the people of that State to grant to the
colored man the honor of bearing arms in defence of his country. The
effort was successful. A splendid regiment was raised, and the first
duty they discharged was to serenade the young orator, who had spoken
so eloquently for their race all through the war.

In September a field-day was announced at Camp William Penn. General
Pleasanton reviewed the troops. It was a brilliant and interesting
occasion, as many were about to leave for the seat of war. At the
close of the day when the people began to disperse it was noised round
that Miss Dickinson was there; a cry was heard at once on all sides,
"A speech! a speech!" The moon was just rising, mingling its pale rays
with those of the setting sun, and throwing a soft, mysterious light
over the whole scene. The troops gathered round with bristling
bayonets and flags flying, the band was hushed to silence, and when
all was still, mounted on a gun-wagon, with General Pleasanton and his
staff on one side, General Wagner and his staff on the other, this
brave girl addressed "our boys in blue." She urged that justice and
equality might be secured to every citizen in the republic; that
slavery and war might end forever and peace be restored; that our
country might indeed be the land of the free and the home of the
brave.

As she stood there uttering words of warning and prophecy, it seemed
as if her lips had been touched with a live coal from the altar of
heaven. Her inspired words moved the hearts of our young soldiers to
deeds of daring, and gave fresh courage to those about her to bid
their loved ones go and die if need be for freedom and their country.
The hour, the mysterious light, the stillness, the novel surroundings,
the youth of the speaker, all gave a peculiar power to her words, and
made the scene one of the most thrilling and beautiful on the page of
history.

In January, 1864, she made her first address in Washington. Though she
now felt that her success as an orator was established, yet she
hesitated long before accepting this invitation.[35] To speak before
the President, Chief-Justice, Judges, Senators, Congressmen, Foreign
Diplomats, all the dignitaries and honorables of the Government was
one of the most trying ordeals in her experience. She had one of the
largest and most brilliant audiences ever assembled in the Capitol,
and was fully equal to the occasion. She made a profound impression,
and her speech was the topic of conversation for days afterward. At
the close of her address she was presented to many of the
distinguished ladies and gentlemen, and chief among them the
President. This was one of the grandest occasions of her life. She was
honored as no man ever had been before. The comments of the press[36]
must have been satisfactory to her highest ambition as well as to that
of her admiring countrywomen.

One of the most powerful and impressive appeals she ever made was in
the Convention of Southern Loyalists held in Philadelphia in
September, 1866. In this Convention there was a division of opinion
between the Border and the Gulf States. The latter wanted to
incorporate negro suffrage in their platform, as that was the only
means of success for the Liberal party at the South. The former,
manipulated by Northern politicians, opposed that measure, lest it
should defeat the Republican party in the pending elections at the
North. This stultification of principle, of radical public sentiment,
stirred the soul of Miss Dickinson, and she desired to speak. But a
rule that none but delegates should be allowed that privilege,
prevented her. However, as the Southern men had never heard a woman
speak in public, and felt great curiosity to hear her, they adjourned
the Convention, resolved themselves into a committee of the whole, and
invited her to address them.

An eye-witness[37] thus describes the scene: "As the young maiden
stepped forward to deliver a speech as denunciatory as was ever
listened to against the action of the Border States, on her right sat
Brownlow, on her left John Minor Botts with his lips tightly
compressed, and his face telling plainly that he remained there from
courtesy, and would remain a patient listener to the end. She began;
and for the first time since it met, the Convention was so still that
the faintest whisper could be heard."

She had not spoken long before she declared that Maryland had no
business in the Convention, but should have been with delegates that
came to welcome. There was vehement applause from the Border States.
"This is a direct insult," shouted a delegate from Maryland. She went
on in spite of interruptions, reviewing the conduct of the Border
States with scorn, and an eloquence never equalled in any of her
previous efforts, in favor of an open, manly declaration of the real
opinion of the Convention for justice to the colored Loyalist, not in
the courts only, but at the ballot-box. The speech was in Miss
Dickinson's noblest style throughout--bold, but tender, and often so
pathetic that she brought tears to every eye. Every word came from her
heart, and it went right to the hearts of all. Kentucky and Maryland
now listened as eagerly as Georgia and Alabama; Brownlow's iron
features and Botts' rigid face soon relaxed, and tears stood in the
old Virginian's eyes; while the noble Tennesseean moved his place, and
gazed at the inspired girl with an interest and wonderment which no
other orator had moved before. She had the audience in hand, as easily
as a mother holds her child, and like the child, this audience heard
her heart beat. It was a marvelous speech. Its greatness lay in its
manner and effect, as well as its argument. When she finished, one
after another of the Southern delegates came forward and pinned on her
dress the badges of their States until she wore the gifts of Alabama,
Missouri, Tennessee, Texas, Florida, Louisiana, and Maryland.

And thus it was from time to time that this remarkable girl uttered
the highest thought in American politics in that crisis of our
nation's history. While in camp and hospital she spoke words of
tenderness and love to the sick and dying, she did not hesitate to
rebuke the incapacity and iniquity of those in high places. She was
among the first to distrust McClellan and Lincoln, and in a lecture,
entitled "My Policy," to unveil his successor, Andrew Johnson, to the
people. She saw the scepter of power grasped by the party of freedom,
and the first gun fired at Sumter in defence of slavery. She saw our
armies go forth to battle, the youth, the promise, the hope of the
nation--two millions strong--and saw them return with their ranks
thinned and broken, their flags tattered and stained, the maimed, the
halt and the blind, the weary and worn; and this, she said, is the
price of liberty. She saw the dawn of the glorious day of emancipation
when four million African slaves were set free, and that night of
gloom when the darkest page in American history was written in the
blood of its chief. Through the nation's agony was this young girl
born into a knowledge of her power; and she drew her inspiration from
the great events of her day.


THE WOMAN'S NATIONAL LOYAL LEAGUE.

MAMMOTH PETITION.

Those who had been specially engaged in the Woman Suffrage movement,
suspended their Conventions during the war and gave their time and
thought wholly to the vital issues of the hour. Seeing the political
significance of the war, they urged the emancipation of the slaves as
the sure, quick way of cutting the gordion knot of the rebellion. To
this end they organized a National League, and rolled up a mammoth
petition, urging Congress to so amend the Constitution as to prohibit
the existence of slavery in the United States.

From their headquarters in Cooper Institute, New York, they sent out
their appeals to the President, Congress, and the people at large;
tracts and forms of petition, franked by members of Congress, were
scattered like snowflakes from Maine to Texas. Meetings were held
every week, in which the policy of the Government was freely
discussed, approved or condemned. Robert Dale Owen, chairman of the
Freedman's Commission, then residing in New York, aided and encouraged
this movement from the beginning, frequently speaking in the public
meetings.

That this League did a timely educational work, is manifested by the
letters received from generals, statesmen, editors, and from women in
most of the Northern States, fully endorsing its action and
principles.[38] The clearness of thinking women on the cause of the
war; the true policy in waging it; their steadfastness in maintaining
the principles of freedom, are worthy of consideration. With this
League, Abolitionists and Republicans heartily co-operated. In a
course of lectures secured for its benefit in Cooper Institute, we
find the names of Horace Greeley, George William Curtis, William D.
Kelly, Wendell Phillips, E. P. Whipple, Frederick Douglass, Theodore
D. Weld, Rev. Dr. Tyng, Dr. Bellows, and Mrs. Frances D. Gage. Many
letters are on its files from Charles Sumner, approving its measures,
and expressing great satisfaction at the large number of emancipation
petitions being rolled into Congress. The Republican press, too, was
highly complimentary. The _New York Tribune_ said: "The women of the
Loyal League have shown great practical wisdom in restricting their
efforts to one object, the most important which any society can aim
at, in this hour, and great courage in undertaking to do what never
has been done in the world before, to obtain one million of names to a
petition."

The leading journals vied with each other in praising the patience and
prudence, the executive ability, the loyalty, the patriotism of the
women of the League, and yet these were the same women, who when
demanding civil and political rights, privileges, and immunities for
themselves, had been uniformly denounced as "unwise," "imprudent,"
"fanatical," "impracticable." During the six years they held their own
claims in abeyance to the slaves of the South, and labored to inspire
the people with enthusiasm for the great measures of the Republican
party, they were highly honored as "wise, loyal, and clear-sighted."
But again when the slaves were emancipated and they asked that women
should be recognized in the reconstruction as citizens of the
Republic, equal before the law, all these transcendent virtues
vanished like dew before the morning sun. And thus it ever is so long
as woman labors to second man's endeavors and exalt _his sex_ above
her own, her virtues pass unquestioned; but when she dares to demand
rights and privileges for herself, her motives, manners, dress,
personal appearance, character, are subjects for ridicule and
detraction.

In March, 1863, an appeal[39] to the women of the Republic, was
published in the _New York Tribune_, and in tract form extensively
circulated with "a call"[40] for a National Convention in New York,
which assembled in Dr. Cheever's church May 14th. An immense audience,
mostly women, representing a large number of the States, crowded the
house at an early hour. Miss Susan B. Anthony called the Convention to
order and nominated Lucy Stone for President; the other officers[41]
of the Convention being chosen, Mrs. Stanton made the opening address,
and stated the objects of the meeting.

Miss Anthony having received large numbers of letters[42] which it
was impossible to read, said that the one word which had come up from
all quarters showed an earnestness of purpose on the part of women to
do everything in their power to aid the Government in the prosecution
of this war to the glorious end of freedom. The President in
introducing Angelina Grimké Weld, said:

     This lady, once a South Carolina slaveholder, not only gave
     freedom to all her slaves twenty years ago, but has spent the
     strength of her younger years in going up and down among the
     people, urging the Northern States to make their soil sacred to
     freedom, to so amend their laws and constitutions that slavery
     can find no protection within their borders.

     MRS. WELD said: I came here with no desire and no intention to
     speak; but my heart is full, my country is bleeding, my people
     are perishing around me. But I feel as a South Carolinian, I am
     bound to tell the North, go on! go on! Never falter, never
     abandon the principles which you have adopted. I could not say
     this if we were now where we stood two years ago. I could not say
     thus when it was proclaimed in the Northern States that the Union
     was all that we sought. No, my friends, such a Union as we had
     then, God be praised that it has perished. Oh, never for one
     moment consent that such a Union should be re-established in our
     land. There was a time when I looked upon the Fathers of the
     Revolution with the deepest sorrow and the keenest reproach. I
     said to their shadows in another world, "Why did you leave this
     accursed system of slavery for us to suffer and die under? why
     did you not, with a stroke of the pen, determine--when you
     acquired your own independence--that the principles which you
     adopted in the Declaration of Independence should be a shield of
     protection to every man, whether he be slave or whether he be
     free?" But, my friends, the experience of sixty years has shown
     me that the fruit grows slowly. I look back and see that great
     Sower of the world, as he traveled the streets of Jerusalem and
     dropped the precious seed, "Do unto others as ye would that
     others should do unto you." I look at all the contests of
     different nations, and see that, whether it were the Patricians
     of Rome, England, France, or any part of Europe, every battle
     fought gained something to freedom. Our fathers, driven out by
     the oppression of England, came to this country and planted that
     little seed of liberty upon the soil of New England. When our
     Revolution took place, the seed was only in the process of
     sprouting. You must recollect that our Declaration of
     Independence was the very first National evidence of the great
     doctrine of brotherhood and equality. I verily believe that those
     who were the true lovers of liberty did all they could at that
     time. In their debates in the Convention they denounced
     slavery--they protested against the hypocrisy and inconsistency
     of a nation declaring such glorious truths, and then trampling
     them underfoot by enslaving the poor and oppressed, because he
     had a skin not colored like their own; as though a man's skin
     should make any difference in the recognition of his rights, any
     more than the color of his hair or of his eyes. This little blade
     sprouted as it were from the precious seeds that were planted by
     Jesus of Nazareth. But, my friends, if it took eighteen hundred
     years to bring forth the little blade which was seen in our
     Declaration, are we not unreasonable to suppose that more could
     have been done than has been done, looking at the imperfections
     of human nature, looking at the selfishness of man, looking at
     his desire for wealth and his greed for glory?

     Had the South yielded at that time to the freemen of the North,
     we should have had a free Government; but it was impossible to
     overcome the long and strong prejudices of the South in favor of
     slavery. I know what the South is. I lived there the best part of
     my life. I never could talk against slavery without making my
     friends angry--never. When they thought the day was far off, and
     there was no danger of emancipation, they were willing to admit
     it was an evil; but when God in His providence raised up in this
     country an Anti-slavery Society, protesting against the
     oppressions of the colored man, they began to feel that truth
     which is more powerful than arms--that truth which is the only
     banner under which we can successfully fight. They were
     comparatively quiet till they found, in the election of Mr.
     Lincoln, the scepter had actually departed from them. His
     election took place on the ground that slavery was not to be
     extended--that it must not pass into the Territories. This was
     what alarmed them. They saw that if the National Government
     should take one such step, it never would stop there; that this
     principle had never before been acknowledged by those who had any
     power in the nation.

     God be praised. Abolitionists never sought place or power. All
     they asked was freedom; all they wanted was that the white man
     should take his foot off the negro's neck. The South determined
     to resist the election of Mr. Lincoln. They determined if Fremont
     was elected, they would rebel. And this rebellion is like their
     own Republic, as they call it; it is founded upon slavery. As I
     asked one of my friends one day, "What are you rebelling for? The
     North never made any laws for you that they have not cheerfully
     obeyed themselves. What is the trouble between us?" Slavery,
     slavery is the trouble. Slavery is a "divine institution." My
     friends, it is a fact that the South has incorporated slavery
     into her religion; that is the most fearful thing in this
     rebellion. They are fighting, verily believing that they are
     doing God service. Most of them have never seen the North. They
     understand very little of the working of our institutions; but
     their politicians are stung to the quick by the prosperity of the
     North. They see that the institution which they have established
     can not make them wealthy, can not make them happy, can not make
     them respected in the world at large, and their motto is, "Rule
     or ruin."

     Before I close, I would like, however strange it may seem, to
     utter a protest against what Mrs. Stanton said of colonizing the
     aristocrats in Liberia. I can not consent to such a thing. Do you
     know that Liberia has never let a slave tread her soil?--that
     when, from the interior of the country, the slaves came there to
     seek shelter, and their heathen masters pursued them, she never
     surrendered one? She stands firmly on the platform of freedom to
     all. I am deeply interested in this colony of Liberia. I do not
     want it to be cursed with the aristocracy of the South, or any
     other aristocracy, and far less with the Copperheadism of the
     North. (Laughter). If these Southern aristocrats are to be
     colonized, Mrs. President, don't you think England is the best
     place for them? England is the country which has sympathized most
     deeply with them. She has allowed vessels to be built to prey
     upon our commerce; she has sent them arms and ammunition, and
     everything she could send through the West India Islands. Shall
     we send men to Liberia who are ready to tread the black man under
     their feet? No. God bless Liberia for what she has done, and what
     she is destined to do. (Applause).

     I am very glad to say here, that last summer I had the pleasure
     of entertaining several times, in our house, a Liberian who was
     well educated in England. He had graduated at Oxford College, and
     had a high position there. His health broke down, and he went to
     Liberia. "When I went to Liberia," said he, "I had a first-rate
     education, and I supposed, of course, I would be a very superior
     man there; but I soon found that, though I knew a great deal more
     Greek and Latin and mathematics than most of the men there, I was
     a child to them in the science of government and history. Why,"
     said he, "you have no idea of the progress of Liberia. The men
     who go there are freemen--citizens; the burdens of society are
     upon them; and they feel that they must begin to educate
     themselves, and they are self-educated men. The President of
     Liberia, Mr. Benson, was a slave about seven years ago on a
     plantation in this country. He went to Liberia. He was a man of
     uncommon talents. He educated himself to the duties which he
     found himself called upon to perform as a citizen. And when Mr.
     Benson visited England a year ago, he had a perfect ovation. The
     white ladies and gentlemen of England, those who were really
     anti-slavery in their feelings--who love liberty--followed him
     wherever he went. They opened their houses, they had their
     _soirees_, and they welcomed him by every kind of demonstration
     of their good wishes for Liberia."

     Now, Mrs. President, the great object that I had in view in
     rising, was to give you a representative from South Carolina.
     (Applause). I mourn exceedingly that she has taken the position
     she has. I once had a brother who, had he been there, would have
     stood by Judge Pettigrew in his protest against the action of the
     South. He, many years ago, during the time of nullification in
     1832, was in the Senate of South Carolina, and delivered an able
     address, in which he discussed these very points, and showed that
     the South had no right of secession; that, in becoming an
     integral part of the United States, they had themselves
     voluntarily surrendered that right. And he remarked, "If you
     persist in this contest, you will be like a girdled tree, which
     must perish and die. You can not stand." (Applause).

     THE PRESIDENT (Lucy Stone): Mrs. Weld thinks it would be too bad
     to send the Southern aristocrats and Northern copperheads to
     Liberia: I do not know but it would. I am equally sure that it
     would be too bad to send them among the laboring people of
     England, who are thoroughly, heartily, and wholly on the side of
     the loyal North. They ought not to be sent there. I would
     suggest, when they are fairly subdued, that we should send them
     to London to make a part of the staff of the London _Times_. I
     think they would do better there than anywhere else. (Laughter).

The Hutchinson Family being present, varied the proceedings with their
inspiring songs. Lucy Stone, in introducing them, said Gen. McClellan
was not willing they should sing on the other side of the Potomac, but
we are glad to hear them everywhere. Susan B. Anthony presented a
series of resolutions,[43] and said:

     There is great fear expressed on all sides lest this war shall be
     made a war for the negro. I am willing that it shall be. It is a
     war to found an empire on the negro in slavery, and shame on us
     if we do not make it a war to establish the negro in
     freedom--against whom the whole nation, North and South, East and
     West, in one mighty conspiracy, has combined from the beginning.

     Instead of suppressing the real cause of the war, it should have
     been proclaimed, not only by the people, but by the President,
     Congress, Cabinet, and every military commander. Instead of
     President Lincoln's waiting two long years before calling to the
     side of the Government the four millions of allies whom we have
     had within the territory of rebeldom, it should have been the
     first decree he sent forth. Every hour's delay, every life
     sacrificed up to the proclamation that called the slave to
     freedom and to arms, was nothing less than downright murder by
     the Government. For by all the laws of common-sense--to say
     nothing of laws military or national--if the President, as
     Commander-in-Chief of the Army and Navy, could have devised any
     possible means whereby he might hope to suppress the rebellion,
     without the sacrifice of the life of one loyal citizen, without
     the sacrifice of one dollar of the loyal North, it was clearly
     his duty to have done so. Every interest of the insurgents, every
     dollar of their property, every institution, however peculiar,
     every life in every rebel State, even, if necessary, should have
     been sacrificed, before one dollar or one man should have been
     drawn from the free States. How much more, then, was it the
     President's duty to confer freedom on the four million slaves,
     transform them into a peaceful army for the Union, cripple the
     rebellion, and establish justice, the only sure foundation of
     peace! I therefore hail the day when the Government shall
     recognize that it is a war for freedom. We talk about returning
     to the old Union--"the Union as it was," and "the Constitution as
     it is"--about "restoring our country to peace and prosperity--to
     the blessed conditions that existed before the war!" I ask you
     what sort of peace, what sort of prosperity, have we had? Since
     the first slave-ship sailed up the James River with its human
     cargo, and there, on the soil of the _Old_ Dominion, sold it to
     the highest bidder, we have had nothing but war. When that pirate
     captain landed on the shores of Africa, and there kidnapped the
     first stalwart negro, and fastened the first manacle, the
     struggle between that captain and that negro was the commencement
     of the terrible war in the midst of which we are to-day. Between
     the slave and the master there has been war, and war only. This
     is only a new form of it. No, no; we ask for no return to the
     _old_ conditions. We ask for something better. We want a Union
     that is a Union in fact, a Union in spirit, not a sham.
     (Applause).

     By the Constitution as it is, the North has stood pledged to
     protect slavery in the States where it existed. We have been
     bound, in case of insurrections, to go to the aid, not of those
     struggling for liberty, but of the oppressors. It was politicians
     who made this pledge at the beginning, and who have renewed it
     from year to year to this day. These same men have had control of
     the churches, the Sabbath-schools, and all religious influences;
     and the women have been a party in complicity with slavery. They
     have made the large majority in all the different religious
     organizations throughout the country, and have without protest,
     fellowshiped the slave-holder as a Christian; accepted
     pro-slavery preaching from their pulpits; suffered the words
     "slavery a crime" to be expurgated from all the lessons taught
     their children, in defiance of the Golden Rule, "Do unto others
     as you would that others should do unto you." They have had no
     right to vote in their churches, and, like slaves, have meekly
     accepted whatever morals and religion the selfish interest of
     politics and trade dictated.

     Woman must now assume her God-given responsibilities, and make
     herself what she is clearly designed to be, the educator of the
     race. Let her no longer be the mere reflector, the echo of the
     worldly pride and ambition of man. (Applause). Had the women of
     the North studied to know and to teach their sons the law of
     justice to the black man, regardless of the frown or the smile of
     pro-slavery priest and politician, they would not now be called
     upon to offer the loved of their households to the bloody Moloch
     of war. And now, women of the North, I ask you to rise up with
     earnest, honest purpose, and go forward in the way of right,
     fearlessly, as independent human beings, responsible to God alone
     for the discharge of every duty, for the faithful use of every
     gift, the good Father has given you. Forget conventionalisms;
     forget what the world will say, whether you are in your place or
     out of your place; think your best thoughts, speak your best
     words, do your best works, looking to your own conscience for
     approval.

     Mrs. HOYT, of Wisconsin: Thus far this meeting has been conducted
     in such a way as would lead one to suppose that it was an
     anti-slavery convention. There are ladies here who have come
     hundreds of miles to attend a business meeting of the Loyal Women
     of the North; and good as anti-slavery conventions are, and
     anti-slavery speeches are, in their way, I think that here we
     should attend to our own business.

     Mrs. CHALKSTONE, of California: My speech shall be as brief as
     possible and I ask for an excuse for my broken language. Our
     field is very small, and God has given us character and abilities
     to follow it out. We do not need to stand at the ballot-boxes and
     cast our votes, neither to stand and plead as lawyers; but in our
     homes we have a great office. I consider women a great deal
     superior to men. (Laughter and applause). Men are physically
     strong, but women are morally better. I speak of pure women, good
     women. It is woman who keeps the world in the balance.

     I am from Germany, where my brothers all fought against the
     Government and tried to make us free, but were unsuccessful. My
     only son, seventeen years old, is in our great and noble army of
     the Union. He has fought in many of the battles here, and I only
     came from California to see him once more. I have not seen him
     yet; though I was down in the camp, I could not get any pass. But
     I am willing to lay down all this sacrifice for the cause of
     liberty. We foreigners know the preciousness of that great, noble
     gift a great deal better than you, because you never were in
     slavery, but we are born in it. Germany pines for freedom. In
     Germany we sacrificed our wealth and ornaments for it, and the
     women in this country ought to do the same. We can not fight in
     the battles, but we can do this, and it is all we can do. The
     speaker, before me, remarked that Abraham Lincoln was two years
     before he emancipated slaves. She thought it wrong. It took
     eighteen hundred years in Europe to emancipate the Jews, and they
     are not emancipated now. Among great and intelligent peoples like
     Germany and France, until 1814 no Jew had the right to go on the
     pavement; they had to go in the middle of the street, where the
     horses walked! It took more than two years to emancipate the
     people of the North from the idea that the negro was not a human
     being, and that he had the right to be a free man. A great many
     will find fault in the resolution that the negro shall be free
     and equal, because our equal not every human being can be; but
     free every human being has a right to be. He can only be equal in
     his rights. (Applause).

     Mrs. ROSE called for the reading of the resolutions, which after
     a spirited discussion, all except the fifth, were unanimously
     adopted.

     Mrs. HOYT, of Wisconsin, said: _Mrs. President_--I object to the
     passage of the fifth resolution, not because I object to the
     sentiment expressed; but I do not think it is the time to bring
     before this meeting, assembled for the purpose of devising the
     best ways and means by which women may properly assist the
     Government in its struggle against treason, anything which could
     in the least prejudice the interest in this cause which is so
     dear to us all. We all know that Woman's Rights as an _ism_ has
     not been received with entire favor by the women of the country,
     and I know that there are thousands of earnest, loyal, and able
     women who will not go into any movement of this kind, if this
     idea is made prominent. (Applause). I came here from Wisconsin
     hoping to meet the earnest women of the country. I hoped that
     nothing that would in any way damage the cause so dear to us all
     would be brought forward by any of the members. I object to this,
     because our object should be to maintain, as women properly may,
     the integrity of our Government; to vindicate its authority; to
     re-establish it upon a far more enduring basis. We can do this if
     we do not involve ourselves in any purely political matter, or
     any _ism_ obnoxious to the people. The one idea should be the
     maintenance of the authority of the Government as it is, and the
     integrity of the Republican idea. For this, women may properly
     work, and I hope this resolution will not pass.

     SARAH H. HALLECK, of Milton, N. Y.: I would make the suggestion
     that those who approve of this resolution can afford to give way,
     and allow that part of it which is objectionable to be stricken
     out. The negroes have suffered more than the women, and the
     women, perhaps, can afford to give them the preference. Let it
     stand as regards them, and blot out the word "woman." It may
     possibly be woman's place to suffer. At any rate, let her suffer,
     if, by that means, _man_kind may suffer less.

     A VOICE: You are too self-sacrificing.

     ERNESTINE L. ROSE: I always sympathize with those who seem to be
     in the minority. I know it requires a great deal of moral courage
     to object to anything that appears to have been favorably
     received. I know very well from long experience how it feels to
     stand in a minority of one; and I am glad that my friend on the
     other side (Mrs. Halleck) has already added one to make a
     minority of two, though that is by far too small to be
     comfortable. I, for one, object to the proposition to throw woman
     out of the race for freedom. (Applause). And do you know why?
     Because she needs freedom for the freedom of man. (Applause). Our
     ancestors made a great mistake in not recognizing woman in the
     rights of man. It has been justly stated that the negro at
     present suffers more than woman, but it can do him no injury to
     place woman in the same category with him. I, for one, object to
     having that term stricken out, for it can have no possible
     bearing against anything that we want to promote: we desire to
     promote human rights and human freedom. It can do no injury, but
     must do good, for it is a painful fact that woman under the law
     has been in the same category with the slave. Of late years she
     has had some small privileges conceded to her. Now, mind, I say
     _conceded_; for publicly it has not yet been recognized by the
     laws of the land that she has a right to an equality with man. In
     that resolution it simply states a fact, that in a republic based
     upon freedom, woman, as well as the negro, should be recognized
     as an equal with the whole human race. (Applause)

     ANGELINE G. WELD: _Mrs. President_--I rejoice exceedingly that
     that resolution should combine us with the negro. I feel that we
     have been with him; that the iron has entered into our souls.
     True, we have not felt the slave-holder's lash; true, we have not
     had our hands manacled, but our _hearts_ have been crushed. Was
     there a single institution in this country that would throw open
     its doors to the acknowledgment of woman's equality with man in
     the race for science and the languages, until Oberlin, Antioch,
     Lima, and a very few others opened their doors, twenty years ago?
     Have I not heard women say--I said thus to my own brother, as I
     used to receive from him instruction and reading: "Oh, brother,
     that I could go to college with you! that I could have the
     instruction you do! but I am crushed! I hear nothing, I know
     nothing, except in the fashionable circle." A teacher said to a
     young lady, who had been studying for several years, on the day
     she finished her course of instruction, "I thought you would be
     very glad that you were so soon to go home, so soon to leave your
     studies." She looked up, and said, "What was I made for? When I
     go home I shall live in a circle of fashion and folly. I was not
     made for embroidery and dancing; I was made a woman; but I can
     not be a true woman, a full-grown woman, in America."

     Now, my friends, I do not want to find fault with the past. I
     believe that men did for women the best that they knew how to do.
     They did not know their own rights; they did not recognize the
     rights of any man who had a black face. We can not wonder that,
     in their tenderness for woman, they wanted to shelter and protect
     her, and they made those laws from true, human, generous
     feelings. Woman was then too undeveloped to demand anything else.
     But woman is full-grown to-day, whether man knows it or not,
     equal to her rights, and equal to the responsibilities of the
     hour. I want to be identified with the negro; until he gets his
     rights, we never shall have ours. (Applause).

     SUSAN B. ANTHONY: This resolution brings in no question, no
     _ism_. It merely makes the assertion that in a true democracy, in
     a genuine republic, every citizen who lives under the government
     must have the right of representation. You remember the maxim,
     "Governments derive their just powers from the consent of the
     governed." This is the fundamental principle of democracy; and
     before our Government can be a true democracy--before our
     republic can be placed upon lasting and enduring foundations--the
     civil and political rights of every citizen must be practically
     established. This is the assertion of the resolution. It is a
     philosophical statement. It is not because women suffer, it is
     not because slaves suffer, it is not because of any individual
     rights or wrongs--it is the simple assertion of the great
     fundamental truth of democracy that was proclaimed by our
     Revolutionary fathers. I hope the discussion will no longer be
     continued as to the comparative rights or wrongs of one class or
     another. The question before us is: Is it possible that peace and
     union shall be established in this country; is it possible for
     this Government to be a true democracy, a genuine republic, while
     one-sixth or one-half of the people are disfranchised?

     MRS. HOYT: I do not object to the philosophy of these
     resolutions. I believe in the advancement of the human race, and
     certainly not in a retrograde movement of the Woman's Rights
     question; but at the same time I do insist that nothing that has
     become obnoxious to a portion of the people of the country shall
     be dragged into this meeting. (Applause). The women of the North
     were invited here to meet in convention, not to hold a Temperance
     meeting, not to hold an Anti-Slavery meeting, not to hold a
     Woman's Rights Convention, but to consult as to the best
     practical way for the advancement of the loyal cause. To my
     certain knowledge there are ladies in this house who have come
     hundreds of miles, who will withdraw from this convention, who
     will go home disappointed, and be thrown back on their own
     resources, and form other plans of organization; whereas they
     would much prefer to co-operate with the National Convention if
     this matter were not introduced. This movement must be sacred to
     the one object of assisting our Government. I would add one more
     remark, that though the women of the Revolution did help our
     Government in that early struggle, they did not find it necessary
     to set forth in any theoretical or clamorous way their right to
     equal suffrage or equal political position, though doubtless they
     believed, as much as any of us, in the advancement of woman.

     A LADY: I want to ask the lady who just spoke if the women of the
     Revolution found it necessary to form Loyal Leagues? We are not
     bound to do just as the women of the Revolution did. (Applause
     and laughter).

     LUCY N. COLEMAN, of Rochester, N. Y.: I wish to say, in the first
     place, something a little remote from the point, which I have in
     my mind just now. A peculiar sensitiveness seems to have come
     over some of the ladies here in reference to the anti-slavery
     spirit of the resolutions. It seems to me impossible that a
     company of women could stand upon this platform without catching
     something of the anti-slavery spirit, and without expressing, to
     some extent, their sympathy with the advancement of human rights.
     It is the Anti-Slavery women and the Woman's Rights women who
     called this meeting, and who have most effectually aided in this
     movement. Their hearts bleed to the very core that our nation is
     to-day suffering to its depths, and they came together to devise
     means whereby they could help the country in its great calamity.
     I respect the woman who opposed this resolution, for daring to
     say so much. She says that it is an Anti-Slavery Convention that
     is in session. So it is, and something more. (Applause). She says
     it is a Woman's Rights Convention. So it is, and even more than
     that; it is a World's Convention. (Applause). Another woman (I
     rejoice to hear that lisping, foreign tongue) says that our
     sphere is so narrow that we should be careful to keep within it.
     All honor to her, that she dared to say even that. I recognize
     for myself no narrow sphere. (Applause). Where you may work, my
     brother, I may work. I would willingly stand upon the
     battle-field, and would be glad to receive the balls in my
     person, if in that way I could do more for my country's good than
     in any other. I recognize no right of any man or of any woman to
     say that I should not stand there. Our sphere is _not_ narrow--it
     is broad.

     In reference to this resolution, Mrs. Halleck thinks it might be
     well to leave out woman. No, no. Do you remember, friends, long,
     long ago here in New York, an Anti-Slavery convention broke up in
     high dudgeon, because a woman was put upon a committee? But that
     Anti-Slavery Society, notwithstanding those persons who felt so
     sensitive withdrew from it, has lived thirty years, and to-day it
     has the honor of being credited as the cause of this war. Perhaps
     if the principle which was then at stake--that a woman had a
     right to be on a committee--had been waived, from the very fact
     that the principle of right was overruled, that Society would
     have failed. I would not yield one iota, one particle, to this
     clamor for compromise. Be it understood that it is a Woman's
     Rights matter; for the Woman's Rights women have the same right
     to dictate to a Loyal League that the Anti-Woman's Rights women
     have, and the side that is strongest will carry the resolution,
     of course. But do not withdraw it. Do not say, "We will take it
     away because it is objectionable."

     I want the people to understand that this Loyal League--because
     it is a Loyal League--must of necessity bring in Anti-Slavery and
     Woman's Rights. (Applause). Is it possible that any of you
     believe that there is such a being in this country to-day as a
     loyal man or woman who is not anti-slavery to the backbone?
     (Applause). Neither is there a loyal man or woman whose intellect
     is clear enough to take in a broad, large idea, who is not to the
     very core a Woman's Rights man or woman. (Applause).

     MRS. HOYT: As I have said before, I am not opposed to
     Anti-Slavery. I stand here an Abolitionist from the earliest
     childhood, and a stronger anti-slavery woman lives not on the
     soil of America. (Applause). I voted Yea on the anti-slavery
     resolution, and I would vote it ten times over. But, at the same
     time, in the West, which I represent, there is a very strong
     objection to Woman's Rights; in fact, this Woman's Rights matter
     is odious to some of us from the _manner_ in which it has been
     conducted; not that we object to the philosophy--we believe in
     the philosophy--but object to this matter being tacked on to a
     purely loyal convention.... I will make one more statement which
     bears upon the point which I have been trying to make. I have
     never before spoken except in private meetings, and therefore
     must ask the indulgence of the audience. The women of Madison,
     Wisconsin, feeling the necessity and importance of doing
     something more than women were doing to assist the Government in
     this struggle, organized a Ladies' Union League, which has been
     in operation some time, and is very efficient.

     A VOICE:--What are they doing? Please state.

     MRS. HOYT: In Madison we had a very large and flourishing
     "Soldiers' Aid Society." We were the headquarters for that part
     of the State. A great many ladies worked in our Aid Society, and
     assisted us, who utterly refused to join with the Loyal League,
     because, they said, it would damage the Aid Society. We
     recognized that fact, and kept it purely distinct as a Ladies'
     Loyal League, for the promotion of the loyal sentiment of the
     North, and to reach the soldiers in the field by the most direct
     and practical means which were in our power. We have a great many
     very flourishing Ladies' Loyal Leagues throughout the West, and
     we have kept them sacred from Anti-Slavery, Woman's Rights,
     Temperance, and everything else, good though they may be. In our
     League we have three objects in view. The first is, retrenchment
     in household expenses, to the end that the material resources of
     the Government may be, so far as possible, applied to the entire
     and thorough vindication of its authority. Second, to strengthen
     the loyal sentiment of the people at home, and instil a deeper
     love of the national flag. The third and most important object
     is, to write to the soldiers in the field, thus reaching nearly
     every private in the army, to encourage and stimulate him in the
     way that ladies know how to do. I state again, it is not an
     Anti-Slavery objection. I will vote for every Anti-Slavery
     movement in this Convention. I object to the Woman's Rights
     resolutions, and nothing else.

     ERNESTINE L. ROSE: It is exceedingly amusing to hear persons talk
     about throwing out Woman's Rights, when, if it had not been for
     Woman's Rights, that lady would not have had the courage to stand
     here and say what she did. (Applause). Pray, what means "loyal"?
     Loyal means to be true to one's highest conviction. Justice, like
     charity, begins at home. It is because we are loyal to truth,
     loyal to justice, loyal to right, loyal to humanity, that woman
     is included in that resolution. Now, what does this discussion
     mean? The lady acknowledges that it is not against Woman's Rights
     itself; she is _for_ Woman's Rights. We are here to endeavor to
     help the cause of human rights and human freedom. We ought not to
     be afraid. You may depend upon it, if there are any of those who
     are called copperheads--but I don't like to call names, for even
     a copperhead is better than no head at all--(laughter)--if there
     are any copperheads here, I am perfectly sure they will object to
     this whole Convention; and if we want to consult them, let us
     adjourn _sine die_. If we are loyal to our highest convictions,
     we need not care how far it may lead. For truth, like water, will
     find its own level. No, friends, in the name of consistency let
     us not wrangle here simply because we associate the name of woman
     with human justice and human rights. Although I always like to
     see opposition on any subject, for it elicits truth much better
     than any speech, still I think it will be exceedingly
     inconsistent if, because some women out in the West are opposed
     to the Woman's Rights movement--though at the same time they take
     advantage of it--that therefore we shall throw it out of this
     resolution.

     MRS. SPENCE, of New York: I didn't come to this meeting to
     participate--only to listen. I don't claim to be a Northerner or
     a Southerner; but I claim to be a human being, and to belong to
     the human family (Applause). I belong to no sect or creed of
     politics or religion; I stand as an individual, defending the
     rights of every one as far as I can see them. It seems to me we
     have met here to come to some unity of action. If we attempt to
     bring in religious, political, or moral questions, we all must of
     necessity differ. We came here hoping to be inspired by each
     other to lay some plan by which we can unite in practical action.
     I have not heard such a proposition made; but I anticipate that
     it will be. (Hear, hear). Then if we are to unite on some
     proposition which is to be presented, it seems to me that our
     resolutions should be practical and directed to the main
     business. Let the object of the meeting be unity of action and
     expression in behalf of what we feel to be the highest right, our
     highest idea of liberty.

     THE PRESIDENT (Lucy Stone): Every good cause can afford to be
     just. The lady from Wisconsin, who differs from some of us here,
     says she is an Anti-Slavery woman. We ought to believe her. She
     accepts the principles of the Woman's Rights movement, but she
     does not like the way in which it has been carried on. We ought
     to believe her. It is not, then, that she objects to the idea of
     the equality of women and negroes, but because she does not wish
     to have anything "tacked on" to the Loyal League, that to the
     mass of people does not seem to belong there. She seems to me to
     stand precisely in the position of those good people just at the
     close of the war of the Revolution. The people then, as now, had
     their hearts aching with the memory of their buried dead. They
     had had years of war from which they had garnered out sorrows as
     well as hopes; and when they came to establish a Union, they
     found that one black, unmitigated curse of slavery rooted in the
     soil. Some men said, "We can have no true Union where there is
     not justice to the negro. The black man is a human being, like
     us, with the same equal rights." They had given to the world the
     Declaration of Independence, grand and brave and beautiful. They
     said, "How can we form a true Union?" Some people representing
     the class that Mrs. Hoyt represents, answered, "Let us have a
     Union. We are weak; we have been beset for seven long years; do
     not let us meddle with the negro question. What we are for is a
     Union; let us have a Union at all hazards." There were earnest
     men, men of talent, who could speak well and earnestly, and they
     persuaded the others to silence. So they said nothing about
     slavery, and let the wretched monster live.

     To-day, over all our land, the unburied bones of our fathers and
     sons and brothers tell the sad mistake that those men made when
     long ago The babes we bear in anguish and carry in our arms are
     not ours. The few rights that we have, have been wrung from the
     Legislature by t they left this one great wrong in the land. They
     could not accomplish good by passing over a wrong. If the right
     of one single human being is to be disregarded by us, we fail in
     our loyalty to the country. All over this land women have no
     political existence. Laws pass over our heads that we can not
     unmake. Our property is taken from us without our consent. The
     babes we bear in anguish and carry in our arms are not ours. The
     few rights that we have, have been wrung from the Legislature by
     the Woman's Rights movement. We come to-day to say to those who
     are administering our Government and fighting our battles, "While
     you are going through this valley of humiliation, do not forget
     that you must be true alike to the women and the negroes." We can
     never be truly "loyal" if we leave them out. Leave them out, and
     we take the same backward step that our fathers took when they
     left out slavery. If justice to the negro and to woman is right,
     it can not hurt our loyalty to the country and the Union. If it
     is not right, let it go out of the way; but if it is right, there
     is no occasion that we should reject it, or ignore it. We make
     the statement that the Government derives its just powers from
     the consent of the governed, and that all human beings have equal
     rights. This is not an _ism_--it is simply an assertion that we
     shall be true to the highest truth.

     A MAN IN THE AUDIENCE: The question was asked, as I entered this
     house, "Is it right for women to meet here and intermeddle in our
     public affairs?" It is the greatest possible absurdity for women
     to stand on that platform and talk of loyalty to a Government in
     which nine-tenths of the politicians of the land say they have no
     right to interfere, and still oppose Woman's Rights. The very act
     of standing there is an endorsement of Woman's Rights.

     A VOICE: I believe this is a woman's meeting. Men have no right
     to speak here.

     THE GENTLEMAN CONTINUED: It is on woman more than on man that the
     real evils of this war settle. It is not the soldier on the
     battle-field that suffers most; it is the wife, the mother, the
     daughter. (Applause. Cries of "Question, question").

     A VOICE: You are not a woman, sit down.

     SUSAN B. ANTHONY: Some of us who sit upon this platform have many
     a time been clamored down, and told that we had no right to
     speak, and that we were out of our place in public meetings; far
     be it from us, when women assemble, and a man has a thought in
     his soul, burning for utterance, to retaliate upon him. (Laughter
     and applause).

     The resolution was then put to vote.

     A VOICE: Allow me to inquire if men have a right to vote on this
     question?

     THE PRESIDENT: I suppose men who are used to business know that
     they should _not_ vote here. We give them the privilege of
     speaking.

     The resolution was carried by a large majority.

     SUSAN B. ANTHONY: The resolution recommending the practical work,
     has not yet been prepared. We have a grand platform on which to
     stand, and I hope we shall be able to present a plan of work
     equally grand. But, Mrs. President, if we should fail in doing
     this, we shall not fail to enunciate the principles of democracy
     and republicanism which underlie the structure of a free
     government. When the heads and hearts of the women of the North
     are fully imbued with the true idea, their hands will find a way
     to secure its accomplishment.

     There is evidently very great earnestness on the part of all
     present to settle upon some practical work. I therefore ask that
     the women from every State of the Union, who are delegates here
     from Loyal Leagues and Aid Societies, shall retire, at the close
     of this meeting, to the lecture-room of this church, and there we
     will endeavor to fix upon the best possible plan we can gather
     from the counsels of the many. I hope this enthusiasm may be
     directed to good and legitimate ends, and not allowed to
     evaporate into thin air. I hope we shall aid greatly in the
     establishment of this Government on the everlasting foundation of
     justice to all.


BUSINESS MEETING.

The lecture-room was crowded with representatives from the different
States--Susan B. Anthony in the chair. There was a general expression
in favor of forming a Woman's Loyal National League, which ended in
the adoption of the following resolution:

     _Resolved_, That we, loyal women of the nation, assembled in
     convention in New York, this 14th day of May, 1863, do hereby
     pledge ourselves one to another in a Loyal League, to give
     support to the Government in so far as it makes the war for
     freedom.

This pledge was signed by nearly every woman present. Mrs. Stanton was
elected president unanimously, and Miss Anthony, Secretary. Many women
spoke ably and eloquently; women who had never before heard their own
voices in a public meeting, discussed nice points of law and
constitution in a manner that would have done credit to any
legislative assembly. A deep religious tone of loyalty to God and
Freedom pervaded the entire meeting. It was an occasion not soon to be
forgotten. Women of all ages were assembled there, from the matron of
threescore years and ten to the fair girl whose interest in the war
had brought to her a premature sadness and high resolve. But of all
who mourned the loss of husbands, brothers, sons, and lovers, no word
of fear, regret, or doubt was uttered. All declared themselves ready
for any sacrifice, and expressed an unwavering faith in the glorious
future of a true republic. The interest in the meeting kept up until
so late an hour that it was decided to adjourn, to meet the next
afternoon.


EVENING SESSION.

The evening session was held in Cooper Institute, Mrs. Stanton
presiding. An address to the President was read by Miss Anthony, which
was subsequently adopted and sent to him.

     _The Loyal Women of the Country to Abraham Lincoln, President of
     the United States._

     Having heard many complaints of the want of enthusiasm among
     Northern women in the war, we deemed it fitting to call a
     National Convention. From every free State, we have received the
     most hearty responses of interest in each onward step of the
     Government as it approaches the idea of a true republic. From the
     letters received, and the numbers assembled here to-day, we can
     with confidence address you in the name of the loyal women of the
     North.

     We come not to criticise or complain. Not for ourselves or our
     friends do we ask redress of specific grievances, or posts of
     honor or emolument. We speak from no considerations of mere
     material gain; but, inspired by true patriotism, in this dark
     hour of our nation's destiny, we come to pledge the loyal women
     of the Republic to freedom and our country. We come to strengthen
     you with earnest words of sympathy and encouragement. We come to
     thank you for your proclamation, in which the nineteenth century
     seems to echo back the Declaration of Seventy-six. Our fathers
     had a vision of the sublime idea of liberty, equality, and
     fraternity; but they failed to climb the heights that with
     anointed eyes they saw. To us, their children, belongs the work
     to build up the living reality of what they conceived and
     uttered.

     It is not our mission to criticise the past. Nations, like
     individuals, must blunder and repent. It is not wise to waste one
     energy in vain regret, but from each failure rise up with renewed
     conscience and courage for nobler action. The follies and faults
     of yesterday we cast aside as the old garments we have outgrown.
     Born anew to freedom, slave creeds and codes and constitutions
     must now all pass away. "For men do not put new wine into old
     bottles, else the bottles break, and the wine runneth out, and
     the bottles perish; but they put new wine into new bottles, and
     both are preserved."

     Our special thanks are due to you, that by your Proclamation two
     millions of women are freed from the foulest bondage humanity
     ever suffered. Slavery for man is bad enough, but the refinements
     of cruelty must ever fall on the mothers of the oppressed race,
     defrauded of all the rights of the family relation, and violated
     in the most holy instincts of their nature. A mother's life is
     bound up in that of her child. There center all her hopes and
     ambition. But the slave-mother, in her degradation, rejoices not
     in the future promise of her daughter, for she knows by
     experience what her sad fate must be. No pen can describe the
     unutterable agony of that mother whose past, present, and future
     are all wrapped in darkness; who knows the crown of thorns she
     wears must press her daughter's brow; who knows that the
     wine-press she now treads, unwatched, those tender feet must
     tread alone. For, by the law of slavery, "the child follows the
     condition of the mother."

     By your act, the family, that great conservator of national
     virtue and strength, has been restored to millions of humble
     homes, around whose altars coming generations shall magnify and
     bless the name of Abraham Lincoln. By a mere stroke of the pen
     you have emancipated millions from a condition of wholesale
     concubinage. We now ask you to finish the work by declaring that
     nowhere under our national flag shall the motherhood of any race
     plead in vain for justice and protection. So long as one slave
     breathes in this Republic, we drag the chain with him. God has so
     linked the race, man to man, that all must rise or fall together.
     Our history exemplifies this law. It was not enough that we at
     the North abolished slavery for ourselves, declared freedom of
     speech and the press, built up churches, colleges, and free
     schools, studied the science of morals, government, and economy,
     dignified labor, amassed wealth, whitened the sea with our
     commerce, and commanded the respect and admiration of the nations
     of the earth, so long as the South, by the natural proclivities
     of slavery, was sapping the very foundations of our national
     life....

     You are the first President ever borne on the shoulders of
     freedom into the position you now fill. Your predecessors owed
     their elevation to the slave oligarchy, and in serving slavery
     they did but obey their masters. In your election, Northern
     freemen threw off the yoke. And with you rests the responsibility
     that our necks shall never bow again. At no time in the annals of
     the nation has there been a more auspicious moment to retrieve
     the one false step of the fathers in their concessions to
     slavery. The Constitution has been repudiated, and the compact
     broken by the Southern traitors now in arms. The firing of the
     first gun on Sumter released the North from all constitutional
     obligations to slavery. It left the Government, for the first
     time in our history, free to carry out the Declaration of our
     Revolutionary fathers, and made us in fact what we have ever
     claimed to be, a nation of freemen.

     "The Union as it was"--a compromise between barbarism and
     civilization--can never be restored, for the opposing principles
     of freedom and slavery can not exist together. Liberty is life,
     and every form of government yet tried proves that slavery is
     death. In obedience to this law, our Republic, divided and
     distracted by the collisions of caste and class, is tottering to
     its base, and can only be reconstructed on the sure foundations
     of impartial freedom to all men. The war in which we are involved
     is not the result of party or accident, but a forward step in the
     progress of the race never to be retraced. Revolution is no time
     for temporizing or diplomacy. In a radical upheaving, the people
     demand eternal principles to stand upon.

     Northern power and loyalty can never be measured until the
     purpose of the war be liberty to man; for a lasting enthusiasm is
     ever based on a grand idea, and unity of action demands a
     definite end. At this time our greatest need is not in men or
     money, valiant generals or brilliant victories, but in a
     consistent policy, based on the principle that "all governments
     derive their just powers from the consent of the governed." And
     the nation waits for you to say that there is no power under our
     declaration of rights, nor under any laws, human or divine, by
     which _free_ men can be made slaves; and therefore that your
     pledge to the slaves is irrevocable, and shall be redeemed.

     If it be true, as it is said, that Northern women lack enthusiasm
     in this war, the fault rests with those who have confused and
     confounded its policy. The page of history glows with incidents
     of self-sacrifice by woman in the hour of her country's danger.
     Fear not that the daughters of this Republic will count any
     sacrifice too great to insure the triumph of freedom. Let the men
     who wield the nation's power be wise, brave, and magnanimous, and
     its women will be prompt to meet the duties of the hour with
     devotion and heroism.

     When Fremont on the Western breeze proclaimed a day of jubilee to
     the bondmen within our gates, the women of the nation echoed back
     a loud Amen. When Hunter freed a million men, and gave them arms
     to fight our battles, justice and mercy crowned that act, and
     tyrants stood appalled. When Butler, in the chief city of the
     Southern despotism, hung a traitor, we felt a glow of pride; for
     that one act proved that we had a Government, and one man brave
     enough to administer its laws. And when Burnside would banish
     Vallandigham to the Dry Tortugas, let the sentence be approved,
     and the nation will ring with plaudits. Your Proclamation gives
     you immortality. Be just, and share your glory with men like
     these who wait to execute your will.

     In behalf of the Women's National Loyal League,

                              ELIZABETH CADY STANTON, _President_.
     SUSAN B. ANTHONY, _Secretary_.

     Rev. ANTOINETTE BROWN BLACKWELL: Possibly there maybe nations,
     like individuals, that are without definite ideas or purposes.
     They sprang into being by accident, and they continue to live by
     the sufferance of circumstances. Our American Republic is not of
     this type. We were born to the heritage of one great idea; we
     were created by it and for it, and it is mightier than we; it
     must annihilate us, or it must establish us a nation as lasting
     as the ages.

     Our ante-revolutionary statesmen were dissatisfied with an
     inadequate, partial, unjust representation. The thought grew in
     them till it developed the broad principle of self-government by
     the people. They perceived and asserted that truth; they fought
     for it, and died or lived for it, as the case might be. So they
     constructed this great Republic, grounding it firmly upon a deep
     and wide democracy. Its frame-work was essentially democratic,
     but there were a few great beams and joists, and plenty of paint
     and mortar used, which were as purely aristocratic.

     We, here at the North, have been accustomed to look at the
     strength of the foundations, and of the consistent massive
     frame-work; they, at the South, admired the incongruous ornaments
     and decorations, and they did not forget any of the exceptional
     timbers. We were shocked when the great structure seemed ready to
     tumble about our ears; they expected it all the time, and were
     working for it, ready to perish in the general downfall, if that
     were inevitable. I have seen a drop of water spread over a small
     orifice in a layer of melting ice, which was brilliant red in
     color to me, but it was the intensest blue to my friend, who was
     standing at my side. The moral vision is quite as largely
     dependent upon the angle at which it receives its rays of
     reflected light. North and South represent the extremes of the
     moral spectrum. The equalizing of labor and capital, which is a
     beautiful violet to us, is a very angry red to them; and the
     soft-toned hues of their system of servitude are crimson with
     blood-guiltiness to ourselves. If we stood where the perfect and
     undivided sunbeams could fall upon us, we should see all men
     under the common radiance of that pure white light, of which
     Providence has an unlimited supply.

     No more unanimity of sentiment or principle existed among our own
     people in the war of the Revolution, than in this. Democracy,
     asserting its rights, brought on the conflict then, though
     aristocracy, goaded by the instinct of self-preservation and
     self-interest, joined hands and aided it to its consummation.
     Patriotism grew in the hearts of each, and held us together as a
     nation for about eighty years; but the subordinate antagonism,
     tortured by its unnatural alliance during all those years, now in
     turn strikes also for independence. Predominance, precedence,
     pre-eminence, might have satisfied it for a time; but, from the
     nature of our institutions, that was impossible. It encroached at
     every point, and was generally rewarded for its self-assertion;
     but it was inherently and constitutionally subordinate, and must
     have remained so forever in the federation of the United States.
     It struck for independence, and it did well! It did all it could
     do, if it would not die inanely. One must always admire that
     instinct of the grub which leads it to weave its own
     winding-sheet, and lie down fearlessly in its sepulcher,
     preparatory to its resurrection as a butterfly; but immeasurably
     more to be admired is the calculating courage of men who are
     ready to stake their all upon any issue--even upon one so
     mistaken, so false, so partial to one class and so unjust to
     another, as the cause of the slave-holders. Every earnest purpose
     must have its own baptism of blessings.

     We, the inheritors of a sublime truth, have been grievously
     wanting in faith in our heritage!--wanting in aim and purpose to
     maintain its integrity! No wonder the land is still washed with
     tears of the widowed and fatherless, and that stricken mothers
     refuse to be comforted. Give us a living principle to die for.
     "Make this a war for emancipation!" cries anti-slavery England,
     "and our sympathies will be with you!" They demand much; but,
     that demand granted, it yet falls infinitely below the real point
     at issue. It is immeasurably short of the great conflict which we
     are actually waging. It is one phase of it,--the most acute
     phase, undoubtedly; but not, therefore, the broadest and most
     momentous one. Slavery was the peculiar institution of the South;
     but we, as a nation, have an incomparably greater peculiar
     institution of our own. The one is only peculiarly exceptional to
     our general policy; the other is essentially and organically at
     war with it. It is the only thing which pointedly distinguishes
     us from a dozen other nations. The consent of the governed is the
     sole, legitimate authority of any government! This is the
     essential, peculiar creed of our republic. That principle is on
     one side of this war; and the old doctrine of might makes right,
     the necessary ground-work of all monarchies, is on the other. It
     is a life-and-death conflict between all those grand, universal,
     man-respecting principles, which we call by the comprehensive
     term democracy, and all those partial, person-respecting,
     class-favoring elements which we group together under that
     silver-slippered word aristocracy. If this war does not mean
     that, it means nothing.

     Slavery is malignantly aristocratic, and seems therefore to
     absorb all other manifestations of the principle into itself. It
     is Pharaoh's lean kine, which devour all the others of their
     species, and yet are no better favored than before. But if
     slavery were dead to-day, aristocracy might still grind our
     republic to powder. Men may cease to be slaves, and yet not be
     enfranchised. Although they are no longer bondmen, yet they may
     be governed without their own consent. But when you deny the
     universal enfranchisement of our people, you deny the one
     distinctive principle of our Government, and the only essential,
     fore-ordained fact in the future of our national institutions. We
     do not at all comprehend this.

     There was one who builded wiser than he knew, Emerson says, and I
     think that result is not uncommon. The little Indian boy in the
     pleasant fable, who ran on eagerly in advance of his migrating
     tribe, to plant his single, three-cornered beech-nut in the
     center of a great prairie, scarcely foresaw the many acres of
     heavy timber which was to confront the white pioneer hundreds of
     years afterward, as the outgrowth of his childish deed. Many
     soldiers are fighting our battles upon a basis broader than they
     know. There are men who believe that they are solely engaged in
     putting down the rebellion; others are maintaining the disputed
     courage and honor of the "mudsills"; some are fighting to uphold
     our present Northern civilization and its institutions; and a
     handful have set out definitely to carry these into the South, to
     give them to the slave, and to the master also, in spite of
     himself. All love the Union, and are ready to fight, perhaps to
     die, for it. Aye! but what does that mean? Something as
     antagonistic in the interpretation thereof as the decisions
     touching an ancient oracle, a disputed biblical text, or a knotty
     passage from our own venerated Constitution.

     If victory should come just as she is summoned by each class of
     our patriotic and brave Union volunteers, would she most favor
     the rebels or the Government? Look at some of her conflicting
     purposed achievements:

     1. To preserve slavery unharmed, without so much as the smell of
     fire upon its garments, when it shall emerge from the ordeal of
     war.

     2. To gratuitously establish slavery forever, by solemn and
     unchanging guarantees.

     3. To leave slavery to perish slowly and ingloriously, as it must
     when unprotected.

     4. To cripple and destroy slavery by a long guerrilla warfare
     against its special manifestations.

     5. To kill slavery at a blow, by right of an imperious and
     undoubted military necessity.

     6. To exterminate slavery without compromise or weighing of
     consequences, because it is a gross moral wrong.

     These are a few of the many platforms upon which husbands,
     brothers and sons are fighting to-day. No two opposing armies
     ever wearied heaven with asking more impossible cross-purposes
     than does this fraternal, Union army of ours. The bread and fish
     of these, are stones and scorpions to those. We are a practical
     people, but we are fighting for practical paradoxes. Do we expect
     any massive concentration of results? Our wavering, anaconda
     system of warfare is typical of our moral status as a people. It
     is the spontaneous and legitimate exponent of our aims and
     motives. Many or decisive victories I despair of, till we are
     better educated in the early lesson of the fathers. But from the
     President--God bless him that he seems to be more teachable than
     many others--down to the youngest drummer-boy of the army, the
     severe discipline of this war is schooling us into a better
     appreciation of our heritage as a peculiar people.

     All governments, said the fathers, are subordinate to the people,
     not the people to their governments. The distinct enunciation of
     that principle was the net result of the war of the Revolution.
     Born of the long-suffering and anguish of bleeding nations, its
     worth is yet incomparably greater than the cost, for it is the
     sublimest principle which has ever entered into the governmental
     relations of men. It must turn and overturn till, as rightful
     sovereign it is placed securely upon the throne of all nations,
     for, from the inherent nature of things, it is destined to become
     the mightiest revolutionist of the ages. The reinstating of that
     principle in the chair of our Republic will be the net result of
     this war of the Rebellion!

     When the statesmen of '76 sought to embody this principle in the
     complicated machinery of a vast government, there they partially
     failed--there they designedly failed. The minority seceded from
     it in that day as in this, and then they compromised. The
     antagonism which they engrafted on the young Republic assuming,
     as it does, that power, not humanity, is statute-maker, could not
     be more diametrically opposed to the axiom which asserts, that
     humanity, not power, is lawful arbiter of its own rights. The
     man, unwashed, unmended, unlearned, is yet a safer judge of his
     own interests, than is all the rank, the wealth, or the wisdom of
     men or angels. Thomas Simms is a better witness as to his own
     need of freedom than the combined wisdom of all the Boston
     lawyers, judges, and statesmen. We can keep ice and fire upon
     the same planet, but it never does to bring them too near
     together. A nation proclaiming to the astonished world that
     governments derive all just powers solely from the consent of the
     governed, yet in the very face of this assertion enslaving the
     black man, and disfranchising half its white citizens, besides
     minor things of like import and consistency--do you wonder that
     eighty years of such policy culminated in rebellion?

     Do we expect the whole-hearted sympathy of any monarchy? Cannot
     they see, also, that two entire opposing civilizations are
     mustered into the conflict? They may hate slavery, and since we
     have found the courage to point our cannon more directly against
     the heart of that, they may rejoice so far; but do they desire to
     establish the subordination of any government to the rights of
     the very meanest of its subjects? Are they in love with our
     plebeian heresy, that all the magnificent civil machinery of
     nations is but so much base clay in the hands of the multitude of
     royal potters? We are now testing the practical possibilities of
     democratic theories; and there are those who would a thousand
     times rather see these shattered into hopeless fragments than any
     other result which could possibly transpire in the national
     affairs of all Christendom. Let our democracy prove shallow,
     weak, inefficient, unfitted for emergencies, and incapable of
     sustaining itself under the test of determined opposition, to
     them it is enough. Our great national axiom, is, _per se_, the
     eternal foe of all monarchies, aristocracies, oligarchies, of all
     possible despotism, because it is the fulcrum of a mighty lever
     which must one day overturn them all, if it be not itself jostled
     from its resting-place.

     What are we to do with our conquered provinces of the South? Give
     them all the franchises which we hold ourselves, assuredly--as
     many personal rights and as many State rights--provided always
     that they cease to encroach upon our liberties, and are no longer
     rebels against the common Government. Now that the issue is
     forced upon us, let us apply our principles unsparingly to all,
     and conclude by making the slaves, men and women too, as free and
     equal in all civil and political functions as their male masters.
     Secretary Chase has seized the occasion of our heavy financial
     troubles to give us a general national banking system; so out of
     the nettle Danger to our liberal institutions let us pluck the
     flower Safety to the interest of the feeblest subject. It is thus
     that the darkest evil is often made nurse to the brightest good.
     The black mud at its roots nourishes the pure white water-lily.
     When the Southern people, white and black, male and female, are
     all voters together, by simple virtue of their human needs and
     rights, then, but not till then, will I consent to their freely
     voting themselves into an independent nation, if they are so
     disposed. Even then, democracy requires that the question shall
     be decided by the suffrage of the whole country, North as well as
     South. A republic can never be dismembered except by the consent
     of a majority of all its citizens....

     ERNESTINE L. ROSE, a native of Poland, was next introduced; she
     said: Louis Kossuth told us it is not well to look back for
     regret, but only for instruction. I therefore intend slightly to
     cast my mind's eye back for the purpose of enabling us, as far
     as possible, to contemplate the present and foresee the future.
     It is unnecessary to point out the cause of this war. It is
     written on every object we behold. It is but too well understood
     that the primary cause is Slavery; and it is well to keep that in
     mind, for the purpose of gaining the knowledge how ultimately to
     be able to crush that terrible rebellion which now desolates the
     land. Slavery being the cause of the war, we must look to its
     utter extinction for the remedy. (Applause).

     We have listened this evening to an exceedingly instructive, kind
     and gentle address, particularly that part of it which tells how
     to deal with the South after we have brought them back. But I
     think it would be well, at first, to consider how to bring them
     back!

     Abraham Lincoln has issued a Proclamation. He has emancipated all
     the slaves of the rebel States with his pen, but that is all. To
     set them really and thoroughly free, we will have to use some
     other instrument than the pen. (Applause). The slave is not
     emancipated; he is not free. A gentleman once found himself of a
     sudden, without, so far as he knew, any cause, taken into prison.
     He sent for his lawyer, and told him, "They have taken me to
     prison." "What have you done?" said the lawyer. "I have done
     nothing," he replied. "Then, my friend, they can not put you in
     prison." "But I am in prison." "Well, that may be; but I tell
     you, my dear friend, they can not put you in prison." "Well,"
     said he, "I want you to come and take me out, for I tell you, in
     spite of all your lawyer logic, I am in prison, and I shall be
     until you take me out." (Great laughter). Now the poor slave has
     to say, "Abraham Lincoln, you have pronounced me free; still I am
     a slave, bought and sold as such, and I shall remain a slave till
     I am taken out of this horrible condition." Then the question is,
     _How?_ Have not already two long years passed over more than a
     quarter of a million of the graves of the noblest and bravest of
     the nation? Is that not enough? No; it has proved not to be
     enough. Let us look back for a moment. Had the Proclamation of
     John C. Fremont been allowed to have its effect; had the edict of
     Hunter been allowed to have its effect, the war would have been
     over. (Applause). Had the people and the Government, from the
     very commencement of the struggle, said to the South, "You have
     openly thrown down the gauntlet to fight for Slavery; we will
     accept it, and fight for Freedom," the rebellion would long
     before now have been crushed. (Applause). You may blame Europe as
     much as you please, but the heart of Europe beats for freedom.
     Had they seen us here accept the terrible alternative of war for
     the sake of freedom, the whole heart of Europe would have been
     with us. But such has not been the case. Hence the destruction of
     over a quarter of a million of lives and ten millions of broken
     hearts that have already paid the penalty; and we know not how
     many more it needs to wipe out the stain of that recreancy that
     did not at once proclaim this war a war for freedom and humanity.

     And now we have got here all around us Loyal Leagues. Loyal to
     what? What does it mean? I have read that term in the papers. A
     great many times I have heard that expression to-day. I know not
     what others mean by it, but I will give you my interpretation of
     what I am loyal to. I speak for myself. I do not wish any one
     else to be responsible for my opinions. I am loyal only to
     justice and humanity. Let the Administration give evidence that
     they too are for justice to all, without exception, without
     distinction, and I, for one, had I ten thousand lives, would
     gladly lay them down to secure this boon of freedom to humanity.
     (Applause). But without this certainty, I am not unconditionally
     loyal to the Administration. We women need not be, for the law
     has never yet recognized us. (Laughter). Then I say to Abraham
     Lincoln, "Give us security for the future, for really when I look
     at the past, without a guarantee, I can hardly trust you." And
     then I would say to him, "Let nothing stand in your way; let no
     man obstruct your path."

     Much is said in the papers and in political speeches about the
     Constitution. Now, a good constitution is a very good thing; but
     even the best of constitutions need sometimes to be amended and
     improved, for after all there is but one constitution which is
     infallible, but one constitution that ought to be held sacred,
     and that is the human constitution. (Laughter). Therefore, if
     written constitutions are in the way of human freedom, suspend
     them till they can be improved. If generals are in the way of
     freedom, suspend them too; and more than that, suspend their
     money. We have got here a whole army of generals who have been
     actually dismissed from the service, but not from pay. Now, I say
     to Abraham Lincoln, if these generals are good for anything, if
     they are fit to take the lead, put them at the head of armies,
     and let them go South and free the slaves you have announced
     free. If they are good for nothing, dispose of them as of
     anything else that is useless. At all events, cut them loose from
     the pay. (Applause). Why, my friends, from July, 1861, to
     October, 1862--for sixteen long months--we have been electrified
     with the name of our great little Napoleon! And what has the
     great little Napoleon done? (Laughter). Why, he has done just
     enough to prevent anybody else from doing anything. (Great
     applause). But I have no quarrel with him. I don't know him. I
     presume none of you do. But I ask Abraham Lincoln--I like to go
     to headquarters, for where the greatest power is assumed, there
     the greatest responsibility rests, and in accordance with that
     principle I have nothing to do with menials, even though they are
     styled Napoleons--but I ask the President why McClellan was kept
     in the army so long after it was known--for there never was a
     time when anything else was known--that he was both incapable and
     unwilling to do anything? I refer to this for the purpose of
     coming, by and by, to the question, "What ought to be done?" He
     was kept at the head of the army on the Potomac just long enough
     to prevent Burnside from doing anything, and not much has been
     done since that time. Now, McClellan may be a very nice young
     man--I haven't the slightest doubt of it--but I have read a
     little anecdote of him. Somebody asked the president of a Western
     railroad company, in which McClellan was an engineer, what he
     thought about his abilities. "Well," said the president, "he is a
     first-rate man to build bridges; he is very exact, very
     mathematical in measurement, very precise in adjusting the
     timber; he is the best man in the world to build a good, strong,
     sound bridge, but after he has finished it, he never wishes
     anybody to cross over it." (Great laughter). Well, we have
     disposed of him partially, but we PAY him yet, and you and I are
     taxed for it. But if we are to have a new general in his place,
     we may ask, what has become of Sigel? Why does that
     disinterested, noble-minded, freedom-loving man in vain ask of
     the Administration to give him an army to lead into the field?

     A VOICE: Ask Halleck.

     Halleck! If Halleck is in the way, dispose of him. (Applause). Do
     you point me to the Cabinet? If the Cabinet is in the way of
     freedom, dispose of the Cabinet--(applause) some of them, at
     least. The magnitude of this war has never yet been fully felt or
     acknowledged by the Cabinet. The man at its head--I mean
     Seward--has hardly yet woke up to the reality that we have a war.
     He was going to crush the rebellion in sixty days. It was a mere
     _bagatelle_! Why, he could do it after dinner, any day, as easy
     as taking a bottle of wine! If Seward is in the way of crushing
     the rebellion and establishing freedom, dispose of him. From the
     cause of the war, learn the remedy, decide the policy, and place
     it in the hands of men capable and willing to carry it out. I am
     not unconditionally loyal, until we know to what principle we are
     to be loyal. Promise justice and freedom, and all the rest will
     follow. Do you know, my friends, what will take place if
     something decisive is not soon done? It is high time to consider
     it. I am not one of those who look on the darkest side of things,
     but yet my reason and reflection forbid me to hope against hope.
     It is only eighteen months more before another Presidential
     election--only one year before another President will be
     nominated. Let the present administration remain as indolent, as
     inactive, and, apparently, as indifferent as they have done; let
     them keep generals that are inferior to many of their private
     soldiers; let them keep the best generals there are in the
     country--Sigel and Fremont--unoccupied--(applause); let them keep
     the country in the same condition in which it has been the last
     two years, and is now, and what would be the result, if, at the
     next election, the Democrats succeed--I mean the sham Democrats?
     I am a democrat, and it is because I am a democrat that I go for
     human freedom. Human freedom and true democracy are identical.
     Let the Democrats, as they are now called, get into office, and
     what would be the consequence? Why, under this hue-and-cry for
     Union, _Union_, UNION, which is like a bait held out to the mass
     of the people to lure them on, they will grant to the South the
     meanest and the most contemptible compromises that the worst
     slaveholders in the South can require. And if they really accept
     them and come back--my only hope is that they will not--but if
     the South should accept these compromises, and come back, slavery
     will be fastened, not only in the South, but it will be
     nationally fastened on the North. Now, a good Union, like a good
     Constitution, is a most invaluable thing; but a false Union is
     infinitely more despicable than no Union at all; and for myself,
     I would vastly prefer to have the South remain independent, than
     to bring them back with that eternal curse nationalized in the
     country. It is not enough for Abraham Lincoln to proclaim the
     slaves in the South free, nor even to continue the war until they
     shall be really free. There is something to be done at home; for
     justice, like charity, must begin at home. It is a mockery to say
     that we emancipate the slaves we can not reach and pass by those
     we can reach. First, free the slaves that are under the flag of
     the Union. If that flag is the symbol of freedom, let it wave
     over free men only. The slaves must be freed in the Border
     States. Consistency is a great power. What are you afraid of?
     That the Border States will join with the now crippled rebel
     States? We have our army there, and the North can swell its
     armies. But we can not afford to fight without an object. We can
     not afford to bring the South back with slavery. We can not
     compromise with principle. What has brought on this war? Slavery,
     undoubtedly. Slavery was the primary cause of it. But the great
     secondary cause was the fact that the North, for the sake of the
     Union, has constantly compromised. Every demand that the South
     made of the North was acceded to, until the South came really to
     believe that they were the natural and legitimate masters, not
     only of the slaves, but of the North too.

     Now, it is time to reverse all these things. This rebellion and
     this war have cost too dear. The money spent, the vast stores
     destroyed, the tears shed, the lives sacrificed the hearts broken
     are too high a price to be paid for the mere _name_ of Union. I
     never believed we had a Union. A true Union is based upon
     principles of mutual interest, of mutual respect and reciprocity,
     none of which ever existed between the North and South. They
     based their institutions on slavery; the North on freedom.

     I care not by what measure you end the war, if you allow one
     single germ, one single seed of slavery to remain in the soil of
     America, whatever may be your object, depend upon it, as true as
     effect follows cause, that germ will spring up, that noxious weed
     will thrive, and again stifle the growth, wither the leaves,
     blast the flowers, and poison the fair fruits of freedom. Slavery
     and freedom can not exist together. Seward proclaimed a truism,
     but he did not appreciate its import. There is an irrepressible
     conflict between freedom and slavery. You might as well say that
     light and darkness can exist together as freedom and slavery. We,
     therefore, must urge the Government to do something, and that
     speedily, to secure the boon of freedom, while they yet can, not
     only in the rebel States, but in our own States too, and in the
     Border States. It is just as wrong for us to keep slaves in the
     Union States as it ever was in the South. Slavery is as great a
     curse to the slaveholder as it is a wrong to the slaves; and yet
     while we free the rebel slaveholder from the curse, we allow it
     to continue with our Union-loving men in the Border States. Free
     the slaves in the Border States, in Western Virginia, in
     Maryland, and wherever the Union flag floats, and then there will
     be a consistency in our actions that will enable us to go to work
     earnestly with heart and hand united, as we move forward to free
     all others and crush the rebellion. We have had no energy yet in
     the war, for we have fought only for the purpose of reuniting,
     what has never been united, restoring the old Union--or rather
     the shadow as it was. A small republic, a small nation, based
     upon the eternal principle of freedom, is great and powerful. A
     large empire based upon slavery, is weak and without foundation.
     The moment the light of freedom shines upon it, it discloses its
     defects, and unmasks its hideous deformities. As I said before, I
     would rather have a small republic without the taint and without
     the stain of slavery in it, than to have the South brought back
     by compromise. To avert such calamity, we must work. And our work
     must mainly be to watch and criticise and urge the Administration
     to do its whole duty to freedom and humanity. (Applause).

     THE PRESIDENT then said: I suppose all the loyal women will agree
     with me that we owe to the President and the Government in these
     hours of trial, whether they make mistakes or whether they do
     not, words of cheer and encouragement; and, as events occur one
     after another, our criticisms should not be harshly made. When we
     find willful departure from what is just and true, when we find
     treason, we should not hesitate to speak the word of strongest
     denunciation against both the treason and the traitor. But where
     there is evident intention to be and to do right, where there is
     loyalty, there all good men and all good women should give a word
     of cheer and encouragement.

     Women have their share in the responsibilities of this hour; in
     the reconstruction of the Government. The battles now being
     fought on Southern soil, will be fought again in the Capitol at
     Washington, when we shall need far-seeing statesmen to base the
     new Union on justice, liberty, and equality. Ours is the work of
     educating the people to make this demand.

The entire year was spent in rolling up the mammoth petition. Many
hands were busy sending out letters and petitions, counting and
assorting the names returned. Each State was rolled up separately in
yellow paper, and tied with the regulation red tape, with the number
of men and women who had signed, endorsed on the outside. Nearly four
hundred thousand were thus sent, and may now be found in the archives
at Washington. The passage of the Thirteenth Amendment made the
continuance of the work unnecessary. The first installment of 100,000
was presented by Charles Sumner, in an appropriate speech, Feb. 9th,
1864.


     THE PRAYER OF ONE HUNDRED THOUSAND.

     _Speech of Hon. Chas. Sumner on the Presentation of the First
     Installment of the Emancipation Petition of the Woman's National
     League._

     In the Senate of the United States, Tuesday, February 9, 1864.

     MR. SUMNER.--Mr. President: I offer a petition which is now lying
     on the desk before me. It is too bulky for me to take up. I need
     not add that it is too bulky for any of the pages of this body to
     carry.

     This petition marks a stage of public opinion in the history of
     slavery, and also in the suppression of the rebellion. As it is
     short I will read it:

     "TO THE SENATE AND HOUSE OF REPRESENTATIVES OF THE UNITED STATES:

     "The undersigned, women of the United States above the age of
     eighteen years, earnestly pray that your honorable body will pass
     at the earliest practicable day an act emancipating all persons
     of African descent held to involuntary service or labor in the
     United States."

     There is also a duplicate of this petition signed by "men above
     the age of eighteen years."

     It will be perceived that the petition is in rolls. Each roll
     represents a State.[44] For instance, here is New York with a
     list of seventeen thousand seven hundred and six names; Illinois
     with fifteen thousand three hundred and eighty; and Massachusetts
     with eleven thousand six hundred and forty-one. These several
     petitions are consolidated into one petition, being another
     illustration of the motto on our coin--_E pluribus unum_.

     This petition is signed by one hundred thousand men and women,
     who unite in this unparalleled number to support its prayer. They
     are from all parts of the country and from every condition of
     life. They are from the sea-board, fanned by the free airs of the
     ocean, and from the Mississippi and the prairies of the West,
     fanned by the free airs which fertilize that extensive region.
     They are from the families of the educated and uneducated, rich
     and poor, of every profession, business, and calling in life,
     representing every sentiment, thought, hope, passion, activity,
     intelligence which inspires, strengthens, and adorns our social
     system. Here they are, a mighty army, one hundred thousand
     strong, without arms or banners; the advance-guard of a yet
     larger army.

     But though memorable for their numbers, these petitioners are
     more memorable still for the prayer in which they unite. They ask
     nothing less than universal emancipation; and this they ask
     directly at the hands of Congress. No reason is assigned. The
     prayer speaks for itself. It is simple, positive. So far as it
     proceeds from the women of the country, it is naturally a
     petition, and not an argument. But I need not remind the Senate
     that there is no reason so strong as the reason of the heart. Do
     not all great thoughts come from the heart?

     It is not for me, on presenting this petition, to assign reasons
     which the army of petitioners has forborne to assign. But I may
     not improperly add that, naturally and obviously, they all feel
     in their hearts, what reason and knowledge confirm: not only that
     slavery _as a unit_, one and indivisible, is the guilty origin of
     the rebellion, but that its influence everywhere, even outside
     the rebel States, has been hostile to the Union, always impairing
     loyalty, and sometimes openly menacing the national government.
     It requires no difficult logic to conclude that such a monster,
     wherever it shows its head, is a _national enemy_, to be pursued
     and destroyed as such, or at least a nuisance to the national
     cause to be abated as such. The petitioners know well that
     Congress is the depository of those supreme powers by which the
     rebellion, alike in its root and in its distant offshoots, may be
     surely crushed, and by which unity and peace may be permanently
     secured. They know well that the action of Congress may be with
     the co-operation of the slave-masters, or even without the
     co-operation, under the overruling law of military necessity, or
     the commanding precept of the Constitution "to guarantee to every
     State a Republican form of government." Above all, they know well
     that to save the country from peril, especially to save the
     national life, there is no power, in the ample arsenal of
     self-defense, which Congress may not grasp; for to Congress,
     under the Constitution, belongs the prerogative of the Roman
     Dictator to see that the Republic receives no detriment.
     Therefore to Congress these petitioners now appeal. I ask the
     reference of the petition to the Select Committee on Slavery and
     Freedmen.

     It was referred, after earnest discussion, as Mr. Sumner
     proposed.


ANNIVERSARY OF THE LOYAL WOMEN'S NATIONAL LEAGUE.

The Anniversary of the Women's National League was held at the Church
of the Puritans, Thursday morning, May 12, 1864. The President,
Elizabeth Cady Stanton, called the meeting to order, and requested the
audience to observe a few moments of silence, that each soul might
seek for itself Divine guidance through the deliberations of the
meeting. The Corresponding Secretary, Charlotte B. Wilbour, read the
call for the meeting. The Recording Secretary read the following
report of the Executive Committee:

     One year ago we formed ourselves into a League, with the declared
     object of EDUCATING THIRTY MILLIONS OF PEOPLE INTO THE TRUE IDEA
     OF A CHRISTIAN REPUBLIC, by means of tracts, speeches, appeals,
     and petitions for emancipation. Whilst as women, we might not
     presume to teach men statesmanship and diplomacy, we felt it our
     duty to call the nation back to the a, b, c of human rights. In
     looking over the history of the Republic we clearly saw IN
     SLAVERY the cause not only of all our political and financial
     convulsions, but of the terrible rebellion desolating our country
     and our homes. To do this was a work of time and money; and we
     were compelled to assume a debt of FIVE THOUSAND DOLLARS in
     starting--the item of postage alone amounting to _one
     thousand_--all of which we are happy to say has been duly paid.

     Our thanks are due to Robert Dale Owen, Gerrit Smith, Bradhurst
     Schieffelin, Wendell Phillips, Jessie Benton Fremont, Frederick
     Douglass, Henry Ward Beecher, and the Hovey Trust Fund Committee
     of Boston, for their timely contributions and liberal words of
     cheer. But still more are we indebted to the numberless, nameless
     thousands of the honest, earnest children of toil, throughout the
     country, for their responses to our call, their words of hearty
     God-speed, and their "mite" offerings, ranging from five cents to
     five dollars; amounting in all to $5,000. From these petitions,
     thus widely scattered, we have already sent to Congress the names
     of over two hundred thousand men and women, demanding an
     amendment of the Constitution and an act of emancipation. And
     thousands are still returning to us daily, and we hope to roll up
     another hundred thousand before the close of the present session.

     Leaving, then, all minor questions of banks and mints and public
     improvements for Congressmen to discuss at the rate of $3,000 a
     year, we decided the first work to be done was to end slavery,
     and ring the death knell of caste and class throughout the land.
     To this end, as a means of educating the people, we sent out
     twenty thousand emancipation petitions, with tracts and appeals,
     into different districts of the free States, and into the slave
     States wherever our armies had opened the way.

     The Woman's National League now numbers FIVE THOUSAND MEMBERS.
     And in the west, where we have employed two lecturing
     agents--Josephine S. Griffing, and Hannah Tracy Cutler--a large
     number of auxiliary Leagues have been formed.

     We have registered on our books the names of TWO THOUSAND men and
     women, boys and girls, who have circulated these petitions. We
     have on file all the letters received from the thousands with
     whom we have been in correspondence, feeling that this canvass of
     the nation for freedom will be an important and most interesting
     chapter in our future history. These letters, coming from all
     classes and all latitudes, breathe one prayer for the downfall of
     slavery.

     Massachusetts' noble Senator, Charles Sumner, who has so
     reverently received, presented, and urged these petitions, has
     cheered us with kind messages, magnifying the importance of our
     labors. His eloquent speech, made in the Senate on presenting our
     first installment--_the prayer of one hundred thousand_--we have
     printed in tract form and scattered throughout the country. We
     have flooded the nation with letters and appeals, public and
     private, and put forth every energy to rouse the people to
     earnest, persistent action against slavery, the deadly foe of all
     our cherished institutions.

     We proposed to ourselves in the first moments of enthusiasm to
     secure, at least, _a million_ signatures--one thirtieth part of
     our entire population. We thought the troubled warnings of a
     century--the insidious aggressions of slavery, with its
     violations of the sacred rights of _habeas corpus_, free speech,
     and free press, with its riots in our cities, and in the councils
     of the nation striking down, alike, black men and brave Senators,
     all culminating, at last, in the horrid tragedies of war--must
     have roused the dullest moral sense, and prepared the nation's
     heart to do justice and love mercy. But we were mistaken. Sunk in
     luxury, corruption, and crime--born and bred into the "guilty
     phantasy that man could hold property in man," we needed the
     clash of arms, the cannon's roar, the shrieks and groans of
     fallen heroes, the lamentations of mothers for their first-born,
     the angel's trump, the voices of the mighty dead, to wake this
     stolid nation from its sleep of death.

     In circulating our petition many refused to sign because they
     believed slavery a divine institution, and therefore did not wish
     to change the status of the slave. Others, who professed to hate
     slavery, denied the right of Congress to interfere with it in the
     States; and yet others condemned all dictation, or even
     suggestion to Congress or the President. They said, "_Let the
     people be still_ and trust the affairs of State to the management
     of the rulers they, themselves, have chosen." And many of our
     "old Abolitionists," believing _their_ work done, that the war
     had killed slavery, knocked the bottom out of the tub, not only
     declared our work one of supererogation, but told us that
     petitioning, as a means of educating the people or influencing
     Congress, had become obsolete.

     Under all these discouragements, with neither press nor pulpit to
     magnify our work, without money or the enthusiasm of numbers, in
     simple faith, into the highways and hedges we sent the Gospel of
     Freedom, and as of old, the people heard with gladness. A very
     large majority of our petitioners are from the unlettered masses.
     They who, knowing naught of the machinery of government or the
     trickery of politics, believe that, as God reigns, there is
     justice on the earth. As yet, none of our large cities have been
     thoroughly canvassed; but from the savannahs of the South and the
     prairies of the West--from the hills of New England and the
     shores of our lakes and gulfs, have we enrolled the soldiers of
     freedom; they who, when the rebels shall lay down their arms,
     with higher, holier weapons must end the war. Through us, two
     hundred thousand[45] people--the labor and virtue of the
     Republic--have spoken in our national Capitol, where their voices
     were never heard before.

     Those unaccustomed to balance influences, who judge of the
     importance of movements by their apparent results, may deem our
     efforts lost, because the Amendment and Emancipation bills have
     not yet passed the House; but _we_ feel that our labors for the
     past year, in the circulation of tracts and petitions and
     appeals--in our lectures and letters, public and private, have
     done as much to kill the rebellion, by educating the people for
     the final blow, as any other organization, civil, political,
     military, or religious, in the land. Could you but read the many
     earnest, thrilling letters we have received from simple men and
     women, in their rural homes, you would have fresh hope for the
     stability of our Republic; remembering that the life of a nation
     depends on the virtue of its people, and not on the dignity of
     its rulers.

     One poor, infirm woman in Wisconsin, who had lost her husband and
     all her sons in the war, traveled on foot over _one hundred
     miles_ in gathering _two thousand names_. Her letter was filled
     with joy that she, too, had been able to do something for the
     cause of liberty. Follow her, in imagination, through sleet and
     snow, from house to house; listen to her words--mark the pathos
     of her voice, as she debates the question of freedom, or tells
     some tale of horror in the land of slavery, or asks her neighbors
     one by one, to give their names to end such wrongs. Aside from
     all she says, the _fact_ that she comes in storm, on foot, is to
     all an argument, that there is something wrong in the republic,
     demanding haste and action from every citizen. You who, in
     crowded towns, move masses by your eloquence, scorn not the
     slower modes. Remember the seeds of enthusiasm you call forth
     have been planted by humbler hands--by the fireside, the old
     arm-chair in the workshop, at the plow--wherever man communes
     alone with God.

