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Title: An Humble Address and Earnest Appeal to Those Respectable Personages in Great-Britain and Ireland, Who, by Their Great and Permanent Interest in Landed Property, Their Liberal Education, Elevated Rank, and Enlarged Views, Are the Ablest to Judge, and the Fittest to Decide, Whether a Connection with, Or a Separation from the Continental Colonies of America, Be Most for the National Advantage, and the Lasting Benefit of These Kingdoms
Author: Tucker, Josiah
Language: English
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*** Start of this Doctrine Publishing Corporation Digital Book "An Humble Address and Earnest Appeal to Those Respectable Personages in Great-Britain and Ireland, Who, by Their Great and Permanent Interest in Landed Property, Their Liberal Education, Elevated Rank, and Enlarged Views, Are the Ablest to Judge, and the Fittest to Decide, Whether a Connection with, Or a Separation from the Continental Colonies of America, Be Most for the National Advantage, and the Lasting Benefit of These Kingdoms" ***

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APPEAL TO THOSE RESPECTABLE PERSONAGES IN GREAT-BRITAIN AND IRELAND, WHO,
BY THEIR GREAT AND PERMANENT INTEREST IN LANDED PROPERTY, THEIR LIBERAL
EDUCATION, ELEVATED RANK, AND ENLARGED VIEWS, ARE THE ABLEST TO JUDGE, AND
THE FITTEST TO DECIDE, WHETHER A CONNECTION WITH, OR A SEPARATION FROM THE
CONTINENTAL COLONIES OF AMERICA, BE MOST FOR THE NATIONAL ADVANTAGE, AND
THE LASTING BENEFIT OF THESE KINGDOMS***


Internet Archive/American Libraries
(http://www.archive.org/details/americana)



      file which includes the original illuminations.
      Images of the original pages are available through
      Internet Archive/American Libraries. See
      http://www.archive.org/details/humbleaddressear00tuck



AN
HUMBLE ADDRESS
AND
EARNEST APPEAL
TO
THOSE RESPECTABLE PERSONAGES
IN GREAT-BRITAIN AND IRELAND,
WHO,
BY THEIR GREAT AND PERMANENT INTEREST
IN LANDED PROPERTY,
THEIR LIBERAL EDUCATION, ELEVATED RANK,
AND ENLARGED VIEWS,
ARE THE ABLEST TO JUDGE, AND THE FITTEST TO DECIDE,
WHETHER A
CONNECTION WITH, OR A SEPARATION FROM
THE
CONTINENTAL COLONIES OF AMERICA,
BE MOST FOR THE NATIONAL ADVANTAGE, AND THE
LASTING BENEFIT OF THESE KINGDOMS.


  _Suis et ipsa Roma viribus ruit._       HOR.


BY JOSIAH TUCKER, D. D.
DEAN OF GLOCESTER.



GLOCESTER:
PRINTED BY R. RAIKES;
AND SOLD BY
T. CADELL, IN THE STRAND, LONDON.
M.DCC.LXXV.



AN HUMBLE ADDRESS, &c.


MY LORDS AND GENTLEMEN,

Though the Author of the ensuing Tract may be below your Notice, as an
Individual, yet the Subject he treats upon, highly deserves your most
serious Attention. In the present unhappy Disputes between the
Parent-State and the Colonies, he undertakes to point out, what Measures
the Landed-Interest of _Great-Britain_ and _Ireland_ ought to pursue in
future, for the Sake of themselves and their Posterity. And if what he has
to offer, should, after a due Examination, be found to be reasonable,
solid, and satisfactory, he relies so much on your own good Sense and
Judgment, as to believe, that you will not reject his Plan, merely because
it originated from an inferior Hand. This is all the Favour he asks, or
expects from you.

Upon this Subject, he waves the Consideration of every Thing, which might
have a Tendency to keep the present Question out of Sight. _Great-Britain_
and her Colonies are now at open War. THIS IS THE FACT. But if it should
be asked, How these Things came to pass? From what Causes did they spring?
Which are the real, and which are the apparent Motives in this
Controversy? Moreover, who were originally and principally to blame? And
what Methods ought to have been taken at first, in order to have prevented
Matters from coming to their present Height?--The Author having already
given his Sentiments on each of these Heads in his 3d, 4th, and 5th
preceding Tracts, and also in his Letter to Mr. BURKE, will not here
repeat the same Things.--The grand Object now before him is simply this;
_Great Britain and her Colonies are at open War_: And the proper and
important Question arising from such a Fact is the following, _What is to
be done at the present Crisis?_

Three Schemes have been proposed;--the Parliamentary,--Mr. BURKE's,--and
my own.