     Our work for the past year--and what must still be our
     work--involves the vital question of the nation's life. For,
     until the old Union with slavery be broken, and our Constitution
     so amended as to secure the elective franchise to all its
     citizens who are taxed, or who bear arms to support the
     Government, we have no foundations on which to build a true
     Republic. We urge our countrywomen who have shown so much
     enthusiasm in the war--in Sanitary and Freedmen's
     Associations--now to give themselves to the broader, deeper,
     higher work of reconstruction. The new nation demands the highest
     type of womanhood. It is a holy mission to minister to suffering
     soldiers in camp and hospital, and on the battle-field; to hold
     the heads and stanch the wounds of dying heroes; but holier
     still, by the magic word of freedom, to speak a dying nation into
     life.

     Four years ago the _many_ thought all was well in the land of the
     free and the home of the brave; but _we_ knew the war was raging
     then through all the Southern States. We knew the secrets of that
     bastile of horrors; we heard, afar off, the shrieks and groans of
     the dying, the lamentations of husbands and wives, parents and
     children, sundered forever from each other. _Then_ we fed, and
     clothed, and sheltered the fugitives in their weary marches where
     the North Star led, and crowned with immortal wreaths the panting
     heroes, pursued by the bloodhounds from the everglades of
     Florida, who asked but to die in freedom under the shadow of a
     monarch's throne.

     Yes, the rebellion has been raging near a century on every cotton
     field and rice plantation. Every vice, hardship, and abomination,
     suffered by our soldiers in the war, has been the daily life in
     slavery. Yet no Northern volunteers marched to the black man's
     help, though he stood alone against such fearful odds, until John
     Brown and his twenty-three men threw themselves into the deadly
     breach. What a sublime spectacle! Behold! the black man,
     forgetting all our crimes, all his wrongs for generations, now
     nobly takes up arms in our defence. Look not to Greece or Rome
     for heroes--to Jerusalem or Mecca for saints--but for the highest
     virtues of heroism, let us worship the black man at our feet.
     Mothers, redeem the past by teaching your children the limits of
     human rights, with the same exactness that you now teach the
     multiplication table. That "all men are created equal" is a far
     more important fact for a child to understand, than that twice
     two makes four.

     Had we during the past century as fondly guarded the tree of
     liberty, with its blessed fruits of equality, as have Southern
     mothers the deadly upas of slavery, the blood of our sires and
     sons, mingled with the sweat and tears of slaves, would not now
     enrich the tyrant's soil, our hearthstones would not all be
     desolate, nor we, with shame, behold our Northern statesmen in
     the nation's councils overwhelmed with doubt and perplexity on
     the simplest question of human rights. A mariner without chart or
     compass, ignorant of the starry world above his head, drifting on
     a troubled sea, is not more hopeless than a nation, in the throes
     of revolution, without faith in the immutability and safety of
     truth and justice.

     Behold in the long past the endless wreck of nations--Despotisms,
     Monarchies, Republics--alike, they all sprang up and
     bloomed--then drooped and died, because not planted with the
     seeds of life; and on their crumbling ruins the black man now
     plants his feet, and as he proudly breaks his chains declares,
     "MAN ABOVE ALL HUMAN GOVERNMENT."

     WENDELL PHILLIPS was introduced and made an eloquent appeal in
     behalf of the object of the League. He congratulated the Society
     on the progress it had made, contrasted the past with the
     present, referred to his experience at former meetings, and
     argued that woman should have a voice and a vote in the affairs
     of the nation. He showed the importance of woman's moral power
     infused into the politics of the country, and of the independence
     of those outside of party lines, who neither vote or hold office,
     to criticise the shortcomings of our rulers. He eulogized the
     manner in which Anna Dickinson had arraigned both men and
     measures before the judgment-seat of the people; deplored the
     slavery of party, that puts padlocks on the lips of leading
     politicians. While the sons of the Puritans, with bated breath,
     see in the violation of the most sacred rights of citizens the
     swift-coming destruction of the Republic, and in silence wait the
     shock, an inspired girl comes forward, sounds the alarm, raises
     the signal of distress, and fearlessly calls the captain, pilot,
     crew, and all to duty, for the Ship of State is drifting on a
     rock-bound coast. Again and again is this young girl put forward
     to tell the people what men in high places dare not say
     themselves.

     The following resolutions were then read and submitted for
     discussion:

     1. _Whereas_, The testimony of all history, the teachings of all
     sound philosophy, and our national experience for almost a
     hundred years, have demonstrated that in the Divine economy there
     is an "irrepressible conflict" between slavery and freedom; and

     WHEREAS, The present war is but the legitimate fruit of this
     unnatural union; therefore

     _Resolved_, That any attempt to reconstruct the Government with
     any root or branch of the slave system remaining, will surely
     prove disastrous, and therefore should be met at the outset with
     the stern rebuke of every true patriot and friend of humanity.

     2. _Resolved_, That this Government _still_ upholds slavery by
     military as well as civil power, and is, therefore, itself, still
     in daring rebellion against the GOD OF JUSTICE, before whom
     Jefferson "trembled" and whose "exterminating thunders" he warned
     us would be our destruction, unless, by "the diffusion of light
     and liberality," we were led to exterminate it forever from the
     land.

     3. _Resolved_, That until the old union with slavery be broken,
     and the Constitution so amended as to secure the elective
     franchise to all citizens who bear arms, or are taxed to support
     the Government, we have no foundations on which to build a TRUE
     REPUBLIC.

     4. WHEREAS, The _Anti_ or _Pro_-slavery character of the
     Constitution has long been a question of dispute among statesmen
     and judges, as well as reformers, therefore

     _Resolved_, That we demand for the NEW NATION a NEW CONSTITUTION,
     in which the guarantee of liberty and equality to every human
     being shall be so plainly and clearly written as never again to
     be called in question.

     5. _Resolved_, That we demand for black men not only the right to
     be sailors, soldiers, and laborers under equal pay and protection
     with white men, but the right of suffrage, that only safeguard of
     civil liberty, without which emancipation is but mockery.

     6. _Resolved_, That women now acting as nurses in our hospitals,
     who are regular graduates of medicine, should be recognized as
     physicians and surgeons, and receive the same remuneration for
     their services as men.

     7. _Resolved_, That the failure of the Administration to protect
     our black troops against such outrages as were long ago
     officially threatened, and fearfully perpetrated at Port Hudson,
     Milliken's Bend, Olustee, and Fort Pillow, is but added proof of
     its _heartless character_ or _utter incapacity_ to conduct the
     war.

     8. _Resolved_, That when the men of a nation, in a political
     party, consecrate themselves to "Freedom and Peace" and declare
     their high resolve to found a Republic on the principles of
     justice, they have lifted politics into the sphere of morals and
     religion, where it is the duty of women to be co-workers with
     them in giving immortal life to the NEW nation.

     9. _Resolved_, That our special thanks are due to Robert Dale
     Owen, who aided us in the inauguration of our work; and to
     Charles Sumner, who so earnestly and eloquently presented our
     petitions in the Senate of the United States.

     10. WHEREAS, From official statistics, it appears that our annual
     national expenditures for imported broadcloths, silks, laces,
     embroideries, wines, spirits, and cigars, are more than one
     hundred million dollars; therefore

     _Resolved_, that we recommend the formation of leagues of
     patriotic men and women throughout the country, whose object
     shall be to discountenance and prevent the indulgence of all
     these, and similar useless luxuries during the war; thereby
     encouraging habits of economy, stimulating American industry,
     diminishing the foreign debt, and increasing our ability to meet
     the vast expenditures of the present crisis.

The following letters were read by Miss Anthony:

     LETTER FROM EMILE PRETORIUS.

                                   ST. LOUIS, MO., _April 29, 1864_.

     MADAM:--Your favor of 23d inst. has come to hand with your call,
     which was published and endorsed by our paper, as you will see by
     the enclosed slip. Your sentiments are so high and noble that to
     doubt a favorable result and response from the West would be like
     doubting whether our women had courage enough to follow the
     truest instincts, the best impulses of their own pure nature. I,
     for one, have no such idea, no such fears; and if I should ever
     believe that the Cornelias and Thuseneldas were only to be found
     by going back thousands of years in history, and would not and
     could not be rivalled by patriotic mothers and heroic wives in
     this present crises of ours, I then would renounce at once all
     hopes of a national resurrection. Liberty, it is true, is
     immortal; but we would be bound to look for her in some other
     part of our globe, if we fail on American soil to enlist in our
     struggle the full heart of our women.

     But there is no such thing as failure in battling for all that is
     high and good and sacred, and there is no such thing as failure
     in appealing for so good a cause to woman's noble mind and true
     heart. They will be with us, every one of them will, and whether
     a majority of our people be up to our standard this time or not,
     still, in the eyes of our women we would be what our German poet
     calls, "the conquering defeated."

                    Yours for Fremont and Freedom,    EMILE PRETORIUS.


     LETTER FROM CHARLES SUMNER.

                                   SENATE CHAMBER, _May 6, 1864_.

     MADAM:--I can not be with you in New York, according to the
     invitation with which you have honored me; for my post of duty is
     here. I am grateful to your Association for what you have done to
     arouse the country to insist on the extinction of slavery. Now is
     the time to strike, and no effort should be spared. And yet there
     are many who lap themselves in the luxury of present success, and
     hold back. This is a mistake. The good work must be finished; and
     to my mind nothing seems to be done while anything remains to be
     done. There is one point to which attention must be directed. No
     effort should be spared to castigate and blast the whole idea of
     _property in man_, which is the corner-stone of the rebel
     pretension, and the constant assumption of the partisans of
     slavery, or of its lukewarm opponents. Let this idea be trampled
     out, and there will be no sympathy with the rebellion; and there
     will be no such abomination as _slave-hunting_, which is beyond
     question the most execrable feature of slavery itself. Accept my
     thanks, and believe me,

                                    Madam, faithfully yours,
     MISS SUSAN B. ANTHONY.                 CHARLES SUMNER.


Speeches were then made by George Thompson, Lucretia Mott, and
Ernestine L. Rose; after which, in adjourning the Convention, the
President said:

     This is the only organization of women that will have a
     legitimate cause for existence beyond the present hour. The
     Sanitary, Soldiers' Aid, Hospital, and Freedmen's Societies all
     end with the war; but the soldier and negro in peace have yet to
     be educated into the duties of citizens in a republic, and our
     legislators to be stimulated by a higher law than temporary
     policy. This is the only organization formed during the war based
     specifically on universal emancipation and enfranchisement.
     Knowing that in this great national upheaval women would exert an
     influence for good or evil, we felt the importance of
     concentrating all their power on the side of liberty. To this end
     we have urged them to use with zeal and earnestness their only
     political right under the Constitution: the right of petition.
     During the past year the petitions for freedom have been quietly
     circulating in the most remote school districts of all the free
     States and Territories, in the Army, the Navy, and some have
     found their way to the far South. And now they are coming back by
     the thousands, with the signatures of men and women, black and
     white, soldiers and civilians, from every point of the compass,
     to be presented in mammoth rolls again in the coming Congress. I
     urge every one present to help spread the glad tidings of liberty
     to all, by signing and circulating these petitions, remembering
     that while man may use the bullet and the ballot to enforce his
     will, this is woman's only weapon of defence to-day in this
     Republic. The Convention is now adjourned.

The debates throughout these Conventions show how well the leaders of
the Loyal League understood the principles of republican government,
and the fatal policy of some of those in power. They understood the
situation, and clearly made known their sentiments. The character of
the discussions and resolutions in their Conventions was entirely
changed during the war; broader ideas of constitutional law; the
limits of national power and State rights formed the basis of the new
arguments. They viewed the questions involved in the great conflict
from the point of view of statesmen, rather than that of an ostracised
class. Reviewing the varied efforts of the representative women[46]
referred to in this chapter in the political, military, philanthropic,
and sanitary departments of the Government, and the army of faithful
assistants, behind them, all alike self-sacrificing and patriotic;
with a keen insight into the policy of the Government and the
legitimate results of the war; the question naturally suggests itself,
how was it possible that when peace was restored they received no
individual rewards nor general recognition for their services, which,
though acknowledged in private, have been concealed from the people
and ignored by the Government.[47]

Gen. Grant has the credit for the success of plans which were the
outgrowth of the military genius of a woman; Gen. Howard received a
liberal salary as the head of the Freedman's Bureau, while the woman
who inspired and organized that department and carried its burdens on
her shoulders to the day of her death, raised most of the funds by
personal appeal for that herculean work.

Dr. Bellows enjoyed the distinction as President of the Sanitary
Bureau, which originated in the mind of a woman, who, when the
machinery was perfected and in good working order, was forced to
resign her position as official head through the bigotry of the
medical profession.

Though to Anna Dickinson was due the triumph of the Republican party
in several of the doubtful States at a most critical period of the
war, yet that party, twenty years in power, has refused to secure her
in the same civil and political rights enjoyed by the most ignorant
foreigner or slave from the plantations of the South.

The lessons of the war were not lost on the women of this nation;
through varied forms of suffering and humiliation, they learned that
they had an equal interest with man in the administration of the
Government, enjoying or suffering alike its blessings or its miseries.
When in the enfranchisement of the black man they saw another ignorant
class of voters placed above their heads, and with anointed eyes
beheld the danger of a distinctively "male" government, forever
involving the nations of the earth in war and violence; a lesson
taught on every page of history, alike in every century of human
experience; and demanded for the protection of themselves and
children, that woman's voice should be heard, and her opinions in
public affairs be expressed by the ballot, they were coolly told that
the black man had earned the right to vote, that he had fought and
bled and died for his country!

Did the negro's rough services in camp and battle outweigh the
humanitarian labors of woman in all departments of government? Did his
loyalty in the army count for more than her educational work in
teaching the people sound principles of government? Can it be that
statesmen in the nineteenth century believe that they who sacrifice
human lives in bloody wars do more for the sum of human happiness and
development than they who try to save the multitude and teach them how
to live? But if on the battle-field woman must prove her right to
justice and equality, history abundantly sets forth her claims; the
records of her brave deeds mark every page of fact and fiction, of
poetry and prose.

In all the great battles of the past woman as warrior in disguise has
verified her right to fight and die for her country by the side of
man. In camp and hospital as surgeon, physician, nurse, ministering to
the sick and dying, she has shown equal skill and capacity with him.
There is no position woman has not filled, no danger she has not
encountered, no emergency in all life's tangled trials and temptations
she has not shared with man, and with him conquered. If moral power
has any value in the balance with physical force, surely the women of
this republic, by their self-sacrifice and patriotism, their courage
'mid danger, their endurance 'mid suffering, have rightly earned a
voice in the laws they are compelled to obey, in the Government they
are taxed to support; some personal consideration as citizens as well
as the black man in the "Union blue."


FOOTNOTES:

[1] Before one man was slain the lint and bandages were so piled up in
Washington, that the hospital surgeons in self-defence cried out,
enough!

[2] Feb. 24, 1862.

[3] In a conversation with Miss Carroll, in February, 1876, Mr. Wade
said: "I have sometimes reproached myself that I had not made known
the author when they were discussing the resolution in Congress to
find out, _but Mr. Lincoln and Mr. Stanton were_ opposed to its being
known that the armies were moving under the plan of a civilian,
directed by the President as Commander-in-Chief. Mr. Lincoln said it
was that which made him hesitate to inaugurate the movement against
the opinion of the military commanders, and he did not wish to risk
the effect it might have upon the armies if they found out some
outside party had originated the campaign; that he wanted the armies
to believe they were doing the whole business of saving the country."

[4] See Appendix.

[5] The ninth, known to the world as the battle of Orleans, fought in
1439, which brought the hundred years' war between France and England
to an end, securing the independent existence of France, possessed for
its organizer and leader, Joan of Arc, then but eighteen, at which
time she acquired her cognomen, "Maid of Orleans."

[6] It has been well said: "That assumption of man that as feud is the
origin of all laws; that as woman does not fight she shall not vote,
that her rights are to be forever held in abeyance to his wishes, was
forever silenced by the military genius of Anna Ella Carroll in
planning this brilliant campaign. Proving, too, that as right is of no
sex, so genius is of no sex."

[7] Hon. L. D. Evans said: "Nothing is more certain than that the
rebel power was able to resist all the forces of the Union, and keep
her armies from striking their resources and interior lines of
communication, upon any of the plans or lines of operation on which
the Union arms were operating. Geographically considered, there was
but one line which the National armies could take and maintain, and
that was _unthought_ of and _unknown_, and could not have been found
out, in all human probability, in time to have prevented a collapse,
or warded off recognition and intervention, but for Miss Carroll. The
failure to reduce Vicksburg from the water, after a tremendous
sacrifice of life and treasure, and the time it took to take Richmond,
furnish irrefragable proof of the inability of the Union to subdue the
rebellion on the plan of our ablest generals.... England and France
had resolved that duty to their suffering operatives required the
raising of the blockade for the supply of cotton, and nothing
prevented that intervention but the progress of the National arms up
the Tennessee.... This campaign must, therefore, take rank with those
few remarkable strategic movements in the world's history, which have
decided the fate of empires and nations."

[8] See Appendix.

[9] But as early as she was thus engaged, one woman had already
preceded her. When the first blood of the war was shed by the attack
upon the Massachusetts troops passing through Baltimore that memorable
April 19, 1861, but one person in the whole city was found to offer
them shelter and aid. Ann Manley, a woman belonging to what is called
the outcast class, with a pity as divine as that of the woman who
anointed the feet of our Lord and wiped them with the hair of her
head--took the disabled soldiers into her own house, and at the hazard
of her life, bound up their wounds. In making up His jewels at the
last great day, will not the Lord say of her as of one of old, "She
has loved much, and much is forgiven her?"

[10] There was no penalty for disobedience, and persons disaffected,
forgetful, or idle, might refuse or neglect to obey with impunity. It
indeed seems most wonderful--almost miraculous--that under such
circumstances, such a vast amount of good was done. Had she not
accomplished half so much, she still would richly have deserved that
highest of plaudits, "Well done, good and faithful servant!"--_Woman's
Work in the Civil War._

[11] When the Spanish minister, Señor Don Francisco Barca, was
presented to the President, he spoke of America as the "splendid and
fortunate land dreamed of, for the service of God and of human
progress, by the greatest of all Spanish women, before others
conceived of it."

[12] On a pair of socks sent to the Central Association of Relief, was
pinned a paper, saying: "These socks were knit by a little girl five
years old, and she is going to knit some more, for mother said it
would help some poor soldier."

[13] The Christian Commission, an organization of later date, never
succeeded in so fully gaining the affection of the soldiers, who, in
tent or hospital, hailed the approach of medicine or delicacy, with an
affectionate "How are you, Sanitary?"

[14] Organized seven years previously by Dr. Blackwell as an
institution where women might be treated by their own sex, and for
co-ordinate purposes, and out of which the New York Medical College
for Women finally grew.

[15] Women in many other parts of the country were active at as early
a date as those of New York. A Soldiers' Aid Society was formed in
Cleveland, Ohio, April 20, 1861, five days after the President's
proclamation calling for troops. This association, with a slight
change in organization, remained in existence a long time after the
close of the war, actively employed in securing pensions and back pay
to crippled and disabled soldiers. At two points in Massachusetts,
meetings to form aid societies were called immediately upon the
departure of the Sixth Militia of that State for Washington.

[16] Women as loyal as these were to be found in the South, where an
expression of love for the Union was held as a death offence. Among
the affecting incidents of the war, was that of a woman who, standing
upon the Pedee River bank, waved her handkerchief for joy at seeing
her country's flag upon a boat passing up the stream, and who for this
exhibition of patriotism was shot dead by rebels on the shore. During
the bread riots in Mobile a woman was shot. As she was dying she took
a small National flag from her bosom, where she had kept it hidden,
wrapped it outside a cross, kissed it, and fell forward dead.

"Indeed, we may safely say that there is scarcely a loyal woman in the
North who did not do something in aid of the cause--who did not
contribute time, labor, and money, to the comfort of our soldiers and
the success of our arms. The story of the war will never be fully or
fairly written if the achievements of woman in it are left untold.
They do not figure in the official reports; they are not gazetted for
deeds as gallant as ever were done; the names of thousands are unknown
beyond the neighborhood where they live, or the hospitals where they
loved to labor; yet there is no feature in our war more creditable to
us as a nation, none from its positive newness so well worthy of
record."--_Women of the War._

[17] The distinctive features in woman's work in that war, were
magnitude, system, thorough co-operation with the other sex,
distinctness of purpose, business-like thoroughness in details, sturdy
persistency to the close. There was no more general rising among the
men than among the women, and for every assembly where men met for
mutual exertion in the service of the country, there was some
corresponding gathering of women to stir each other's hearts and
fingers in the same sacred cause.... And of the two, the women were
clearer and more united than the men, because their moral feelings and
political instincts were not so much affected by selfishness, or
business, or party considerations.... It is impossible to
over-estimate the amount of consecrated work done by the loyal women
of the North for the army. Hundreds of thousands of women probably
gave all the leisure they could command, and all the money they could
save and spare, to the soldiers for the whole four years and more of
the war.... No words are adequate to describe the systematic,
persistent faithfulness of the women who organized and led the
Branches of the United States Sanitary Commission. Their voluntary
labor had all the regularity of paid service, and a heartiness and
earnestness which no paid service can ever have.... Men were ashamed
to doubt where women trusted, or to murmur where they submitted, or to
do little where they did so much.--_Woman's Work in the Civil War_.
L. P. BRACKETT.

[18] Julia Ward Howe. See Appendix.

[19] See Appendix.

[20] During all periods of the war instances occurred of women being
found in the ranks fighting as common soldiers, their sex remaining
unsuspected.--_Women of the War._

[21] After the close of the war a bill was passed by Congress
authorizing the payment of salary due Mrs. Ella F. Hobart, for
services as chaplain in the Union army. Mrs. Hobart was chaplain in
the First Wisconsin Volunteer Artillery. The Governor of Wisconsin
declined to commission her until the War Department should consent to
recognize the validity of the commission. This Secretary Stanton
refused to do on account of her sex, though her application was
endorsed by President Lincoln, though not by the Government. Mrs.
Hobart continued in her position as religious counselor, Congress at
last making payment for her services.

[22] There are many and interesting records of women who served in
Iowa, Ohio, Michigan, Minnesota, Illinois, Indiana, Kansas, New York,
and Pennsylvania Regiments, in the armies of the Potomac, the
Cumberland, the Tennessee, with the Indian Rangers, in cavalry,
artillery, on foot. A woman was one of the eighteen soldiers sent as a
scout at Lookout Mountain--whose capture was deemed impossible--to
ascertain the position of General Bragg's forces; and a woman
performed one of the most daring naval exploits of the war. It was a
woman of Brooklyn, N. Y., who, inspired with the idea that she was to
be the country's savior, joined the army in spite of parental
opposition, and, during the bloody battle of Lookout Mountain, fell
pierced in the side, a mortal wound, by a minie ball. Elizabeth
Compton served over a year in the 25th Michigan cavalry; was wounded
at the engagement of Greenbrier Bridge, Tennessee, her sex being
discovered upon her removal to the hospital, at Lebanon, Kentucky,
where, upon recovery, she was discharged from the service. Ellen
Goodridge, although not an enlisted soldier, was in every great battle
fought in Virginia, receiving a painful wound in the arm from a minie
ball. Sophia Thompson served three years in the 59th O. V. I. Another
woman soldier, under the name of Joseph Davidson, also served three
years in the same company. Her father was killed fighting by her side
at Chickamauga. A soldier belonging to the 14th Iowa regiment was
discovered, by the Provost-Marshal of Cairo, to be a woman. An
investigation being ordered, "Charlie" placed the muzzle of her
revolver to her head, fired, and fell dead on open parade-ground. No
clue was obtained to her name, home, or family.

Frances Hook, of Illinois, enlisted with her brother in the 65th Home
Guards, assuming the name of "Frank Miller." She served three months,
and was mustered out without her sex being discovered. She then
enlisted in the 90th Illinois, and was taken prisoner in a battle near
Chattanooga. Attempting to escape she was shot through one of her
limbs. The rebels in searching her person for papers, discovered her
sex. They respected her as a woman, giving her a separate room while
she was in prison at Atlanta, Ga. During her captivity, Jeff. Davis
wrote her a letter, offering her a lieutenant's commission if she
would enlist in the rebel army, but she preferred to fight as a
private soldier for the stars and stripes, rather than accept a
commission from the rebels. This young lady was educated in a superior
manner, possessing all the modern accomplishments. After her release
from the rebel prison, she again enlisted in the 2d East Tennessee
Cavalry. She was in the thickest of the fight at Murfreesboro, and was
severely wounded in the shoulder, but fought gallantly and waded the
Stone River into Murfreesboro on that memorable Sunday when the Union
forces were driven back. Her sex was again disclosed upon the dressing
of her wound, and General Rosecrans was informed, who caused her to be
mustered out of the service, notwithstanding her earnest entreaty to
be allowed to serve the cause she loved so well. The General was
favorably impressed with her daring bravery, and himself superintended
the arrangements for her transmission home. She left the army of the
Cumberland, resolved to enlist again in the first regiment she met.
The _Louisville Journal_ gave the following account of her under the
head of

"MUSTERED OUT.--'Frank Miller,' the young lady soldier, now at
Barracks No. 1, will be mustered out of the service in accordance with
the army regulations which prohibit the enlistment of females in the
army, and sent to her parents in Pennsylvania. This will be sad news
to Frances, who has cherished the fond hope that she would be
permitted to serve the Union cause during the war. She has been of
great service as a scout to the army of the Cumberland, and her place
will not be easily filled. She is a true patriot and a gallant
soldier."

"Frank," found the 8th Michigan at Bowling Green, in which she again
enlisted, remaining connected with this company. She said she had
discovered a great many women in the army, one of them holding a
lieutenant's commission, and had at different times assisted in
burying three women soldiers, whose sex was unknown to any but
herself.

The _St. Louis Times_, sometime after the war, referring to a girl
called as a witness before the Police Court of that city, says:

"This lady is a historical character, having served over two years in
the Federal army during the war; fifteen months as a private in the
Illinois cavalry, and over nine months as a teamster in the noted Lead
mine regiment, which was raised in Washburne district from the
counties of Jo Daviess and Carrol. She was at the siege of Corinth,
and was on duty during most of the campaign against Vicksburg. At
Lookout Mountain she formed one of the party of eighteen selected to
make a scout and report the position of General Bragg's forces. She
was an _attache_ of General Blair's seventeenth corps during most of
the campaign of the Tennessee, and did good service in the
reconnoitering operations around the Chattahochie River, at which time
she was connected with General Davis' fourteenth corps. She went
through her army life under the cognomen of 'Soldier Tom.'"

The name of Miss Brownlow, of Tennessee, was familiar during the war
for her daring exploits; also that of Miss Richmond, of Raleigh, North
Carolina, who handled a musket, rifle, or shot-gun with precision and
skill, fully equal to any sharp-shooter, and who was at any time ready
to join the clan of which her father, a devoted Unionist, was leader,
in an expedition against the rebels, or on horseback, alone in the
night, to thread the wild passes of the mountains as a bearer of
information.

Major Pauline Cushman and Dr. Mary Walker were also noted for their
devotion to the Union. No woman suffered more or rendered more service
to the national cause than Major Cushman, who was employed in the
secret service of the Government as scout and spy. She carried letters
between Louisville and Nashville, and was for many months with the
army of the Cumberland, employed by General Rosecrans, rendering the
army invaluable service. She was three times taken prisoner, once by
John Morgan, and advertised to be hung in Nashville as a Federal spy,
but she escaped by singular daring and courage. The third time she was
tried and condemned, but her execution was postponed on account of her
illness. After lying in prison three months, she had an interview with
General Bragg, who assured her that he would make an example of her
and hang her as soon as she got well enough to be hung decently.

While she remained in this condition of suspense, the grand army of
Rosecrans commenced its forward march, and one fine day the rebel town
in which she was imprisoned was surprised and captured by the Union
troops under General Gordon Granger, and she was released. After
hearing an account of the sufferings she had undergone for the Union
cause, General Granger determined to bestow upon her a testimonial of
appreciation for her services, and she was accordingly formally
proclaimed a Major of cavalry. The ladies of Nashville, hearing of
this promotion, prepared a costly riding habit trimmed in military
style, with dainty shoulder-straps, etc., and presented the dress to
Miss Cushman.

Dr. Mary Walker gave her services on the field as surgeon, winning an
acknowledged reputation in the Second corps, army of the Potomac, for
professional superiority. She applied for a commission as assistant
surgeon, but was refused by Surgeon-General Hammond because of her
sex. Dr. Walker suffered imprisonment in Castle Thunder, Richmond,
having been taken prisoner.

The special correspondent of the _N. Y. Tribune_, Headquarters Army of
the Potomac, Sept. 15, 1863, said: "She applied to both
Surgeon-Generals Finlay and Hammond for a commission as assistant
surgeon. Her competence was attested and approved, yet as the Army
Regulations did not authorize the employment of women as surgeons, her
petition was denied. A Senator from New York, with an enlightenment
which did him honor, urged her appointment to the Secretary of War,
but without success."

[23] Gilbert Hay, shortly before released from Fort La Fayette.

[24] LEE AT ARLINGTON.--Visitors to this noted place are so frequent
that his appearance attracted no attention. He walked through the
dreary hall, and looked in on the wide, vacant rooms, and passing to
the front, stood for some time gazing out over the beautiful panorama,
with its one great feature, the new dome of the old capitol,
surmounted by a bronze statue of Liberty armed, and with her back to
him, gazing seaward.

From this he passed to the garden, and looked over the line of the
officers' graves that bound its sides, saw the dying flowers and
wilted borders and leaf strewn walks, and continuing after a slight
pause, he stopped on the edge of the field where the sixteen thousand
Union soldiers lie buried in lines, as if they had lain down after a
review to be interred in their places. Some negroes were at work here
raking up the falling leaves, and one old man stopped suddenly and
stared at the visitor as if struck mute with astonishment. He
continued to gaze in this way until the stranger, walking slowly,
regained his horse and rode away, when he dropped his rake and said to
his companions: "Shuah as de Lord, men, dat was ole Massa Lee!"

One hastens to imagine the thoughts and feelings that must have
agitated this fallen chief as he stood thus, like Marius amid the
ruins of Carthage, on the one spot of all others, to realize the fact
of the Lost Cause and its eventful history. About him were the scenes
of his youth, the home of his honored manhood, the scenery that gave
beauty to the peaceful joys of domestic life. They were nearly all the
same, and yet between then and now, came the fierce war, the huge
campaigns and hundred battles loud with the roar of mouthing cannons
and rattling musketry, and stained into history by the blood of
thousands, the smoke of burning houses, the devastation of wide
States, and the desolation of the households, and all in vain. He
stood there, old before his time, the nationality so fiercely
struggled for, unrecognized; the great confederacy a dream, his home a
grave-yard, and the capitol he sought to destroy grown to
twice its size, with the bronze goddess gazing calmly to the
East.--_Correspondence of the Cincinnati Commercial_, 1866.

[25] Peter Waldo, a merchant of Lyon, of the 12th century, was less
the founder of a sect, than the representative and leader of a
wide-spread struggle against the corruptions of the clergy. The church
would have tolerated him, had he not trenched upon ground dangerous to
the hierarchy. But he had the four Gospels translated and (like
Wicklyffe) maintained that laymen had the right to read them to the
people. He exposed thus the ignorance and the immorality of the
clergy, and brought down their wrath upon himself. His opinions were
condemned by a General Council, and he retired to the valleys of the
Cottian Alps. Long persecutions followed, but his disciples could not
be forced to yield their opinions. The protest of the Waldenses
related to practical questions.--_Encyc._

[26] It was almost as thrilling a sight to me to see these earnest
women together at work with their needles, as it was to see the first
colored soldier in the Union blue. He was from Camp Reed, near Boston.
I met him in the church of Rev. Mr. Grimes, and could not have known
before how much such a vision would stir me. It was with great
satisfaction that I took him by the hand and rejoiced with him in the
progress of the Government toward equality.

[27] Mrs. Briggs ("Olivia") writing to the _Sunday Morning Chronicle_
after Mrs. Griffing had departed this life, said in this connection:
"Altogether $166,000 were given by Congress to the helpless who had
been so long held in bondage, and for the great good accomplished, the
sufferers were more indebted to Mrs. Griffing than to all the women of
the country combined, for the larger proportion of the supplies
purchased with this money, was distributed by her own hands."

[28] This would at first thought seem to conflict with the knowledge
of "the North Star" and "Canada," but, as elsewhere, we must draw the
line between the ignorant and the intelligent.

[29] See Appendix.

[30] The impeachment trial of President Johnson

[31] _Forney's Press_, in reporting a meeting at Kennett Square, said:
"Miss Anna E. Dickinson, of Philadelphia, aged seventeen years,
handsome, of an expressive countenance, plainly dressed, and eloquent
beyond her years, made the speech of the occasion. After the listless,
monotonous harangues of the day, the distinct, earnest tones of this
juvenile Joan of Arc were very sweet and charming. During her
discourse, which was frequently interrupted, Miss Dickinson maintained
her presence of mind, and uttered her radical sentiments with
augmented resolution and plainness. Those who did not sympathize with
her remarks, provocative as they were of numerous unmanly
interruptions, were softened by her simplicity and solemnity. 'We are
told,' said she, 'to maintain constitutions because they are
constitutions, and compromises because they are compromises. But what
are compromises, and what is laid down in those constitutions? Eminent
lawyers have said that certain great fundamental ideas of right are
common to the world, and that all laws of man's making which trample
on these ideas, are null and void--wrong to obey; right to disobey.
The Constitution of the United States recognizes human slavery, and
makes the souls of men articles of purchase and of sale.'"

[32] She has always said that that was the best service the Government
could have rendered her, as it forced her to the decision to labor no
longer with her hands for bread, but open some new path for herself.

[33] The highest compliment that the Union men of this city could pay
Miss Anna E. Dickinson, was to invite her to make the closing and most
important speech in this campaign. They were willing to rest their
case upon her efforts. She may go far and speak much; she will have no
more flattering proof of the popular confidence in her eloquence,
tact, and power, than this. Her business being to obtain votes for the
right side, she addressed herself to that end with singular
adaptation. But when we add to this lawyerlike comprehension of the
necessities of the case, her earnestness, enthusiasm, and personal
magnetism, we account for the effect she produced on that vast
audience Saturday night.

Allyn Hall was packed as it never was before. Every seat was crowded.
The aisles were full of men who stood patiently for more than three
hours; the window-sills had their occupants, every foot of standing
room was taken, and in the rear of the galleries men seemed to hang in
swarms like bees. Such was the view from the stage. The stage itself
and the boxes were filled with ladies, giving the speaker an audience
of hundreds who could not see her face. Hardly a listener left the
hall during her speech. Her power over that audience was marvellous.
She seemed to have that absolute mastery of it which Joan of Arc is
reported to have had of the French troops. They followed her with that
deep attention which is unwilling to lose a word, greeting her ever
and anon with bursts of applause. The speech in itself and its effect
was magnificent. The work of the campaign is done, and it only remains
in the name of all loyal men in this district to express to Miss
Dickinson most heartfelt thanks for her inspiring aid. She has aroused
everywhere respect, enthusiasm, and devotion, not to herself alone,
but to our country also. While such women are possible in the United
States, there is not a spot big enough for her to stand on, that will
not be fought for so long as there is a man left.--_Hartford Courant._

[34] Her profits on this occasion were about a thousand dollars.

[35] CORRESPONDENCE.

     TO MISS ANNA E. DICKINSON, _Philadelphia, Pa._:

     MISS DICKINSON:--Heartily appreciating the value of your services
     in the campaigns in New Hampshire, Connecticut, Pennsylvania, and
     New York, and the qualities that have combined to give you the
     deservedly high reputation you enjoy; and desiring as well to
     testify that appreciation, as to secure to ourselves the pleasure
     of hearing you, we unite in cordially inviting you to deliver an
     address at the capital this winter, at some time suited to your
     own convenience.

     WASHINGTON, D.C., _Dec. 16, 1863_.

          Hannibal Hamlin,
          Charles Sumner,
          Henry Wilson,
          Benjamin F. Wade,
          John Sherman,
          James Dixon,
          H. B. Anthony,
          Ira Harris, and sixteen other Senators.
          Schuyler Colfax,
          Thaddeus Stephens,
          William D. Kelley,
          Robert C. Schenck,
          James A. Garfield,
          Henry C. Deming,
          R. B. Van Valkenburg,
          A. C. Wilder, and seventy other Representatives.


     GENTLEMEN:--I thank you sincerely for the great and most
     unexpected honor which you have conferred upon me by your kind
     invitation to speak in Washington. Accepting it, I would suggest
     the 16th of January as the time, desiring the proceeds to be
     devoted to the help of the suffering freedmen.

                                   Truly yours,     ANNA E. DICKINSON.

     1710 LOCUST ST., Phila., _June 7, 1864_.

[36] The _New York Evening Post_ in describing the occasion said:
"Miss Dickinson's lecture in the Hall of the House of Representatives
last night was a gratifying success, and a splendid personal triumph.
She can hardly fail to regard it the most flattering ovation--for such
it was--of her life. At precisely half-past seven Miss Dickinson came
in, escorted by Vice-President Hamlin and Speaker Colfax. A platform
had been built directly over the desk of the official reporters and in
front of the clerk's desk, from which she spoke. She was greeted with
loud cheers as she entered. Mr. Hamlin introduced her in a neat
speech, in which he happily compared her to the Maid of Orleans. The
scene was one to test severely the powers of a most accomplished
orator, for the audience was not composed of the enthusiastic masses
of the people, but rather of loungers, office-holders, orators,
critics, and men of the fashionable world. At eight o'clock Mr. and
Mrs. Lincoln entered, and not even the utterance of a fervid passage
in the lecture could repress the enthusiasm of the audience. Just as
the President entered the hall Miss Dickinson was criticising with
some sharpness his Amnesty Proclamation and the Supreme Court; and the
audience, as if feeling it to be their duty to applaud a just
sentiment, even at the expense of courtesy, sustained the criticism
with a round of deafening cheers. Mr. Lincoln sat meekly through it,
not in the least displeased. Perhaps he knew there were sweets to
come, and they did come, for Miss Dickinson soon alluded to him and
his course as President, and nominated him as his own successor in
1865. The popularity of the President in Washington was duly attested
by volleys of cheers. The proceeds of the lecture--over a thousand
dollars--were appropriated at Miss Dickinson's request to the National
Freedman's Relief Society."

[37] James Redpath.

[38] See Appendix.

[39] When our leading journals, orators, and brave men from the
battle-field, complain that Northern women feel no enthusiasm in the
war, the time has come for us to pledge ourselves loyal to freedom and
our country. Thus far, there has been no united expression from the
women of the North as to the policy of the war. Here and there one has
spoken and written nobly. Many have vied with each other in acts of
generosity and self-sacrifice for the sick and wounded in camp and
hospital. But we have, as yet, no means of judging where the majority
of Northern women stand.

If it be true that at this hour the women of the South are more
devoted to their cause than we are to ours, the fact lies here. They
see and feel the horrors of the war; the foe is at their firesides;
while we, in peace and plenty, live as heretofore. There is an
inspiration, too, in a definite purpose, be it good or bad. The women
of the South know what their sons are fighting for. The women of the
North do not. They appreciate the blessings of slavery; we not the
blessings of liberty. We have never yet realized the glory of those
institutions in whose defence it is the privilege of our sons to bleed
and die. They are aristocrats, with a lower class, servile and
obsequious, intrenched in feudal homes. We are aristocrats under
protest, who must go abroad to indulge our tastes, and enjoy in
foreign despotisms the customs which the genius of a Republic
condemns.

But, from the beginning of the Government, there have been women among
us who, with the mother of the immortal John Quincy Adams, have
lamented the inconsistencies of our theory and practice, and demanded
for ALL the people the exercise of those rights that belong to every
citizen of a republic. The women of a nation mold its morals,
religion, and politics. The Northern treason, now threatening to
betray us to our foes, is hatched at our own firesides, where traitor
snobs, returned from Europe and the South, out of time and tune with
independence and equality, infuse into their sons the love of caste
and class, of fame and family, of wealth and ease, and baptize it all
in the name of Republicanism and Christianity. Let every woman
understand that this war involves the same principles that have
convulsed the nations of the earth from Pharaoh to Lincoln--liberty or
slavery--democracy or aristocracy--equality or caste--and choose, this
day, whether our republican institutions shall be placed on an
enduring basis, and an eternal peace secured to our children, or
whether we shall leap back through generations of light and
experience, and meekly bow again to chains and slavery.

Shall Northern freemen yet stand silent lookers-on when through
Topeka, St. Paul, Chicago, Cleveland, Boston, and New York, men and
women, little boys and girls, chained in gangs, shall march to their
own sad music, beneath a tyrant's lash? On our sacred soil shall we
behold the auction-block--babies sold by the pound, and beautiful
women for the vilest purposes of lust; where parents and children,
husbands and wives, brothers and sisters, shall be torn from each
other, and sent East and West, North and South? Shall our free presses
and free schools, our palace homes, colleges, churches, and stately
capitols all be leveled to the dust? Our household gods be desecrated,
and our proud lips, ever taught to sing peans to liberty, made to
swear allegiance to the god of slavery? Such degradation shall yet be
ours, if we gird not up our giant freemen now to crush this rebellion,
and root out forever the hateful principle of caste and class. Men
who, in the light of the nineteenth century, believed that God made
one race all booted and spurred, and another to be ridden; who would
build up a government with slavery for its corner-stone, can not live
on the same continent with a pure democracy. To counsel grim-visaged
war seems hard to come from women's lips; but better far that the
bones of our sires and sons whiten every Southern plain, that we do
their rough work at home, than that liberty, struck dumb in the
capital of our Republic, should plead no more for man. Every woman who
appreciates the grand problem of national life must say war,
pestilence, famine, anything but an ignoble peace.

We are but co-workers now with the true ones of every age. The history
of the past is but one long struggle upward to equality. All men, born
slaves to ignorance and fear, crept through centuries of discord--now
one race dominant, then another--but in this ceaseless warring, ever
wearing off the chains of their gross material surroundings of a mere
animal existence, until at last the sun of a higher civilization
dawned on the soul of man, and the precious seed of the ages, garnered
up in the _Mayflower_, was carried in the hollow of God's hand across
the mighty waters, and planted deep beneath the snow and ice of
Plymouth Rock with prayers and thanksgivings. And what grew there? Men
and women who loved liberty better than life. Men and women who
believed that not only in person, but in speech should they be free,
and worship the God who had brought them thus far according to the
dictates of their own conscience. Men and women who, like Daniel of
old, defied the royal lion in his den. Men and women who repudiated
the creeds and codes of despots and tyrants, and declared to a waiting
world that all men are created equal. And for rights like these, the
Fathers fought for seven long years, and we have no record that the
women of that Revolution ever once cried, "hold, enough," till the
invading foe was conquered, and our independence recognized by the
nations of the earth.

And here we are, the grandest nation on the globe. By right no
privileged caste or class. Education free to all. The humblest digger
in the ditch has all the civil, social, and religious rights with the
highest in the land. The poorest woman at the wash-tub may be the
mother of a future President. Here all are heirs-apparent to the
throne. The genius of our institutions bids every man to rise, and use
all the powers that God has given him. It can not be, that for
blessings such as these, the women of the North do not stand ready for
any sacrifice.

A sister of Kossuth, with him an exile to this country, in
conversation one day, called my attention to an iron bracelet, the
only ornament she wore. "In the darkest days of Hungary," said she,
"our noble women threw their wealth and jewels into the public
treasury, and clasping iron bands around their wrists, pledged
themselves that these should be the only jewels they would wear till
Hungary was free." If darker hours than these should come to us, the
women of the North will count no sacrifice too great. What are wealth
and jewels, home and ease, sires and sons, to the birthright of
freedom, secured to us by the heroes of the Revolution? Shall a
priceless heritage like this be wrested now from us by Southern
tyrants, and Northern women look on unmoved, or basely bid our freemen
sue for peace? No! No! The vacant places at our firesides, the void in
every heart says No!! Such sacrifices must not be in vain!! The cloud
that hangs o'er all our Northern homes is gilded with the hope that
through these present sufferings the nation shall be redeemed.

                                             ELIZABETH CADY STANTON.

[40] The call for a meeting of the Loyal Women of the Nation:

In this crisis of our country's destiny, it is the duty of every
citizen to consider the peculiar blessings of a republican form of
government, and decide what sacrifices of wealth and life are demanded
for its defence and preservation. The policy of the war, our whole
future life, depends on a clearly-defined idea of the end proposed,
and the immense advantages to be secured to ourselves and all mankind,
by its accomplishment. No mere party or sectional cry, no
technicalities of Constitution or military law, no mottoes of craft or
policy are big enough to touch the great heart of a nation in the
midst of revolution. A grand idea, such as freedom or justice, is
needful to kindle and sustain the fires of a high enthusiasm.

At this hour, the best word and work of every man and woman are
imperatively demanded. To man, by common consent, is assigned the
forum, camp, and field. What is woman's legitimate work, and how she
may best accomplish it, is worthy our earnest counsel one with
another. We have heard many complaints of the lack of enthusiasm among
Northern women; but, when a mother lays her son on the altar of her
country, she asks an object equal to the sacrifice. In nursing the
sick and wounded, knitting socks, scraping lint, and making jellies,
the bravest and best may weary if the thoughts mount not in faith to
something beyond and above it all. Work is worship only when a noble
purpose fills the soul. Woman is equally interested and responsible
with man in the final settlement of this problem of self-government;
therefore let none stand idle spectators now. When every hour is big
with destiny, and each delay but complicates our difficulties, it is
high time for the daughters of the revolution, in solemn council, to
unseal the last will and testament of the Fathers--lay hold of their
birthright of freedom, and keep it a sacred trust for all coming
generations.

To this end we ask the Loyal Women of the Nation to meet in the church
of the Puritans (Dr. Cheever's), New York, on Thursday, the 14th of
May next.

Let the women of every State be largely represented both in person and
by letter.

                    On behalf of the Woman's Central Committee,
                                        ELIZABETH CADY STANTON.
                                        SUSAN B. ANTHONY.

[41] _Vice-Presidents._--Elizabeth Cady Stanton, of New York; Angelina
Grimké Weld, of New Jersey; Fannie W. Willard, of Pennsylvania; Mary
H. L. Cabot, of Massachusetts; Mary White, of Connecticut; Mrs. E. O.
Sampson Hoyt, of Wisconsin; Eliza W. Farnham, of California; Mrs. H.
C. Ingersol, of Maine.

_Secretaries._--Martha C. Wright, of New York, and Lucy N. Colman, of
New York.

_Business Committee._--Susan B. Anthony; Ernestine L. Rose, New York;
Rev. Antoinette B. Blackwell, New Jersey; Amy Post, New York; Annie V.
Mumford, Penn.

[42] See Appendix.

[43] _Resolved_, 2. That we heartily approve that part of the
President's Proclamation which decrees freedom to the slaves of rebel
masters, and we earnestly urge him to devise measures for emancipating
all slaves throughout the country.

_Resolved_, 3. That the national pledge to the freedmen must be
redeemed, and the integrity of the Government in making it vindicated,
at whatever cost.

_Resolved_, 4. That while we welcome to legal freedom the recent
slaves, we solemnly remonstrate against all State or National
legislation which may exclude them from any locality, or debar them
from any rights or privileges as free and equal citizens of a common
Republic.

_Resolved_, 5. There never can be a true peace in this Republic until
the civil and political rights of all citizens of African descent and
all women are practically established.

_Resolved_, 7. That the women of the Revolution were not wanting in
heroism and self-sacrifice, and we, their daughters, are ready in this
war to pledge our time, our means, our talents, and our lives, if need
be, to secure the final and complete consecration of America to
freedom.

[44] The following is the abstract:

  _State._                    _Men._  _Women._   _Total._

  New York                    6,519    11,187     17,706
  Illinois                    6,382     8,998     15,380
  Massachusetts               4,248     7,392     11,641
  Pennsylvania                2,259     6,366      8,625
  Ohio                        3,676     4,654      8,330
  Michigan                    1,741     4,441      6,182
  Iowa                        2,025     4,014      6,039
  Maine                       1,225     4,362      5,587
  Wisconsin                   1,639     2,391      4,030
  Indiana                     1,075     2,591      3,666
  New Hampshire                 393     2,261      2,654
  New Jersey                    824     1,709      2,533
  Rhode Island                  827     1,451      2,278
  Vermont                       375     1,183      1,558
  Connecticut                   393     1,162      1,555
  Minnesota                     396     1,094      1,490
  West Virginia                  82       100        182
  Maryland                      115        50        165
  Kansas                         84        74        158
  Delaware                       67        70        137
  Nebraska                       13        20         33
  Kentucky                       21                   21
  Louisiana (New Orleans)                  14         14
  Citizens of the U. S.
    living in New Brunswick      19        17         36
                             ------    ------    -------
                             34,399    65,601    100,000

[45] The exact number of signatures, as ascertained by Senator
Sumner's clerk was 265,314

[46] Behind Clara Barton stood Frances D. Gage and others aiding and
encouraging her in the consummation of her plans; with Dorothea Dix in
the Hospitals, the untiring labors of Abby Hopper Gibbons and Jane G.
Swisshelm must not be forgotten. Three noble daughters, with hand and
heart devoted to the work, made it possible for Josephine S. Griffing
to accomplish what she did in the Freedman's Bureau. With Anna
Dickinson stood hosts of women identified with the Anti-Slavery and
the liberal republican movement; and behind the leaders of the
National Woman's Loyal League stood 300,000 petitioners for freedom
and equality to the black man, and the select body demanding the right
of suffrage for woman, who thoroughly understood the genius of
republican institutions.

[47] The facts that Miss Carroll planned the campaign on the
Tennessee; that Dr. Elizabeth Blackwell originated the Sanitary
movement; and that those Senators most active in carrying the measure
for a Freedman's Bureau through Congress, intended that Mrs. Griffing
should be its official head, are known only to the few behind the
scenes, facts published now on the page of history for the first
time.



CHAPTER XVII.

CONGRESSIONAL ACTION.

     First petitions to Congress December, 1865, against the word
     "male" in the 14th Amendment--Joint resolutions before
     Congress--Messrs. Jenckes, Schenck, Broomall, and
     Stevens--Republicans protest in presenting petitions--The women
     seek aid of Democrats--James Brooks in the House of
     Representatives--Horace Greeley on the petitions--Caroline Healy
     Dall on Messrs. Jenckes and Schenck--The District of Columbia
     Suffrage bill--Senator Cowan, of Pennsylvania, moved to strike
     out the word "male"--A three days' debate in the Senate--The
     final vote nine in favor of Mr. Cowan's amendment, and
     thirty-seven against.


Liberty victorious over slavery on the battle-field had now more
powerful enemies to encounter at Washington. The slave set free; the
master conquered; the South desolate; the two races standing face to
face, sharing alike the sad results of war, turned with appealing
looks to the General Government, as if to say, "How stand we now?"
"What next?" Questions, our statesmen, beset with dangers, fears for
the nation's life, of party divisions, of personal defeat, were wholly
unprepared to answer. The reconstruction of the South involved the
reconsideration of the fundamental principles of our Government, and
the natural rights of man. The nation's heart was thrilled with
prolonged debates in Congress and State Legislatures, in the pulpits
and public journals, and at every fireside on these vital questions,
which took final shape in three historic amendments.

The first point, his emancipation, settled, the political status of
the negro was next in order; and to this end various propositions were
submitted to Congress. But to demand his enfranchisement on the broad
principle of natural rights, was hedged about with difficulties, as
the logical result of such action must be the enfranchisement of all
ostracised classes; not only the white women of the entire country,
but the slave women of the South. Though our Senators and
Representatives had an honest aversion to any proscriptive
legislation against loyal women, in view of their varied and
self-sacrificing work during the war, yet the only way they could open
the constitutional door just wide enough to let the black _man_ pass
in, was to introduce the word "male" into the national Constitution.
After the generous devotion of such women as Anna Carroll and Anna
Dickinson in sustaining the policy of the Republicans, both in peace
and war, they felt it would come with an ill-grace from that party, to
place new barriers in woman's path to freedom. But how could the
amendment be written without the word "male"? was the question.

Robert Dale Owen, being at Washington and behind the scenes at the
time, sent copies of the various bills to the officers of the Loyal
League in New York, and related to them some of the amusing
discussions. One of the Committee proposed "persons" instead of
"males." "That will never do," said another, "it would enfranchise all
the Southern wenches." "Suffrage for black men will be all the strain
the Republican party can stand," said another. Charles Sumner said,
years afterward, that he wrote over nineteen pages of foolscap to get
rid of the word "male" and yet keep "negro suffrage" as a party
measure intact; but it could not be done.

Miss Anthony and Mrs. Stanton, ever on the watch-tower for legislation
affecting women, were the first to see the full significance of the
word "male" in the 14th Amendment, and at once sounded the alarm, and
sent out petitions[48] for a constitutional amendment to "prohibit
the States from disfranchising any of their citizens on the ground of
sex."[49]

Miss Anthony, who had spent the year in Kansas, started for New York
the moment she saw the propositions before Congress to put the word
"male" into the National Constitution, and made haste to rouse the
women in the East to the fact that the time had come to begin vigorous
work again for woman's enfranchisement.[50] Mr. Tilton (December 27,
1865) proposed the formation of a National Equal Rights Society,
demanding suffrage for black men and women alike, of which Wendell
Phillips should be President, and the _National Anti-Slavery Standard_
its organ. Mr. Beecher promised to give a lecture (January 30th) for
the benefit of this universal suffrage movement. The _New York
Independent_ (Theodore Tilton, editor) gave the following timely and
just rebuke of the proposed retrogressive legislation:

     A LAW AGAINST WOMEN.

     The spider-crab walks backward. Borrowing this creature's mossy
     legs, two or three gentlemen in Washington are seeking to fix
     these upon the Federal Constitution, to make that instrument walk
     backward in like style. For instance, the Constitution has never
     laid any legal disabilities upon woman. Whatever denials of
     rights it formerly made to our slaves, it denied nothing to our
     wives and daughters. The legal rights of an American woman--for
     instance, her right to her own property, as against a squandering
     husband; or her right to her own children, as against a malicious
     father--have grown, year by year, into a more generous and just
     statement in American laws. This beautiful result is owing in
     great measure to the persistent efforts of many noble women who,
     for years past, both publicly and privately, both by pen and
     speech, have appealed to legislative committees, and to the whole
     community, for an enlargement of the legal and civil status of
     their fellow-country women. Signal, honorable, and beneficent
     have been the works and words of Lucretia Mott, Lydia Maria
     Child, Paulina W. Davis, Abby Kelly Foster, Frances D. Gage, Lucy
     Stone, Caroline H. Dall, Antoinette Brown Blackwell, Susan B.
     Anthony, Elizabeth Cady Stanton, and many others. Not in all the
     land lives a poor woman, or a widow, who does not owe some
     portion of her present safety under the law to the brave
     exertions of these faithful laborers in a good cause.

     Now, all forward-looking minds know that, sooner or later, the
     chief public question in this country will be woman's claim to
     the ballot. The Federal Constitution, as it now stands, leaves
     this question an open one for the several States to settle as
     they choose. Two bills, however, now lie before Congress
     proposing to array the fundamental law of the land against the
     multitude of American women by ordaining a denial of the
     political rights of a whole sex. To this injustice we object
     totally! Such an amendment is a snap judgment before discussion;
     it is an obstacle to future progress; it is a gratuitous bruise
     inflicted upon the most tender and humane sentiment that has ever
     entered into American politics. If the present Congress is not
     called to legislate _for_ the rights of women, let it not
     legislate _against_ them.

     But Americans now live who shall not go down into the grave till
     they have left behind them a Republican Government; and no
     republic is Republican which denies to half its citizens those
     rights which the Declaration of Independence, and which a true
     Christian Democracy make equal to all. Meanwhile, let us break
     the legs of the spider-crab!

While the 13th Amendment was pending, Senator Sumner wrote many
letters to the officers of the Loyal League, saying, "Send on the
petitions; they give me opportunity for speech." "You are doing a
noble work." "I am grateful to your Association for what you have done
to arouse the country to insist on the extinction of slavery." And
our petitions were sent again and again, 300,000 strong, and months
after the measure was carried, they still rolled in from every quarter
where the tracts and appeals had been scattered. But when the
proposition for the 14th Amendment was pending, and the same women
petitioned for their own civil and political rights, they received no
letters of encouragement from Republicans nor Abolitionists; and now
came some of the severest trials the women demanding the right of
suffrage were ever called on to endure. Though loyal to the Government
and the rights of the colored race, they found themselves in
antagonism with all with whom they had heretofore sympathized. Though
Unionists, Republicans, and Abolitionists, they could not without
protest see themselves robbed of their birth-right as citizens of the
republic by the proposed amendment. Republicans presented their
petitions in a way to destroy their significance, as petitions for
"universal suffrage," which to the public meant "manhood suffrage."
Abolitionists refused to sign them, saying, "This is the negro's
hour."[51] Colored men themselves opposed us, saying, do not block
our chance by lumbering the Republican party with Woman Suffrage.

The Democrats readily saw how completely the Republicans were
stultifying themselves and violating every principle urged in the
debates on the 13th Amendment, and volunteered to help the women fight
their battle. The Republicans had declared again and again that
suffrage was a natural right that belonged to every citizen that paid
taxes and helped to support the State. They had declared that the
ballot was the only weapon by which one class could protect itself
against the aggressions of another. Charles Sumner had rounded out one
of his eloquent periods, by saying, "The ballot is the Columbiad of
our political life, and every citizen who holds it is a full-armed
monitor."

The Democrats had listened to all the glowing debates on these great
principles of freedom until the argument was as familiar as a, b, c,
and continually pressed the Republicans with their own weapons. Then
those loyal women were taunted with having gone over to the Democrats
and the Disunionists. But neither taunts nor persuasions moved them
from their purpose to prevent, if possible, the introduction of the
word "male" into the Federal Constitution, where it never had been
before. They could not see the progress--in purging the Constitution
of all invidious distinctions on the ground of color--while creating
such distinctions for the first time in regard to sex.

In the face of all opposition they scattered their petitions
broadcast, and in one session of Congress they rolled in upwards of
ten thousand. The Democrats treated the petitioners with respect, and
called attention in every way to the question.[52] But even such
Republicans as Charles Sumner presented them, if at all, under
protest. A petition from Massachusetts, with the name of Lydia Maria
Child at the head, was presented by the great Senator under protest
as "most inopportune!" As if there could be a more fitting time for
action than when the bills were pending.

During the morning hour of February 21st, Senator Henderson, of
Missouri, presented a petition from New York.


     SUFFRAGE FOR WOMEN.

     Mr. HENDERSON: I present the petition of Mrs. Gerrit Smith and
     twenty-seven other ladies of the United States, the most of them
     from the State of New York, praying that the right of suffrage be
     granted to women. Along with the petition I received a note,
     stating as follows:

          I notice in the debates of to-day that Mr. Yates promises,
          at the "proper time" to tell you why the women of Illinois
          are not permitted to vote. To give you an opportunity to
          press him on this point I send you a petition, signed by
          twenty-eight intelligent women of this State, who are
          native-born Americans--read, write, and pay taxes, and now
          claim representation! I was surprised to-day to find Mr.
          Sumner presenting a petition, with an apology, from the
          women of the republic. After his definition of a true
          republic, and his lofty peans to "equal rights" and the
          ballot, one would hardly expect him to ignore the claims of
          fifteen million educated tax-payers, now taking their places
          by the side of man in art, science, literature, and
          government. I trust, sir, you will present this petition in
          a manner more creditable to yourself and respectful to those
          who desire to speak through you. Remember, the right of
          petition is our only right in the Government; and when three
          joint resolutions are before the House to introduce the word
          "male" into the Federal Constitution, "it is the proper
          time" for the women of the nation to be heard, Mr. Sumner to
          the contrary notwithstanding.

     The right of petition is a sacred right, and whatever may be
     thought of giving the ballot to women, the right to ask it of the
     Government can not be denied them. I present this petition
     without any apology. Indeed, I present it with pleasure. It is
     respectful in its terms, and is signed by ladies occupying so
     high a place in the moral, social, and intellectual world, that
     it challenges at our hands, at least a respectful consideration.
     The distinguished Senators from Massachusetts and from Illinois
     must make their own defense against the assumed inconsistency of
     their position. They are abundantly able to give reasons for
     their faith in all things; whether they can give reasons
     satisfactory to the ladies in this case, I do not know. The
     Senators may possibly argue that if women vote at all, the right
     should not be exercised before the age of twenty-one; that they
     are generally married at or before that age, and that when
     married, they become, or ought to become, merged in their
     husbands; that the act of one must be regarded as the act of the
     other; that the good of society demands this unity for purposes
     of social order; that political differences should not be
     permitted to disturb the peace of a relation so sacred. The
     honorable Senators will be able to find authority for this
     position, not only in the common law, approved as it is by the
     wisdom and experience of ages, but in the declaration of the
     first man, on the occasion of the first marriage, when he said,
     "This is now bone of my bone and flesh of my flesh." It may be
     answered, however, that the wife, though one with her husband, at
     least constitutes his better half, and if the married man be
     entitled to but one vote, the unmarried man should be satisfied
     with less than half a vote. [Laughter]. Having some doubts,
     myself, whether beyond a certain age, to which I have not yet
     arrived, such a man should be entitled to a vote or even half a
     vote, I leave the difficulty to be settled by my friend from
     Massachusetts and the fair petitioners. The petitioners claim,
     that as we are proposing to enfranchise four million emancipated
     slaves, equal and impartial justice alike demands the suffrage
     for fifteen million women. At first view the proposition can
     scarcely be met with denial, yet reasons "thick as blackberries"
     and strong as truth itself may be urged in favor of the ballot in
     the one case, which can not be urged in the other.

     Mr. SAULSBURY: I rise to a point of order. My point of order is,
     that a man who has lived an old bachelor as long as the Senator
     from Missouri has, has no right to talk about women's rights.
     [Laughter].

     The PRESIDENT _pro tem._: The chair moves that is not a point of
     order; and the Senator from Missouri will proceed.

     Mr. HENDERSON: I had no idea that that was a point of order, sir.
     Whatever may be said theoretically about the elective franchise
     as a natural right, in practice at least, it has always been
     denied in the most liberal States to more than half the
     population. It is withheld from those whose crimes prove them
     devoid of respect for social order, and generally from those
     whose ignorance or imbecility unfits them for an intelligent
     appreciation of the duties of citizens and the blessings of good
     government. To women the suffrage has been denied in almost all
     Governments, not for the reasons just stated, but because it is
     wholly unnecessary as a means of their protection. In the
     government of nature the weaker animals and insects, dependent on
     themselves for safety and life, are provided with means of
     defense. The bee has its sting and the despised serpent its
     deadly poison. So, in the Governments of men, the weak must be
     provided with power to inspire fear at least in the strong, if
     not to command their respect. Political power was claimed
     originally by the people as a means of protecting themselves
     against the usurpations of those in power, whose interests or
     caprices might lead to their oppression. Hence came the
     republican system. But it was never thought the interests or
     caprices of men could lead to a denial of the civil rights or
     social supremacy of woman. People of one race have always been
     unjust to those of another. The ignorant and sordid Jew despised
     the Samaritan and scoffed at the idea of his equality. To him the
     learned and accomplished Greek was a barbarian, and all rights
     were denied him except those simple rights accorded to the most
     degraded Gentile. Chinamen, to-day, believe as firmly in the
     superiority of the celestial race as Americans do in the
     superiority of the Anglo-Saxon. All races of men are unjust to
     other races. They are unjust because of pride. That very pride
     makes them just to the women of their own race. There may be men
     who have prejudice against race; they are less than men who have
     prejudice against sex. The social position of woman in the United
     States is such that no civil right can be denied her. The women
     here have entire charge of the social and moral world. Hence she
     must be educated. First impressions are those which bend the mind
     to noble or ignoble action, and these impressions are made by
     mothers. To have intelligent voters we must have intelligent
     mothers. To have free men we must have free women. The voter from
     this source receives his moral and intellectual training. Woman
     makes the voter, and should not descend from her lofty sphere to
     engage in the angry contests of her creatures. She makes
     statesmen, and her gentle influence, like the finger of the angel
     pointing to the path of duty, would be lost in the controversies
     of political strife. She makes the soldier, infuses courage and
     patriotism in his youthful heart, and hovers like an invisible
     spirit over the field of battle, urging him on to victory or
     death in defense of the right. Hence woman takes no musket to the
     battle-field. Here, as in politics, her personal presence would
     detract from her power. Galileo, Newton, and La Place could not
     fitly discuss the laws of planetary motion with ignorant rustics
     at a country inn. The learned divine who descends from the
     theological seminary to wrangle upon doctrinal points with the
     illiterate, stubborn teacher of a small country flock must lose
     half his influence for good. Our Government is built as our
     Capitol is built. The strong and brawny arms of men, like granite
     blocks, support its arches; but woman, lovely woman, the true
     goddess of Liberty, crowns its dome.

     Mr. YATES: I wish to ask the Senator from Missouri a question. I
     understand that he has introduced a resolution to amend the
     Constitution of the United States so that there shall be no
     distinction on account of color. Will the gentleman accept an
     amendment to that resolution that there shall be no distinction
     in regard to sex?

     Mr. HENDERSON: I have given my views, I think, very distinctly,
     as the Senator would have found if he had listened, in the latter
     part of what I have just stated in reference to the question of
     voting. In reply to what he has said, I will say that I do not
     think that on the mere presentation of a petition it is in order
     to discuss the merits of the petition. I hope, therefore, that
     the Senator will not insist upon entering into a question of that
     sort now.

     Mr. YATES: I shall not do so. I only wish to say that I am not
     proposing to amend the Constitution. I simply desire to give
     rights to those who have rights under the Constitution as it has
     been amended. When I propose to amend the Constitution then the
     question will come up whether I will allow women to vote or not.

     Mr. SUMNER: Before this petition passes out of sight I wish to
     make one observation, and only one. The Senator from Missouri
     began by an allusion to myself and to a remark which fell from me
     when I presented the other day a petition from women of the
     United States praying for the ballot. I took occasion then to
     remark that in my opinion the petition at that time was not
     judicious. That was all that I said. I did not undertake to
     express my opinion on the great question whether women should
     vote or should not vote. I did venture to say that in my opinion
     it was not judicious for them at this moment to bring forward
     their claims so as to compromise in any way the great question of
     equal rights for an enfranchised race now before Congress. The
     Senator has quoted a letter suggesting that I did not present the
     petition in a creditable way. I have now to felicitate my
     excellent friend on the creditable way in which he has performed
     his duty. [Laughter].

     Mr. YATES: Allow me to say that I think the two gentlemen, one of
     whom has arrived at the age of forty-nine and the other
     sixty-three, have no right to discuss the question of women's
     rights in the Senate. [Laughter].

     The PRESIDENT _pro tem._: Will the Senator from Missouri suggest
     the disposition he wishes made of this petition?

     Mr. HENDERSON: Let it lie on the table.

     The PRESIDENT _pro tem._: That order will be made.

The wriggling, the twisting, the squirming of the Republicans at this
crisis under the double fire of the Democrats and the women, would
have been laughable, had not their proposed action been so
outrageously unjust and ungrateful. The tone of the Republican
press[53] was stale, flat, and unprofitable. But while their journals
were thus unsparing in their ridicule and criticism of the loyal women
who had proved themselves so patriotic and self-sacrificing, they
would grant them no space in their columns to reply.[54]

The second session of the Thirty-ninth Congress is memorable for an
able debate in the Senate on the enfranchisement of woman, on the
bill[55] "to regulate the franchise in the District of Columbia,"
which proposed extending the suffrage to the "males" of the colored
race. On Monday, December 10, 1866, Senator Cowan, of Pennsylvania,
moved to amend the amendment by striking out the word "male" before
the word person. This debate in the Senate lasted three entire days,
and during that time the comments of the press were as varied as they
were multitudinous. Even Horace Greeley,[56] who had ever been a true
friend to woman, in favor of all her rights, industrial, educational,
and political, said the time had not yet come for her enfranchisement.

From _The Congressional Globe_ of December 11th, 12th, 13th, 1866, we
give the debates on Mr. Cowan's amendment. In moving to drop the word
"male" from the District of Columbia Suffrage bill, he said:

     Mr. PRESIDENT: It is very well known that I have always
     heretofore been opposed to any change of the kind contemplated by
     this bill; but while opposing that change I have uniformly
     asserted that if it became inevitable, if the change was certain,
     I should insist upon this change as an accompaniment. It is
     agreed--for I suppose when my honorable friend from Rhode Island
     [Mr. Anthony] and myself agree to it, it will be taken to be the
     universal sentiment of the body--that the right of suffrage is
     not a natural right, but a conventional right, and that it may be
     limited by the community, the body-politic, in any manner they
     see fit and consistent with their sense of propriety and safety.

     The proposition now before the Senate is to confer on the colored
     people of this District the right of franchise; that is, the
     advocates of the bill say that that will be safe and prudent and
     proper, and will contribute, of course, to the happiness of the
     mass of the inhabitants of the District; and they further say
     that no reason can be given why a man of one color should not
     vote as well as a man of another color, especially when both are
     equally members of the same society, equally subjected to its
     burdens, equally to be called upon to defend it in the field, and
     all that. I agree to a great portion of that. I do not know and
     never did know any very good reason why a black man should not
     vote as well as a white man, except simply that all the white men
     said, "We do not like it." I do not know of any very good reason
     why a black woman should not marry a white man, but I suppose the
     white man would give about the same reason, he does not like to
     do it. There are certain things in which we do not like to go
     into partnership with the people of different races and between
     whom and ourselves there are tribal antipathies. It is now
     proposed to break down that barrier, so far as political power
     may be concerned, and admit both equally to share in this
     privilege; and since the barrier is to be broken down, and since
     there is to be a change, I desire another change, for which I
     think there is quite as good a reason, and a little better,
     perhaps, than that offered for this. I propose to extend this
     privilege not only to males, but to females as well: and I should
     like to hear even the most astute and learned Senator upon this
     floor give any better reason for the exclusion of females from
     the right of suffrage than there is for the exclusion of negroes.
     I want to hear that reason. I should like to know it.

     Now, for my part, I very much prefer, if the franchise is to be
     widened, if more people are to be admitted to the exercise of it,
     to allow females to participate than I would negroes; but
     certainly I shall never give my consent to the disfranchisement
     of females who live in society, who pay taxes, who are governed
     by the laws, and who have a right, I think, even in that respect,
     at times to throw their weight in the balance for the purpose of
     correcting the corruptions and the viciousness to which the male
     portions of the family tend. I think they have a right to throw
     their influence into the scale; and I should like to hear any
     reason to be offered why this should not be. Taxation and
     representation ought to go hand in hand. That we have heard here
     until all ears have been wearied with it. If taxation and
     representation are to go hand in hand, why should they not go
     hand in hand with regard to the female as well as the male? Is
     there any reason why Mrs. Smith should be governed by a goat-head
     of a mayor any more than John Smith, if he could correct it? He
     is paid by taxes levied and assessed on her property just in the
     same way as he is paid out of taxes levied on the property of
     John. If she commits an offense she is subjected to be tried,
     convicted, and punished by the other sex alone; and she has no
     protection whatever in any way either as to her property, her
     person, or to her liberty very often. There is another thing,
     too. A great many reflections have been made upon the white race
     keeping the black in slavery. I should like to know whether we
     have not partially kept the female sex in a condition of slavery,
     particularly that part of them who labor for a living? I do not
     know of any reason in the world why a woman should be confined to
     two dollars a week when a man gets two dollars a day and does not
     do any more work than she does, and does not do that which he
     does do quite so well at all times.

     Mr. President, if we are to venture upon this wide sea of
     universal suffrage, I object to manhood suffrage. I do not know
     anything specially about manhood which dedicates it to this
     purpose more than exists about womanhood. Womanhood to me is
     rather the more exalted of the two. It is purer; it is higher; it
     is holier; and it is not purchasable at the same price that the
     other is, in my judgment. If you want to widen the franchise so
     as to purify your ballot-box, throw the virtue of the country
     into it; throw the temperance of the country into it; throw the
     purity of the country into it; throw the angel element, if I may
     so express myself, into it. [Laughter]. Let there be as little
     diabolism as possible, but as much of the divinity as you can
     get. Therefore, Mr. President, I put this as a serious question
     for the consideration of this body. In the presence of the
     tendencies of the age and in recognition of this movement, which
     my honorable friend from Massachusetts is always talking about,
     and of which he seems to have had premonition long before it came
     to any of the rest of us--I say in the face of this movement and
     in recognition of it, I earnestly beg all patriots here to think
     of this proposition. It is inevitable. How are you to resist when
     it is made the demand of fifteen million American females for
     this right, which can be granted and which can be as safely
     exercised in their hands as it can in the hands of negroes? And I
     would ask gentlemen while they are bestowing this ballot which
     has such merit in it, which has such a healing efficacy for all
     ills, which educates people, and which elevates them above the
     common level of mankind, and which, above all, protects them, how
     they will go home and look in the face their sewing women, their
     laboring women, their single women, their taxed women, their
     overburdened women, their women who toil till midnight for the
     barest subsistence, and say to them, "We have it not for you; we
     could give it to the negro, but we could not give it to you."

     How would the honorable Senator from Massachusetts face the
     recent meeting of the Equal Rights Society in Philadelphia? How
     would he answer the potent arguments which were offered there and
     which challenge an answer even from the Senate of the United
     States, when made by women of the highest intellect, perhaps, on
     the planet, and women who are determined, knowing their rights,
     to maintain them and to secure them? I ask honorable Senators of
     his faith how they are to answer those ladies there? If this is
     refused, how are Senators to answer, especially those who
     recognize the onward force of this movement, who are up to the
     tendencies of the times, who desire to keep themselves in front
     of the great army of humanity which is marching forward just as
     certainly to universal suffrage as to universal manhood suffrage.
     Therefore, Mr. President, I offer this amendment and ask for the
     yeas and nays upon it.

     The yeas and nays were ordered.

     Mr. ANTHONY: I move that the Senate do now adjourn. ["Oh, no!"]

     Mr. WILSON: I hope not.

     The PRESIDENT _pro tem._: The motion is not debatable and must be
     put unless withdrawn.

     The motion was agreed to; and the Senate adjourned.


     SUFFRAGE IN THE DISTRICT.
                                   IN SENATE, TUESDAY, _Dec. 11, 1866_.

     The PRESIDENT _pro tempore_: If there be no further morning
     business, and no motion is interposed, the chair, although the
     morning hour has not expired, will call up the unfinished
     business, which is the bill (S, No. 1) to regulate the elective
     franchise in the District of Columbia, the pending question being
     on the amendment of the Senator from Pennsylvania [Mr. Cowan] to
     strike out the word "male" before the word "person" in the second
     line of the first section of the amendment, reported by the
     Committee on the District of Columbia as a substitute for the
     original bill.

     Mr. ANTHONY: I suppose the Senator from Pennsylvania introduced
     this amendment rather as a satire upon the bill itself, or if he
     had any serious intention it was only a mischievous one to injure
     the bill; but it will not probably have that effect, for I
     suppose nobody will vote for it except the Senator himself, who
     can hardly avoid it, and I, who shall vote for it because it
     accords with a conclusion to which I have been brought by
     considerable study upon the subject of suffrage. I do not contend
     for female suffrage on the ground that it is a natural right,
     because I believe that suffrage is a right derived from society,
     and that society is competent to impose upon the exercise of that
     right whatever conditions it chooses. I hold that the suffrage is
     a delegated trust--a trust delegated to certain designated
     classes of society--and that the whole body-politic has the same
     right to withdraw any part of that trust, that we have to
     withdraw any part of the powers or the trusts that we have
     imposed upon any executive officer, and that it is no more a
     punishment to restrict the suffrage, and thereby deprive certain
     persons of the exercise of that right who have heretofore
     exercised it, than it is a punishment on the Secretary of the
     Treasury if we should take from him the appointment of certain
     persons whose appointment is now vested in him. The power that
     confers in each case has the right to withdraw.

     The true basis of suffrage, of course, is intelligence and
     virtue; but as we can not define those, as we can not draw the
     line that shall mark the amount of intelligence and virtue that
     any individual possesses, we come as near as we can to it by
     imperfect conditions. It certainly will not be contended that the
     feminine part of mankind are so much below the masculine in point
     of intelligence as to disqualify them from exercising the right
     of suffrage on that account. If it be asserted and conceded that
     the feminine intellect is less vigorous, it must also be allowed
     that it is more acute; if it is not so strong to strike, it is
     quicker to perceive. But at all events, it will not be contended
     that there is such a difference in the intellectual capacity of
     the sexes as that that alone should be a disqualification from
     the exercise of the right of suffrage. Still less will it be
     contended that the female part of creation is less virtuous than
     the masculine. On the contrary, it will be conceded by every one
     that morality and good order, religion, charity, and all good
     works appertain rather more to the feminine than to the masculine
     race.

     The argument that women do not want to vote is no argument at
     all, because if the right to vote is conferred upon them they can
     exercise it or not, as they choose. It is not a compulsory
     exercise of power on their part. But I think that argument is
     partly disproved by the Convention to which the Senator from
     Pennsylvania referred yesterday, whose arguments he said were
     worthy of consideration even in this Chamber. I think they are,
     and I think it would be very difficult for any one in this
     Chamber to disprove them. Nor is it a fair statement of the case
     to say that the man represents the woman in the exercise of
     suffrage, because it is an assumption on the part of the man; it
     is an involuntary representation so far as the woman is
     concerned. Representation implies a certain delegated power, and
     a certain responsibility on the part of the representative toward
     the party represented. A representation to which the represented
     party does not assent is no representation at all, but is adding
     insult to injury. When the American Colonies complained that they
     ought not to be taxed unless they were represented in the British
     Parliament, it would have been rather a singular answer to tell
     them that they were represented by Lord North, or even by the
     Earl of Chatham. The gentlemen on the other side of the Chamber
     who say that the States lately in rebellion are entitled to
     immediate representation in this Chamber would hardly be
     satisfied if we should tell them that my friend from
     Massachusetts represented South Carolina, and my friend from
     Michigan represented Alabama. They would hardly be satisfied, I
     think, with that kind of representation.

     Nor have we any more right to assume that the women are satisfied
     with the representation of the men. Where has been the assembly
     at which this right of representation was conferred? Where was
     the compact made? What were the conditions? It is wholly an
     assumption. A woman is a member of a manufacturing corporation;
     she is a stockholder in a bank; she is a shareholder in a
     railroad company; she attends all those meetings in person or by
     proxy, and she votes, and her vote is received. Suppose a woman
     offering to vote at a meeting of a railroad corporation should be
     told by one of the men "we represent you, you can not vote," it
     would be precisely the argument that is now used--that men
     represent the women in the exercise of the elective franchise. A
     woman pays a large tax, and the man who drives her coach, the man
     who waits upon her table, goes to the polls and decides how much
     of her property shall go to support the public expenses, and what
     shall be done with it. She has no voice in the matter whatever;
     she is taxed without representation.

     The exercise of political power by women is by no means an
     experiment. There is hardly a country in Europe--I do not think
     there is any one--that has not at some time of its history been
     governed by a woman, and many of them very well governed too.
     There have been at least three empresses of Russia since Peter
     the Great, and two of them were very wise rulers. Elizabeth
     raised England to the very height of greatness, and the reign of
     Anne was illustrious in arms and not less illustrious in letters.
     A female sovereign supplied to Columbus the means of discovering
     this country. He wandered foot-sore and weary from court to
     court, from convent to convent, from one potentate to another,
     but no man on a throne listened to him, until a female sovereign
     pledged her jewels to fit out the expedition which "gave a new
     world to the kingdoms of Castile and Leon." Nor need we cite Anne
     of Austria, who governed France for ten years, or Marie Theresa,
     whose reign was so great and glorious. We have two modern
     instances. A woman is now on the throne of Spain, and a woman
     sits upon the throne of the mightiest empire in the world. A
     woman is the high admiral of the most powerful fleet that rests
     upon the seas. Princes and nobles bow to her, not in the mere
     homage of gallantry, but as the representative of a sovereignty
     which has descended to her from a long line of sovereigns, some
     of the most illustrious of them of her own sex. And shall we say
     that a woman may properly command an army, and yet can not vote
     for a Common Councilman in the city of Washington? I know very
     well this discussion is idle and of no effect, and I am not going
     to pursue it. I should not have introduced this question, but as
     it has been introduced, and I intend to vote for the amendment, I
     desire to declare here that I shall vote for it in all
     seriousness, because I think it is right. The discussion of this
     subject is not confined to visionary enthusiasts. It is now
     attracting the attention of some of the best thinkers in the
     world, both in this country and in Europe, and one of the very
     best of them all, John Stuart Mill, in a most elaborate and able
     paper, has declared his conviction of the right and justice of
     female suffrage. The time has not come for it, but the time is
     coming. It is coming with the progress of civilization and the
     general amelioration of the race, and the triumph of truth and
     justice and equal rights.

     Mr. WILLIAMS: Mr. President, to extend the right of suffrage to
     the negroes in this country I think is necessary for their
     protection; but to extend the right of suffrage to women, in my
     judgment, is not necessary for their protection. For that reason,
     as well as for others, I shall vote against the amendment
     proposed by the Senator from Pennsylvania, and for the amendment
     as it was originally introduced by the Senator from Ohio [Mr.
     Wade]. Negroes in the United States have been enslaved since the
     formation of the Government. Degradation and ignorance have been
     their portion; intelligence has been denied to them; they have
     been proscribed on account of their color; there is a bitter and
     cruel prejudice against them everywhere, and a large minority of
     the people of this country to-day, if they had the power, would
     deprive them of all political and civil rights and reduce them to
     a state of abject servitude. Women have not been enslaved.
     Intelligence has not been denied to them; they have not been
     degraded; there is no prejudice against them on account of their
     sex; but, on the contrary, if they deserve to be, they are
     respected, honored, and loved. Wide as the poles apart are the
     conditions of these two classes of persons. Exceptions I know
     there are to all rules; but, as a general proposition, it is true
     that the sons defend and protect the reputation and rights of
     their mothers; husbands defend and protect the reputation and
     rights of their wives; brothers defend and protect the reputation
     and rights of their sisters; and to honor, cherish, and love the
     women of this country is the pride and the glory of its sons.

     When women ask Congress to extend to them the right of suffrage
     it will be proper to consider their claims. Not one in a thousand
     of them at this time wants any such thing, and would not exercise
     the power if it were granted to them. Some few who are seeking
     notoriety make a feeble clamor for the right of suffrage, but
     they do not represent the sex to which they belong, or I am
     mistaken as to the modesty and delicacy which constitute the
     chief attraction of the sex. Do our intelligent and refined women
     desire to plunge into the vortex of political excitement and
     agitation? Would that policy in any way conduce to their peace,
     their purity, and their happiness? Sir, it has been said that
     "the hand that rocks the cradle rules the world"; and there is
     truth as well as beauty in that expression. Women in this
     country, by their elevated social position, can exercise more
     influence upon public affairs than they could coerce by the use
     of the ballot. When God married our first parents in the garden,
     according to that ordinance they were made "bone of one bone and
     flesh of one flesh"; and the whole theory of government and
     society proceeds upon the assumption that their interests are
     one, that their relations are so intimate and tender that
     whatever is for the benefit of the one is for the benefit of the
     other; whatever works to the injury of the one works to the
     injury of the other. I say, sir, that the more identical and
     inseparable these interests and relations can be made, the better
     for all concerned; and the woman who undertakes to put her sex in
     an antagonistic position to man, who undertakes by the use of
     some independent political power to contend and fight against
     man, displays a spirit which would, if able, convert all the now
     harmonious elements of society into a state of war, and make
     every home a hell upon earth. Women do not bear their proportion
     and share, they can not bear their proportion and share of the
     public burdens. Men represent them in the Army and in the Navy;
     men represent them at the polls and in the affairs of the
     Government; and though it be true that individual women do own
     property that is taxed, yet nine-tenths of the property and the
     business from which the revenues of the Government are derived
     are in the hands and belong to and are controlled by the men.
     Sir, when the women of this country come to be sailors and
     soldiers; when they come to navigate the ocean and to follow the
     plow; when they love to be jostled and crowded by all sorts of
     men in the thoroughfares of trade and business; when they love
     the treachery and the turmoil of politics; when they love the
     dissoluteness of the camp and the smoke and the thunder and the
     blood of battle better than they love the enjoyments of home and
     family, then it will be time to talk about making the women
     voters; but until that time the question is not fairly before the
     country.

     Mr. COWAN: Mr. President, I had not intended to say anything on
     this subject beyond what I offered to the Senate yesterday
     evening, and I should not do so if it were not for the suggestion
     of a friend, and I am glad to say a friend who believes as I do,
     that it is the general supposition that I am not serious and not
     in earnest in the amendment which I have moved; and I only rise
     now for the purpose of disabusing the minds of Senators and
     others from any impression they may have had of that sort.

     I am perfectly free to admit that I have always been opposed to
     change. I do not know why it is. Whether I have felt myself old
     or not, I have not ranged myself in the category of "old fogies"
     as yet. Although I feel an indisposition to exchange the "ills we
     suffer" for "those we know not of," and am not desirous to launch
     myself away from that which is ascertained and certain, and
     adventure myself upon a sea of experiment, at the same time I
     feel as much of that strength, that elasticity, that vigor, and
     that desire for the advancement of my race, my countrymen, and my
     kind as anybody can feel. I yield to no one in that respect. All
     I have asked, and all I have desired heretofore, is that we go
     surely. I believe with my fathers and my ancestors that to base
     suffrage upon the white males of twenty-one years of age and
     upward was a great stride in the world's affairs; that it would
     be well for the world if its government could progress, could
     advance upon that basis, and that all the rest of the world who
     did not happen to be white males of the age of twenty-one years
     and upward could very well afford to stand back and witness the
     effect of our experiment. I was of that opinion, I lived in the
     light of it, and I rejoiced in its success; and when I saw this
     Rebellion, when I witnessed the differences of opinion which
     convulsed this part of the Continent; when I saw the fact that
     one-half of the United States was upon the one side and the other
     half upon the other side as to the understanding of the true
     theory of this Government of ours, simple as it may be to the
     lawyer, complex as it may be when examined more thoroughly, I was
     more than ever disinclined to widen the suffrage, to intrust the
     franchise to a larger number of people. I trembled for the
     success of the experiment; I hesitated as to where it would end.
     I may say, Mr. President, that I hesitate yet. The question is by
     no means settled, the difficulty is by no means ended, the
     controversy is by no means yet concluded.

     But the first step taken, from the very initiative of that step,
     I have announced my ground and my determination. When a bill was
     up here before, proposing to enlarge and widen the franchise in
     this District, I stated that if negroes were to vote I would
     persist in opening the door to females. I said that if the thing
     were to be taken away from the feudal realms and from feudal
     reasons, which went on the idea that the man who bore arms, and
     he alone, was entitled to the exercise of political power, and if
     it was to be put upon the ground of logic, and if we were to be
     asked to give a reason for it, and if we were to be compelled to
     give that reason, I said then, and I say now, "If I have no
     reason to offer why a negro man shall not vote, I have no reason
     to offer why a white woman shall not vote." If the negro man is
     interested in the Government of the country, if he can not trust
     to the masses of the people that the Government shall be a fair
     and just Government and that it shall do right to him, then the
     woman is also interested that this Government shall be fair to
     woman and fair to the interests of woman. Why not, Mr. President?
     Are not these interests equal to those of the negro and of his
     race? I know it has been said that the woman is represented by
     her husband, represented by the male; and yet we know how she has
     been represented by her husband in bygone times; we know how she
     is represented by her barbarian husband; and let him who wants to
     know how she is represented by her civilized husband go to her
     speeches made in the recent Woman's Rights Convention. We know
     how she has been represented by her barbarian husband in the past
     and is even at the present. She bears his burdens, she bears his
     children, she nurses them, she does his work, she chops his wood,
     and she grinds his corn; while he, forsooth, by virtue of this
     patent of nobility that he has derived, in consequence of his
     masculinity, from Heaven, confines himself to the manly
     occupations of hunting and fishing and war.

     I should like to hear my honorable friend from Maine [Mr.
     Morrill], so apt, so pertinent, so eloquent on all questions,
     discourse upon the title which the male derives in consequence of
     the fact that he has been a fisher and a hunter and a warrior all
     the time; and then I should like to know how he would
     discriminate between that fisher and hunter and warrior, and
     those Amazons who burnt their right breasts in order that they
     might the more readily draw the bow and against whose onset no
     troops of that day were able to stand. I should also like to know
     from him how it was that the female veterans of the army of
     Dahomey recently, within the last three or four years, in the
     face of an escarpment that would have made European veterans,
     aye, and I might say American veterans tremble, scrambled over
     that escarpment and carried the city sword in hand.

     Now, Mr. President, it is time that we look at these things; and
     that we look them full in the face. I am always glad and willing
     to stand upon institutions that have been established in the
     past; that have been sanctified by time; that have given to men
     liberty and protection with which they were satisfied. But, sir,
     when the time comes that we are to make a step forward, then
     another and different question arises. I am utterly astonished at
     my honorable friend from Rhode Island who doubted my sincerity in
     this movement. Why should I not be sincere? Have I not as many
     interests at stake as he has?

     My honorable friend from Oregon [Mr. Williams] thinks this is
     entirely preposterous. I have no doubt he does, and I give him
     all credit for honesty and sincerity in the remarks that he has
     made; but the trouble with him is, and with a great many
     others--perhaps it is with myself upon some subjects--is that he
     directs his gaze too long upon a particular point. It is
     remarkable that when a man who looks long and steadily upon one
     subject to the exclusion of every other, that subject at last
     becomes to him the universe itself. I have met
     fellow-politicians fellow-Senators, and fellow-coworkers in the
     great battle of life, who really had so long contemplated one
     subject that it was not within their capacity to see any others.

     But it unfortunately happens that in this world there are others
     besides the negro who suffer. When you have told of the injuries
     and outrages which prevail on the earth in regard to the negro
     you have not finished. Another, and in my judgment a much more
     important personage, comes upon the scene; she lifts the curtain
     and reveals to you a new drama, and she tells you distinctly that
     you have not only been tyrannizing over your brother, your sable
     brother, your brother at the other end of the national antipodes,
     your troublesome antipathic brother; you have not only been
     drenching the earth from the East to the far West with the blood
     of savages of a different color from yours; you have not only
     left your blood-stained marks in Japan, in China, in the East
     Indies, everywhere, and in the West, where one of your Christian
     bishops boasted that six million Mexicans at one time had been
     sacrificed, and what for? To make them Christians; to make the
     rest Christians after the six millions had gone. I say this new
     personage who makes her appearance upon the drama of human
     affairs informs you that you and your religion, under the conduct
     of the male, generative, fecundative principle of the sex, have
     filled the world with blood from one end to the other of it. What
     for? To give her liberty. She complains to-day; she complains in
     your most intelligent high places; she complains in your most
     refined cities; she complains in your halls decorated with a more
     than Grecian beauty of architecture; she complains where all of
     past civilization, all of past adornment, and all of past
     education comes down to satisfy us that we stand upon the very
     acmé of human progress; she complains that you have been tyrant
     to her. Mr. President, let me read from the proceedings of the
     Twenty-ninth Annual Meeting of the Pennsylvania Anti-Slavery
     Society. I propose to read from the remarks of Mrs. Gage, a
     woman, a lady, a lady of brain and intellect, of courage and
     force; and whether I am in earnest or not, whether I may be
     charged with being serious or not, no man dare charge Mrs. Gage
     with not being serious. Mrs. Frances D. Gage said: "I have read
     speeches and heard a great deal said about the right of suffrage
     for the freedmen." So have we all, Mr. President; and the
     probability is that we have been even more afflicted if that can
     be said to be a punishment, and there is very great difficulty
     now to ascertain what is punishment in this world. If that can be
     said to be a punishment, I think this Senate can with at least
     equal propriety with Mrs. Gage, complain of its extraordinary
     infliction upon them without any previous trial and conviction.
     [Laughter]. "What does it mean? Does it mean the male freedman
     only, or does it mean the freedwoman also? I was glad to hear the
     voice of Miss Anthony in behalf of her sex." I am glad, Mr.
     President, that we have a male of that name in this body who
     emulates the virtues of his more humble sister [laughter], and
     stands up equally here for the broad rights of humanity as she
     does. "I know it is said that this is bringing in a new issue."
     Yes, that is what was said about me yesterday evening. Gentlemen
     said it was a new issue; we had not talked about this thing here
     before; nobody had thought about it. Why had nobody thought
     about it? Because nobody was thinking about the actual, real
     sufferings which human beings were subjected to in this world.
     Persons thought about such things just in proportion as they
     reflected themselves upon their future political career. If it
     became necessary, in order to elect a dozen Senators to this body
     this winter, that the women should be treated as women ought to
     be treated, that they should be put upon an equal footing with
     the men in all respects and enjoy equal rights with men, then I
     should have great hopes of carrying my amendment, and carrying it
     in spite of everybody, because then and in that light it would be
     seen by Senators, and they would be thereby guided. "I know it is
     said that this is bringing in a new issue. We must bring in new
     issues."

     Now, I want to know what the honorable Senator from Massachusetts
     [Mr. Wilson] will say when he finds me advocating this new issue
     that must be brought in while he lags behind. My honorable friend
     from Delaware [Mr. Saulsbury] will have immensely more the
     advantage of him to-day than he had yesterday if he dares lag,
     because I put the question to him now distinctly, and I do not
     leave it to his sense of propriety as to whether he shall speak
     or not speak on this question; I demand that he do speak. I
     demand that that voice which has been so potential, that voice
     which has had so much of solemn, I do not say sepulchral wisdom
     in it heretofore, shall now be heard on the one side or the other
     of this important question, which involves the fate, the destiny,
     the liberty of one-half of the people who inhabit this Continent.
     I know from the generous upswelling of the bosom, which I almost
     perceive from here in my brother, that he will respond to this
     sentiment, and make a response of which his State and her
     progress, having two negroes in the Legislature now [laughter],
     will be proud. I feel assured of it, and I feel that when
     suffering humanity in any shape or form, whether it be male or
     female, whether it be black or white, red or yellow, appeals to
     him, the appeal will not be in vain, but that he will come to the
     rescue, and that he will strike the shield of the foremost knight
     on the other side and defy him to the combat.

     "We must [said Mrs. Gage][57] bring in new issues. I sat in the
     Senate Chamber last winter."

     And now I beg pardon of my honorable friend from Massachusetts,
     the other Senator from Massachusetts [Mr. Sumner], for any
     offence that I may do to his modesty; but when I come to consider
     the recent change which has taken place in his life and habits, I
     am the better assured that he will endure it. At any other time I
     should not have dared to introduce this quotation: "I sat in the
     Senate Chamber last winter [said Mrs. Gage. Last winter,
     remember] "and heard Charles Sumner's grand speech, which the
     whole country applauded."

     And Mr. President, they did, too, and they did it properly. It
     was a great, a grand, and a glorious speech; it was the ultimate
     of all speeches in that direction; and I too applauded with the
     country, although I too might not have agreed with every part of
     the speech. I might not have agreed with the speech in general,
     but it was a great, grand, proud, high, and intellectual effort,
     at which every American might applaud, and I pardon Mrs. Gage for
     the manner in which she speaks of it. She has not excelled me in
     the tribute which I offer here to the honorable Senator from
     Massachusetts, and which I am glad to lay at his feet: "I sat in
     the Senate Chamber last winter, and heard Charles Sumner's grand
     speech which the whole country applauded; and I heard him declare
     that taxation without representation was tyranny to the
     freedman."

     That was the ring of that speech; that was its key-note; it was
     the same key-note which stirred his forefathers in 1776; it was
     the same bugle-blast which called them to the field of Lexington
     and Bunker Hill ninety years ago; and it is no wonder that Mrs.
     Gage picks that out as being the residuum, that which was left
     upon her ear of substance after the music of the honorable
     Senator's tones had died away, after the brilliancy of his
     metaphors had faded, after the light which always encircles him
     upon this subject had gone away. It is no wonder that all that
     remained of it was that taxation without representation was
     tyranny. Let me commend it to the honorable Senator, with his
     keen eye, his good taste, his appreciation of that which is
     effective, and that which strikes the American heart to the core;
     let me commend it to him who desires to be the idol of that
     heart.

     "When"--Now, Mr. President, _sic transit gloria mundi_. "When I
     afterwards found that he meant only freedom for the male sex, I
     learned that Charles Sumner fell far short of the great idea of
     liberty."

     All this outpouring, all this magnificent burst of eloquence, all
     this eclectic combination drawn from all the quarters of the
     earth, all the sublime talk about the ballot, was merely meant
     for the question of trousers and petticoats? "Tyranny to the male
     sex," says Mrs. Gage, and now she goes on, and this right to the
     point. The proposition here is to give to the male freedman a
     vote and to ignore the female freedwoman, to be tautological: "I
     know something of the freedwomen South. Maria--I do not know that
     she had any other name--when liberated from slavery at Beaufort
     went to work, and before the year was out she had laid up
     $1,000."

     That is a magnificent Maria, that is a practical Maria. She puts
     Sterne's Maria and all other Marias, except Ave Maria, in the
     shade. [Laughter].

     "I never heard of any southern white making $1,000 in a year down
     there. Shall Maria pay a tax and have no voice?" Shall Maria pay
     a tax and have no voice where the principle is admitted, where
     the principle is thundered forth, where it is axiomatic, where
     none dare gainsay it, that taxation without representation is
     tyranny? "Shall Maria pay a tax and have no voice?" That is the
     question. That, Mr. President, is the question before the Senate.

     "Old Betty"--There is not so much of the classic, not so much of
     the euphonious, not so much of the _salva rosa_ about Betty as
     about Maria--"Old Betty, while under my charge, cleared more than
     that amount free from taxation, and I presume is worth $3,000
     to-day."

     Think of Betty! "Is she to be taxed in South Carolina to support
     the aristocracy?" Betty lives in South Carolina, it seems. "Will
     you be just, or will you be partial to the end of time!"

     The marriage relation was alluded to by Mrs. Gage.

     And here is a most important part, to which I would direct the
     attention of my brother Senators as fundamental in two
     respects--fundamental in the testimony it furnishes of the
     character of those you now propose to invest with the right of
     suffrage, fundamental in its character as to the use which they
     will make of it as to one-half of the people who are in this bill
     presumed to be the objects of your especial care. The marriage
     relation was alluded to by Mrs. Gage. "When the positive order
     was sent to me to compel the marriage of the colored people
     living together, the women came to me with tears, and said, 'We
     don't want to be married in the church, because when we are
     married in the church our husbands treat us just as old massa
     used to, and whip us if they think we deserve it; but when we
     ain't married in the church they knows if they tyrannize over us
     we go and leff 'em.'"

     That is the class of male, gentlemen, to whom you propose to give
     suffrage. These poor women who have to be whipped if the males
     think they deserve it, are the people to whom you deny it. These
     are the gentlemen who are to fabricate and make your laws of
     marriage, who are to fix the causes of divorce in these several
     States. These are the men, in other words, who are to enact, if
     it so please them, that upon the marriage the husband becomes
     seized of all his wife's property, of the personalty absolute and
     the realty as tenant by courtesy; or perhaps they will have no
     courtesy about it--and I should not wonder if they had not--and
     give it to him in fee.

     "And the men"--I beg the Senate to remember that I am reading the
     testimony of Mrs. Gage; unexceptionable testimony: "And the men
     came to me and said: 'We want you to compel them to be married,
     for we can't manage them unless you do.'"

     I am not certain whether they can always be managed even after
     they are married. [Laughter]. But this is worse a great deal than
     before: "'They goes and earns just as much money as we does, and
     then they goes and spends it, and never asks no questions. Now we
     wants 'em married in the church, 'cause when they's married in
     the church we makes em mind.' So in San Domingo establishing the
     laws of marriage made tyranny for these redeemed slave women."

     Mrs. Gage continues: "I would not say one word against marriage,
     God forbid. It is the noblest institution we have in this
     country. But let it be a marriage of equality. Let the man and
     woman stand as equals before the law. Let the freedwoman of the
     South own the money she earns by her own labor, and give her the
     right of suffrage; for she knows as much as the freedman. Bring
     in these elements, and you will achieve a success. But I will
     stand firmly and determinedly against the oppression that puts
     the newly emancipated colored woman of South Carolina under
     subjection to her husband required by the marriage laws of South
     Carolina. I demand equality on behalf of the freedwoman as well
     as the freedman."

     I might follow Mrs. Gage further; I might detain the Senate here
     hour after hour reading extracts from the various speeches and
     essays which have been delivered and made upon this subject
     within the last few years, and I may again make the challenge
     which I made yesterday. Let us have a reason why these are not
     potent to influence our action. Let us be told wherein the object
     of this argument is defective. Let us be shown why it is, if
     these things are rights, natural or conventional, that those who
     have interests are not to participate in them.

     I listened to the eloquent and ingenious remarks of my honorable
     friend from Maine [Mr. Morrill]--old, time-worn, belonging to the
     region of paleontology, far behind the carboniferous era. I would
     not undertake to go back there and answer them. All I can do with
     them is to refer them to the next meeting of the Equal Rights
     Society, which more than likely will meet in Albany or Boston the
     next time. There they will be attended to, and there they will be
     answered in such satisfactory phrase, I have no doubt, as would
     pale any poor effort of mine in the attempt. I have also listened
     to my honorable friend from Oregon [Mr. Williams], and still
     there are the same ancient foot-prints, the same old arguments,
     the same things that satisfied men thousands of years ago, and
     which never did satisfy any woman that I know of, the same
     traveling continually of the tracks of the lion into the cave
     along with his victim, and _nulla retrorsum vestigia_, not a step
     ever came back. But let me say to my friends that Mrs. Elizabeth
     Cady Stanton, Mrs. Frances D. Gage, Miss Susan B. Anthony, are
     upon your heels. They have their banner flung out to the winds;
     they are after you; and their cry is for justice, and you can not
     deny it. To deny is to deny the perpetuity of your race.

     Now, Mr. President, in regard to this District and this city,
     here is a fair proposition. It proposes to confer upon all
     persons above the age of twenty-one years the right to
     participate in the city government. Is any one afraid of it? Is
     my honorable friend from Maine afraid of it? He says it shall be
     confined to the males. He and my friend from Oregon have gone on
     to tell you that the white males of this city are in a very bad
     condition; indeed, some of them in such a terrible condition that
     we are called upon to pass a bill of attainder, or a bill of
     pains and penalties, and a little _ex post facto_ law in order to
     reach their tergiversations and perverseness. If that be true,
     why not incorporate some other element? I do not know much about
     the female portion of the negroes of this District except what I
     have seen, and I must confess that although there are a great
     many respectable persons among the negroes, and many for whom I
     have considerable regard, yet as a mass they have not impressed
     me as being a very high style of human development.

     When I look along the pavements and about the walks and see them
     lounging, I am free to say that, without having been previously
     enlightened on the subject by so much as we have heard upon it
     recently, I should have had great doubts about conferring on them
     the right of suffrage. And when I reflect that they have a
     Freedmen's Bureau to make their contracts for them and to keep
     them in order, and, it is said, to protect them against the
     enmity of their white neighbors, even where they have a majority,
     or nearly a majority, I am not strengthened in my partiality for
     them by that. And when I reflect that just about this time last
     year we had great hesitation about adjourning, for fear that the
     people represented by these males who are now to be invested with
     the franchise were in an actually starving condition in this
     District, and that the chief authorities of the District, moved,
     I have no doubt, by that humanity which ought to characterize
     them everywhere, investigated the matter and reported to us, we
     were obliged to appropriate $25,000 to relieve them in their
     immediate wants; I do not think that speaks so well for the male
     portion of the African population of this city.

     I believe if it were to come to the last resort, that the female
     Africans of the District of Columbia have more merit, more
     industry, more of all that which is calculated to make them good
     and virtuous members of society than the males have. Why should
     you not throw them in? Why should you throw this batch of males
     into the ballot-box without any countervailing element which
     would be efficacious to qualify it and make it better?

     To me it is perfectly plain. I have reconciled my mind to negro
     suffrage, but while I reconcile myself to negro suffrage as
     inevitable, I hold it to be my bounden duty to insist upon female
     suffrage at the same time. I am happy to say that in this opinion
     I am not alone; that while I favor universal suffrage limited by
     the age of twenty-one years so far, there are others who have
     been led to this same train of thought with myself. I beg,
     therefore, to read a letter dated Jefferson, Ohio, November 14,
     1866:

          "MADAM:--Yours of the 9th instant is received, and I desire
          to say in reply that I am now and ever have been the
          advocate of equal and impartial suffrage of all citizens of
          the United States who have arrived at the age of twenty-one
          years, who are of sound mind, and who have not disqualified
          themselves by the commission of any offence, without any
          distinction on account of race, color, or sex. Every
          argument that ever has been or ever can be adduced to prove
          that males should have the right to vote, applies with equal
          if not greater force to prove that females should possess
          the same right; and were I a citizen of your State I should
          labor with whatever of ability I possess to ingraft those
          principles in its constitution. Yours, very respectfully,

                                             B. F. WADE.

          "_To_ SUSAN B. ANTHONY,
                    _Secretary American Equal Rights Association_."

     Now, Mr. President, I ask whether this has not an orthodox
     sanction at least. I should like to know who would question, who
     would dare to question, the orthodoxy of the honorable Senator
     from Ohio, and who dares tell me that this is such a novelty that
     it is not to be introduced here as serious, as in earnest? Sir, I
     say that I am perfectly in earnest, and I say that if this
     amendment be incorporated in this bill I shall vote for it with
     all my heart and soul. I beg to be understood that I would not
     inaugurate the movement, I would not make the change by my own
     mere motion, because I would not venture upon the change
     anywhere. That change must rise out of, spring out of, and come
     up from society generally. It is that thing which the poet has
     called the _vox populi_, and which he likens to the _vox Dei_.
     When the community spontaneously demands this call, when the
     community spontaneously demands this action, I yield to it. It is
     so in this instance. While I yield to the demand for negro
     suffrage, I demand at the same time female suffrage; and when I
     yield to the question of manhood suffrage, I feel assured I throw
     along the antidote to all the poison which I suppose would
     accompany the first proposition.

     I am not afraid of negro suffrage if you allow female suffrage to
     go hand in hand with it. I believe that if there is any one
     influence in the country which will break down this tribal
     antipathy, which will make the two races one in political harmony
     and political action, not in actuality as races by amalgamation,
     but which will induce that harmony and that co-operation which
     may bring about the highest state, perhaps, of social
     civilization and development, it is the fact that woman and not
     man must interfere in order to smooth the pathway for these two
     races to go along harmoniously together. And it is for that
     reason that I insist that when you do make this step, this step
     forward which once made can never be retrieved, you must do that
     other thing which assures its success after it is made. Let the
     negro male vote now, and you open the arena of strife and
     contention; let both sexes vote, and then you close that arena of
     strife, you bring in that element which subdues all strife, which
     has made America what she is, which has made the American
     political meeting, which has made the American political
     convention, not the scene of strife or angry contention, where
     armed men met together to settle political differences, as in the
     Polish Diet, but a convention where all were subjected to reason,
     influenced, as it might properly be, by eloquence and by that
     "feast of reason" which is "the flow of the soul" to those who
     enjoy it. And therefore, Mr. President, I beg to assure
     everybody, and especially my honorable friend from Rhode Island,
     who agrees with me, I know, upon this topic, that I am serious
     and in earnest in urging this amendment; in dead earnest, in good
     earnest, and why not? I am not so blind as to mistake the signs
     of the times.

     I might have refused to believe long ago, when my honorable
     friend from Ohio [Mr. Wade] predicted that this was coming. I
     might have disbelieved when my honorable friend from
     Massachusetts [Mr. Wilson] predicted this was coming; when he
     blew his bugle-blast and announced what an army was coming behind
     to enforce his doctrine and his principles. I might, like Thomas
     of old, have doubted; but now I have had my fingers in the very
     wounds of which he spoke. I know of a certainty now that this
     movement is in progress, and that this movement will go on. I
     know of a certainty that black men must vote in the District of
     Columbia. Who can doubt it? Those who are in favor of that
     measure here are in force sufficient to carry it constitutionally
     beyond all question. Well, if it is to be I am reconciled to it,
     but at the same time I want to throw about it as many safeguards
     as are possible under the circumstances, and among those
     safeguards I think that of allowing females suffrage to be not
     only the best, but the only one which will be efficacious in this
     behalf. Mr. President, I have trespassed a great deal longer upon
     the Senate than I intended. I beg to return my thanks for the
     indulgence they have exhibited in listening to what I had to say.

     Mr. MORRILL: Mr. President, the honorable Senator began by saying
     that he was in earnest, and he concludes by affirming the same
     thing. Doubtless he had made the impression upon his own mind
     that after all he had said, there might be a doubt in the minds
     of the Senate on that point. Does any one who has heard the
     speech, somewhat extraordinary, of the honorable Senator, suppose
     that he is at all in earnest or sincere in a single sentiment he
     has uttered on this subject? I do not imagine he believes that
     any one here is idle enough for a moment to suppose so. Now, his
     attempt at being facetious has not been altogether a failure. I
     think he has succeeded in being amusing; he has evidently amused
     himself; and if he could afford the sacrifice, I admit he has
     amused the galleries and probably the most of us; but that he has
     convinced anybody that he was arguing to enlighten the Senate or
     the public mind on a question which he says is important, he does
     not believe and he does not expect anybody else to believe it. If
     it is true, as he intimates, that he is desirous of becoming a
     Radical, I am not clear that I should not be willing to accept
     his service, although there is a good deal to be repented of
     before he can be taken into full confidence. [Laughter].

     When a man has seen the error of his ways and confesses it, what
     more is there to be done except to receive him seventy and seven
     times? Now if this is an indication that the honorable Senator
     means to out-radical the Radicals, "Come on, Macduff," nobody
     will object provided you can show us you are sincere. That is the
     point. If it is mischief you are at, you will have a hard time to
     get ahead. While we are radical we mean to be rational. While we
     intend to give every male citizen of the United States the rights
     common to all, we do not intend to be forced by our enemies into
     a position so ridiculous and absurd as to be broken down utterly
     on that question, and whoever comes here in the guise of a
     Radical and undertakes to practice that, probably will not make
     much by the motion. I am not surprised that those of our friends
     who went out from us and have been feeding on the husks, desire
     to get in ahead; but I am surprised at the indiscretion and the
     want of common sense exercised in making so profound a plunge at
     once! If these gentlemen desire to be taken into companionship
     and restored to good standing, I am the first man to reach out
     the hand and say, "Welcome back again, so that you are repentant
     and regenerated;" but, sir, I am the last man to allow that you
     shall indorse what you call radicalism for the purpose of
     breaking down measures which we propose!

     So much for the radicalism of my honorable friend. Now, sir, what
     is the sincerity of this proposition? What is the motive of my
     honorable friend in introducing it? Is it to perfect this bill?
     Is it to vindicate a principle in which he believes? Not a bit of
     it. It is the old device of the enemy--if you want to defeat a
     measure, make it as hateful and odious and absurd as possible and
     you have done it. That is the proposition. Does he believe in the
     absolute right of women to vote? Not a bit of it, for he has said
     here time and again in the beginning, middle, and end of his
     discourse that he does not believe a word of it.

     Mr. COWAN: And never did.

     Mr. MORRILL: He says it is no natural right whatever either to
     man or woman, and therefore he does not stand here to vindicate a
     right.

     Mr. COWAN: I should like to ask the honorable Senator whether he
     believes it is a natural right either in man or woman.

     Mr. MORRILL: I have said distinctly on a former occasion that I
     did not; and therefore I am not to be put in the attitude of so
     arguing. The Senator does not believe that; he is not here urging
     a principle in which he believes. What is he doing? Trying to do
     mischief; trying to make somebody believe he is sincere. That is
     labor lost here. It will not succeed, of course. Now, what is his
     position? "I do not believe in woman suffrage, and do not believe
     in negro suffrage, but if you will insist upon male negro
     suffrage I will insist upon woman negro suffrage." That is his
     position exactly. "If you insist that the male negro shall vote,
     I insist the female shall." That is his attitude, nothing more
     nor less. Mr. President, I do not think there is much force in
     the position. He has not offered an argument on the subject. He
     has read from a paper. He has introduced here the discourse of
     some ladies in some section of the country, upon what they esteem
     to be their own rights, in illustration; that is all; not as
     argument; he does not offer it as an argument, but to illustrate
     his theme and to put us in an attitude, as he supposes, of
     embarrassment on that subject. He has read papers which are
     altogether foreign from his view of this subject, and which he
     for a moment will not indorse. He offers these as an illustration
     with a view of illustrating his side of the question, and
     particularly with a view of embarrassing this measure.

     Mr. COWAN: Well, now, Mr. President, I desire to answer a
     question of the Senator. He alleges that I am not serious in the
     amendment I have moved, that I am not in earnest about it. How
     does he know? By what warrant does he undertake to say that a
     brother Senator here is not serious, not in earnest. I should
     like to know by what warrant he undertakes to do that. He says I
     do not look serious. I have not perhaps been trained in the same
     vinegar and persimmon school [laughter]; I have not been
     doctrinated into the same solemn nasal twang which may
     characterize the gentleman, and which may be considered to be the
     evidence of seriousness and earnestness. I generally speak as a
     man, and as a good-natured man, I think. I hope I entertain no
     malice toward anybody. But the honorable gentleman thinks I want
     to become a radical. Why, sir, common charity ought to have
     taught the honorable Senator better than that. I think no such
     imputation, even on the part of the most virulent opponent that I
     may have, can with any justice be laid to my door. I have never
     yielded to his radicalism; I have never truckled to it. Whether
     it be right or wrong, I have never bowed the knee to it. From the
     very word "go" I have been a conservative; I have endeavored to
     save all in our institutions that I thought worth saving.

     I suppose, in the opinion of the gentleman, I have made
     sacrifices. I suppose I am in the condition of Dr. Caius: "I have
     had losses." Certainly if any man has given evidence of the
     sincerity of his doctrines, I have done so; I have lost all of
     that, perhaps, which the Senator from Maine may think valuable; I
     have lost all the feathers that might have adorned my cap by
     opposition to radicalism; and now I stand perfectly free and
     independent upon this floor; free, as I supposed, not only from
     all imputation of interest, but free from all imputation of
     dishonor. I am out of the contest. If I had chosen to play the
     radical; if I had chosen to out-Herod Herod, I could have
     out-Heroded Herod perhaps as well as the honorable gentleman, and
     I could have had quite as stern and vigorous a following as he or
     any other man, more than likely without asserting any very large
     amount of vanity to myself [Mr. Morrill rose]; but now, when I
     stand here, as, I think, free, unquestionably free from all
     imputation either of interest or dishonor, to be told this is--If
     the Senator wants to say anything I will hear him.

     Mr. MORRILL: The honorable Senator will allow me to say that I do
     not think this line of argument is open to him, because to-day
     once or twice he certainly repeated that this was a race of
     radicalism, and he did not intend to be outdone. My remark was
     predicated simply on the assumption of the honorable Senator that
     he was disposed to enter into the race, and rather in a
     disposition to welcome than discourage him.

     Mr. COWAN: Mr. President, I agree that if you will allow the
     gentleman to put arguments in my mouth, and to furnish me
     theories as his fancy paints them, he can demolish them. I will
     not agree that he is my master in any particular; but I do agree
     that he can take a pair of old pantaloons out in the country and
     stuff them, and make a man of straw, and that he can overthrow it
     and trample upon it and kick it about with the utmost impunity.
     But I do not choose to allow the honorable Senator to make either
     my theories or my arguments, nor do I allow him to make
     quotations from me unless he does it fairly. I gave utterance to
     no such idea as that which he has just attributed to me. I did
     not say that in this race of radicalism I was determined to be in
     front. I said no such thing. I said that there was an onward
     movement, that I yielded to that movement, and that while I
     yielded to it against my own better opinion that any change was
     impolitic, yet that change was inevitable, I wanted it to be as
     perfect as possible, and I wanted it to be made with all the
     safeguards possible.

     That was my argument. I said so yesterday; I said so to-day; I
     say so now; and I appeal to my friends here who have talked about
     this onward movement, this progress of things, this inevitable
     which was in the future, to stand now upon their theories and
     upon their doctrines. That was my ground, ground simply stated,
     and for that I am not to be charged here with a desire to
     conciliate the honorable gentleman, or his faction, or his party,
     or any other party in this country. Mr. President, I am not a
     proud man, I hope; not a vain man, I hope; but I would rather be
     deprived of the right of suffrage, high punishment as it is, I
     would rather suffer all the penalties that would be inflicted
     even by the most malignant lawgiver, than to cower or cringe or
     yield to anything of mortal mould on this planet, except by
     duress and by force. No man dare charge me with that. I have
     endeavored to act here as an honest man feeling his own
     responsibilities, feeling the responsibilities of the oath upon
     him when he took it; obliged to interpret the Constitution as he
     himself understands it; feeling that that Constitution was a
     restraint upon him, a restraint upon the people, a restraint upon
     everybody; that we were sent here for the purpose of standing
     upon it even against the rage of the people, even against their
     desire to trample it under foot. Feeling all these things, I
     have stood here, and appeal to my fellow-Senators to know if any
     one of them can say that at any time I have manifested the
     smallest disposition to yield in any one particular. I scorn the
     imputation; I would rather have the approval of my own
     conscience, I would rather walk in the star-light and look up to
     them and to the God who made me free and independent, than to
     seek the highest station upon the earth by truckling to any man
     or to any set of people, or giving up my free opinions.

     And yet I propose not to be irrational in this matter. As I said
     yesterday, and as I said to-day, I have struggled against change;
     but if it is to be made I wish to direct it properly. I made in
     my own person, two or three years ago, a motion which passed this
     body by, I think, a vote of precisely two to one--I believe it
     was 28 to 14--that the voters of the District of Columbia should
     be confined to white males; but upon that occasion I stated--and
     the debates will bear me out, I think--that if the door of the
     franchise was to be opened, if it was thought that the safety of
     the country required more people to cast ballots, more people to
     enjoy this privilege, I would open it to the women of the country
     sooner than I would open it to the negroes. I say so to-day. You
     are determined to open it to the negroes. I appeal to you to open
     it to the women. You say there is no danger in opening it to the
     negroes. I say there is no danger then in opening it to the
     women. You say that it is safe in the hands of the negroes. I say
     it is equally safe in the hands of our sisters, and more safe in
     the hands of our wives and our mothers. I say more to you. I say
     you have not demonstrated that it is safe to confer the franchise
     upon men just emerged from the barbarism of slavery; I say you
     have not demonstrated that it is safe to give the ballot to men
     who require a Freedmen's Bureau to take care of them, and who it
     is not pretended anywhere have that intelligence which is
     necessary to enable them to comprehend the questions which
     agitate the people of this nation, and of which the people are
     supposed to have an intelligent understanding. I say you have not
     demonstrated all that; but you have expressed your determination.
     You are determined to do it, and when you are determined to do it
     I want to put along with that element, that doubtful element,
     that ignorant element, that debased element, that element just
     emerged from slavery, I want you to put along with it into the
     ballot-box, to neutralize its poison if poison there be, to
     correct its dangers if danger there be, the female element of the
     country.

     That is my position. If you abandon the whole project I have no
     objection. I am willing to rest the safety of the country where
     it is and has been so far. I am open to conviction, open to
     argument, open to reason even upon that subject; but I am willing
     to leave this question of suffrage where our fathers left it,
     where the world leaves it to-day, where all wise men leave it.
     If, however, it is to be opened, if there is to be a new era, if
     political power is to be distributed _per capita_ according to a
     particular age, then I am for extending it to women as well as
     men. Let me tell the honorable Senator I am not alone in this
     opinion; the Senator from Ohio with me is not alone; one of the
     first intellects of this age, perhaps the first man of the first
     country of the earth, is of the same opinion. I allude to John
     Stuart Mill, of Great Britain. He is now agitating for this very
     thing in England. So that it need not seem surprising that I
     should be in earnest in this; and I trust that after the
     explanation I have made of my position and my doctrines. I shall
     not be charged either with insincerity or with a desire to
     ingratiate myself with the majority of this body, with the
     majority of the people, or with any one, because, thank God, I am
     free from all entanglements of that kind at this present
     speaking, and if I retain my senses I think I shall keep free.

     Mr. WADE: Mr. President, I did not intend to say a word upon this
     subject, because on the first day of the last session of Congress
     I introduced the original bill now before the Senate, to which
     the Committee have proposed several amendments, and that action
     on my part I supposed demonstrated sufficiently to all who might
     read the bill what were my views and sentiments upon the question
     of suffrage; and, sir, they are of no sudden growth. I have
     always been of the opinion that in a republican government the
     right of voting ought to be limited only by the years of
     discretion. I have always believed that when a person arrived at
     the age when by the laws of the country he was remitted to the
     rights of citizens, when the laws fixed the age of majority when
     the person was supposed to be competent to manage his own
     affairs, then he ought to be suffered to participate in the
     Government under which he lives. Nor do I believe that any such
     rule is unsafe. I imagine that safety is entirely on the other
     side, for just in proportion as you limit the franchise, you
     create in the same degree an aristocracy, an irresponsible
     Government; and gentlemen must be a little tinctured with a fear
     of republican sentiment when they fear the extension of the right
     of suffrage.

     If I believed, as some gentlemen do, that to participate in
     Government required intellect of the highest character, the
     greatest perspicacity of mind, the greatest discipline derived
     from education and experience, I should be convinced that a
     republican form of government could not live. It is because I
     believe that all that is essential in government for the welfare
     of the community is plain, simple, level with the weakest
     intellects, that I am satisfied this Government ought to stand
     and will stand forever. Who is it that ought to be protected by
     these republican governments? Certainly it is the weak and
     ignorant, who have no other manner of defending their rights
     except through the ballot-box.

     The argument for aristocracies and monarchies has ever been that
     the masses of the people do not know enough to take care of the
     high concerns of government. If they do not, the human race is in
     a miserable condition. If, indeed, the great masses of mankind,
     who are permitted to transact their own business, are incompetent
     to participate in government, then farewell to the republican
     system of government; it can not stand a day; it is a wrong
     foundation. Our principles of government are radically wrong if
     gentlemen's fears on this subject are well grounded. Thank God, I
     know they are not. I know that all the defects and evils of our
     Government have not come from the ignorant masses; but the frauds
     and the devices of the higher intellects and the more cultivated
     minds have brought upon our Government all those scars by which
     it has been disfigured.

     Why, sir, look at the administration of the Southern governments
     in the seceded States, where their public men were advocates of
     the doctrine that suffrage should be restricted, and generally
     that republican governments were wrong. I had a great deal of
     private conversation with the gentlemen who were formerly in
     these halls representing those governments, and I hardly ever
     conversed with a single man of them from that part of the country
     who believed that a republican government could or ought to
     stand. Some of them used to say, "How can the mechanic, how can
     the laboring man understandingly participate in these high and
     complicated affairs of Government?" Those men at heart were
     aristocrats or monarchists; they did not believe in your
     republican Government. I, on the other hand, believe that the
     safety of our Government depends on unlimited franchise, or,
     rather, I should say, on franchise limited only by that
     discretion which fits a man to manage his own concerns. Let a man
     arrive at the years of majority, when the Government and the
     experience of the world say that he has attained to such an age
     and such discretion that it is safe to intrust him with his own
     affairs, and then if he can not be permitted to participate in
     the Government, I say again, farewell to republican government;
     it can not stand.

     It was for these reasons that, when I introduced the original
     bill, I put it upon the most liberal principles of franchise
     except as to females. The question of female suffrage had not
     then been much agitated, and I knew the community had not thought
     sufficiently upon it to be ready to introduce it as an element in
     our political system. While I am aware of that fact, I think it
     will puzzle any gentleman to draw a line of demarkation between
     the right of the male and the female on this subject. Both are
     liable to all the laws you pass; their property, their persons,
     and their lives are affected by the laws. Why, then, should not
     the females have a right to participate in their construction as
     well as the male part of the community? There is no argument that
     I can conceive or that I have yet heard, that makes any
     discrimination between the two on the question of right.

     Why should there be any restriction? Is it because gentlemen
     apprehend that the female portion of the community are not as
     virtuous, that they are not as well-calculated to consider what
     laws and principles of the Government will conduce to their
     welfare as men are? The great mass of our educated females
     understand all these great concerns of government infinitely
     better than that great mass of ignorant population from other
     countries which you admit to the polls without hesitation.

     But, sir, the right of suffrage, in my judgment, has bearings
     altogether beyond any rights of persons or property that are to
     be vindicated by it. I lay it down that in any free community, if
     any particular class of that community are excluded from this
     right they can not maintain their dignity; it is a brand of Cain
     upon their foreheads that will sink them into contempt, even in
     their own estimation. My judgment is that if this right was
     accorded to females, you would find that they would be elevated
     in their minds and in their intellects. The best discipline you
     can offer them would be to permit and to require them to
     participate in these great concerns of Government, so that their
     rights and the rights of their children should depend in a manner
     upon the way in which they understand these great things.

     What would be the effect upon their minds? Would it not be, I ask
     you, sir, to lead them from that miserable amusement of reading
     frivolous books and novels and romances that consume two-thirds
     of their time now, from which they learn nothing, and draw their
     attention to matters of more moment, more substance, better
     calculated to well-discipline the mind? In my judgment it would.
     I believe it would tend to educate them as well as the male part
     of the population. Take the negroes, who, it is said, are
     ignorant, the moment you confer the franchise on them it will
     lead them to struggle to get an understanding of the affairs of
     Government, so as to be able to participate intelligently in
     them. They will then understand that they are made responsible
     for the Government under which they live. In my judgment, this is
     the reason why the fact exists, which is acknowledged everywhere,
     that the great mass of our population rise immensely higher in
     intellect and every quality that should adorn human nature, above
     the peasantry and working-classes of the Old World. Why is this?
     I think much of it results from the fact that the people of this
     country are compelled to serve on juries, to participate in the
     government of their own localities in various capacities, and
     finally to take part in all the great concerns of Government.
     That elevates a man, and makes him feel his own consequence in
     the community in which he lives.

     It is for these reasons as much as any other, that I wish to see
     the franchise extended to every person of mature age and
     discretion who has committed no crime. I know very well that
     prejudices against female voting have descended legitimately to
     us from the Old World; yea, more than anything else, from that
     common law which we lawyers have all studied as the first element
     in jurisprudence. That system of law really sank the female to
     total contempt and insignificance, almost annihilated her from
     the face of the earth. It made her responsible for nothing. So
     far was she removed from participating in anything or being
     responsible for anything, that if she even committed a crime in
     the presence of her husband she was not by that old law
     answerable for it. He was her guardian; he had the right to
     correct her as the master did his slave in the South. Such was
     the chivalry of that old common law from which we derive our
     judicial education. A vast remnant of that old prejudice is still
     lurking in the minds of our community. It is a mere figment of
     proscription and nothing else, descended to us, and we have not
     overcome it. It is not founded in reason; it is not founded in
     common sense; and it is being done away with very fast too.

     I know that those women who have taken these things into
     consideration, with minds as enlightened and as intelligent as
     our own, have done immense good to their sex by agitating these
     great subjects against all the ridicule and all the contempt that
     has been wielded against them from the time they commenced the
     agitation. I know that in my own State we had, a few years ago, a
     great many laws on our statute-book depriving females of a great
     many rights without the least reason upon earth. Perhaps it was
     because the question was not agitated, and because it did not
     particularly concern the males, that they did not turn their
     attention to it; but when agitated in the Women's Rights
     Conventions that have been so abused and ridiculed throughout the
     country, man could no longer shut his eyes to the glaring defects
     that existed in our system, and our Legislature has corrected
     many of those abuses, and placed the rights of the female upon
     infinitely higher grounds than they occupied there thirty years
     ago; I believe this remark is as applicable to many other States
     as it is to Ohio. I tell you the agitation of these subjects has
     been salutary and good; and our male population would no more go
     back to divest women of the rights they have acquired, than they
     would go back now to slavery itself, in the advance we have
     lately made.

     What do I infer, then, from all this? Seeing that their rights
     rest upon the same foundation and are only kept down by
     proscription and prejudice, I think I know that the time will
     come--not to-day, but the time is approaching--when every female
     in the country will be made responsible for the just government
     of our country as much as the male; her right to participate in
     the Government will be just as unquestioned as that of the male.
     I know that my opinions on this subject are a little in advance
     of the great mass, probably, of the community in which I live;
     but I am advancing a principle. I shall give a vote on this
     amendment that will be deemed an unpopular vote, but I am not
     frightened by that. I have been accustomed to give such votes all
     my life almost, but I believe they have been given in the cause
     of human liberty and right and in the way of the advancing
     intelligence of our age; and whenever the landmark has been set
     up the community have marched up to it. I think I am advocating
     now the same kind of a principle, and I have no doubt that sooner
     or later it will become a fixed fact, and the community will
     think it just as absurd to exclude females from the ballot-box as
     males.

     I do not believe it will have any unfavorable effect upon the
     female character, if women are permitted to come up to the polls
     and vote. I believe it would exercise a most humane and
     civilizing influence upon the roughness and rudeness with which
     men meet on these occasions, if the polished ladies of the land
     would come up to the ballot-box clothed with these rights and
     participate in the exercise of the franchise. It has not been
     found that association with ladies is apt to make men rude and
     uncivilized; and I do not think the reflex of it prevents that
     lady-like character which we all prize so highly. I do not think
     it has that effect. On the other hand, in my judgment, if it was
     popular to-day for ladies to go to the polls, no man would regret
     their presence there, and the districts where their ballots were
     given would be harmonized, civilized, and rendered more
     gentlemanly, if I may say so, on the one side and on the other,
     and it would prevent the rude collisions that are apt to occur at
     these places, while it would reflect back no uncivilizing or
     unlady-like influence upon the female part of the community. That
     is the way I judge it. Of course, as it has never been tried in
     this country, it is more or less of an experiment; but here in
     this District is the very place to try your experiment.

     I know that the same things were said about the abolition of
     slavery. I was here. Gentlemen know very well that there was a
     strong desire entertained by many gentlemen on this floor that
     emancipation, if it took place, should be very gradual, very
     conservative, a little at a time. I was the advocate of striking
     off the shackles at one blow, and I said that the moment you
     settled on that the community would settle down upon this
     principle of righteousness, justice, and liberty, and be
     satisfied with it, but just as long as you kept it in a state of
     doubt and uncertainty, going only half way, just so long it would
     be an irritating element in our proceedings. It is just so now
     with this question. Do not understand that I expect that this
     amendment will be carried. I do not. I do not know that I would
     have agitated it now, although it is as clear to me as the sun at
     noonday, that the time is approaching when females will be
     admitted to this franchise as much as males, because I can see no
     reason for the distinction. I agree, however, that there is not
     the same pressing necessity for allowing females as there is for
     allowing the colored people to vote, because the ladies of the
     land are not under the ban of a hostile race grinding them to
     powder. They are in high fellowship with those who do govern,
     who, to a great extent, act as their agents, their friends,
     promoting their interests in every vote they give, and,
     therefore, communities get along very well without conferring
     this right upon the female. But when you speak of it as a right,
     and as a great educational power in the hands of females, and I
     am called on to vote on the subject, I will vote that which I
     think under all circumstances is right, just, and proper. I
     shrink not from the question because I am told by gentlemen that
     it is unpopular. The question with me is, is it right? Show me
     that it is wrong, and then I will withhold my vote; but I have
     heard no argument that convinces me that the thing is not right.

     There has been something said about this right of voting, as to
     whether it is a natural or a conventional right. I do not know
     that there is much difference between a natural and a
     conventional right. Right has its hold upon the conscience in the
     inevitable fitness of things, and whether it springs from nature
     or from any other cause right is right, and a conventional right
     is as sacred as a natural right. I can not distinguish them; I
     know of no difference between them. It certainly does not seem to
     me that it would be right now if a new community is about to set
     up a government, for one-third of them to seize upon that
     government and say they will govern, and the rest shall have
     nothing to do with it. It seems to me there is a wrong done to
     those who are shut out from any participation in the Government,
     and that it is a violation of their rights; and what odds does it
     make whether you call it a natural, or conventional, or
     artificial right? I contend that when you set up a Government you
     shall call every man who has arrived at the years of discretion,
     who has committed no crime, into your community and ask him to
     participate in setting up that Government; and if you shut him
     out without any reason, you do him a wrong, one of the greatest
     wrongs that you can inflict upon a man. If it is to be done to me
     or to my posterity, I say to you take their lives, but do not
     deprive them of the right of standing upon the same foothold,
     upon the same platform in their political rights with any other
     man in the community. I will compromise no such principles. I
     contend before God and man ever, always, that they shall stand
     upon the same platform in setting up their governments, and in
     continuing them after they are set up, and I will brand it as a
     wrong and an injustice in any man to deprive any portion of the
     population, unless it be for crime or offence, from participating
     in the Government to the same extent that he participates
     himself. If they are ignorant, so much the greater necessity that
     they have this weapon in their hands to guard themselves against
     the strong. The weaker, the more ignorant, and the more liable
     they are to be imposed upon, the greater the necessity of having
     this great weapon of self-defence in their hands.

     I know very well that great prejudices have existed against
     colored people; but my word for it, the moment they are admitted
     to the ballot-box, especially about the second Tuesday of October
     in our State, you will find them as genteel a set of men as you
     know anywhere; as much consideration will be awarded to them;
     they will be men; they will be courted; their rights will be
     awarded to them; they will be made to feel, and it will go abroad
     that they are not the subjects of utter contempt that can be
     treated as men see fit to treat them; but they will rise in the
     scale of the community, and finally occupy a platform according
     to their merits, which they never can obtain; and you will never
     be able to make anything of any portion of the community black or
     white, while you exclude them from the ballot-box.

     These, sir, are the reasons why I introduce this bill, and to
     vindicate them I have spoken. I know I am not able to set forth
     anything new on this subject. Every American citizen has
     reflected upon it until his mind is made up, and the thing itself
     is so universally approved by our community, that the only wonder
     is that when we propose to extend this franchise to all the
     people alike anybody is found in opposition to it.

     Mr. YATES: Mr. President, I propose to occupy the time of the
     Senate for but a few moments by way of explanation of my position
     on this subject. Honorable Senators seem to think there is some
     little embarrassment in the position in which we are placed upon
     this question. There is certainly none whatever to my mind. I
     must confess, after an examination of this question, that
     logically there are no reasons in my mind which would not permit
     women to vote as well as men, according to the theory of our
     Government--a Government of the people, by the people, and for
     the people.

     But, sir, that question as to whether ladies shall vote or not is
     not an issue now. That was not the question at the last election.
     That was not the question that was argued in another part of this
     Capitol. That was not embraced in the bill now before us for
     consideration. Questions of a different character engross our
     attention; and, sir, we have but one straightforward course to
     pursue in this matter. While I may and do indorse, I believe,
     substantially all that my honorable friend from Ohio has said,
     and while I can not state perhaps a good reason why under our
     form of government all persona, male and female, should not
     exercise the right of suffrage, yet we have another matter on
     hand now. We have fought the fight, and our banners blaze
     victoriously in the sky. The honorable Senator from Pennsylvania
     stands humbled and overcome at his defeat, and he might just as
     well bow his head before the wheels of that Juggernaut of which
     he spoke, which has crushed him to the earth, and say, let the
     _vox populi_, which is the _vox Dei_, be the rule of this land.

     I believe that this issue will come, and if the gentleman
     proposes to make it in the next elections, I shall be with him
     perhaps on the question of universal suffrage; for, sir, I am for
     universal suffrage. I am not for qualified suffrage; I am not for
     property suffrage; T am not for intelligent suffrage, as it is
     termed; but I am for universal suffrage. That is my doctrine.
     But, sir, when it is proposed to crush out the will of the
     American people by an issue which certainly is not made in
     sincerity and truth, then I have no difficulty whatever. While I
     do not commit myself against the progress of human civilization,
     because I believe that time is coming, in voting "no" on this
     amendment I only vote to maintain the position for which I have
     fought, and for which my State has fought. My notions are
     peculiar on this subject. I confess that I am for universal
     suffrage, and when the time comes I am for suffrage by females as
     well as males; but that is not the point before us.

     Mr. WILSON: The Senator from Pennsylvania demands that I shall
     express my concurrence in or my opposition to his amendment. I
     tell him, without the least hesitation, I shall vote against it.
     I am opposed to connecting together these two questions,
     enfranchisement of black men and the enfranchisement of women,
     and therefore shall vote against his amendment.

     These ladies in the conventions recently held seem to have made a
     great impression upon the Senator from Pennsylvania. While I
     heard him reading their speeches, I could not but regret that the
     Senator had not read the speeches of some of those ladies and the
     speeches of some of those gentlemen who attended those recent
     meetings, before he came into the Senate. If he had read the
     speeches of the ladies and gentlemen who have attended these
     conventions during the past few years, their speeches might have
     made as great an impression on him at an earlier day as they seem
     to have done at this; and if they had done so, the Senator might
     have made a record for liberty, justice, and humanity he would
     have been proud of after he leaves the Senate. I have, sir, quite
     the advantage of the honorable Senator. I have been accustomed to
     attend the meetings of some of these ladies and gentlemen for
     many years, and read their speeches too. I read these speeches
     for the freedom of all, and for the enfranchisement of all, woman
     included. Before I came to the Senate of the United States, I
     entertained the conviction that it would be better for this
     country, that our legislation would be more humane, more for
     liberty, more for a high civilization, if the women of the
     country were permitted to vote, and every year of my life has
     confirmed that conviction. I have been more than ever convinced
     of it since I have read the opinions of one of the foremost men
     of this or any other age--John Stuart Mill.

     But I say to the Senator from Pennsylvania that while these are
     my opinions, while I will vote now or at any time for woman
     suffrage, if he or any other Senator will offer it as a distinct,
     separate measure, I am unalterably opposed to connecting that
     question with the pending question of negro suffrage. The
     question of negro suffrage is now an imperative necessity; a
     necessity that the negro should possess it for his own
     protection; a necessity that he should possess it that the nation
     may preserve its power, its strength, and its unity. We have
     fought that battle, as has been stated by the Senator from
     Illinois; we have won negro suffrage for the District of
     Columbia, and I say I believe we have won for all the States; and
     before the 4th of March, 1869, before this Administration shall
     close, I hope that the negro in all the loyal States will be
     clothed with the right of suffrage. That they will be in the ten
     rebel States I can not doubt, for patriotism, liberty, justice,
     and humanity demand it.

     This bill, embodying pure manhood suffrage, is destined to become
     the law in spite of all opposition and all lamentations. I am
     opposed, therefore, to associating with this achieved measure the
     question of suffrage for women. That question has been discussed
     for many years by ladies of high intelligence and of stainless
     character--ladies who have given years of their lives to the
     cause of liberty, to the cause of the bondman, to the cause of
     justice and humanity, to the improvement of all and the elevation
     of all. No one could have heard them or have read their speeches
     years ago, without feeling that they were in earnest. They have
     made progress; these women have instructed the country; women,
     and men too, have been instructed; progress is making in that
     direction; but the public judgment is not so pronounced in any
     one State to-day in favor of woman suffrage, as to create any
     large and general movement for it. Time is required to instruct
     the public mind and to carry forward and to concentrate the
     public judgment in favor of woman suffrage. All public men are
     not in its favor as is the Senator from Ohio, as has already been
     proved in this debate. I am, therefore, sir, for keeping these
     questions apart. I am for securing the needed suffrage for the
     colored race. I am for enfranchising the black man, and then if
     this other question shall come up in due time, and I have a vote
     to give, I shall be ready to give my vote for it. But to vote for
     it now is to couple it with the great measure now pressing upon
     us, to weaken that measure and to endanger its immediate triumph,
     and therefore I shall vote against the amendment proposed by the
     Senator from Pennsylvania, made, it is too apparent, not for the
     enfranchisement of woman, but against the enfranchisement of the
     black man.

     Mr. JOHNSON: The immediate question before the Senate, I
     understand, is upon the amendment offered by the honorable member
     from Pennsylvania, which, if I am correctly informed, is to
     strike out the word "male," so as to give to all persons,
     independent of sex, the right of voting. It is, therefore, a
     proposition to admit to the right of suffrage all the females in
     the District of Columbia who may have the required residence and
     are of the required age. I am not aware that the right is given
     to that class anywhere in the United States. I believe for a very
     short time--my friend from New Jersey will inform me if I am
     correct--it was more or less extended to the women of New Jersey;
     but, if that be an exception, it is, as far as I am informed, the
     only exception; and there are a variety of reasons why, as I
     suppose, the right has never been extended as now proposed.

     Ladies have duties peculiar to themselves which can not be
     discharged by anybody else; the nurture and education of their
     children, the demands upon them consequent upon the preservation
     of their household; and they are supposed to be more or less in
     their proper vocation when they are attending to those particular
     duties. But independent of that, I think if it was submitted to
     the ladies--I mean the ladies in the true acceptation of the
     term--of the United States, the privilege would not only not be
     asked for, but would be rejected. I do not think the ladies of
     the United States would agree to enter into a canvass, and to
     undergo what is often the degradation of seeking to vote,
     particularly in the cities, getting up to the polls, crowded out
     and crowded in. I rather think they would feel it, instead of a
     privilege, a dishonor. There is another reason why the right
     should not be extended to them, unless it is the purpose of the
     honorable member and of the Senate to go a step further. The
     reason why the males are accorded the privilege, and why it was
     almost universal in the United States with reference to those of
     a certain age, is that they may be called upon to defend the
     country in time of war or in time of insurrection. I do not
     suppose it is pretended that the ladies should be included in the
     militia organization or be compelled to take up arms to defend
     the country. That must be done by the male sex, I hope.

     But I rose not so much for the purpose of expressing my own
     opinion, or reasoning rather upon the opinion, as to refer to a
     sentence or two in a letter written many years ago, by the elder
     Adams, to a correspondent in Massachusetts. It was proposed at
     that time in Massachusetts to alter the suffrage. It was then
     limited in that State. That limitation, it was suggested, should
     be taken away in whole or in part, and the correspondent to whom
     this letter was addressed seems to have been in favor of that
     change. Mr. Adams, under date of the 26th of May, 1776, writes to
     his correspondent, Mr. James Sullivan, a name famous in the
     annals of Massachusetts, and well known to the United States, a
     long letter, of which I shall read only a sentence or two. It is
     to be found in the ninth volume of the works of John Adams,
     beginning at page 375. In that letter Mr. Adams, among other
     things, says: "But let us first suppose that the whole community,
     of every age, rank, sex, and condition, has a right to vote. This
     community is assembled. A motion is made and carried by a
     majority of one voice. The minority will not agree to this.
     Whence arises the right of the majority to govern and the
     obligation of the minority to obey?

     "From necessity, you will say, because there can be no other
     rule. But why exclude women?

     "You will say, because their delicacy renders them unfit for
     practice and experience in the great businesses of life and the
     hardy enterprises of war, as well as the arduous cares of state.
     Besides, their attention is so much engaged with the necessary
     nurture of their children, that nature has made them fittest for
     domestic cares. And children have not judgment or will of their
     own. True."

     And he closes the letter by saying: "Society can be governed only
     by general rules. Government can not accommodate itself to every
     particular case as it happens, nor to the circumstances of
     particular persons. It must establish general comprehensive
     regulations for cases and persons. The only question is, which
     general rule will accommodate most cases and most persons. Depend
     upon it, sir, it is dangerous to open so fruitful a source of
     controversy and altercation as would be opened by attempting to
     alter the qualifications of voters; there will be no end of it.
     New claims will arise; women will demand a vote; lads from twelve
     to twenty-one will think their rights not enough attended to; and
     every man who has not a farthing will demand an equal voice with
     any other in all acts of state. It tends to confound and destroy
     all distinctions, and prostrate all ranks to one common level."

     The honorable member from Ohio seems to suppose that the right
     should be given as a means, if I understood him, of protecting
     themselves and as a means of elevating them intellectually. I had
     supposed the theory was that the woman was protected by the man.
     If she is insulted she is not expected to knock the man who
     insults her down, or during the days of the duello to send him a
     challenge. She goes to her male friend, her husband or brother or
     acquaintance. Nature has not made her for the rough and tumble,
     so to speak, of life. She is intended to be delicate. She is
     intended to soften the asperities and roughness of the male sex.
     She is intended to comfort him in the days of his trial, not to
     participate herself actively in the contest either in the forum,
     in the council chamber, or on the battle-field. As to her not
     being protected, what lady has ever said that her rights were not
     protected because she had not the right of suffrage? There are
     women, respectable I have no doubt in point of character, moral
     and virtuous women no doubt, but they are called, and properly
     called, the "strong-minded"; they are in the public estimation
     contradistinguished from the delicate; they are men in women's
     garb, ready, I have no doubt, such people would be--and I deem it
     no disparagement to them; I have no doubt they are
     conscientious--to go upon the battle-field. Such things have
     happened. They are willing to take an insult, and horse-whip and
     chastise the man who has extended the rudeness to them; but they
     are exceptions to the softness which is the charm of the female
     character. I appeal to my friend from New York [Mr. Morgan]--I
     can speak for Baltimore--and to the member from Pennsylvania
     [Mr. Cowan] who I suppose can speak for Philadelphia, would they
     have their wives and their daughters seeking to get up to the
     poll on a hotly-contested election, driven with indignation at
     times from it, insulted, violence used to them, as is often the
     case, rudeness of speech sure to be indulged in----

     Mr. WADE: I should like to know if that is the character of your
     city?

     Mr. JOHNSON: Yes.

     Mr. WADE: Then it is very different from the community in which I
     live.

     Mr. JOHNSON: I rather think you might make Cincinnati an
     exception from what I have heard. I am not speaking for the
     country, though I have seen it pretty rough in the country; and
     they have been rough occasionally in Ohio. If they were all of
     the same temper with my honorable friend who interrupts me of
     course it would be different, and all could have their rights
     accorded them.

     Mr. COWAN: I should like to ask whether the presence of ladies on
     an occasion of that kind would not tend to suppress everything of
     that sort? Would it not turn the blackguard into a gentleman, so
     that we should have nothing but good conduct?

     Mr. JOHNSON: No, sir; you can not turn a blackguard into a
     gentleman.

     Mr. COWAN: Except by a lady.

     Mr. JOHNSON: No, sir; by no means known to human power. There may
     be some revulsion that will cause him to cease to be a blackguard
     for the moment, but as to a lady making a gentleman of a man who
     insults her it has not happened that I know of anywhere. He may
     be made somewhat of a gentleman by being cowhided. But the
     question I put I put in all seriousness. I have seen the
     elections in Baltimore, where they are just as orderly as they
     are in other cities; but we all know that in times of high party
     excitement it is impossible to preserve that order which would be
     sufficient to protect a delicate female from insult, and no lady
     would venture to run the hazard of being subjected to the insults
     that she would be almost certain to receive.

     They do not want this privilege. As to protecting themselves, as
     to taking a part in the Government in order to protect
     themselves, if they govern those who govern, is not that
     protection enough? And who does not know that they govern us?
     Thank God they do. But what more right has a woman, as a mere
     matter of right independent of all delicacy, to the suffrage than
     a boy who is just one day short of twenty-one? You put him in
     your military service when he is eighteen; you may put him in it
     at a younger age if you think proper; but you will not let him
     vote. Why? Only upon moral grounds; that is all; not because that
     boy may not be able to exercise the right, but because, in the
     language of Mr. Adams, there must be some general rule, which
     must be observed, because in the absence of such general rule, if
     you permit excepted cases you might as well abolish all rules,
     and then where are we, as he properly asks.

     I like to learn wisdom from the men of 1776. I know we have had
     the advantage of living in an age which they did not witness. I
     have lived a good many years and watched the public men of the
     day, and I do not think, and I have never been able with all my
     disposition to think that we are any better than were the men of
     1776 and our predecessors on this floor, the men who participated
     in the deliberations of the Convention which led to the adoption
     of the Constitution of the United States, the men who were the
     authors of the State papers which were issued during that period,
     and which filled the world with admiration and amazement.

     From the days of colonization down to the present hour no such
     proposition as this has received, so far as I am aware, any
     support, unless it was for a short time in the State of New
     Jersey. It has nothing to do with the right of negroes to vote.
     That is perfectly independent. If I desired because I am opposed
     to that to defeat the bill, I might perhaps, as a mere party
     scheme, as a measure known to party tactics which govern
     occasionally some--I do not say that they have not governed me
     heretofore--vote for this amendment with a view to defeat the
     bill: but I have lived to be too old and have become too well
     satisfied of what I think is my duty to the country to give any
     vote which I do not believe, if it should be supported by the
     votes of a sufficient number to carry the measure into operation,
     would redound to the interests and safety and honor of the
     country.

     Mr. WADE: The gentleman seems to suppose that the only reason
     females should have the right to vote is that they might defend
     themselves with a cowhide against those who insult them. I do not
     suppose that giving them the right to vote will add anything to
     their physical strength or courage. That is the argument of the
     Senator, and the whole of his argument: but I did not propose
     that they should vote on such hypothesis or with any view that it
     should have any such effect. But I do know that as the law stood
     until very recently in many of the States a husband was not the
     best guardian for his wife in many cases, and frequently the
     greatest hardships that I have ever known in the community have
     arisen from the fact that a good-for-nothing, drunken, miserable
     man had married a respectable lady with property, and your law
     turned the whole of it right over to him and left her a pauper at
     his will. While I was at the bar I was more conversant with the
     manner in which these domestic affairs were transacted than I am
     now; and I knew instances of the greatest hardship arising from
     the fact that the law permitted such things to be done. I have
     known a drunken, miserable wretch of a husband take possession of
     a large property of a virtuous, excellent woman, who had a family
     of small children depending upon her, and turn her out to support
     her family by sewing and by manual labor; and it is not an
     uncommon case. The legislators, the males having the law-making
     power in their hands, especially were not very prompt to correct
     these evils; they were very slow in doing so. They continued from
     the old common law, when the memory of man did not run to the
     contrary, down to a time that is within the recollection of us
     all; and I do not know but that in some of the States this absurd
     rule prevails even now. It would not have prevailed if ladies had
     been permitted to vote for their legislators. They would have
     instructed them, and would have withheld their votes from every
     one who would not correct these most glaring evils.

     The Senator tells us that the community in which he lives is so
     barbarous and rude that a lady could not go to the polls to
     perform a duty which the law permitted without insult and
     rudeness. That is a state of things that I did not believe
     existed anywhere. I do not believe that it exists in Baltimore
     to-day. I do not believe if the ladies of Baltimore should go up
     to the polls clothed with the legal right to select their own
     legislators that there is anybody in Baltimore who would insult
     them on their way in performing that duty. I do not believe that
     our communities have got to that degree of depravity yet that
     such kind of rascally prudence is necessary to be exercised in
     making laws. On the other hand, I have always found wherever I
     have gone that the rude and the rough in their conduct were
     civilized and ameliorated by the presence of females; for I do
     believe, as much as I believe anything else, that, take the world
     as it is, the female part of it are really more virtuous than the
     males. I think so; and I think if we were to permit them to have
     this right, it would tend to a universal reform instead of the
     reverse; and I do not believe any lady would be insulted in any
     community that I know anything about while on her way to perform
     this duty.

     As I can see no good reason to the contrary, I shall vote for
     this proposition. I shall vote as I have often voted, as the
     Senator from Massachusetts has often voted, what he believed to
     be right; not because he believed a majority were with him, but
     because he believed the proposition which he was called upon to
     vote for was right, just, and proper. It is because I can not see
     that this is not so that I vote for it. It comes from a Senator
     who does not generally vote with us; it is a proposition unlooked
     for from his general course of action in this body, being, as he
     says, on the conservative list, and generally for holding things
     just as they are. Well, sir, I am for holding them just as they
     are, when I think they are right, and when I think they are not,
     I am for changing them and making them right. I do not think it
     is right to exclude females from the right of suffrage. As I said
     before, I do not expect that public opinion will be so correct at
     this time that my vote will be effective; but nevertheless it
     would be no excuse for me that I did not do my part toward
     effecting a reform that I think the community requires, because I
     did not see that the whole world was going with me. I do not wait
     for that. I am frequently in minorities. I would as lief be there
     as anywhere else, provided I see that I am right; and I do not
     wait for the majority to go with me when I think a proposition is
     right. Therefore I shall vote for this amendment if nobody else
     votes for it, trusting that if I am right the world will finally
     see it and come up to the mark where I am; if I am wrong, on
     further investigation and further thought I shall be left in the
     lurch. Believing that I am right, and believing that the world
     will come up to this standard finally, I am ambitious to make my
     mark upon it right here.

     Mr. FRELINGHUYSEN: Mr. President, the Senator from Maryland has
     made an inquiry as to the law of New Jersey in reference to women
     voting. There was a period in New Jersey when, in reference to
     some local matters, and those only, women voted; but that period
     has long since passed away; and I think I am authorized in saying
     that the women of New Jersey to-day do not desire to vote. Sir, I
     confess a little surprise at the remark which has been so
     frequently made in the Senate, that there is no difference
     between granting suffrage to colored citizens and extending it to
     the women of America. The difference, to my mind, is as wide as
     the earth. As I understand it, we legislate for classes, and the
     women of America as a class do vote now, though there are
     exceptions from the peculiar circumstances of individuals. Do not
     the American people vote in this Senate to-day on this question?
     Do they not vote in the House of Representatives? So the women of
     America vote by their faithful and true representatives, their
     husbands, their brothers, their sons; and no true man will go to
     the polls and deposit his ballot without remembering that true
     and loving constituency that he has at home. More than that, sir,
     ninety-nine out of a hundred, I believe nine hundred and
     ninety-nine out of a thousand, of the women in America do not
     want the privilege of voting in any other manner than that which
     I have stated. In both these regards there is a vast difference
     between the situation of the colored citizen and the women of
     America.

     But Mr. President, besides that, the women of America are not
     called upon to serve the Government as the men of America are.
     They do not bear the bayonet, and have not that reason why they
     should be entitled to the ballot; and it seems to me as if the
     God of our race has stamped upon them a milder, gentler nature,
     which not only makes them shrink from, but disqualifies them for
     the turmoil and battle of public life. They have a higher and a
     holier mission. It is in retirement, to make the character of the
     coming men. Their mission is at home, by their blandishments and
     their love to assuage the passions of men as they come in from
     the battle of life, and not themselves by joining in the contest
     to add fuel to the very flames. The learned and eloquent Senator
     from Pennsylvania said, yesterday, with great beauty, that he
     wanted to cast the angel element into the suffrage system of
     America. Sir, it seems to me that it would be ruthlessly tearing
     the angel element from the homes of America, for the homes of the
     people of America are infinitely more valuable than any suffrage
     system. It will be a sorry day for this country when those vestal
     fires of piety and love are put out. Mr. President, it seems to
     me that the Christian religion, which has elevated woman to her
     true position as a peer by the side of man from which she was
     taken; that religion which is a part of the common law of this
     land, in its very spirit and declarations recognizes man as the
     representative of woman. The very structure of that religion
     which for centuries has been being built recognizes that
     principle, and it is written on its very door-posts. The woman,
     it is true, was first tempted; but it was in Adam that we all
     died. The angel, it is true, appeared to Mary; but it is in the
     God-man that we are all made alive. I do not see that there is
     any parity of reasoning between the case of the women of America,
     entitling them or making it desirable that they should have
     suffrage, and that of the colored citizens of the United States.

     Mr. CONNESS: It does not appear that we can come to a vote
     to-night upon this proposition, and I therefore rise to propose
     an adjournment.

     Mr. MORRILL: Perhaps we can get a vote on this simple amendment.

     Mr. BROWN and others: Oh, no; let us adjourn.

     Mr. MORRILL: I doubt whether there is any inclination to talk
     further on this amendment, and I should be glad to get a vote on
     it before we adjourn.

     Mr. CONNESS: If the Senate will come to a vote, I will not move
     an adjournment.

     Mr. BROWN: Mr. President----

     Mr. DOOLITTLE: If the honorable Senator from Missouri will give
     way, I will renew the motion to adjourn.

     Mr. BROWN: I do not care particularly to detain the Senate. I
     have but a very few remarks to make.

     Several SENATORS: Let us adjourn.

     Mr. DOOLITTLE: If the honorable Senator will give way, I will
     renew the motion to adjourn.

     The PRESIDENT _pro tem._: Does the Chair understand the Senator
     from Missouri as yielding the floor?

     Mr. BROWN: Yes, sir.

     Mr. DOOLITTLE: I move that the Senate do now adjourn.

     The motion was agreed to; and the Senate adjourned.


                         In SENATE, WEDNESDAY, _December 12, 1866_.

     Prayer by the Chaplain, Rev. E. H. Gray.

     The Journal of yesterday was read and approved.


     PETITIONS AND MEMORIALS.

     The PRESIDENT _pro tem._: The Chair has received, and takes this
     opportunity to lay before the Senate, the memorial of William
     Boyd, of Washington City, District of Columbia, the substance of
     which, stated in his own words, is:

          I humbly ask your Honorable Body that you make no
          distinctions in regard to either color or sex if you should
          think proper to extend the elective franchise in this
          District, which I beg of your Honorable Body to do
          immediately; so that hereafter there shall be no distinction
          of race or sex. I am among those who believe that slavery
          will never die, until all laws are so constructed as to hold
          all mankind as equal before the law.

     SUFFRAGE IN THE DISTRICT.

     The PRESIDENT _pro tem._: The unfinished business is the bill (S.
     No. 1) to regulate the elective franchise in the District of
     Columbia which is now before the Senate as in Committee of the
     Whole. The pending question is on the motion of the Senator from
     Pennsylvania [Mr. Cowan], to amend the amendment reported by the
     Committee on the District of Columbia, by striking out in the
     second line of its first section the word "male" before "person."
     Upon this question the Senator from Missouri is entitled to the
     floor.

     Mr. BROWN: Mr. President, I do not believe that the pending
     amendment to the bill extending the franchise to women in the
     District of Columbia, offered by the Senator from Pennsylvania,
     was designed to be carried out into practical legislation at this
     time or in this connection. I think it was rather intended to
     elicit an expression of opinion from members of the Senate upon
     the general proposition involved. If it were to go into practical
     effect, I am one of those who believe that it would be necessary
     to accompany it by a good deal of other legislation to prevent it
     from degenerating into abuse, and perhaps corrupting many of
     those it designs to advance in position and influence. But
     accepting the matter in the light which I have stated, for one I
     am willing to express an opinion very freely on the subject. I
     have to say then, sir, here on the floor of the American Senate,
     I stand for universal suffrage, and as a matter of fundamental
     principle do not recognize the right of society to limit it on
     any ground of race, color, or sex. I will go further and say that
     I recognize the right of franchise as being intrinsically a
     natural right; and I do not believe that society is authorized to
     impose any limitation upon it that does not spring out of the
     necessities of the social state itself. These may seem, Mr.
     President, extreme views, but they conform to the rigid logic of
     the question, and I defy any Senator here who abides that logic
     to escape that conclusion. Sir, I have been shocked, yes,
     shocked, during the course of this debate at expressions which I
     have heard so often fall from distinguished Senators, and
     apparently with so little consideration of what the heresy
     irresistibly leads to, saying in substance that they recognize in
     this right of franchise only a conventional or political
     arrangement that may be abrogated at will and taken from any;
     that it is simply a privilege yielded to you and me and others by
     society or the Government which represents society; that it is
     only a gracious boon from some abstract place and abstract body
     for which we should be proud and thankful; in other words, that
     it is not a right in any sense, but only a concession. Mr.
     President, I do not hold my liberties by any such tenure. On the
     contrary, I believe that whenever you establish that doctrine,
     whenever you crystalize that idea in the public mind of this
     country, you ring the death-knell of American liberties. You take
     from each, what is perhaps the highest safeguard of all, the
     conviction that there are rights of men embracing their liberty
     in society, and substitute a skepticism on all matters of
     personal freedom and popular liberties which will lay them open
     to be overthrown whenever society shall become sufficiently
     corrupted by partyism or whenever constitutional majorities shall
     become sufficiently exasperated by opposition.

     Mr. President, so important, yea, so crucial, so to speak, do I
     deem this position, that I trust I may be pardoned by the Senate
     if I refer to the abstract grounds, the invincible agreement upon
     which I deem it to rest. I do this the more readily because in my
     belief the metaphysical always controls ultimately the practical
     in all the affairs of life. Now, what are abstract rights? And
     are there any intrinsic necessary conditions that go to
     constitute liberty in society? I believe that there are, and that
     those conditions are as determinable as the liberties they
     protect. The foundation upon which all free government rests, and
     out of which all natural rights flow as from a common center, has
     been well stated by Mr. Herbert Spencer in a late work on "Social
     Statics," to be "the liberty of each limited by the like liberty
     of all." As the fundamental truth originating and yet
     circumscribing the validity of laws and constitutions, it can not
     be stated in a simpler form. As the rule in conformity with which
     society must be organized, and which distinguishes where the
     rightful subordination terminates, and where tyranny, whether of
     majorities or minorities, begins, it can not be too much
     commended. "Every man has freedom to do all that he wills,
     provided he infringes not the equal freedom of any other man," is
     stated as the law of just social relationships, and in it the
     rights of individual liberty of thought, of speech, of action,
     find their complete expression. It will be observed that equality
     is the essence of it all. In fact, any recognition of an
     inequality of rights is fatal to liberty.

     Observe, furthermore, that those rights inhere in the individual,
     are part of his existence, and not the gift of any man or
     aggregation of men. If they were, equality under a despotism
     might find its justification in the postulate just as well as
     equality under a republic. Cæsarean Democracy could claim like
     paternity with American Democracy. The assumption, then, that
     freedom in any of its forms is a privilege conceded by society is
     utterly unwarrantable, because society itself is a concession
     from the individual--the liberty of each limited by the like
     liberty of all--and such limitation is what society or Government
     represents. And it is in this sense, and flowing from this axiom,
     that the rights of franchise originally appertain to all alike;
     for franchise is in itself nothing more than a mode of
     participating in the common Government, and represents only the
     interest each has therein. That limitations may attach thereto,
     just as they attach to freedom of speech or freedom of action, is
     perfectly true; but they must be equal limitations, applicable to
     all alike, growing out of the social relation, and not leveled at
     the inherent right of any individual or class. Thus the exclusion
     of criminals from the franchise, the designation of terms of
     minority as connected with the exercise of political duties, the
     regulation of the admission to citizenship of persons coming from
     foreign countries, find their justification in a principle which,
     so far from recognizing in Government or society a purely
     arbitrary control of the rights and exercise of self-government
     or personal liberty, brings it down within rigid and narrow
     limits of equality and necessity.

     There are those, and I am sorry some such have arisen in the
     Senate to-day, who seek to escape this conclusion, and put the
     blush upon all free government by affirming, as I have said, that
     the right of franchise is a purely political right, neither
     inherent nor inalienable, and may be divested by the citizen or
     the State at will. The consideration mentioned, that the right of
     franchise is neither more nor less than the right of
     self-government as exercised through a participation in the
     common government of all, shows, however, that if it be not a
     natural right it will be difficult to say in what a natural right
     consists. Indeed, it is perhaps the most natural of any of our
     rights, inasmuch as its denial is the denial of all right to
     personal liberty, for how can such latter right exist when the
     right to maintain it among men and the societies of men is
     denied? Again, if the right to share in the joint government is
     not inherent, from whence does it come? Who can give the right to
     govern another? and how can any give what he has not got? Society
     is but the aggregate of individuals, and in its authority
     represents only the conceded limitations on all, not any
     reservoir of human rights, otherwise human rights would vary with
     every changing association. Still again, if the right of a man as
     regards Government can be divested either by himself or
     Government at will, then Government has no limit to its rightful
     tyranny--it may divest not only one man, but a hundred or a
     thousand; indeed, why not all but the chosen few or the imperial
     one, thus arriving logically at oligarchic or despotic rule. And
     if a man may divest himself of this right, what right is sacred
     from his renunciation? That a man may refuse to exercise any
     right is true, and that in changing his abode he may sever his
     political and social relations is equally true; but these facts
     only prove that his natural rights inhere in his person, go with
     him in his movement, subject always to be exercised under the
     conditions and limitations before recited. After all, to
     demonstrate the utter falsity and pernicious consequence of the
     idea that the right to share in the common Government (which is
     only a synonym for the right of franchise) is a privilege to be
     farmed out by Government at discretion and to whom it chooses, it
     is only necessary to ask, if that be so, whence comes the right
     to representation? Wherein is the foundation for any democratic
     society, predicated on the rights of individuals? That various
     mixed Governments do undertake to limit the franchise to the few
     as a privilege coming from the body-corporate, has nothing to do
     with the question, for I am discussing now rights, not practices;
     republics, not aristocracies.

     Such I believe, Mr. President, to be the principles on which our
     personal rights, our liberties in society repose. It is true the
     argument carries us very far, but not farther, I apprehend, than
     republican government must go whenever it undertakes to conform
     its practice to its logic. And having examined the general
     reasoning that controls the whole question of franchise, let me
     now advert more particularly to the bearing of that argument upon
     the proposition submitted by the Senator from Pennsylvania. I
     know that many affirm that the results to which such reasoning as
     that I have adduced would lead are themselves conclusive against
     its force. But that is scarcely a fair mode of judging of the
     strength and invincibility of any argument, far less one touching
     interests so momentous in character. To give the objection its
     greatest force it may be said, "If suffrage be the right of all
     men, why is it not also the right of all women, of all children?"
     "Are they not equally interested in good government, and are they
     not equally capable of expressing through a vote their wish in
     relation to public affairs?" "Do they not come within the
     category, the equal liberty of each limited by the like liberty
     of all, and if so, can the infringement of their liberty by
     disfranchisement be justified!" To such questions, and, in fact,
     to the whole inquiry, it may be replied that as freedom finds the
     expression of its limits in the social relation itself, so long
     as the marital and paternal state remain as they are now,
     essential parts to that social relation, so long will there be
     more or less of constraint involved in their expression through
     governmental forms. And it may be added also that in so far as
     marriage and paternity establish an identity of interest between
     husband and wife, or parent and child, so far the participation
     of the one in the Government is virtually the participation of
     both, the franchise of one the franchise of both. Such identity
     is not always true or equable, but it nevertheless approximates
     truth, and is therefore the more readily accepted as such in
     practical affairs.

     That the rights of women, however, are intrinsically the same
     with those of men, may not be consistently denied; and that all
     the advance of modern civilization has been toward according them
     greater equality of condition is attested by the current history
     of every nation within its pale. Rights of married women and
     minors are constantly finding new expression in our laws and new
     force in our public opinion, which is only law in process of
     formation. While it will not be necessary, therefore, to go into
     those deeper and anterior questions of social life involving the
     substitution of voluntary for compulsory modes which are
     agitating so profoundly the intellect of this age, it is
     important to note that of the three great departments of control
     in human affairs, namely, morals or conscience, manners or
     society, governments or laws, the two former have been
     unreservedly conceded to the full and equal participation of
     women. And furthermore, I venture to affirm with all confidence,
     that although the social relation, as it embraces a recognition
     of family dependence, may present obstacles to an equal influence
     under present forms of government and to the full exercise of
     citizen rights on the part of women, yet that the purity, the
     refinement, the instinctive reading of character, the elegant
     culture of the women of our land, if brought to bear upon the
     conduct of political affairs, would do much to elevate them in
     all their aims, and conform them to higher standards of justice.

     Mr. President, I have listened in vain for the argument on which
     is predicated the assertion that sex alone affords a rightful
     ground for exclusion from the rights of franchise. I do not find
     anything to justify that view, even in the position of those who
     contend that franchise is a mere political privilege and not
     founded in any right, for that would apply to men equally as to
     women, and does not touch the question of relative rights. The
     position would still remain to be established why the franchise
     should be given to the one and not to the other. It would remain
     still to present grounds of principle on which that right as such
     may be denied to her and not denied to him. I have heard reasons
     of policy, reasons of sentiment, reasons of precedent advanced to
     justify this exclusion; but in all frankness, and with no
     disrespect intended, I must say that those which have been
     presented during this debate seem to me trivial, illogical, and
     contradictory of one another.

     First, it has been said that if women are entitled to the rights
     of franchise they would correspondingly come under the obligation
     to bear arms. But, sir, I do not know that there is any necessary
     connection between the right of franchise and the requirement of
     service in your army. On the contrary, I do know that all
     Governments which have existed among men do now recognize the
     fact that there is no necessary connection between the two; and I
     do know that no Government has more distinctly recognized this
     position than the Government of the United States. Are there not
     large classes even among men in this country who are exempt from
     service in our armies for physical incapacity and for other
     reasons? And if exemptions which appertain to males may be
     recognized as valid, why not similar exemptions for like reason
     when applied to females? Does it not prove that there is nothing
     in the argument so far as it involves the question of right?
     There are Quakers and other religious sects; there are ministers
     of the gospel--persons having conscientious scruples; indeed, all
     men over a certain age who under the laws of many of the States
     are released from service of that character. Indeed, it is the
     boast of the republic that ours is a volunteer military
     establishment. Hence I say there is nothing in the position that
     because she may not be physically qualified for service in your
     army, therefore you have the right to deny her the franchise on
     the score of sex. It might be an inquiry of very great interest
     and worthy of being pursued much further than I have the time or
     the ability to pursue it just now, how far, if the ballot should
     be extended to all the women in this land, it would go to modify
     existing opinion and action and relationship among States so as
     to obliterate in a great degree the very necessity for your army
     and navy. I believe, sir, that a very large majority of the wars
     that have been waged in this world have been wars that were
     condemned by the moral sense of the nations on both sides; wars
     that would have been terminated forthwith if that moral sense
     could have had its rightful influence in controlling the affairs
     of Government; and I say it is a question that is worthy of
     consideration how far such an element introduced into your
     political control would go to obviate these barbarous resorts to
     force which you now deem essential and which we all deplore, but
     which it is a folly, if not a crime, to say constitute a reason
     woman should be denied any right to which she would be otherwise
     entitled.

     Mr. President, a second objection has been taken to any extension
     of the franchise in this direction, and it is one that perhaps
     has more seeming force in it than the other. It has been said
     with a great deal of pathos by the Senator from New Jersey: what,
     would you have your wives and your daughters mingle in the scenes
     at the election-booths, go into the riotous demonstrations that
     attend upon the exercise of the ballot, and become participants
     in the angry and turbulent strifes that are so characteristic of
     our political modes. I say with frankness that I would not have
     wife or daughter mingle in any such scene; I would be loth to
     have their purity and their virtue exposed to such demoralized
     surroundings, surroundings that are only too apt to corrupt even
     the males that mingle in the political arena. But, sir, I contend
     that that is an argument against the ballot and the hustings and
     the polling-booths, and not against the rights of woman. It is an
     argument against those corruptions that you have permitted to
     grow and fasten upon your political methods and appliances, and
     not an argument against her rights as contrasted with the rights
     of man. What! usurp an exclusive control--then degrade the modes
     of exercising power, and after that say the degradation is reason
     why the usurpation should continue unchallenged. What profanation
     of the very powers of thought is that! On the contrary, I am
     prepared to say that I see no reason, I never have seen any
     reason, why there might not be changes introduced in your modes
     of taking the sense of the community, of ascertaining public
     opinion upon public measures, of making selection even of its
     individuals for important offices, that would conform them far
     more to those refinements and those elevations which should
     characterize and control them, purifications that must render
     them appropriate for participation in by the most refined of the
     land, whether male or female. I see no reason why it should not
     be done. The change has been constant already from the very
     rudest forms to the forms which we now have, and which I am sorry
     to say, are sufficiently rude to disgrace the civilization of the
     age. Why not further amelioration and adaptation? Are we to have
     no progress in the modes of government among men? Are we and
     future generations to be ever imprisoned in the uncouth
     alternative of monarchical or democratic forms as they now
     obtain? I can not believe it. For five years past we have had
     revolution enough among us to satisfy even the most conservative
     that the present is no ultimatum, either of form or substance in
     political or social affairs. I will go further and venture to
     say, that there are now seething underneath all the forms of this
     Government, revolutions still more striking than any one of us
     have yet witnessed. Beneath all these methods and appliances of
     administrations and controls among men, I believe there is under
     our very feet a heaving, unsteady ocean of aroused questioning in
     which many modes now practiced will sink to rise no more, and out
     of which other adaptations will emerge that will render far more
     perfect the reflection of the will of the people; that will
     perhaps represent minorities as well as majorities; that will
     disarm corruptions by dispensing with party organizations. It is
     the very witching hour of change.