The Parliamentary Scheme is,--To maintain _vi et armis_ the Supremacy of
the Mother-Country over her Colonies, in as full and ample a Manner, as
over any Part of the _British_ Dominions.

Mr. BURKE's is, [tho' not in express _Words_] To resign or relinquish the
Power of the _British_ Parliament over the Colonies, and to erect each
Provincial Assembly into an independent _American_ Parliament;--subject
nevertheless to the King of _Great-Britain_, with his usual
Prerogatives:--For which Favour of acknowledging the same Sovereign, the
Colonists are to be complimented with the most precious Rights,
Privileges, and Advantages of _British_ Subjects:--I say, _complimented_,
and complimented even _gratuitously_:--For as to their contributing any
Proportion, either of Men or Money, towards the public Expence, and in
Return for those Favours--All this is to be entirely left to their own
innate Goodness and Generosity, to do just as they please.

My Scheme [which Mr. BURKE, in his last Speech of _March_ 22, 1775, is
pleased to term a _childish_ one] is,--To separate totally from the
Colonies, and to reject them from being Fellow-Members, and joint
Partakers with us in the Privileges and Advantages of the _British_
Empire; because they refuse to submit to the Authority and Jurisdiction of
the _British_ Legislature:--Offering at the same Time to enter into
Alliances of Friendship, and Treaties of Commerce with them, as with any
other sovereign, independent States.

Now, in order to determine, which of these Schemes is the most
eligible;--it would be right to consider, which is the easiest and most
practicable,--which is least expensive,--which is likeliest to prevent
similar Disturbances and Disputes for the future,--and which will least
endanger the _English_ Constitution and our domestic Tranquility. For all
these Circumstances ought to be taken into the Account, before a due
Judgment can be formed.

In regard to the first, I wish for the present to be silent about
it;--partly out of Respect to that august Body, which has given a Sanction
to it;--partly because it is now upon Trial, whether it can be executed or
not;--and partly likewise because this must fall of Course, if either Mr.
BURKE's, or mine, should be judged to have the Preference. For these
Reasons, I say, I wish to keep a respectful Silence on this Head.

But in respect to Mr. BURKE, I need not stand on so much Ceremony. For
tho' he is confessedly a great _Rhetorician_, and can with his magic Voice
raise a mighty Tempest of metaphorical Lightenings and Thunders;--yet,
Heaven be praised, there is the Period of all his Powers: And his _verba
ardentia_, his _flaming Words_, are found to end at last (like many other
Explosions) in Noise and Smoke. Nor doth it, I humbly apprehend, at all
follow, that the Orator is endowed with a greater Portion of political
Discernment than other Men, or with more disinterested Sincerity, and real
Love of his Country, in making a just and honest Application of that
Discernment;--merely because he has more Words at Command, and can muster
up a greater Army of bright Similes, and florid Expressions.

But be that as it may:--I now consider myself as standing at the Bar of
the public Tribunal: And therefore before the Jury is struck, and the
Trial begins, I humbly beg Leave to claim, and to exercise one of the
distinguishing Privileges of _Englishmen_ in such Cases, viz. To except
against all such Persons in the Pannel, who appear to be under a wrong
Biass, and an undue Influence respecting the Nature of this Dispute.