     And, sir, I do not dread change. Why should we? Is not change the
     primal condition on which all life is permitted to exist? Change
     is the very essence of all things pure, the sign and token of the
     divinity that is within us, and conservatism _per se_ is
     infidelity against the ordination of God. When, therefore, we see
     such change in all things that are around us, in fashions and
     customs and laws and recognitions and intellectualities, even to
     the supremest generalizations of science, in all things save the
     elemental principles of our being and by consequence of our
     rights, why shall we say that these forms into which we have cast
     administration and government, shall not obey the great law of
     development and take upon themselves ameliorations better suited
     to the changing society of mankind, to the wants of a more
     truthful representation, to the participation by all in the
     Government that is over all. Mr. President, I am of those who
     believe that they will. When I look around on the incongruities
     and corruptions that surround our present system, when I see what
     politics and government and administration actually are, if I
     believed there was to be no progress in that direction I should
     be bereft of all hope and desolate of faith. On the contrary,
     methinks I can see in the adown vista of the future the golden
     apples hanging on the tree of promise. It seems to me that the
     light of the morning is already streaming in upon us that shall
     illuminate further advancements in the science of government. And
     why should not even Republican government take to itself other
     modes of administration without infraction of its fundamental
     liberties? Why should not large reductions transpire in those
     opportunities that invite the most sinister combination for
     offices and spoils? Is there any reason why the emoluments of
     place should more than repay the labor it calls for? Is there any
     reason why large abolitions of executive patronage may not
     transpire; why Government may not generate through examining
     commissioners, best agencies of its own for the functional work
     it is called to perform, leaving appeals to the community to pass
     rather upon controlling measures and general policies and
     legislative functionaries? Is there any reason why that should
     not take place? Sir, already, if I mistake not, in the large
     cities of this land, which are the local points of your domestic
     political system, the necessity for such a change is being felt
     and acted upon, and large branches of executive work and
     supervision are being necessarily put in commission. Mr.
     President, I think what I have said sufficiently shows that the
     argument which is advanced, that the present surroundings are
     such that woman could not properly participate in your elections,
     is an argument that does not go to the right of the woman, but
     does go to the wrong of the man. It is a criticism, perhaps a
     satire upon the civilization of your political system, not a
     justification for any exclusions practiced under it.

     There is one other line of remark that has been indulged in, and
     only one other so far as I have heard, which calls for any
     special rejoinder, and that affirms the precedents of the past to
     be all against any such proposition as that now submitted. It is
     said that there is no precedent, that it is not customary in any
     of our governments, that it is not one of the recognitions of our
     society, that it has never been signified as such in the past. I
     do not know that such an argument amounts to anything at best,
     but I do know that the allegation itself has no foundation in
     fact. I know that in many cases and on many occasions this
     impassable barrier that is now set forth as dividing the natural
     rights of man and woman has been broken down and trampled upon,
     and that, too, without any injury to the society from so doing.
     Perhaps I can best illustrate this point by what an accomplished
     lady, who has given much thought and research to the subject, has
     presented. I read from a contribution she has made to one of our
     leading public prints. She says:

          So long as political power was of an absolute and hereditary
          character women shared it whenever they happened, by birth,
          to hold the position to which it was attached. In Hungary,
          in some of the German States, and in the French Provinces to
          this day, certain women, holding an inherited right, confer
          the franchise upon their husbands, and in widowhood empower
          some relative or accredited agent to be the legislative
          protector of their property. In 1858, the authorities of the
          old university town of Upsal granted the right of suffrage
          to fifty women owning real estate, and to thirty-one doing
          business on their own account. The representative that their
          votes elected was to sit in the House of Burgesses. In
          Scotland, it is less than a century since, for election
          purposes, parties were unblushingly married in cases where
          women conveyed a political franchise, and parted after the
          election. In Ireland, the court of Queen's Bench, Dublin,
          restored to women, in January, 1864, the old right of voting
          for town commissioners. The Justice, Fitzgerald, desired to
          state that ladies were also entitled to sit as town
          commissioners, as well as to vote for them, and the
          chief-justice took pains to make it clear that there was
          nothing in the act of voting repugnant to their habits.

          In November, 1864, the Government of Moravia decided that
          all women who were tax-payers had the right to vote. In the
          Government of Pitcairn's Island, women over sixteen have
          voted ever since its settlement. In Canada, in 1850, a
          distinct electoral privilege was conferred on women, in the
          hope that thereby the Protestant might balance the Roman
          Catholic power in the school system. I lived where I saw
          this right exercised by female property holders for four
          years. I never heard the most cultivated man, not even that
          noble gentleman, the late Lord Elgin, object to its results.
          In New Jersey, the Constitution adopted in 1776, gave the
          right of suffrage to all inhabitants, of either sex, who
          possessed fifty dollars in proclamation money. In 1790, to
          make it clearer, the Assembly inserted the words "he or
          she." Women voted there till 1838, when, the votes of some
          colored women having decided an election, the prejudice
          against the negro came to the aid of lordly supremacy, and
          an act was passed limiting the right of suffrage to "free
          white male citizens." In 1852, the Kentucky Legislature
          conferred the right on widows with children in matters
          relating to the school system. The same right was conferred
          in Michigan; and full suffrage was given to women in the
          State constitution submitted to Kansas in 1860.

     I think that is a list of illustrations sufficient to dispose of
     any argument that may arise on such a score. And now, Mr.
     President, permit me to say, in concluding the remarks I have
     felt called upon to make here, that I have spoken rather as
     indicating my assent to the principle than as expecting any
     present practical results from the motion in question. In the
     earliest part of my political life, when first called upon to
     represent a constituency in the General Assembly of Missouri, in
     looking around, after my arrival at the seat of Government at
     those matters that seemed to me of most importance in
     legislation, I was struck with two great classes of injustices,
     two great departments in which it seemed to me the laws and the
     constitutions of my State had done signal wrong. Those were one
     as respects the rights of colored persons; the other as respects
     the rights of married women, minors, and females; and I there and
     then determined that whenever and wherever it should be in my
     power to aid in relieving them of those inequalities and those
     injustices, I would do so to the extent of my humble ability.
     Since then I have labored zealously in those two reforms as far
     and as fast as a public opinion could be created or elicited to
     enforce them, and I can say from my own observation that each
     step of advance taken has been fruitful of all good and
     productive of no evil. Emancipation of the colored race in
     Missouri has been achieved in a most thorough manner,
     substantially achieved even before the war; and to-day the
     community is ripe for the declaration that all are created equal,
     and that there is no reason to exclude from any right, civil or
     political, on the ground of race or color. I feel proud to say
     likewise that Missouri has gone further, and wiped from her
     statute-book large portions of that unjust and unfair and
     illiberal legislation which had been leveled at the rights and
     the property of the women of the State. Believing that that cause
     which embraces and embodies the cause of civil liberty will go
     forward still triumphing and to triumph, I will never, so help me
     God, cast any vote that may be construed as throwing myself in
     the face of that progress. Even though I recognize, therefore,
     the impolicy of coupling these two measures in this manner and at
     this time, I shall yet record my vote in the affirmative as an
     earnest indication of my belief in the principle and my faith in
     the future.

     Mr. DAVIS: Mr. President, our entire population, like that of all
     other countries, is divided into two great classes, the male and
     the female. By the census of 1860 the white female population of
     the United States exceeded thirteen millions, and the aggregate
     negro population, of both sexes, was below four and a half
     millions. That great white population, and all its female
     predecessors, have never had the right of suffrage, or, to use
     that cant phrase of the day, have never been enfranchised; and
     such has also been the condition of the negro population. That
     about one negro in ten thousand in four or five States have been
     allowed to vote, is too insignificant to be dignified with any
     consideration as an exception. But now a frenzied party is
     clamoring to have suffrage given to the negro, while they not
     only raise no voice for female suffrage, but frown upon and repel
     every movement and utterance in its favor. Who of the advocates
     of negro suffrage, in Congress or out of it, dare to stand forth
     and proclaim to the manhood of America, that the free negroes are
     fitter and more competent to exercise transcendent political
     power, the right of suffrage, than their mothers, their wives,
     their sisters, and their daughters? The great God who created all
     the races and in every race gave to man woman, never intended
     that woman should take part in national government among any
     people, or that the negro, the lowest, should ever have
     co-ordinate and equal power with the highest, the white race, in
     any government, national or domestic. To woman in every race He
     gave correlative, and as high, as necessary, and as essential,
     but different faculties and attributes, intellectual and moral,
     as He gave to man in the same race; and to both, those adapted to
     the equally important but different parts which they were to play
     in the dramatic destinies of their people. The instincts, the
     teachings of the distinct and differing, but harmonious organism
     of each, led man and woman in every race and people and nation
     and tribe, savage and civilized, in all countries and ages of the
     world, to choose their natural, appropriate, and peculiar field
     of labor and effort. Man assumed the direction of government and
     war, woman of the domestic and family affairs and the care and
     the training of the child; and each have always acquiesced in
     this partition and choice. It has been so from the beginning,
     throughout the whole history of man, and it will continue to be
     so to the end, because it is in conformity to nature and its
     laws, and is sustained and confirmed by the experience and reason
     of six thousand years.

     I therefore, Mr. President, am decidedly and earnestly opposed to
     the amendment moved by my friend from Pennsylvania. There is no
     man more deeply impressed with or more highly appreciates the
     important offices which woman exercises over the destiny of race
     than I do. I concede that woman, by her teachings and influence,
     is the source of the large mass of the morality and virtue of man
     and of the world. The benignant and humanizing and important
     influence which she exercises upon the whole race of man in the
     proper discharge of her functions and duties can not be
     overestimated; but that woman should properly perform these great
     duties, this inappreciably valuable task, it is necessary that
     she should be kept pure. The domestic altar is a sacred fane
     where woman is the high and officiating priestess. This priestess
     should be virtuous, she should be intelligent, she should be
     competent to the performance of all her high duties. To keep her
     in that condition of purity, it is necessary that she should be
     separated from the exercise of suffrage and from all those stern
     and contaminating and demoralizing duties that devolves upon the
     hardier sex--man.

     What is the proposition now before the Senate? To make pure,
     cultivated, noble woman a partisan, a political hack, to lead her
     among the rabble that surround and control by blackguardism and
     brute force so many of the hustings of the United States. Mr.
     President, if one greater evil or curse could befall the American
     people than any other, in my judgment it would be to confer upon
     the women of America the right of suffrage. It would be a great
     step in the line of mischief and evil, and it would lead to other
     and equally fatal steps--in the same direction. Sir, if ever in
     the depths and silence of night I send up my secret orisons to my
     Maker, one of the most fervent of my prayers would be that the
     women of my country should be saved and sheltered by man from
     this great contamination. It is not necessary to the proper
     influence and to the legitimate power of woman. A cultivated,
     enlightened, delicate, refined, and virtuous woman at the family
     altar is the persuasive and at the same time plastic power that
     sways and fashions the principles and character of her children,
     and thus makes her impress upon the future men of America, the
     Phocians, the Timoleons, the Washingtons, who are the honor of
     the race, and whose destiny it is to elevate and ennoble it. Mr.
     President, in proportion as man becomes civilized so increases
     the power and the influence of woman. In the tribes and nations
     of the lowest ignorance and barbarism this influence is least--it
     is most potent where there is the greatest intellectual and moral
     cultivation of man. I want this gentle and holy influence to
     continue pure and uncontaminated by keeping it within the
     domestic fane and afar from party politics. But, sir, it has
     become the fashion, the philosophy, the frenzy of the day to coin
     catch-words that carry a seemingly attractive principle, but at
     the same time alluring and mischievous, and among them is this
     cry for woman's rights and also for negro suffrage and manhood
     suffrage and universal suffrage. It is all nothing but slang and
     demagoguery, and is fraught with naught but evil, mischief, and
     degradation, individually and nationally. For these reasons, sir,
     one of the last propositions, or if gentlemen choose, principles
     which have been or may be propounded to the people of America, or
     as an amendment to the Constitution of the United States, to
     which I shall ever give my acceptance, is female suffrage.

     I do not deny that our national family properly and wisely
     comprehends all of the nationalities of Europe who may come here,
     according to the terms of our naturalization laws, and their
     posterity; but I assert that negroes, Indians, Mongolians,
     Chinese, and Tartars ought not and can not safely be admitted to
     the powers and privileges of citizenship.

     I have no doubt that my honorable friend from Pennsylvania
     desires that the right of suffrage should be given to women; and
     if he had the power to transfer all the women of the conservative
     States into and to become residents of the radical States, who
     imagines that if that were done the Radicals of this House and of
     the nation would shout in favor of giving to women the right of
     suffrage? If the Radicals in Congress and out of Congress knew
     with the certainty of truth that every vote which they will
     enfranchise by conferring the right of suffrage on the negro,
     would be cast against that party, in favor of their late southern
     masters, in favor of the Democracy, in hostility to the schemes
     of ambition and spoils which are now animating the heart and mind
     of the great radical organization, who doubts that this party and
     every mother's son of them would shout for withholding suffrage
     from the negro?

     Mr. SPRAGUE: I know the Senate is impatient for a vote. I know
     they are determined to vote favorably. When it is necessary that
     women shall vote for the support of liberty and equality I shall
     be ready to cast my vote in their favor. The black man's vote is
     necessary to this at this time....

     Mr. BUCKALEW: I desire to say before the vote is taken on this
     amendment that I shall vote in favor of it because of the
     particular position which it occupies. A vote given for this
     amendment is not a final one. I understand it to pronounce an
     opinion upon the two propositions which have been undergoing
     consideration in the Senate, in a comparative manner, if I may
     use the expression. In voting for this proposition I affirm
     simply that the principles and the reasonings upon which the bill
     itself, as reported by the committee, is based, would apply with
     equal, if not increased force, to the particular proposition
     contained in the amendment. If that be affirmed, then recurs the
     question whether it is proper, whether it is expedient at this
     time to increase, and very extensively increase, suffrage in this
     country. I do not understand that the general argument on that
     question is involved in the present motion. I do not understand
     that it comes up of necessity in considering the proposition
     covered by the amendment of my colleague which stands simply in
     contrast with that contained in the bill. I presume there are
     several gentlemen, members of this body, who will vote with
     reference to this consideration and who will reserve their
     opinion, either openly or in their own consciousness, upon the
     general or indirect question of the extension of suffrage to the
     females of the United States.

     But the occasion invites some remarks beyond the mere statement
     of this point. The debates which have been going on for three
     days in this Chamber will go out to the country. They will
     constitute an element in the popular discussions of the times and
     awaken a large amount of public attention. This is not the last
     we shall hear of this subject. It will come to us again; and I am
     persuaded that one reason why it will come again is that the
     arguments against the proposed extension of suffrage have not
     been sufficient; they have been inadequate; they have been placed
     upon grounds which will not endure debate. Those who are in favor
     of the extension of suffrage to females can answer what has been
     said in this Chamber, and they can answer it triumphantly; and
     you will eventually be obliged to take other grounds than those
     which have been here stated. From the beginning of this debate
     there has been either an open or an implied concession of the
     principle upon which the extension of suffrage is asked; and that
     is, that there is some natural right or propriety in extending it
     further than it was extended by those who formed our State and
     Federal Constitutions; that there is some principle of right or
     of propriety involved which now appeals powerfully to us in favor
     of extended and liberal action in behalf of those large classes
     who have been hitherto disfranchised; upon whom the right of
     suffrage has not been heretofore conferred.

     Having made this concession upon the fundamental ground of the
     inquiry, or at all events intimated it, the opponents of an
     extended franchise pass on to particular arguments of
     inconvenience or inexpediency as constituting the grounds of
     their opposition.

     Now, sir, I venture to say that those who resist the extension of
     suffrage in this country will be unsuccessful in their
     opposition; they will be overborne, unless they assume grounds of
     a more commanding character than those which they have here
     maintained. This subject of the extension of suffrage must be put
     upon practical grounds and extricated from the sophisms of
     theoretical reasoning. Gentlemen must get out of the domain of
     theory. They must come back again to those principles of action
     upon which our fathers proceeded in framing our constitutional
     system. They lodged suffrage in this country simply in those whom
     they thought most worthy and most fit to exercise it. They did
     not proceed upon those humanitarian theories which have since
     obtained and which now seem to have taken a considerable hold on
     the public mind. They were practical men, and acted with
     reference to the history and experience of mankind. They were no
     metaphysicians; they were not reformers in the modern sense of
     the term; they were men who based their political action upon the
     experience of mankind, and upon those practical reflections with
     reference to men and things in which they had indulged in active
     life. They placed suffrage then upon the broad common-sense
     principle that it should be lodged in and exercised by those who
     could use it most wisely and most safely and most efficiently to
     serve the great ends for which Government was instituted. They
     had no other ground than this, and their work shows that they
     proceeded upon it, and not upon any abstract or transcendental
     notion of human rights which ignored the existing facts of social
     life.

     Now, sir, the objection which I have to a large extension of
     suffrage in this country, whether by Federal or State power, is
     this: that thereby you will corrupt and degrade elections, and
     probably lead to their complete abrogation hereafter. By pouring
     into the ballot-boxes of the country a large mass of ignorant
     votes, and votes subjected to pecuniary or social influence, you
     will corrupt and degrade your elections and lay the foundation
     for their ultimate destruction. That is a conviction of mine, and
     it is upon that ground that I resist both negro suffrage and
     female suffrage, and any other proposed form of suffrage which
     takes humanity in an unduly broad or enlarged sense as the
     foundation of an arrangement of political power.

     Mr. President, I proposed before the debate concluded, before
     this subject should be submitted to the Senate for its final
     decision, to protest against some of the reasoning by which this
     amendment was resisted. I intended to protest against particular
     arguments which were submitted; but I was glad this morning that
     that duty which I had proposed to myself was discharged, and well
     discharged by the Senator from Missouri [Mr. Brown]. For
     instance, the argument that the right of suffrage ought not to be
     conferred upon this particular class because they did not or
     could not bear arms--a consideration totally foreign and
     irrelevant, in my opinion, to the question which we are
     discussing.

     But, sir, passing this by, I desire to add a few words before I
     conclude upon another point which was stated or suggested by the
     Senator from Missouri, and that is the question of reform or
     improvement in our election system; I mean in the machinery by
     which or plans upon which those elections proceed. After due
     reflection given to this subject, my opinion is that our
     electoral systems in this country are exceedingly defective, and
     that they require thorough revision, that to them the hand of
     reform must be strongly applied if republican institutions are to
     be ultimately successful with us.

     I would see much less objection to your extension of the right of
     suffrage very largely to classes now excluded if you had a
     different mode of voting, if you did take or could take the sense
     of these added classes in a different manner from that which now
     obtains in popular voting. You proceed at present upon the
     principle or rule that a mere majority of the electoral community
     shall possess the whole mass of political power; and what are the
     inevitable results? First, that the community is divided into
     parties, and into parties not very unequal in their aggregate
     numbers. What next? That the balance of power between parties is
     held by a very small number of voters; and in practical action
     what is the fact? That the struggle is constantly for that
     balance of power, and in order to obtain it, all the arts and all
     the evil influences of elections are called into action. It is
     this struggle for that balance of power that breeds most of the
     evils of your system of popular elections. Now, is it not
     possible to have republican institutions and to eliminate or
     decrease largely this element of evil? Why, sir, take the State
     of Pennsylvania, whose voice, perhaps, in this Government is to
     give direction to its legislation at a given time and take a
     pecuniary interest in the country largely interested in your
     laws, looking forward upon the eve of a hotly contested election
     to some particular measures of Government which shall favor it,
     with what ease can that interest throw into the State a pecuniary
     contribution competent to turn the voice of that powerful State
     and change or determine the policy of your Government. And why
     so? It is only necessary that this corrupt influence should be
     exerted very slightly indeed within that State from abroad in
     order to turn the scale, because you are only to exert your
     pernicious power upon a small number of persons who hold the
     balance of power between parties therein. Sir, that organization
     of our system which allows such a state of things to occur must
     be inherently vicious. Instead of this being a Government of the
     whole people, which is our fundamental principle, which is our
     original idea, it is a Government, in the first place, of a
     majority only of the people; and in the next place, it is in some
     sort a Government of that small number of persons who give
     preponderance to one party over another, and who may be
     influenced by fanaticism, corruption, or passion.

     This being our political state at present with reference to
     electoral action, what do you propose? We have a great evil.
     Electoral corruption is the great danger in our path. It is the
     evil in our system against which we must constantly struggle.
     Every patriot and every honest man here and in his own State is
     bound to lift his voice and to strike boldly against it in all
     its forms, and it requires for its repression all the efforts and
     all the exertion we can put forth. Now what is proposed by the
     reformers of the present time? We have our majority rule--it is
     not a principle; it is an abuse of all terms to call it a
     principle--we have our majority rule in full action, presenting
     an invitation to corrupt, base, and sinister influences to attach
     themselves to our system; we have great difficulties with which
     we now struggle arising from imperfect arrangements, and what do
     you propose? To reform existing evils and abuses? To correct your
     system? To study it as patriots, as men of reflection and good
     sense? No, sir. You propose to introduce into our electoral
     bodies new elements of enormous magnitude. You propose to take
     the base of society, excluded now, and build upon it, and upon
     it alone or mainly, because the introduction of the enormous mass
     of voters proposed by the reformers will wholly change the
     foundations upon which you build.

     Will not these new electors you propose to introduce be more
     approachable than men who now vote to all corrupt influences?
     Will they not be more passionate, and therefore more easily
     influenced by the demagogue? Will they not be more easily caught
     and enraptured by superficial declamation, because more incapable
     of profound reflection? Will not their weakness render them
     subservient to the strong and their ignorance to the artful?

     I shall not, however, detain you with an elaborate argument upon
     this question of suffrage. I only feel myself called upon to say
     enough to indicate the general direction of my reflections upon
     the questions before us; to show why it is that I am immovably
     opposed at this time to extending our system of suffrage in the
     District of Columbia or elsewhere so as to include large classes
     of persons who are now excluded; and to state my opinion that
     reform or change should be concerned with the correction of the
     existing evils of our electoral system, instead of with the
     enlargement of its boundaries.

     Mr. DOOLITTLE: I move that the Senate do now adjourn.

     Several SENATORS: Oh, no; let us have a vote.

     The motion was not agreed to.

     Mr. DOOLITTLE: Mr. President, this amendment, in my judgment,
     opens a very grave question; a question graver than it appears at
     the blush; a question upon which the ablest minds are divided
     here and elsewhere; a question, however, on which we are called
     upon to vote, and therefore one upon which I desire very briefly
     to state the views which control my judgment when I say that I
     shall vote against the amendment which is now offered.

     For myself, sir, after giving some considerable reflection to the
     subject of suffrage, I have arrived at the conclusion that the
     true base or foundation upon which to rest suffrage in any
     republican community is upon the family, the head of the family;
     because in civilized society the family is the unit, not the
     individual. What is meant by "man" is man in that relation where
     he is placed according to nature, reason, and religion. If it
     were a new question and it were left to me to determine what
     should be the true qualification of a person to exercise the
     right of suffrage, I would fix it upon that basis that the head
     of a family, capable of supporting that family, and who had
     supported the family, should be permitted to vote, and no other.

     While I know that the question is not a new one; while it is
     impossible for me to treat it as a new question because suffrage
     everywhere has been extended beyond the heads of families, yet
     the reason, in my judgment, upon which it has been extended is
     simply this: if certain men have been permitted to vote who were
     not the heads of families it was because they were the exceptions
     to the general rule, and because it was to be presumed that if
     they were not at the time heads of families they ought to be, and
     probably would be. I say that according to reason, nature, and
     religion, the family is the unit of every society. So far as the
     ballot is concerned, in my judgment, it represents this
     fundamental element of civilized society, the family. It
     therefore should be cast by the head of the family, and according
     to reason, nature, and religion man is the head of the family. In
     that relation, while every man is king, every woman is queen; but
     upon him devolves the responsibility of controlling the external
     relations of this family, and those external relations are
     controlled by the ballot; for that ballot or vote which he
     exercises goes to choose the legislators who are to make the laws
     which are to govern society. Within the family man is supreme; he
     governs by the law of the family, by the law of reason, nature,
     religion. Therefore it is that I am not in favor of conferring
     the right of suffrage upon woman....

     Mr. President, I have stated very briefly that I shall not be
     able to vote for the proposition of my honorable friend from
     Pennsylvania [Mr. Cowan]. I shall not be able to vote for this
     bill if it be a bill to give universal suffrage to the colored
     men in this District without any restriction or qualification. I
     have been informed that some other Senator intends before this
     bill shall have passed in the Senate to propose an amendment
     which will attach a qualification, and perhaps, should that meet
     the views of the Senate, I might give my support to the bill. I
     shall not detain the Senate further now on this subject.

     Mr. POMEROY: I desire to say in just a brief word that I shall
     vote against the amendment of the Senator from Pennsylvania,
     simply because I am in favor of this measure, and I do not want
     to weigh it down with anything else. There are other measures
     that I would be glad to support in their proper place and time;
     but this is a great measure of itself. Since I have been a member
     of the Senate, there was a law in this District authorizing the
     selling of colored men. To have traveled in six years from the
     auction-block to the ballot with these people is an immense
     stride, and if we can carry this measure alone of itself we
     should be contented for the present. I am for this measure
     religiously and earnestly, and I would vote down and vote against
     everything that I thought weakened or that I thought was opposed
     to it. It is simply with this view, without expressing any
     opinion in regard to the merits of the amendment, that I shall
     vote against it and all other amendments.

     The PRESIDENT _pro tem._: The question is on the amendment of the
     Senator from Pennsylvania [Mr. Cowan], to strike out the word
     "male" before the word "person," in the second line of the first
     section of the amendment reported by the Committee on the
     District of Columbia as a substitute for the whole bill, and on
     that question the yeas and nays have been ordered. Yeas, 9. Nays,
     37.[58]

     In the House, January 28, 1867, Mr. Noell, of Missouri,
     introduced a bill to amend the suffrage act of the District of
     Columbia, which, after the second reading, he moved should be
     referred to a select committee of five, and on that motion
     demanded the previous question, and called for the yeas and nays,
     which resulted in 49 yeas,[59] 74 nays--68 not voting.


FOOTNOTES:

[48] FORM OF PETITION.--_To the Senate and House of
Representatives_:--The undersigned women of the United States,
respectfully ask an amendment of the Constitution that shall prohibit
the several States from disfranchising any of their citizens on the
ground of sex.

In making our demand for Suffrage, we would call your attention to the
fact that we represent fifteen million people--one-half the entire
population of the country--intelligent, virtuous, native-born American
citizens; and yet stand outside the pale of political recognition. The
Constitution classes us as "free people," and counts us _whole_
persons in the basis of representation; and yet are we governed
without our consent, compelled to pay taxes without appeal, and
punished for violations of law without choice of judge or juror. The
experience of all ages, the Declarations of the Fathers, the Statute
Laws of our own day, and the fearful revolution through which we have
just passed, all prove the uncertain tenure of life, liberty, and
property so long as the ballot--the only weapon of self-protection--is
not in the hand of every citizen.

Therefore, as you are now amending the Constitution, and, in harmony
with advancing civilization, placing new safeguards round the
individual rights of four millions of emancipated slaves, we ask that
you extend the right of Suffrage to Woman--the only remaining class of
disfranchised citizens--and thus fulfill your constitutional
obligation "to guarantee to every State in the Union a Republican form
of Government." As all partial application of Republican principles
must ever breed a complicated legislation as well as a discontented
people, we would pray your Honorable Body, in order to simplify the
machinery of Government and ensure domestic tranquillity, that you
legislate hereafter for persons, citizens, tax-payers, and not for
class or caste. For justice and equality your petitioners will ever
pray.

[49] JOINT RESOLUTIONS BEFORE CONGRESS AFFECTING WOMEN.

_To the Editor of the Standard_--_Sir_:--Mr. Broomall, of
Pennsylvania; Mr. Schenck, of Ohio; Mr. Jenckes, of Rhode Island; Mr.
Stevens, of Pennsylvania, have each a resolution before Congress to
amend the Constitution.

Article 1st, Section 2d, reads thus: "Representatives and direct taxes
shall be apportioned among the several States which may be included
within this Union according to their respective number."

Mr. Broomall proposes to amend by saying "male electors," Mr. Schenck
"male citizens," Mr. Jenckes "male citizens," Mr. Stevens "legal
voters." There is no objection to the amendment proposed by Mr.
Stevens, as in process of time women may be made "legal voters" in the
several States, and would then meet that requirement of the
Constitution. But those urged by the other gentlemen, neither time,
effort, nor State Constitutions could enable us to meet, unless, by a
liberal interpretation of the amendment, a coat of mail to be worn at
the polls might be judged all-sufficient. Mr. Jenckes and Mr. Schenck,
in their bills, have the grace not to say a word about taxes,
remembering perhaps that "taxation without representation is tyranny."
But Mr. Broomall, though unwilling to share with us the honors of
Government, would fain secure us a place in its burdens; for while he
apportions representatives to "male electors" only, he admits "_all
the inhabitants_" into the rights, privileges, and immunities of
taxation. Magnanimous M. C.!

I would call the attention of the women of the nation to the fact that
under the Federal Constitution, as it now exists, there is not one
word that limits the right of suffrage to any privileged class. This
attempt to turn the wheels of civilization backward, on the part of
Republicans claiming to be _the_ Liberal party, should rouse every
woman in the nation to a prompt exercise of the only right she has in
the Government, the right of petition. To this end a committee in New
York have sent out thousands of petitions, which should be circulated
in every district and sent to its Representative at Washington as soon
as possible.

                                             ELIZABETH CADY STANTON.

NEW YORK, _January 2, 1866_.

[50] Leaving Rochester October 11th, she called on Martha Wright,
Auburn; Phebe Jones and Lydia Mott, Albany; Mrs. Rose, Gibbons, Davis,
Stanton, New York; Lucy Stone and Antoinette Brown Blackwell, New
Jersey; Stephen and Abby Foster, Worcester; Mrs. Severance, Dall,
Nowell, Dr. Harriot K. Hunt, Dr. Zakzyewska, Mr. Phillips and
Garrison, in Boston, urging them to join in sending protests to
Washington against the pending legislation. Mr. Phillips at once
consented to vote $500 from the "Jackson Fund" to commence the work.
Miss Anthony and Mrs. Stanton spent all their "Christmas holidays" in
writing letters and addressing appeals and petitions to every part of
the country, and before the close of the session of 1865-66 ten
thousand signatures were poured into Congress.

[51] "THIS IS THE NEGRO'S HOUR."

_To the Editor of the Standard_--_Sir_:--By an amendment of the
Constitution, ratified by three-fourths of the loyal States, the black
man is declared free. The largest and most influential political party
is demanding suffrage for him throughout the Union, which right in
many of the States is already conceded. Although this may remain a
question for politicians to wrangle over for five or ten years, the
black man is still, in a political point of view, far above the
educated women of the country. The representative women of the nation
have done their uttermost for the last thirty years to secure freedom
for the negro, and so long as he was lowest in the scale of being we
were willing to press _his_ claims; but now, as the celestial gate to
civil rights is slowly moving on its hinges, it becomes a serious
question whether we had better stand aside and see "Sambo" walk into
the kingdom first. As self-preservation is the first law of nature,
would it not be wiser to keep our lamps trimmed and burning, and when
the constitutional door is open, avail ourselves of the strong arm and
blue uniform of the black soldier to walk in by his side, and thus
make the gap so wide that no privileged class could ever again close
it against the humblest citizen of the republic?

"This is the negro's hour." Are we sure that he, once entrenched in
all his inalienable rights, may not be an added power to hold us at
bay? Have not "black male citizens" been heard to say they doubted the
wisdom of extending the right of suffrage to women? Why should the
African prove more just and generous than his Saxon compeers? If the
two millions of Southern black women are not to be secured in their
rights of person, property, wages, and children, their emancipation is
but another form of slavery. In fact, it is better to be the slave of
an educated white man, than of a degraded, ignorant black one. We who
know what absolute power the statute laws of most of the States give
man, in all his civil, political, and social relations, demand that in
changing the status of the four millions of Africans, the women as
well as the men shall be secured in all the rights, privileges, and
immunities of citizens.

It is all very well for the privileged order to look down complacently
and tell us, "This is the negro's hour; do not clog his way; do not
embarrass the Republican party with any new issue; be generous and
magnanimous; the negro once safe, the woman comes next." Now, if our
prayer involved a new set of measures, or a new train of thought, it
would be cruel to tax "white male citizens" with even two simple
questions at a time; but the disfranchised all make the same demand,
and the same logic and justice that secures suffrage to one class
gives it to all. The struggle of the last thirty years has not been
merely on the black man as such, but on the broader ground of his
humanity. Our Fathers, at the end of the first revolution, in their
desire for a speedy readjustment of all their difficulties, and in
order to present to Great Britain, their common enemy, an united
front, accepted the compromise urged on them by South Carolina, and a
century of wrong, ending in another revolution, has been the result of
their action. This is our opportunity to retrieve the errors of the
past and mould anew the elements of Democracy. The nation is ready for
a long step in the right direction; party lines are obliterated, and
all men are thinking for themselves. If our rulers have the justice to
give the black man suffrage, woman should avail herself of that
new-born virtue to secure her rights; if not, she should begin with
renewed earnestness to educate the people into the idea of universal
suffrage.

                                             ELIZABETH CADY STANTON.

NEW YORK, _December 26, 1865_.

[52] From the _New York Evening Express_.

SCENES IN THE HOUSE OF REPRESENTATIVES.--_Negroes are to Vote--Why not
Coolies in California--Indians everywhere, and First of all, Fifteen
Millions of our Countrywomen._

The following occurred in the House, Tuesday, upon Thaddeus Stevens'
resolution, from the Reconstruction Committee, to deprive the South of
representation, unless the South lets the negroes vote there....

Mr. CHANDLER, of New York, having the floor for an hour, said: Before
proceeding with my remarks, I will yield the floor for ten minutes to
my colleague [Mr. Brooks].

Mr. BROOKS: Mr. Speaker, I do not rise, of course, to debate this
resolution, in the few minutes allowed me by my colleague, nor, in my
judgment, does the resolution need any discussion unless it may be for
the mere purpose of agitation. I do not suppose that there is an
honorable gentleman upon the floor of this House who believes for a
moment that any movement of this character is likely to become the
fundamental law of the land, and these propositions are, therefore,
introduced only for the purpose of agitation. If the honorable
gentleman from Pennsylvania [Mr. Stevens] had been quite confident of
adopting this amendment, he would at the start have named what are
States of this Union. The opinion of the honorable gentleman himself,
that there are no States in this Union but those that are now
represented upon this floor, I know full well, but he knows as well
that the President of the United States recognizes thirty-six States
of this Union, and that it is necessary to obtain the consent of
three-fourths of those thirty-six States, which number it is not
possible to obtain. He knows very well that if his amendment should be
adopted by the Legislatures of States enough, in his judgment, to
carry it, before it could pass the tribunal of the Executive Chamber
it would be obliged to receive the assent of twenty-seven States in
order to become an amendment to the Constitution. The whole
resolution, therefore, is for the purpose of mere agitation. It is an
appeal from this House to the outside constituencies that we know by
the name of buncombe. Here it was born, and here, after its agitation
in the States, it will die. Hence, I asked the gentleman from
Pennsylvania this morning to be consistent in his proposition. In one
thing he is consistent, and that is in admitting the whole of the
Asiatic immigration, which, by the connection of our steamers with
China and Japan and the East Indies, is about to pour forth in mighty
masses upon the Pacific coast to the overwhelming even of the white
population there.

Mr. STEVENS: I wish to correct the gentleman. I said it excluded
Chinese.

Mr. BROOKS: How exclude them, when Chinese are to be included in the
basis of representation?

Mr. STEVENS: I say it excludes them.

Mr. BROOKS: How exclude them?

Mr. STEVENS: They are not included in the basis of representation.

Mr. BROOKS: Yes, if the States exclude them from the elective
franchise; and the States of California and Oregon and Nevada are to
be deprived of representation according to their population upon the
floor of this House by this amendment. I asked him, also, if the
Indian was not a man and a brother, and I obtained no satisfactory
answer from the honorable gentleman. I speak now, in order to make his
resolution consistent, for no one hundred thousand coolies or wild
savages, but I raise my voice here in behalf of fifteen million of our
countrywomen, the fairest, brightest portion of creation, and I ask
why they are not permitted to vote for Representatives under this
resolution? Why, in organizing a system of liberality and justice, not
recognize in the case of free women as well as free negroes the right
of representation?

Mr. STEVENS: The gentleman will allow me to say that this bill does
not exclude women. It does not say who shall vote.

Mr. BROOKS: I comprehend all that; but the whole object of this
amendment is to obtain votes for the negroes. That is its purport,
tendency, and meaning; and it punishes those who will not give a vote
to the negroes in the Southern States of our Union. That is the object
of the resolution, and the ground upon which it is presented to this
House and to the country. This is a new era; this is an age of
progress. Indians are not only Indians, but men and brothers; and why
not, in a resolution like this, include the fair sex too, and give
them the right to representation? Will it be said that this sex does
not claim a right to representation? Many members here have petitions
from these fifteen millions of women, or a large portion of them, for
representation, and for the right to vote on equal terms with the
stronger sex, who they say are now depriving them of it. To show that
such is their wish and desire, I will send to the Clerk's desk to be
read certain documents, to which I ask the attention of the honorable
gentleman from Pennsylvania [Mr. Stevens], for in one of them he will
find he is somewhat interested.

The Clerk read as follows:

        STANDARD OFFICE, 48 Beekman Street, New York, _Jan. 20, 1866_.

     _Dear Sir_:--I send you the inclosed copy of petition and
     signatures sent to Thaddeus Stevens last week. I then urged Mr.
     Stevens, if their committee of fifteen could not report favorably
     on our petitions, they would, at least, not interpose any new
     barrier against woman's right to the ballot.

     Mrs. Stanton has sent you a petition--I trust you will present
     that at your earliest convenience. The Democrats are now in
     minority. May they drive the Republicans to do good works--not
     merely to hold the rebel States in check until negro men shall be
     guaranteed their right to a voice in their governments, but to
     hold the party to a logical consistency that shall give every
     responsible citizen in every State equal right to the ballot.
     Will you, sir, please send me whatever is said or done with our
     petitions? Will you also give me the names of members whom you
     think would present petitions for us?

     Hon. JAMES BROOKS.      Respectfully yours,     SUSAN B. ANTHONY.

A PETITION FOR UNIVERSAL SUFFRAGE.

_To the Senate and House of Representatives_:--[The petition here
presented has been already in _The Express_. The following are the
signatures to the petition sent to Mr. Stevens]: Elizabeth Cady
Stanton, New York; Susan B. Anthony, Rochester, N.Y.; Antoinette Brown
Blackwell, New York; Lucy Stone, Newark, N.J.; Ernestine L. Rose, New
York; Joanna S. Morse, 48 Livingston St., Brooklyn; Elizabeth R.
Tilton, 48 Livingston St., Brooklyn; Ellen Hoxie Squier, 34 St. Felix
St., Brooklyn; Mary Fowler Gilbert, 294 West 19th St., New York; Mary
E. Gilbert, 294 West 19th St., New York; Mattie Griffith, New York.

The SPEAKER: The ten minutes of the gentleman from New York [Mr.
Brooks] have expired.

Mr. BROOKS: I will only say that at the proper time I will move to
amend--or if I do not I would suggest to some gentleman on the other
side to move it--this proposed amendment by inserting the words "or
sex" after the word "color," so that it will read:

_Provided_, That whenever the elective franchise shall be denied or
abridged in any State on account of race or color or sex, all persons
of such race or color or sex shall be excluded from the basis of
representation.

Mr. STEVENS: Is the gentleman from N.Y. [Mr. Brooks] in favor of that
amendment?

Mr. BROOKS: I am if negroes are permitted to vote.

Mr. STEVENS: That does not answer my question. Is the gentleman in
favor of the amendment he has indicated?

Mr. BROOKS: I suggested that I would move it at a convenient time.

Mr. STEVENS: Is the gentleman in favor of his own amendment?

Mr. BROOKS: I am in favor of my own color in preference to any other
color, and I prefer the white women of my country to the negro.
[Applause on the floor and in the galleries promptly checked by the
Speaker]. The Speaker said he saw a number of persons clapping in the
galleries. He would endeavor, to the best of his ability, whether
supported by the House or not, to preserve order. Applause was just as
much out of order as manifestations of disapproval, and hisses not
more than clapping of hands. Instead of general applause on the floor,
gentlemen on the floor should set a good example.

[53] WOMEN POLITICIANS.--Mr. Lane, of Kansas, it is reported, has
presented to the Senate the petition of "one hundred and twenty-four
beautiful, intelligent, and accomplished ladies of Lawrence," praying
for a constitutional amendment that shall prohibit States from
disfranchising citizens on account of sex. That trick will not do. We
wager a big apple that the ladies referred to are not "beautiful" or
accomplished. Nine of every ten of them are undoubtedly _passe_. They
have hook-billed noses, crow's-feet under their sunken eyes, and a
mellow tinting of the hair. They are connoisseurs in the matter of
snuff. They discard hoops, waterfalls, and bandeaux. They hold hen
conventions, to discuss and decide, with vociferous expression, the
orthodoxy of the minister, the regularity of the doctor, and the
morals of the lawyer. They read the _Tribune_ with spectacles, and
have files of _The Liberator_ and Wendell Phillips' orations, bound in
sheepskin. Heaven forbid that we should think of any of the number as
a married woman, without a fervent aspiration of pity for the weaker
vessel who officiates as her spouse. As to rearing children, that is
not to be thought of in the connection. Show us a woman who wants to
mingle in the exciting and unpurified squabble of politics, and we
will show you one who has failed to reach and enjoy that true relation
of sovereignty which is held by her "meek and lowly" sisters; who,
though destitute of such panting aspirations, hold the scepter of true
authority in those high and holy virtues which fascinate while they
command in their undisputed empire--the social circle. What iconoclast
shall break our idol, by putting the ballot in woman's hand?--_Albany
Evening Journal._

A CRY FROM THE FEMALES.--Mr. Sumner yesterday presented a petition to
the Senate from a large number of the women of New England, praying
that they may not be debarred from the right of suffrage on account of
sex. Our heart warms with pity toward these unfortunate creatures. We
fancy that we can see them, deserted of men, and bereft of those rich
enjoyments and exalted privileges which belong to women, languishing
their unhappy lives away in a mournful singleness, from which they can
escape by no art in the construction of waterfalls or the employment
of cotton-padding. Talk of a true woman needing the ballot as an
accessory of power, when she rules the world by a glance of her eye.
There was sound philosophy in the remark of an Eastern monarch, that
his wife was sovereign of the Empire, because she ruled his little
ones, and his little ones ruled him. The sure panacea for such ills as
the Massachusetts petitioners complain of, is a wicker-work cradle and
a dimple-cheeked baby.--_The New York Tribune._

[54] WOMAN SUFFRAGE.--_Editor Commonwealth_:--Enclosed is a letter I
sent to the editor of _The Nation_. As I consider his allusion to it
insufficient, will you have the kindness to print it, no paper but
yours, that I know of, being now open to the subject. All that the
editor of _The Nation_ has a right to say is, that he has not
investigated the statistics. Most of the women who have signed the
petitions are women who have not a male relative in the world
interested in the matter. Very truly yours,

BOSTON, _Jan. 20, 1866_.                           CAROLINE H. DALL.


                         70 WARREN AVENUE, BOSTON, _Jan. 6, 1866_.

_To the Editor of The Nation_:--I saw with surprise in _The Nation_,
received to-day, a paragraph on "Universal Suffrage," which contained
the following lines:

"We think the women of the United States ought to have the franchise
if they desire it, and we think they ought to desire it. But until
they do desire it, and show that they do, by a _general_ expression of
opinion, we are opposed to their being saddled with it on grounds of
theoretical fitness, etc."

Surely, it is difficult to explain such a sentence in a professedly
far-seeing and deep-thinking journal! That argument will serve as well
for the lately enfranchised blacks as for women, for no one will
pretend that of the millions set free, a bare majority would of
themselves contend for the franchise. That argument might have refused
them freedom itself, for a large majority of Southern slaves knew too
little of it to desire it, however they may have longed to be rid of a
taskmaster and the pangs which slavery brought. During the last four
years women have been silent about their "rights" in the several
States, because pressed by severe duties. Desirous to establish a
reputation for discretion, we have refrained from complicating the
perplexities of any Senator; but now that a constitutional amendment
is pending we must be careful, even if we gain no franchise, to lose
no _opportunity_.

Hitherto the Constitution of the United States has contained no word
that would shut women out from future suffrage. Mr. Schenck, of Ohio,
and Mr. Jenckes, of Rhode Island, propose to limit a right to "male
citizens" which should rest, as it now does, simply on "legal voters."
This would oblige women to move to amend the Constitution of the
United States after each separate State was carried. We have no
inclination for this unnecessary work, and here, in Boston, we are
preparing a petition basing the necessity of our present interference
on this fact alone. How much women desire the suffrage, Mr. Editor,
you ought to perceive from the conduct of the women of Australia.
Carelessly enough, her male legislators omitted the significant
adjective from their constitutional amendment, and, without a word of
warning, on election day, every woman, properly qualified, was found
at the polls. There was no just reason for refusing them the
privilege, and _The London Times_ says the precedent is to stand.

A very absurd article in _The Evening Post_ has lately given us an
idea that New York contains some remarkable women. Women born to be
looked at!--women who do their whole duty if they blossom like the
roses, and like the roses die. Let us hope they fulfill the functions
of this type by as short a sojourn on this earth as may be, lingering,
as Malherbe would have it, only for "the space of a morning." It may
be among them that you find the women who "look persistently to
married life as a means of livelihood." Here, in Massachusetts, we do
not acknowledge any such. Fashion has her danglers among men and
women, but we pity those whose lot has thrown them into intimate
relations with such women as you describe. They are not of our sort.
We think that if the writer in _The Evening Post_ were tested, he
would be forced to admire most the hands which could do the best work.
It would be small comfort to him, when Bridget and John had
simultaneously departed, when the baby was crying and the fire out,
that his wife sat lonely, in one corner of the apartment, with serene
eyes and unstained hands. Men who talk such nonsense in America, must
remember that neither wealth nor gentle blood can _here_ protect them
from such a dilemma. As to suffrage, we are not now talking of
granting it to a distinct race; if we were, they might manifest a
"general" desire for it. Women, who love their husbands and brothers,
can not _all_ submit to bear the reproach which clings to their demand
for justice. A few of us must suffer sharply for the sake of that
great future which God shows us to be possible, when goodness shall
join hands with power. But we do not like our pain. We would gladly be
sheltered, and comforted, and cheered, and we warn you, by what passes
in our own hearts, that women will never express a "general" desire
for suffrage until men have ceased to ridicule and despise them for
it; until the representatives of men have been taught to treat their
petitions with respect. There would be no difficulty in obtaining this
right of suffrage If it depended on a property qualification. It is
consistent democracy which bars our way.

                                                 CAROLINE HEALEY DALL.

[55] _Be it enacted by the Senate and House of Representatives of the
United States of America in Congress assembled_: That, from and after
the passage of this act, each and every male person, excepting paupers
and persons under guardianship, of the age of twenty-one years and
upward, who has not been convicted of any infamous crime or offence,
and who is a citizen of the United States, and who shall have resided
in the said District for the period of six months previous to any
election therein, shall be entitled to the elective franchise, and
shall be deemed an elector and entitled to vote at any election in
said District, without any distinction on account of color or race.

[56] _The New York Tribune_, Dec. 12, 1866, contains the following
editorial comments: The Senate devoted yesterday to a discussion of
the right of women to vote--a side question, which Mr. Cowan, of
Pennsylvania, interjected into the debate on suffrage for the District
of Columbia. Mr. Cowan chooses to represent himself as an ardent
champion of the claim of woman to the elective franchise. It is not
necessary to question his sincerity, but the occasion which he selects
for the exhibition of his new-born zeal, subjects him to the suspicion
of being considerably more anxious to embarrass the bill for
enfranchising the blacks, than to amend it by conferring upon women
the enjoyment of the same right. Mr. Cowan was once a Republican. He
abandoned his party, has been repudiated by his State, and may well be
casting about for some new issue by which to divert attention from his
faithlessness on the old. We have heard that Mr. Cowan affects the
classics; we are sure, therefore, that he will thank us for reminding
him of that familiar story out of Plutarch respecting Alcibiades. When
the dissolute Athenian had cut off the tail of his dog, which was the
dog's principal ornament, and all Athens cried out against him for the
act, Alcibiades laughed, and said: "Just what I wanted has happened. I
wished the Athenians to talk about this that they might not say
something worse of me."

We are not to be suspected of indifference to the question whether
woman shall vote. At a proper time we mean to urge her claim, but we
object to allowing a measure of urgent necessity, and on which the
public has made up its mind, to be retarded and imperilled. Nor do we
think the Radical majority in the Senate need be beholden to the
enemy's camp for suggestions as to their policy. We want to see the
ballot put in the hands of the black without one day's delay added to
the long postponement of his just claim. When that is done, we shall
be ready to take up the next question.

[57] Mrs. Frances Dana Gage, of Ohio.

[58] YEAS--Messrs. Anthony, Brown, Buckalew, Cowan, Foster, Nesmith,
Patterson, Riddle, Wade--9. NAYS--Messrs. Cattell, Chandler, Conness,
Creswell, Davis, Dixon, Doolittle, Edmunds, Fessenden, Fogg,
Frelinghuysen, Grimes, Harris, Henderson, Hendricks, Howard, Howe,
Kirkwood, Lane, Morgan, Morrill, Norton, Poland, Pomeroy, Ramsey,
Ross, Saulsbury, Sherman, Sprague, Stewart, Sumner, Trumbull, Van
Winkle, Willey, Williams, Wilson, Yates--37.

[59] YEAS--Ancona, Baker, Barker, Baxter, Benjamin, Boyer, Broomall,
Bundy, Campbell, Cooper, Defrees, Denison, Eldridge, Farnsworth,
Ferry, Finck, Garfield, Hale, Hawkins, Hise, Chester D. Hubbard, Edwin
N. Hubbell, Humphrey, Julian, Kasson, Kelley, Kelso, Le Blond, Coan,
McClurg, McKee, Miller, Newell, Niblock, Noell, Orth, Ritter, Rogers,
Ross, Sitgreaves, Starr, Stevens, Strouse, Taber, Nathaniel G. Taylor,
Trimble, Andrew H. Ward, Henry D. Washburn, Winfield--49.



CHAPTER XVIII.

NATIONAL CONVENTIONS IN 1866-67.

     The first National Woman Suffrage Convention after the
     war--Speeches by Ernestine L. Rose, Antoinette Brown Blackwell,
     Henry Ward Beecher, Frances D. Gage, Theodore Tilton, Wendell
     Phillips--Petitions to Congress and the Constitutional
     Convention--Mrs. Stanton a candidate to Congress--Anniversary of
     the Equal Rights Association.


The first Woman's Rights Convention[60] after the war was held in the
Church of the Puritans, New York, May 10th, 1866.

As the same persons were identified with the Anti-slavery and Woman's
Rights Societies, and as by the "Proclamation of Emancipation" the
colored man was now a freeman, and a citizen; and as bills were
pending in Congress to secure him in the right of suffrage, the same
right women were demanding, it was proposed to merge the societies
into one, under the name of "The American Equal Rights Association,"
that the same conventions, appeals, and petitions, might include both
classes of disfranchised citizens. The proposition was approved by the
majority of those present, and the new organization completed at an
adjourned session. Though Mr. Garrison, with many other abolitionists,
feeling that the Anti-slavery work was finished, had retired, and thus
partly disorganized that Society, yet, in its executive session,
Wendell Phillips, President, refused to entertain the proposition, on
the ground that such action required an amendment to the constitution,
which could not be made without three months previous notice.
Nevertheless there was a marked division of opinion among the
anti-slavery friends present.

[Illustration: Clemence Sophia Lozier. "Yours Sincerely Clemence Sophia
Lozier, M.D."]

At an early hour Dr. Cheever's church was well filled with an audience
chiefly of ladies, who received the officers and speakers[61] of the
Convention with hearty applause. Elizabeth Cady Stanton, President of
the "National Woman's Rights Committee," called the Convention to
order, and said:

     We have assembled to-day to discuss the right and duty of women
     to claim and use the ballot. Now in the reconstruction is the
     opportunity, perhaps for the century, to base our government on
     the broad principle of equal rights to all. The representative
     women of the nation feel that they have an interest and duty
     equal with man in the struggles and triumphs of this hour.

     It may not be known to all of you that, during the past year,
     thousands of petitions, asking the ballot for woman, have been
     circulated through the Northern States and sent to Congress. Our
     thanks are due to the Hon. James Brooks for his kindness in
     franking our petitions, and his skill in calling to them the
     attention of the nation. As we have lost this champion in the
     House, I trust his more fortunate successor will not _dodge_ his
     responsibilities to his countrywomen who are taxed but not
     represented. This should be a year of great activity among the
     women of this State. As New York is to have a constitutional
     convention in '67, it behooves us now to make an earnest demand,
     by appeals and petitions, to have the word "male" as well as
     "white" stricken from our Constitution.

SUSAN B. ANTHONY, presented several resolutions for consideration.

          5. _Resolved_, That disfranchisement _in a republic_ is as
          great an anomaly, if not cruelty, as slavery itself. It is,
          therefore, the solemn duty of Congress, in "_guaranteeing a
          republican form of government to every State of this
          Union_," to see that there be no abridgment of suffrage
          among persons responsible to law, on account of color or
          sex.

          6. _Resolved_, That the Joint Resolutions and report of the
          "Committee of Fifteen," now before Congress, to introduce
          the word "_male_" into the Federal Constitution, are a
          desecration of the last will and testament of the Fathers, a
          violation of the spirit of republicanism, and cruel
          injustice to the women of the nation.

          7. _Resolved_, That while we return our thanks to those
          members of Congress who, recognizing the sacred right of
          petition, gave our prayer for the ballot a respectful
          consideration, we also remind those who, with scornful
          silence laid them on the table, or with flippant
          sentimentality pretended to exalt us to the clouds, above
          man, the ballot and the work of life, that we consider no
          position more dignified and womanly than on an even platform
          with man worthy to lay the corner-stone of a republic in
          equality and justice.

          8. _Resolved_, That we recommend to the women of the several
          States to petition their Legislatures to take the necessary
          steps to so amend their constitutions as to secure the right
          of suffrage to every citizen, without distinction of race,
          color or sex; and especially in those States that are soon
          to hold their constitutional conventions.

     THEODORE TILTON said: According to the programme, it is now my
     friend Mr. Beecher's turn to speak, but I observe that this
     gentleman, like some of the rest of the President's friends,
     occupies a back seat. [Laughter]. While, therefore, he is sitting
     under the gallery, I will occupy your attention just long enough
     to give that modest man a chance to muster nerve enough to make
     his appearance in public. [Laughter]. First of all, I have an
     account to settle with Mrs. Stanton. In her speech on taking the
     chair, she said that editors are not good housekeepers--a remark
     which no editor would think of retorting upon herself.
     [Laughter]. But, however dingy my editorial office may sometimes
     be, it is always a cheerful place when Mrs. Stanton visits it.
     [Applause]. Moreover, I think the place she invited me _out of_
     is no darker than this place which she invited me _into_!
     [Laughter]. In fact, I think the press has generally as much
     illumination as the church. [Applause].

     Mrs. President, this convention is called to consider the most
     beautiful and humane idea which has ever entered into American
     politics--the right of woman to that ballot which belongs equally
     to all citizens. What is the chief glory of our democratic
     institutions? It is, that they appeal equally to the common
     interest of all classes--to high and low, to rich and poor, to
     white and black, to male and female. And never, until the
     political equality of all these classes is fully recognized by
     our laws, shall we have a government truly democratic. The
     practical instrument of this equality is the ballot. Now what is
     the ballot? Mr. Frothingham gave us one definition; Mr. Phillips
     gave us another. But the ballot is so large a thing that it
     admits of many definitions. The ballot is what the citizen thinks
     of the government. The government looks to the ballot to know the
     popular will. I do not mean to say that the little piece of white
     paper which we hold in our hand on election day is the only means
     whereby we can utter an opinion that shall be heard in
     Washington. We can speak by the pen; we can speak by the voice. A
     wise government will give heed to the public press, and to the
     popular voice. But there is no spoken voice, there is no written
     word, which the government is legally bound to heed except the
     ballot. When they see the ballot, they know they are served with
     official notice. When you _talk_ to a government, you talk as to
     a tree; but when you _vote_ at it, you scratch your name on the
     bark. Now, I want to see Rosalind's name cut into the bark of the
     government. [Applause]. Who ought to possess the ballot? Our
     President is right--I mean _this_ President. [Applause]. She does
     not claim the ballot for women as women, but for women as
     citizens. That is the true ground. The ballot belongs not to the
     white man, not to the black man, not to the woman, but to the
     citizen. Shall the minister vote? No. Shall the lawyer? No. Shall
     the merchant? No. Shall the rich man? No. Shall the poor man? No.
     None of these shall vote. There is only one person who shall
     vote, and that is the citizen. [Applause]. Now I trust the day is
     not far distant when our institutions shall practically recognize
     this idea--when civil prerogative shall be limited not only by no
     distinction of color, but by no distinction of sex.

     Are women politically oppressed that they need the ballot for
     their protection? I leave that question to be answered by women
     themselves. I demand the ballot for woman, not for woman's sake,
     but for man's. _She_ may demand it for her own sake; but to-day,
     _I_ demand it for _my_ sake. We shall never have a government
     thoroughly permeated with humanity, thoroughly humane, thoroughly
     noble, thoroughly trustworthy, until both men and women shall
     unite in forming the public sentiment, and in administering that
     sentiment through the government. [Applause]. The church needs
     woman, society needs woman, literature needs woman, science needs
     woman, the arts need woman, politics need woman. [Applause]. A
     Frenchman once wrote an essay to prove woman's right to the
     alphabet. She took the alphabet, entered literature, and drove
     out Dean Swift. When she takes the ballot, and enters politics,
     she will drive out Fernando Wood. [Applause]. But, shall we have
     a woman for President? I would thank God if to-day we had a _man_
     for President. [Laughter]. Shall women govern the country? Queens
     have ruled nations from the beginning of time, and woman has
     governed man from the foundation of the world! [Laughter]. I know
     that Plato didn't have a good opinion of women; but probably they
     were not as amiable in his day as in ours. They undoubtedly have
     wrought their full share of mischief in the world. The chief bone
     of contention among mankind, from the earliest ages down, has
     been that rib of Adam out of which God made Eve. [Laughter]. And
     I believe in holding women to as great a moral accountability as
     men. [Laughter]. I believe, also, in holding them to the same
     intellectual accountability. Twenty years ago, when Macaulay sat
     down to review Lucy Rushton's--no, I mean Lucy Aiken's (laughter)
     "Life of Addison," he was forced to allude to what was a patent
     fact, that a woman's book was then to be treated with more
     critical leniency than a man's. But criticism nowadays never
     thinks of asking whether a book be a woman's or a man's, as a
     preliminary to administering praise or blame. In the Academy of
     Design, the critic deals as severely with a picture painted by a
     woman as with one painted by a man. This is right. Would you have
     it otherwise? Not at all! We are to stand upon a common level.

     The signs of the times indicate the progress of woman's cause.
     Every year helps it forward visibly. The political status of
     woman was never so seriously pondered as it is now pondered by
     thoughtful minds in this country. By and by, the principles of
     Christian democracy will cover the continent--nay, will cover the
     world, as the equator belts it with summer heat! [Applause].
     Until which time, we are called to diligent and earnest work.
     "Learn to labor and to wait," saith the poet. There will be need
     of much laboring and of long waiting. Sir William Jones tells us
     that the Hindoo laws declared that women should have no political
     independence--and there is many a backward Yankee who don't know
     any better than to agree with the Hindoos. Salatri, the Italian,
     drew a design of Patience--a woman chained to a rock by her
     ankles, while a fountain threw a thin stream of water, drop by
     drop, upon the iron chain, until the link should be worn away,
     and the wistful prisoner be set free. In like manner the
     Christian women of this country are chained to the rock of
     Burmese prejudice; but God is giving the morning and the evening
     dew, the early and the latter rain, until the ancient fetters
     shall be worn away, and a disfranchised sex shall leap at last
     into political liberty. [Applause]. And now for Mr. Beecher.

MR. BEECHER, on rising, was received with hearty applause,[62] and
spoke for an hour, in a strain of great animation, as follows:

     It may be asked why, at such a time as this, when the attention
     of the whole nation is concentrated upon the reconstruction of
     our States, we should intrude a new and advanced question. I have
     been asked "Why not wait for the settlement of the one that now
     fills the minds of men? Why divert and distract their thoughts?"
     I answer, because the questions are one and the same. We are not
     now discussing merely the right of suffrage for the African, or
     his status as a new-born citizen. Claiming his rights compels us
     to discuss the whole underlying question of government. This is
     the case in court. But when the judge shall have given his
     decision, that decision will cover the whole question of civil
     society, and the relations of every individual in it as a factor,
     an agent, an actor....

     All over the world, the question to-day is, Who has a right to
     construct and administer law? Russia--gelid, frigid Russia--can
     not escape the question. Yea, he that sits on the Russian throne
     has proved himself a better democrat than any of us all, and is
     giving to-day more evidence of a genuine love of God, and of its
     partner emotion, love to man, in emancipating thirty million
     serfs, than many a proud democrat of America has ever given.
     (Applause.) And the question of emancipation in Russia is only
     the preface to the next question, which doubtless he as clearly
     as any of us foresees--namely, the question of citizenship, and
     of the rights and functions of citizenship. In Italy, the
     question of who may partake of government has arisen, and there
     has been an immense widening of popular liberty there. Germany,
     that freezes at night and thaws out by day only enough to freeze
     up again at night, has also experienced as much agitation on this
     subject as the nature of the case will allow. And when all
     France, all Italy, all Russia, and all Great Britain shall have
     rounded out into perfect democratic liberty, it is to be hoped
     that, on the North side of the fence where it freezes first and
     the ice thaws out last, Germany will herself be thawed out in her
     turn, and come into the great circle of democratic nations.
     Strange, that the mother of modern democracy should herself be
     stricken with such a palsy and with such lethargy! Strange, that
     in a nation in which was born and in which has inhered all the
     indomitableness of individualism should be so long unable to
     understand the secret of personal liberty! But all Europe to-day
     is being filled and agitated with this great question of the
     right of every man to citizenship; of the right of every man to
     make the laws that are to control him; and of the right of every
     man to administer the laws that are applicable to him. This is
     the question to-day in Great Britain. The question that is being
     agitated from the throne down to the Birmingham shop, from the
     Atlantic to the North Sea, to-day, is this: Shall more than one
     man in six in Great Britain be allowed to vote? There is only one
     in six of the full-grown men in that nation that can vote to-day.
     And everywhere we are moving toward that sound, solid, final
     ground--namely, that it inheres in the radical notion of manhood
     that every man has a right which is not given to him by potentate
     nor by legislator, nor by the consent of the community, but which
     belongs to his structural idea, and is a divine right, to make
     the laws that control him, and to elect the magistrates that are
     to administer those laws. It is universal.

     And now, this being the world-tide and tendency, what is there in
     history, what is there in physiology, what is there in
     experience, that shall say to this tendency, marking the line of
     sex, "Thus far shalt thou go, and no farther?" I roll the
     argument off from my shoulders, and I challenge the man that
     stands with me, beholding that the world-thought to-day is the
     emancipation of the citizen's power and the preparation by
     education of the citizen for that power, and objects to
     extending the right of citizenship to every human being, to give
     me the reasons why. (Applause). To-day this nation is exercising
     its conscience on the subject of suffrage for the African. I have
     all the time favored that: not because he was an African, but
     because he was a man; because this right of voting, which is the
     symbol of everything else in civil power, inheres in every human
     being. But I ask you, to-day, "Is it safe to bring in a million
     black men to vote, and not safe to bring in your mother, your
     wife, and your sister to vote?" (Applause). This ought ye to have
     done, and to have done quickly, and not to have left the other
     undone. (Renewed applause).

     To-day politicians of every party, especially on the eve of an
     election, are in favor of the briefest and most expeditious
     citizenizing of the Irishmen. I have great respect for
     Irishmen--when they do not attempt to carry on war! (Laughter).
     The Irish Fenian movement is a ludicrous phenomenon past all
     laughing at. Bombarding England from the shore of America! (Great
     laughter). Paper pugnation! Oratorical destroying! But when
     wind-work is the order of the day, commend me to Irishmen!
     (Renewed laughter). And yet I am in favor of Irishmen voting.
     Just so soon as they give pledge that they come to America, in
     good faith, to abide here as citizens, and forswear the old
     allegiance, and take on the new, I am in favor of their voting.
     Why? Because they have learned our Constitution? No; but because
     voting teaches. The vote is a schoolmaster. They will learn our
     laws, and learn our Constitution, and learn our customs ten times
     quicker when the responsibility of knowing these things is laid
     upon them, than when they are permitted to live in carelessness
     respecting them. And this nation is so strong that it can stand
     the incidental mischiefs of thus teaching the wild rabble that
     emigration throws on our shores for our good and upbuilding. We
     are wise enough, and we have educational force enough, to carry
     these ignorant foreigners along with us. We have attractions that
     will draw them a thousand times more toward us than they can draw
     us toward them. And yet, while I take this broad ground, that no
     man, even of the Democratic party (I make the distinction because
     a man may be a democrat and be ashamed of the party, and a man
     may be of the party and not know a single principle of
     democracy), should be debarred from voting, I ask, is an Irishman
     just landed, unwashed and uncombed, more fit to vote than a woman
     educated in our common schools? Think of the mothers and
     daughters of this land, among whom are teachers, writers,
     artists, and speakers! What a throng could we gather if we
     should, from all the West, call our women that as educators are
     carrying civilization there! Thousands upon thousands there are
     of women that have gone forth from the educational institutions
     of New England to carry light and knowledge to other parts of our
     land. Now, place this great army of refined and cultivated women
     on the one side, and on the other side the rising cloud of
     emancipated Africans, and in front of them the great emigrant
     band of the Emerald Isle, and is there force enough in our
     government to make it safe to give to the African and the
     Irishman the franchise? There is. We shall give it to them.
     (Applause). And will our force all fail, having done that? And
     shall we take the fairest and best part of our society; those to
     whom we owe it that we ourselves are civilized: our teachers; our
     companions; those to whom we go for counsel in trouble more than
     to any others; those to whom we trust everything that is dear to
     ourselves--our children's welfare, our household, our property,
     our name and reputation, and that which is deeper, our inward
     life itself, that no man may mention to more than one--shall we
     take them and say, "They are not, after all, fit to vote where
     the Irishman votes, and where the African votes?" I am
     scandalized when I hear men talk in the way that men do talk--men
     that do not think.

     If therefore, you refer to the initial sentence, and ask me why I
     introduce this subject to-day, when we are already engaged on the
     subject of suffrage, I say, This is the greatest development of
     the suffrage question. _It is more important that woman should
     vote than that the black man should vote._ It is important that
     he should vote, that the principle may be vindicated, and that
     humanity may be defended; but it is important that woman should
     vote, not for her sake. She will derive benefit from voting; but
     it is not on a selfish ground that I claim the right of suffrage
     for her. It is God's growing and least disclosed idea of a true
     human society that man and woman should not be divorced in
     political affairs any more than they are in religious and social
     affairs. I claim that women should vote because society will
     never know its last estate and true glory until you accept God's
     edict and God's command--long raked over and covered in the
     dust--until you bring it out, and lift it up, and read this one
     of God's Ten Commandments, written, if not on stone, yet in the
     very heart and structure of mankind, _Let those that God joined
     together not be put asunder_. (Applause.)

     When men converse with me on the subject of suffrage, or the
     vote, it seems to me that the terminology withdraws their minds
     from the depth and breadth of the case to the mere instruments.
     Many of the objections that are urged against woman's voting are
     objections against the mechanical and physical act of suffrage.
     It is true that all the forces of society, in their final
     political deliverance, must needs be born through the vote, in
     our structure of government. In England it is not so. It was one
     of the things to be learned there that the unvoting population on
     any question in which they are interested and united are more
     powerful than all the voting population or legislation. The
     English Parliament, if they believed to-day that every working
     man in Great Britain staked his life on the issues of universal
     suffrage, would not dare a month to deny it. For when a nation's
     foundations are on a class of men that do not vote, and its
     throne stands on forces that are coiled up and liable at any time
     to break forth to its overthrow, it is a question whether it is
     safe to provoke the exertion of those forces or not. With us,
     where all men vote, government is safe; because, if a thing is
     once settled by a fair vote, we will go to war rather than give
     it up. As when Lincoln was elected, if an election is valid, it
     must stand. In such a nation as this, an election is equivalent
     to a divine decree, and irreversible. But in Great Britain an
     election means, not the will of the people, but the will of
     rulers and a favored class, and there is always under them a
     great wronged class, that, if they get stirred up by the thought
     that they are wronged, will burst out with an explosion that not
     the throne, nor parliament, nor the army, nor the exchequer can
     withstand the shock. And they wisely give way to the popular will
     when they can no longer resist it without running too great a
     risk. They oppose it as far as it is safe to do so, and then jump
     on and ride it. And you will see them astride of the vote, if the
     common people want it. But in America it is not so. The vote with
     us is so general that there is no danger of insurrection, and
     there is no danger that the government will be ruined by a
     wronged class that lies coiled up beneath it. When we speak of
     the vote here, it is not the representative of a class, as it is
     in England, worn like a star, or garter, saying, "I have the
     king's favor or the government's promise of honor." Voting with
     us is like breathing. It belongs to us as a common blessing. He
     that does not vote is not a citizen, with us.

     It is not the vote that I am arguing, except that that is the
     outlet. What I am arguing, when I urge that woman should vote, is
     that she should do all things back of that which the vote means
     and enforces. She should be a nursing mother to human society. It
     is a plea that I make, that woman should feel herself called to
     be interested not alone in the household, not alone in the
     church, not alone in just that neighborhood in which she resides,
     but in the sum total of that society to which she belongs; and
     that she should feel that her duties are not discharged until
     they are commensurate with the definition which our Saviour gave
     in the parable of the good Samaritan. I argue, not a woman's
     right to vote: I argue woman's _duty to discharge citizenship_.
     (Applause.) I say that more and more the great interests of human
     society in America are such as need the peculiar genius that God
     has given to woman. The questions that are to fill up our days
     are not forever to be mere money questions. Those will always
     constitute a large part of politics; but not so large a portion
     as hitherto. We are coming to a period when it is not merely to
     be a scramble of fierce and belluine passions in the strife for
     power and ambition. Human society is yet to discuss questions of
     work and the workman. Down below privilege lie the masses of men.
     More men, a thousand times, feel every night the ground, which is
     their mother, than feel the stars and the moon far up in the
     atmosphere of favor. As when Christ came the great mass carpeted
     the earth, instead of lifting themselves up like trees of
     Lebanon, so now and here the great mass of men are men that have
     nothing but their hands, their heads, and their good stalwart
     hearts, as their capital. The millions that come from abroad come
     that they may have light and power, and lift their children up
     out of ignorance, to where they themselves could not reach with
     the tips of their fingers. And the great question of to-day is,
     How shall work find leisure, and in leisure knowledge and
     refinement? And this question is knocking at the door of
     legislation. And is there a man who does not know, that when
     questions of justice and humanity are blended, woman's instinct
     is better than man's judgment? From the moment a woman takes the
     child into her arms, God makes her the love-magistrate of the
     family; and her instincts and moral nature fit her to adjudicate
     questions of weakness and want. And when society is on the eve of
     adjudicating such questions as these, it is a monstrous fatuity
     to exclude from them the very ones that, by nature, and training,
     and instinct, are best fitted to legislate and to judge.

     For the sake, then, of such questions as these, that have come to
     their birth, I feel it to be woman's _duty_ to act in public
     affairs. I do not stand here to plead for your _rights_. Rights
     compared with duties, are insignificant--are mere baubles--are as
     the bow on your bonnet. It seems to me that the voice of God's
     providence to you to-day is, "Oh messenger of mine, where are the
     words that I sent you to speak? Whose dull, dead ear has been
     raised to life by that vocalization of heaven, that was given to
     you more than to any other one?" Man is sub-base. A thirty-two
     feet six-inch pipe is he. But what is an organ played with the
     feet, if all the upper part is left unused? The flute, the
     hautboy, the finer trumpet stops, all those stops that minister
     to the intellect, the imagination, and the higher feelings--these
     must be drawn, and the whole organ played from top to bottom!
     (Applause.)

     More than that, there are now coming up for adjudication public
     questions of education. And who, by common consent, is the
     educator of the world? Who has been? Schools are to be of more
     importance than railroads--not to undervalue railroads. Books and
     newspapers are to be more vital and powerful than exchequers and
     banks--not to undervalue exchequers and banks. In other words, as
     society ripens, it has to ripen in its three departments, in the
     following order: First, in the animal; second, in the social; and
     third, in the spiritual and moral. We are entering the last
     period, in which the questions of politics are to be more and
     more moral questions. And I invoke those whom God made to be
     peculiarly conservators of things moral and spiritual to come
     forward and help us in that work, in which we shall falter and
     fail without woman. We shall never perfect human society without
     her offices and her ministration. We shall never round out the
     government, or public administration, or public policies, or
     politics itself, until you have mixed the elements that God gave
     to us in society--namely, the powers of both men and women.
     (Applause.) I, therefore, charge my countrywomen with this _duty_
     of taking part in public affairs in the era in which justice, and
     humanity, and education, and taste, and virtue are to be more and
     more a part and parcel of public procedure. * * * *

     In such a state of society, then, as the present, I stand, as I
     have said, on far higher ground in arguing this question than the
     right of woman. That I believe in; but that is down in the
     justice's court. I go to the supreme bench and argue it, and
     argue it on the ground that the nation needs woman, and that
     woman needs the nation, and that woman can never become what she
     should be, and the nation can never become what it should be,
     until there is no distinction made between the sexes as regards
     the rights and duties of citizenship--until we come to the 28th
     verse of the third chapter of Galatians. What is it? [turning to
     Mr. Tilton, who said, "I don't know!"] Don't know? If it was Lucy
     Rushton, you would! (Great laughter).

          There is neither Jew nor Greek, there is neither bond nor
          free, there is neither male nor female; for ye are all one
          in Christ Jesus.

     And when that day comes; when the heavenly kingdom is ushered in
     with its myriad blessed influences; when the sun of righteousness
     shall fill the world with its beams, as the natural sun coming
     from the far South fills the earth with glorious colors and
     beauty, then it will come to pass that there shall be no
     nationality, no difference of classes, and no difference of
     sexes. Then all shall be one in Christ Jesus. Hold that a minute,
     please [handing Mr. Tilton a pocket Testament from which he had
     read the foregoing passage of Scripture]. Theodore was a most
     excellent young man when he used to go to my church; but he has
     escaped from my care lately, and now I don't know what he does.
     (Laughter).

     I urge, then, that woman should perform the duty of a citizen in
     voting. You may, perhaps, ask me, before I go any further, "What
     is the use of preaching to us that we _ought_ to do it, when we
     are not permitted to do it?" That day in which the intelligent,
     cultivated women of America say, "We have a right to the ballot"
     will be the day in which they will have it. (Voices--"Yes." "That
     is so"). There is no power on earth that can keep it from them.
     [Applause]. The reason you have not voted is because you have not
     wanted to. [Applause]. It is because you have not felt that it
     was your duty to vote. You have felt yourselves to be secure and
     happy enough in your privileges and prerogatives, and have left
     the great mass of your sisters, that shed tears and bore burdens,
     to shirk for themselves. You have felt that you had rights more
     than you wanted now. O yes, it is as if a beauty in Fifth Avenue,
     hearing one plead that bread might be sent to the hungry and
     famishing, should say, "What is this talk about bread for? I have
     as much bread as I want, and plenty of sweetmeats, and I do not
     want your loaves." Shall one that is glutted with abundance
     despise the wants of the starving, who are so far below them that
     they do not hear their cries, not one of which escapes the ear of
     Almighty God? Because you have wealth and knowledge and loving
     parents, or a faithful husband, or kind brothers, and you feel no
     pressure of need, do you feel no inward pressure of humanity for
     others? Is there no part of God's great work in providence that
     should lead you to be discontented with your ease and privileges
     until you are enfranchised? You ought to vote; and when your
     understanding and intellect are convinced that you ought to do
     it, you will have the power to do it; and you never will till
     then.

     I. Woman has more interest than man in the promotion of virtue
     and purity and humanity. Half, shall I say?--Half does not half
     measure the proportion of those sorrows that come upon woman by
     reason of her want of influence and power. All the young men
     that, breaking down, break fathers' and mothers' hearts; all
     those that struggle near to the grave, weeping piteous tears of
     blood, it might almost be said, and that at last, under paroxysms
     of despair, sin against nature, and are swept out of misery into
     damnation; the spectacles that fill our cities, and afflict and
     torment villages--what are these but reasons that summon woman to
     have a part in that regenerating of thought and that regenerating
     of legislation which shall make vice a crime, and vice-makers
     criminals? Do you suppose that, if it were to turn on the votes
     of women to-day whether rum should be sold in every shop in this
     city, there would be one moment's delay in settling the
     question? What to the oak lightning is that marks it and descends
     swiftly upon it, that woman's vote would be to miscreant vices in
     these great cities. [Applause]. Ah, I speak that which I do know.
     As a physician speaks from that which he sees in the hospital
     where he ministers, so I speak from that which I behold in my
     professional position and place, where I see the undercurrent of
     life. I hear groans that come from smiling faces. I witness tears
     that when others look upon the face are all swept away, as the
     rain is when one comes after a storm. Not most vocal are our
     deepest sorrows. Oh, the sufferings of wives for husbands untrue!
     Oh, the sufferings of mothers for sons led astray! Oh, the
     sufferings of sisters for sisters gone! Oh, the sufferings of
     companions for companion-women desecrated! And I hold it to be a
     shame that they, who have the instinct of purity and of divine
     remedial mercy more than any other, should withhold their hand
     from that public legislation by which society may be scoured, and
     its pests cleared away. And I declare that woman has more
     interest in legislation than man, because she is the sufferer and
     the home-staying, ruined victim.

     II. The household, about which we hear so much said as being
     woman's sphere, is safe only as the community around about it is
     safe. Now and then there may be a Lot that can live in Sodom; but
     when Lot was called to emigrate, he could not get all his
     children to go with him. They had been intermarried and
     corrupted. A Christian woman is said to have all that she needs
     for her understanding and to task her powers if she will stay at
     home and mend her husband's clothes, if she has a husband, and
     take care of her children, if she has children. The welfare of
     the family, it is said, ought to occupy her time and thoughts.
     And some ministers, in descanting upon the sphere of woman, are
     wont to magnify the glory and beauty of a mother teaching some
     future chief-justice, or some president of the United States. Not
     one whit of glory would I withdraw from such a canvas as that;
     but I aver that the power to teach these children largely depends
     upon the influences that surround the household. So that she that
     would take the best care of the house must take care of that
     atmosphere which is around the house as well. And every true and
     wise Christian woman is bound to have a thought for the village,
     for the county, for the State, and for the nation. [Applause].
     That was not the kind of woman that brought me up--a woman that
     never thought of anything outside of her own door-yard. My
     mother's house was as wide as Christ's house; and she taught me
     to understand the words of Him that said, "The field is the
     world; and whoever needs is your brother." A woman that is
     content to wash stockings, and make Johnny-cake, and to look
     after and bring up her boys faultless to a button, and that never
     thinks beyond the meal-tub, and whose morality is so small as to
     be confined to a single house, is an under-grown woman, and will
     spend the first thousand years after death in coming to that
     state in which she ought to have been before she died.
     [Laughter]. Tell me that a woman is fit to give an ideal life to
     an American citizen, to enlarge his sympathies, to make him wise
     in judgment, and to establish him in patriotic regard, who has no
     thought above what to eat and drink, and wherewithal to be
     clothed. The best housekeepers are they that are the most widely
     beneficent. "Seek first the kingdom of God and his righteousness,
     and all these things shall be added unto you." God will take care
     of the stockings, if you take care of the heads! [Laughter and
     applause]. Universal beneficence never hinders anybody's
     usefulness in any particular field of duty. Therefore, woman's
     sphere should not be limited to the household. The public welfare
     requires that she should have a thought of affairs outside of the
     household, and in the whole community.

     III. Woman brings to public affairs peculiar qualities,
     aspirations, and affections which society needs. I have had
     persons say to me, "Would you, now, take your daughter and your
     wife, and walk down to the polls with them?" If I were to take my
     daughter and my wife, and walk down to the polls with them, and
     there was a squirming crowd of bloated, loud-mouthed, blattering
     men, wrangling like so many maggots on cheese, what would take
     place, but that, at the moment I appeared with my wife and
     daughter walking by my side with conscious dignity and veiled
     modesty, the lane would open, and I should pass through the red
     sea unharmed? [Great applause]. Where is there a mob such that
     the announcement that a woman is present does not bring down the
     loudest of them? Nothing but the sorcery of rum prevents a man
     from paying unconscious, instant respect to the presence of a
     woman....

     IV. The history of woman's co-operative labors thus far justifies
     the most sanguine anticipations, such as I have alluded to.
     Allusion has been made to the purification of literature. The
     influence of women has been a part of the cause of this,
     unquestionably; but I would not ascribe such a result to any one
     cause. God is a great workman, and has a chest full of tools, and
     never uses one tool, but always many; and in the purification of
     literature, the elevation of thought, the advancement of the
     public sentiment of the world in humanity, God has employed more
     than that which has been wrought in their departments. And that
     which the family has long ago achieved--that, in more eminence
     and more wondrous and surprising beauty, the world will achieve
     for itself in public affairs, when man and woman co-operate
     there, as now they are co-operating in all other spheres of
     taste, intellection, and morality....

     It is said, a "woman's place is at home." Well, now, since
     compromises are coming into vogue again, will you compromise with
     me, and agree that until a woman has a home she may vote?
     [Laughter]. That is only fair. It is said, "She ought to stay at
     home, and attend to home duty, and minister to the wants of
     father, or husband, or brothers." Well, may all orphan women, and
     unmarried women, and women that have no abiding place of
     residence vote? If not, where is the argument? But, to look at it
     seriously, what is the defect of this statement? It is the
     impression that staying at home is incompatible with going
     abroad. Never was there a more monstrous fallacy. I light my
     candle, and it gives me all the light I want, and it gives all
     the light you want to you, and to you, and to you, and to every
     other one in the room; and there is not one single ray that you
     get there which cheats me here; and a woman that is doing her
     duty right in the family sheds a beneficent influence out upon
     the village in which she dwells, without taking a moment's more
     time. My cherry-trees are joyful in all their blossoms, and
     thousands go by them and see them in their beauty day by day; but
     I never mourn the happiness that they bestow on passers-by as
     having been taken from me. I am not cheated by the perfume that
     goes from my flowers into my neighbor's yard. And the character
     of a true woman is such that it may shine everywhere without
     making her any poorer. She is richer in proportion as she gives
     away.... And it is just because woman is woman that she is
     fitted, while she takes care of the household, to take care of
     the village and the community around about her.

     But it is said, "She ought to act through her father, or husband,
     or brother, or son." Why ought she? Did you ever frame an
     argument to show why the girl should use her father to vote for
     her, and the boy who is younger, and not half so witty, should
     vote for himself? It does not admit of an argument. If the
     grandmother, the mother, the wife, and the eldest daughter, are
     to be voted for by the father, the husband, and the eldest
     brother, then why are not the children to be voted for in
     complete family relation by the patriarchal head? Why not go back
     to the tribal custom of the desert, and let the patriarch do all
     the voting? To be sure, it would change the whole form of our
     government; but, if it is good for the family, it is just as good
     for classes.

     In a frontier settlement is a log-cabin, and it is in a region
     which is infested by wolves. There are in the family a
     broken-down patient of a man, a mother, and three daughters. The
     house is surrounded by a pack of these voracious animals, and the
     inmates feel that their safety requires that the intruders should
     be driven away. There are three or four rifles in the house. The
     man creeps to one of the windows, and to the mother and daughters
     it is said, "You load the rifles, and hand them to me, and let me
     fire them." But they can load all the four rifles, and he can not
     fire half as fast as they can load; and I say to the mother, "Can
     you shoot?" She says, "Let me try;" and she takes a gun, and
     points it at the wolves, and pulls the trigger, and I see one of
     them throw his feet up in the air. "Ah!" I say, "I see you can
     shoot! You keep the rifle, and fire it yourself." And I say to
     the oldest daughter, "Can you shoot?" "I guess I can," she says.
     "Well, dare you?" "I dare do anything to save father and the
     family." And she takes one of the rifles, and pops over another
     of the pack. And I tell you, if the wolves knew that all the
     women were firing, they would flee from that cabin instanter.
     (Laughter). I do not object to a woman loading a man's rifle and
     letting him shoot; but I say that, if there are two rifles, she
     ought to load one of them, and shoot herself. And I do not see
     any use of a woman's influencing a man and loading him with a
     vote, and letting him go and fire it off at the ballot-box.
     (Laughter and applause).

     It is said, again, "Woman is a creature of such an excitable
     nature that, if she were to mingle with men in public affairs, it
     would introduce a kind of vindictive acrimony, and politics would
     become intolerable." Oh, if I really thought so; if I thought
     that the purity of politics would be sullied, I would not say
     another word! (Laughter). I do not want to take anything from the
     celestial graces of politics! (Renewed laughter). I will admit
     that woman is an excitable creature, and I will admit that
     politics needs no more excitement; but sometimes, you know,
     things are homoeopathic. A woman's excitement is apt to put out a
     man's; and if she should bring her excitability into politics, it
     is likely that it would neutralize the excitement that is already
     there, and that there would be a grand peace! (Laughter). But,
     not to trifle with it, woman is excitable. Woman is yet to be
     educated. Woman is yet to experience the reactionary influence of
     being a public legislator and thinker. And let her sphere be
     extended beyond the family and the school, so that she should be
     interested in, and actively engaged in, promoting the welfare of
     the whole community, and in the course of three generations the
     reaction on her would be such that the excitement that she would
     bring into public affairs would be almost purely moral
     inspiration. It would be the excitement of purity and
     disinterested benevolence.

     It is said, furthermore, "Woman might vote for herself, and take
     office." Why not? A woman makes as good a postmistress as a man
     does a postmaster. Woman has been tried in every office from the
     throne to the position of the humblest servant; and where has she
     been found remiss? I believe that multitudes of the offices that
     are held by men are mere excuses for leading an effeminate life;
     and that with their superior physical strength it behooves them
     better to be actors out of doors, where the severity of climate
     and the elements is to be encountered, and leave indoor offices
     to women, to whom they more properly belong. But, women, you are
     not educated for these offices. I hear bad reports of you. It is
     told me that the trouble in giving places to women is that they
     will not do their work well; that they do not feel the sense of
     conscience. They have been flattered so long, they have been
     called "women" so long, they have had compliments instead of
     rights so long, that they are spoiled; but when a generation of
     young women shall have been educated to a stern sense of right
     and duty, and shall take no compliments at the expense of right,
     we shall have no such complaints as these. And when a generation
     of women, working with the love of God and true patriotism in
     their souls, shall have begun to hold office, meriting it, and
     being elected to it by those that would rather have a woman than
     a man in office, then you may depend upon it that education has
     qualified them for the trusts which are committed to them. We
     have tried "old women" in office, and I am convinced that it
     would be better to have _real_ women than virile old women in
     public stations. (Laughter and applause). For my own sake, give
     me a just, considerate, true, straight-forward, honest-minded,
     noble-hearted woman, who has been able, in the fear of God, to
     bring up six boys in the way they should go, and settle them in
     life. If there is anything harder in this nation than that, tell
     me what it is. A woman that can bring up a family of
     strong-brained children, and make good citizens of them, can be
     President without any difficulty. (Applause).

     Let me now close with one single thought in connection with this
     objection. I protest in the name of my countrywomen against the
     aspersion which is cast upon them by those who say that woman is
     not fit to hold office or discharge public trusts. The name of
     what potentate to-day, if you go round the world, would
     probably, in every nation on the earth, bring down most
     enthusiasm and public approbation? If I now, here in your midst,
     shall mention the name of Queen Victoria, your cheers will be a
     testimony to your admiration of this noble woman. (Great
     applause). Though it be in a political meeting, or any other
     public gathering, no man can mention her name without eliciting
     enthusiasm and tokens of respect. It is a controversy to-day
     between woman aristocratic and woman democratic (applause); and I
     claim that what it is right for an aristocratic woman to do--what
     it is right for a duchess, or a queen, or an empress to do--it is
     right for the simplest and plainest of my countrywomen to do,
     that has no title, and no credentials, except the fact that God
     made her a woman. All that I claim for the proudest aristocrat I
     claim for all other women. (Applause). I do not object to a
     woman's being a queen, or a president, if she has the
     qualifications which fit her to be one. And I claim that, where
     there is a woman that has the requisite qualifications for
     holding any office in the family, in the church, or in the state,
     there is no reason why she should not be allowed to hold it. And
     we shall have a perfect crystal idea of the state, with all its
     contents, only when man understands the injunction, "What God
     hath joined together let no man put asunder."[63] (Great
     applause).

SUSAN B. ANTHONY read the following appeal to the Congress of the
United States for the enfranchisement of woman:

     ADDRESS TO CONGRESS.

          Adopted by the Eleventh National Woman's Rights Convention,
          held in New York City, Thursday, May 10, 1866.

     _To the Senate and House of Representatives_:

     We have already appeared many times during the present session
     before your honorable body, in petitions, asking the
     enfranchisement of woman; and now, from this National Convention
     we again make our appeal, and urge you to lay no hand on that
     "pyramid of rights," the Constitution of the Fathers," unless to
     add glory to its height and strength to its foundation.

     We will not rehearse the oft-repeated arguments on the natural
     rights of every citizen, pressed as they have been on the
     nation's conscience for the last thirty years in securing freedom
     for the black man, and so grandly echoed on the floor of Congress
     during the past winter. We can not add one line or precept to the
     inexhaustible speech recently made by Charles Sumner in the
     Senate, to prove that "no just government can be formed without
     the consent of the governed;" to prove the dignity, the
     education, the power, the necessity, the salvation of the ballot
     in the hand of every man and woman; to prove that a just
     government and a true church rest alike on the sacred rights of
     the individual.

     As you are familiar with that speech of the session on "EQUAL
     RIGHTS TO ALL," so convincing in facts, so clear in philosophy,
     and so elaborate in quotations from the great minds of the past,
     without reproducing the chain of argument, permit us to call your
     attention to a few of its unanswerable assertions on the ballot:

          I plead now for the ballot, as the great guarantee; and _the
          only sufficient guarantee_--being in itself peacemaker,
          reconciler, schoolmaster and protector--to which we are
          bound by every necessity and every reason; and I speak also
          for the good of the States lately in rebellion, as well as
          for the glory and safety of the Republic, that it may be an
          example to mankind.

          Ay, sir, the ballot is the Columbiad of our political life,
          and every citizen who has it is a full-armed Monitor.

          The ballot is _schoolmaster_. Reading and writing are of
          inestimable value, but the ballot teaches what these can not
          teach.

          Plutarch records that the wise men of Athens charmed the
          people by saying that _Equality causes no war_, and "both
          the rich and the poor repeated it."

          The ballot is like charity, which never faileth, and without
          which man is only as sounding brass or a tinkling cymbal.
          The ballot is the one thing needful, without which rights of
          testimony and all other rights will be no better than
          cobwebs, which the master will break through with impunity.
          To him who has the ballot all other things shall be
          given--protection, opportunity, education, a homestead. The
          ballot is like the Horn of Abundance, out of which overflow
          rights of every kind, with corn, cotton, rice, and all the
          fruits of the earth. Or, better still, it is like the hand
          of the body, without which man, who is now only a little
          lower than the angels, must have continued only a little
          above the brutes. They are fearfully and wonderfully made;
          but as is the hand in the work of civilization, so is the
          ballot in the work of government. "Give me the ballot, and I
          can move the world."

          Do you wish to see harmony truly prevail, so that industry,
          society, government, civilization, may all prosper, and the
          Republic may wear a crown of true greatness? Then do not
          neglect the ballot.

          Lamartine said, "Universal Suffrage is the first truth and
          only basis of every national republic."

     In regard to "Taxation without representation," Mr. Sumner quotes
     from Lord Coke:

          The Supreme Power cannot take from any man any part of his
          property _without consent in person, or by representation_.

          Taxes are not to be laid on the people, but by their consent
          in person, or by representation.

          I can see no reason to doubt but that the imposition of
          taxes, whether on trade, or on land, or houses, or ships, or
          real or personal, fixed or floating, property in the
          colonies, is absolutely irreconcilable with the rights of
          the colonies, as British subjects, _and as men_. I say men,
          for in a state of nature no man can take any property from
          me without my consent. _If he does, he deprives me of my
          liberty and makes me a slave._ The very act of taxing,
          exercised over those who are not represented, appears to me
          to deprive them of one of their most essential rights as
          freemen, and if continued seems to be in effect an entire
          disfranchisement of every civil right. For what one civil
          right is worth a rush, after a man's property is subject to
          be taken from him at pleasure without his consent?

     In demanding suffrage for the black man you recognize the fact
     that as a freedman he is no longer a "part of the family," and
     that, therefore, his master is no longer his representative;
     hence, as he will now be liable to taxation, he must also have
     representation. Woman, on the contrary, has never been such a
     "part of the family" as to escape taxation. Although there has
     been no formal proclamation giving her an individual existence,
     she has always had the right to property and wages, the right to
     make contracts and do business in her own name. And even married
     women, by recent legislation, have been secured in these civil
     rights. Woman now holds a vast amount of the property in the
     country, and pays her full proportion of taxes, revenue included.
     On what principle, then, do you deny her representation? By what
     process of reasoning Charles Sumner was able to stand up in the
     Senate, a few days after these sublime utterances, and rebuke
     15,000,000 disfranchised tax-payers for the exercise of their
     right of petition merely, is past understanding. If he felt that
     this was not the time for woman to even mention her right to
     representation, why did he not take breath in some of his
     splendid periods, and propose to release the poor shirtmakers,
     milliners and dressmakers, and all women of property, from the
     tyranny of taxation?

     We propose no new theories. We simply ask that you secure to ALL
     the practical application of the immutable principles of our
     government, without distinction of race, color or sex. And we
     urge our demand _now_, because you have the opportunity and the
     power to take this onward step in legislation. The nations of the
     earth stand watching and waiting to see if our Revolutionary
     idea, "all men are created equal," can be realized in government.
     Crush not, we pray you, the million hopes that hang on our
     success. Peril not another bloody war. Men and parties must pass
     away, but justice is eternal. And they only who work in harmony
     with its laws are immortal. All who have carefully noted the
     proceedings of this Congress, and contrasted your speeches with
     those made under the old _régime_ of slavery, must have seen the
     added power and eloquence that greater freedom gives. But still
     you propose no action on your grand ideas. Your Joint
     Resolutions, your Reconstruction Reports, do not reflect your
     highest thought. The constitution, in basing representation on
     "respective numbers," covers a broader ground than any you have
     yet proposed. Is not the only amendment needed to Article 1st,
     Section 3d, to strike out the exceptions which follow "respective
     numbers?" And is it not your duty, by securing a republican form
     of government to every State, to see that these "respective
     numbers" are made up of enfranchised citizens? Thus bringing your
     legislation up to the Constitution--not the Constitution down to
     your party possibilities!! The only tenable ground of
     representation is UNIVERSAL SUFFRAGE, as it is only through
     Universal Suffrage that the principle of "Equal Rights to All"
     can be realized. All prohibitions based on race, color, sex,
     property, or education, are violations of the republican idea;
     and the various qualifications now proposed are but so many
     plausible pretexts to debar new classes from the ballot-box. The
     limitations of property and intelligence, though unfair, can be
     met; as with freedom must come the repeal of statute-laws that
     deny schools and wages to the negro. So time makes him a voter.
     But color and sex! Neither time nor statutes can make black
     white, or woman man! You assume to be the representatives of
     15,000,000 women--American citizens--who already possess every
     _attainable_ qualification for the ballot. Women read and write,
     hold many offices under government, pay taxes, and the penalties
     of crime, and yet are allowed to exercise but the one right of
     petition.

     For twenty years we have labored to bring the statute laws of the
     several States into harmony with the broad principles of the
     Constitution, and have been so far successful that in many,
     little remains to be done but to secure the right of suffrage.
     Hence, our prompt protest against the propositions before
     Congress to introduce the word "male" into the Federal
     Constitution, which, if successful, would block all State action
     in giving the ballot to woman. As the only way disfranchised
     citizens can appear before you, we availed ourselves of the
     sacred right of petition. And, as our representatives, it was
     your duty to give those petitions a respectful reading and a
     serious consideration. How well a Republican Senate performed
     that duty, is already inscribed on the page of history. Some tell
     us it is not judicious to press the claims of women _now_; that
     this is not the time. Time? When you propose legislation so fatal
     to the best interests of woman and the nation, shall we be silent
     till the deed is done? No! As we love republican ideas, we must
     resist tyranny. As we honor the position of American Senator, we
     must appeal from the politician to the man.

     With man, woman shared the dangers of the Mayflower on a stormy
     sea, the dreary landing on Plymouth Rock, the rigors of a New
     England winter, and the privations of a seven years' war. With
     him she bravely threw off the British yoke, felt every pulsation
     of his heart for freedom, and inspired the glowing eloquence that
     maintained it through the century. With you, we have just passed
     through the agony and death, the resurrection and triumph, of
     another revolution, doing all in our power to mitigate its
     horrors and gild its glories. And now, think you we have no souls
     to fire, no brains to weigh your arguments; that, after
     education such as this, we can stand silent witnesses while you
     sell our birthright of liberty, to save from a timely death an
     effete political organization? No, as we respect womanhood, we
     must protest against this desecration of the magna charta of
     American liberties; and with an importunity not to be repelled,
     our demand must ever be: "No compromise of human rights"--"No
     admission in the Constitution of inequality of rights, or
     disfranchisement on account of color or sex."

     In the oft-repeated experiments of class and caste, who can
     number the nations that have risen but to fall? Do not imagine
     you come one line nearer the demand of justice by enfranchising
     but another shade of _man_hood; for, in denying representation to
     woman you still cling to the same principle on which all the
     governments of the past have been wrecked. The right way, the
     safe way, is so clear, the path of duty is so straight and
     simple, that we who are equally interested with yourselves in the
     result, conjure you to act not for the passing hour, not with
     reference to transient benefits, but to do now the one grand deed
     that shall mark the progress of the century--proclaim EQUAL
     RIGHTS TO ALL. We press our demand for the ballot at this time in
     no narrow, captious or selfish spirit; from no contempt of the
     black man's claims, nor antagonism with you, who in the progress
     of civilization are now the privileged order; but from the purest
     patriotism, for the highest good of every citizen, for the safety
     of the Republic, and as a spotless example to the nations of the
     earth.

Mr. Beecher was followed by Wendell Phillips, Frances Dana Gage,
Frances Watkins Harper; the Financial Committee[64] meantime passed
through the audience for the material aid to carry forward the work.
Miss Anthony presented the following resolution, and moved its
adoption, which was seconded by Martha C. Wright:

          _Whereas_, By the act of Emancipation and the Civil Rights
          bill, the negro and woman now hold the same civil and
          political _status_, alike needing only the ballot; and
          whereas the same arguments apply equally to both classes,
          proving all partial legislation fatal to republican
          institutions, therefore,

          _Resolved_, That the time has come for an organization that
          shall demand UNIVERSAL SUFFRAGE, and that hereafter we shall
          be known as the "AMERICAN EQUAL RIGHTS ASSOCIATION."

     Miss ANTHONY said: Our friend Mrs. Mott desires me to explain the
     object of this change, which she would gladly do but for a severe
     cold, which prevents her from making herself heard. For twenty
     years we have pressed the claims of woman to the right of
     representation in the government. The first National Woman's
     Rights Convention was held in Worcester, Mass., in 1850, and each
     successive year conventions were held in different cities of the
     Free States--Worcester, Syracuse, Cleveland, Philadelphia,
     Cincinnati, and New York--until the rebellion. Since then, till
     now, we have held no conventions. Up to this hour, we have looked
     to State action only for the recognition of our rights; but now,
     by the results of the war, the whole question of suffrage
     reverts back to Congress and the U. S. Constitution. The duty of
     Congress at this moment is to declare what shall be the basis of
     representation in a republican form of government. There is,
     there can be, but one true basis; and that is that taxation must
     give representation; hence our demand must now go beyond
     woman--it must extend to the farthest bound of the principle of
     the "consent of the governed," as the only authorized or just
     government. We, therefore, wish to broaden our Woman's Rights
     platform, and make it in _name_--what it ever has been in
     _spirit_--a Human Rights platform. It has already been stated
     that we have petitioned Congress the past winter to so amend the
     Constitution as to prohibit disfranchisement on account of sex.
     We were roused to this work by the several propositions to
     prohibit negro disfranchisement in the rebel States, which at the
     same time put up a new bar against the enfranchisement of women.
     As women we can no longer _seem_ to claim for ourselves what we
     do not for others--nor can we work in two separate movements to
     get the ballot for the two disfranchised classes--the negro and
     woman--since to do so must be at double cost of time, energy, and
     money.

     New York is to hold a Constitutional Convention the coming year.
     We want to make a thorough canvass of the entire State, with
     lectures, tracts, and petitions, and, if possible, create a
     public sentiment that shall send genuine Democrats and
     Republicans to that Convention who shall strike out from our
     Constitution the two adjectives "_white male_," giving to every
     citizen, over twenty-one, the right to vote, and thus make the
     Empire State the first example of a true republican form of
     government. And what we propose to do in New York, the coming
     eighteen months, we hope to do in every other State so soon as we
     can get the men, and the women, and the money, to go forward with
     the work. Therefore, that we may henceforth concentrate all our
     forces for the practical application of our one grand,
     distinctive, national idea--UNIVERSAL SUFFRAGE--I hope we will
     unanimously adopt the resolution before us, thus resolving this
     Eleventh National Woman's Rights Convention into the "AMERICAN
     EQUAL RIGHTS ASSOCIATION."

     The Resolution was unanimously adopted.

     STEPHEN S. FOSTER said: I wish to suggest that it will be
     necessary, first, to adopt a form of Constitution, and that it is
     a very important question. Upon it will depend much of the
     success of our movement. We have been deeply thrilled by the
     eloquence of our friend, Mr. Beecher. We have all felt that his
     utterances were the essential truth of God; and the bright
     picture he drew before us is a possibility, if we do our duty.
     But this state of things will never be realized by us, unless it
     is from a united, persevering effort, giving a new impetus to the
     Woman's Rights movement. I think it necessary that we should have
     a more perfect organization than we can prepare this morning, at
     this late hour, and I therefore move that we adjourn to meet in
     the vestry this afternoon at four o'clock, to perfect an
     organization, and take such further measures for the prosecution
     of our cause as may then and there be deemed expedient. (The
     motion was carried.)

A large audience assembled in the Lecture-room, at four o'clock. Susan
B. Anthony took the Chair and said, the first thing, in order to
complete the new organization, would be to fix upon a form of
Constitution. Parker Pillsbury, from the Business Committee, reported
one which was considered article by article, and adopted. There was an
interesting discussion relative to the necessity of a preamble, in
which the majority sympathized with LUCRETIA MOTT, who expressed
herself specially desirous that there should be one, and that it
should state the fact that this new organization was the outgrowth of
the Woman's Rights movement. Mrs. Stanton gave her idea of what the
preamble should be; and Mrs. Mott moved that Mrs. Stanton write out
her thought, and that it be accepted as the preamble of the
Constitution.[65] The motion was adopted. Miss Anthony proposed a
list of names as officers[66] of the Association. Mrs. Stanton thanked
the Convention for the honor proposed, to make her President, but said
she should prefer to see Lucretia Mott in that office; that thus that
office might ever be held sacred in the memory that it had first been
filled by one so loved and honored by all. "I shall be happy as
Vice-President to relieve my dear friend of the arduous duties of her
office, if she will but give us the blessing of her name as
President." Mrs. Stanton then moved that Mrs. Mott be the President,
which was seconded by many voices, and carried by a unanimous vote.

Mrs. Mott, escorted to the Chair by Stephen S. Foster, remarked that
her age and feebleness unfitted her for any public duties, but she
rejoiced in the inauguration of a movement broad enough to cover
class, color, and sex, and would be happy to give her name and
influence, if thus she might encourage the young and strong to carry
on the good work. On motion of Theodore Tilton, Mrs. Stanton was made
first Vice-President. The rest of the names were approved.

     Mrs. STANTON said, It had been the desire of her heart to see the
     Anti-Slavery and Woman's Rights organizations merged into an
     Equal Rights Association, as the two questions were now one. With
     emancipation, all that the black man asks is the right of
     suffrage. With the special legislation of the last twenty years,
     all that woman asks is the right of suffrage. Hence it seems an
     unnecessary expenditure of force and substance for the same men
     and women to meet in convention on Tuesday to discuss the right
     of one class to the ballot, and on Thursday to discuss the right
     of another class to the same. Has not the time come, Mrs.
     President, to bury the black man and the woman in the citizen,
     and our two organizations in the broader work of reconstruction?
     They who have been trained in the school of anti-slavery; they
     who, for the last thirty years, have discussed the whole question
     of human rights, which involves every other question of trade,
     commerce, finance, political economy, jurisprudence, morals and
     religion, are the true statesmen for the new republic--the best
     enunciators of our future policy of justice and equality. Any
     work short of this is narrow and partial and fails to meet the
     requirements of the hour. What is so plain to me, may, I trust,
     be so to all before the lapse of many months, that all who have
     worked together thus far, may still stand side by side in this
     crisis of our nation's history.

     JAMES MOTT said, he rejoiced that the women had seen fit to
     re-organize their movement into one for equal rights to all,
     that he felt the time had come to broaden our work. He felt the
     highest good of the nation demanded the recognition of woman as a
     citizen. We could have no true government until all the people
     gave their consent to the laws that govern them.

     STEPHEN S. FOSTER said, Many seemed to think that the one
     question for this hour was negro suffrage. The question for every
     man and woman, he thought, was the true basis of the
     reconstruction of our government, not the rights of woman, or the
     negro, but the rights of all men and women. Suffrage for woman
     was even a more vital question than for the negro; for in giving
     the ballot to the black man, we bring no new element into the
     national life--simply another class of men. And for one, he could
     not ask woman to go up and down the length and breadth of the
     land demanding the political recognition of any class of
     disfranchised citizens, while her own rights are ignored. Thank
     God, the human family are so linked together, that no one man can
     ever enjoy life, liberty, or happiness, so long as the humblest
     being is crippled in a single right. I have demanded the freedom
     of the slave the last thirty years, because he was a human being,
     and I now demand suffrage for the negro because he is a human
     being, and for the same reason I demand the ballot for woman.
     Therefore, our demand for this hour is equal suffrage to all
     disfranchised classes, for the one and the same reason--they are
     all human beings.

     MARTHA C. WRIGHT said: Some one had remarked that we wished to
     merge ourselves into an Equal Rights Association to get rid of
     the odious name of Woman's Rights. This she repudiated as
     unworthy and untrue. Every good cause had been odious some time,
     even the name Christian has had its odium in all nations. We
     desire the change, because we feel that at this hour our highest
     claims are as citizens, and not as women. I for one have always
     gloried in the name of Woman's Rights, and pitied those of my sex
     who ignobly declared they had all the rights they wanted. We take
     the new name for the broader work because we see it is no longer
     woman's province to be merely a humble petitioner for redress of
     grievances, but that she must now enter into the fullness of her
     mission, that of helping to make the laws, and administer
     justice.

Aaron M. Powell presented the following resolution:

     _Resolved_, That in view of the Constitutional Convention to be
     held in the State of New York the coming year, it is the duty of
     this Association to demand such an amendment of the Constitution
     as shall secure equal rights to all citizens, without distinction
     of color, sex, or race.

Miss Anthony seconded the resolution, and urged the importance of
making a thorough canvass of the State with lectures, tracts, and
petitions.[67] Mr. Powell, Mrs. Gage, and others, advocated the
concentration of all the energies of the Association for the coming
year on the State of New York; after which the resolution was adopted.

     PARKER PILLSBURY: Perhaps we ourselves do not appreciate the
     magnitude of the enterprise we are here to inaugurate. If
     successful, we close to-day one epoch in human history, and enter
     on another of results more millennial than have been seen before.
     We give now a new definition to the word Liberty. We clothe our
     divinity with new honors. The ancients worshiped in her temple,
     but to them all, even the devoutest, she was ever an "Unknown
     God." In all ages, men sing her praises, but know not her law.
     Our revolutionary fathers were blind as others--blinder than many
     others. They declared all men free and equal. They fought long
     and valiantly for their evangel, baptizing it in the blood of
     many battles, came home triumphant, and then constructed a
     despotism which their own immortal Jefferson declared was fraught
     with more woes in one hour, to myriads of its citizens, than
     would be endured in whole ages of the worst they themselves had
     ever known! That government they named a Republic. Under it we
     held millions of slaves, and were providing to hold many millions
     more, when God sent a thunderbolt and dashed it in pieces before
     our eyes and gave our slaves their freedom. Now our wise men and
     counselors, our statesmen and sages, are seeking how the
     government and Union may be reconstructed. But they are laying
     again false foundations. Of three immense classes, they proscribe
     two and provide for one; and that one perhaps a minority of the
     whole. Half our people are degraded for their sex; one-sixth for
     the color of their skin. And this is the republican and
     democratic definition of freedom. The ruling class boasts two
     qualities, in virtue of which it claims the right to rule all
     others. It is male, not female--white, not colored. For neither
     of these surely is it responsible. For being women and colored,
     the proscribed classes are no more responsible. A more cruel,
     unrighteous, unjust distinction was never made under heaven. By
     it we are driven into this new revolution; a revolution which is
     to eclipse all that have gone before, as far as the glories of
     Calvary outshone the shadows and terrors of Sinai. Even the
     Anti-Slavery Society can only demand equality for the _male_ half
     of mankind. And the Woman's Rights movement contemplated only
     _woman_ in its demand. But with us liberty means freedom,
     equality, and fraternity, irrespective of sex or complexion. It
     is a gospel that was unknown to the ancients; hidden even from
     the wise and prudent among our revolutionary fathers.
     Revolutionary _mothers_ we seem never to have had. As in Eden,
     "Adam was first found, then Eve," so in our revolution; but Eve
     has come to-day, demanding her portion of the equal inheritance,
     a mystery, a wonder, a "_new thing under the sun_," the
     declaration of King Solomon to the contrary notwithstanding. And
     here and to-day we lay new foundations. For the first time, law
     and liberty are to be founded in nature and the government of the
     moral universe. For the first time is it demanded that JUSTICE be
     made our chief corner-stone. The ancient republics, not thus
     underpinned, fell. Our old foundations, too, are fallen. In God's
     wisdom, not in man's foolishness, let us henceforth build. And
     the work of our hands, feeble as we seem to-day, shall survive
     all the present kingdoms and dominions of the world.

     Miss ANTHONY remarked that Theodore Tilton was in the house, and
     had not yet spoken. She would like to hear his opinion.

     Mr. TILTON replied that of course Miss Anthony was speaking in
     pleasantry when she thus ingeniously pretended not to know his
     opinion. This pretense was only a piece of strategy to compel him
     to make a speech. Both she and he had lately been co-workers in a
     local association for just such a purpose as to-day's enterprise
     meditated--"The New York Equal Rights Association," of which he
     had had the honor to be president, and Miss Anthony to be
     secretary--an association which both its secretary and its
     president were only too glad to see superseded by a larger and
     more general movement. The apple tree bears more blossoms which
     fall off than come to fruit. Our local association was the
     necessary first blossom which had to be blown away by the wind.
     No--he would rather say it was a blossom which had ripened to-day
     into golden fruit. And now, said he, in this consecrated house,
     at this sunset hour, amid these falling shadows, with a president
     in the chair whose well-spent life has been crowned with every
     virtue, let us make a covenant with each other such as was made
     by the original members of the American Anti-Slavery Society--a
     mutual pledge of diligent and earnest labor, not for the
     abolition of chattel slavery, but for the political rights of all
     classes, without regard to color or sex. Are we only a handful?
     We are more than formed the Anti-Slavery Society--which grew into
     a force that shook the nation. Who knows but that to-night we are
     laying the corner-stone of an equally grand movement? Let us,
     therefore, catch at this moment the cheering pretoken of the
     prophecy that declares, "At evening time there shall be light!"

A motion was made to adjourn, when the President, Lucretia Mott, made
a few closing remarks, showing that all great achievements in the
progress of the race must be slow, and were ever wrought out by the
few, in isolation and ridicule--but, said she, let us remember in our
trials and discouragements, that if our lives are true, we walk with
angels--the great and good who have gone before us, and God is our
Father. As she uttered her few parting words of benediction, the
fading sunlight through the stained windows, fell upon her pure face,
a celestial glory seemed about her, and a sweet and peaceful influence
pervaded every heart. And all responded to Theodore Tilton when he
said, "this closing meeting of the Convention was one of the most
beautiful, delightful, and memorable which any of its participants
ever enjoyed."

The Convention adjourned to meet in Boston May 31, 1866, where a
large, enthusiastic meeting was held, of which we find the following
report by Charles K. Whipple.

     _From the National Anti-Slavery Standard of June 9, 1866._

     The meeting next in interest as in time, among the crowded
     assemblies of Anniversary week, was that of the Equal Rights
     Association, called and managed by those intelligent and
     excellent women who have for years labored in behalf of Woman's
     Rights. A large portion of the community have been accustomed to
     sneer at these ladies as self-seeking and fanatical. The new
     position they have taken shows, on the contrary, the largeness of
     their views, the breadth of their sympathy, and the practical
     good sense which govern their operations. Their proceedings show
     their full appreciation of the fact that the rights of men and
     the rights of women must stand or fall together.

     Mrs. Dall called the meeting to order, and introduced as its
     president, Martha C. Wright, of Auburn, N. Y., in the absence of
     Lucretia Mott, the president of the Association. Mrs. Wright made
     some well-chosen introductory remarks; Miss Susan B. Anthony read
     letters of friendly greeting from Frederick Douglass and William
     Lloyd Garrison, and then a very admirable report was read by Mrs.
     Dall, summing up the advance made in the woman's cause the past
     year.... The freedom of the platform was an admirable feature of
     this Convention. Early in the proceedings it was announced that
     any member of the audience, male or female, was entitled to speak
     on the topics under debate, and would be made welcome. Among
     those who addressed the Convention were Parker Pillsbury, Henry
     C. Wright, Aaron M. Powell, Dr. Sarah Young, Rev. Olympia Brown
     (minister of a church at Weymouth), Susan B. Anthony, Stephen S.
     Foster, Mr. Tooker, Ira Stewart, Charles C. Burleigh, Wendell
     Phillips, Frances Ellen Harper, Anna E. Dickinson. The mention of
     these names is enough to indicate that there was abundance of
     good speaking. No time was lost, and the hours of three sessions
     were pleasantly and profitably filled.

     Mr. Pillsbury said the word "male," as a restriction upon the
     action of women, is unknown to the Federal Constitution, as well
     as the word "black," and that its introduction into that document
     should be resisted in the most strenuous manner, since we can
     never have a true democracy while the work of government is
     monopolized by a privileged class.... Wendell Phillips, admitting
     that the suffrage is the great question of the hour, thought,
     nevertheless, that in view of the peculiar circumstances of the
     negro's position, his claim to this right might fairly be
     considered to have precedence.... This hour, then, is
     preëminently the property of the negro. Nevertheless, said Mr.
     Phillips, I willingly stand here to plead the woman's cause,
     because the Republican party are seeking to carry their purpose
     by newly introducing the word "male" into the Constitution. To
     prevent such a corruption of the National Constitution, as well
     as for the general welfare of the community, male and female, I
     wish to excite interest everywhere in the maintenance of woman's
     right to vote. This woman's meeting was well conducted, and met
     with success in every way.....

     FRANCES D. GAGE, in a letter to the _National Anti-Slavery
     Standard_, May 26, 1866, speaking of her attendance of the
     anniversary meetings in New York, said: "If the Anti-Slavery work
     has fallen somewhat behind our hope, that of the Woman's Rights
     movement has far outstripped our most sanguine expectations. When
     the war-cry was heard in 1861, the advance-guard of the Woman's
     Rights party cried 'halt!' And for five years we have stood
     waiting while the grand drama of the Rebellion was passing. Not
     as idle spectators, but as the busiest and most unwearied actors
     on the boards. We have, as our manly men assert, fought half the
     battle, and helped to win the victory.

     "Wendell Phillips said, 'Women made this war!' By the same
     process of reasoning women may claim that 'they made the peace,'
     that 'they broke the chains of the slave, and redeemed the land
     from its most direful curse.' Be this true or otherwise, one fact
     is patent to every mind--woman to-day is an acknowledged power!
     And when we met at the Church of the Puritans last week, we found
     Woman's Rights filling its halls and galleries as never before;
     with a Beecher and a Tilton to defend our cause, but not one
     sneerer or opposer to open his or her lips. Who now will dare
     call us 'infidels,' since Bishop Simpson, Henry Ward Beecher, and
     Dr. Tyng champion our cause, and proclaim it 'woman's _duty_ to
     vote for the good of humanity'? Who will now dare sneer while the
     leading minds of Europe--among them Ruskin, John Stuart Mill,
     Mazzini, Victor Hugo--must share the odium with those hitherto
     called 'strong-minded?'

     "It was with pain that I heard Wendell Phillips say on our
     platform, 'Albany can not help you; your throne is the world of
     fashion!'--meaning women. If we are given over to fashion,
     frivolity, and vice, does it follow that rights and privileges,
     duties and responsibilities will not help us? If just governments
     derive their powers from the consent of the governed, and
     taxation without representation is tyranny, then Albany can help
     us in just so much as a good and just government will help the
     people who live under its rules and laws. No one would at this
     day, if a friend to the negro, say to him, 'A vote can not help
     you!' Then why say it to women?

     "Our Woman's Rights Convention has now taken the broad platform
     of 'Equal Rights,' and upon that will work in time to come. And
     our meeting in New York seemed proof--if proof was wanting--that
     all we need now is to ask and receive. Our worst enemy, our
     greatest hindrance, is woman herself; and her indifference is the
     legitimate result of long-denied privileges and responsibilities
     of which she has not learned the necessity. If, as Mr. Beecher
     asserted, 'to vote is a duty,' then it is the duty of every man
     and woman to work to secure that right to every human being of
     adult years.

     "Since our meeting, the House of Representatives at Washington
     has passed, by more than three to one, the amendment of the
     Reconstruction Committee. If the Senate concurs, then, to save
     the four million negroes of the South, or rather to save the
     Republican party (the people agreeing), seventeen millions of
     women, governed without their own consent, are proclaimed a
     disfranchised class by the Constitution of the United States,
     hitherto unpolluted by any such legislation. Let us, then, work
     for this, too, that seventeen million women shall not be left
     without the power considered so necessary to the negro for his
     preservation and protection; the power to help govern himself.
     Let us never forget his claim, but strengthen it, by not
     neglecting our own."

At the November election of this year, Mrs. Stanton offered herself as
a candidate for Congress; in order to test the constitutional right of
a woman to run for office. This aroused some discussion on this phase
of the question, and many were surprised to learn that while women
could not vote, they could hold any office in which their constituents
might see fit to place them. Theodore Tilton gives the following
graphic description of this event in "The Eminent Women":

     In a cabinet of curiosities I have laid away as an interesting
     relic, a little white ballot, two inches square, and inscribed:

              +-------------------------------------+
              |  _For Representative to Congress_,  |
              |        ELIZABETH CADY STANTON.      |
              +-------------------------------------+

     Mrs. Stanton is the only woman in the United States who, as yet,
     has been a candidate for Congress. In conformity with a practice
     prevalent in some parts of this country, and very prevalent in
     England, she nominated herself. The public letter in which she
     proclaimed herself a candidate was as follows:


     _To the Electors of the Eighth Congressional District_:

     Although, by the Constitution of the State of New York woman is
     denied the elective franchise, yet she is eligible to office;
     therefore, I present myself to you as a candidate for
     Representative to Congress. Belonging to a disfranchised class, I
     have no political antecedents to recommend me to your
     support,--but my creed is _free speech_, _free press_, _free
     men_, and _free trade_,--the cardinal points of democracy.
     Viewing all questions from the stand-point of principle rather
     than expediency, there is a fixed uniform law, as yet
     unrecognized by either of the leading parties, governing alike
     the social and political life of men and nations. The Republican
     party has occasionally a clear vision of personal rights, though
     in its protective policy it seems wholly blind to the rights of
     property and interests of commerce; while it recognizes the duty
     of benevolence between man and man, it teaches the narrowest
     selfishness in trade between nations. The Democrats, on the
     contrary, while holding sound and liberal principles on trade and
     commerce, have ever in their political affiliations maintained
     the idea of class and caste among men--an idea wholly at variance
     with the genius of our free institutions and fatal to high
     civilization. One party fails at one point and one at another.

     In asking your suffrages--believing alike in free men and free
     trade--I could not represent either party as now constituted.
     Nevertheless, as an Independent Candidate, I desire an election
     at this time, as a rebuke to the dominant party for its
     retrogressive legislation in so amending the National
     Constitution as to make invidious distinctions on the ground of
     sex. That instrument recognizes as persons all citizens who obey
     the laws and support the State, and if the Constitutions of the
     several States were brought into harmony with the broad
     principles of the Federal Constitution, the women of the Nation
     would no longer be taxed without representation, or governed
     without their consent. Not one word should be added to that great
     charter of rights to the insult or injury of the humblest of our
     citizens. I would gladly have a voice and vote in the Fortieth
     Congress to demand _universal_ suffrage, that thus a republican
     form of government might be secured to every State in the Union.

     If the party now in the ascendency makes its demand for "Negro
     Suffrage" in good faith, on the ground of natural right, and
     because the highest good of the State demands that the republican
     idea be vindicated, on no principle of justice or safety can the
     women of the nation be ignored. In view of the fact that the
     Freedmen of the South and the millions of foreigners now crowding
     our shores, most of whom represent neither property, education,
     nor civilization, are all in the progress of events to be
     enfranchised, the best interests of the nation demand that we
     outweigh this incoming pauperism, ignorance, and degradation,
     with the wealth, education, and refinement of the women of the
     republic. On the high ground of safety to the Nation, and justice
     to citizens, I ask your support in the coming election.

     New York, _Oct. 10, 1866_.              ELIZABETH CADY STANTON.


     The New York _Herald_, though, of course, with no sincerity,
     since that journal is never sincere in anything--warmly advocated
     Mrs. Stanton's election. "A lady of fine presence and
     accomplishments in the House of Representatives," it said (and
     said truly), "would wield a wholesome influence over the rough
     and disorderly elements of that body." The _Anti-Slavery
     Standard_, with genuine commendation, said: "The electors of the
     Eighth District would honor themselves and do well by the country
     in giving her a triumphant election." The other candidates in the
     same district were Mr. James Brooks, Democrat, and Mr. Le Grand
     B. Cannon, Republican. The result of the election was as follows:
     Mr. Brooks received 13,816 votes, Mr. Cannon 8,210, and Mrs.
     Stanton 24. It will be seen that the number of sensible people in
     the district was limited! The excellent lady, in looking back
     upon her successful defeat, regrets only that she did not, before
     it became too late, procure the photographs of her two dozen
     unknown friends.[68]

The years of 1866 and '67 were marked by unusual activity among the
friends of this movement in both England and America. John Stuart
Mill, a member of Parliament, proposed an amendment to the "Household
Suffrage Bill," by striking out the word "man," sustained by many able
speeches, which finally carried the measure triumphantly there. New
York held a Constitutional Convention, Michigan a Commission, and
Kansas submitted the proposition of woman suffrage to a vote of her
people. Twenty thousand petitions were rolled up and presented in the
Constitutional Convention, asking that the word "male" be stricken
from Article II, sec. 1, and as many more were poured into Congress
and the Legislatures of several of the States. A series of
conventions, commencing in Albany, were held in all the chief cities
of New York.[69]


THE AMERICAN EQUAL RIGHTS ASSOCIATION.

The labors of this year are well rounded out with a grand National
Convention,[70] during Anniversary week, in New York, which assembled
at the Church of the Puritans, May 9th, 1867, at 10 o'clock A.M.
Elizabeth Cady Stanton called the meeting to order and said: "In the
absence of our venerable President (Lucretia Mott), Robert Purvis, one
of the Vice-Presidents, will take the chair."

     Mr. PURVIS said: I regret the absence of Mrs. Mott. It is
     needless to say that no one has higher claims upon the nation's
     gratitude for what has been accomplished in the glorious work of
     Anti-Slavery, and for what is now being accomplished in the still
     greater, because more comprehensive work for freedom contemplated
     by this Society, than our honored and beloved President, Lucretia
     Mott. (Applause). It is with no ordinary feelings that I
     congratulate the friends of this Association on the healthful,
     hopeful, animating, inspiring signs of the times. Our simple yet
     imperative demand, founded upon a just conception of the true
     idea of our republican government, is equality of rights for all,
     without regard to color, sex, or race; and, inseparable from the
     citizen, the possession of that power, that protection, that
     primal element of republican freedom--the ballot.

Lucretia Mott here entered the hall, and, at the request of Mr.
Purvis, took the chair, and called for the Secretary's Report.

     SUSAN B. ANTHONY said: It is my duty to present to you at this
     time a written Report of all that has been done during the past
     year; but those of us who have been active in this movement, have
     been so occupied in doing the work, that no one has found time to
     chronicle the progress of events. With but half a dozen live men
     and women, to canvass the State of New York, to besiege the
     Legislature and the delegates to the Constitutional Convention
     with tracts and petitions, to write letters and send documents to
     every State Legislature that has moved on this question, to urge
     Congress to its highest duty in the reconstruction, by both
     public and private appeals, has been a work that has taxed every
     energy and dollar at our command. Money being the vital power of
     all movements--the wood and water of the engine--and, as our work
     through the past winter has been limited only by the want of it,
     there is no difficulty in reporting on finance. The receipts of
     our Association, during the year, have amounted to $4,096.78; the
     expenditures, for lectures and conventions, for printing and
     circulating tracts and documents, to $4,714.11--leaving us in
     debt $617.33.

     The Secretary then rapidly rehearsed the signs of progress. She
     spoke of the discussion in the United States Senate on the
     Suffrage bill, through three entire days, resulting in a vote of
     nine Senators in favor of extending suffrage to the women as
     well as black men of the District of Columbia; of the action of
     the Legislatures of Kansas and Wisconsin to strike the words
     "white male" from their constitutions; of the discussions and
     minority votes in the Legislatures of Maine, Massachusetts, New
     York, Ohio, and Missouri; of the addresses of Elizabeth Cady
     Stanton and Lucy Stone before the Judiciary Committees of the New
     York and New Jersey Legislatures; of the demand for household
     suffrage by the women of England, earnestly maintained by John
     Stuart Mill in the British Parliament--all showing that the
     public mind everywhere is awake on this question of equal rights
     to all. Every mail brings urgent requests from the West for
     articles for their papers, for lectures and tracts on the
     question of suffrage. In Kansas they are planning mass
     conventions, to be held throughout the State through September
     and October; and they urge us to send out at least a dozen able
     men and women, with 100,000 tracts, to help them educate the
     people into the grand idea of universal suffrage, that they may
     carry the State at the November election.

     Two of our agents, Lucy Stone and Henry B. Blackwell, are already
     in Kansas, speaking in all her towns and cities--in churches,
     school-houses, barns, and the open air; traveling night and day,
     by railroad, stage, and ox-cart; scaling the rocky divides, and
     fording the swollen rivers--their hearts all aglow with
     enthusiasm, greeted everywhere by crowded audiences, brave men
     and women, ready to work for the same principles for which they
     have suffered in the past, that Kansas, the young and beautiful
     hero of the West, may be the first State in the Union to realize
     a genuine Republic. The earnest, loyal people of Kansas have
     resolved to teach the nation to-day the true principle of
     reconstruction, as they taught the nation, twelve years ago, the
     one and only way in which to escape from the chains of slavery.
     They ask us to help them. So do Wisconsin, Illinois, Michigan,
     and New York. But for this vast work, as I have already shown
     you, we have an empty treasury. We ask you to replenish it. If
     you will but give your money generously--if you will but oil the
     machinery--this Association will gladly do the work that shall
     establish universal suffrage, equal rights to all, in every State
     in the Union.

     The PRESIDENT (Mrs. Mott) said: The report which we have had,
     although not written, is most interesting. A great deal of it is
     new to me. There are so many actively engaged in the cause, that
     it is fitting that some of us older ones should give place to
     them. That is the natural order, and every natural order is
     divine and beautiful. Therefore, I feel glad of the
     privilege--although my filling the office of President has been a
     mere nominal thing--to withdraw from the chair and to yield the
     place to our friend Robert Purvis, one of our Vice-Presidents.
     The cause is dear to my heart, and has been from my earliest
     days. Being a native of the island of Nantucket, where women were
     thought something of, and had some connection with the business
     arrangements of life, as well as with their homes, I grew up so
     thoroughly imbued with woman's rights that it was the most
     important question of my life from a very early day. I hail this
     more public movement for its advocacy, and have been glad that I
     had strength enough to co-operate to some extent. I have attended
     most of the regular meetings, and I now feel almost ashamed, old
     as I am, to be so ignorant of what has happened during the last
     year. We need a paper--an organ that shall keep those who can not
     mingle actively in our public labors better informed. _The
     Standard_ has done much; and I find in many other papers a
     disposition to do justice, to a great extent, to our cause. It is
     not ridiculed as it was in the beginning. We do not have the
     difficulties, the opposition, and the contumely to confront that
     we had at an early day. I am very glad to find such an audience
     here to-day; and far be it from me to occupy the time so as to
     prevent Mr. May, Mr. Burleigh, and others, from having their
     proper place.

     Mr. PURVIS resumed the chair, and introduced Mrs. Stanton, who
     spoke to the following resolutions:

          _Resolved_, That government, of all sciences, is the most
          exalted and comprehensive, including, as it does, all the
          political, commercial, religious, educational, and social
          interests of the race.

          _Resolved_, That to speak of the ballot as an "article of
          merchandise," and of the science of government as the "muddy
          pool of politics," is most demoralizing to a nation based on
          universal suffrage.

     In considering the question of suffrage, there are two starting
     points: one, that this right is a gift of society, in which
     certain men, having inherited this privilege from some abstract
     body and abstract place, have now the right to secure it for
     themselves and their privileged order to the end of time. This
     principle leads logically to governing races, classes, families;
     and, in direct antagonism to our idea of self-government, takes
     us back to monarchies and despotisms, to an experiment that has
     been tried over and over again, 6,000 years, and uniformly
     failed.

     Ignoring this point of view as untenable and anti-republican, and
     taking the opposite, that suffrage is a natural right--as
     necessary to man under government, for the protection of person
     and property, as are air and motion to life--we hold the talisman
     by which to show the right of all classes to the ballot, to
     remove every obstacle, to answer every objection, to point out
     the tyranny of every qualification to the free exercise of this
     sacred right. To discuss this question of suffrage for women and
     negroes, as women and negroes, and not as citizens of a republic,
     implies that there are some reasons for demanding this right for
     these classes that do not apply to "white males."

     The obstinate persistence with which fallacious and absurd
     objections are pressed against their enfranchisement--as if they
     were anomalous beings, outside all human laws and necessities--is
     most humiliating and insulting to every black man and woman who
     has one particle of healthy, high-toned self-respect. There are
     no special claims to propose for women and negroes, no new
     arguments to make in their behalf. The same already made to
     extend suffrage to all white men in this country, the same John
     Bright makes for the working men of England, the same made for
     the emancipation of 22,000,000 Russian serfs, are all we have to
     make for black men and women. As the greater includes the less,
     an argument for universal suffrage covers the whole question, the
     rights of all citizens. In thus relaying the foundations of
     government, we settle all these side issues of race, color, and
     sex, end class legislation, and remove forever the fruitful cause
     of the jealousies, dissensions, and revolutions of the past.
     This is the platform of the American Equal Rights Association.
     "We are masters of the situation." Here black men and women are
     buried in the citizen. As in the war, freedom was the key-note of
     victory, so now is universal suffrage the key-note of
     reconstruction.

     "Negro suffrage" may answer as a party cry for an effete
     political organization through another Presidential campaign; but
     the people of this country have a broader work on hand to-day
     than to save the Republican party, or, with some abolitionists,
     to settle the rights of races. The battles of the ages have been
     fought for races, classes, parties, over and over again, and
     force always carried the day, and will until we settle the
     higher, the holier question of individual rights. This is our
     American idea, and on a wise settlement of this question rests
     the problem whether our nation shall live or perish.

     The principle of inequality in government has been thoroughly
     tried, and every nation based on that idea that has not already
     perished, clearly shows the seeds of death in its dissensions and
     decline. Though it has never been tried, we know an experiment on
     the basis of equality would be safe; for the laws in the world of
     morals are as immutable as in the world of matter. As the
     Astronomer Leverrier discovered the planet that bears his name by
     a process of reason and calculation through the variations of
     other planets from known laws, so can the true statesman, through
     the telescope of justice, see the genuine republic of the future
     amid the ruins of the mighty nations that have passed away. The
     opportunity now given us to make the experiment of
     self-government should be regarded by every American citizen as a
     solemn and a sacred trust. When we remember that a nation's life
     and growth and immortality depend on its legislation, can we
     exalt too highly the dignity and responsibility of the ballot,
     the science of political economy, the sphere of government?
     Statesmanship is, of all sciences, the most exalted and
     comprehensive, for it includes all others. Among men we find
     those who study the laws of national life more liberal and
     enlightened on all subjects than those who confine their
     researches in special directions. When we base nations on justice
     and equality, we lift government out of the mists of speculation
     into the dignity of a fixed science. Everything short of this is
     trick, legerdemain, sleight of hand. Magicians may make nations
     seem to live, but they do not. The Newtons of our day who should
     try to make apples stand in the air or men walk on the wall,
     would be no more puerile in their experiments than are they who
     build nations outside of law, on the basis of inequality.

     What thinking man can talk of _coming down_ into the arena of
     politics? If we need purity, honor, self-sacrifice and devotion
     anywhere, we need them in those who have in their keeping the
     life and prosperity of a nation. In the enfranchisement of woman,
     in lifting her up into this broader sphere, we see for her new
     honor and dignity, more liberal, exalted and enlightened views of
     life, its objects, ends and aims, and an entire revolution in the
     new world of interest and action where she is soon to play her
     part. And in saying this, I do not claim that woman is better
     than man, but that the sexes have a civilizing power on each
     other. The distinguished historian, Henry Thomas Buckle, says:
     "The turn of thought of women, their habits of mind, their
     conversation, invariably extending over the whole surface of
     society, and frequently penetrating its intimate structure, have,
     more than all other things put together, tended to raise us into
     an ideal world, and lift us from the dust into which we are too
     prone to grovel." And this will be her influence in exalting and
     purifying the world of politics. When woman understands the
     momentous interests that depend on the ballot, she will make it
     her first duty to educate every American boy and girl into the
     idea that to vote is the most sacred act of citizenship--a
     religious duty not to be discharged thoughtlessly, selfishly or
     corruptly; but conscientiously, remembering that, in a republican
     government, to every citizen is entrusted the interests of the
     nation. Would you fully estimate the responsibility of the
     ballot, think of it as the great regulating power of a continent,
     of all our interests, political, commercial, religious,
     educational, social and sanitary!

     To many minds, this claim for the ballot suggests nothing more
     than a rough polling-booth where coarse, drunken men, elbowing
     each other, wade knee-deep in mud to drop a little piece of paper
     two inches long into a box--simply this and nothing more. The
     poet Wordsworth, showing the blank materialism of those who see
     only with their outward eyes, says of his Peter Bell:

          "A primrose on the river's brim
           A yellow primrose was to him,
           And it was nothing more."

     So our political Peter Bells see the rough polling-booth in this
     great right of citizenship, and nothing more. In this act, so
     lightly esteemed by the mere materialist, behold the realization
     of that great idea struggled for in the ages and proclaimed by
     the Fathers, the right of self-government. That little piece of
     paper dropped into a box is the symbol of equality, of
     citizenship, of wealth, of virtue, education, self-protection,
     dignity, independence and power--the mightiest engine yet placed
     in the hand of man for the uprooting of ignorance, tyranny,
     superstition, the overturning of thrones, altars, kings, popes,
     despotisms, monarchies and empires. What phantom can the sons of
     the Pilgrims be chasing, when they make merchandise of a power
     like this? Judas Iscariot, selling his Master for thirty pieces
     of silver, is a fit type of those American citizens who sell
     their votes, and thus betray the right of self-government. Talk
     not of the "muddy pool of politics," as if such things must need
     be. Behold, with the coming of woman into this higher sphere of
     influence, the dawn of the new day, when politics, so called, are
     to be lifted into the world of morals and religion; when the
     polling-booth shall be a beautiful temple, surrounded by
     fountains and flowers and triumphal arches, through which young
     men and maidens shall go up in joyful procession to ballot for
     justice and freedom; and when our election days shall be kept
     like the holy feasts of the Jews at Jerusalem. Through the trials
     of this second revolution shall not our nation rise up, with new
     virtue and strength, to fulfill her mission in leading all the
     peoples of the earth to the only solid foundation of government,
     "equal rights to all." ...

     Our danger lies, not in the direction of despotism, in the
     one-man power, in centralization; but in the corruption of the
     people....

     It is in vain to look for a genuine republic in this country
     until the women are baptized into the idea, until they understand
     the genius of our institutions, until they study the science of
     government, until they hold the ballot in their hands and have a
     direct voice in our legislation. What is the reason, with the
     argument in favor of the enfranchisement of women all on one
     side, without an opponent worthy of consideration--while British
     statesmen, even, are discussing this question--the Northern men
     are so dumb and dogged, manifesting a studied indifference to
     what they can neither answer nor prevent? What is the reason that
     even abolitionists who have fearlessly claimed political,
     religious and social equality for women for the last twenty
     years, should now, with bated breath, give her but a passing word
     in their public speeches and editorial comments--as if her rights
     constituted but a side issue of this grave question of
     reconstruction? All must see that this claim for _male_ suffrage
     is but another experiment in class legislation, another violation
     of the republican idea. With the black man we have no new element
     in government, but with the education and elevation of women we
     have a power that is to develop the Saxon race into a higher and
     nobler life, and thus, by the law of attraction, to lift all
     races to a more even platform than can ever be reached in the
     political isolation of the sexes. Why ignore 15,000,000 women in
     the reconstruction? The philosophy of this silence is plain
     enough. The black man crowned with the rights of citizenship,
     there are no political Ishmaelites left but the women. This is
     the last stronghold of aristocracy in the country. Sydney Smith
     says: "There always has been, and always will be, a class of men
     in the world so small that, if women were educated, there would
     be nothing left below them."

     It is a consolation to the "white male," to the popinjays in all
     our seminaries of learning, to the ignorant foreigner, the
     boot-black and barber, the idiot--for a "white male" may vote if
     he be not more than nine-tenths a fool--to look down on women of
     wealth and education, who write books, make speeches, and discuss
     principles with the savans of their age. It is a consolation for
     these classes to be able to say, "well, if woman can do these
     things, they can't vote after all." I heard some boys discoursing
     thus not long since. I told them they reminded me of a story I
     heard of two Irishmen the first time they saw a locomotive with a
     train of cars. As the majestic fire-horse, with all its grace and
     polish, moved up to a station, stopped, and snorted, as its
     mighty power was curbed, then slowly gathered up its forces again
     and moved swiftly on--"be jabers," says Pat, "there's muscle for
     you. What are we beside that giant?" They watched it intently
     till out of sight, seemingly with real envy, as if oppressed with
     a feeling of weakness and poverty before this unknown power; but
     rallying at last, one says to the other: "No matter, Pat; let it
     snort and dash on--it can't vote, after all."

     Poor human nature wants something to look down on. No privileged
     order ever did see the wrongs of its own victims, and why expect
     the "white male citizen" to enfranchise woman without a
     struggle--by a scratch of the pen to place themselves on a dead
     level with their lowest order? And what a fall would that be, my
     countrymen. In none of the nations of modern Europe is there a
     class of women so degraded politically as are the women of these
     Northern States. In the Old World, where the government is the
     aristocracy, where it is considered a mark of nobility to share
     its offices and powers--there women of rank have certain
     hereditary rights which raise them above a majority of the men,
     certain honors and privileges not granted to serfs or peasants.
     In England woman may be Queen, hold office, and vote on some
     questions. In the Southern States even the women were not
     degraded below their working population, they were not humiliated
     in seeing their coachmen, gardeners, and waiters go to the polls
     to legislate on their interests; hence there was a pride and
     dignity in their bearing not found in the women of the North, and
     pluck in the chivalry before which Northern doughfaceism has ever
     cowered. But here, where the ruling class, the aristocracy, is
     "male," no matter whether washed or unwashed, lettered or
     unlettered, rich or poor, black or white, here in this boasted
     northern civilization, under the shadow of Bunker Hill and
     Faneuil Hall, which Mr. Phillips proposes to cram down the throat
     of South Carolina--here women of wealth and education, who pay
     taxes and are amenable to law, who may be hung, even though not
     permitted to choose the judge, the juror, or the sheriff who does
     the dismal deed, women who are your peers in art, science, and
     literature--already close upon your heels in the whole world of
     thought--are thrust outside the pale of political consideration
     with traitors, idiots, minors, with those guilty of bribery,
     larceny, and infamous crime. What a category is this in which to
     place your mothers, wives, and daughters. I ask you, men of the
     Empire State, where on the footstool do you find such a class of
     citizens politically so degraded? Now, we ask you, in the coming
     Constitutional Convention, to so amend the Second Article of our
     State Constitution as to wipe out this record of our disgrace.

     "But," say you, "women themselves do not make the demand." Mr.
     Phillips said on this platform, a year ago, that "the singularity
     of this cause is, that it has to be carried on against the wishes
     and purposes of its victims," and he has been echoed by nearly
     every man who has spoken, on this subject during the past year.
     Suppose the assertion true, is it a peculiarity of this
     reform?... Ignorant classes always resist innovations. Women
     looked on the sewing-machine as a rival for a long time. Years
     ago the laboring classes of England asked bread; but the Cobdens,
     the Brights, the Gladstones, the Mills have taught them there is
     a power behind bread, and to-day they ask the ballot. But they
     were taught its power first, and so must woman be. Again, do not
     those far-seeing philosophers who comprehend the wisdom, the
     beneficence, the morality of free trade urge this law of nations
     against the will and wishes of the victims of tariffs and
     protective duties? If you can prove to us that women do not wish
     to vote, that is no argument against our demand. There are many
     duties in life that ignorant, selfish, unthinking women do not
     desire to do, and this may be one of them.

     "But," says Rev. O. B. Frothingham, in a recent sermon on this
     subject, "they who first assume political responsibilities must
     necessarily lose something of the feminine element." In the
     education and elevation of woman we are yet to learn the true
     manhood and womanhood, the true masculine and feminine elements.
     Dio Lewis is rapidly changing our ideas of feminine beauty. In
     the large waists and strong arms of the girls under his training,
     some dilettante gentleman may mourn a loss of feminine delicacy.
     So in the wise, virtuous, self-supporting, common-sense women we
     propose as the mothers of the future republic, the reverend
     gentleman may see a lack of what he considers the feminine
     element. In the development of sufficient moral force to entrench
     herself on principle, need a woman necessarily lose any grace,
     dignity, or perfection of character? Are not those who have
     advocated the rights of women in this country for the last twenty
     years as delicate and refined, as moral, high-toned, educated,
     just, and generous as any women in the land? I have seen women in
     many countries and classes, in public and private; but have found
     none more pure and noble than those I meet on this platform. I
     have seen our venerable President in converse with the highest of
     English nobility, and even the Duchess of Sutherland did not
     eclipse her in grace, dignity, and conversational power. Where
     are there any women, as wives and mothers, more beautiful in
     their home life than Lucretia Mott and Lucy Stone, or Antoinette
     Brown Blackwell? Let the freedmen of the South Sea Islands
     testify to the faithfulness, the devotion, the patience, and
     tender mercy of Frances D. Gage, who watched over their
     interests, teaching them to read and work for two long years.
     Some on our platform have struggled with hardship and
     poverty--been slaves even in "the land of the free and the home
     of the brave," and bear the scars of life's battle. But is a
     self-made woman less honorable than a self-made man? Answer our
     arguments. When the Republic is in danger, no matter for our
     manners. When our soldiers came back from the war, wan, weary,
     and worn, maimed, halt, blind, wrinkled, and decrepit--their
     banners torn, their garments stained with blood--who, with a soul
     to feel, thought of anything but the glorious work they had done?
     What if their mothers on this platform be angular, old, wrinkled,
     and gray? They, too, have fought a good fight for freedom, and
     proudly bear the scars of the battle. We alone have struck the
     key-note of reconstruction. While man talks of "equal, impartial,
     manhood suffrage," we give the certain sound, "universal
     suffrage." While he talks of the rights of races, we exalt the
     higher, the holier idea proclaimed by the Fathers, and now twice
     baptized in blood, "individual rights." To woman it is given to
     save the Republic.

     SUSAN B. ANTHONY, on behalf of the Executive Committee, reported
     several resolutions.[71]

     Rev. SAMUEL J. MAY said: I wish to give my testimony most
     earnestly and solemnly to the conviction, which has continually
     increased in my soul since my attention was first called to the
     subject, that this is a fundamental question. How can we expect
     that our government will be well conducted when one-half, and
     that too what we have been accustomed to call the "better half,"
     of its constituency is disfranchised, and unable to influence it
     as it should? It is now twenty-two years since I delivered my
     first public discourse on this subject; and when I have insisted,
     as I have done during that time, that women should be allowed to
     take part in the government, it has always been thrown in my
     teeth that women were governing the nation after all through
     their influence over their husbands, brothers, and sons. I was
     delighted with the remarks of Mrs. Stanton on this subject. In
     the first place, women can not influence their husbands, nor
     educate their sons, as they should do, because they are not
     properly informed, and have no inducement to become informed.
     Were they to feel a responsibility, doubtless the better part of
     them would prepare themselves to discharge their duty; but
     knowing that they have nothing to do with the government of the
     country, you can hardly persuade our young women to study the
     subject. Years ago I insisted that the Constitution of the United
     States should be introduced into the common schools of the city
     where I live, to be studied by girls as well as boys. Yet I
     hardly know half a dozen girls there who have taken the least
     interest in it. Why? Because, when any allusion is made to
     women's participation in the government, it has been met with a
     sneer, which so many dread more than they do a bullet; and this
     has doubtless deterred them from it.

     I was glad, too, to hear the reply so successfully made to the
     objection that women do not demand this right. That is no reason
     why they should not be required to exercise it. It is their right
     because it is their duty. It is their duty because it is their
     right. We have the most glorious inheritance that God ever gave
     to a nation, the privilege of governing ourselves. Where does
     self-government begin? Where does it reside? In the individual.
     No individual that can not govern himself can contribute in the
     least toward the government of the country in which he lives. He
     becomes a burden, if not a curse. Knowing that women have the
     same moral powers as men, the same intellectual powers, the same
     affections, that they are governed by the same laws, and amenable
     to the same government, who can doubt that if they were made
     sensible of their responsibilities in the government of the
     country, and that they can not contribute in the least to the
     well-being of the community unless they can contribute those
     virtues and graces which constitute the true government of one's
     self; this would have the most inspiring and elevating influence
     upon them? Think you they would continue to be the servants of
     mere fashion, as too many of them now are? By our refusal to act
     in accordance with the eternal principles of righteousness set
     forth in the Declaration of Independence and in the preamble of
     the Constitution of the country, we have been brought into a
     terrible civil war, which has resulted in a disorganized
     condition requiring reconstruction. Why should we not see to it
     that our country as a whole, and that each individual State of
     the country, shall be reconstructed on this true basis, so that,
     if possible, nothing may be left to be done hereafter to improve
     the foundations on which this nation rests?

     Many say, "One thing at a time. You have been struggling for the
     abolition of slavery and obtained that; and now claim the
     political rights of the colored men, and will undoubtedly get
     them. Why can't you be satisfied?" Because that would leave a
     tremendous wrong at the foundation of our country. What will be
     the consequence, God only knows, should we dare to go on with
     such a fatal mistake in the basis of our institutions. It is
     presumption to suppose that we can do this without incurring,
     sooner or later, awful consequences. We can not predict what they
     will be; but that they will be great our past experiences should
     teach us. It was thought a very little matter to leave our
     Constitution indefinite as to the rights of colored men. Our
     fathers in the meetings held to ratify the Constitution, said
     they had done all that could be expected, said that the
     death-blow was struck at the institution of slavery, that it
     would soon die a natural death; and thus they quieted those who
     were distrustful because slavery was not explicitly abolished in
     the Constitution. The people, engaged in their various pursuits,
     ambitious for office, eager for wealth, let this seed of wrong
     become a mighty upas tree that covered our republic all over, and
     scattered everywhere its poisonous fruits. Shall we dare to go on
     for another period of our national existence knowing that at the
     foundation of our government there is a tremendous wrong?

     What should the government of a nation be? Ought it not to be as
     much as possible like the government of a well-ordered family?
     Can you think of any model so good as the divine model set before
     us in the family? What would the family be with a father and
     without a mother? To whom do you owe the most--your father or
     your mother? Who controlled the family most effectually? Some
     thirty years ago, being chairman of the Board of Education in my
     district, I proposed to put a woman into a school where the male
     teachers had been set at nought year after year. It stood the
     lowest in rank when she took it; but in less than a month its
     character was obviously changed, and at the end of the term it
     stood number three in point of character as well as in
     scholarship. Men are not governed by the fear of punishment. They
     are governed by a strong, persistent manifestation of the
     consciousness of a right to govern them; and that is pressed upon
     them more effectually by the influence of a mother or a sister
     than of a father or a brother. Just so it will be in the
     government of our country, when women shall educate and prepare
     themselves to take part in that government, with their almost
     instinctive perception of the right, the true, and the good.

     And if our fathers and mothers were what they might and should
     be, the children would be so well trained that they would govern
     themselves, and there would be very little need of the
     instrumentality of a political organization. If women understood
     that it was not only their right, but their duty, to educate
     themselves to be citizens of the State, we should have, instead
     of the trifling topics which now occupy their attention in our
     domestic circles, the consideration of great questions; and
     doubtless their finer perceptions often would help to settle
     great questions aright; and they who should go forth from that
     family circle into the various relations of life, would go
     prepared to advocate the right, to illustrate the truth, and at
     the ballot-box to give their votes for the true and the right. It
     is my first conviction respecting the future well-being of our
     country, that it is to be measured exactly by our treatment of
     the colored man. My second conviction is that the well-being of
     our country never will be effectually provided for until the
     better half of humanity is educated and instructed, and required
     to take part in the enactment of the laws and in their
     administration.

Mrs. Mott then introduced the venerable Sojourner Truth, who was
greeted with loud cheers, after which she said:

     My friends, I am rejoiced that you are glad, but I don't know how
     you will feel when I get through. I come from another field--the
     country of the slave. They have got their liberty--so much good
     luck to have slavery partly destroyed; not entirely. I want it
     root and branch destroyed. Then we will all be free indeed. I
     feel that if I have to answer for the deeds done in my body just
     as much as a man, I have a right to have just as much as a man.
     There is a great stir about colored men getting their rights, but
     not a word about the colored women; and if colored men get their
     rights, and not colored women theirs, you see the colored men
     will be masters over the women, and it will be just as bad as it
     was before. So I am for keeping the thing going while things are
     stirring; because if we wait till it is still, it will take a
     great while to get it going again. White women are a great deal
     smarter, and know more than colored women, while colored women do
     not know scarcely anything. They go out washing, which is about
     as high as a colored woman gets, and their men go about idle,
     strutting up and down; and when the women come home, they ask for
     their money and take it all, and then scold because there is no
     food. I want you to consider on that, chil'n. I call you chil'n;
     you are somebody's chil'n, and I am old enough to be mother of
     all that is here. I want women to have their rights. In the
     courts women have no right, no voice; nobody speaks for them. I
     wish woman to have her voice there among the pettifoggers. If it
     is not a fit place for women, it is unfit for men to be there.

     I am above eighty years old; it is about time for me to be going.
     I have been forty years a slave and forty years free, and would
     be here forty years more to have equal rights for all. I suppose
     I am kept here because something remains for me to do; I suppose
     I am yet to help to break the chain. I have done a great deal of
     work; as much as a man, but did not get so much pay. I used to
     work in the field and bind grain, keeping up with the cradler;
     but men doing no more, got twice as much pay; so with the German
     women. They work in the field and do as much work, but do not get
     the pay. We do as much, we eat as much, we want as much. I
     suppose I am about the only colored woman that goes about to
     speak for the rights of the colored women. I want to keep the
     thing stirring, now that the ice is cracked. What we want is a
     little money. You men know that you get as much again as women
     when you write, or for what you do. When we get our rights we
     shall not have to come to you for money, for then we shall have
     money enough in our own pockets; and may be you will ask us for
     money. But help us now until we get it. It is a good consolation
     to know that when we have got this battle once fought we shall
     not be coming to you any more. You have been having our rights so
     long, that you think, like a slave-holder, that you own us. I
     know that it is hard for one who has held the reins for so long
     to give up; it cuts like a knife. It will feel all the better
     when it closes up again. I have been in Washington about three
     years, seeing about these colored people. Now colored men have
     the right to vote. There ought to be equal rights now more than
     ever, since colored people have got their freedom. I am going to
     talk several times while I am here; so now I will do a little
     singing. I have not heard any singing since I came here.

     Accordingly, suiting the action to the word, Sojourner sang, "We
     are going home." "There, children," said she, "in heaven we shall
     rest from all our labors; first do all we have to do here. There
     I am determined to go, not to stop short of that beautiful place,
     and I do not mean to stop till I get there, and meet you there,
     too."

     CHARLES C. BURLEIGH said: I consider it among the good omens with
     which the Society enters upon its new year of labor, that its
     workers have been so busy, as appears from the informal report of
     the Secretary this morning, that really they have not had time to
     let the left hand know what the right hand was doing. It shows an
     earnestness, a determination, a vigor, an industry, which can not
     co-exist with a cause of righteousness like the one before us
     without hopeful results. There is no narrow question here. We are
     not contending for Woman's Suffrage or Negro Suffrage, but for a
     broad principle of right applicable to the whole race. Those in
     opposition to us have really nothing to stand upon. While we may
     fairly assume that the burden of proof lies upon those who urge
     objections, that ours is the affirmative case, and all that we
     are bound to do is to answer objections; yet in this reform, as
     in others which have preceded it, its enemies not being willing
     to take the burden of proof, we have undertaken to do their work
     as well as our own. We are willing, therefore, for the sake of
     meeting every cavil, for the sake of fighting every shadow of
     objection, to take the laboring oar which the other side should
     take, and to prove the objections unfounded which they have not
     yet attempted to prove well-founded.

     We are told sometimes that women ought not to share with men in
     the rights we claim for humanity, because of the difference of
     sex; that there is a sex of soul as well as of body. This is an
     objection practically cutting its own throat; because if it is
     true that there is a diversity of sex in soul which ought to be
     recognized in political institutions as well as in social
     arrangements, how can you rightly determine woman's proper place
     in society by the standard of a man's intellect? How can man's
     intellect determine what kind of legislation suits the condition
     of woman? The very fact, then, of the diversity of the masculine
     understanding and masculine spirit, proves the necessity of
     assigning to woman a share in the work which is to be done
     affecting woman. Manifestly one of these two things must be true:
     Either there is no such essential difference worthy to be taken
     into account, in which case woman has the same rights as man, and
     there is no necessity for making a distinction; or there is an
     essential difference, in which case man is not competent to do
     the work of legislating for the whole of society without the aid
     of woman. We might just as well let one effigy stand in the
     tailor's shop, as the standard of measurement of every garment
     the tailor is to make, and also of every garment the dressmaker
     is to make as to found the legislation for all upon one standard.
     If you recognize a difference, let your legislation proceed from
     both elements of the body politic which your legislation is to
     affect.

     It is said also, that if you allow women to vote, the logic of
     your argument will go further and require that women shall be
     voted for and they may chance to receive votes enough for
     election; and they may even go to the State Legislature or to
     Congress. Suppose such a thing should happen, would a city which
     is represented in the Congress of the United States by John
     Morrissey and Fernando Wood, have reason to blush if by some
     singular good fortune she should chance to be represented by
     Elizabeth Cady Stanton? (Applause.) Would the halls of Congress
     suffer any loss of dignity, or any loss of efficiency, even if
     John Morrissey's place should be vacated to make room for Mrs.
     Stanton, or if some Pennsylvania Democrat should be allowed to
     remain at home while Lucretia Mott occupied his chair?
     (Applause.) Is it so terrible that women who can utter sentiments
     as noble and elevating as those to which you have listened, who
     can sustain them by logic as clear, and who can expose with such
     delicate wit the ridiculous absurdity of the opposite side,
     should have a voice in the counsels of the nation? Somebody says
     that "the child is father to the man." You know who govern the
     children. Who governed you when you were children? Is it not as
     safe that woman should govern in the halls of national
     legislation as in the family and in the school? You will find in
     hundreds of schools, governed a few years ago by men, only women
     for teachers to-day. I remember that in a building which
     contained some three hundred pupils, the last man employed as a
     teacher was an assistant teacher under the supervision of a woman
     as principal; a woman who has vindicated her right to the place
     by her admirable administration, and her admirable adaptation to
     the business of teaching, so that she has become, as it were, a
     fixture in that schoolhouse. And that is only one case among
     many. And if woman excels in government in those spheres in which
     she has had an opportunity to prove her ability, it is at least
     safe to try the experiment further.

     We have just seen one folly, one absurdity refuted by the simple
     process of trying an experiment. The time was when it was deemed
     altogether unwomanly, and repugnant to female delicacy and
     refinement, for a woman to ink the ends of her fingers in
     handling a pen; for a woman to be what was derisively called a
     "blue-stocking," or a literary woman. It was thought that nothing
     but pedantry, nothing but slatternly habits and neglected
     housekeeping, could come of it. But who would be willing to
     banish from the literary world to-day such names as Browning,
     Hemans, Stowe, and Gage? And if I were to fill out the catalogue
     of names, I might close my speech at the end of it, having tired
     you all with the length of the recital. So it was said that women
     should not appear on the public platform. But who now would
     banish the women who have delighted such vast congregations, and
     who have drawn such applause from all classes and conditions of
     men? Who, to-day, considers it improper for Lucy Stone, Anna
     Dickinson, Mrs. Stanton, Mrs. Gage, to appear upon a public
     platform? Who is willing to shut the pulpit against Mrs. Mott,
     when she has filled it with such acceptance, in so many places,
     and on so many occasions? Step by step, woman has advanced toward
     her right position. Step by step, as she advanced, she has proved
     her right, to the satisfaction of caviling skepticism itself....

     She would now go a step further. She demands the rights, not of
     womanhood, but of humanity. And I feel just as confident that
     what she demands will be conceded, in reference to her political
     rights, as that it has been conceded with regard to these other
     rights, which are now settled in the estimation of thinking and
     reasoning people. The tide sets that way, clearly and strongly.
     Kansas is not to go alone, in granting this right to woman. The
     agitation is to go on; and the more you resist the current of
     events, the more earnestly will the agitation be continued until
     reason shall be convinced; until prejudice shall be overcome by
     the power of conviction; until men are constrained, from very
     shame, to withdraw from a position which no argument, no
     experience can justify, which no consideration of decency will
     palliate.

     One objection to our claim is, that the right of voting should
     not belong to human beings as individuals, but rather to
     households of human beings. This is not a denial of equality in
     all respects, but an allegation that the right belongs neither to
     the man nor to the woman, but to the household; and that for the
     household, as its representative, the man casts the ballot.
     Suppose I concede that, what then? Why should the head of the
     household, or rather the _hand_ of the household, be masculine
     rather than feminine? We have heard the argument over and over
     again that woman should leave to man the counting-house, the
     work-bench, and all the duties supposed peculiarly to appertain
     to masculine humanity, and should attend to "household" matters.
     If, then, suffrage is a household matter, why should not woman
     attend to it, in her feminine capacity, as peculiarly within her
     domestic province, and relieve man from the interruption of his
     appropriate duties?

     Rev. Mr. RAY inquired what was the basis for the right of
     suffrage, if suffrage was not, as Mr. Burleigh had said yesterday
     in another place, a natural right. If it does not belong to the
     individual whence does it come? The Sultan of Turkey may claim
     that the right belongs to him, and that he may delegate that
     right to whomsoever he will to assist him in the government of
     the people. But in a Republic the right must be in the
     individual; and if so, it belongs to woman as well as to man, to
     black as well as to white persons. If the right of suffrage is
     not a natural right, why has not the Constitutional Convention
     about to meet the right to limit the suffrage, if they think it
     will secure the best interest of the State?

     FRANCES D. GAGE said: I have but little to say because it is
     almost two o'clock, and hungry and weary people are not good
     listeners to speeches. I shall confine my remarks therefore to
     one special point brought up this morning and not fully
     discussed. Sojourner Truth gave us the whole truth in about
     fifteen words: "If I am responsible for the deeds done in my
     body, the same as the white male citizen is, I have a right to
     all the rights he has to help him through the world." I shall
     speak for the slave woman at the South. I have always lifted my
     voice for her when I have spoken at all. I will not give up the
     slave woman into the hands of man, to do with her as he pleases
     hereafter. I know the plea that was made to me in South Carolina,
     and down in the Mississippi valley. They said, "You give us a
     nominal freedom, but you leave us under the heel of our husbands,
     who are tyrants almost equal to our masters." The former slave
     man of the South has learned his lesson of oppression and wrong
     of his old master; and they think the wife has no right to her
     earnings. I was often asked, "Why don't the Government pay my
     wife's earnings to me?" When acting for the Freedman's Aid
     Society, the orders came to us to compel marriage, or to separate
     families. I issued the order as I was bound to do, as General
     Superintendent of the Fourth Division under General Saxton. The
     men came to me and wanted to be married, because they said if
     they were married in the church, they could manage the women, and
     take care of their money, but if they were not married in the
     church the women took their own wages and did just as they had a
     mind to. But the women came to me and said, "We don't want to be
     married in the church, because if we are our husbands will whip
     the children and whip us if they want to; they are no better than
     old masters." The biggest quarrel I had with the colored people
     down there, was with a plantation man because I would not furnish
     a nurse for his child. "No, Nero," said I, "I can not hire a
     nurse for your child while Nancy works in the cotton field." "But
     what is we to do? I'se a poor miserable man and can't work half
     the time, and Nancy is a good strong hand; and we must have a
     nurse." He went away in utter disgust, and declared to the people
     outside that I had got the miserablest notion he had ever heard,
     to spoil a good field hand like his Nancy to nurse her own baby.

     We were told the other day by Wendell Phillips, upon the
     Anti-Slavery platform, that it takes people forty years to
     outgrow an old idea. The slave population of the South is not yet
     removed a hundred years from the barbarism of Africa, where women
     have no rights, no privileges, but are trampled under foot in all
     the savageism of the past. And the slave man has looked on to see
     his master will everything as he willed, and he has learned the
     lesson from his master. Mr. Higginson told us that the
     slave-master never understood the slave. I know that to be the
     fact. Neither does man understand woman to-day, because she has
     always been held subservient to him. Now it is proposed to give
     manhood the suffrage in all these Southern States, and to leave
     the poor slave woman bound under the ban of the direst curse of
     slavery to him who is the father of her children. It is decreed
     upon all the statute books of slavery, that the child shall
     follow the condition of the mother. That has been the decree from
     the beginning of this awful slave system; that the whitest woman,
     the child of a slave mother, whose hair curled down to her waist,
     and whose blue eyes of beauty were a lure to the statesmen of the
     South, should be a slave, though the Governor of the State were
     her father. Are you to leave her there yet, and desecrate
     marriage, by making it such a bond of slavery that the woman
     shall say, "I do not want to be married, to suffer oppression!"
     Are you to force prostitution and wrong upon those people by
     these unjust laws? Are you to compel wickedness and crime? Are
     you going to let it stand upon the statute books of the Southern
     States that the only woman free to work for her own child shall
     be the mother of illegitimate children? That is the consequence
     of what you are doing to the people who in all time past, since
     they have lived upon this continent, have been denied the right
     of sacred marriage; and who must have, as Wendell Phillips tells
     us, forty years to outgrow the past, or to educate them.

     We are told by Mr. Phillips to flood the South with
     spelling-books. Who is to carry them there? Who, to-day, is
     teaching the Southern people;--for I am talking now in behalf of
     the colored woman of the South, forgetting my own degradation.
     Who have carried the spelling-book to the South? The women of the
     North, gathering up their strength, have been sent down by all
     these great societies to teach. The colored men of the South are
     to vote, while they deny the ballot to their teacher! It is said
     that women do not want to vote in this country. I tell you, it is
     a libel upon womanhood. I care not who says it. I am in earnest.
     They do want to vote. Fifty-two thousand pulpits in this country
     have been teaching women the lesson that has been taught them for
     centuries, that they must not think about voting. But when 52,000
     pulpits, or 52,000 politicians, at the beginning of this war,
     lifted up their voices and asked of women, "Come out and help
     us," did they stand back? In every hamlet, in every village, in
     every cabin, and every palace, in every home in the whole United
     States, they rose up and went to work. They worked for the
     Government; they worked for the nation; they worked for their
     sons, their husbands, their fathers, their brothers, their
     friends. They worked night and day. Who found women to stand back
     when this great public opinion that had been crushing them so
     long and forbidding them to work, at last lifted itself up and
     said, "You may work"? (Applause).

     I have been traveling all winter long, with a few intervals of
     rest, talking not upon Equal Rights, but upon the subject of
     Temperance; and whenever I said to my crowded audiences that we
     must give to woman the right to vote that she may purify the
     nation of this great sin, there went up shouts and clapping of
     hands of men and women. They are ready for this work. What we
     want is to crystallize the public opinion of all ranks of society
     in its favor. There is great fear that if woman is allowed to
     vote, she will lose something of her high and excellent
     character. If it is right for woman to have the suffrage, it is
     not right to talk of expediency. If giving woman the ballot will
     cause her to lose her prestige, it is because she ought to lose
     it. If she gains physical strength and loses that effeminate
     delicacy that provides for nothing and cares for nothing but its
     own selfish, quiet enjoyment, I shall rejoice with joy
     unspeakable. My strong hands have tilled the fields; and in my
     early childhood have harnessed the horse, and brought the wood to
     the door; have led him to the blacksmith's shop to be shod. These
     are things I do not often tell in public. I have braved public
     opinion; I have tilled my garden; I have brought myself up from
     fainting weakness occasioned by accident and broken bones. I have
     taken care of myself, supported myself, and asked nothing from
     the world; I find my womanhood not one bit degraded. (Applause).
     A thousand times in the last years, in this struggle for bread,
     have I been asked, "Why don't you let your sons support you?" My
     answer is, "My six sons have their own duties. My six boys have
     their own labors. God gives me strength to earn my own bread, and
     I will do it as long as I can." (Applause). That is what I want
     to teach the womanhood of the country. I did not mean to talk so
     long; but I assure you I talk in earnest. If I sometimes, by a
     slip of the tongue, make some little mistake--for I have not been
     educated in the schools, (a log cabin schoolhouse in the
     wilderness gave me all I have)--you will excuse me, for I mean no
     injustice to any one. And if to-night it will not crowd some
     better woman or man from the platform, I shall be glad to speak
     to you again.

     Mrs. MOTT.--The argument that has been made that women do not
     want to vote is like that which we had to meet in the early days
     of the Anti-Slavery enterprise, that the slaves did not want to
     be free. I remember that in one of our earliest Woman's Rights
     Conventions, in Syracuse, a resolution was offered to the effect
     that as the assertion that the slave did not want his freedom,
     and would not take it if offered to him, only proved the depth of
     his degradation, so the assertion that woman had all the rights
     she wanted only gave evidence how far the influence of the law
     and customs, and the perverted application of the Scriptures, had
     encircled and crushed her. This was fifteen or twenty years ago.
     Times are altered since. In the temperance reformation, and in
     the great reformatory movements of our age, woman's powers have
     been called into action. They are beginning to see that another
     state of things is possible for them, and they are beginning to
     demand their rights. Why should this church be granted for such a
     meeting as this, but for the progress of the cause? Why are so
     many women present, ready to respond to the most ultra and most
     radical sentiments here, but that woman has grown and is able to
     assume her rights?

     In many of the States the laws have been so modified that the
     wife now stands in a very different position as regards the right
     of property and other rights, from that which she occupied
     fifteen or twenty years ago. You see the same advance in the
     literary world. I remember when Maria Edgeworth and her sister
     first published their works, that they were afraid to publish
     their own name, and borrowed the name of their father. So Frances
     Power Cobbe was not able to write over her own name, and she
     issued her "Intuitive Morals" without a name; and her father was
     so much pleased with the work, without knowing it was his
     daughter's, that it led to an acknowledgment after a while.

     STEPHEN S. FOSTER: Will you give us the evidence that the
     statement that the women of this country do not want the ballot
     is not true? I should be glad to believe that; but in my
     experience the worst opposition to the progress of Woman's Rights
     has come from woman herself. The greatest indifference to the
     cause is to be found among women, and not among men. I wish it
     were not so. I hope I am mistaken. But I believe nine out of
     every ten of our public speakers will tell you that they find
     more help, more sympathy from men than from women.

     Rev. S. J. MAY: I should like to have that question settled, so
     far as the women present are concerned. Will as many of you as
     _will vote_ when the right is awarded to you, please to manifest
     it by rising.

Nearly the whole of the ladies present immediately arose. Indeed,
those on the platform, could not see a single woman who retained her
seat.

     Mrs. GAGE: During the last fifteen years, with the utmost
     industry I could use in ascertaining the public opinion in this
     country, I have never found one solitary instance of a woman,
     whom I could meet alone by her fireside, where there was no fear
     of public opinion, or the minister, or the law-maker, or her
     father, or her husband, who did not tell me she would like to
     vote. [Applause]. I never found a slave in my life, who, removed
     from the eye of the people about him, would not tell me he wanted
     liberty--never one. I have been in the slave States for years. I
     have been in the slave-pens, and upon the plantations, and have
     stood beside the slave as he worked in the sugar cane and the
     cotton-field; and I never found one who dared in the presence of
     white men to say he wanted freedom. When women and young girls
     are asked if they want to vote, they are almost always in just
     that situation where they are afraid to speak what they think;
     and no wonder they so often say they do not want to vote.


EVENING SESSION.

The meeting was called to order by the President, Mrs. Mott, who
introduced as the first speaker Col. Charles E. Moss, of Missouri.

     Mr. MOSS said: This is a subject upon which I have thought for a
     number of years; and I have become fully convinced that no reason
     can be assigned for extending the right of suffrage to any of the
     male sex, that does not equally apply to the female.

     When our fathers formed the national Constitution, they made it
     their duty to secure to every State a republican form of
     government. No government can be republican in form, unless it is
     so in substance and in fact; based upon the consent of the
     governed. After the troublesome war we have just passed through,
     we are called upon not only to reconstruct the ten unrepresented
     States of the nation, but to purify the republicanism of our
     government in the Northern States and make it more consistent
     with our professions. It is a fit time, then, to take up the
     subject of suffrage, and to base it upon a well-established
     principle. Some say that the right of suffrage is a privilege, to
     be given or withheld at pleasure. That does not seem to me a very
     safe foundation for so important a right. It is either a
     privilege or a natural right. If we recognize it as a natural
     right we have a peaceable, safe, legal mode of resistance against
     the disfranchisement of the people. If we admit it to be a
     privilege to be granted or withheld, no man and no woman has any
     legal right to interpose any objection to his own
     disfranchisement. But I see that our friend has come in who was
     expected first to address you, and I will not take up more of
     your time.

     PARKER PILLSBURY was next introduced and said: The resolutions
     just read refer to the comparative longevity of nations and of
     individual men, and of their respective performance, while
     existence lasts.