And 1st. I except against _Courtiers and Placemen_, considered _as such_.
This is not uttered out of a Spirit of Resentment, Pique, or
Disappointment, according to the Mode of modern Times. For, I thank God, I
have no Cause to complain of any Disappointment; having since my
Advancement to the Deanery of _Glocester_ in the Year 1758, neither
directly nor indirectly made the least, or the most distant Application
for any other or higher Station. This Renunciation of aspiring Views is a
Circumstance, which I am persuaded Mr. BURKE knew perfectly well, by
various Means, and from different Persons, especially from a noble Lord,
formerly high in Office, and a great _Favourite_ at Court, but now his
Coadjutor, and a flaming Patriot. And yet the Orator has been pleased to
characterize me by Name in his Speech of the 19th of _April_, 1774, with
out any Provocation, as one of those _Court-Vermin_ (such was his polite
Phrase) who would do any thing for the Sake of a Bishopric.--Moreover I do
not make this Exception against Courtiers from any bad Opinion I have
conceived of the present Set of Ministers; for I think it may be fairly
allowed, without paying them any Compliment, that they are to the full as
_able_, and as _honest_ as the best of those who are endeavouring to
supplant them. But nevertheless, as they are subject to many unhappy
Biasses, which may draw their Judgments aside without sinister Intentions,
they ought to be excepted against in the present Dispute. In fact, while
the great Continent of _North America_ shall continue to be united to this
Island under any mode whatever, Persons in Administration will necessarily
have a Multitude of Places and Sine-cures to dispose of, many lucrative
Contracts to bestow; and, to speak in coarse tho' very expressive
_English_, many JOBS of various Kinds, wherewith to gratify their Friends,
and Dependents. Not to mention, that if ever a total Separation (such as
proposed by my Plan) should ensue, the Ministry for the Time being, would
run a great Risque of falling a Sacrifice to the blind Zeal of popular
Discontents, and the knavish Intrigues of Party-Factions. Therefore for
all these Reasons, I must insist, that Courtiers and Placemen ought to be
excepted against, as being not sufficiently unbiassed, or disinterested to
determine impartially on the present Subject.

2dly. I particularly except against the whole Band of Mock-Patriots. And
my Reason is, because this Race of Men will of Course, prefer that Scheme,
whatever it be, which can furnish them with the most lasting Fund for
Opposition and Complaint. Now it is evident, that our Conjunction with
_North-America_, upon any Terms, and under any, or every Modification,
will not fail of becoming an inexhaustible Source of Altercation and
Reproach, let whatever Measures be pursued. For Example: Had the Ministry
proposed at first that very Scheme, which Mr. BURKE has now thought proper
to recommend, the Heads of the Faction, and even Mr. BURKE himself (if he
had not been a Pensioner to _North-America_) would most probably have
proposed just the Reverse; that is, they and he would have insisted on the
Necessity of _obliging_ the Colonies to contribute a Share,
_proportionable to their Interests, and to the growing Benefits they
receive_, towards the Maintenance, the Grandeur, and the Glory of that
Empire, from which their own Preservation and Prosperity are derived. And
then the popular Cry would have been, that a wicked and a profligate
Administration were going to sacrifice the Honour and Dignity of the
_British_ Crown, and the dear-bought Rights and Privileges of the
_British_ Nation to _American_ Gold, and _American_ Ingratitude.--Then we
should have been told (and every Town and Country News-Paper would have
echoed and re-echoed the Tale) that _America_ was the Property of
_Great-Britain_ by every possible and legal Claim;--by Right of
Discovery,--Right of Occupancy,--Right of Possession,--uninterrupted
Prescription,--Communication of Benefits,--Participation of Posts of
Honour, and Places of Profit,--general Protection,--never-ceasing Defence,
&c. &c. And then we should have been told with peculiar Emphasis, that
this new-fangled, ministerial Scheme of erecting so many new Parliaments,
all co-ordinate with each other, under one general Monarch, was not only a
notorious Breach of the _English_ Constitution, and utterly repugnant to
the Law of the Land,--but was also a deep-laid, diabolical Contrivance to
subjugate these petty Parliaments, one after another, and all in their
Turns, to the irresistible Power of one grand Despot:--In short, then it
would have been said (and with great Appearance of Truth) that _divide, et
impera_ was the ministerial Maxim;--and that, what was done, or going to
be done in _America_, was only the Omen and Prelude to the like fatal
Establishments here in _Britain_. For the next Step would be (and upon a
Pretence full as good, and altogether as constitutional) to break to
Pieces the united Force of the _British_ Parliament, by erecting one
diminutive Assembly of States at _Edinburgh_, another at _York_, a third
at _London_, and a fourth at _Bath_, or _Exeter_, or somewhere in the
West: And then, partly by flattering and cajoling,--partly by Bribes or
Bullying,--by exciting their Hopes, or their Fears at one Time,--and their
Jealousies at another,--and by playing off each of these puny Assemblies
against its Rival, the Minister would necessarily become omnipotent;--and
then farewell to the Liberties of _Old England_.