     Among nations have arisen Franklins and Washingtons, Humboldts
     and Howards; but what individual nation of any period has been
     the Plato or Pythagoras, the Howard or the Humboldt of all the
     rest? or has achieved proportionally, so long a life? or expired
     at last in sunsets of serenity and glory, and been embalmed and
     enshrined in the tears and gratitude of mankind? It is often said
     that the life of a nation is as the life of an individual; with
     beginning, progress, decay, and dissolution. But the resemblance
     holds only in part. Consciousness comes to an individual, and
     self-respect; and from that hour growth and greatness (it may be)
     begin. But with nations it is not so. The world has not made the
     same demand of nations as of individuals, and so nothing is
     expected of them. Nations, hitherto, were badly brought up. In
     the light of a thousand years hence, the eighteenth and
     nineteenth centuries will be "darker ages" than the eighth and
     ninth are to-day. Accepting three-score and ten as the common
     life of an individual, a degree at least of honorable manhood is
     often achieved, both in personal virtues, and in noble
     performance.

     The canticles of the Almanac used to run:

          At ten, a child; at twenty, wild;
          At thirty, strong, if ever;
          At forty, wise; at fifty, rich;
          At sixty, good, or never.

     But at what age has any nation of any period or place become
     wise, rich, or even strong; to say nothing of good?

     The Roman Catholic Church is older than any civilized government
     on the globe. Lord Macaulay says:

          It is the only institution left standing which carries the
          mind back to the time when the smoke of sacrifice rose from
          the Pantheon, and when tigers and camel leopards bounded in
          the Flavian Amphitheatre. The proudest royal houses are but
          of yesterday, compared with the line of the supreme
          Pontiffs, traced back in unbroken series, from the Pope who
          crowned Napoleon in the nineteenth century, to the Pope who
          crowned Pepin in the eighth; and far beyond stretches the
          august dynasty, until it fades into the twilight of fable!
          She saw the commencement of all the governments on the
          globe, and of all the ecclesiastical establishments now
          existing; and there is no assurance that she is not destined
          to see the end of them all!"

     The world has an accepted chronology of six thousand years. Its
     history and experience in government reach back forty centuries.
     It would be an interesting inquiry with what results governments
     have existed so long, especially in the later periods and among
     the most enlightened of the nations. Charles the Fifth boasted
     that his empire saw no setting sun. It included Spain and all her
     vast American provinces, over large part of which to-day wave our
     own Stars and Stripes. The national escutcheon bore two globes;
     and the coin, the two Pillars of Hercules, the then acknowledged
     boundary of the Eastern world, with the motto "More beyond."
     Spain, under Philip Second, dictated law, learning, religion,
     especially religion, to unknown millions, not alone in Europe,
     but in North and South America, Africa and all the Indies. And
     now in the remote south-western corner of Europe is all that
     remains of this mighty power of the sixteenth century.

     France in the eighth century under Charlemagne, was another
     mistress of the globe. And Charlemagne was crowned by the Pope,
     "Sovereign of the New Empire of the West." And yet, in less than
     fifty years all that mountain of magnificence exploded; and many
     rival nations sprang from its lava streams of blood and ashes! A
     remnant, too, of France was preserved; and its history for almost
     eight hundred years, "may be traced, like the tracks of a wounded
     man through a crowd, by the blood;" until it culminated in the
     French Revolution ("suicide of the eighteenth century," as
     Carlyle calls that terrible phenomenon) and Napoleon Bonaparte!
     And he also summoned to his coronation the Roman Pontiff, like
     his great predecessor of a thousand years before. And beneath the
     solemn arches and arcades of Notre Dame, was crowned by Pope Pius
     the Seventh--"_The high and mighty Napoleon, the first Emperor of
     the French!_" Plunging remorselessly into the most desolating
     wars, he soon astonished the civilized world with his successes.
     He made himself master of almost half the globe. The reign of
     Napoleon was an earthquake which, for fifteen years, shook the
     sea and the land, carrying down innumerable human lives in the
     general cataclysm. But he sunk at last! He aspired to the very
     heaven of heavens in his ambitions; and his conquests were the
     wonder and terror of mankind. But he left France smaller, weaker,
     poorer, and more debased and depraved than he found her.

     Just eight hundred years ago last September, William the Norman
     landed in Britain and commenced its subjugation. Since that
     period, the history of Great Britain has not differed materially
     from that of other European nations. As the sun is said never to
     set on the British domain, so the thunder of its war-guns has
     reverberated almost continually in some corner of the globe. To
     trace her history, however rapidly, even had we time, could give
     no pleasure to this audience, and would add nothing to my present
     argument. It is sufficient to say that, with real estate almost
     immeasurable, with personal property incalculable, with a wealth
     of material resources of every conceivable description,
     absolutely unknown and unknowable, she yet contrives to support
     her costly establishment by a system of oppressive taxation
     almost unparalleled in the annals of the human race. Some of you
     must remember the graphic but not exaggerated description of
     British taxation given by Sidney Smith in the _Edinburgh Review_.
     It was almost fifty years ago; but no less revenue must be raised
     in some way, still. He said:

          We have taxes upon everything which enters into the mouth,
          or covers the back, or is placed under the feet; taxes upon
          everything which it is pleasant to see, hear, feel, smell,
          or taste; taxes upon warmth, light, and locomotion; taxes on
          everything on earth, and in the waters under the earth;
          taxes on everything that comes from abroad, or is grown at
          home; taxes on the raw material, taxes on every fresh value
          added to it by the industry of man; taxes on the sauces
          which pamper man's appetite, and the drugs that restore him
          to health; taxes on the ermine which decorates the judge,
          and on the rope which hangs the criminal; on the poor man's
          salt and the rich man's spice; on the ribbons of the bride,
          on the shroud of the corpse, and the brass nails of the
          coffin. The school-boy whips his taxed top; the beardless
          youth rides his taxed horse, with a taxed saddle and bridle,
          on a taxed road; and the dying Englishman, pouring his
          medicine, which has paid seven per cent., into a spoon that
          has paid fifteen per cent., flings himself back upon his
          chintz-bed, which has paid twenty-two per cent., and expires
          in the arms of an apothecary who has paid a license of a
          hundred pounds for the privilege of putting him to death.
          His whole property is then taxed from two to ten per cent.
          Besides the probate, large fees are demanded for burying him
          in the chancel. His virtues are then handed down to
          posterity on taxed marble, and he is gathered to his
          fathers, to be taxed no more!

     And we are told, what is doubtless true, that the enormous debt
     of Great Britain is the chain that binds its many parts together,
     and preserves its nationality. No nation, then, ever maintained a
     more precarious existence. Chartism in Scotland, Repeal in
     Ireland, Trades Strikes everywhere, East India Wars, Irish
     Famines, Fenianism, Reform Leagues, Reform Riots, Bread
     Riots--all these attest how volcanic is its under stratum, and
     what dangers impend above. In some of the gloomy gorges of the
     Alps, there are seasons of the year when no traveler passes but
     at the expense of life, on account of the terrible "_thunderbolts
     of snow_" that hang suspended on the sides or summits of the
     mountains. None can know their hour; but descend they must, by
     all the laws of gravitation, with resistless energy, sweeping all
     before them. At such times, all who pass creep along with
     trembling caution. They move in single file, at a distance from
     each other, hurrying fast as possible, with velvet step, avoiding
     all noise, even whispers--the guides meanwhile muffling the bells
     of the mules, lest the slightest vibration communicated to the
     air should untie the tremulous mass overhead and entomb them
     forever. Great Britain, with her frightful debt, her terrible
     taxation, her dissatisfied, restless, beggared myriads of the
     lower working classes, her remorseless aristocracy, her bloated
     spirit of caste, her enforced but heartless religion, has hung a
     more terrible avalanche over her head than ever leaped down the
     heights of the Tyrol.

     Such are examples of success or failure in attempts at
     government, among the proudest and most prosperous nations of the
     Old World, in modern and what are called enlightened times. If
     seventy years be the life of a man, what should be the life of a
     nation? Half the children born die under five years old. But
     proportionably a greater mortality prevails among nations and
     governments. Not one nation has ever yet attained an honorable
     manhood. There is something rotten in the state of every Denmark.

     Will you tell me Democracy, Republicanism, consecrated by
     Christianity, is the remedy for all these ills? Let us look,
     then, at the best example. Our own nation is not yet a hundred
     years old, but it had behind it in the beginning, the chronicles
     of forty or sixty centuries, written mostly in tears and blood.
     At the end of an eight years' revolutionary war, our new
     governmental columns were reared, not, like some pagan temples,
     on human skulls, but on the imbruted bodies and extinguished
     souls of five hundred thousand chattel slaves. We had our
     Declaration of Independence, our war of Revolution, and a new
     Constitution and code of laws. We had a Washington for our first
     President, a John Jay for Chief Justice of the Supreme Court, and
     a constellation of senators, statesmen, and sages who challenged
     the respect and admiration of mankind. We closed that
     dispensation with James Buchanan as Chief Magistrate, and Roger
     B. Taney as Chief-Justice, with his diabolical Dred Scott
     Decision, and with a war of Treason and Rebellion which deluged
     the land in the blood of more than half a million of men. We had
     multiplied our slaves to four millions, with new cruelties and
     horrors added to the system, and at least ten generations of them
     were lost in unknown graves. The new Republican President pledged
     his official word and honor to the rebels already in arms, that,
     would they but return to their allegiance, he would favor
     amendments to the Constitution that should not only render slave
     property more secure than ever before, but also make all its old
     guarantees and safeguards, _Fugitive Slave law and all_, forever
     "_irrevocable_" by any act or decree of Congress! So were we
     endeavoring to bulwark and balustrade our slave-system about, in
     the name of a Christian Republicanism, when it was struck by the
     lightnings of a righteous retribution, and the world is rid of it
     forever. And our old nationality went down in the ruin. Now we
     are divided, distracted, deranged in currency, commerce,
     diplomacy, with State and Federal liabilities resting on the
     people, amounting to not less than six thousand millions of
     dollars, not to speak of current expenditures which are also
     appalling; with a President whose weakness finds no parallel but
     in his wickedness, with a Secretary of State who has become his
     full counterpart in both, and a Senate too cowardly, or too
     corrupt, to impeach the one or to seek the removal of the other!

     For more than two years we have been attempting to restore the
     fragments of our once boasted Union. With the history and
     experience of forty centuries shining back upon us, so far we
     have failed. And under any existing or proposed policy we shall
     fail. By all the claims of justice and righteousness, we deserve
     to fail; for we are still defying those claims. The son of Priam,
     a priest of Apollo, was commissioned to offer a sacrifice to
     propitiate the god of the sea. But the offering not being
     acceptable, there came up two enormous serpents from the deep and
     attacked the priest and his two sons who stood with him at the
     altar. The father attempted to defend his sons; but the serpents
     falling upon him, enfolded him and them in their complicated
     coils, and strangled them to a terrible death. Let this
     government beware. The very union proposed will only bind and
     hold us together as in the deadly folds of a serpent more fearful
     than all the fabled monsters of the past! And so, hitherto,
     republics are no exception to the general law. Rickets in
     infancy, convulsions in childhood, or premature rheumatisms, have
     brought the nations of history to untimely deaths. Material
     interests may flourish, and nations grow great and powerful, make
     wars and conquests, and rule the world. The ancients did all
     this, but where are those haughty omnipotences now? Charlemagne
     did but little less, and in half a century his magnificence was
     brought to nought. Spain survived a little longer in its glory
     and grandeur; but now the scanty blood-splash on the map
     describes it well. The United States, young among the nations,
     the mother earth six thousand years old at their birth,
     wet-nursed by forty centuries of history, and schooled by all the
     experience of the ages, with almost half a globe for their
     inheritance, with Christianity faith and Republicanism their
     form of government, they survived a precocious childhood and then
     fell a victim to their own vices and crimes. To-day they are in
     the hands of many physicians, though of doubtful reputation, who
     seem far less desirous to cure the patient than to divide and
     share the estate.

     My main point is this--we have had enough of the past in
     government. It is time to change. Literally almost, more than
     metaphorically, the "times are rotten ripe." We come to-day to
     demand--first an extension of the right of suffrage to every
     American citizen, of whatever race, complexion or sex. Manhood or
     _male_-hood suffrage is not a remedy for evils such as we wish
     removed. The Anti-Slavery Society demands that; and so, too, do
     large numbers of both the political parties. Even Andrew Johnson
     at first recommended it, in the reconstruction of the rebel
     States, for three classes of colored men. The New York _Herald_,
     in the exuberance of its religious zeal, demanded that "members
     of Christian Churches" be added as a fourth estate to the three
     designated by the President. The Woman's Rights Society
     contemplated suffrage only for woman. But we, as an EQUAL RIGHTS
     Association, recognize no distinctions based on sex, complexion
     or race. The Ten Commandments know nothing of any such
     distinctions. No more do we. The right of suffrage is as old, as
     sacred and as universal as the right to life, liberty and the
     pursuit of happiness. It is indeed the complement and safeguard
     of these and all civil and political rights to every citizen. The
     right to life would be nothing without the right to acquire and
     possess the means of its support. So it were mockery to talk of
     liberty and the pursuit of happiness, until the ballot in the
     hand of every citizen seals and secures it. The right of the
     black man to a voice in the government was not earned at Olustee
     or Port Hudson. It was his when life began, not when life was
     paid for it under the battle-axe of war. It was his with
     Washington and Jefferson, James Buchanan and Abraham Lincoln. Not
     one of them could ever produce a higher, holier claim. Nor can
     any of us. We are prating about _giving_ the right of suffrage to
     black _male_ citizens, as complacently as we once gave our
     compassion and corn to famishing Ireland. But this famine of
     freedom and justice exists because we have produced it. Had our
     fleets and armies robbed Ireland of its last loaf, and left its
     myriads of inhabitants lean, ghastly skeletons, our charity would
     not have been more a mockery when we sent them bread to preserve
     them alive, than it is now when we talk of _giving_ the ballot to
     those whom God created free and equal with ourselves.

     And in the plenitude of our generosity, we even propose to extend
     the _gift_ to woman also. It is proposed to make educated,
     cultivated, refined, loyal, tax-paying, government-obeying woman
     equal to the servants who groom her horses, and scour the pots
     and pans of her kitchen. Our Maria Mitchells, our Harriet
     Hosmers, Harriet Beecher Stowes, Lydia Maria Childs, and Lucretia
     Motts, with millions of the mothers and matrons of quiet homes,
     where they preside with queenly dignity and grace, are begging of
     besotted, debauched white male citizens, legal voters, soaked in
     whisky, simmered in tobacco, and parboiled in every shameless
     vice and sin, to recognize them also as human, and graciously
     accord to them the rights of intelligent beings!

     And, singularly enough, in some of the States, it is proposed to
     grant the prayer. But the wisest and best men have no idea that
     they are only restoring what they have so long held by force,
     based on fraud and falsehood. They only propose to _give_ woman
     the boon which they claim was theirs by heavenly inheritance. But
     they are too late with their sublime generosity. For God gave
     that when he gave life and breath, passions, emotions,
     conscience, and will. Give gold, give lands, give honors, give
     office, give title of nobility, if you must: but talk not of
     giving natural, inalienable and heaven-derived endowments. God
     alone bestows these. He alone has them to give. Our trade in the
     right of suffrage is contraband. It is bold buccaneering on the
     commerce of the moral universe. If we have our neighbor's right
     of suffrage and citizenship in our keeping, no matter of what
     color, or race, or sex, then we have stolen goods in our
     possession--and God's search-warrant will pursue us forever, if
     those goods be not restored. And then we impudently assert that
     "all just governments derive their powers, from the consent of
     the governed." But when was the consent of woman ever asked to
     one single act on all the statute books? We talk of "trial by
     jury of our peers!" In this country of ours, women have been
     fined, imprisoned, scourged, branded with red hot irons and hung;
     but when, or where, or for what crime or offense, was ever woman
     tried by a jury of her peers?

     Suffrage was never in the hands of tyrants or of governments, but
     by usurpation. It was never given by them to any of us. We
     brought it; not bought it; nor conquered it; nor begged it; nor
     earned it; nor inherited it. It was man's inalienable,
     irrepealable, inextinguishable right from the beginning. It is so
     still; the same yesterday, to-day, and while earthly governments
     last. It came with the right to see and hear; to breathe and
     speak; to think and feel; to love and hate; to choose and refuse;
     or it did not come at all. The right to see came with the eye and
     the light: did it not? and the right to breathe, with the lungs
     and the air; and all these from the same infinite source. And has
     not also the moral and spiritual nature its inalienable rights?
     Have the mere bodily organs, which are but the larder of worms,
     born of the dust, and dust their destiny--have they power and
     prerogative that are denied to the reason, the understanding, the
     conscience, the will, those attributes which constitute
     responsibility, accountability, and immortality? Or shall God
     give the power to choose, or refuse obedience to his law and
     reign, leaving the human will free as his own; and must mortal
     man, the mushroom of yesterday and perished to-morrow, usurp a
     higher and more dreadful prerogative, and compel support of and
     submission to laws in which the subject has no voice in making,
     executing, or even consenting, on pain of perpetual imprisonment,
     banishment, or death?

     Must a brave soldier fight and bleed for the government, and,
     pruned of limbs, plucked of eyes, and scarred all over with the
     lead and iron hail of war--must he now hobble on his crutches up
     to a Republican, Democratic, yea, and a Christian throne, and beg
     the boon of a ballot in that government, in defense of which he
     periled all, and lost all but bare life and breath, only because
     an African instead of a more indulgent sun looked upon him or his
     ancestors in their allotment of life? And then, when the claim of
     immortal manhood is superadded, the inalienable rights of the
     soul, in and of themselves, the rights of the reason, the
     understanding, the conscience, the will--what desperation is that
     which treads down all these claims, and rushes into seats of
     higher authority than were ever claimed by the eternal God, and
     denies him that right altogether! No white male citizen was ever
     born with three ballots in his hand, one his own by birthright,
     and to be used without restraint, the others to be granted, given
     to women and to colored men at his pleasure or convenience! Such
     an idea should never have outraged our common humanity. And any
     bill or proposal for what is called "manhood suffrage," while it
     ignores womanhood suffrage, whether coming from the President or
     the Republican party and sanctioned by the Anti-Slavery Society,
     should be repudiated as at war with the whole spirit and genius
     of a true Democracy, and a deadly stab into the very heart of
     justice itself.

     I have referred to the age of the Roman Catholic Church. Lord
     Macaulay, in accounting for her astonishing longevity as compared
     with other institutions, turns with felicitous insight to female
     influence as one of the principal causes. In her system, he says,
     she assigns to devout women spiritual functions, dignities, and
     even magistracies. In England, if a pious and devout woman enter
     the cells of a prison to pray with the most unhappy and degraded
     of her sex, she does so without any authority from the Church.
     Indeed, the Protestant Church places the ban of its reprobation
     on any such irregularity. "At Rome, the Countess of Huntingdon
     would have a place in the calendar as St. Selina, and Mrs. Fry
     would be Foundress and First Superior of the Blessed Order of
     Sisters of the Jails." But even Macaulay overlooks another
     element of power and permanence in the economy of the Catholic
     Church. God, as Father, and as Son, and as Holy Ghost, might
     inspire reverence and dread only in hearts that, at the shrine of
     the ever blessed Mary, Mother of God, would kindle into humble,
     holy and lasting love. Frances Power Cobbe, though deprecating
     the doctrine of "Mariolatry," as she terms the worship of the
     Virgin, yet says of it, "The Catholic world has found a great
     truth, that love, motherly tenderness and pity is a divine and
     holy thing, worthy of adoration.... What does this wide-spread
     sentiment regarding this new divinity indicate? It can surely
     only point to the fact that there was something lacking in the
     elder creed, which, as time went on, became a more and more
     sensible deficiency, till at last the instinct of the multitude
     filled it up in this amazing manner." When Theodore Parker, in
     his morning prayer on a beautiful summer Sunday, addressed the
     All-loving as "Our Father and our Mother," he struck a chord
     which will one day vibrate through the heart of universal
     humanity. It was a thought worth infinitely more than all the
     creeds of Christendom.

     What if woman should even abuse the use of the ballot at first?
     Man has been known to fail at first in a new pursuit. A maker of
     microscopes told me that, in a new attempt on a different kind of
     object-glass, he failed forty-nine times, but the fiftieth was a
     complete success. The poet of Scotland intimates that even
     Creative Nature herself improved at a second trial;

          "Her 'prentice hand she tried on man;
           And then she made the lasses, o!"

     Must we be told that woman herself does not ask the ballot? Then
     I submit to such, if such there be, the question is not one of
     privilege, but of duty--of solemn responsibility. If woman does
     not desire the ballot, demand it, take it, she sins against her
     own nature and all the holiest instincts of humanity, and can not
     too soon repent. After all, the question of suffrage is one of
     justice and right. Unless human government be in itself an
     unnatural and impious usurpation, whoever renders it support and
     submission has a natural right to an equal voice in enacting and
     executing the laws. Nor can one man, or millions on millions of
     men acquire or possess the power to withhold that right from the
     humblest human being of sane mind, but by usurpation, and by
     rebellion against the constitution of the moral universe. It
     would be robbery, though the giving of the right should induce
     all the predicted and dreaded evils of tyrants, cowards and white
     male citizens. Be justice done though the heavens fall and the
     hells arise! Nay, it is only justice, reared as a lightning-rod,
     that can shield any governmental fabric when the very heavens are
     falling in righteous retribution.

     The past mortality must last among nations, so long as they set
     at nought the Divine economy and purpose in their formation. The
     human body may yield to decay and die, though the soul be
     imperishable and eternal. But nations, like souls, need not die.
     Streams of new life flow into them, like rivers into the sea; and
     why should not the sea and the nations on its shores, roll on
     together with the ages? When governments shall learn to lay their
     foundations in righteousness, with eternal justice the chief
     corner-stone; when equal and impartial liberty shall be the
     acknowledged birthright of all, then will national life begin to
     be prolonged; and the death of a nation, were it possible, should
     be as though more than a Pleiad had expired. No more would nation
     then lift up sword against nation; and the New Jerusalem would
     indeed descend from God out of heaven and dwell among men.

     SUSAN B. ANTHONY made an appeal for contributions to the funds of
     the Association, to enable it to carry on its work, especially in
     Kansas.

     Mrs ROSE said: After all, we come down to the root of all
     evil--to money. It is rather humiliating, after the discourse
     that we have just heard, that told us of the rise, and progress,
     and destruction of nations, of empires, and of republics, that we
     have to come down to dollars and cents. We live in an entirely
     practical age. I can show you in a few words that if we only had
     sufficient of that root of all evil in our hands, there would be
     no need of holding these meetings. We could obtain the elective
     franchise without making a single speech. Give us $1,000,000, and
     we will have the elective franchise at the very next session of
     our Legislature. (Laughter and applause). But as we have not the
     $1,000,000 we want 1,000,000 voices. There are always two ways of
     obtaining an object. If we had had the money, we could have
     bought the Legislature and the elective franchise long before
     now. But as we have not, we must create a public opinion, and for
     that we must have voices.

     I have always thought I was convinced not only of the necessity
     but of the great importance of obtaining the elective franchise
     for woman; but recently I have become satisfied that I never felt
     sufficiently that importance until now. Just read your public
     papers and see how our Senators and our members of the House are
     running round through the Southern States to hold meetings, and
     to deliver public addresses. To whom? To the freedmen. And why
     now, and why not ten, fifteen, or twenty years ago? Why do they
     get up meetings for the colored men, and call them fellow-men,
     brothers, and gentlemen? Because the freedman has that talisman
     in his hands which the politician is looking after? Don't you
     perceive, then, the importance of the elective franchise? Perhaps
     when we have the elective franchise in our hands, these great
     senators will condescend to inform us too of the importance of
     obtaining our rights.

     You need not be afraid that when woman has the franchise, men
     will ever disturb her. I presume there are present, as there
     always are such people, those of timid minds, chicken-hearted,
     who so admire and respect woman that they are dreadfully afraid
     lest, when she comes to the ballot-box, rude, uncouth, and vulgar
     men will say something to disturb her. You may set your hearts
     all at rest. If we once have the elective franchise, upon the
     first indication that any man will endeavor to disturb a woman in
     her duty at the polls, Congress will enact another Freedman's
     Bureau--I beg pardon, a Freedwoman's Bureau--to protect women
     against men, and to guard the purity of the ballot-box at the
     same time. I have sometimes been asked, even by sensible men, "If
     woman had the elective franchise, would she go to the polls to
     mix with rude men?" Well, would I go to the church to mix with
     rude men? And should not the ballot-box be as respectable, and as
     respected, and as sacred as the church? Aye, infinitely more so,
     because it is of greater importance. Men can pray in secret, but
     must vote in public. (Applause). Hence the ballot-box, of the
     two, ought to be the most respected; and it would be if women
     were once there; but it never will be until they are there.

     Our rights are as old as humanity itself. Yet we are obliged to
     ask man to give us the ballot, because he has it in his own hand.
     It is ours, and at the same time we ask for it; and have sent our
     petitions to Congress. We have been told that the Republic is not
     destroyed; it has been destroyed root and branch, because, if it
     were not, there would be no need to reconstruct it. And we have
     asked Congress, in the reconstruction, to place it upon a sound
     foundation. Why have all former republics vanished out of
     existence? Simply because they were built upon the sand. In the
     erection of a building, in proportion to the height of the walls
     must be the depth and soundness of the foundation. If the
     foundation is shallow or unsound, the higher you raise your
     superstructure the surer its downfall. That is the reason a
     republic has not existed as long as a monarchy, because it
     embraced principles of human rights in its superstructure which
     it denied in its foundation. Hence, before this Republic could
     count a hundred years, it has had one of the mightiest
     revolutions that ever occurred in any country or in any period of
     human existence. Its foundation was laid wrong. It made a
     republic for white men alone. It discriminated against color; it
     discriminated against sex; and at the same time it pronounced
     that all men are created free and equal, and endowed with certain
     inalienable rights, among which are life, liberty, and the
     pursuit of happiness. It raised its superstructure to the clouds;
     and it has fallen as low as any empire could fall. It is divided.
     A house divided against itself can not stand. A wrong always
     operates against itself and falls back on the wrong-doer. We have
     proclaimed to the world universal suffrage; but it is universal
     suffrage excluding the negro and the woman, who are by far the
     largest number in this country. It is not the majority that rules
     here, but the minority. White men are in the minority in this
     nation. White women, black men, and black women compose the large
     majority of the nation. Yet in spite of this fact, in spite of
     common sense, in spite of justice, while our members of Congress
     can prate so long about justice, and human rights, and the
     rights of the negro, they have not the moral courage to say
     anything for the rights of woman.

     In proportion to power is responsibility. Our Republican senators
     and members of Congress have taken upon themselves great power.
     They have made great professions. There is a very good maxim, "Of
     him to whom much is given, much shall be required." In proportion
     to their claims to be friends of human freedom, lovers of human
     rights, do we demand of them our rights and justice.

     It is a shame to talk about licensing a social evil. It is a
     shame to this Republic. It is a violation of woman's nature. It
     is an insult to womanhood; and if woman has one drop of pure
     blood stirring in her heart, she must revolt against it. At the
     same time, I say to the Legislature that, if you enact laws
     against social evils, whatever those laws are, let them be alike
     for man and for woman. (Applause.) If you want to derive a
     revenue from the corruption of the community, let it be drawn
     alike from both sexes. The social evil belongs to both; the
     social remedy must belong to both. Do not degrade woman any more
     than she is already degraded. Perchance she is driven, through
     your injustice, to that step to maintain her wretched existence,
     because every office of emolument is barred against her. Let
     woman have the franchise; let all the avenues of society be
     thrown open before her, according to her powers and her
     capacities, and there will be no need to talk about social evils.

     Major JAMES HAGGERTY said: It is no new thing for me to be found
     among Anti-Slavery people. I believe it was among Anti-Slavery
     people that I received my American culture. I see the old faces
     here upon this platform and in this house--some that I first met
     when I landed in this country, in 1856--Parker Pillsbury, as
     remorseless as ever; Mrs. Stanton, as bold and strong for the
     truth as ever. I see the same uncompromising people here, and I
     feel that I have been as uncompromising as any of them; for,
     although I have been and am identified with the Republican party
     in politics, no man ever heard me, on any platform, compromise
     the rights of another. Woman's Rights is an idea against which my
     prejudices array themselves, but my logic says, if you would be a
     true man, you must raise your voice for equal rights. (Applause.)
     I have seen the effect of the suffrage. In the District of
     Columbia, during the election, I saw men who had been called
     doughfaces walk up to the black man and profess to be so much
     more Anti-Slavery than the best Anti-Slavery men, that I have got
     the idea that it will not be five years before the northern
     Democrat will be swearing to the black men that he has negro
     blood in his veins: (Laughter.) ...

     I come upon this platform to-night to identify myself with this
     new effort. I hope you may prosper; and so far as a dollar of
     mine, or my voice may go, you shall have it. I confess candidly
     that it is logic that drives me here, in spite of my prejudices.
     It is the discourses of Mrs. Stanton, of Mrs. Mott, of others
     that have spoken and written; and it is coming in contact with
     strong womanly mind. If we accept the convictions that come to
     us, we shall be all right; and I will do as the lady who has just
     spoken said that she would do--not be governed by mere party, but
     by the moral bearings of the questions that arise, and vote upon
     the side of God and justice. (Applause.)

     FRANCES D. GAGE said: _Mrs. President_--It seems to be my fate to
     come in at the eleventh hour. We have been talking about the
     right to the ballot. Why do we want it? What does it confer? We
     closed our argument at three o'clock to-day by a discussion
     whether the women of this country and the colored men of this
     country wanted the ballot. I said it was a libel on woman to say
     she did not want it; and I repeat that assertion.... Last evening
     I attended the meeting of the National Temperance Association at
     Cooper Institute. A great audience was assembled there to listen
     to the arguments against the most gigantic evil that now pervades
     the American Republic. Men took the position that only a
     prohibitory law could put an end to the great evil of
     intemperance. New York has its two hundred millions of invested
     capital to sell death and destruction to the men of this country
     who are weak enough to purchase. There are eight thousand
     licensed liquor establishments in this city, to drag down
     humanity. It was asserted there by Wendell Phillips that
     intemperance had its root in our Saxon blood, that demanded a
     stimulus; and he argued from that standpoint. If intemperance has
     its root in the Saxon blood, that demands a stimulus, why is it
     that the womanhood of this nation is not at the grog-shops
     to-day? Are women not Saxons? It was asserted, both by Mr.
     Phillips and President Hopkins, of Union College, that the liquor
     traffic must be regulated by law. A man may do what he likes in
     his own house, said they; he may burn his furniture; he may take
     poison; he may light his cigar with his greenbacks; but if he
     carries his evil outside of his own house, if he increases my
     taxes, if he makes it dangerous for me or for my children to walk
     the streets, then it may be prohibited by law. I was at
     Harrisburgh, a few days ago, at the State Temperance Convention.
     Horace Greeley asserted that there was progress upon the subject
     of temperance; and he went back to the time when ardent spirits
     were drank in the household, when every table had its decanter,
     and the wife, children, and husband drank together. Now, said he,
     it is a rare thing to find the dram-bottle in the home. It has
     been put out. But what put the dram-bottle out of the home? It
     was put out because the education and refinement and power of
     woman became so strong in the home, that she said, "It must go
     out; we can't have it here." (Applause.) Then the voters of the
     United States, the white male citizens, went to work and licensed
     these nuisances that could not be in the home, at all the corners
     of the streets. I demand the ballot for woman to-day, that she
     may vote down these nuisances, the dram-shops, there also, as she
     drove them out of the home. (Applause.)

     What privilege does the vote give to the "white male citizen" of
     the United States? Did you ever analyze a voter--hold him up and
     see what he was? Shall I give you a picture of him? Not as my
     friend Parker Pillsbury has drawn the picture to-night will I
     draw it. What is the "white male citizen"--the voter in the
     Republic of the United States? More than any potentate or any
     king in all Europe. Louis Napoleon dares not walk the streets of
     his own city without his body-guard around him with their
     bayonets. The Czar of Russia is afraid for his own life among his
     people. Kings and potentates are always afraid; but the "free
     white male citizen" of the United States, with the ballot in his
     hand, goes where he lists, does what he pleases. He owns himself,
     his earnings, his genius, his talent, his eloquence, his power,
     all there is of him. All that God has given him is his, to do
     with as he pleases, subject to no power but such laws as have an
     equal bearing upon every other man in like circumstances, and
     responsible to no power but his own conscience and his God. He
     builds colleges; he lifts up humanity or he casts it down. He is
     the lawgiver, the maker as it were of the nation. His single vote
     may turn the destiny of the whole Republic for good or ill. There
     is no link in the chain of human possibilities that can add one
     single power to the "white male citizen" of America.

     Now we ask that you shall put into the hands of every human being
     this same power to go forward and do good works wherever it can.
     The country has rung within the last few days because one colored
     girl, with a little black blood in her veins, has been cast out
     of the Pittsburgh Methodist College. It ought to ring until such
     a thing shall be impossible. But when Cambridge and Yale and
     Union and all the other institutions of the country, West Point
     included, aided by national patronage, shut out every woman in
     the land, who has anything to say? There is not a single college
     instituted by the original government patronage of lands to
     public schools and colleges, that allows a woman to set her foot
     inside of its walls as a student. Is this no injustice? Is it no
     wrong? When men stand upon the public platform and deliver
     elaborate essays on women and their right of suffrage, they talk
     about their weakness, their devotion to fashion and idleness.
     What else have they given women to do? Almost every profession in
     the land is filled by men; every college sends forth the men to
     fill the highest places. When the law said that no married woman
     should do business in her own name, sue or be sued, own property,
     own herself or her earnings, what had she to do? That laid the
     foundation for precisely the state of things you see to-day. But
     I deny that, as a class, the women of America, black or white,
     are idle. We are always busy. What have we done? Look over this
     audience, go out upon your streets, go through the world where
     you will, and every human soul you meet is the work of woman. She
     has given it life; she has educated it, whether for good or evil,
     because God gave her the holiest mission ever laid upon the heart
     of a human soul--the mission of the mother.

     We are told that home is woman's sphere. So it is, and man's
     sphere, too, for I tell you that that is a poor home which has
     not in it a man to feel that it is the most sacred place he
     knows. If duty requires him to go out into the world and fight
     its battles, who blames him, or puts a ban upon him? Men complain
     that woman does not love home now; that she is not satisfied with
     her mission. I answer that this discontent arises out of the one
     fact, that you have attempted to mould seventeen millions of
     human souls in one shape, and make them all do one thing. Take
     away your restrictions, open all doors, leave women at liberty to
     go where they will. The caged bird forgets how to build its nest.
     The wing of the eagle is as strong to soar to the sun as that of
     her mate, who never says to her, "back, feeble one, to your nest,
     and there brood in dull inactivity until I give you permission to
     leave!" But when her duties called her there, who ever found her
     unfaithful to her trust? The foot of the wild roe is as strong
     and swift in the race as that of her antlered companion. She goes
     by his side, she feeds in the same pasture, drinks from the same
     running brook, but is ever true also to her maternal duties and
     cares. If we are a nation of imbeciles, if womanhood is weak, it
     is the laws and customs of society which have made us what we
     are. If you want health, strength, energy, force, temperance,
     purity, honesty, deal justly with the mothers of this country:
     then they will give you nobler and stronger men than higgling
     politicians, or the grog-shop emissaries that buy up the votes of
     your manhood. It has been charged upon woman that she does
     nothing well. What have you given us to do well? What freedom
     have you given us to act independently and earnestly? When I was
     in San Domingo, I found a little colony of American colored
     people that went over there in 1825. They retained their American
     customs, and especially their little American church, outside of
     the Catholic, which overspread the whole country. In an obscure
     room in an old ruin they sung the old hymns, and lived the old
     life of the United States. I asked how this thing was, and they
     answered that among those that went over so long ago were a few
     from Chester County, Pennsylvania, who were brought up among the
     Quakers, and had learned to read. Wherever a mother had learned
     to read, she had educated all her children so that they could
     read; but wherever there was a mother that could not read, that
     family had lapsed off from the old customs of the past....

     A friend of mine, writing from Charleston the other day, just
     after the ballot went down there, says that he was told by a
     colored man, "I met my old master, and he bowed so low to me I
     didn't hardly know which was the negro and which was the white
     man." When we hold the ballot, we shall stand just there. Men
     will forget to tell us that politics are degrading. They will bow
     low, and actually respect the women to whom they now talk
     platitudes, and silly flatteries; sparkling eyes, rosy cheeks,
     pearly teeth, ruby lips, the soft and delicate hands of
     refinement and beauty, will not be the burden of their song; but
     the strength, the power, the energy, the force, the intellect,
     and the nerve, which the womanhood of this country will bring to
     bear, and which will infuse itself through all the ranks of
     society, must make all its men and women wiser and better.
     [Applause].

The Association then adjourned until Friday morning, 10-1/2 o'clock.


SECOND DAY.

                                   FRIDAY MORNING, _May 10, 1867_.

The meeting was called to order by the President, and the Secretary
read some additional resolutions.[72]

     CHARLES L. REMOND objected to the last of the resolution, and
     desired that the word "colored" might be stricken out. It might
     be that colored men would obtain their rights before women; but
     if so, he was confident they would heartily acquiesce in
     admitting women also to the right of suffrage.

     The PRESIDENT (Mrs. Mott) said that woman had a right to be a
     little jealous of the addition of so large a number of men to the
     voting class, for the colored men would naturally throw all their
     strength upon the side of those opposed to woman's
     enfranchisement.

     GEORGE T. DOWNING wished to know whether he had rightly
     understood that Mrs. Stanton and Mrs. Mott were opposed to the
     enfranchisement of the colored man, unless the ballot should also
     be accorded to woman at the same time.

     Mrs. STANTON said: All history proves that despotisms, whether of
     one man or millions, can not stand, and there is no use of
     wasting centuries of men and means in trying that experiment
     again. Hence I have no faith or interest in any reconstruction on
     that old basis. To say that politicians always do one thing at a
     time is no reason why philosophers should not enunciate the broad
     principles that underlie that one thing and a dozen others. We do
     not take the right step for this hour in demanding suffrage for
     any class; as a matter of principle I claim it for all. But in a
     narrow view of the question as a matter of feeling between
     classes, when Mr. Downing puts the question to me, are you
     willing to have the colored man enfranchised before the woman, I
     say, no; I would not trust him with all my rights; degraded,
     oppressed himself, he would be more despotic with the governing
     power than even our Saxon rulers are. I desire that we go into
     the kingdom together, for individual and national safety demand
     that not another man be enfranchised without the woman by his
     side.

     STEPHEN S. FOSTER, basing the demand for the ballot upon the
     natural right of the citizen, felt bound to aid in conferring it
     upon any citizen deprived of it irrespective of its being granted
     or denied to others. Even, therefore, if the enfranchisement of
     the colored man would probably retard the enfranchisement of
     woman, we had no right for that reason to deprive him of his
     right. The right of each should be accorded at the earliest
     possible moment, neither being denied for any supposed benefit to
     the other.

     CHARLES L. REMOND said that if he were to lose sight of
     expediency, he must side with Mrs. Stanton, although to do so was
     extremely trying; for he could not conceive of a more unhappy
     position than that occupied by millions of American men bearing
     the name of freedmen while the rights and privileges _free_ men
     are still denied them.

     Mrs. STANTON said: That is equaled only by the condition of the
     women by their side. There is a depth of degradation known to the
     slave women that man can never feel. To give the ballot to the
     black man is no security to the woman. Saxon men have the ballot,
     yet look at their women, crowded into a few half-paid
     employments. Look at the starving, degraded class in our 10,000
     dens of infamy and vice if you would know how wisely and
     generously man legislates for woman.

     Rev. SAMUEL J. MAY, in reply to Mr. Remond's objection to the
     resolution, said that the word "colored" was necessary to convey
     the meaning, since there is no demand now made for the
     enfranchisement of men, as a class. His amendment would take all
     the color out of the resolution. No man in this country had made
     such sacrifices for the cause of liberty as Wendell Phillips; and
     if just at this moment, when the great question for which he has
     struggled thirty years seemed about to be settled, he was
     unwilling that anything should be added to it which might in any
     way prejudice the success about to crown his efforts, it was not
     to be wondered at. He was himself of the opinion, on the
     contrary, that by asking for the rights of all, we should be much
     more likely to obtain the rights of the colored man, than by
     making that a special question. He would rejoice at the
     enfranchisement of colored men, and believed that Mrs. Stanton
     would, though that were all we could get at the time. Yet, if we
     rest there, and allow the reconstruction to be completed, leaving
     out the better half of humanity, we must expect further trouble;
     and it might be a more awful and sanguinary civil war than that
     which we have just experienced.

     GEORGE T. DOWNING desired that the Convention should express its
     opinion upon the point he had raised; and, therefore, offered the
     following resolution:

          _Resolved_, That while we regret that the right sentiment,
          which would secure to women the ballot, is not as general as
          we would have it, nevertheless we wish it distinctly
          understood that we rejoice at the increasing sentiment which
          favors the enfranchisement of the colored man.

     Mr. DOWNING understood Mrs. Stanton to refuse to rejoice at a
     _part_ of the good results to be accomplished, if she could not
     achieve the whole, and he wished to ask if she was unwilling the
     colored man should have the vote until the women could have it
     also? He said we had no right to refuse an act of justice upon
     the assumption that it would be followed by an act of injustice.

     Mrs. STANTON replied she demanded the ballot for all. She asked
     for reconstruction on the basis of self-government; but if we are
     to have further class legislation, she thought the wisest order
     of enfranchisement was to take the educated classes first. If
     women are still to be represented by men, then I say let only the
     highest type of manhood stand at the helm of State. But if all
     men are to vote, black and white, lettered and unlettered, washed
     and unwashed, the safety of the nation as well as the interests
     of woman demand that we outweigh this incoming tide of
     ignorance, poverty, and vice, with the virtue, wealth, and
     education of the women of the country. With the black man you
     have no new force in government--it is manhood still; but with
     the enfranchisement of woman, you have a new and essential
     element of life and power. Would Horace Greeley, Wendell
     Phillips, Gerrit Smith, or Theodore Tilton be willing to stand
     aside and trust their individual interests, and the whole welfare
     of the nation, to the lowest strata of manhood? If not, why ask
     educated women, who love their country, who desire to mould its
     institutions on the highest idea of justice and equality, who
     feel that their enfranchisement is of vital importance to this
     end, why ask them to stand aside while 2,000,000 ignorant men are
     ushered into the halls of legislation?

     EDWARD M. DAVIS asked what had been done with Mr. Burleigh's
     amendment.

     The CHAIR--No action was taken upon it, as no one seconded it.

     ABBY KELLY FOSTER said: I am in New York for medical treatment,
     not for speech-making; yet I must say a few words in relation to
     a remark recently made on this platform--that "The negro should
     not enter the kingdom of politics before woman, because he would
     be an additional weight against her enfranchisement." Were the
     negro and woman in the same civil, social, and religious status
     to-day, I should respond aye, with all my heart, to this
     sentiment. What are the facts? You say the negro has the civil
     rights bill, also the military reconstruction bill granting him
     suffrage. It has been well said, "he has the title deed to
     liberty, but is not yet in the possession of liberty." He is
     treated as a slave to-day in the several districts of the South.
     Without wages, without family rights, whipped and beaten by
     thousands, given up to the most horrible outrages, without that
     protection which his value as property formerly gave him. Again,
     he is liable without farther guarantees, to be plunged into
     peonage, serfdom or even into chattel slavery. Have we any true
     sense of justice, are we not dead to the sentiment of humanity if
     we shall wish to postpone his security against present woes and
     future enslavement till woman shall obtain political rights?

     Rev. HENRY WARD BEECHER said: It seems that my modesty in not
     lending my name has been a matter of some grief. I will try
     hereafter to be less modest. When I get my growth I hope to
     overcome that. I certainly should not have been present to-day,
     except that a friend said to me that some who were expected had
     not come. When a cause is well launched and is prospering, I
     never feel specially called to help it. When a cause that I
     believe to be just is in the minority, and is struggling for a
     hearing, then I should always be glad to be counted among those
     who were laboring for it in the days when it lacked friends. I
     come to bear testimony, not as if I had not already done it, but
     again, as confirmed by all that I have read, whether of things
     written in England or spoken in America, in the belief that this
     movement is not the mere progeny of a fitful and feverish
     _ism_--that it is not a mere frothing eddy whose spirit is but
     the chafing of the water upon the rock--but that it is a part of
     that great tide which follows the drawing of heaven itself. I
     believe it to be so. I trust that it will not be invidious if I
     say, therefore, I hope the friends of this cause will not fall
     out by the way. If the division of opinion amounts merely to
     this, that you have two blades, and therefore can cut, I have no
     objection to it; but if there is such a division of opinion in
     respect to mere details, how important those details are, among
     friends that are one at the bottom where principles are, that
     there is to be a falling out there, I shall exceedingly regret
     it; I shall regret that our strength is weakened, when we need it
     to be augmented most, or concentrated.

     All my lifetime the great trouble has been that in merely
     speculative things theologians have been such furious logicians,
     have picked up their premises, and rushed with them with
     race-horse speed to such remote conclusions, that in the region
     of ideas our logical minds have become accustomed to draw results
     as remote as the very eternities from any premises given. My
     difficulty on the other hand, has been that in practical matters,
     owing to the existence of this great mephitic swamp of slavery,
     men have been utterly unwilling to draw conclusions at all; and
     that the most familiar principles of political economy or
     politics have been enunciated, and then always docked off short.
     Men would not allow them to go to their natural results, in the
     class of questions in society. We have had raised up before us
     the necessity of maintaining the Union by denying conclusions.
     The most dear and sacred and animating principles of religion
     have been restrained, because they would have such a bearing upon
     slavery, and men felt bound to hold their peace. Our most
     profound and broadly acknowledged principles of liberty have been
     enunciated and passed over, without carrying them out and
     applying them to society, because it would interrupt the peace of
     the nation. That time is passed away; and as the result of it has
     come in a joy and a perfect appetite on the part of the public.

     I have been a careful observer for more than thirty-five years,
     for I came into public life, I believe, about the same time with
     the lady who has just sat down (Mrs. Foster), although I am not
     so much worn by my labors as she seems to have been. For
     thirty-five years I have observed in society its impetus checked,
     and a kind of lethargy and deadness in practical ethics, arising
     from fear of this prejudicial effect upon public economy. I have
     noticed that in the last five years there has been a revolution
     as perfect as if it had been God's resurrection in the graveyard.
     The dead men are living, and the live men are thrice alive. I can
     scarcely express my sense of the leap the public mind and the
     public moral sense have taken within this time. The barrier is
     out of the way. That which made the American mind untrue
     logically to itself is smitten down by the hand of God; and there
     is just at this time an immense tendency in the public mind to
     carry out all principles to their legitimate conclusions, go
     where they will. There never was a time when men were so
     practical, and so ready to learn. I am not a farmer, but I know
     that the spring comes but once in the year. When the furrow is
     open is the time to put in your seed, if you would gather a
     harvest in its season. Now, when the red-hot plowshare of war has
     opened a furrow in this nation, is the time to put in the seed.
     If any man says to me, "Why will you agitate the woman's
     question, when it is the hour for the black man?" I answer, it is
     the hour for every man, black or white. (Applause.) The bees go
     out in the morning to gather the honey from the morning-glories.
     They take it when they are open, for by ten o'clock they are
     shut, and they never open again until the next crop comes. When
     the public mind is open, if you have anything to say, say it. If
     you have any radical principles to urge, any organizing wisdom
     to make known, don't wait until quiet times come. Don't wait
     until the public mind shuts up altogether.

     War has opened the way for impulse to extend itself. But progress
     goes by periods, by jumps and spurts. We are in the favored hour;
     and if you have great principles to make known, this is the time
     to advance those principles. If you can organize them into
     institutions, this is the time to organize them. I therefore say,
     whatever truth is to be known for the next fifty years in this
     nation let it be spoken now--let it be enforced now. The truth
     that I have to urge is not that women have the right of
     suffrage--not that Chinamen or Irishmen have the right of
     suffrage--not that native born Yankees have the right of
     suffrage--but that suffrage is the inherent right of mankind. I
     say that man has the right of suffrage as I say that man has the
     right to himself. For although it may not be true under the
     Russian government, where the government does not rest on the
     people, and although under our own government a man has not a
     right to himself, except in accordance with the spirit and action
     of our own institutions, yet our institutions make the government
     depend on the people, and make the people depend on the
     government; and no man is a full citizen, or fully competent to
     take care of himself, or to defend himself, who has not all those
     rights that belong to his fellows. I therefore advocate no
     sectional rights, no class rights, no sex rights, but the most
     universal form of right for all that live and breathe on the
     continent. I do not put back the black man's emancipation; nor do
     I put back for a single day or for an hour his admission. I ask
     not that he should wait. I demand that this work shall be done,
     not upon the ground that it is politically expedient now to
     enfranchise black men; but I propose that you take expediency out
     of the way, and that you put a principle that is more enduring
     than expediency in the place of it--manhood and womanhood
     suffrage for all. That is the question. You may just as well meet
     it now as at any other time. You never will have so favorable an
     occasion, so sympathetic a heart, never a public reason so
     willing to be convinced as to-day. If anything is to be done for
     the black man, or the black woman, or for the disfranchised
     classes among the whites, let it be done, in the name of God,
     while his Providence says, "Come; come all, and come welcome."

     But I take wisdom from some with whom I have not always trained.
     If you would get ten steps, has been the practical philosophy of
     some who are not here to-day, demand twenty, and then you will
     get ten. Now, even if I were to confine--as I by no means do--my
     expectation to gaining the vote for the black man, I think we
     should be much more likely to gain that by demanding the vote for
     everybody. I remember that when I was a boy Dr. Spurzheim came to
     this country to advocate phrenology, but everybody held up both
     hands--"Phrenology! You must be running mad to have the idea that
     phrenology can be true!" It was not long after that, mesmerism
     came along; and then the people said, "Mesmerism! We can go
     phrenology; there is some sense in that; but as for mesmerism--!"
     Very soon spiritualism made its appearance, and then the same
     people began to say, "Spiritualism! Why it is nothing but
     mesmerism; we can believe in that; but as for spiritualism--!"
     (Laughter.) The way to get a man to take a position is to take
     one in advance of it, and then he will drop into the one you want
     him to take. So that if, being crafty, I desire to catch men with
     guile, and desire them to adopt suffrage for colored men, as good
     a trap as I know of is to claim it for women also. Bait your trap
     with the white woman, and I think you will catch the black man.
     (Laughter.) I would not, certainly, have it understood that we
     are standing here to advocate this universal application of the
     principle merely to secure the enfranchisement of the colored
     citizen. We do it in good faith. I believe it is just as easy to
     carry the enfranchisement of all as the enfranchisement of any
     class, and easier to carry it than carry the enfranchisement of
     class after class--class after class. (Applause.)

     I make this demand because I have the deepest sense of what is
     before us. We have entered upon an era such as never before has
     come to any nation. We are at a point in the history of the world
     where we need a prophet, and have none to describe to us those
     events rising in the horizon thick and fast. Sometimes it seems
     to me that that Latter Day glory which the prophets dimly saw,
     and which saints have ever since, with faintness of heart, longed
     for and prayed for with wavering faith, is just before us. I see
     the fountains of the great deep broken up. I think we are to have
     a nation born in a day among us, greater in power of thought,
     greater in power of conscience, greater therefore in
     self-government, greater still in the power of material
     development. Such thrift, such skill, such enterprise, such power
     of self-sustentation I think is about to be developed, to say
     nothing of the advance already made before the nations, as will
     surprise even the most sanguine and far-sighted. Nevertheless,
     while so much is promised, there are all the attendant evils. It
     is a serious thing to bring unwashed, uncombed, untutored men,
     scarcely redeemed from savagery, to the ballot-box. It is a
     dangerous thing to bring the foreigner, whose whole secular
     education was under the throne of the tyrant, and put his hand
     upon the helm of affairs in this free nation. It is a dangerous
     thing to bring men without property, or the expectation of it,
     into the legislative halls to legislate upon property. It is a
     dangerous thing to bring woman, unaccustomed to and undrilled in
     the art of government, suddenly into the field to vote. These are
     dangerous things; I admit it. But I think God says to us, "By
     that danger I put every man of you under the solemn
     responsibility of preparing these persons effectually for their
     citizenship." Are you a rich man, afraid of your money? By that
     fear you are called to educate the men who you are afraid will
     vote against you. We are in a time of danger. I say to the top of
     society, just as sure as you despise the bottom, you shall be
     left like the oak tree that rebelled against its own
     roots--better that it be struck with lightning. Take a man from
     the top of society or the bottom, and if you will but give
     himself to himself, give him his reason, his moral nature, and
     his affections; take him with all his passions and his appetites,
     and develop him, and you will find he has the same instinct for
     self-government that you have. God made a man just as much to
     govern himself as a pyramid to stand on its own bottom.
     Self-government is a boon intended for all. This is shown in the
     very organization of the human mind, with its counterbalances and
     checks.... We are underpinning and undergirding society. Let us
     put under it no political expediency, but the great principle of
     manhood and womanhood, not merely cheating ourselves by a partial
     measure, but carrying the nation forward to its great and
     illustrious future, in which it will enjoy more safety, more
     dignity, more sublime proportions, and a health that will know no
     death. (Applause.)

     HENRY C. WRIGHT said that circumstances had made Wendell Phillips
     and others, leaders in the Anti-Slavery movement, as they had
     made Mrs. Stanton and others leaders in this; and while they all
     desired the enfranchisement of both classes, it was no more than
     right that each should devote his energies to his own movement.
     There need not be, and should not be any antagonism between the
     two.

     Miss ANTHONY said--The question is not, is this or that person
     right, but what are the principles under discussion. As I
     understand the difference between Abolitionists, some think this
     is harvest time for the black man, and seed-sowing time for
     woman. Others, with whom I agree, think we have been sowing the
     seed of individual rights, the foundation idea of a republic for
     the last century, and that this is the harvest time for all
     citizens who pay taxes, obey the laws and are loyal to the
     government. (Applause.)

     Mr. REMOND said: In an hour like this I repudiate the idea of
     expediency. All I ask for myself I claim for my wife and sister.
     Let our action be based upon the rock of everlasting principle.
     No class of citizens in this country can be deprived of the
     ballot without injuring every other class. I see how equality of
     suffrage in the State of New York is necessary to maintain
     emancipation in South Carolina. Do not moral principles, like
     water, seek a common level? Slavery in the Southern States
     crushed the right of free speech in Massachusetts and made slaves
     of Saxon men and women, just as the $250 qualification in the
     Constitution of this State degrades and enslaves black men all
     over the Union.

     Mr. PILLSBURY protested against the use of the few last moments
     of this meeting in these discussions. We should be now only "a
     committee of ways and means," and future work should be the
     business in hand. Mr. Downing presented an unnecessary issue.
     Government will never ask us which should enter into citizenship
     first, the woman or the colored man, or whether we prefer one to
     the other. Indeed government has given the colored man the ballot
     already. We are demanding suffrage equally, not unequally. Mrs.
     Stanton's private opinion, be it what it may, has nothing to do
     with the general question. The white voters are mostly opposed to
     woman's suffrage. So will the colored men be, probably; at least
     so she believes, as Mrs. Mott also suggested very strongly, and a
     million or more of them added to the present opposition and
     indifference, are not a slight consideration. Mrs. Stanton does
     not believe in loving her neighbor _better_ than herself. Justice
     to one class does not mean injustice to another. Woman has as
     good a right to the ballot as the black man--no better. Were I a
     colored man, and had reason to believe that should woman obtain
     her rights she would use them to the prejudice of mine, how could
     I labor very zealously in her behalf? It should be enough for Mr.
     Downing and all who stand with him that Mrs. Stanton does not
     demand one thing for herself as to rights, or time of obtaining
     them, which she does not cheerfully, earnestly demand for all
     others, regardless of color or sex.

     Miss ANTHONY read the following telegram from Lucy Stone:

                                   "ATCHISON, KANSAS, May 10, 1867.

          "Impartial Suffrage, _without regard to color or sex_, will
          succeed by overwhelming majorities. Kansas leads the world!
                                                      LUCY STONE."

     Miss ANTHONY also read a hopeful and interesting letter from Hon.
     S. N. Wood, of Kansas, showing his plans for the canvass of that
     State.

     JOSEPHINE GRIFFING said: I am well satisfied that this Convention
     ought not to adjourn until a similar plan is laid out for all the
     States in the Union, and especially for the District of Columbia.
     This being a national convention, it seems peculiarly appropriate
     that it should begin its work at the District of Columbia. The
     proposition has already been made there, and the parties have
     discussed its merits. The question of the franchise arose from
     the great fact that at the South there were four millions of
     people unrepresented. The fact of woman's being also
     unrepresented is now becoming slowly understood. It is easier now
     to talk and act upon that subject in the District of Columbia
     than ever before, or than it will be again. Even the President
     has said that if woman in the District of Columbia shall
     intelligently ask for the right of franchise, he shall by no
     means veto it. To my mind the enfranchisement of woman is a
     settled fact. We can not reconstruct this government until the
     franchise shall be given not merely to the four millions but to
     the fifteen millions. We can not successfully reconstruct our
     government unless we go to the foundation. Let us apply all the
     force we can to the lever, for we have a great body to lift. No
     matter how ready the public is, we can accomplish nothing unless
     we have some plan, and unless we have workers. I presume none of
     us are aware how many laws there are upon the statute books
     disabling our rights. When the Judges in the District of Columbia
     were to decide who were to vote and who were not to vote, the
     question arose who could be appointed officers of the city; and
     it was found that there was a law that no one could be appointed
     a judge of elections who had not paid a tax upon real estate in
     the District of Columbia, a law which almost defeats all the work
     which has been done during the canvass of the last eight weeks in
     that District. There is work yet to be done there, and so we
     shall find it at every step. I am thankful with all my heart and
     soul that the people have at last consented to the
     enfranchisement of two millions of black men. I recognize that,
     as the load is raised one inch, we must work by degrees,
     accepting every inch, every hair's breadth gained toward the
     right. I welcome the enfranchisement of the negro as a step
     toward the enfranchisement of woman.

     Miss ANTHONY said we seem to be blessed with telegrams, with
     cheering news from Kansas, and read the following from S. N.
     Wood:

                                   ATCHISON, KANSAS, May 10, 1867.

          "With the help of God and Lucy Stone, we shall carry Kansas!
          The world moves!                               SAM WOOD."

     These telegrams were received with much applause. The resolutions
     were then put to vote, and unanimously carried, and officers were
     elected for the ensuing year.[73]

     SOJOURNER TRUTH was called for and said: I am glad to see that
     men are getting their rights, but I want women to get theirs, and
     while the water is stirring I will step into the pool. Now that
     there is a great stir about colored men's getting their rights is
     the time for women to step in and have theirs. I am sometimes
     told that "Women aint fit to vote. Why, don't you know that a
     woman had seven devils in her: and do you suppose a woman is fit
     to rule the nation?" Seven devils aint no account; a man had a
     legion in him. [Great laughter]. The devils didn't know where to
     go; and so they asked that they might go into the swine. They
     thought that was as good a place as they came out from. [Renewed
     laughter]. They didn't ask to go into sheep--no, into the hog;
     that was the selfishest beast; and man is so selfish that he has
     got women's rights and his own too, and yet he won't give women
     their rights. He keeps them all to himself. If a woman did have
     seven devils, see how lovely she was when they were cast out, how
     much she loved Jesus, how she followed Him. When the devils were
     gone out of the man, he wanted to follow Jesus, too, but Jesus
     told him to go home, and didn't seem to want to have him round.
     And when the men went to look for Jesus at the sepulchre they
     didn't stop long enough to find out whether he was there or not;
     but Mary stood there and waited, and said to Him, thinking it was
     the gardener, "Tell me where they have laid Him and I will carry
     Him away." See what a spirit there is. Just so let women be true
     to this object, and the truth will reign triumphant.

     ALFRED H. LOVE (President of the Universal Peace Society) said:
     Your President paid the Universal Peace Society two visits; and
     some of us, in turn, are here to reciprocate. The Universal Peace
     Society, knowing that we must have purity before we can have
     peace, knowing that we need our mothers, wives, and daughters
     with us, knowing that we need the morality, the courage, and the
     patience of the colored man with us, adopted as our first
     resolution that the ballot is a peacemaker, and that with
     equality there can be no war; and in another resolution we have
     said that women and colored men are entitled to the ballot.
     Therefore, you have us upon the same platform, working for you in
     the best way we can. We mean no cowardly peace; we mean such a
     peace as demands justice and equality, and world-wide
     philanthropy. I put the ballot of to-day under my foot, and say I
     can not use it until the mother that reared me can have the same
     privilege; until the colored man, who is my equal, can have it.

     E. H. HEYWOOD of Boston, said he could hardly see what business
     men had upon this platform, considering how largely responsible
     they are for the conditions against which women struggle, except
     to confess their sins. Men had usurped the government, and shut
     up women in the kitchen. It was a sad fact that woman did not
     speak for herself. It was because she was crowded so low that
     she could not speak. Woman wanted not merely the right to vote,
     but the right to labor. The average life of the factory girl in
     Lowell was only four years, as shown by a legislative
     investigation. New avenues for labor must be opened. It is said
     that the women on this platform are coquetting with the
     Democrats. Why shouldn't they? The Democrats say, "Talk of negro
     suffrage, and then refuse women the right to vote. All I have to
     say is, when the negroes of Connecticut go to the polls, my wife
     and daughter will go, too."


EVENING SESSION.

The meeting was called to order by Mrs. Stanton.

Miss Anthony read another letter from Hon. S. N. Wood, of Kansas,
received since the Morning Session.

     FRANCES D. GAGE was then introduced: It is not to-day as it was
     before the war. It is not to-day as it was before woman took her
     destiny in her hand and went out upon the battle-fields, and into
     the camp, and endured hunger and cold for the sake of her
     country. The whole country has been vitalized by this war. What
     if woman did not carry the bayonet on the battle-field? She
     carried that which gave more strength and energy. Traveling
     through Illinois, I saw the women bind the sheaf, bring in the
     harvest and plow the fields, that men might fight the battles.
     When such women come up now and ask for the right of suffrage,
     who will deny their request? In the winter of 1860, the law was
     passed in New York giving to married women the right to their own
     earnings. It was said frequently then that women did not want the
     right to their own earnings. We were asked if we wanted to create
     separation in families. But did any revolution or any special
     trouble grow out of this recognition of woman's right? You see
     women everywhere to-day earnestly striving to find a place to
     earn their bread. Madame Demorest has become a leader of fashion,
     teaching women to make up what Stewart imports; and she has a
     branch establishment in every large city in the Union clear to
     Montana. I do not know but some of those ladies cutting out
     garments, and setting the fashions of the day, might aspire to
     the Presidential chair; and perhaps they would be quite as
     capable as the present incumbent--a tailor. [Applause].

     Three years ago I found myself without the means of life. I
     wanted a home. I had read about the beauties of a home, and
     woman's appropriate sphere; and so I got a little home, and went
     into it, and tried to get work. My old eyes would not see to sew
     nicely, I was too feeble to wash, and so I tended the garden.
     After a year had gone by I found that staying in this beautiful
     home, and placing myself in woman's sphere had not brought me a
     dollar to pay my bills. So setting all these theories at
     defiance, I said I will go and lecture; and I went out into the
     lecturing field. I have money to pay my bills to-day; but I could
     not have it were I to cling to the sphere of home. If a woman is
     doing the work of a good man's home, she is doing her part, and
     she will not desire to go out from it for any ordinary cause. But
     if she can make two dollars to his one, allowing him to carry out
     his part of the appointments of life, why should not she do it?
     When we can be allowed to do the thousand things that womanly
     hands can do as well as those of men, we shall make our lives
     useful. But take my word for it, as an old mother, with her
     grandchildren gathered about her, you will not find woman
     deserting the highest instincts of her nature, or leaving the
     home of her husband and children.

     Why do you scold us, poor weak women, for being fashionable and
     dressy, when snares are set at every corner to tempt us? What
     would become of your dry-goods merchants and your commerce if we
     did not wear handsome dresses--if the women of this country were
     to become thus sensible to-day? Your great stores on Broadway
     would be closed, and your stalwart six-feet men would have to
     find something else to do besides measuring tapes and ribbons.
     The whole country would undergo a transformation. But it would be
     better for the country. It would not take five years to pay the
     national debt, interest and all, if you will apply the money
     spent by men for tobacco and whisky--if men will learn to be
     decent. I think it is a great deal better to wear a pretty flower
     or ribbon than to smoke cigars. It is a great deal better, and
     less damaging to the conscience, to wear a handsome silk dress,
     than for a man to put "an enemy into his mouth to steal away his
     brains."

     I honestly and conscientiously believe that we ought to make the
     rights of humanity equal for all classes of the community of
     adult years and of sound mind. I do not ask that the girl should
     vote at eighteen, but at twenty-one--the same age with the boy;
     and having raised both boys and girls, I think I have a right to
     say that. Give us freedom from these miserable prejudices, these
     restrictions and tyrannies of society, and let us judge for
     ourselves. If it is true, as science asserts, that girls inherit
     more of the character of their father, while the boys follow in a
     more direct line their mother, then how is it possible that women
     should not have the same aspirations as men? I was born a
     mechanic, and made a barrel before I was ten years old. The
     cooper told my father, "Fanny made that barrel, and has done it
     quicker and better than any boy I have had after six months'
     training." My father looked at it and said, "What a pity that you
     were not born a boy, so that you could be good for something. Run
     into the house, child, and go to knitting." So I went and knit
     stockings, and my father hired an apprentice boy, and paid him
     two dollars a week for making barrels. Now, I was born to make
     barrels, but they would not let me. Thousands of girls are born
     with mechanical fingers. Thousands of girls have a muscular
     development that could do the work of the world as well as men;
     and there are thousands of men born to effeminacy and weakness.

     Mrs. STANTON then addressed the meeting. As her line of argument
     was a summary of that recently made before the Judiciary
     Committee of the Legislature, and already published, it need not
     here be repeated.

     Miss ANTHONY announced that they would have another opportunity
     to hear Sojourner Truth, and, for the information of those who
     did not know, she would say that Sojourner was for forty years a
     slave in this State. She is not a product of the barbarism of
     South Carolina, but of the barbarism of New York, and one of her
     fingers was chopped off by her cruel master in a moment of anger.

     SOJOURNER TRUTH said: I have lived on through all that has taken
     place these forty years in the anti-slavery cause, and I have
     plead with all the force I had that the day might come that the
     colored people might own their soul and body. Well, the day has
     come, although it came through blood. It makes no difference how
     it came--it did come. (Applause). I am sorry it came in that way.
     We are now trying for liberty that requires no blood--that women
     shall have their rights--not rights from you. Give them what
     belongs to them; they ask it kindly too. (Laughter). I ask it
     kindly. Now I want it done very quick. It can be done in a few
     years. How good it would be. I would like to go up to the polls
     myself. (Laughter). I own a little house in Battle Creek,
     Michigan. Well, every year I got a tax to pay. Taxes, you see, be
     taxes. Well, a road tax sounds large. Road tax, school tax, and
     all these things. Well, there was women there that had a house as
     well as I. They taxed them to build a road, and they went on the
     road and worked. It took 'em a good while to get a stump up.
     (Laughter). Now, that shows that women can work. If they can dig
     up stumps they can vote. (Laughter). It is easier to vote than
     dig stumps. (Laughter). It doesn't seem hard work to vote, though
     I have seen some men that had a hard time of it. (Laughter). But
     I believe that when women can vote there won't be so many men
     that have a rough time gettin' to the polls. (Great laughter).
     There is danger of their life sometimes. I guess many have seen
     it in this city. I lived fourteen years in this city. I don't
     want to take up time, but I calculate to live. Now, if you want
     me to get out of the world, you had better get the women votin'
     soon. (Laughter). I shan't go till I can do that.

     CHARLES LENOX REMOND said: It requires a rash man to rise at this
     stage of the meeting, with the hope of detaining the audience
     even for a few moments. But in response to your call I rise to
     add my humble word to the many eloquent words already uttered in
     favor of universal suffrage. The present moment is one of no
     ordinary interest. Since this platform is the only place in this
     country where the whole question of human rights may now be
     considered, it seemed to me fitting that the right of the colored
     man to a vote should have a place at the close of the meeting;
     and especially in this State, since the men who are to compose
     the Convention called for the amendment of the Constitution of
     this State, will, within a few short weeks, pass either favorably
     or unfavorably upon that subject. I remember that Henry B.
     Stanton once said at a foreign Court, "Let it be understood that
     I come from a country where every man is a sovereign." At that
     time the language of our friend was but a glittering generality,
     for there were very many who could not be styled sovereigns in
     any sense of the term. But I desire that the remark of Mr.
     Stanton shall be verified in the State of New York this very
     year. I demand that you so amend your Constitution as to
     recognize the equality of the black man at the ballot box, at
     least until he shall have proved himself a detriment to the
     interests and welfare of our common country. It is no novelty
     that two colored men were members of the last Legislature of
     Massachusetts; for more than forty years ago a black man was a
     member of the Massachusetts Legislature. People seem to have
     forgotten our past history. The first blood shed in the
     Revolutionary war ran from the veins of a black man; and it is
     remarkable that the first blood shed in the recent rebellion also
     ran from the veins of a black man. What does it mean, that black
     men, first and foremost in the defense of the American nation and
     in devotion to the country, are to-day disfranchised in the State
     of Alexander Hamilton and John Jay?

These were the last conventions ever held in "the Church of the
Puritans," as it soon passed into other hands, and not one stone was
left upon another; not even an odor of sanctity about the old familiar
corner where so much grand work had been done for humanity. The
building is gone, the congregation scattered, but the name of George
B. Cheever, so long the honored pastor, will not soon be
forgotten.[74]

At the close of the Convention a memorial[75] to Congress was
prepared, and signed by the officers of the Convention.

In a letter to the _National Anti-Slavery Standard_, dated Concord,
April 20, 1867, Parker Pillsbury, under the title, "The Face of the
Sky," says:

     I have just read in the papers of last week what follows:

     Mr. Phillips, in the _Anti-Slavery Standard_ says: "All our duty
     is to press constantly on the nation the absolute need of three
     things. 1st. The exercise of the whole police power of the
     government while the seeds of republicanism get planted. 2d. The
     Constitutional Amendment securing universal suffrage in spite of
     all State Legislation. 3d. A Constitutional Amendment authorizing
     Congress to establish common schools, etc. To these necessaries,"
     Mr. Phillips adds, "we must educate the public mind."

     Mr. Greeley in the _Tribune_ says: "We are most anxious that our
     present State Constitution shall be so amended as to secure
     prompt justice through the courts, preclude legislative and
     municipal corruption, and secure responsibility by concentrating
     executive power." Through the approaching Constitutional
     Convention, he says the people "can secure justice through
     reformed courts, fix responsibility for abuses of executive
     power;--in short, they can increase the value of property and the
     reward of honest labor."

     Mr. Tilton, in _The Independent_, in allusion to the recent
     Republican defeat in Connecticut, concludes; "the policy of negro
     suffrage is clearly seen to be the only policy for the National
     welfare." ... "What then, is the next step," he asks, "in the
     progress of reconstruction?" In italics he answered, "We must
     make Impartial Suffrage the rule and practice of the Northern as
     well as the Southern States." He proposes a new amendment to the
     Federal Constitution which will secure to every American citizen,
     black and white, North and South, the American citizen's
     franchise. What is meant in this article of the _Independent_ by
     impartial suffrage is understood by these words in another part
     of it. "The Republican party in Connecticut was abundantly strong
     enough to secure Impartial Suffrage. But it chose, instead, to
     insult its black-faced brethren, and refused their alliance." Mr.
     Raymond, in the New York _Times_, speaks without a stammer on the
     suffrage question. It declares, "In New York suffrage is now
     absolutely universal for all citizens except the colored people;
     and upon them it is only restricted by a slight property
     qualification."

     A correspondent of the Boston _Congregationalist_, in a letter
     from New York, tells us, "A Constitutional Convention is to be
     held shortly in this State, and we expect to see universal
     suffrage adopted.... The Strong-Minded Women aim to secure female
     voting, but they will fail, as they should." The
     _Congregationalist_ has also an editorial article headed, "The
     steps to Reconstruction," in which it speaks excellently of "a
     millennium of Republican governments," and of Impartial Suffrage
     in them, as near at hand. But it too speaks only of freedmen to
     be clothed with the rights of citizenship in the millennial,
     latter-day glory so soon to be. Over the black male citizen this
     editor shouts, "chattel, contraband, soldier, citizen, voter,
     counselor, magistrate, representative, senator,--these all shall
     be the successive steps of his wonderful progress!!"

     I have produced these as the best representatives of the
     different styles or types of the radical or progressive movement
     in the work of reconstructing the government. That the _Standard_
     and _Independent_ believe fully in the right of women to Equal
     Suffrage and citizenship is known to every attentive reader of
     those journals. But at an hour like this, it is painful to
     witness anything like agreement even, with the language of the
     others I have cited.... To rob the freed slave of citizenship
     to-day is as much a crime as was slavery before the war on
     Sumter; and to withhold the divinely conferred gift from woman is
     every way as oppressive, cruel, and unjust as if she were a black
     man....


FOOTNOTES:

[60] CALL FOR THE ELEVENTH NATIONAL WOMAN'S RIGHTS CONVENTION.--The
Convention will be held in the City of New York, at the Church of the
Puritans, Union Square, on Thursday, the 10th of May, 1866, at 10
o'clock. Addresses will be delivered by ERNESTINE L. ROSE, FRANCES D.
GAGE, WENDELL PHILLIPS, THEODORE TILTON, ELIZABETH CADY STANTON, and
(probably) LUCRETIA MOTT and ANNA E. DICKINSON.

Those who tell us the republican idea is a failure, do not see the
deep gulf between our broad theory and partial legislation; do not see
that our Government for the last century has been but the repetition
of the old experiments of class and caste. Hence, the failure is not
in the principle, but in the lack of virtue on our part to apply it.
The question now is, have we the wisdom and conscience, from the
present upheavings of our political system, to reconstruct a
government on the one enduring basis that has never yet been
tried--"EQUAL RIGHTS TO ALL."

From the proposed class legislation in Congress, it is evident we have
not yet learned wisdom from the experience of the past; for, while our
representatives at Washington are discussing the right of suffrage for
the black man, as the only protection to life, liberty and happiness,
they deny that "necessity of citizenship" to woman; by proposing to
introduce the word "male" into the Federal Constitution. In securing
suffrage but to another shade of _man_hood, while we disfranchise
fifteen million tax-payers, we come not one line nearer the republican
idea. Can a ballot in the hand of woman, and dignity on her brow, more
unsex her than do a scepter and a crown? Shall an American Congress
pay less honor to the daughter of a President than a British
Parliament to the daughter of a King? Should not our petitions command
as respectful a hearing in a republican Senate as a speech of Victoria
in the House of Lords? Do we not claim that here all men and women are
nobles--all heirs apparent to the throne? The fact that this backward
legislation has roused so little thought or protest from the women of
the country, but proves what some of our ablest thinkers have already
declared, that the greatest barrier to a government of equality was
the aristocracy of its women. For, while woman holds an ideal position
above man and the work of life, poorly imitating the pomp, heraldry,
and distinction of an effete European civilization, we as a nation can
never realize the divine idea of equality.

To build a true republic, the church and the home must undergo the
same upheavings we now see in the State;--for, while our egotism,
selfishness, luxury and ease are baptized in the name of Him whose
life was a sacrifice,--while at the family altar we are taught to
worship wealth, power and position, rather than humanity, it is vain
to talk of a republican government:--The fair fruits of liberty,
equality and fraternity must be blighted in the bud, till cherished in
the heart of woman. At this hour the nation needs the highest thought
and inspiration of a true womanhood infused into every vein and artery
of its life; and woman needs a broader, deeper education, such as a
pure religion and lofty patriotism alone can give. From the baptism of
this second revolution should she not rise up with new strength and
dignity, clothed in all those "rights, privileges and immunities" that
shall best enable her to fulfill her highest duties to Humanity, her
Country, her Family and Herself?

On behalf of the National Woman's Rights Central Committee,

                                   ELIZABETH CADY STANTON, President.

SUSAN B. ANTHONY, Secretary.
New York (48 Beekman street), March 31, 1866.

[61] Ernestine L. Rose, Wendell Phillips, John T. Sargeant, O. B.
Frothingham, Frances D. Gage, Elizabeth Cady Stanton, Susan B.
Anthony, Theodore Tilton, Lucretia Mott, Martha C. Wright, Stephen S.
and Abbey Kelley Foster, Margaret Winchester and Parker Pillsbury.

[62] As this was the first time Mr. Beecher had honored the platform,
we give copious extracts from his speech in preference to those who
were so often reported in the first volume. This speech is published
in full in tract form, and can be obtained from the Secretary of the
National Woman's Suffrage Association.

[63] A COLLOQUY.

When Mr. BEECHER took his seat, Mr. TILTON rose and said:

Mrs. PRESIDENT: In the midst of the general hilarity produced
throughout the house by my friend's speech, I myself have been greatly
solemnized by being made (as you have witnessed) the public custodian
of his New Testament. (Laughter). At first I shared in your
gratification at seeing that he carried so much of the Scripture with
him. (Laughter). But I found, on looking at the fly-leaf, that the
book after all, was not his own, but the property of a lady--I will
not mention her name. (Laughter). I have, therefore, no right to
accept my friend's gift of what is not his own. Now I remember that
when he came home from England, he told me a story of a company of ten
ministers who sat down to dine together. A dispute arose among them as
to the meaning of a certain passage of Scripture--for aught I know the
very passage in Galatians which he just now tried to quote, but
couldn't. (Laughter). Some one said, "Who has a New Testament?" It was
found that no one had a copy. Pretty soon, however, when the dinner
reached the point of champagne, some one exclaimed, "Who has a
corkscrew?" And it was found that the whole ten had, every man, a
corkscrew in his pocket! (Laughter). Now, as there is no telling where
a Brooklyn minister who made a temperance speech at Cooper Institute
last night is likely to take his dinner to-day, I charitably return
the New Testament into my friend's own hands. (Great merriment).

Mr. BEECHER--Now I know enough about champagne to know that it don't
need any corkscrew. (Laughter).

Mr. TILTON--How is it that you know so much more about corkscrews than
about Galatians? (Laughter).

Mr. BEECHER, after making some playful allusions to the story of the
ten ministers, remarked that he gave it as it was given to him, but
that he could not vouch for its truthfulness, as he was not present on
the occasion.

[64] Susan B. Anthony, Frances E. W. Harper, Sarah H. Hallock, Edwin
A. Studwell, Dr. C. S. Lozier, Margaret E. Winchester, Mary F.
Gilbert, Dr. Laura A. Ward, Edward M. Davis, Mrs. Calhoun.

[65] CONSTITUTION OF THE AMERICAN EQUAL RIGHTS ASSOCIATION.

PREAMBLE.--Whereas, by the war, society is once more resolved into its
original elements, and in the reconstruction of our government we
again stand face to face with the broad question of natural rights,
all associations based on special claims for special classes are too
narrow and partial for the hour; Therefore, from the baptism of this
second revolution--purified and exalted through suffering--seeing with
a holier vision that the peace, prosperity, and perpetuity of the
Republic rest on EQUAL RIGHTS TO ALL, we, to-day, assembled in our
Eleventh National Woman's Rights Convention, bury the woman in the
citizen, and our organization in that of the American Equal Rights
Association.

ARTICLE I.--This organization shall be known as The American Equal
Rights Association.

ART. II.--The object of this Association shall be to secure Equal
Rights to all American citizens, especially the right of suffrage,
irrespective of race, color, or sex.

ART. III.--Any person who consents to the principles of this
Association and contributes to its treasury, may be a member, and be
entitled to speak and vote in its meetings.

ART. IV.--The Officers of this Association shall be, a President,
Vice-Presidents, Corresponding Secretaries, a Recording Secretary, a
Treasurer, and an Executive Committee of not less than seven, nor more
than fifteen members.

ART. V.--The Executive Committee shall have power to enact their
by-laws, fill any vacancy in their body and in the offices of
Secretary and Treasurer; employ agents, determine what compensation
shall be paid to agents, and to the Corresponding Secretaries, direct
the Treasurer in the application of all moneys, and call special
meetings of the Society. They shall make arrangements for all meetings
of the Society, make an annual written report of their doings, the
expenditures and funds of the Society, and shall hold stated meetings,
and adopt the most energetic measures in their power to advance the
objects of the Society.

ART. VI.--The Annual Meeting of the Association shall be held each
year at such time and place as the Executive Committee may direct,
when the accounts of the Treasurer shall be presented, the annual
report read, appropriate addresses delivered, the officers chosen, and
such other business transacted as shall be deemed expedient.

ART. VII.--Any Equal Rights Association, founded on the same
principles, may become auxiliary to this Association. The officers of
each auxiliary shall be _ex officio_ members of the Parent
Association, and shall be entitled to deliberate and vote in the
transactions of its concerns.

ART. VIII.--This constitution may be amended, at any regular meeting
of the Society, by a vote of two-thirds of the members present,
provided the amendments proposed have been previously submitted in
writing to the Executive Committee, at least one month before the
meeting at which they are to be proposed.

Done in the City of New York on the tenth day of May, in the year
1866.

[66] President, Elizabeth Cady Stanton; Vice-Presidents, Frederick
Douglass, Frances D. Gage, Robert Purvis, Theodore Tilton, Josephine
S. Griffing, Martha C. Wright, Rebecca W. Mott; Corresponding
Secretaries, Susan B. Anthony, Mattie Griffith, Caroline M. Severance;
Recording Secretary, Henry B. Blackwell; Treasurer, Ludlow Patton;
Executive Committee, Elizabeth Cady Stanton, Lucy Stone, Edwin A.
Studwell, Margaret E. Winchester, Aaron M. Powell, Susan B. Anthony,
Parker Pillsbury, Elizabeth Gay, Mary F. Gilbert, Stephen S. Foster,
Lydia Mott, Antoinette B. Blackwell, Wendell Phillips Garrison.

[67] Miss Anthony reported from the Finance Committee the receipt of
$255.50, as follows: Jessie Benton Fremont, $50; Abby Hutchinson
Patton, $50; Dr. Clemence S. Lozier, $20; Gerrit Smith, $10; Mrs. Dr.
Densmore, $10; James and Lucretia Mott, $10 Martha C. Wright, $8:
Elizabeth S. Miller, $5; Eliza W. Osborn, $5; Margaret E. Winchester,
$5; and the balance in sums of $1 each, from as many different
persons, whose names were enrolled as members of the Equal Rights
Association. Miss A. further stated that the proceedings would be
published in pamphlet form at the earliest possible day, and that
announcement of their place of sale would be made through the
_Tribune_, _Anti-Slavery Standard_, and other papers.

[68] At a reception one evening in Washington at the residence of Hon.
Schuyler Colfax, he rallied Mrs. Stanton on her defeat, regretting
that as Speaker of the House he had never had the pleasure of
introducing "the Lady from New York." Hon. William D. Kelly, standing
near, remarked by way of consolation, "There is still hope for Mrs.
Stanton; she received the same number of votes I did the first time I
ran for Congress (2,400), the only difference is, her ciphers were on
the wrong side (0024).

[69] The speakers were Rev. Olympia Brown, Elizabeth Cady Stanton,
Susan B. Anthony, Lucy Stone, Frederick Douglass, Henry B. Blackwell,
Sarah P. Remond, Parker Pillsbury, Jane Elizabeth Jones, Charles Lenox
Remond, Bessie Bisbee, and Louise Jacobs.

[70] THE CALL.

The first Annual Meeting of the AMERICAN EQUAL RIGHTS ASSOCIATION will
be held in the City of New York, at the Church of the Puritans, on
Thursday and Friday, the 9th and 10th of May, 1867, commencing on
Thursday morning, at 10 o'clock.

The object of this Association is to "secure Equal Rights to all
American citizens, especially the Right of Suffrage, irrespective of
race, color, or sex." American Democracy has interpreted the
Declaration of Independence in the interest of slavery, restricting
suffrage and citizenship to a _white male minority_.

The black man is still denied the crowning right of citizenship, even
in the nominally free States, though the fires of civil war have
melted the chains of chattelism, and a hundred battle fields attest
his courage and patriotism. Half our population are disfranchised on
the ground of sex; and though compelled to obey the laws and taxed to
support the government, they have no voice in the legislation of the
country.

This Association, then, has a mission to perform, the magnitude and
importance of which can not be over-estimated. The recent war has
unsettled all our governmental foundations. Let us see that in their
restoration, all these unjust proscriptions are avoided. Let Democracy
be defined anew, as _the government of the people_, AND THE WHOLE
PEOPLE.

Let the gathering, then, at this anniversary be, in numbers and
character, worthy, in some degree, the demands of the hour. The black
man, even the black soldier, is yet but half emancipated, nor will he
be, until full suffrage and citizenship _are secured to him in the
Federal Constitution_. Still more deplorable is the condition of the
black woman; and legally, that of the white woman is no better! Shall
the sun of the nineteenth century go down on wrongs like these, in
this nation, consecrated in its infancy to justice and freedom? Rather
let our meeting be pledge as well as prophecy to the world of mankind,
that the redemption of at least one great nation is near at hand.

There will be four sessions--Thursday, May 9th, at 10 o'clock A.M.,
and 8 o'clock P. M.; Friday, May 13th, at 10 A.M., and 8 P.M. The
speakers will be Elizabeth Cady Stanton, Gen. Rufus Saxton, Frances D.
Gage, Parker Pillsbury, Robert Purvis, Mary Grew, Ernestine L. Rose,
Charles Lenox Remond, Frederick Douglass, Lucy Stone, Henry B.
Blackwell, Rev. Olympia Brown, Sojourner Truth (Mrs. Stowe's "Lybian
Sybil"), Rev. Samuel J. May, and others.

On behalf of the American Equal Rights Association,

                                             LUCRETIA MOTT, President.
 SUSAN B. ANTHONY, Cor. Secretary.
 HENRY B. BLACKWELL, Rec. Secretary.

New York, 12th March, 1867.

[71] _Resolved_, That as republican institutions are based on
individual rights, and not on the rights of races or sexes, the first
question for the American people to settle in the reconstruction of
the government, is the RIGHTS OF INDIVIDUALS.

_Resolved_, That the present claim for "manhood suffrage," marked with
the words "equal," "impartial," "universal," is a cruel abandonment of
the slave women of the South, a fraud on the tax-paying women of the
North, and an insult to the civilization of the nineteenth century.

_Resolved_, That the proposal to reconstruct our government on the
basis of manhood suffrage, which emanated from the Republican party
and has received the recent sanction of the American Anti-Slavery
Society, is but a continuation of the old system of class and caste
legislation, always cruel and prescriptive in itself, and ending in
all ages in national degradation and revolution.

On motion of Miss Anthony, a Finance Committee was appointed,
consisting of Harriet Purvis, Mary F. Gilbert, Charles Lenox Remond,
and Anna Rice Powell.

On motion of Charles C. Burleigh, a Business Committee was appointed,
consisting of Ernestine L. Rose, Susan B. Anthony, Parker Pillsbury,
Elizabeth Cady Stanton, Frances D. Gage, and Samuel J. May.

[72] _Resolved_, That the ballot alike to women and men means bread,
education, self-protection, self-reliance, and self-respect; to the
wife it means the control of her own person, property, and earnings;
to the mother it means the equal guardianship of her children; to the
daughter it means diversified employment and a fair day's wages for a
fair day's work; to all it means free access to skilled labor, to
colleges and professions, and to every avenue of advantage and
preferment.

_Resolved_, That Henry Ward Beecher, Elizabeth Cady Stanton, and
Frederick Douglass, be invited to represent the Equal Rights
Association in the Constitutional Convention to be held in this State
in the month of June next.

_Resolved_, That while we are grateful to Wendell Phillips, Theodore
Tilton, and Horace Greeley, for the respectful mention of woman's
right to the ballot in the journals through which they speak, we ask
them now, when we are reconstructing both our State and National
Governments, to demand that the right of suffrage be secured to all
citizens--to women as well as black men, for, until this is done, the
government stands on the unsafe basis of class legislation.

_Resolved_, That on this our first anniversary we congratulate each
other and the country on the unexampled progress of our cause, as
seen: 1. In the action of Congress extending the right of suffrage to
the colored men of the States lately in rebellion, and in the very
long and able discussion of woman's equal right to the ballot in the
United States Senate, and the vote upon it. 2. In the action of the
Legislatures of Kansas and Wisconsin, submitting to the people a
proposition to extend the ballot to woman. 3. In the agitation upon
the same measure in the Legislatures of several other States. 4. In
the friendly tone of so large a portion of the press, both political
and religious; and finally, in the general awaking to the importance
of human elevation and enfranchisement, abroad as well as at home;
particularly in Great Britain, Russia, and Brazil; and encouraged by
past successes and the present prospect, we pledge ourselves to
renewed and untiring exertions, until equal suffrage and citizenship
are acknowledged throughout our entire country, irrespective of sex or
color.

[73] President, Lucretia Mott; Vice-presidents, Elizabeth Cady
Stanton, N. Y., Frederick Douglass, N. Y., Henry Ward Beecher, N. Y.,
Charles Lenox Remond, Mass., Elizabeth B. Chace, R. I., C. Prince,
Conn., Frances D. Gage, N. J., Robert Purvis, Penn., Josephine S.
Griffing, D. C., Thomas Garret, Del., Stephen H. Camp, Ohio, Euphemia
Cochrane, Mich., Mary A. Livermore, Ill., Mrs. Isaac H. Sturgeon, Mo.,
Amelia Bloomer, Iowa, Sam N. Wood, Kansas, Virginia Penny, Kentucky;
Recording Secretaries, Henry B. Blackwell, Hattie Purvis;
Corresponding Secretaries, Susan B. Anthony, Mattie Griffith, Caroline
M. Severance; Treasurer, John F. Merritt; Executive Committee,
Ernestine L. Rose, Edwin A. Studwell, Elizabeth Cady Stanton, Martha
C. Wright, Lucy Stone, Parker Pillsbury, Elizabeth Gay, Theodore
Tilton, Mary F. Gilbert, Edward S. Bunker, Antoinette Brown Blackwell,
Susan B. Anthony, Margaret E. Winchester, Aaron M. Powell, James
Haggarty, George T. Downing.

[74] The night before Dr. Cheever was to preach his farewell sermon to
his people in the Church of the Puritans, Miss Anthony and Mrs.
Stanton, walking slowly up Broadway arm in arm, cogitating, as usual,
where a good word could be said for woman, bethought themselves of the
Doctor's forthcoming sermon. As he had fought a grand battle for
anti-slavery in his church, they felt that it would be peculiarly
fitting for him, in his last sermon, to make some mention of the
rights of women.

Accordingly they turned into University Place, and soon found
themselves in his parlor, where they were heartily welcomed by Mrs.
Cheever. Miss Anthony, who was generally the spokesman on all
audacious errands, said, "We want to see the Doctor just five minutes;
we know that it is Saturday evening, that he is busy with his sermon,
and sees no one at this time, but our errand is one of momentous
importance, and what we have in our minds must be said now or never.
While we were explaining to Mrs. Cheever, the folding doors quietly
rolled back, and there stood the Doctor. He laughed heartily when we
made known our mission, and said, "I have the start of you this time;
what you ask is already written in my sermon; come into my library and
you shall hear it. We listened with great satisfaction, expressed our
thanks and started, when Miss A. suddenly turned and said, "That is
excellent, Doctor, now pray do not forget to give it with unction
to-morrow."

Many wondered that Dr. Cheever, a rigid blue Presbyterian, should
express such radical sentiments on so unpopular a reform. But his
conversion was due, no doubt, to the fact that the women of his church
had nobly sustained him all through his anti-slavery battle while the
wealth and conservatism of the congregation forbade the discussion of
that subject in the pulpit. The votes of the women, year after year,
secured his position, until his failing health ended the contest, and
the sale of the edifice changed the Church of the Puritans into
Tiffany's brilliant jewelry establishment.

[75] MEMORIAL OF THE AMERICAN EQUAL RIGHTS ASSOCIATION TO THE CONGRESS
OF THE UNITED STATES.

The undersigned, Officers and Representatives of the American Equal
Rights Association, respectfully but earnestly protest against any
change in the Constitution of the United States, or legislation by
Congress, which shall longer violate the principle of Republican
Government, by proscriptive distinctions in rights of suffrage or
citizenship, on account of color or sex. Your Memorialists would
respectfully represent, that neither the colored man's loyalty,
bravery on the battle field and general good conduct, nor woman's
heroic devotion to liberty and her country, in peace and war, have yet
availed to admit them to equal citizenship, even in this enlightened
and republican nation.

We believe that humanity is one in all those intellectual, moral and
spiritual attributes, out of which grow human responsibilities. The
Scripture declaration is, "so God created man in his own image: male
and female created he them." And all divine legislation throughout the
realm of nature recognizes the perfect equality of the two conditions.
For male and female are but different conditions. Neither color nor
sex is ever discharged from obedience to law, natural or moral;
written or unwritten. The commands, thou shalt not steal, nor kill,
nor commit adultery, know nothing of sex in their demands; nothing in
their penalty. And hence we believe that all _human_ legislation which
is at variance with the divine code, is essentially unrighteous and
unjust. Woman and the colored man are taxed to support many literary
and humane institutions, into which they never come, except in the
poorly paid capacity of menial servants. Woman has been fined,
whipped, branded with red-hot irons, imprisoned and hung; but when was
woman ever tried by a jury of her peers?

Though the nation declared from the beginning that "all just
governments derive their power from the consent of the governed," the
consent of woman was never asked to a single statute, however nearly
it affected her dearest womanly interests or happiness. In the
despotisms of the old world, of ancient and modern times, woman,
profligate, prostitute, weak, cruel, tyrannical, or otherwise, from
Semiramis and Messalina, to Catherine of Russia and Margaret of Anjou,
have swayed, unchallenged, imperial scepters; while in this republican
and Christian land in the nineteenth century, woman, intelligent,
refined in every ennobling gift and grace, may not even vote on the
appropriation of her own property, or the disposal and destiny of her
own children. Literally she has no _rights_ which man is bound to
respect; and her civil privileges she holds only by sufferance. For
the power that gave, can take away, and of that power she is no part.
In most of the States, these unjust distinctions apply to woman, and
to the colored man alike. Your Memorialists fully believe that the
time has come when such injustice should cease.

Woman and the colored man are loyal, patriotic, property-holding,
tax-paying, liberty-loving citizens; and we can not believe that sex
or complexion should be any ground for civil or political degradation.
In our government, one-half the citizens are disfranchised by their
sex, and about one-eighth by the color of their skin; and thus a large
majority have no voice in enacting or executing the laws they are
taxed to support and compelled to obey, with the same fidelity as the
more favored class, whose usurped prerogative it is to rule. Against
such outrages on the very name of republican freedom, your
memorialists do and must ever protest. And is not our protest
pre-eminently as just against the tyranny of "_taxation without
representation_," as was that thundered from Bunker Hill, when our
revolutionary fathers fired the shot that shook the world?

And your Memorialists especially remember, at this time, that our
country is still reeling under the shock of a terrible civil war, the
legitimate result and righteous retribution of the vilest slave system
ever suffered among men. And in restoring the foundations of our
nationality, your memorialists most respectfully and earnestly pray
that all discriminations on account of sex or race may be removed; and
that our Government may be republican in _fact_ as well as _form_; A
GOVERNMENT BY THE PEOPLE, AND THE WHOLE PEOPLE; FOR THE PEOPLE, AND
THE WHOLE PEOPLE.

In behalf of the American Equal Rights Association,

  THEODORE TILTON,        }
  FREDERICK DOUGLAS,      } Vice-Presidents.
  ELIZABETH CADY STANTON, }

  LUCRETIA MOTT, President.
  SUSAN B. ANTHONY, Secretary.



CHAPTER XIX.

THE KANSAS CAMPAIGN--1867.

     The Battle Ground of Freedom--Campaign of 1867--Liberals did not
     Stand by their Principles--Black Men Opposed to Woman
     Suffrage--Republican Press and Party Untrue--Democrats in
     Opposition--John Stuart Mill's Letters and Speeches Extensively
     Circulated--Henry B. Blackwell and Lucy Stone Opened the
     Campaign--Rev. Olympia Brown Followed--60,000 Tracts
     Distributed--Appeal Signed by Thirty-one Distinguished
     Men--Letters from Helen E. Starrett, Susan E. Wattles, Dr. R. S.
     Tenney, Lieut. Governor J. P. Root, Rev. Olympia Brown--The
     Campaign closed by ex-Governor Robinson, Elizabeth Cady Stanton,
     Susan B. Anthony, and the Hutchinson Family--Speeches and Songs
     at the Polls in every Ward in Leavenworth Election Day--Both
     Amendments lost--9,070 Votes for Woman Suffrage, 10,843 for Negro
     Suffrage.


As Kansas was the historic ground where Liberty fought her first
victorious battles with Slavery, and consecrated that soil forever to
the freedom of the black race, so was it the first State where the
battle for woman's enfranchisement was waged and lost for a
generation. There never was a more hopeful interest concentrated on
the legislation of any single State, than when Kansas submitted the
two propositions to her people to take the words "white" and "male"
from her Constitution.

Those awake to the dignity and power of the ballot in the hands of all
classes, to the inspiring thought of self-government, were stirred as
never before, both in Great Britain and America, upon this question.
Letters from John Stuart Mill and other friends, with warm words of
encouragement, were read to thousands of audiences, and published in
journals throughout the State. Eastern women who went there to speak
started with the full belief that their hopes so long deferred were at
last to be realized. Some even made arrangements for future homes on
that green spot where at last the sons and daughters of earth were to
stand equal before the law. With no greater faith did the crusaders of
old seize their shields and start on their perilous journey to wrest
from the infidel the Holy Sepulcher, than did these defenders of a
sacred principle enter Kansas, and with hope sublime consecrate
themselves to labor for woman's freedom; to roll off of her soul the
mountains of sorrow and superstition that had held her in bondage to
false creeds, and codes, and customs for centuries. There was a solemn
earnestness in the speeches of all who labored in that campaign. Each
heart was thrilled with the thought that the youngest civilization in
the world was about to establish a government based on the divine
idea--the equality of all mankind--proclaimed by Jesus of Nazareth,
and echoed by the patriots who watched the dawn of the natal day of
our Republic. Here at last the mothers of the race, the most important
actors in the grand drama of human progress were for the first time to
stand the peers of men.

These women firmly believed that Republicans and Abolitionists who had
advocated their cause for years would aid them in all possible efforts
to carry the Constitutional Amendment that was to enfranchise the
women of the State. They looked confidently for encouragement, and
inspiring editorials in certain Eastern journals. With Horace Greeley
at the head of the _New York Tribune_, Theodore Tilton of the
_Independent_, and Wendell Phillips of the _Anti-Slavery Standard_,
they felt they had a strong force in the press of the East to rouse
the men of Kansas to their duty. But, alas! they all preserved a
stolid silence, and the Liberals of the State were in a measure
paralyzed by their example. Though the amendment to take the word
"male" from the Constitution was a Republican measure, signed by a
Republican Governor, and advocated by leading men of that party
throughout the campaign, yet the Republican party, as such, the
Abolitionists and black men were all hostile to the proposition,
because they said to agitate the woman's amendment would defeat negro
suffrage.

Eastern politicians warned the Republicans of Kansas that "negro
suffrage" was a party measure in national politics, and that they must
not entangle themselves with the "woman question." On all sides came
up the cry, this is "the negro's hour." Though the Republican State
Central Committee adopted a resolution leaving all their party
speakers free to express their individual sentiments, yet they
selected men to canvass the State, who were known to be unscrupulous
and disreputable, and violently opposed to woman suffrage.[76] The
Democratic party[77] was opposed to both amendments and to the new law
on temperance, which it was supposed the women would actively support.

The Germans in their Conventions passed a resolution[78] against the
new law that required the liquor dealers to get the signatures of
one-half the women, as well as the men, to their petitions before the
authorities could grant them license. In suffrage for women they saw
rigid Sunday laws and the suppression of their beer gardens. The
liquor dealers throughout the State were bitter and hostile to the
woman's amendment. Though the temperance party had passed a favorable
resolution[79] in their State Convention, yet some of their members
were averse to all affiliations with the dreaded question, as to them,
what the people might drink seemed a subject of greater importance
than a fundamental principle of human rights. Intelligent black men,
believing the sophistical statements of politicians, that their rights
were imperiled by the agitation of woman suffrage, joined the
opposition. Thus the campaign in Kansas was as protracted as many
sided.

From April until November, the women of Kansas, and those who came to
help them, worked with indomitable energy and perseverance. Besides
undergoing every physical hardship, traveling night and day in
carriages, open wagons, over miles and miles of the unfrequented
prairies, climbing divides, and through deep ravines, speaking in
depots, unfinished barns, mills, churches, school-houses, and the open
air, on the very borders of civilization, where-ever two or three
dozen voters could be assembled.

Henry B. Blackwell and Lucy Stone opened the campaign in April. The
following letters show how hopeful they were of success, and how
enthusiastically they labored to that end. Even the New York _Tribune_
prophesied victory.[80]


                         AT GOV. ROBINSON'S HOUSE, FOUR MILES NORTH OF
                               LAWRENCE, KANSAS, _April, 5, 1867_.

     DEAR MRS. STANTON:--We report good news! After half a day's
     earnest debate, the Convention at Topeka, by an almost unanimous
     vote, refused to separate "the two questions" male and white. A
     delegation from Lawrence came up specially to get the woman
     dropped. The good God upset a similar delegation from Leavenworth
     bent on the same object, and prevented them from reaching Topeka
     at all. Gov. Robinson, Gov. Root, Col. Wood, Gen. Larimer, Col.
     Ritchie, and "the old guard" generally were on hand. Our coming
     out did good. Lucy spoke with all her old force and fire. Mrs.
     Nichols was there--a strong list of permanent officers was
     nominated--and a State Impartial Suffrage Association was
     organized. The right men were put upon the committees, and I do
     not believe that the Negro Suffrage men can well bolt or back out
     now.

     The effect is wonderful. Papers which have been ridiculing woman
     suffrage and sneering at "Sam Wood's Convention" are now on our
     side. We have made the present Gov. Crawford President of the
     Association, Lieut.-Gov. Green Vice-President. Have appointed a
     leading man in every judicial district member of the Executive
     Committee, and have some of the leading Congregational, Old
     School, and New School Presbyterian ministers committed for both
     questions; have already secured a majority of the newspapers of
     the State, and if Lucy and I succeed in "getting up steam" as we
     hope in Lawrence, Wyandotte, Leavenworth, and Atchison, the woman
     and the negro will rise or fall together, and shrewd politicians
     say that with proper effort we shall carry both next fall.

     During the Convention Lucy got a dispatch from Lawrence as
     follows: "Will you lecture for the Library Association? State
     terms, time, and subject." Lucy replied: "Will lecture Saturday
     evening; subject, 'Impartial Suffrage'; terms, one hundred
     dollars, payable to Kansas State Impartial Suffrage Association."
     The prompt reply was: "We accept your terms." Gen. Larimer, of
     Leavenworth, went down next day to try to arrange a similar
     lyceum meeting there. In the afternoon came a dispatch from D. R.
     Anthony, saying: "Meeting arranged for Tuesday night." This is
     especially good, because we were informed that he had somewhat
     favored dropping the woman, but whether this was so or not, he
     will now be all right as befits the brother of Susan B. Anthony.

     We are announced to speak every night but Sundays from April 7 to
     May 5 inclusive. We shall have to travel from twenty to forty
     miles per day. If our voices and health hold out, Col. Wood says
     the State is safe. We had a rousing convention--three
     sessions--at Topeka, and a crowded meeting the night following.
     We find a very strong feeling against Col. S. N. Wood among
     politicians, but they all respect and dread him. He has warmer
     friends and bitterer enemies than almost any man in the State.
     But he is true as steel. My judgment of men is rarely deceived,
     and I pronounce S. N. Wood a great man and a political genius.
     Gov. Robinson is a masterly tactician, cool, wary, cautious,
     decided, and brave as a lion. These two men alone would suffice
     to save Kansas. But when you add the other good and true men who
     are already pledged, and the influences which have been combined,
     I think you will see next fall an avalanche vote--"the caving in
     of that mighty sandbank" your husband once predicted on a similar
     occasion.

     Now, Mrs. Stanton, you and Susan and Fred. Douglass must come to
     this State early next September; you must come prepared to make
     _sixty speeches_ each. You must leave your notes _behind you_.
     These people won't have written sermons. And you don't want
     notes. You are a natural orator, and these people will give you
     inspiration! Everything has conspired to help us in this State.
     Gov. Robinson and Sam. Wood have quietly set a ball in motion
     which nobody in Kansas is now strong enough to stop. Politicians'
     hair here is fairly on end. But the fire is in the prairie behind
     them, and they are getting out their matches in self-defense to
     fire their foreground. This is a glorious country, Mrs. S., and a
     glorious people. If we succeed here, it will be the State of the
     Future.

                         With kind regards,    HENRY B. BLACKWELL.

     P. S.--So you see we have the State Convention committed to the
     right side, and I do believe we shall carry it. All the old
     settlers are for it. It is only the later comers who say, "If I
     were a black man I should not want the woman question hitched to
     me." These men tell what their wives have done, and then ask,
     shall such women be left without a vote? L. S.


                                 D. R. ANTHONY'S HOUSE, LEAVENWORTH, }
                                                   _April 10, 1867_. }

     DEAR MRS. STANTON:--We came here just in the nick of time. The
     papers were laughing at "Sam Wood's Convention," the call for
     which was in the papers with the names of Beecher, Tilton, Ben
     Wade, Gratz Brown, E. C. Stanton, Anna Dickinson, Lucy Stone,
     etc., as persons expected or invited to be at the convention. The
     papers said: "This is one of Sam's shabbiest tricks. Not one of
     these persons will be present, and he knows it," etc., etc. Our
     arrival set a buzz going, and when I announced you and Susan and
     Aunt Fanny for the fall, they began to say "they guessed the
     thing would carry." Gov. Robinson said he could not go to the
     Topeka Convention, for he had a lawsuit involving $1,000 that was
     to come off that very day, but we talked the matter over with
     him, showed him what a glorious hour it was for Kansas, etc.,
     etc., and he soon concluded to get the suit put off and go to the
     convention. Ex-Gov. Root, of Wyandotte, joined with him and us,
     though he had not intended to go. We went to Topeka; and the day
     and evening before the convention, pulled every wire and set
     every honest trap. Gov. Robinson has a long head, and he arranged
     the "platform" so shrewdly, carefully using the term "impartial,"
     which he said meant right, and we must make them use it, so that
     there would be no occasion for any other State Association. In
     this previous meeting, the most prominent men of the State were
     made officers of the permanent organization. When the platform
     was read, with the names of the officers, and the morning's
     discussion was over, everybody then felt that the ball was set
     right. But in the P.M. came a Methodist minister and a lawyer
     from Lawrence as delegates, "instructed" to use the word
     "impartial," "as it had been used for the last two years," to
     make but one issue, and to drop the woman. The lawyer said, "If I
     was a negro, I would not want the woman hitched on to my skirts,"
     etc. He made a mean speech. Mrs. Nichols and I came down upon
     him, and the whole convention, except the Methodist, was against
     him. The vote was taken whether to drop the woman, and only the
     little lawyer from Lawrence, with a hole in his coat and only one
     shoe on, voted against the woman. After that it was all one way.
     The papers all came out right, I mean the Topeka papers. One
     editor called on us, said we need not mention that he had called,
     but he wanted to assure us that he had always been right on this
     question. That the mean articles in his paper had been written by
     a subordinate in his office in his absence, etc. That the paper
     was fully committed, etc., etc. That is a fair specimen of the
     way all the others have done, till we got to this place. Here the
     Republicans had decided to drop the woman, Anthony with the
     others, and I think they are only waiting to see the result of
     our meetings, to announce their decision. But the Democrats all
     over the State are preparing to take us up. They are a small
     minority, with nothing to lose, and utterly unscrupulous, while
     all who will work with Sam Wood will work with anybody. I fully
     expect we shall carry the State. But it will be necessary to have
     a good force here in the fall, and you will have to come. Our
     meetings are everywhere crowded to overflowing, and in every case
     the papers speak well of them. We have meetings for every night
     till the 4th of May. By that time we shall be well tired out. But
     we shall see the country, and I hope have done some good. There
     is no such love of principle here as I expected to find. Each
     man goes for himself, and "the devil take the hindmost." The
     women here are grand, and it will be a shame past all expression
     if they don't get the right to vote. One woman in Wyandotte said
     she carried petitions all through the town for female suffrage,
     and not one woman in ten refused to sign. Another in Lawrence
     said they sent up two large petitions from there. So they have
     been at the Legislature, like the heroes they really are, and it
     is not possible for the husbands of such women to back out,
     though they have sad lack of principle and a terrible desire for
     office.

                                             Yours,      L. S.


                                   JUNCTION CITY, KANSAS, _April 20_.

     DEAR MRS. STANTON:

     We have had one letter from you, and have written you twice.
     To-day I inclose an article by Col. Wood, which is so capital
     that it ought to be printed. I wish you would take it to Tilton
     (not Oliver), and if he says he will publish it, let him have it;
     but if he hesitates, send it at once to the _Chicago Republic_,
     and ask them to mark the article in some of their exchanges.
     Perhaps the _Northern Methodist_, _The Banner of Light_, and the
     _Liberal Christian_ would insert it. I shall not be back to the
     May meeting; indeed, it would be better if we could stay till
     June 1st, and go all along the Northern tier of counties. I think
     this State will be right at the fall election. The _Independent_
     is taken in many families here, and they are getting right on the
     question of impartial suffrage. But there will have to be a great
     deal of work to carry the State. We have large, good meetings
     everywhere. If the _Independent_ would take up this question, and
     every week write for it, as it does for the negro, that paper
     alone could save this State; and with this, all the others.

     What a pity it does not see the path that would leave it with
     more than Revolutionary honors! I am thankful beyond expression
     for what it does, but I am pained for what it _might do_. With
     its 75,000 subscribers, and five times that number of readers,
     what can the poor little _Standard_ do for us, compared with
     that? I shall try and write a letter to the convention. May
     strike the true note! I hope not a man will be asked to speak at
     the convention. If they volunteer very well, but I have been for
     the last time on my knees to Phillips or Higginson, or any of
     them. If they help now, they should ask us, and not we them. Is
     Susan with you?

                                             L. S.


                              JUNCTION CITY, KANSAS, _April 21, 1867_.

     DEAR FRIENDS, E. C. STANTON AND SUSAN B. ANTHONY:

     You will be glad to know that Lucy and I are going over the
     length and breadth of this State speaking every day, and
     sometimes twice, journeying from twenty-five to forty miles
     daily, sometimes in a carriage and sometimes in an open wagon,
     with or without springs. We climb hills and dash down ravines,
     ford creeks, and ferry over rivers, rattle across limestone
     ledges, struggle through muddy bottoms, fight the high winds on
     the high rolling upland prairies, and address the most
     astonishing (and astonished) audiences in the most extraordinary
     places. To-night it may be a log school house, to-morrow a stone
     church; next day a store with planks for seats, and in one place,
     if it had not rained, we should have held forth in an unfinished
     court house, with only four stone walls but no roof whatever.

     The people are a queer mixture of roughness and intelligence,
     recklessness, and conservatism. One swears at women who want to
     wear the breeches; another wonders whether we ever heard of a
     fellow named Paul; a third is not going to put women on an
     equality with niggers. One woman told Lucy that no decent woman
     would be running over the country talking nigger and woman. Her
     brother told Lucy that "he had had a woman who was under the sod,
     but that if she had ever said she wanted to vote he would have
     pounded her to death!"

     The fact is, however, that we have on our side all the shrewdest
     politicians and all the best class of men and women in this
     State. Our meetings are doing much towards organizing and
     concentrating public sentiment in our favor, and the papers are
     beginning to show front in our favor. We fought and won a pitched
     battle at Topeka in the convention, and have possession of the
     machine. By the time we get through with the proposed series of
     meetings, it will be about the 20th of May, if Lucy's voice and
     strength hold out. The scenery of this State is lovely. In summer
     it must be very fine indeed, especially in this Western section
     the valleys are beautiful, and the bluffs quite bold and
     romantic.

     I think we shall probably succeed in Kansas next fall if the
     State is thoroughly canvassed, not else. We are fortunate in
     having Col. Sam N. Wood as an organizer and worker. We owe
     everything to Wood, and he is really a thoroughly noble, good
     fellow, and a hero. He is a short, rather thick set, somewhat
     awkward, and "slouchy" man, extremely careless in his dress,
     blunt and abrupt in his manner, with a queer inexpressive face,
     little blue eyes which can look dull or flash fire or twinkle
     with the wickedest fun. He is so witty, sarcastic, and cutting,
     that he is a terrible foe, and will put the laugh even on his
     best friends. The son of a Quaker mother, he held the baby while
     his wife acted as one of the officers, and his mother another, in
     a Woman's Rights Convention seventeen years ago. Wood has helped
     off more runaway slaves than any man in Kansas. He has always
     been _true_ both to the negro and the woman. But the negroes
     dislike and distrust him because he has never allowed the word
     white to be struck out, unless the word male should be struck out
     also. He takes exactly Mrs. Stanton's ground, that the colored
     men and women shall enter the kingdom _together_, if at all. So,
     while he advocates both, he fully realizes the wider scope and
     far greater grandeur of the battle for _woman_. Lucy and I like
     Wood very much. We have seen a good deal of him, first at Topeka,
     again at Cottonwood Falls, his home, and on the journey thence to
     Council Grove and to this place. Our arrangements for conveyances
     failed, and Wood with characteristic energy and at great personal
     inconvenience brought us through himself. It is worth a journey
     to Kansas to know him for he is an original and a genius. If he
     should die next month I should consider the election lost. But if
     he live, and we all in the East drop other work and spend
     September and October in Kansas, we shall succeed. I am glad to
     say that our friend D. R. Anthony is out for both propositions in
     the _Leavenworth Bulletin_. But his sympathies are so especially
     with the negro question that we must have Susan out here to
     strengthen his hands. We must have Mrs. Stanton, Susan, Mrs.
     Gage, and Anna Dickinson, this fall. Also Ben Wade and Carl
     Schurz, if possible. We must also try to get 10,000 each of Mrs.
     Stanton's address, of Lucy Stone's address, and of Mrs. Mills
     article on the Enfranchisement of Women, printed for us by the
     Hovey Fund.

     Kansas is to be _the battle ground_ for 1867. _It must not be
     allowed to fail._

     The politicians here, except Wood and Robinson, are generally "on
     the fence." But they dare not oppose us openly. And the
     Democratic leaders are quite disposed to take us up. If the
     Republicans come out against us the Democrats will take us up. Do
     not let anything prevent your being here September 1 _for the
     campaign_, which will end in November. There will be a big fight
     and a great excitement. After the fight is over Mrs. Stanton will
     never have _use_ for _notes_ or _written_ speeches any more.

                                   Yours truly,     HENRY B. BLACKWELL.


                                   FORT SCOTT, _May 1, 1867_.

     DEAR SUSAN:

     I have just this moment read your letter, and received the
     tracts; the "testimonies" I mean. We took 250 pounds of tracts
     with us, and we have sowed them thick; and Susan, the crop will
     be impartial suffrage in the fall. It will carry, beyond a doubt,
     in this State. Now, as I can not be in New York next week, I want
     you to see Aunt Fanny and Anna Dickinson, and get them pledged to
     come here in the fall. We will raise the pay somehow. You and
     Mrs. Stanton will come, of course. I wish Mrs. Harper to come. I
     don't know if she is in New York; please tell her I got her
     letter, and will either see or correspond with her when I get
     home. There is no time to write here. We ride all day, and
     lecture every night, and sometimes at noon too. So there is time
     for nothing else. I am sorry there is no one to help you, Susan,
     in New York. I always thought that when this hour of our bitter
     need come--this darkest hour before the dawn--Mr. Higginson would
     bring his beautiful soul and his fine, clear intellect to draw
     all women to his side; but if it is possible for him to be
     satisfied at _such_ an hour with writing the best literary
     essays, it is because the power to help us has gone from him. The
     old lark moves her nest only when the farmer prepares to cut his
     grass himself. This will be the way with us; as to the
     _Standard_, I don't count upon it at all. Even if you get it, the
     circulation is so limited that it amounts almost to nothing. I
     have not seen a copy in all Kansas. But the _Tribune_ and
     _Independent_ alone could, if they would urge _universal_
     suffrage, as they do negro suffrage, carry this whole nation upon
     the only just plane of equal human rights. What a power to hold,
     and not use! I could not sleep the other night, just for thinking
     of it; and if I had got up and written the thought that burned my
     very soul, I do believe that Greeley and Tilton would have echoed
     the cry of the old crusaders, "God wills it;" and rushing to our
     half-sustained standard, would plant it high and firm on
     immutable principles. _They_ MUST take it up. I shall see them
     the very first thing when I go home. At your meeting next Monday
     evening, I think you should insist that all of the Hovey fund
     used for the _Standard_ and Anti-Slavery purposes, since slavery
     is abolished, must be returned with interest to the three causes
     which by the express terms of the will were to receive _all_ of
     the fund when slavery was abolished. You will have a good
     meeting, I am sure, and I hope you will not fail to rebuke the
     cowardly use of the terms "universal," and "impartial," and
     "equal," applied to hide a dark skin, and an unpopular client.
     All this talk about the infamous thirteen who voted against
     "negro suffrage" in New Jersey, is unutterably contemptible from
     the lips or pen of those whose words, acts, and votes are not
     against ignorant and degraded negroes, but against every man's
     mother, wife, and daughter. We have crowded meetings everywhere.
     I speak as well as ever, thank God! The audiences move to tears
     or laughter, just as in the old time. Harry makes capital
     speeches, and gets a louder cheer always than I do, though I
     believe I move a deeper feeling. The papers all over the State
     are discussing pro and con. The whole thing is working just
     right. If Beecher is chosen delegate at large to your
     Constitutional Convention, I think the word male will go out
     before his vigorous cudgel. I do not want to stay here after the
     4th, but Wood and Harry have arranged other meetings up to the
     18th or 20th of May, so that we shan't be back even for the
     Boston meetings.

                                        Very truly,     LUCY STONE.

     In a letter dated Atchison, May 9, 1867, Lucy Stone says: I
     should be so glad to be with you to-morrow, and to know this
     minute whether Phillips has consented to take the high ground
     which sound policy as well as justice and statesmanship require.
     I can not send you a telegraphic dispatch as you wish, for just
     now there is a plot to get the Republican party to drop the word
     "male," and also to agree to canvass _only_ for the word "white."
     There is a call, signed by the Chairman of the State Central
     Republican Committee; to meet at Topeka on the 15th, to pledge
     the party to the canvass on that single issue. As soon as we saw
     the call and the change of tone of some of the papers, we sent
     letters to all those whom we had found true to principle, urging
     them to be at Topeka and vote for both words. This effort of ours
     the Central Committee know nothing of, and we hope they will be
     defeated, as they will be sure to be surprised. So, till this
     action of the Republicans is settled, we can affirm nothing.
     Everywhere we go we have the largest and most enthusiastic
     meetings, and any one of our audiences would give a majority for
     woman suffrage. But the negroes are all against us. There has
     just now left us an ignorant black preacher named Twine, who is
     very confident that women ought not to vote. These men _ought not
     to be allowed to vote before we do_, because they will be just so
     much more dead weight to lift.

     Mr. Frothingham's course of lectures, happily, is over. Were you
     ever so cruelly hurt by any course of lectures before? "If it had
     been an enemy I could have borne it." But for this man, wise,
     educated, and good, who thinks he is our friend, to do just the
     things that our worst enemies will be glad of, is the unkindest
     cut of all. Ninety-nine pulpits out of every hundred have taught
     that women should not meddle in politics; as large a proportion
     of papers have done the same; and by every hearthstone the lesson
     is repeated to the little girl; and when she has learned it, and
     grows up, and does not throw away the teaching of a life time,
     Mr. Frothingham accepts this _effect_ for a _cause_, and blames
     the unhappy victim, when he should stand by her side, and with
     all his power of persuasion win her away from her false teaching,
     to accept the truth and the nobler life that comes with it. But,
     thank God, the popular pulse is setting in the right direction.

     We must see Wade, and Garfield, and Julian, and when Sumner
     proposes, as he says he shall, to make negro suffrage universal,
     _they_ must _insist_ upon _our_ claim; urged not for our sake
     merely, but that the government may be based upon the consent of
     the governed. There is safety in no other way. We shall leave for
     home on the 20th. We had the largest meeting we have yet had in
     the State at Leavenworth night before last. Your brother and his
     wife called upon us at Col. Coffin's. They are well. But Dan
     don't want the Republicans to take us up. Love to Mrs. Stanton.

                                             LUCY STONE.

     P. S.--The papers here are coming down on us, and every prominent
     reformer, and charging us with being Free Lovers. I have to-day
     written a letter to the editor, saying that it has not the shadow
     of a foundation.

Rev. Olympia Brown arrived in the State in July, where her untiring
labors, for four months were never equaled by man or woman. Mrs.
Stanton, Miss Anthony, and the Hutchinson family followed her early in
September. What these speakers could not do with reason and appeal,
the Hutchinsons, by stirring the hearts of the people with their sweet
ballads, readily accomplished. Before leaving New York Miss Anthony
published 60,000 tracts, which were distributed in Kansas with a
liberal hand under the frank of Senators Ross and Pomeroy. Thus the
thinking and unthinking in every school district were abundantly
supplied with woman suffrage literature, such as Mrs. Mill's splendid
article in the _Westminster Review_, the best speeches of John Stuart
Mill, Theodore Parker, Wendell Phillips, George William Curtis,
Elizabeth Cady Stanton's argument before the Constitutional
Convention, Parker Pillsbury's "Mortality of Nations," Thomas
Wentworth Higginson's "Woman and her Wishes," Henry Ward Beecher's
"Woman's Duty to Vote," and Mrs. C. I. H. Nichols' "Responsibility of
Woman." There was scarcely a log cabin in the State that could not
boast one or more of these documents, which the liberality of a few
eastern friends[81] enabled the "Equal Rights Association" to print
and circulate.

The opposition were often challenged to debate this question in
public, but uniformly refused, knowing full well, since their powder
in this battle consisted of vulgar abuse and ridicule, that they had
no arguments to advance. But it chanced that on one occasion by
mistake, a meeting was appointed for the opposing forces at the same
time and place where Olympia Brown was advertised to speak. This gave
her an opportunity of testing her readiness in debate with Judge
Sears. Of this occasion a correspondent says:

     DISCUSSION AT OSKALOOSA.--_To the Editor of the Kansas State
     Journal_: For the first time during the canvass for Universal
     Suffrage, the opponents of the two wrongs, "Manhood Suffrage" and
     "Woman Suffrage," met in open debate at this place last evening.
     The largest church in the place was crowded to its utmost, every
     inch of space being occupied. Judge Gilchrist was called to the
     chair, and first introduced Judge Sears, who made the following
     points in favor of Manhood Suffrage:

     1st. That in the early days of the Republic no discrimination was
     made against negroes on account of color.

     He proved from the constitutions and charters of the original
     thirteen States, that all of them, with the exception of South
     Carolina, allowed the colored freeman the ballot, upon the same
     basis and conditions as the white man. That we were not
     conferring a right, but restoring one which the fathers in their
     wisdom had never deprived the colored man of. He showed how the
     word white had been forced into the State constitutions, and
     advocated that it should be stricken out, it being the last relic
     of the "slave power."

     2d. That the negro needed the ballot for his protection and
     elevation.

     3d. That he deserved the ballot. He fought with our fathers side
     by side in the war of the revolution. He did the same thing in
     the war of 1812, and in the war of the rebellion. He fought for
     us because he was loyal and loved the old flag. If any class of
     men had ever earned the enjoyment of franchise the negro had.

     4th. The Republican party owed it to him.

     5th. The enfranchisement of the negro was indispensable to
     reconstruction of the late rebellious States upon a basis that
     should secure to the loyal men of the South the control of the
     government in those States. Congress had declared it was
     necessary, and the most eminent men of the nation had failed to
     discover any other means by which the South could be restored to
     the Union, that should secure safety, prosperity, and happiness.
     There was not loyalty enough in the South among the whites to
     elect a loyal man to an inferior office.

     Upon each one of these points the Judge elaborated at length, and
     made really a fine speech, but his evident disconcertion showed
     that he knew what was to follow. It was expected that when Miss
     Brown was introduced many would leave, owing to the strange
     feeling against Female Suffrage in and about Oscaloosa; but not
     one left, the crowd grew more dense. A more eloquent speech never
     was uttered in this town than Miss Brown delivered; for an hour
     and three-quarters the audience was spell-bound as she advanced
     from point to point. She had been longing for such an
     opportunity, and had become weary of striking off into open air;
     and she proved how thoroughly acquainted she was with her subject
     as she took up each point advanced by her opponent, not denying
     their truth, but showing by unanswerable logic that if it were
     good under certain reasons for the negro to vote, it was ten
     times better for the same reasons for the women to vote.

     The argument that the right to vote is not a natural right, but
     acquired as corporate bodies acquire their rights, and that the
     ballot meant "protection," was answered and explained fully. She
     said the ballot meant protection; it meant much more; it means
     education, progress, advancement, elevation for the oppressed
     classes, drawing a glowing comparison between the working classes
     of England and those of the United States. She scorned the idea
     of an aristocracy based upon two accidents of the body. She paid
     an eloquent tribute to Kansas, the pioneer in all reforms, and
     said that it would be the best advertisement that Kansas could
     have to give the ballot to women, for thousands now waiting and
     uncertain, would flock to our State, and a vast tide of
     emigration would continually roll toward Kansas until her broad
     and fertile prairies would be peopled. It is useless to attempt
     to report her address, as she could hardly find a place to stop.
     When she had done, her opponent had nothing to say, he had been
     beaten on his own ground, and retired with his feathers drooping.
     After Miss Brown had closed, some one in the audience called for
     a vote on the female proposition. The vote was put, and nearly
     every man and woman in the house rose simultaneously, men that
     had fought the proposition from the first arose, even Judge
     Sears himself looked as though he would like to rise, but his
     principles, much tempted, forbade. After the first vote, Judge
     Sears called for a vote on his, the negro proposition, when about
     one-half the house arose. Verily there was a great turning to the
     Lord that day, and many would have been baptized, but there was
     no water. When Mrs. Stanton has passed through Oscaloosa, her
     fame having gone before her, we can count on a good majority for
     Female Suffrage....
                                                        *  *  *  *


     OSCALOOSA, October 11, 1867.

                                   SALINA, KANSAS, Sept. 12, 1867.

     DEAR FRIEND:--We are getting along splendidly. Just the frame of
     a Methodist church with sidings and roof, and rough cotton-wood
     boards for seats, was our meeting place last night here; and a
     perfect jam it was, with men crowded outside at all the windows.
     Two very brave young Kentuckian sprigs of the law had the courage
     to argue or present sophistry on the other side. The meeting
     continued until eleven o'clock. To-day we go to Ellsworth, the
     very last trading post on the frontier. A car load of wounded
     soldiers went East on the train this morning; but the fight was a
     few miles West of Ellsworth. No Indians venture to that point.

     Our tracts gave out at Solomon, and the Topeka people failed to
     fill my telegraphic order to send package here. It is enough to
     exhaust the patience of any "Job" that men are so wanting in
     promptness. Our tracts do more than half the battle; reading
     matter is so very scarce that everybody clutches at a book of any
     kind. If only reformers would supply this demand with the right
     and the true--come in and occupy the field at the beginning--they
     might mould these new settlements. But instead they wait until
     everything is fixed, and the comforts and luxuries obtainable,
     and then come to find the ground preoccupied.

     Send 2,000 of Curtis' speeches, 2,000 of Phillips', 2,000 of
     Beecher's, and 1,000 of each of the others, and then fill the
     boxes with the reports of our last convention; they are the best
     in the main because they have everybody's speeches together.

                                                              S. B. A.


                                         HOME OF EX-GOV. ROBINSON,
                                   LAWRENCE, KANSAS, Sept. 15, 1867.

     I rejoice greatly in the $100 from the Drapers.[82] That makes
     $250 paid toward the tracts. I am very sorry Mr. J. can not get
     off Curtis and Beecher. There is a perfect greed for our tracts.
     All that great trunk full were sold and given away at our first
     fourteen meetings, and we in return received $110, which a little
     more than paid our railroad fare--_eight cents per mile_--and
     hotel bills. Our collections thus far fully equal those at the
     East. I have been delightfully disappointed, for everybody said I
     couldn't raise money in Kansas meetings. I wish you were here to
     make the tour of this beautiful State, in which to live fifty
     years hence will be charming; but now, alas, the women especially
     see hard times; to come actually in contact with all their
     discomforts and privations spoils the poetry of pioneer life.
     The opposition, the "Anti-Female Suffragists," are making a bold
     push now; but all prophesy a short run for them. They held a
     meeting here the day after ours, and the friends say, did vastly
     more to make us converts than we ourselves did. The fact is
     nearly every man of the movers is like Kalloch, notoriously
     wanting in right action toward woman. Their opposition is low and
     scurrilous, as it used to be fifteen and twenty years ago at the
     East. Hurry on the tracts.

                                                As ever,      S. B. A.


Seeing that the republican vote must be largely against the woman's
amendment, the question arose what can be done to capture enough
democratic votes to outweigh the recalcitrant republicans. At this
auspicious moment George Francis Train appeared in the State as an
advocate of woman suffrage. He appealed most effectively to the
chivalry of the intelligent Irishmen, and the prejudices of the
ignorant; conjuring them not to take the word "white" out of their
constitution unless they did the word "male" also; not to lift the
negroes above the heads of their own mothers, wives, sisters, and
daughters. The result was a respectable democratic vote in favor of
woman suffrage.

In a discussion with General Blunt at a meeting in Ottawa, Mr. Train
said:

     You say, General, that women in politics would lower the
     standard. Are politicians so pure, politics so exalted, the polls
     so immaculate, men so moral, that woman would pollute the ballot
     and contaminate the voters? Would revolvers, bowie-knives, whisky
     barrels, profane oaths, brutal rowdyism, be the feature of
     elections if women were present? Woman's presence purifies the
     atmosphere. Enter any Western hotel and what do you see, General?
     Sitting around the stove you will see dirty, unwashed-looking
     men, with hats on, and feet on the chairs; huge cuds of tobacco
     on the floor, spittle in pools all about; filth and dirt,
     condensed tobacco smoke, and a stench of whisky from the bar and
     the breath (applause, and "that's so,") on every side. This,
     General, is the manhood picture. Now turn to the womanhood
     picture; she, whom you think will debase and lower the morals of
     the elections. Just opposite this sitting room of the King, or on
     the next floor, is the sitting room of the Queen, covered chairs,
     clean curtains, nice carpets, books on the table, canary birds at
     the window, everything tidy, neat and beautiful, and according to
     your programme the occupants of this room will so demoralize the
     occupants of the other as to completely undermine all society.

     Did man put woman in the parlor? Did woman put man in that bar
     room? Are the instincts of woman so low that unless man puts up a
     bar, she will immediately fall into man's obscene conversation
     and disreputable habits? No, General, women are better than men,
     purer, nobler, hence more exalted, and so far from falling to
     man's estate, give her power and she will elevate man to her
     level.

     One other point, General, in reply to your argument. You say
     woman's sphere is at home with her children, and paint her as the
     sovereign of her own household. Let me paint the picture of the
     mother at the washtub, just recovering from the birth of her last
     child as the Empress. Six little children, half starved and
     shivering with cold, are watching and hoping that the Emperor
     will arrive with a loaf of bread, he having taken the wash money
     to the baker's. They wait and starve and cry, the poor emaciated
     Empress works and prays, when lo! the bugle sounds. It is the
     Emperor staggering into the yard. The little famished princesses'
     mouths all open are waiting for their expected food. Your friend,
     General, the Emperor, however, was absent minded, and while away
     at the polls voting for the license for his landlord, left the
     wash money on deposit with the bar-keeper (laughter) who wouldn't
     give it back again, and the little Queen birds must starve
     another day, till the wash-tub earns them a mouthful of something
     to eat. Give that woman a vote and she will keep the money she
     earns to clothe and feed her children, instead of its being spent
     in drunkenness and debauchery by her lord and master....

     You say, General, that you intend to vote for _negro suffrage_
     and against _woman suffrage_. In other words, not satisfied with
     having your mother, your wife, your sisters, your daughters, the
     equals _politically_ of the negro--by giving him a vote and
     refusing it to woman, you wish to place your family politically
     still lower in the scale of citizenship and humanity. This
     particular twist, General, is working in the minds of the people,
     and the democrats, having got you where Tommy had the wedge,
     intend to hold you there. Again you say that Mrs. Cady Stanton
     was three days in advance of you in the border towns, calling you
     the Sir John Falstaff of the campaign. I am under the impression,
     General, that these strong minded woman's rights women _are more
     than three days in advance of you_. (Loud cheers.) Falstaff was a
     jolly old brick, chivalrous and full of gallantry, and were he
     stumping Kansas with his ragged regiment, he would do it as the
     champion of woman instead of against her. (Loud cheers.) Hence
     Mrs. Stanton owes an apology to Falstaff, not to General Blunt.
     (Laughter and cheers.)

     One more point, General. You have made a terrific personal attack
     on Senator Wood, calling him everything that is vile. I do not
     know Mr. Wood. Miss Anthony has made all my arrangements; but
     perhaps you will allow me to ask you if Mr. Wood is a democrat?
     (Laughter and applause from the democrats.) Gen. Blunt--No, he is
     a republican, (laughter) and chairman of the woman suffrage
     committee. Mr. Train--Good. I understand you and your argument
     against Wood is so forcible, (and Mr. Train said this with the
     most biting sarcasm, every point taking with the audience.) I
     believe with you that Wood is a bad man, (laughter) a man of no
     principle whatever. (Laughter.) A man who has committed all the
     crimes in the calendar, (loud laughter) who, if he has done what
     you have said, ought to be taken out on the square and hung, and
     _well hung_ too. (Laughter and cheers.) Having admitted that I am
     converted to the fact of Wood's villainy, (laughter) and you
     having admitted that he is not a democrat, but a republican,
     (laughter) I think it is time the honest democratic and
     republican voters should rise up in their might and wipe off all
     those corrupt republican leaders from the Kansas State committee.
     (Loud cheers.) Democrats do your duty on the fifth of November
     and vote for woman suffrage. (Applause.) The effect of turning
     the General's own words back upon his party was perfectly
     electric, and when the vote was put for woman's suffrage it was
     almost unanimous. Mr. Train saying amid shouts of laughter, that
     he supposed that a few henpecked men would say "No" here, because
     they didn't dare to say their souls were their own at home....

     Mr. TRAIN continued: Twelve o'clock at night is a late hour to
     take up all your points, General; but the audience will have me
     talk. Miss Anthony gave you, General, a very sarcastic retort to
     your assertion that every woman ought to be married. (Laughter.)
     She told you that to marry, it was essential to find some decent
     man, and that could not be found among the Kansas politicians who
     had so gallantly forsaken the woman's cause. (Loud laughter.) She
     said, as society was organized there was not one man in a
     thousand worthy of marriage--marrying a man and marrying a whisky
     barrel were two distinct ideas. (Laughter and applause.) Miss
     Anthony tells me that your friend Kalloch said at Lawrence that
     _of all the infernal humbugs of this humbugging Woman's Rights
     question, the most absurd was that woman should assume to be
     entitled to the same wages for the same amount of labor
     performed, as man_. Do you mean to say that the school mistress,
     who so ably does her duty, should only receive three hundred
     dollars, while the school master, who performs the same duty,
     gets fifteen hundred? (Shame.) All the avenues of employment are
     blocked against women. Embroidering, tapestry, knitting-needle,
     sewing needle have all been displaced by machinery; and women
     speakers, women doctors, and women clerks, are ridiculed and
     insulted till every modest woman fairly cowers before her Emperor
     Husband, her King, her Lord, for fear of being called "strong
     minded." (Laughter and applause.) Why should not the landlady of
     that hotel over the way share the profits of their joint labors
     with the landlord? _She_ works as hard--yet _he_ keeps all the
     money, and she goes to him, instead of being an independent
     woman, for her share of the profits, as a _beggar_ asking for ten
     dollars to buy a bonnet or a dress. (Applause from the ladies.)
     Nothing is more contemptible than this slavery to the husband on
     the question of money. (Loud applause.) Give the sex votes and
     men will have more respect for women than to treat them as
     children or as dolls. (Applause.) The ten-year old boy will say
     to his women relatives, "Oh you don't know anything, you are only
     a woman," and when man wishes to insult his fellow man, he calls
     him a woman--and if the insult is intended to be more severe, he
     will speak of a cabinet statesman even as an "old woman." The
     General and Mr. Kalloch are afraid that women will be corrupted
     by going to the polls, yet they as lawyers have no hesitation in
     bringing a young and beautiful girl into court where a curiosity
     seeking audience are staring at her; where the judge makes her
     unveil her face, and the jury watch every feature, turning an
     honest blush into guilt. (Applause.)

     Woman first, and negro last, is my programme; yet I am willing
     that intelligence should be the test, although some men have more
     brains in their hands than others in their heads. (Laughter.)
     Emmert's Resolution, introduced into your Legislature last year,
     disfranchising, after July 4, 1870, all of age who can not read
     the American Constitution, the State Constitution, and the Bible,
     in the language in which he was educated, (applause) expresses my
     views.

     Again you alluded to the Foreign Emissary--who had no interest in
     Kansas. Do you mean me, General? General Blunt--No, sir. Thank
     you. The other four Foreign Emissaries are women, noble,
     self-sacrificing women, bold, never-tiring, unblemished
     reputation; women who have left their pleasant Eastern homes for
     a grand idea, (loud applause,) and to them and them alone is due
     the credit of carrying Kansas for woman suffrage. General
     Blunt--It won't carry. Train--Were I a betting man I would wager
     ten thousand dollars that Kansas will give 5,000 majority for
     women. (Loud cheers from Blunt's own audience of anti-women men.)
     As an advertisement to this beautiful State, it is worth untold
     millions.

          Kansas will win the world's applause,
          As the sole champion of woman's cause.
          So light the bonfires! Have the flags unfurled,
          To the Banner State of all the World!
                                                    (Loud cheers.)

     No, General, these women are no foreign emissaries. They came
     expecting support. They thought the republicans honest. They
     forgot that the democrats alone were their friends. (Applause.)
     They forgot that it was the Republican party that publicly
     insulted them in Congress. That it was Charles Sumner who wished
     to insert the word "male" in the amendment of the Federal
     Constitution two years ago, when the old Constitution, by having
     neither male nor female, had left it an open question. No, Mrs.
     Cady Stanton, Miss Susan B. Anthony, Mrs. Lucy Stone, and Miss
     Olympia Brown are the "foreign emissaries" that will alone have
     the credit of emancipating women in Kansas. Your trimming
     politicians left them in the lurch. Not one of you was honest.
     (Applause.) Even those who assumed to be their friends by saying
     nothing on the woman, and everything on the negro, are worse than
     you and Kalloch. (Applause.) Mr. Kalloch and Leggett and Sears
     have helped the woman's cause by opposing it, (cheers,) while the
     milk-and-water republican committee and speakers and press have
     damaged woman by their sneaking, cowardly way of advocacy.
     (That's so.)

     Mr. TRAIN at Leavenworth, the day before the election: "A great
     empire, and little minds go ill together," said Lord Bacon. "The
     sober second thought of the people," said Van Buren, "is never
     wrong, and always efficient." To-morrow it will be shown by
     voting for our mother and our sister. (Loud applause.) Never
     before were so many rats fleeing from a sinking ship. (Laughter.)
     A few staunch men will receive their reward. Falsehood passes
     away. Truth is eternal. (Applause.) The woman suffrage
     association wants a few thousand dollars to pay off this
     expensive canvass. Miss Anthony has distributed two thousand
     pounds weight of tracts and pamphlets. (Applause.) Mrs. Stanton,
     Miss Olympia Brown and Mrs. Lucy Stone, have been for months in
     all parts of the State. Kansas has furnished no part of the fund
     which makes her to-morrow the envy of the world. (Cheers.) For
     the benefit of the Association I have promised on my return from
     Omaha to make seven speeches in the largest cities; the entire
     proceeds to be given to this grand cause--I paying my own
     expenses as in this campaign. (Loud cheers for Train.) We
     commence at St. Louis about the 20th, thence to Chicago,
     Cleveland, Cincinnati, Philadelphia, Boston and New York.
     (Cheers.) The burden of my thought will be the future of America;
     my mission, with the aid of women, to reconstruct the country
     and save the nation. (Cheers.) To-morrow our amendment will pass
     with a startling majority. The other two will be lost.
     (Applause.) The negro can wait and go to school. And as all are
     now loyal, the war over, and no rebels exist, no American in this
     land must be marked by the stain of attainder or impeachment.
     (Cheers.) No so-called rebel must be disfranchised. I represent
     the people, and they speak to-morrow in Kansas, emancipating
     woman, (loud cheers), and declaring that no Hungary, no Poland,
     no Venice, no Ireland--crushed and disheartened--shall exist in
     New America. (Loud cheers.)

But Kansas being republican by a large majority, there was no chance
of victory. For although the women were supported by some of the best
men in the State, such as Gov. Crawford, Ex-Gov. Robinson, United
States Senators Pomeroy and Ross, and a few of the ablest editors, the
opposition was too strong to be conquered. With both parties, the
press, the pulpit and faithless liberals as opponents, the hopes of
the advocates of woman suffrage began to falter before the election.

The action of the Michigan Commission, in refusing to submit a similar
amendment to her people, and the adverse report of Mr. Greeley in the
Constitutional Convention of New York, had also their depressing
influence. Nevertheless, when election day came, the vote was nearly
equal for both propositions. With all the enginery of the controlling
party negro suffrage had a little over 10,000 votes, while woman
suffrage without press or party, friends or politicians, had 9,000 and
some over. And this vote for woman's enfranchisement represented the
best elements in the State, men of character and conscience, who
believed in social order and good government.

When Eastern Republicans learned that the action of their party in
Kansas was doing more damage than the question of woman to the negro,
since the pioneers, who knew how bravely the women had stood by their
side amid all dangers, were saying, "if our women can not vote, the
negro shall not;" they began to take in the situation, and a month
before the election issued the following appeal, signed by some of the
most influential men of the nation. It was published in the New York
_Tribune_ October 1st, and copied by most of the papers throughout the
State of Kansas:

     _To the Voters of the United States_:

     In this hour of national reconstruction we appeal to good men of
     all parties, to Conventions for amending State Constitutions, to
     the Legislature of every State, and to the Congress of the United
     States, to apply the principles of the Declaration of
     Independence to women; "Governments derive their just powers from
     the consent of the governed." The only form of consent
     recognized under a Republic is suffrage. Mere tacit acquiescence
     is not consent; if it were, every despotism might claim that its
     power is justly held. Suffrage is the right of every adult
     citizen, irrespective of sex or color. Women are governed,
     therefore they are rightly entitled to vote.

     The problem of American statesmanship is how to incorporate in
     our institutions a guarantee of the rights of every individual.
     The solution is easy. Base government on the consent of the
     governed, and each class will protect itself.[83]

But the appeal was too late, the mischief done was irreparable. The
action of the Republican party had created a hostile feeling between
the women and the colored people. The men of Kansas in their speeches
would say, "What would be to us the comparative advantage of the
amendments? If negro suffrage passes, we will be flooded with
ignorant, impoverished blacks from every State of the Union. If woman
suffrage passes, we invite to our borders people of character and
position, of wealth and education, the very element Kansas needs
to-day. Who can hesitate to decide, when the question lies between
educated women and ignorant negroes?" Such appeals as these were made
by men of Kansas to hundreds of audiences. On this appeal the New York
_Tribune_ said editorially:

     KANSAS--WOMAN AS A VOTER.--We publish herewith an appeal, most
     influentially signed, to the voters of Kansas, urging them to
     support the pending Constitutional Amendment whereby the Right of
     Suffrage is extended to Women under like conditions with men. The
     gravity combined with the comparative novelty of the proposition
     should secure it the most candid and thoughtful consideration.

     We hold fast to the cardinal doctrine of our fathers' Declaration
     of Independence--that "governments derive their just powers from
     the consent of the governed." If, therefore, the women of Kansas,
     or of any other State, desire, as a class, to be invested with
     the Right of Suffrage, we hold it their clear right to be. We do
     not hold, and can not admit, that a small minority of the sex,
     however earnest and able, have any such right.

     It is plain that the experiment of Female Suffrage is to be
     tried; and, while we regard it with distrust, we are quite
     willing to see it pioneered by Kansas. She is a young State, and
     has a memorable history, wherein her women have borne an
     honorable part. She is preponderantly agricultural, with but one
     city of any size, and very few of her women are other than pure
     and intelligent. They have already been authorized to vote on the
     question of liquor license, and in the choice of school
     officers, and, we are assured, with decidedly good results. If,
     then, a majority of them really desire to vote, we, if we lived
     in Kansas, should vote to give them the opportunity.

     Upon a full and fair trial, we believe they would conclude that
     the right of suffrage for woman was, on the whole, rather a
     plague than a profit, and vote to resign it into the hands of
     their husbands and fathers. We think so, because we now so seldom
     find women plowing, or teaming, or mowing (with machines), though
     there is no other obstacle to their so doing than their own sense
     of fitness, and though some women, under peculiar circumstances,
     laudably do all these things. We decidedly object to having ten
     women in every hundred compel the other ninety to vote, or allow
     the ten to carry elections against the judgment of the ninety;
     but, if the great body of the women of Kansas wish to vote, we
     counsel the men to accord them the opportunity. Should the
     experiment work as we apprehend, they will soon be glad to give
     it up.

Whereupon, the Atchison _Daily Champion_, John A. Martin, editor,
retorted:

     TAKE IT YOURSELVES.--Thirty-one gentlemen, all but six of whom
     live in States that have utterly refused to have anything to do
     with the issue of "female suffrage," unite in an address, to
     apply, as they say, the "principles of the Declaration of
     Independence to women;" and make a specious, flimsy, and
     ridiculous little argument in favor of their appeal.

     It is a pity that comments in the main so sensible, should be
     marred by a few statements as ridiculous as is the trashy address
     to which the article refers. It is the old cry that "female
     suffrage," a novel proposition, although justly regarded with
     distrust and suspicion by all right-thinking people; although not
     demanded by even a considerable minority of the women themselves;
     and although an "experiment" which may rudely disturb the best
     elements of our society and civilization, may be tried in Kansas!
     "We regard it with distrust," says the _Tribune_, "but are quite
     willing to see it tried in Kansas." "Upon a full and fair trial,"
     it continues, "we believe they (the women) would conclude that
     the right of suffrage for women was, on the whole, rather a
     plague than a profit, and vote to resign it into the hands of
     their husbands and fathers." But it "decidedly objects to having
     ten women in every hundred compel the other ninety to vote, or to
     allow the ten to carry elections against the judgment of ninety."
     These expressions of grave doubt as to the expediency of "female
     suffrage," together with the fact that the editor of the
     _Tribune_, in his report as chairman of the Suffrage Committee in
     the New York Constitutional Convention, declared this new hobby
     "an innovation revolutionary and sweeping, openly at war with a
     distribution of duties and functions between the sexes as
     venerable and pervading as government itself," make the
     _Tribune's_ recommendation that we shall "try the experiment in
     Kansas" rather amusing as well as impudent.

     There is not a man nor a woman endowed with ordinary common sense
     who does not know that Kansas is the last State that should be
     asked to try this dangerous and doubtful experiment. Our society
     is just forming, our institutions are crude. Ever since the
     organization of the Territory, we have lived a life of wild
     excitement, plunging from one trouble into another so fast that
     we have never had a breathing-spell, and we need, more than any
     other people on the globe, immunity from disturbing experiments
     on novel questions of doubtful expediency. We can not afford to
     risk our future prosperity and happiness in making an innovation
     so questionable. We want peace, and must have it. Let
     Massachusetts or New York, or some older State, therefore, try
     this nauseating dose. If it does not kill them, or if it proves
     healthful and beneficial, we guarantee that Kansas will not be
     long in swallowing it. But the stomach of our State, if we may be
     permitted to use the expression, is, as yet, too tender and
     febrific to allow such a fearful deglutition.

       *       *       *       *       *

     REMINISCENCES BY HELEN EKIN STARRETT.

     After the first Constitutional Convention in which Mrs. C. I. H.
     Nichols did such valuable service for the cause of woman, the
     question of woman suffrage in some shape or other was introduced
     into every succeeding Legislature. In January, 1867, the
     Legislature met at Topeka. Immediately upon the organization of
     the Senate on the 9th, Hon. B. F. Simpson of Miami Co.,
     introduced an amendment to strike the word "white" from the
     suffrage clause of the State Constitution. Hon. S. N. Wood,
     Senator from Chase Co., within five minutes introduced a
     resolution to strike the word "male" from the same clause. This
     resolution was made the special order for Thursday the 10th, when
     it passed the Senate by a vote of nineteen to five. Of the five
     noes, four were Republicans, the other a Democrat. Thus Mr. Wood,
     although he started second, got ahead in the passing of his
     resolution. The resolution of Hon. B. F. Simpson was referred to
     the committee of the whole. When it came up Hon. S. N. Wood moved
     to amend by also striking out the word "male," and in this shape
     it passed.

     The House amended by striking out the amendment of Mr. Wood. The
     Senate, however, insisted on its re-instatement; the Democrats
     and a majority of the Republicans standing by Mr. Wood. The fight
     continued for over a month. The question came up in all stages
     and shapes from the House; but Mr. Wood was always ready for them
     with his woman suffrage amendment, and the Senate stood by him.
     The friends of negro suffrage tried hard to get him to yield and
     let their resolution through, but he was firm in his refusal,
     saying he advocated both, "but if we can have but one, let the
     negro wait." On the 12th day of February Hon. W. W. Updegraff, a
     member of the House and an ardent supporter of both woman and
     negro suffrage, went to Mr. Wood and urged a compromise. After a
     long discussion two separate resolutions were prepared by Mr.
     Wood, one for woman suffrage, the other for negro suffrage, and
     these Mr. Updegraff introduced into the House the same day. The
     next day the vote on the woman suffrage resolution came up and
     stood fifty-two to twenty-five. Not being a two-thirds vote, the
     resolution was lost.

     On the 14th the negro suffrage resolution came up and passed by a
     vote of sixty-one to fourteen. The vote on woman suffrage was
     then re-considered, and after an assurance from Mr. Updegraff
     that negro suffrage could be secured in no other way, it passed
     by a vote of sixty-two to nineteen, getting one more vote than
     negro suffrage. These resolutions were promptly reported to the
     Senate, and on motion of S. N. Wood, the woman suffrage
     resolution was passed by over a two-thirds vote. The negro
     suffrage resolution was amended, and after a bitter fight was
     passed. Thus these separate resolutions were both submitted to a
     vote of the people. The Legislature adjourned about the 12th of
     March. Hon. S. N. Wood immediately prepared a notice of a meeting
     to be held in Topeka on the 2d of April to organize a canvass for
     impartial suffrage without regard to sex or color. This was
     published in the _State Record_ with the statement that it was by
     the request of Hon. S. N. Wood; it was copied by all the papers
     of the State. Mr. Wood, ex-Governor Robinson, and others, wrote
     to many prominent advocates East asking them to be present at the
     Topeka meeting. It was soon known that Lucy Stone and Henry B.
     Blackwell would be there, and a very great and general interest
     was aroused on the question.

     April 2d at length arrived, and although it was a season of
     terrible mud and rain, and there were no railroads, a very large
     audience assembled. Hon. S. N. Wood rode eighty miles on
     horseback to attend the meeting. Lucy Stone and Mr. Blackwell
     were present. A permanent organization was effected, with
     Governor S. J. Crawford as President; Lieutenant-Governor Green,
     Vice-President; Rev. Lewis Bodwell and Miss Mary Paty, Recording
     Secretaries; and S. N. Wood, Corresponding Secretary. A letter
     was at once prepared and addressed to all the prominent men in
     the State, asking them to aid in the canvass. Letters in reply
     poured in from the gentlemen addressed, giving assurance of
     sympathy and declaring themselves in favor of the movement. A
     thorough canvass of the State was at once inaugurated. Lucy Stone
     was invited and lectured in Lawrence, Leavenworth, Topeka, and
     Atchison, to crowded houses, giving the proceeds to the cause.

     Hon. S. N. Wood gave his whole time to the canvass, speaking with
     Lucy Stone and Mr. Blackwell in nearly all the towns in the
     western and northern part of the State. Mrs. Stone and Mr.
     Blackwell visited nearly every organized county. As we have said
     before, there were no railroads, and it was at an immense expense
     of bodily fatigue that they accomplished their journeys, often in
     the rudest conveyances and exposed to the raw, blustering winds
     of a Kansas spring. Their meetings, however, were "ovations." Men
     and women everywhere were completely won by the gentle,
     persuasive, earnest addresses of Lucy Stone, while their newly
     aroused interest was informed and strengthened by the logical
     arguments and irresistible facts of Mr. Blackwell.

     The religious denominations in Kansas from the first gave their
     countenance to the movement, and clergymen of all denominations
     were found speaking in its favor. At Olathe, the Old School
     Presbytery was in session at the time of Lucy Stone's meeting
     there. It was an unheard-of occurrence that the body adjourned
     its evening session to allow her to occupy the church. All the
     members of the Presbytery who heard her were enthusiastic in her
     praise. We remember a meeting in Topeka at which the Rev. Dr.
     Ekin,[84] then pastor of the Old School Presbyterian church, very
     effectively summed up in a public address all the arguments of
     the opposition by relating the story of the Canadian Indian who,
     when told of the greatness of England, and also that it was
     governed by a queen, a woman, turned away with an incredulous
     expression of contempt, exclaiming, "Ugh! Squaw!" The effect upon
     the audience was tremendous. At the same time letters of cheer
     and encouragement were pouring in from prominent workers all over
     the country. John Stuart Mill, of England, wrote to Hon. S. N.
     Wood full of hope and interest for the success of the movement:


                       BLACKHEATH PARK, KENT, ENGLAND, _June 2, 1867_.

     DEAR SIR: Being one who takes as deep and as continuous an
     interest in the political, moral, and social progress of the
     United States as if he were himself an American citizen, I hope I
     shall not be intrusive if I express to you as the executive organ
     of the Impartial Suffrage Association, the deep joy I felt on
     learning that both branches of the Legislature of Kansas had, by
     large majorities, proposed for the approval of your citizens an
     amendment to your constitution, abolishing the unjust political
     privileges of sex at one and the same stroke with the kindred
     privilege of color. We are accustomed to see Kansas foremost in
     the struggle for the equal claims of all human beings to freedom
     and citizenship. I shall never forget with what profound interest
     I and others who felt with me watched every incident of the
     preliminary civil war in which your noble State, then only a
     Territory, preceded the great nation of which it is a part, in
     shedding its blood to arrest the extension of slavery.

     Kansas was the herald and protagonist of the memorable contest,
     which at the cost of so many heroic lives, has admitted the
     African race to the blessings of freedom and education, and she
     is now taking the same advanced position in the peaceful but
     equally important contest which, by relieving half the human race
     from artificial disabilities belonging to the ideas of a past
     age, will give a new impulse and improved character to the career
     of social and moral progress now opening for mankind. If your
     citizens, next November, give effect to the enlightened views of
     your Legislature, history will remember that one of the youngest
     States in the civilized world has been the first to adopt a
     measure of liberation destined to extend all over the earth, and
     to be looked back to (as is my fixed conviction) as one of the
     most fertile in beneficial consequences of all the improvements
     yet effected in human affairs. I am, sir, with the warmest wishes
     for the prosperity of Kansas,

                           Yours very truly,           J. STUART MILL.

     To S. N. Wood, Topeka, Kansas, U. S. A.

     Rev. Olympia Brown came to Kansas the 1st of July, and made an
     effective and extensive canvass of the State, often holding three
     meetings a day. Other speakers, both from home and abroad, were
     vigorously engaged in the work, and the friends of the movement
     believed, not without cause, that Kansas would be the first State
     to grant suffrage to women. Had the election been held in May
     while the tide of public opinion ran so high in their favor,
     there is little doubt that both resolutions would have been
     carried unanimously. To explain the causes that led to the defeat
     of both propositions, I quote from a letter of Hon. S. N. Wood,
     in reply to questions addressed him as to certain facts of the
     campaign. He writes: "About May 2d, C. V. Eskridge of Emporia
     wrote a very scurrilous article against woman suffrage. It filled
     three columns of _The News_. In it he denounced the lady
     speakers in the most abusive manner, ridiculing them with
     insulting epithets. About the middle of May F. H. Drenning,
     Chairman of the Republican State Committee, called a meeting of
     that committee to make arrangements to canvass the State for
     negro suffrage. The committee met and published an address in
     favor of manhood suffrage, and said nothing as to woman suffrage.
     Shortly afterwards the same committee summoned C. V. Eskridge, T.
     C. Sears, P. B. Plumb, I. D. Snoddy, B. F. Simpson, J. B. Scott,
     H. N. Bent, Jas. G. Blunt, A. Akin, and G. W. Crawford--all
     opposed to woman suffrage--to make a canvass for negro suffrage.
     They were instructed that "they would be allowed to express their
     own sentiments on other questions." This meant that these men
     would favor negro suffrage, but would oppose woman suffrage. This
     at once antagonized the two questions, and we all felt that the
     death blow had been struck at both."

     Early in September, Elizabeth Cady Stanton and Susan B. Anthony
     came to the State to assist in the canvass; and certainly if
     indefatigable labor and eloquent addresses could have repaired
     the mischief done by the State Republican Committee, the cause
     would yet have triumphed. At all places where they spoke they had
     crowded houses, and everywhere made the warmest friends by their
     truly admirable personal qualities.[85] The amount of work
     performed by these two ladies was immense. Mrs. Stanton, escorted
     by Ex-Gov. Robinson spoke in nearly every county of the State.
     Miss Anthony remained at Lawrence working indefatigably in
     planning and advertising meetings, distributing tracts, sending
     posters to different places, and attending to all the minutiæ and
     drudgery of an extensive campaign. Often have I regarded with
     admiration the self-sacrificing spirit with which she arranged
     matters for others, did the hard and disagreeable work, and then
     saw others carry off the honor and glory, without once seeming to
     think of her services or the recognition due them.[86]

     In a letter, summing up the campaign, Hon. S. N. Wood said, "On
     the 25th of September, an address was published signed by over
     forty men, the most prominent in the State; such men as Senator
     Pomeroy, Senator Ross, Gov. Crawford, Lt. Gov. Green, Ex-Gov.
     Robinson, and others, in favor of woman suffrage, but the cause
     of both began to lag. Sears, Eskridge, Kalloch, Plumb, Simpson,
     Scott, Bent, and others, made a very bitter campaign against
     woman suffrage. About the middle of October George Francis Train
     commenced a canvass of the State for woman suffrage and the
     questions became more and more antagonized. The last few days a
     regular Kilkenny fight was carried on." I will here take occasion
     to record that several of the gentlemen who then canvassed the
     State against woman suffrage have since announced a
     reconsideration of their views; some of them have even stated
     that were the question to come up again they would publicly
     advocate it.

     An address was prepared by the Woman's Impartial Suffrage
     Association of Lawrence[87] which was widely circulated and
     copied even in England. This address was signed by a large number
     of the prominent ladies of Lawrence. Miss Anthony often said that
     Lawrence was the headquarters of the movement. Every clergyman,
     every judge, both the papers and a large proportion of the
     prominent citizens were in favor of it. And with our State
     University located here with over three hundred students, one
     half of whom are ladies, we still claim Lawrence as the
     headquarters of the friends of woman suffrage.

     The work of George Francis Train has been much and variously
     commented upon. Certainly when he was in Kansas he was at the
     height of his prosperity and popularity, and in appearance,
     manners and conversation, was a perfect, though somewhat unique
     specimen of a courtly, elegant gentleman. He was full of
     enthusiasm and confident he would be the next President. He drew
     immense and enthusiastic audiences everywhere, and was a special
     favorite with the laboring classes on account of the reforms he
     promised to bring about when he should be President. Well do I
     remember one poor woman, a frantic advocate of woman suffrage,
     who button-holed everybody who spoke a word against Train to beg
     them to desist; assuring them "that he was the special instrument
     of Providence to gain for us the Irish vote."

     Both propositions got about 10,000 votes, and both were defeated.
     After the canvass the excitement died away and the Suffrage
     Associations fell through, but the seed sown has silently taken
     root and sprung up everywhere. Or rather, the truths then spoken,
     and the arguments presented, sinking into the minds and hearts of
     the men and women who heard them, have been like leaven, slowly
     but surely operating until it seems to many that nearly the whole
     public sentiment of Kansas is therewith leavened. A most liberal
     sentiment prevails everywhere toward women. Many are engaged in
     lucrative occupations. In several counties ladies have been
     elected superintendents of public schools. In Coffey County, the
     election of Mary P. Wright, was contested on the ground that by
     the Constitution a woman was ineligible to the office. The case
     was decided by the Supreme Court in her favor. By our laws women
     vote on all school questions and avail themselves very
     extensively of the privilege. Our property laws are conceded to
     be the most just to women of any State in the Union. It is
     believed by many that were the question of woman suffrage again
     submitted to the people it would be carried by an overwhelming
     majority.

The following letter from Susan E. Wattles, the widow of the pioneer,
Augustus Wattles, shows woman's interest in the great struggle to make
Kansas the banner State of universal freedom and franchise.

                                   MOUND CITY, _December 30, 1881_.

     MY DEAR MISS ANTHONY:--Here, as in New York, the first in the
     woman suffrage cause were those who had been the most earnest
     workers for freedom. They had come to Kansas to prevent its being
     made a slave State. The most the women could do was to bear their
     privations patiently, such as living in a tent in a log cabin,
     without any floor all winter, or in a cabin ten feet square, and
     cooking out of doors by the side of a log, giving up their beds
     to the sick, and being ready, night or day, to feed the men who
     were running for their lives. Then there was the ever present
     fear that their husbands would be shot. The most obnoxious had a
     price set upon their heads. A few years ago a man said: "I could
     have got $1,000 once for shooting Wattles, and I wish now I had
     done it." When in Ohio, our house was often the temporary home of
     the hunted slave; but in Kansas it was the _white_ man who ran
     from our door to the woods because he saw strangers coming.

     After the question of a free State seemed settled, we who had
     thought and talked on woman's rights before we came to Kansas,
     concluded that now was the woman's hour. We determined to strive
     to obtain Constitutional rights, as they would be more secure
     than Legislative enactments. On the 13th of February, 1858, we
     organized the Moneka Woman's Rights Society. There were only
     twelve of us, but we went to work circulating petitions and
     writing to every one in the Territory whom we thought would aid
     us. Our number was afterwards increased to forty; fourteen of
     them were men. We sent petitions to Territorial Legislatures,
     Constitutional Conventions, State Legislatures, and Congress.
     Many of the leading men were advocates of women's rights.
     Governor Robinson, S. N. Wood, and Erastus Heath, with their
     wives, were constant and efficient workers. Mrs. Robinson wrote a
     book on "Life in Kansas." "Allibone's Dictionary of Authors"
     says: "Mrs. Robinson is an accomplished lady, the wife of
     Governor Robinson. She possessed the knowledge of events and
     literary skill necessary to produce an interesting and
     trustworthy book, and one which will continue to have a permanent
     value. The women of Kansas suffered more than the men, and were
     not less heroic. Their names are not known; they were not elected
     to office; they had none of the exciting delights of an active
     out-door life on these attractive prairies; they endured in
     silence; they took care of the home, of the sick. If 'home they
     brought her warrior dead, she nor swooned nor uttered sigh.' It
     is fortunate that a few of these truest heroes have left a
     printed record of pioneer life in Kansas."

     The last vigorous effort we made in circulating petitions was
     when Congress was about extending to the colored men the right to
     vote. Many signed then for the first time. One woman said, "I
     know my husband does not believe in women voting, but he hates
     the negroes, and would not want them placed over me." I saw in
     _The Liberator_ that a bequest to the woman's rights cause had
     been made by a gentleman in Boston, and I asked Wendell Phillips
     if we could have some of it in Kansas. He directed me to Susan B.
     Anthony, and you gave us $100. This small sum we divided between
     two lecturers, and paying for tracts. John O. Wattles lectured
     and distributed tracts in Southern Kansas. We were greatly
     rejoiced when we found, by corresponding with Mrs. Nichols, that
     she intended to work for our cause whether she had any
     compensation or not. Kansas women can never be half thankful
     enough for what she did for them. There has never been a time
     since, when the same amount of effort would have accomplished as
     much; and the little money we gave her could scarcely have paid
     her stage fare.

     When the question was submitted in 1867, and the men were to
     decide whether women should be allowed to vote, we felt very
     anxious about the result. We strongly desired to make Kansas the
     banner State for Freedom. We did all we could to secure it, and
     some of the best speakers from the East came to our aid. Their
     speeches were excellent, and were listened to by large audiences,
     who seemed to believe what they heard; but when voting day came,
     they voted according to their prejudices, and our cause was
     defeated. My work has been very limited. I have only been able to
     talk and circulate tracts and papers. I took _The Una_, _The
     Lily_, _The Sybil_, _The Pittsburg Visitor_, _The Revolution_,
     _Woman's Journal_, _Ballot Box_, and _National Citizen_; got all
     the subscribers I could, and scattered them far and near. When I
     gave away _The Revolution_, my husband said, "Wife, that is a
     very talented paper; I should think you would preserve that." I
     replied: "They will continue to come until our cause is won, and
     I must make them do all the good they can." I am delighted with
     the "Suffrage History." I do not think you can find material to
     make the second volume as interesting. I knew of most of the
     incidents as they transpired, yet they are full of interest and
     significance to me now. My book is now lent where I think it will
     be highly appreciated.

Mrs. R. S. Tenney, M.D., one of the most earnest and efficient women
of Lawrence, adds another testimony to the spirit of that historic
canvass:

                              INDEPENDENCE, KANSAS, _Nov. 23, 1881_.

     DEAR MISS ANTHONY:--So you and Mrs. Stanton are about to burn at
     the stake the injustice of the men and measures of Kansas in
     1867, and would like me to help pile on the fagots, which I will
     most gladly do, believing it right that the wrong and wickedness
     of every clime and nation should be stabbed or burned till they
     are entirely dead. While the opponents of woman suffrage in 1867
     thought they had achieved a great victory, it was only an
     overwhelming defeat for a future day, a day when Col. John A.
     Martin, Judge T. C. Sears, Col. D. W. Houston, G. H. Hoyt, then
     Attorney-General, Col. J. D. Snoddy, Benj. F. Simpson, Hon. P. B.
     Plumb, Jacob Stottler, Rev. S. E. McBurney, of the Methodist
     church, and Rev. I. S. Kalloch, of the Baptist, and a host of
     others I might mention, will be ashamed of the position which
     they occupied, and the doctrines they advocated.

     Although the question of woman suffrage was submitted to the
     people by a Republican Legislature, prominent Republicans refused
     to recognize it as a party measure, and the consideration the
     Legislature bestowed upon the intelligent wives and mothers of
     the young commonwealth, was evidenced by associating them in a
     bill with ex-slaves and traitors. Rev. Richard Cordley said that
     "if the women had waited till the negroes were enfranchised, he
     would have worked for their cause most heartily." As though women
     were the arbiters of their own fate; had convened in legislative
     assembly and submitted their own case to the people. Revs.
     McBurney and Kalloch, C. V. Eskridge and Judge Sears were in the
     field working with might and main against woman suffrage; while
     Gov. Crawford was President of the Impartial Suffrage Association
     of the State, and Judge Wood, Secretary. Such old time radicals
     as Hon. Chas. Robinson, the first Free State Governor of Kansas,
     worked hard and well. Prof. John Horner, Senator Ross, Rev. Wm.
     Starrett, Mr. J. M. Chase, and many others also did good work.
     Hon. Sidney Clark left his post in the House of Representatives
     at Washington, and canvassed the State for a re-election, having
     it in his power to say many things and do much good for the cause
     of woman, but he did it not. He returned to his own city,
     Lawrence, to make his last great speech on the eve of election,
     to find to his great consternation, that the only hall had been
     engaged by the President of the Woman Suffrage Association of the
     city for a meeting of their party on that eve. In vain did the
     honorable gentleman and his friends strive to get possession of
     that hall. It was paid for and booked to R. S. Tenney. Poor
     Sidney then sought permission to address their woman suffrage
     audience, but being refused, he was obliged to betake himself to
     a dry-goods box in the street, where he tried to interest the
     rabble, while Col. Horner, Rev. Mr. Starrett, and others, had a
     fine, large audience in the hall.

     It is to be greatly regretted that the Republican party that had
     accomplished such great good when the nation was in its hour of
     trouble, should have allowed such discord to enter its ranks and
     thereby defeat both woman and negro suffrage. But Kansans have
     made great progress since 1867, and many who voted against the
     proposition then would to-day vote and work heartily for it, and
     doubtless, if submitted again it would be carried by a large
     majority. A recent conversation with Ex-Gov. Potter, who voted
     against it, confirms this opinion, and Senator Plumb is
     softening. A noticeable feature of the meetings of the political
     campaign of 1880, was the presence of large numbers of women. On
     the eve of the election, at a full meeting in the largest hall in
     this place, a woman surprised the people by asking the chairman's
     permission to speak, and amid rounds of applause, poured forth
     such sentiments as compelled quite a number of prominent
     Republican men to declare themselves in favor of woman suffrage,
     an issue which was voluntarily recommended by many speakers in
     both Democratic and Greenback meetings. Gov. J. P. St. John is
     now making himself heard in his temperance speeches in favor of
     woman suffrage. The recent passage of the Prohibitory Amendment
     is significant that our people are awake and ready to welcome the
     greatest good to the greatest number, which means equal rights to
     all at an early day.

                                             R. S. TENNEY.


                                                       MARCH 14, 1882.

     DEAR FRIENDS:--God bless the women that worked for woman's
     suffrage in Kansas! Foremost among those who were residents of
     the State was Mrs. C. I. H. Nichols, of Wyandotte, and to her,
     more than all other Kansas women, was due the influence which
     gave woman even the small recognition in the constitution under
     which the State was admitted, above what is found in other State
     constitutions of the nation; for this Mrs. Nichols labored with
     the zeal and heroism born of a great noble heart, whose every
     pulsation is for humanity in the elevation of woman to her proper
     political as well as social position. It was largely through her
     instrumentality that such God-ordained women as Elizabeth Cady
     Stanton, Susan B. Anthony, Lucy Stone, and Olympia Brown, came to
     Kansas as eloquent missionaries in the great work of attempting
     to give the women of this State the legal right to vote with
     their husbands, sons and brothers. And though, through the
     opposition of unwise and prejudiced men, the desired majority for
     woman's suffrage was not then obtained; the seed sown by these
     self-sacrificing angels of humanity will yet bring forth most
     glorious results. The efforts of the Hutchinson troupe of sweet
     singers in this direction will not be forgotten. John, the
     patriarch, with his bright son Henry and beautiful daughter
     Viola, made a musical trio whose soul-stirring songs were only
     excelled in purity of thought and delightful harmony of
     execution, by their intense, whole-hearted desire that the cause
     for which they prayed and sang with so much earnestness might be
     crowned with success. Mr. Henry B. Blackwell, Lucy Stone's
     husband, was indefatigable in his efforts, working early and late
     for the good cause. Of the women of the State of Kansas who were
     active, a large number of names might be given.[88] But Kansas
     best remembers and most honors in the remembrance, those women
     who left their comfortable and elegant homes on the Atlantic
     slope, and with no hope of reward save the consciousness of
     having worked for God and humanity, traveled over the then wild
     prairies of Kansas in all sorts of rude vehicles, talking in
     groves, school-houses, and cabins, eating and sleeping as
     pioneers sleep and eat, for weeks and months, making the
     beautiful rolling prairies, filled with fertile valleys and
     flowery knolls, vocal with their eloquent, earnest appeals in
     behalf of woman's rights and against woman's wrongs; and through
     the vote carried for woman's wrongs the fervid, eloquent words
     then uttered by woman's tongue, welling up as they did from noble
     hearts heated to redness in the furnace of love for human
     justice, left an influence which has steadily and surely
     increased, and will thus continue until Kansas shall give woman
     equal rights and privileges with man.

                         Sincerely yours,                  J. P. ROOT.


                                   RACINE, WISCONSIN, _March 16, 1882_.

     DEAR SUSAN:--You ask me to write an account of my experiences in
     Kansas; with unquestioning obedience I attempt what you require,
     although many records and documents are wanting which should have
     been kept, had I anticipated your command. But when in Kansas, I
     no more thought of appearing in history, than the butterfly
     flitting from flower to flower thinks of being dried and put in a
     museum.

     I have never kept a diary, have never counted the number of miles
     I have traveled, the meals eaten, calls made, pages written, or
     words spoken. I have tried to do the pressing duty of each hour,
     leaving the results and records to take care of themselves. You
     will not, therefore, be surprised that I am unable to furnish
     even the "round unvarnished tale," but must be content with
     glimpses as memory, after the lapse of fourteen years, supplies
     them.

     I am glad to have an opportunity, through your valuable history,
     of paying my respects to the good people whom I met in Kansas,
     few of whom I shall ever see again in this life, but whose
     earnest words go with me every day, a constant source of
     encouragement and of strength. It would be but justice to record
     the names of all those who gave generous aid and sympathy in the
     woman suffrage campaign of '67; brave pioneers they were, who had
     learned loyalty to principle through many bitter experiences;
     some of them had been friends and companions of brave old John
     Brown, and, trained in the great Anti-Slavery struggle, filled
     with the love of liberty, they knew how to stand for the right.
     But their names are recorded on high in letters of living light,
     and they little need our poor faltering testimony. "Their reward
     is with them, and their reward is sure." To-day, looking back
     over the years, Kansas is to me a memory of grand, rolling
     prairies stretching far away; of fertile fields; of beautiful
     osage orange hedges; of hospitable homes; of brave and earnest
     women; kind and true men; and of some of the most dishonest
     politicians the world has ever seen.

     I went to Kansas, through an arrangement made by Lucy Stone with
     leaders of the Republican party there, whereby they were to
     furnish comfortable conveyance over the State, with a lady as
     traveling companion, and also to arrange and preside over all the
     meetings; these were to be Republican meetings in which it was
     thought best that a woman should present the claims of the woman
     suffrage amendment, which had been submitted to the vote of the
     men of the State by a strongly Republican Legislature.

     The Kansas Republicans so far complied with their part of this
     arrangement that on my arrival, the 1st of July, I found
     appointments made and thoroughly advertised for the whole of July
     and August; two lectures for every week day, and a preaching
     service for every Sunday. As it proved, these appointments were
     at great distances from each other, often requiring a journey of
     twenty, thirty, forty, and even fifty miles across a country
     scarcely settled at all, to reach some little village where there
     would be a school-house or some public building in which a
     meeting could be held. All were eager to hear, and the entire
     settlement would attend the lecture, thus giving an astonishingly
     large audience in proportion to the size of the place.

     The country was then new and public conveyances few, and the
     Republicans having failed to furnish the stipulated carriage and
     escort, the speaker was dependent almost entirely upon the people
     in each little place for the means to pursue the journey. Many a
     time some kind man, with a genuine chivalry worthy of the days of
     knighthood, has left his half-mown field or his sorghum boiling
     in the kettle, to escort the woman suffrage advocate to the next
     appointment; and although the road often seemed long and perilous
     and many an hour was spent in what appeared a hopeless endeavor
     to find our way over the almost trackless prairie, yet somehow we
     always came to the right place at last; and I scarcely recollect
     an instance of failure to meet an appointment from July 1st to
     Nov. 5th.

     In those four months I traveled over the greater part of Kansas,
     held two meetings every day, and the latter part of the time
     three meetings every day, making in all between two and three
     hundred speeches, averaging an hour in length; a fact that tends
     to show that women can endure talk and travel at least, as well
     as men; especially when we recollect how the Hon. Sidney Clark,
     then candidate for Congress, canvassed, in the beautiful autumn
     weather, a small portion of the State which I had traveled over
     amid the burning heat of July and August; he spoke once a day
     instead of twice; he rested on Sundays; he had no anxiety about
     the means of travel, his conveyance being furnished at hand; he
     was supported by a large constituency, and expected to be
     rewarded by office and honors; yet with all these advantages, he
     broke down in health and was obliged to give up a part of his
     appointments, and the Republican papers said: "It was not
     strange, as no human being could endure without loss of health
     such constant speaking, with such long and tedious journeys as
     Mr. Clark had undertaken."

     It is deemed, in certain quarters, wicked heresy to complain of
     or criticise the Republican party, that has done so much in
     freeing the slaves and in bringing the country victoriously
     through the war of the rebellion; but if there is to be any truth
     in history we must set it down, to stand forever a lasting
     disgrace to the party that in 1867, in Kansas, its leaders
     selfishly and meanly defeated the woman suffrage amendment.

     As the time for the election drew nigh, those political leaders
     who had been relied upon as friends of the cause were silent,
     others were active in their opposition. The Central Committee
     issued a circular for the purpose of preventing loyal Republicans
     from voting for woman suffrage; not content with this, the
     notorious I. S. Kalloch, and others of the same stripe, were sent
     out under the auspices of the Republican party to blackguard and
     abuse the advocates of woman's cause while professedly speaking
     upon "manhood suffrage." And Charles Langston, the negro orator,
     added his mite of bitter words to make the path a little harder
     for women, who had spent years in pleading the cause of the
     colored man.

     And yet, with all the obstacles which the dominant party could
     throw in our way; without organization, without money, without
     political rewards to offer, without any of the means by which
     elections are usually carried, we gained one-third of all the
     votes cast! Surely it was a great triumph of principle; and had
     the leading Republicans, even one or two of them, stood boldly
     for the measure which they themselves had submitted, Kansas might
     have indeed been a "free State"; the first to enfranchise women;
     the advance guard in the great progressive movements of the time;
     and her leading politicians might have gone down in history as
     wise, far-seeing statesmen who loved principles better than
     office, and who gained the rewards of the world because they
     sought "first the kingdom of God and His righteousness." As it
     was, their favorite measure, "negro suffrage," was defeated for
     that time, and several of those who sold their birthright of
     truth and justice for a miserable mess of pottage in the shape of
     office and emoluments, lost even the poor reward for which they
     had trafficked.

     As for us, the advocates of suffrage who labored there in that
     first woman's suffrage campaign, we have forgotten, in part, the
     bitterness of disappointment and defeat; we think no more of the
     long and wearisome journeys under the hot sun of southern Kansas;
     the anxiety and uncertainty; the nervous tremor when night has
     overtaken us wandering on the prairie, not knowing what terrible
     pitfalls might lie before; the mobs which sometimes made the
     little log school-house shake with their missiles; the taunts and
     jeers of the opposition; all this is passed, but the great
     principle of human rights which we advocated remains, commending
     itself more and more to the favor of all good men, confirmed by
     every year's experience, and destined at no distant day to find
     expression in law.

                                   Sincerely Yours,     OLYMPIA BROWN.

The day before the election immense meetings were held in all the
chief cities. In Leavenworth Mr. Train spoke for two hours in Laing's
Hall, and then took the evening train for Atchison. Mrs. Stanton
entered the hall just as he left, and made only a short speech,
reserving herself for the evening, when, Daniel R. Anthony in the
chair, she made her final appeal to the voters of the State. She was
followed by several of the leading gentlemen in short speeches, fully
indorsing both amendments. The _Bulletin_, in speaking of the meeting,
said:

     Laing's Hall was crowded to overflowing last evening to listen to
     a discourse from Mrs. Stanton, on the main issues pending in this
     State, and to be decided to-day. The speech of Mrs. Stanton was
     mainly in behalf of female suffrage. Speeches were also made by
     Col. J. C. Vaughan, Col. Jennison, Col. Moonlight, and Col.
     Anthony. The best of feeling prevailed throughout.

Susan B. Anthony spoke to an equally large audience in Atchison, and
Olympia Brown to another in an adjoining town.

The morning of the election two spacious barouches containing the
several members of the Hutchinson family--John, his son Henry and
daughter Viola; with Mrs. Stanton, Miss Anthony, Mrs. Daniel R. and
Mrs. J. Merritt Anthony, visited in succession the four polling booths
in Leavenworth and addressed the voters in short, earnest speeches as
to their duty as citizens. Mrs. Stanton made a special appeal to
Irishmen, quoting to them the lofty sentiments of Edmund Burke on
human liberty. She told them of visiting O'Connell in his own house,
and attending one of his great repeal meetings, of his eloquent speech
in the World's Anti-Slavery Convention, and his genial letters to
Lucretia Mott, in favor of woman's right to vote. After three cheers
for O'Connell, they shouted, "Go on, go on." The Hutchinsons then sang
their stirring ballad, "The good time coming." The reception at each
booth was respectful, and at the end of the speech or song there
followed three hearty cheers for "woman suffrage."[89]

The Leavenworth _Commercial_ of Nov. 14, 1867, had the following
editorial:

     A CONTRAST.--Miss Susan B. Anthony and Mrs. Elizabeth Cady
     Stanton left yesterday afternoon for St. Louis, from whence they
     go to Omaha, and from that place, in company with Geo. Francis
     Train, start on a general lecturing tour through the principal
     cities of the West and East. Their subject, of course, in all the
     places at which they will speak, will be, "Woman Suffrage"; and
     we believe they will speak with far more than ordinary
     encouragement. Kansas, the only State in which the subject was
     ever submitted--though under the most adverse of
     circumstances--has spoken in a manner which has rather nerved
     than dispirited these tried and faithful champions of their own
     sex.

     The two propositions were submitted, in this State, under
     circumstances wholly dissimilar. While negro suffrage was
     specially championed and made the principal plank in the
     Republican party--made almost a test of membership and of loyalty
     to it and the government--female suffrage stood, not simply as an
     ignored proposition, but as one against which was arrayed all
     party organizations, whether Republican, Democratic or German.
     And yet, notwithstanding this ignoring of the question,
     notwithstanding the combined and active opposition of these
     powerful and controlling organizations, nearly as many votes were
     cast for female suffrage as for negro suffrage.

     And if we go outside of our State, and take a look at the
     influences that were brought to bear upon our citizens, the
     result seems still more striking and remarkable. On the side of
     negro suffrage stood Congress, and its policy in the South; also
     all the leading radical journals in the country, and that branch
     of the pulpit to which radicals had been taught to look for
     political wisdom as well as orthodox religious sermons. The whole
     enginery of the radical party, and of that party's tactics, was
     brought to bear upon the State. Party pride, party prejudices,
     and religious beliefs were each and all fervidly appealed to on
     behalf of negro suffrage. But in respect to woman suffrage,
     matters were far different. Even those in the East, whose
     eminence and eloquence had served to throw broadcast the ideas
     that it was sought to give form and reality to in this State, as
     the final testing hour neared, gradually withdrew their aid and
     counsel; and in a manner sympathiless and emotionless as marble
     statuary, from their calm Eastern retreats watched the unequal
     contest. When Stephen A. Douglas said he "didn't care a d----n
     whether slavery was voted up or voted down in Kansas," he but
     expressed in a forcible and emphatic manner the feelings of many
     of the Eastern "friends" of woman suffrage in the recent
     campaign. We repeat then, when we consider the many obstacles
     thrown in the way of the advocates of this measure, of the
     indifference with which the masses look upon anything new in
     government, and their indisposition to change, that the degree of
     success of these advocates is not only remarkable, but one in
     which they have a just right to feel proud and triumphant.

     And to these two ladies, to their indomitable wills and courage,
     to their eloquence and energies, is due much of the merit of the
     work performed in the State. We would not rob others of their
     glories, or their triumphs. Yet these two came to us as pioneers.
     Through the highways and byways of all the long years of their
     past lives we find the tracings of their deep earnestness and
     devotion to the principles which first found ways and means of
     development in Kansas. We find them giving utterance to these
     thoughts in the days of their first inception, and in words of
     burning eloquence closing the campaign which gave them over for
     decision and arbitrament to the great jury and final arbiter, the
     people. But in the recent election, as is well known, these
     ladies were not successful to the full extent of their wishes.
     They have the proud consciousness of knowing, however, that their
     work has been commensurate with the combined efforts of party
     organizations. Congressmen, Senators, presses, ministers, etc.,
     and that the people of Kansas are not more averse to giving the
     franchise to woman than to the negro. With this evidence of the
     result of their efforts they can afford to wait, and, in the
     spirit of a Lowell, found their faith in the future, as when he
     says:--

          But humanity sweeps onward! where to-day the martyr stands,
          On the morrow crouches Judas with the silver in his hands.
          Far in front the cross stands ready, and the crackling
              fragments burn,
          While the hooting mob of yesterday in silent awe return,
          To glean up the scattered ashes into history's golden urn.

     And again--

          Careless seems the great avenger; history's pages but record
          One death-struggle in the grapple 'twixt old systems and the
              Word.
          Truth forever on the scaffold, wrong forever on the throne;
          Yet that scaffold sways the future, and behind the dim
              unknown
          Standeth God in the darkness keeping watch above His own.

After speaking in all the chief cities from Leavenworth to New
York,[90] Mrs. Stanton and Miss Susan B. Anthony turned their
attention to the establishment in the city of New York of a woman
suffrage paper, called _The Revolution_.[91] The funds for this
enterprise were provided by two Democrats, David Melliss, the
financial editor of the _World_, and George Francis Train. The editors
were Parker Pillsbury and Elizabeth Cady Stanton; the owner and
publisher, Susan B. Anthony. This affiliation with Mr. Train and other
Democrats, together with the aggressive tone of _The Revolution_,
called down on Miss Anthony and Mrs. Stanton severe criticism from
some of their friends, while they received sincere praise from others.
In reviewing the situation, they have had no reason to regret their
course, feeling that their determination to push their cause, and
accept help from whatever quarter it was proffered, aroused lukewarm
friends to action, who, though hostile at first to the help of
Democrats, soon came to appreciate the difficulty of carrying on a
movement with the press, pulpit, politicians, and philanthropists all
in the opposition.

Abolitionists were severe in their denunciations against these ladies,
because, while belonging to anti-slavery associations, they affiliated
with the bitter enemies of the negro and all his defamers. To which
they replied: "So long as opposition to slavery is the only test for a
free pass to your platform and membership of your association, and you
do not shut out all persons opposed to woman suffrage, why should we
not accept all in favor of woman suffrage to our platform and
association, even though they be rabid pro-slavery Democrats? Your
test of faithfulness is the negro, ours is the woman; the broadest
platform, to which no party has as yet risen, is humanity." Reformers
can be as bigoted and sectarian and as ready to malign each other, as
the Church in its darkest periods has been to persecute its
dissenters.

So utterly had the women been deserted in the Kansas campaign by those
they had the strongest reason to look to for help, that at times all
effort seemed hopeless. The editors of the New York _Tribune_ and the
_Independent_ can never know how wistfully, from day to day, their
papers were searched for some inspiring editorials on the woman's
amendment, but naught was there; there were no words of hope and
encouragement, no eloquent letters from an Eastern man that could be
read to the people; all were silent. Yet these two papers, extensively
taken all over Kansas, had they been as true to woman as to the negro,
could have revolutionized the State. But with arms folded, Greeley,
Curtis, Tilton, Beecher, Higginson, Phillips, Garrison, Frederick
Douglass, all calmly watched the struggle from afar, and when defeat
came to both propositions, no consoling words were offered for woman's
loss, but the women who spoke in the campaign were reproached for
having "killed negro suffrage."

[Illustration: Olympia Brown.]

We wondered then at the general indifference to that first opportunity
of realizing what all those gentlemen had advocated so long; and, in
looking back over the many intervening years, we still wonder at the
stolid incapacity of all men to understand that woman feels the
invidious distinctions of sex exactly as the black man does those of
color, or the white man the more transient distinctions of wealth,
family, position, place, and power; that she feels as keenly as man
the injustice of disfranchisement. Of the old abolitionists who stood
true to woman's cause in this crisis, Robert Purvis, Parker Pillsbury,
and Rev. Samuel J. May were the only Eastern men. Through all the hot
debates during the period of reconstruction, again and again, Mr.
Purvis arose and declared, that he would rather his son should never
be enfranchised, unless his daughter could be also, that, as she bore
the double curse of sex and color, on every principle of justice she
should first be protected. These were the only men who felt and
understood as women themselves do the degradation of disfranchisement.

Twenty years ago, as now, the Gibraltar of our difficulties was the
impossibility of making the best men feel that woman is aggravated by
the endless petty distinctions because of sex, precisely as the most
cultivated man, black or white, suffers the distinctions of color,
wealth, or position. Take a man of superior endowments, once powerful
and respected, who through unfortunate circumstances is impoverished
and neglected; he sees small men, unscrupulous, hard, grinding men
taking places of trust and influence, making palace homes for
themselves and children, while his family in shabby attire are
ostracised in the circle where by ancestry and intelligence they
belong, made to feel on all occasions the impassable gulf that lies
between riches and poverty. That man feels for himself and doubly for
his children the humiliation. And yet with the ever-turning wheel of
fortune such distinctions are transient; yours to-day, mine
to-morrow. That glorious Scotch poet, Robert Burns, from the depths of
his poverty and despair, might exclaim in an inspired moment on the
divine heights where the human soul can sometimes mount:

    "A man's a man for a' that."

But the wail through many of his sad lines shows that he had tasted
the very dregs of the cup of poverty, and hated all distinctions based
on wealth.

When a colored man of education and wealth like Robert Purvis, of
Philadelphia, surrounded with a family of cultivated sons and
daughters, was denied all social communion with his neighbors, equal
freedom and opportunity for himself and children, in public
amusements, churches, schools, and means of travel because of race, he
felt the degradation of color. The poor white man might have said, If
I were Robert Purvis, with a good bank account, and could live in my
own house, ride in my own carriage, and have my children well fed and
clothed, I should not care if we were all as black as the ace of
spades. But he had never tried the humiliation of color, and could not
understand its peculiar aggravations, as he did those of poverty. It
is impossible for one class to appreciate the wrongs of another. The
coarser forms of slavery all can see and deplore, but the subjections
of the spirit, few either comprehend or appreciate. In our day women
carrying heavy burdens on their shoulders while men walk by their side
smoking their pipes, or women harnessed to plows and carts with cows
and dogs while men drive, are sights which need no eloquent appeals to
move American men to pity and indignation. But the subtle humiliations
of women possessed of wealth, education, and genius, men on the same
plane can not see or feel, and yet can any misery be more real than
invidious distinctions on the ground of sex in the laws and
constitution, in the political, religious, and moral position of those
who in nature stand the peers of each other? And not only do such
women suffer these ever-recurring indignities in daily life, but the
literature of the world proclaims their inferiority and divinely
decreed subjection in all history, sacred and profane, in science,
philosophy, poetry, and song.

And here is the secret of the infinite sadness of women of genius; of
their dissatisfaction with life, in exact proportion to their
development. A woman who occupies the same realm of thought with man,
who can explore with him the depths of science, comprehend the steps
of progress through the long past and prophesy those of the momentous
future, must ever be surprised and aggravated with his assumptions of
headship and superiority, a superiority she never concedes, an
authority she utterly repudiates. Words can not describe the
indignation, the humiliation a proud woman feels for her sex in
disfranchisement.

In a republic where all are declared equal an ostracised class of one
half of the people, on the ground of a distinction founded in nature,
is an anomalous position, as harassing to its victims as it is unjust,
and as contradictory as it is unsafe to the fundamental principles of
a free government. When we remember that out of this degraded
political status, spring all the special wrongs that have blocked
woman's success in the world of work, and degraded her labor
everywhere to one half its value; closed to her the college doors and
all opportunities for higher education, forbade her to practice in the
professions, made her a cipher in the church, and her sex, her
motherhood a curse in all religions; her subjection a text for bibles,
a target for the priesthood; seeing all this, we wonder now as then at
the indifference and injustice of our best men when the first
opportunity offered in which the women of any State might have secured
their enfranchisement.

It was not from ignorance of the unequal laws, and false public
sentiment against woman, that our best men stood silent in this Kansas
campaign; it was not from lack of chivalry that they thundered forth
no protests, when they saw noble women, who had been foremost in every
reform, hounded through the State by foul mouthed politicians; it was
not from lack of money and power, of eloquence of pen and tongue, nor
of an intellectual conviction that our cause was just, that they came
not to the rescue, but because in their heart of hearts they did not
grasp the imperative necessity of woman's demand for that protection
which the ballot alone can give; they did not feel for _her_ the
degradation of disfranchisement.

The fact of their silence deeply grieved us, but the philosophy of
their indifference we thoroughly comprehended for the first time and
saw as never before, that only from woman's standpoint could the
battle be successfully fought, and victory secured. "It is wonderful,"
says Swift, "with what patience some folks can endure the sufferings
of others." Our liberal men counseled us to silence during the war,
and we were silent on our own wrongs; they counseled us again to
silence in Kansas and New York, lest we should defeat "negro
suffrage," and threatened if we were not, we might fight the battle
alone. We chose the latter, and were defeated. But standing alone we
learned our power; we repudiated man's counsels forevermore; and
solemnly vowed that there should never be another season of silence
until woman had the same rights everywhere on this green earth, as
man.

While we hold in loving reverence the names of such men as Charles
Sumner, Horace Greeley, William Lloyd Garrison, Gerrit Smith, Wendell
Phillips and Frederick Douglass, and would urge the rising generation
of young men to emulate their virtues, we would warn the young women
of the coming generation against man's advice as to their best
interests, their highest development. We would point for them the
moral of our experiences: that woman must lead the way to her own
enfranchisement, and work out her own salvation with a hopeful courage
and determination that knows no fear nor trembling. She must not put
her trust in man in this transition period, since, while regarded as
his subject, his inferior, his slave, their interests must be
antagonistic.

But when at last woman stands on an even platform with man, his
acknowledged equal everywhere, with the same freedom to express
herself in the religion and government of the country, then, and not
till then, can she safely take counsel with him in regard to her most
sacred rights, privileges, and immunities; for not till then will he
be able to legislate as wisely and generously for her as for himself.


FOOTNOTES:

[76] DISAGREEMENTS IN THE REPUBLICAN STATE CENTRAL COMMITTEE--THE
SUFFRAGE QUESTION.--The Kansas _State Journal_ publishes a letter from
Judge SAMUEL N. WOOD, in which he declares himself unqualifiedly in
favor of impartial suffrage. He says:

"I have not opposed, and shall not oppose negro suffrage. It should be
adopted because they are a part of the governed, and must have a voice
in the Government, just as much as women should. What I have had to do
with is the inconsistency and hypocrisy of those who advocate negro
suffrage and oppose Woman suffrage; the inconsistency and hypocrisy of
those negroes who claim rights for themselves that they are not
willing other human beings with equal intelligence should also enjoy."

The same paper says that at the meeting of the Republican State
Central Committee in Leavenworth, last week, the following resolution
was offered and laid on the table, by a vote of two yeas to one nay:

_Resolved_, That the Republican State Central Committee do not
indorse, but distinctly repudiate, as speakers, in behalf and under
the auspices of the Republican party, such persons as have defamed, or
do hereafter defame, in their public addresses, the women of Kansas,
or those ladies who have been urging upon the people of Kansas the
propriety of enfranchising the women of the State.

Mr. TAYLOR, who offered the resolution, has accordingly published the
following protest:

The undersigned, a member of the Republican State Central Committee of
Kansas, protests against the action of the Committee this day had, so
far as relates to the placing of the names of I. S. KALLOCH, C. V.
ESKRIDGE, and P. B. PLUMB, on the list of speakers to canvass the
State in behalf of Republican principles, for the reason that they
have within the last few weeks, in public addresses published
articles, used ungentlemanly, indecent, and infamously defamatory
language, when alluding to a large and respectable portion of the
women of Kansas, and to women now engaged in canvassing the State in
favor of impartial suffrage.

                                             R. B. TAYLOR.

[77] DEMOCRATIC RESOLUTION.--_Resolved_, That we are opposed to all
the proposed amendments to our State Constitution, and to all unjust,
intolerant, and proscriptive legislation, whereby a portion of our
fellow citizens are deprived of their social rights and religious
privileges.

[78] ACTION OF THE GERMANS.--ST. LOUIS, _Sept. 26._--A special
dispatch to the _Republican_ from Wyandotte, Kansas, says: "The German
Convention, which was held at Topeka on Monday last, adopted
resolutions against Sunday and temperance laws, and declared that they
would not support any man for State, Legislative, or municipal office
who would not give his written pledge to oppose such laws. An
unsuccessful effort was made to commit the Germans to negro suffrage.
The female suffrage question was not touched."

[79] STATE TEMPERANCE CONVENTION.--LAWRENCE, KANSAS, _Sept. 26._--A
mass State Temperance Convention was held here last night, and was
addressed by Senator Pomeroy, ex-Gov. Robinson, Elizabeth Cady
Stanton, and Susan B. Anthony. Resolutions were passed committing the
Temperance people to female suffrage, and to prevent the repeal of the
Temperance law of last winter, to the abrogation of which the Germans
pledged themselves in their Convention on the 23d.

[80] The New York _Tribune_, May 29, 1867: "Womanhood suffrage is now
a progressive cause beyond fear of cavil. It has won a fair field
where once it was looked upon as an airy nothing, and it has gained
champions and converts without number. The young State of Kansas is
fitly the vanguard of this cause, and the signs of the agitation
therein hardly allow a doubt that the citizenship of women will be ere
long recognized in the law of the State. Fourteen out of twenty
newspapers of Kansas are in favor of making woman a voter. Governor
Crawford, ex-Governors Robinson and Root, Judge Schuyler, Col.
Ritchie, and Lieut.-Gov. Green, are the leaders of the wide-spread
Impartial League, which has among its orators Mistresses Stanton,
Stone, and Susan B. Anthony. The vitality of the Kansas movement is
indisputable, and whether defeated or successful in the present
contest, it will still hold strongly fortified ground." ...

[81] Mrs. Sarah B. Shaw, after having contributed $150 for Kansas,
wrote the following:

                                   NORTH SHORE, September 22, 1867.

     DEAR MISS ANTHONY:--If I were a rich woman I would inclose a
     check of $1,000 instanter. Mr. Gay read your letter and said he
     wished he had $500 to give. So you see if the right people only
     had the money how the work would be done. Mr. Shaw says: "Tell
     Miss Anthony if the women in Kansas vote on the schools and the
     dram shops, I think the work is done there." I have not in my
     mind one person who could give money who would, so I can not help
     you.... I am very sorry to send you only this dry morsel, a stone
     when you want bread, but I can only give you my earnest wishes,
     though I will not fail to do my best. I have already sent your
     letter to a rich friend, who has _reformed_ all her life, but I
     do not know at all how she stands on the woman question. Believe
     me, dear Miss Anthony,

                                   Sincerely yours,     SARAH B. SHAW.


               OFFICE OF THE AMERICAN EQUAL RIGHTS ASSOCIATION, }
          No. 37 Park Row (Room 17). NEW YORK, _Aug. 23, 1867_. }

     DEAR LYDIA:-- ... I am just in from Staten Island, where Mrs. Gay
     had $10 from Frank Shaw waiting for me. I went on purpose to go
     to Mrs. Shaw, and persevered; the glorious result is $150 more.
     Such a splendid woman; worthy the noble boy she gave in the war,
     and worthy her noble son-in-law, George William Curtis. Lydia, we
     shall go on to triumph in Kansas! The St. Louis _Democrat_
     publishes Mr. Curtis' speech in full, with a splendid editorial.
     The St. Louis _Journal_ gives the speech and the _Democrat's_
     editorial "as a matter of news." I have 60,000 tracts now going
     to press; all the old editions were gone, and we have to begin
     new with an empty treasury; but I tell them all, "go ahead;" we
     must, and will, succeed.

                         Affectionately yours,     SUSAN B. ANTHONY.


                              TEMPLETON, MASS., _Sept. 21, 1867_, }
                              On way to Green Mountains.          }

     DEAR MISS ANTHONY:--Mrs. Severance desires me to inclose to you
     this check, $50, and say that it is a contribution by friends at
     and about Boston, to aid you in the good work of reconstruction
     on the subject of woman's right to the ballot in Kansas.

                                   Yours truly,      T. C. SEVERANCE.


                                             AUBURN, _Sept. 17, 1867_.

     DEAR MR. PILLSBURY:--You may be very sure I would have answered
     Susan's letter sooner if I had been able to inclose any such sum
     as she hoped to obtain. All that I can do is to inclose a draft
     for $30--ten from our daughter Eliza, ten from William and Ellen,
     and ten from myself.... We can only feel grateful for the
     self-sacrificing labors of those who have gone to Kansas, and
     hopeful that better success may attend the efforts there, than
     here or in Michigan.... I was very glad that Mrs. Stanton could
     go.... We shall miss Mrs. Frances D. Gage. I always considered
     her word as effective as any on our Woman's Rights platform. Her
     rest has come.... Our children were in Syracuse on Sunday; they
     heard a beautiful valedictory from Samuel J. May, recounting the
     varied incidents of his life, lamenting his short-comings, and
     advising them to choose a younger man for the duties he was no
     longer able to perform alone. He is so well beloved by his
     congregation that the probability is they will get an associate
     for him.

                                   Your friend,     MARTHA C. WRIGHT.

[82] E. D. Draper, Hopedale, Massachusetts.

[83] James W. Nye, Nevada; Charles Robinson, S. N. Wood, Samuel C.
Pomeroy, E. G. Ross, Sidney Clark, S. G. Crawford, Kansas; Wm.
Loughridge, Iowa; Robert Collyer, Illinois; Geo. W. Julian, H. D.
Washburn, Indiana; R. E. Trowbridge, John F. Driggs, Michigan;
Benjamin F. Wade, Ohio; J. W. Broomall, William D. Kelley,
Pennsylvania; Henry Ward Beecher, Gerrit Smith, George William Curtis,
New York; Dudley S. Gregory, George Polk, John G. Foster, James L.
Hayes, Z. H. Pangborn, New Jersey; William Lloyd Garrison, Wendell
Phillips, Samuel E. Sewell, Oakes Ames, Massachusetts; William
Sprague, Thomas W. Higginson, Rhode Island; Calvin E. Stowe,
Connecticut.

[84] Mrs. Starrett's father.

[85] All were prepared beforehand to do Mrs. Stanton homage for her
talents and fame, but many persons who had formed their ideas of Miss
Anthony from the unfriendly remarks of opposition papers in other
States had conceived a prejudice against her. Perhaps I can not better
illustrate how she everywhere overcame and dispelled this prejudice
than by relating my own experience. A convention was called at
Lawrence, and the friends of woman suffrage were called upon to
entertain the strangers who might come from abroad. Ex-Gov. Robinson,
who from the first had given his influence to the movement, was now
giving his whole time to the canvass. He called upon me to know if I
would entertain Mrs. Stanton. In those days houses were small, help
was scarce and inefficient, and in our family were two babies and an
invalid sister. But the pleasure and honor of entertaining Mrs.
Stanton was too great to allow these circumstances to prevent. We
prepared our own room for the guest chamber and had all things in
readiness when I received a note from Ex-Gov. Robinson stating that
Mrs. Stanton had found relatives in town with whom she would stop, but
that Miss Anthony would come instead. I hastily put on bonnet and
shawl saying, "I don't want Miss Anthony, and I won't have her, and I
am going to tell Gov. Robinson so." At the gate I met a dignified,
quaker looking lady with a small satchel and a black and white shawl
on her arm. Offering her hand she said, "I am Miss Anthony, and I have
been sent to you for entertainment during the Convention." I have
often wondered if Miss Anthony remembers my confusion, and the
apologies I stammered out about no help, sickness in the family, no
spare room and how I was just on my way to tell Gov. Robinson that I
could not entertain any one. Half disarmed by her genial manner and
frank, kindly face, I led the way into the house and said I would have
her stay to tea and then we would see what farther arrangements could
be made. While I was looking after tea Miss Anthony won the hearts of
the babies; and seeing the door of my sister's sick room open, she
went in and in a short time had so won the heart and soothed instead
of exciting the nervous sufferer, entertaining her with accounts of
the outside world from which she had been so long shut off, that by
the time tea was over, I was ready to do anything if Miss Anthony
would only stay with us. And stay she did for over six weeks, and we
parted from her as from a beloved and helpful friend. I found
afterwards that in the same way she disarmed prejudice and made the
most ardent friends wherever she became personally known.

                                                              H. E. S.

[86] Of course it is nothing new to say that Mrs. Stanton was the
object of admiration and honor everywhere. Miss Anthony looked after
her interests and comfort in the most cheerful and kindly manner,
occasionally complaining good naturedly of Mrs. Stanton's carelessness
in leaving various articles of her wearing apparel scattered over the
State, and of the trouble she had in recovering a gold watch which
Mrs. Stanton had left hanging on the bed post in a little hotel in
Southern Kansas. I remember one evening of the Convention in Lawrence
when the hall was crowded with an eager and expectant audience. Miss
Anthony was there early, looking after everything, seats, lights,
ushers, doorkeepers, etc. Presently Gov. Robinson came to her and
said, "Where's Mrs. Stanton? It's time to commence." "She's at Mrs.
---- waiting for some of you men to go for her with a carriage," was
the reply. The hint was quickly acted upon and Mrs. Stanton, fresh,
smiling and unfatigued, was presented to the audience. H. E. S.

[87] See Appendix.

[88] Mrs. Gov. Charles Robinson, Mrs. Lieut-Gov. J. P. Root, Mrs. R.
B. Taylor, Mrs. Mary T. Gray--whose husbands were also active
workers--Mrs. Lucy B. Armstrong, Mrs. Judge Humphrey, Mrs. Starrett,
Mrs. Archibald, Mrs. Elsie Stewart, "Mother Bickerdike," and many
others.

[89] Nov. 6, 1867.--The associated press item in _The Evening Journal_
said: "Leavenworth, Kansas, Nov. 5th. Out of about 3,500 registered
voters, only 2,600 voted here to-day. Negro suffrage received only
about 700. Mrs. Stanton and Miss Anthony, who have been canvassing the
State, visited the polls in each ward and addressed the voters,
probably the first occurrence of the kind in this country. They were
accompanied by the Hutchinson family, and were received with hearty
cheers for woman suffrage."

[90] This trip cost Mr. Train $2,500, as he paid all the expenses,
advertising largely.

[91] The first number was published January 6, 1868, and ten thousand
copies, under the frank of the Hon. James Brooks, were scattered
throughout the country.



CHAPTER XX.

NEW YORK CONSTITUTIONAL CONVENTION.

     Constitution Amended once in Twenty Years--Mrs. Stanton Before
     the Legislature Claiming Woman's Right to Vote for Members to the
     Convention--An Immense Audience in the Capitol--The Convention
     Assembled June 4th, 1867. Twenty Thousand Petitions Presented for
     Striking the Word "Male" from the Constitution--"Committee on the
     Right of Suffrage, and the Qualifications for Holding Office."
     Horace Greeley, Chairman--Mr. Graves, of Herkimer, Leads the
     Debate in favor of Woman Suffrage--Horace Greeley's Adverse
     Report--Leading Advocates Heard before the Convention--Speech of
     George William Curtis on Striking the Word "Man" from Section 1,
     Article 11--Final Vote, 19 For, 125 Against--Equal Rights
     Anniversary of 1868.


This was the first time in the history of the woman suffrage movement
that the Constitution of New York was to be amended, and the general
interest felt by women in the coming convention was intensified by the
fact that such an opportunity for their enfranchisement would not come
again in twenty years. The proposition of the republican party to
strike the word "white" from the Constitution and thus extend the
right of suffrage to all classes of male citizens, placing the men of
the State, black and white, foreign and native, ignorant and educated,
vicious and virtuous, all alike, above woman's head, gave her a keener
sense of her abasement than she had ever felt before. But having
neither press nor pulpit to advocate her cause, and fully believing
this amendment would pass as a party measure, she used every means
within her power to arouse and strengthen the agitation, in the face
of the most determined opposition of friends and foes. Meetings were
held in all the chief towns and cities in the State, and appeals and
petitions scattered in every school district; these were so many
reminders to the women everywhere that they too had some interest in
the Constitution under which they lived, some duties to perform in
deciding the future policy of the Government.

This campaign cost us the friendship of Horace Greeley and the support
of the _New York Tribune_, heretofore our most powerful and faithful
allies. In an earnest conversation with Mrs. Stanton and Miss
Anthony, Mr. Greeley said: "This is a critical period for the
Republican party and the life of the Nation. The word "white" in our
Constitution at this hour has a significance which "male" has not. It
would be wise and magnanimous in you to hold your claims, though just
and imperative, I grant, in abeyance until the negro is safe beyond
peradventure, and your turn will come next. I conjure you to remember
that this is "the negro's hour," and your first duty now is to go
through the State and plead his claims." "Suppose," we replied,
"Horace Greeley, Henry J. Raymond and James Gordon Bennett were
disfranchised; what would be thought of them, if before audiences and
in leading editorials they pressed the claims of Sambo, Patrick, Hans
and Yung Fung to the ballot, to be lifted above their own heads? With
their intelligence, education, knowledge of the science of government,
and keen appreciation of the dangers of the hour, would it not be
treasonable, rather than magnanimous, for them, leaders of the
metropolitan press, to give the ignorant and unskilled a power in
government they did not possess themselves? To do this would be to
place on board the ship of State officers and crew who knew nothing of
chart or compass, of the safe pathway across the sea, and bid those
who understand the laws of navigation to stand aside. No, no, this is
the hour to press woman's claims; we have stood with the black man in
the Constitution over half a century, and it is fitting now that the
constitutional door is open that we should enter with him into the
political kingdom of equality. Through all these years he has been the
only decent compeer we have had. Enfranchise him, and we are left
outside with lunatics, idiots and criminals for another twenty years."
"Well," said Mr. Greeley, "if you persevere in your present plan, you
need depend on no further help from me or the _Tribune_." And he kept
his word. We have seen the negro enfranchised, and twenty long years
pass away since the war, and still woman's turn has not yet come; her
rights as a citizen of the United States are still unrecognized, the
oft-repeated pledges of leading Republicans and Abolitionists have not
been redeemed.

As soon as the Constitutional Convention was called by the Legislature
of New York, Mrs. Stanton appeared before that body asking not only
that the word "male" be stricken from Sec. 1, Art. 2, but that women
be permitted to vote for members to that Convention, giving many
precedents and learned opinions in favor of her demand. In the
Assembly Chamber on the afternoon of Jan. 23, 1867, an immense
audience of judges, lawyers, members of the Legislature, and ladies of
fashion greeted her. On being introduced by the Hon. Chas. J.
Folger,[92] Chairman of the Senate Judiciary Committee, MRS. STANTON
said:

     _Gentlemen of the Judiciary Committee and Members of the
     Legislature_:

     I appear before you at this time, to urge on you the justice of
     securing to all the people of the State the right to vote for
     delegates to the coming Constitutional Convention. The discussion
     of this right involves the consideration of the whole question of
     suffrage; and especially those sections of your Constitution
     which interpose insurmountable qualifications to its exercise. As
     representatives of the people, your right to regulate all that
     pertains to the coming Constitutional Convention is absolute. It
     is for you to say when and where this convention shall be held;
     how many delegates shall be chosen, and what classes shall be
     represented. This is your right. It is the opinion of many of the
     ablest men of the country that, in a revision of a constitution,
     the State is, for the time being, resolved into its original
     elements, and that all disfranchised classes should have a voice
     in such revision and be represented in such convention. To secure
     this to the people of the State, is clearly your duty.

     Says Judge Beach Lawrence, in a letter to Hon. Charles Sumner: "A
     State Constitution must originate with and be assented to by a
     majority of the people, including as well those whom it
     disfranchises as those whom it invests with the suffrage." And as
     there is nothing in the present Constitution of the State of New
     York to prevent women, or black men from voting for, or being
     elected as delegates to a Constitutional Convention, there is no
     reason why the Legislature should not enact that the people elect
     their delegates to said Convention irrespective of sex or color.
     The Legislatures of 1801 and 1821 furnish you a precedent for
     extending to disfranchised classes the right to vote for
     delegates to a Constitutional Convention. Though the Constitution
     of the State restricted the right of suffrage to every male
     inhabitant who possessed a freehold to the value of £20, or
     rented a tenement at the yearly value of forty shillings, and had
     been rated and actually paid taxes to the State, the Legislatures
     of those years passed laws setting aside all property
     limitations, and providing that all men--black and white, rich
     and poor--should vote for delegates to said Conventions. The act
     recommending a convention for the purpose of considering the
     parts of the Constitution of this State, respecting the number of
     Senators and Members of Assembly--and also for the consideration
     of the 23d article of said Constitution, relative to the right of
     nomination to office--"but with no other power or authority
     whatsoever," passed April 6, 1801. Session Laws 1801, chap. 69,
     page 190, sec. 2, says:

          And be it further enacted, that the number of delegates
          chosen shall be the same as the number of Members of
          Assembly from the respective cities and counties of the
          State, and that all free male citizens of this State, of the
          age of twenty-one years and upward, shall be admitted to
          vote for such delegates, and that any person of that
          description shall be eligible.

     The above law was passed by the Legislature of 1801, which
     derived its authority from the first Constitution of the State.

     The act recommending a convention of the people of this State,
     passed March 13, 1821. Session Laws of 1821, act 90, page 83,
     sec. 1. "Persons entitled to vote":

          All free male citizens, of the age of twenty-one years or
          upward, who shall possess a freehold in this State, or who
          shall have been actually rated and paid taxes to this State,
          or who shall have been actually enrolled in the militia of
          this State, or in a legal, volunteer, or uniform corps, and
          shall have served therein either as an officer or private,
          or who shall have been or now are, by law, exempt from
          taxation or militia duty, or who shall have been assessed to
          work on the public roads and highways, and shall have worked
          thereon, or shall have paid a commutation therefor according
          to law, shall be allowed during the three days of such
          election to vote by ballot as aforesaid in the town or ward
          in which they shall actually reside.

     Extract from Sec. 6th, Act 90:

          And be it further enacted, that the number of delegates to
          be chosen shall be the same as the number of Members of
          Assembly from the respective cities and counties of this
          State, and that the same qualification for voters shall be
          required on the election for delegates, as is prescribed in
          the first section of this act, and none other.... And that
          all persons entitled to vote by this law for delegates,
          shall be eligible to be elected.

     Extracts from the first Constitution of the State of New York,
     under and by virtue of which the Legislatures sat, which passed
     the acts of 1801 and 1821, from which the extracts above are
     taken. Sec. 7. Qualification of electors:

          That every male inhabitant of full age, who shall have
          personally resided for six months within one of the counties
          of this State, immediately preceding the day of election,
          shall at such election be entitled to vote for
          representatives of the said county in Assembly, if during
          the time aforesaid, he shall have been a freeholder
          possessing a freehold of the value of £20, within the said
          county, or have rented a tenement therein of a yearly value
          of forty shillings, and been rated and actually paid taxes
          to this State.

          SEC. 10. And this Convention doth further, in the name and
          by the authority of the good people of this State, ordain,
          determine, and declare that the Senate of the State of New
          York shall consist of twenty-four freeholders, to be chosen
          out of the body of the freeholders, and they be chosen by
          the freeholders of this State, possessed of freeholds of the
          value of £100 over and above all debts charged thereon.

          By section 17, the qualifications for voters for Governor
          are made the same as those for Senators.

     The laws above quoted show this striking fact: Those men, black
     and white, prohibited from voting for members of the Assembly,
     were permitted to vote for delegates to said Conventions; and
     more than this, on each occasion they were eligible to seats in
     the body called to frame the fundamental law--the fundamental law
     from which Governors, Senators, and Members derive their
     existence.

     The Constitutional Convention of Rhode Island, in 1842, affords
     another precedent of the power of the Legislature to extend the
     suffrage to disfranchised classes.

     The disfranchisement of any class of citizens is in express
     violation of the spirit of our own Constitution. Art. 1, sec. 1:

          No member of this State shall be disfranchised or deprived
          of any of the rights or privileges secured to any citizen
          thereof, unless by the law of the land and the judgment of
          his peers.

     Now, women, and negroes not worth two hundred and fifty dollars,
     however weak and insignificant, are surely "members of the
     State." The law of the land is equality. The question of
     disfranchisement has never been submitted to the judgment of
     their peers. A peer is an equal. The "white male citizen" who so
     pompously parades himself in all our Codes and Constitutions,
     does not recognize women and negroes as his equals; therefore,
     his judgment in their case amounts to nothing. And women and
     negroes constituting a majority of the people of the State, do
     not recognize a "white male" minority as their rightful rulers.
     On our republican theory that the majority governs, women and
     negroes should have a voice in the government of the State; and
     being taxed, should be represented.

     In the recent debate in the Senate of the United States, on the
     question of suffrage, Senator Anthony, of Rhode Island, said:

          Nor is it a fair statement of the case to say, that the man
          represents the woman, because it is an assumption on the
          part of the man--it is an involuntary representation on the
          part of the woman. Representation implies a certain
          delegated power, and a certain responsibility on the part of
          the representative toward the party represented. A
          representation to which the represented party does not
          assent, is no representation at all; but is adding insult to
          injury. When the American Colonies complained that they
          ought not to be taxed unless they were represented in the
          British Parliament, it would have been rather a singular
          answer to tell them that they were represented by Lord
          North, or even by the Earl of Chatham. The gentlemen on the
          other side of the Chamber, who say that the States lately in
          rebellion are entitled to immediate representation in this
          Chamber, would hardly be satisfied if we should tell them
          that my friend from Massachusetts represented South
          Carolina, and my friend from Michigan represented Alabama.
          They would hardly be satisfied with that kind of
          representation. Nor have we any more right to assume that
          the women are satisfied with the representation of the men.
          Where has been the assembly at which this right of
          representation was conferred? Where was the compact made? It
          is wholly an assumption.

     "White males" are the nobility of this country; they are the
     privileged order, who have legislated as unjustly for women and
     negroes as have the nobles of England for their disfranchised
     classes. The existence of the English House of Commons is a
     strong fact to prove that one class can not legislate for
     another. Perhaps it may be necessary, in this transition period
     of our civilization, to create a Lower House for women and
     negroes, lest the dreadful example of Massachusetts, nay, worse,
     should be repeated here, and women, as well as black men, take
     their places beside our Dutch nobility in the councils of the
     State. If the history of England has proved that white men of
     different grades can not legislate with justice for one another,
     how can you, Honorable Gentlemen, legislate for women and
     negroes, who, by your customs, creeds and codes, are placed under
     the ban of inferiority? If you dislike this view of the case, and
     claim that woman is your superior, and, therefore, you place her
     above all troublesome legislation, to shield her by your
     protecting care from the rough winds of life, I have simply to
     say, your statute books are a sad commentary on that position.
     Your laws degrade, rather than exalt woman; your customs cripple,
     rather than free; your system of taxation is alike ungenerous and
     unjust.

     In demanding suffrage for the black man of the South, the
     dominant party recognizes the fact that as a freedman he is no
     longer a part of the family therefore his master is no longer his
     representative, and as he will now be liable to taxation, he
     must also have representation. Woman, on the contrary, has never
     been such a part of the family as to escape taxation. Although
     there has been no formal proclamation giving her an individual
     existence, unmarried women have always had the right to property
     and wages; to make contracts and do business in their own name.
     And even married women, by recent legislation in this State, have
     been secured in some civil rights, at least as well secured as
     those classes can be who do not hold the ballot in their own
     hands. Woman now holds a vast amount of property in the country,
     and pays her full proportion of taxes, revenue included; on what
     principle, then, do you deny her representation? If you say women
     are "virtually represented" by the men of their household, I give
     you Senator Sumner's denial, in his great speech on Equal Rights
     in the First Session of the 39th Congress. Quoting from James
     Otis, he says: "No such phrase as virtual representation was
     known in law or constitution. It is altogether a subtlety and
     illusion, wholly unfounded and absurd. We must not be cheated by
     any such phantom or any other fiction of law or politics, or any
     monkish trick of deceit or hypocrisy."

     In regard to taxation without representation, Lord Coke says:
     "The supreme power can not take from any man any part of his
     property without his consent in person or by representation.
     Taxes are not to be laid on the people" (are not women and
     negroes people?) "without their consent in person or by
     representation. The very act of taxing those who are not
     represented appears to me to deprive them of one of their most
     essential rights as freemen, and if continued, seems to be in
     effect an entire disfranchisement of every civil right; for what
     one civil right is worth a rush, after a man's property is
     subject to be taken from him without his consent?" In view of
     such opinions, is it too much to ask the men of New York, either
     to enfranchise women of wealth and education, or else release
     them from taxation? If we can not be represented as individuals,
     we should not be taxed as individuals. If the "white male" will
     do all the voting, let him pay all the taxes. There is no logic
     so powerful in opening the eyes of men to their real interests as
     a direct appeal to their pockets. Such a release from taxation
     can be supported, too, by your own Constitution. In Art. 2, Sec.
     1, you say, "And no person of color shall be subject to direct
     taxation, unless he shall be seized and possessed of such real
     estate as aforesaid," referring to the $250 qualification. Now, a
     poor widow who owns a lot worth a hundred dollars or less, is
     taxed. Why this partiality to the black man? He may live in the
     quiet possession of $249 worth of property, and not be taxed a
     cent. Is it on the ground of color or sex, that the black man
     finds greater favor in the eyes of the law than the daughters of
     the State? In order fully to understand this partiality, I have
     inquired into your practice with regard to women of color. I find
     that in Seneca Falls there lives a highly estimable colored
     woman, by the name of Abby Gomore, who owns property to the
     amount of a thousand dollars, in village lots. She now pays, and
     always has paid, from the time she invested her first hundred
     dollars, the same taxes as any other citizen--just in proportion
     to the value of her property, or as it is assessed. After
     excluding women and "men of color" not worth $250, from
     representation, your Constitution tells us what other persons are
     excluded from the right of suffrage. Art. 2, Sec. 2.

          Laws may be passed excluding from the right of suffrage all
          persons who have been or may be convicted of bribery, or
          larceny, or of any infamous crime, and for depriving every
          person who shall make, or become directly or indirectly
          interested in any bet or wager depending upon the result of
          any election, from the right to vote at such election.

     How humiliating! For respectable and law-abiding women and "men
     of color," to be thrust outside the pale of political
     consideration with those convicted of bribery, larceny, and
     infamous crime; and worse than all, with those who bet on
     elections--for how lost to all sense of honor must that "white
     male citizen" be who publicly violates a wise law to which he has
     himself given an intelligent consent. We are ashamed, Honored
     Sirs, of our company. The Mohammedan forbids a "fool, a madman,
     or a woman" to call the hours for prayers. If it were not for the
     invidious classification, we might hope it was tenderness rather
     than contempt that moved the Mohammedan to excuse woman from so
     severe a duty. But for the ballot, which falls like a flake of
     snow upon the sod, we can find no such excuse for New York
     legislators. Art. 2, Sec. 3, should be read and considered by the
     women of the State, as it gives them a glimpse of the modes of
     life and surroundings of some of the privileged classes of "white
     male citizens" who may go to the polls:

          For the purpose of voting, no person shall be deemed to have
          gained or lost a residence by reason of his presence or
          absence while employed in the service of the United States;
          nor while engaged in navigating the waters of the State, or
          of the United States, or of the high seas; nor while a
          student of any seminary of learning; nor while kept at any
          alms-house or other asylum, at public expense; nor while
          confined in any public prison.

     What an unspeakable privilege to have that precious jewel--the
     human soul--in a setting of _white manhood_, that thus it can
     pass through the prison, the asylum, the alms-house, the muddy
     waters of the Erie canal, and come forth undimmed to appear at
     the ballot-box at the earliest opportunity, there to bury its
     crimes, its poverty, its moral and physical deformities, all
     beneath the rights, privileges, and immunities of a citizen of
     the State. Just imagine the motley crew from the ten thousand
     dens of poverty and vice in our large cities, limping, raving,
     cringing, staggering up to the polls, while the loyal mothers of
     a million soldiers whose bones lay bleaching on every Southern
     plain, stand outside sad and silent witnesses of this wholesale
     desecration of republican institutions. When you say it would
     degrade woman to go to the polls, do you not make a sad
     confession of your irreligious mode of observing that most sacred
     right of citizenship? The ballot-box, in a republican government,
     should be guarded with as much love and care as was the Ark of
     the Lord among the Children of Israel. Here, where we have no
     heaven-anointed kings or priests, law must be to us a holy thing;
     and the ballot-box the holy of holies; for on it depends the
     safety and stability of our institutions. I, for one, gentlemen,
     am not willing to be thus represented. I claim to understand the
     interests of the nation better than yonder pauper in your
     alms-house, than the unbalanced graduate from your asylum and
     prison, or the popinjay of twenty-one from your seminary of
     learning, or the traveler on the tow-path of the Erie canal. No
     wonder that with such voters as Art. 2, Sec. 3 welcomes to the
     polls, we have these contradictory laws and constitutions. No
     wonder that with such voters, sex and color should be exalted
     above loyalty, virtue, wealth and education. I warn you,
     legislators of the State of New York, that you need the moral
     power of wise and thoughtful women in your political councils, to
     outweigh the incoming tide of poverty, ignorance, and vice that
     threatens our very existence as a nation. Have not the women of
     the republic an equal interest with yourselves in the government,
     in free institutions, in progressive ideas, and in the success of
     the most liberal political measures? Remember, in your last
     election, the republican majority in this State was only fourteen
     thousand, all told. If you would not see the liberal party
     swamped in the next Presidential campaign, treble your majority
     by enfranchising those classes who would support it in all just
     and merciful legislation....

     The extension of suffrage is the political idea of our day,
     agitating alike the leading minds of both continents. The
     question of debate in the long past has been the rights of races.
     This, in our country, was settled by the war, when the black man
     was declared free and worthy to bear arms in defense of the
     republic, and the last remnants of aristocracy were scattered
     before our northern hosts like chaff in the whirlwind. We have
     now come to the broader idea of _individual_ rights. An idea
     already debated ably in Congress and out, by Republicans,
     Democrats and Abolitionists, who, in common with the best writers
     and thinkers of the day the world over, base all rights of
     society and government on those of the individual. Each one of
     you has a right to everything in earth and air, on land and sea,
     to the whole world of thought, to all that is needful for soul
     and body, and there is no limit to the exercise of your rights,
     but in the infringement of the rights of another; and the moment
     you pass that limit you are on forbidden ground, you violate the
     law of individual life, and breed disorder and confusion in the
     whole social system. Where, gentlemen, did you get the right to
     deny the ballot to all women and black men not worth $250? If
     this right of suffrage is not an individual right, from what
     place and body did you get it? Is this right of franchise a
     conventional arrangement, a privilege that society or government
     may grant or withhold at pleasure? In the Senate of the United
     States, in the recent discussion on the "bill to regulate the
     elective franchise in the District of Columbia," GRATZ BROWN
     said:

          Mr. President, I say here on the floor of the American
          Senate, I stand for universal suffrage; and, as a matter of
          fundamental principle, do not recognize the right of society
          to limit it on any ground of race or sex. I will go farther
          and say, that I recognize the right of franchise as being
          intrinsically a natural right. I do not believe that society
          is authorized to impose any limitations upon it that do not
          spring out of the necessities of the social state itself.
          Sir, I have been shocked, in the course of this debate, to
          hear Senators declare this right only a conventional and
          political arrangement, a privilege yielded to you and me,
          and others; not a right in any sense, only a concession! Mr.
          President, I do not hold my liberties by any such tenure. On
          the contrary, I believe that whenever you establish that
          doctrine; whenever you crystallize that idea in the public
          mind of this country, you ring the death-knell of American
          liberties!!

     The demand we to-day make, is not the idiosyncrasy of a few
     discontented minds, but a universal movement. Woman is everywhere
     throwing off the lethargy of ages, and is already close upon you
     in the whole realm of thought--in art, science, literature and
     government. Everything heralds the dawn of the new era when moral
     power is to govern nations. In asking you, Honorable Gentlemen,
     to extend suffrage to woman, we do not press on you the risk and
     responsibility of a new step, but simply to try a measure that
     has already proved wise and safe the world over. So long as
     political power was absolute and hereditary, woman shared it with
     man by birth. In Hungary and some provinces of France and
     Germany, women holding this inherited right confer their right of
     franchise on their husbands. In 1858, in the old town of Upsal,
     the authorities granted the right of suffrage to fifty women
     holding real estate, and to thirty-one doing business in their
     own name. The representative their votes elected was to sit in
     the House of Burgesses. In Ireland, the Court of Queen's Bench,
     Dublin, restored to women, in 1864, the old right of voting for
     town commissioners. In 1864, too, the government of Moravia
     decided that all women who are tax-payers had the right to vote.
     In Canada, in 1850, an electoral privilege was conferred on
     women, in the hope that the Protestant might balance the Roman
     Catholic power in the school system. "I lived," says a friend of
     mine, "where I saw this right exercised for four years by female
     property holders, and never heard the most cultivated man, even
     Lord Elgin, object to its results." Women vote in Austria,
     Australia, Holland and Sweden, on property qualifications. There
     is a bill now before the British Parliament, presented by John
     Stuart Mill, asking for household suffrage, accompanied by a
     petition from eleven thousand of the best educated women in
     England.

     Would you be willing to admit, gentlemen, that women know less,
     have less virtue, less pride and dignity of character under
     Republican institutions than in the despotisms and monarchies of
     the old world? Your Codes and Constitutions savor of such an
     opinion. Fortunately, history furnishes a few saving facts, even
     under our Republican institutions. From a recent examination of
     the archives of the State of New Jersey we learn that, owing to a
     liberal Quaker influence, women and negroes exercised the right
     of suffrage in that State thirty-one years--from 1776 to
     1807--when "white males" ignored the constitution, and
     arbitrarily assumed the reins of government. This act of
     injustice is sufficient to account for the moral darkness that
     seems to have settled down upon that unhappy State. During the
     dynasty of women and negroes, does history record any social
     revolution peculiar to that period? Because women voted there,
     was the institution of marriage annulled, the sanctity of home
     invaded, cradles annihilated, and the stockings, like Governor
     Marcy's pantaloons, mended by the State? Did the men of that
     period become mere satellites of the dinner-pot, the wash-tub, or
     the spinning-wheel? Were they dwarfed and crippled in body and
     soul, while their enfranchised wives and mothers became giants in
     stature and intellect? Did the children, fully armed and equipped
     for the battle of life, spring, Minerva-like, from the brains of
     their fathers? Were the laws of nature suspended? Did the sexes
     change places? Was everything turned upside down? No, life went
     on as smoothly in New Jersey as in any other State in the Union.
     And the fact that women did vote there, created so slight a
     ripple on the popular wave, and made so ordinary a page in
     history, that probably nine-tenths of the people of this country
     never heard of its existence, until recent discussions in the
     United States Senate brought out the facts of the case. In
     Kansas, women vote for school officers and are themselves
     eligible to the office of trustee. There is a resolution now
     before the Legislature of Ohio to strike the words "white male"
     from the Constitution of that State. The Hon. Mr. Noel, of
     Missouri, has presented a bill in the House of Representatives to
     extend suffrage to the women of the District of Columbia.

     I think, Honorable Gentlemen, I have given you facts enough to
     show that you need not hesitate to give the ballot to the women
     of New York, on the ground that it is a new thing; for, as you
     see, the right has long ago been exercised by certain classes of
     women in many countries. And if it were a new thing, and had
     never been heard of before, that would be no argument against the
     experiment. Had the world never done a new thing, Columbus would
     not have discovered this country, nor the ocean telegraph brought
     our old enemy--Great Britain--within friendly speaking distance.
     When it was proposed to end slavery in this country, croakers and
     conservatives protested because it was a new thing, and must of
     necessity produce a social convulsion. When it was proposed to
     give woman her rights of property in this State, the same classes
     opposed that on the same ground; but the spirit of the age
     carried both measures over their heads and "nobody was hurt."

     You Republicans can not oppose our demand on that ground, for
     your present party-cry "negro suffrage" is a new thing, and
     startling too, in the ears of the Southern States, and a very
     inconsistent thing, so long as the $250 qualification remains in
     your Constitution. "If you would know your faults," says Cicero,
     "ask your enemies." Hear his Excellency Andrew Johnson, in his
     veto on the District of Columbia Bill; he says: "It hardly seems
     consistent with the principles of right and justice, that
     representatives of States where suffrage is either denied the
     colored man or granted to him on qualifications requiring
     intelligence or property, should compel the people of the
     District of Columbia to try an experiment which their
     constituents have thus far shown an unwillingness to try for
     themselves." Senator Sumner, a leading radical, expresses the
     same opinion. In the debate on the admission of Nebraska, he
     says: "When we demand equal rights of the Southern States, we
     must not be so inconsistent as to admit any new State with a
     constitution disfranchising citizens on account of color.
     Congress must be itself just, if it would recommend it to others.
     Reconstruction must begin at home." Consistency is a jewel. Every
     thoughtful person must see that Northern representatives are in
     no condition to reconstruct the South until their own State
     Constitutions are purged of all invidious distinctions among
     their citizens. As the fountain rises no higher than its source,
     how can New York press on South Carolina a civilization she has
     never tried herself. But say you, we can coerce the South to do
     what we have no right to force on a loyal State. Has not each
     State a right to amend her own Constitution and establish a
     genuine republic within her own boundaries? "Let each man mend
     one," says the old proverb, "and the world is mended." Let each
     State bring its own Constitution into harmony with the Federal
     Constitution, and the Union will be a republic.

     We are soon to hold a convention to revise the Constitution of
     the State of New York; and it is the duty of the people to insist
     that it be so amended as to make all its citizens equal before
     the law. Could the Empire State now take the lead in making
     herself a genuine republic, all the States would, in time,
     follow her example, and the problem of reconstruction be thus
     settled to the satisfaction of all. Example is more powerful than
     precept in all cases. Were our constitutions free from all class
     distinctions, with what power our representatives could now press
     their example on the Southern States. Is there anything more
     rasping to a proud spirit than to be rebuked for shortcomings by
     those who are themselves guilty of the grossest violations of law
     and justice? Does the North think it absurd for its women to vote
     and hold office, the South thinks the same of its negroes. Does
     the North consider its women a part of the family to be
     represented by the "white male citizen," so views the South her
     negroes. And thus viewing them, the South has never taxed her
     slaves; but our chivalry never fails to send its tax-gatherers to
     the poorest widow that owns a homestead. Would you press
     impartial suffrage on the South, recognize it first at home.
     Would you have Congress do its duty in the coming session, let
     the action of every State Legislature teach it what that duty is.
     The work of this hour is a broader one than the reconstruction of
     the Rebel States. It is the lifting of the entire nation into
     higher ideas of justice and equality. It is the realization of
     what the world has never yet seen, a GENUINE REPUBLIC.

     As the ballot is the key to reconstruction, a right knowledge of
     its use and power is the first step in the work before us. Hence,
     the consideration of the question of suffrage is the duty of
     every American citizen.

     The legal disabilities to the exercise of suffrage (for persons
     of sound mind and body) in the several States, are five--age,
     color, sex, property and education. As age depends on a fixed
     law, beyond the control of fallible man, viz., the revolution of
     the earth around the sun, it must be impartial, for, _nolens
     volens_, all men must revolve with their native planet; and as no
     Republican or Democratic majority can make the earth stand still,
     even for a Presidential campaign, they must in time perform that
     journey often enough to become legal voters. As the right to the
     ballot is not based on intelligence, it matters not that some
     boys of eighteen do know more than some men of thirty. Inasmuch
     as boys are not bound by any contract--except marriage--can not
     sell a horse, or piece of land, or be sued for debt until they
     are twenty-one, this qualification of age seems to be in harmony
     with the laws of the land, and based on common sense.

     As to color and sex, neither time, money or education can make
     black white, or woman man; therefore such insurmountable
     qualifications, not to be tolerated in a republican government,
     are unworthy our serious consideration. "Qualifications," says
     Senator Sumner, "can not be in their nature permanent or
     insurmountable. Color can not be a qualification any more than
     size, or quality of the hair. A permanent or insurmountable
     qualification is equivalent to a deprivation of the suffrage. In
     other words, it is the tyranny of taxation without
     representation; and this tyranny, I insist, is not intrusted to
     any State in the Union."

     As to property and education, there are some plausible arguments
     in favor of such qualifications, but they are all alike
     unsatisfactory, illogical and unjust. A limited suffrage creates
     a privileged class, and is based on the false idea that
     government is the natural arbiter of its citizens, while in fact
     it is the creature of their will. In the old days of the colonies
     when the property qualification was five pounds--that being just
     the price of a jackass--Benjamin Franklin facetiously asked, "If
     a man must own a jackass in order to vote, who does the voting,
     the man or the jackass?" If reading and money-making were a sure
     gauge of character, if intelligence and virtue were twin sisters,
     these qualifications might do; but such is not the case. In our
     late war black men were loyal, generous and heroic without the
     alphabet or multiplication table, while men of wealth, educated
     by the nation, graduates of West Point, were false to their
     country and traitors to their flag. There was a time in England's
     history, when the House of Lords even, could neither read nor
     write. Before the art of printing, were all men fools? Were the
     Apostles and martyrs worth $250? The early Christians, the
     children of art, science and literature, have in all ages
     struggled with poverty, while they blessed the world with their
     inspirations. The Hero of Judea had not where to lay His head!!
     As capital has ever ground labor to the dust, is it just and
     generous to disfranchise the poor and ignorant because they are
     so? If a man can not read, give him the ballot, it is
     schoolmaster. If he does not own a dollar give him the ballot, it
     is the key to wealth and power. Says Lamartine, "universal
     suffrage is the first truth and only basis of every national
     republic." "The ballot," says Senator Sumner, "is the columbiad
     of our political life, and every citizen who has it is a
     full-armed monitor."

     But while such grand truths are uttered in the ears of the world,
     by an infamous amendment of the Federal Constitution, the people
     have sanctioned the disfranchisement of a majority of the loyal
     citizens of the nation. With sorrow we learn that the Legislature
     of New York has ratified this change of the Constitution.

     Happily for the cause of freedom, the organization we represent
     here to-day, "THE AMERICAN EQUAL RIGHTS ASSOCIATION," has
     registered its protest in the archives of the State against this
     desecration of the last will and testament of the Fathers. It was
     a mistake for you to confirm to-day what Congress proposed a year
     ago. Recent debates in the Senate show a hearty repentance for
     their past action, and an entire revolution in their opinions on
     this whole question. It was gratifying to find in the discussion
     of the District Franchise Bill, how unanimously the Senate
     favored the extension of suffrage. The thanks of the women of the
     Nation are especially due to Senator Cowan for his motion to
     strike out the word "male," and to the nine distinguished
     Senators who voted for his amendment. It was pleasant to see into
     what fraternal relations this question at once brought all
     opposing elements. The very able and exhaustive manner in which
     both Republicans and Democrats pressed their claims to the
     ballot, through two entire sessions of the Senate, is most
     encouraging to the advocates of the political rights of women.

     In view of this liberal discussion in the Senate, and the recent
     action of Congress on the Territories, it is rather singular that
     our Republican Governor, in referring to the Constitutional
     Convention in his late message, while recommending consideration
     of many minor matters, should have failed to call attention to
     Art. 2d, Sec. 1, of the Constitution, which denies the
     fundamental rights of citizenship. As the executive head of the
     party in this State whose political capital is "negro suffrage,"
     it would have been highly proper for our worthy Governor to have
     given his opinion on that odious $250 clause in the Constitution.
     No doubt our judiciary, our criminal legislation, our city
     governments need reforming; our railroads, prisons and schools
     need attention; but all these are of minor consideration to the
     personal and property rights of the man himself. Said Lalor
     Shiels, in the House of Commons, "strike the Constitution to the
     center and the lawyer sleeps in his closet. But touch the cobwebs
     in Westminster Hall and the spiders start from their hiding
     places."

     I have called your attention, gentlemen, to some of the flaws in
     your Constitution that you may see that there is more important
     work to be done in the coming Convention than any to which
     Governor Fenton has referred in his message. I would also call
     your attention to the fact, that while His Excellency suggests
     the number of delegates at large to be chosen by the two
     political parties, he makes no provision for the representatives
     of women and "men of color" not worth $250. I would, therefore,
     suggest to your honorable body that you provide for the election
     of an equal number of delegates at large from the disfranchised
     classes. But a response to our present demand does not
     legitimately thrust on you the final consideration of the whole
     broad question of suffrage, on which many of you may be
     unprepared to give an opinion. The simple point we now press is
     this: that in a revision of our Constitution, when the State is,
     as it were, resolved into its original elements, ALL THE PEOPLE
     should be represented in the Convention which is to enact the
     laws by which they are to be governed the next twenty years.
     Women and negroes, being seven-twelfths of the people, are a
     majority; and according to our republican theory, are the
     rightful rulers of the nation. In this view of the case,
     honorable gentlemen, is it not a very unpretending demand we
     make, that we shall vote once in twenty years in revising and
     amending our State Constitution?

     But, say you, the majority of women do not make the demand. Grant
     it. What then? When you proclaimed emancipation, did you go to
     slaveholders and ask if a majority of them were in favor of
     freeing their slaves? When you ring the changes on "negro
     suffrage" from Maine to California, have you proof positive that
     a majority of the freedmen demand the ballot? On the contrary,
     knowing that the very existence of republican institutions
     depends on the virtue, education and equality of the people, did
     you not, as wise statesmen, legislate in all these cases for the
     highest good of the individual and the nation? We ask that the
     same far-seeing wisdom may guide your decision on the question
     now before you. Remember, the gay and fashionable throng who
     whisper in the ears of statesmen, judges, lawyers, merchants,
     "_We have all the rights we want_," are but the mummies of
     civilization, to be brought back to life only by earthquakes and
     revolutions. Would you know what is in the soul of woman, ask not
     the wives and daughters of merchant princes; but the creators of
     wealth--those who earn their bread by honest toil--those who, by
     a turn in the wheel of fortune, stand face to face with the stern
     realities of life.

     "If you would enslave a people," says Cicero, "first, through
     ease and luxury, make them effeminate." When you subsidize labor
     to your selfish interests, there is ever a healthy resistance.
     But, when you exalt weakness and imbecility above your heads,
     give it an imaginary realm of power, illimitable, unmeasured,
     unrecognized, you have founded a throne for woman on pride,
     selfishness and complacency, before which you may well stand
     appalled. In banishing Madame De Stael from Paris, the Emperor
     Napoleon, even, bowed to the power of that scepter which rules
     the world of fashion. The most insidious enemy to our republican
     institutions, at this hour, is found in the aristocracy of our
     women. The ballot-box, that great leveler among men, is beneath
     their dignity. "_They have all the rights they want._" So, in his
     spiritual supremacy, has the Pope of Rome! But what of the
     multitude outside the Vatican!!!

This speech was published in full by the Metropolitan press and many
of the leading journals[93] of the State, with fair editorial
comments.

On June 4th, 1867, the Constitutional Convention assembled in Albany,
and on the 10th Mr. Graves of Herkimer, moved "that a committee of
five be appointed by the chair to report at an early day whether the
Convention should provide that when a majority of women voted that
they wanted the right of suffrage, they should have it," and on the
19th the President, William A. Wheeler, appointed the committee[94] on
the "right of suffrage, and the qualifications for holding office."

The first petition brought before the committee in favor of suffrage
for women was presented by George William Curtis, of Richmond Co.,
sent by the friends of Human Progress from their Annual meeting at
Waterloo.

Martin I. Townsend next presented a petition from William Johnson,
Chairman of the "Colored Men's State Committee," praying for "equal
manhood suffrage." Similar petitions, without any concert of action
between the parties, were presented simultaneously whenever any
discussion arose on the suffrage question. But in this Convention the
demands made by the women were more pressing and multitudinous.

     Mr. GRAVES, June 21st, 1867, moved to take up his resolution,
     "That a committee of five be appointed by the chair to report to
     the convention at as early a day as possible, whether, in their
     opinion, a provision should be incorporated in the Constitution
     authorizing the women in this State to exercise the elective
     franchise, when they shall ask that right by a majority of all
     the votes given by female citizens over twenty-one years of age,
     at an election called for that purpose, at which women alone
     shall have the right to vote."

     Mr. GRAVES said:--Mr. President. I do not desire at this time to
     discuss the merits of the resolution; but allow me to suggest
     that there are four classes of persons interested in the
     questions involved in it. The first class is what is
     opprobriously known as "strong-minded women," who claim the right
     to vote upon the ground that they are interested and identified
     with ourselves in the stability and permanency of our
     institutions, and that their property is made liable for the
     maintenance of our Government, while they have no right to choose
     the law-makers or select the persons who are to assess the value
     of their property liable to taxation. They claim that they are
     not untaught in the science of government to which the right of
     administration is denied to them.

     The second class includes both males and females who sympathize
     with the first class, and who claim that there is no disparity in
     the intellect of men and women, when an equal opportunity is
     afforded by education for progress and advancement. They also
     claim that our country is diminishing all the time in moral
     integrity and virtue, and ask that a new element be introduced
     into our governmental affairs by which crime shall be lessened
     and the estimate of moral virtue be made higher.

     The third class urges that there should be no distinction between
     males and females in the exercise of the elective franchise, and
     they claim that it is anti-democratic that there should be a
     minority in this country to rule its destinies.

     There is a fourth class who believe that the right to exercise
     the elective franchise is not inherent, but permissive, and that
     the people are the Government, and that this power of the
     elective franchise is under their immediate control, and they
     claim the right to become part and parcel of the Government which
     they help to support and maintain.

     Now these four classes, differing in opinion upon this great
     question, constitute a very large body of worthy, high-minded,
     and intelligent men and women of this State who have long sought
     to enlarge the elective franchise, and they claim the deliberate
     consideration of this body upon the ground of equality, as their
     innumerable petitions[95] to this Convention fully show. This
     resolution gives to women themselves the power of discussing and
     comparing of minds to settle the question whether they will avail
     themselves of the desired right to exercise the power of voting.
     And as it differs from all other questions which have originated
     here with reference to this right of women to vote, I submit it
     is a proper resolution to be referred to a select committee to be
     appointed for that purpose.

     Mr. Graves' resolution was referred to the Committee on Suffrage.

June 27th Mrs. Stanton and Miss Anthony were granted a hearing[96]
before the Convention, and at the close of their addresses were asked
by different members to reply to various objections that readily
suggested themselves. Among others, Mr. Greeley said: "Ladies, you
will please remember that the bullet and ballot go together. If you
vote, are you ready to fight?" "Certainly," was the prompt reply. "We
are ready to fight, sir, just as you fought in the late war, by
sending our substitutes." The colloquy between the members and the
ladies, prolonged until a late hour, was both spicy and
instructive.[97] On the 10th of July a hearing was granted to Lucy
Stone,[98] which called out deep interest and consideration from the
members of that body. Later still, George Francis Train[99] was most
cordially received by the Convention.

     C. C. DWIGHT, June 26th, offered a resolution that "The Standing
     Committee on the Right of Suffrage be instructed to provide for
     women to vote as to whether they wanted the right to vote after
     the adoption of the New Constitution.

     Mr. MERRITT, July 11th, moved that "The question of Woman
     Suffrage be submitted at the election of 1868 or 1869. Referred
     to the Committee of the Whole.

Horace Greeley, Chairman of the Committee, in his report, after
recommending universal "manhood suffrage," said:

     Having thus briefly set forth the considerations which seem to us
     decisive in favor of the few and moderate changes proposed, we
     proceed to indicate our controlling reasons for declining to
     recommend other and in some respects more important innovations.
     Your committee does not recommend an extension of the elective
     franchise to women. However defensible in theory, we are
     satisfied that public sentiment does not demand and would not
     sustain an innovation so revolutionary and sweeping, so openly at
     war with a distribution of duties and functions between the sexes
     as venerable and pervading as government itself, and involving
     transformations so radical in social and domestic life. Should we
     prove to be in error on this head, the Convention may overrule us
     by changing a few words in the first section of our proposed
     article.

     Nor have we seen fit to propose the enfranchisement of boys above
     the age of eighteen years. The current ideas and usages in our
     day, but especially in this country, seem already to set too
     strongly in favor of the relaxation, if not total overthrow of
     parental authority, especially over half-grown boys. With the
     sincerest good-will for the class in question, we submit that
     they may spend the hours which they can spare from their labors
     and their lessons more usefully and profitably in mastering the
     wisdom of the sages and philosophers who have elucidated the
     science of government, than in attendance on midnight caucuses,
     or in wrangling around the polls.

     ALBANY, June 28, 1867.

                           HORACE GREELEY, _Chairman_, WM. H. MERRILL,
                                     LESLIE W. RUSSELL, GEO. WILLIAMS.

Mr. Cassidy presented a minority report urging a separate submission
of the question of negro suffrage, in which he said:

     If the regeneration of political society is to be sought in the
     incorporation of this element into the constituency, it must be
     done by the direct and explicit vote of the electors. We are
     foreclosed from any other course by the repeated action[100] of
     the State.... It would be unfair to the people to declare that
     whereas they have again and again refused to accept this change,
     therefore we will incorporate it into the Constitution, and
     compel them either to repeal that instrument, or to accept this
     measure.... As to the extension of suffrage to women, the
     undersigned reserve, for the present, any expression of opinion.

                                             WILLIAM CASSIDY,
                                             JOHN G. SCHUMAKER.

The petitions[101] for woman suffrage were presented in the Convention
until they reached in round numbers 20,000. The morning Mr. Greeley
gave his report the galleries were crowded with ladies, and every
member present, Democrat as well as Republican, was supplied with a
petition. As it had been rumored about that Mr. Greeley's report would
be against suffrage for women, the Democrats entered with great zest
into the presentation. George William Curtis, at the special
request[102] of the ladies, reserved his for the last, and when he
arose and said: "Mr. President, I hold in my hand a petition from Mrs.
Horace Greeley and three hundred other women citizens of Westchester,
asking that the word 'male' be stricken from the Constitution," the
sensation throughout the house was as profound as unexpected. Mr.
Greeley's chagrin was only equaled by the amusement of the other
members, and of the ladies in the gallery. As he arose to read his
report, it being the next thing in order, he was evidently embarrassed
in view of such a flood of petitions from all parts of the State; from
his own wife, and most of the ladies in his immediate social circle,
by seeming to antagonize the measure.

After Mr. Greeley's report, Mr. Graves made several efforts to get his
resolution adopted in time for the women to vote upon it in the spring
of 1868. Mr. Weed, of Clinton, also desired that the vote for the
measure should consist of the majority of the women of the State. The
great event of the Convention was the speech of George William Curtis
on the report of the "Committee on the right of suffrage and the
qualifications to hold office."

     GEORGE WILLIAM CURTIS offered the following amendment:[103]

     "In the first section, strike out the word 'man'; and wherever in
     that section the word 'he' occurs, add 'or she'; and wherever the
     word 'his' occurs, add 'or her.'"

     Mr. CURTIS said: In proposing a change so new to our political
     practice, but so harmonious with the spirit and principles of our
     Government, it is only just that I should attempt to show that it
     is neither repugnant to reason nor hurtful to the State. Yet I
     confess some embarrassment; for, while the essential reason of
     the proposition seems to me to be clearly defined, the objection
     to it is vague and shadowy. From the formal opening of the
     general discussion of the question in this country, by the
     Convention at Seneca Falls in 1848, down to the present moment,
     the opposition to the suggestion, so far as I am acquainted with
     it, has been only the repetition of a traditional prejudice, or
     the protest of mere sentimentality; and to cope with these is
     like wrestling with a malaria, or arguing with the east wind. I
     do not know, indeed, why the Committee have changed the phrase
     "male inhabitant or citizen," which is uniformly used in a
     constitutional clause limiting the elective franchise. Under the
     circumstances, the word "man" is obscure, and undoubtedly
     includes women as much as the word "mankind." But the intention
     of the clause is evident, and the report of the Committee makes
     it indisputable. Had they been willing to say directly what they
     say indirectly, the eighth line and what follows would read,
     "Provided that idiots, lunatics, persons under guardianship,
     felons, women, and persons convicted of bribery, etc., shall not
     be entitled to vote." In their report, the Committee omit to tell
     us why they politically class the women of New York with idiots
     and criminals. They assert merely that the general
     enfranchisement of women would be a novelty, which is true of
     every step of political progress, and is therefore a presumption
     in its favor; and they speak of it in a phrase which is intended
     to stigmatize it as unwomanly, which is simply an assumption and
     a prejudice. I wish to know, sir, and I ask in the name of the
     political justice and consistency of this State, why it is that
     half of the adult population, as vitally interested in good
     government as the other half, who own property, manage estates,
     and pay taxes, who discharge all the duties of good citizens, and
     are perfectly intelligent and capable, are absolutely deprived of
     political power, and classed with lunatics and felons. The boy
     will become a man and a voter; the lunatic may emerge from the
     cloud and resume his rights; the idiot, plastic under the tender
     hand of modern science, may be moulded into the full citizen; the
     criminal, whose hand still drips with the blood of his country
     and of liberty, may be pardoned and restored; but no age, no
     wisdom, no peculiar fitness, no public service, no effort, no
     desire, can remove from woman this enormous and extraordinary
     disability. Upon what reasonable grounds does it rest? Upon none
     whatever. It is contrary to natural justice, to the acknowledged
     and traditional principles of the American Government, and to the
     most enlightened political philosophy. The absolute exclusion of
     women from political power in this State is simply usurpation.
     "In every age and country," says the historian Gibbon, nearly a
     hundred years ago, "the wiser or at least the stronger of the two
     sexes has usurped the powers of the State, and confined the other
     to the cares and pleasures of domestic life."

     The historical fact is that the usurping class, as Gibbon calls
     them, have always regulated the position of women by their own
     theories and convenience. The barbaric Persian, for instance,
     punished an insult to the woman with death, not because of her
     but of himself. She was part of him. And the civilized English
     Blackstone only repeats the barbaric Persian when he says that
     the wife and husband form but one person--that is the husband.
     Sir, it would be extremely amusing, if it were not tragical, to
     trace the consequences of this theory on human society and the
     unhappy effect upon the progress of civilization of this morbid
     estimate of the importance of men. Gibbon gives a curious
     instance of it, and an instance which recalls the spirit of the
     modern English laws of divorce. There was a temple in Rome to the
     goddess who presided over the peace of marriages. "But," says the
     historian, "her very name, Viriplaca--the appeaser of
     husbands--shows that repentance and submission were always
     expected from the wife," as if the offense usually came from her.
     In the "Lawe's resolution of Women's Rights," published in the
     year 1632, a book which I have not seen, but of which there are
     copies in the country, the anonymous and quaint author says, and
     with a sly satire: "It is true that man and woman are one person,
     but understand in what manner. When a small brooke or little
     river incorporateth with Rhodanus, Humber, or the Thames, the
     poor rivulet looseth her name; it is carried and recarried with
     the new associate--it beareth no sway--it possesseth nothing
     during coverture. A woman as soon as she is married is called
     _covert_--in Latine, _nupta_--that is, veiled; as it were
     overclouded and shadowed; she hath lost her streame. I may more
     truly, farre away, say to a married woman, her new self is her
     superior; her companion her master.... See here the reason of
     that which I touched before--that women have no voice in
     Parliament; they make no laws; they consent to none; they
     abrogate none. All of them are understood either married or to be
     married, and their desires are to their husbands."

     From this theory of ancient society, that woman is absorbed in
     man; that she is a social inferior and a subordinate part of man;
     springs the system of laws in regard to women which in every
     civilized country is now in course of such rapid modification,
     and it is this theory which so tenaciously lingers as a
     traditional prejudice in our political customs. But a State
     which, like New York, recognizes the equal individual rights of
     all its members, declaring that none of them shall be
     disfranchised unless by the law of the land or the judgment of
     his peers, and which acknowledges women as property-holders and
     taxable, responsible citizens, has wholly renounced the old
     Feudal and Pagan theory, and has no right to continue the evil
     condition which springs from it. The honorable and eloquent
     gentleman from Onondaga said that he favored every enlargement of
     the franchise consistent with the safety of the State. Sir, I
     heartily agree with him, and it was the duty of the Committee in
     proposing to continue the exclusion of women, to show that it is
     necessary to the welfare and safety of the State that the whole
     sex shall be disfranchised. It is in vain for the Committee to
     say that I ask for an enlargement of the franchise and must,
     therefore, show the reason. Sir, I show the reason upon which
     this franchise itself rests, and which, in its very nature,
     forbids arbitrary exclusion; and I urge the enfranchisement of
     women on the ground that whatever political rights men have women
     have equally.

     I have no wish to refine curiously upon the origin of government.
     If any one insists, with the honorable gentleman from Broome,
     that there are no such things as natural political rights, and
     that no man is born a voter, I will not now stop to argue with
     him; but as I believe the honorable gentleman from Broome is by
     profession a physician and surgeon, I will suggest to him that if
     no man is born a voter, so no man is born a man, for every man is
     born a baby. But he is born with the right of becoming a man
     without hindrance; and I ask the honorable gentleman, as an
     American citizen and political philosopher, whether, if every man
     is not born a voter, he is not born with the right of becoming a
     voter upon equal terms with other men? What else is the meaning
     of the phrase which I find in the New York _Tribune_ of Monday,
     and have so often found there, "The radical basis of government
     is equal rights for all citizens." There are, as I think we shall
     all admit, some kinds of natural rights. This summer air that
     breathes benignant around our national anniversary, is vocal with
     the traditional eloquence with which those rights were asserted
     by our fathers. From all the burning words of the time, I quote
     those of Alexander Hamilton, of New York, in reply, as my
     honorable friend the Chairman of the Committee will remember, to
     the Tory farmer of Westchester: "The sacred rights of mankind are
     not to be rummaged for among old parchments or dusty records.
     They are written as with a sunbeam in the whole volume of human
     nature by the hand of the Divinity itself, and can never be
     erased or obscured by mortal power." In the next year, Thomas
     Jefferson, of Virginia, summed up the political faith of our
     fathers in the Great Declaration. Its words vibrate through the
     history of those days. As the lyre of Amphion raised the walls of
     the city, so they are the music which sing course after course of
     the ascending structure of American civilization into its place.
     Our fathers stood indeed upon technical and legal grounds when
     the contest with Great Britain began, but as tyranny encroached
     they rose naturally into the sphere of fundamental truths as into
     a purer air. Driven by storms beyond sight of land, the sailor
     steers by the stars; and our fathers, compelled to explore the
     whole subject of social rights and duties, derived their
     government from what they called self-evident truths. Despite the
     brilliant and vehement eloquence of Mr. Choate, they did not deal
     in glittering generalities, and the Declaration of Independence
     was not the passionate manifesto of a revolutionary war, but the
     calm and simp