3dly. I object also against all those of whatever Denomination, from the
roaring Patriot in the Senate, to the miserable Scribbler in the Garret,
who are the Pensioners of _France_, or _Spain_, or of any other rival
Power:--I say, I object against their being Judges in this Dispute,
because the very Intent of their receiving Pay is to promote Discord, and
to cherish Faction;--and because they cannot earn their Wages with more
Facility, or with surer Success to their Employers, than by patronizing
such Schemes, as will necessarily keep up the Disputes between
_Great-Britain_ and her Colonies.

But here the Smartness of Debate (to use one of Mr. BURKE's very smart
Expressions) will be apt to say, "Who are those Persons against whom your
Insinuations are levelled? Name them, if you are able: And as you ought to
be furnished with the most positive Proofs, before you are entitled to
throw out such Invectives, give them to the Public, in order that we may
hold these Traitors to their Country in just Abhorrence."

To all which strong Words I would beg Leave to suggest the following
Answers.

1. I think it may be allowed, without injuring the Cause of Truth, or even
Charity, that a Man may be fully convinced of a bad Design, or a wicked
Scheme being in Agitation, without being able to prove, who are the
Persons concerned in it. It is not usual for the Guilty to call upon the
Innocent to step forwards and be their Accusers: Nor can it be expected,
that the Names of the Conspirators should be the first Thing in any
Conspiracy which is to be brought to Light. Indeed, generally speaking,
this is the last Part of any Plot, or of any bad Design, which can be
fully known, or legally ascertained. And therefore, if either the
Experience of former Times, or the Nature of the Case, can afford probable
Reasons, and circumstantial Evidence in Support of this Assertion, _That
there are Numbers of Pensioners to Foreign Powers now among us_--surely
we have obtained all the Proofs that are necessary at present towards
establishing a general Belief of the Fact, (which is the only Point here
contended for;) and we must leave to Time, that great Discoverer of
political Machinations, to unravel the rest.

Wherefore, 2dly. Let it be observed, that the History of this very Country
furnishes us with striking Examples in Confirmation of the above
Assertion. Particularly during the memorable Reigns of CHARLES the Second,
and WILLIAM the Third, that is, just before, and just after the
Revolution, there were many venal _Englishmen_, both in the Senate and out
of it, the Pensioners of _France_; who, to be sure, meant nothing by what
they said or did on these Occasions, and for such Pay, but the Good of
their dear bleeding Country; who therefore stormed and thundered,
speechified and harangued, printed and published out of pure,
disinterested Zeal for the Welfare of poor, old _England_!

Hence therefore I infer, 3dly, That the like may happen again, or rather
has happened already, unless it can be shewn, either, that _France_ and
_Spain_ want no such Agents at present; or if they did, that they cannot
now, as heretofore, find them here in _Britain_. In regard to the first of
these Positions, whosoever will give himself the Trouble, to examine
coolly and impartially into the slender Reasons alledged on our Parts, for
beginning two of the most bloody and destructive Wars, that ever were
known, will find sufficient Cause to believe, that those Powers will
always think it to be more for their Interests, to cut out Work at Home
for these restless and turbulent Islanders (as they are pleased to call
us) than to let us be at Peace among ourselves, lest that Circumstance
should give us an Opportunity of picking Quarrels with our Neighbours. And
most certain it is, that both the former _Spanish_ (or the _No-Search_)
War, and the latter _French_ (or the _Acadia_ and _Ohio_) War, were begun
and carried on principally with a View to promote the immediate Interests
of the Northern Colonies; the former to protect their Smugglers, when
hovering about the Coasts, and when actually trading in the prohibited
Ports of the _Spanish West-Indies_; and the latter, (a War, alas! begun,
without so much as a Declaration of War!) to do, I know not what! unless
it was to enable the grateful Colonies to rebel against the Mother
Country, perhaps a Generation or two sooner, than otherwise they would
have done. But be that as it may, one Thing is certain, and beyond
Dispute, that the more we are embroiled among ourselves, the less Cause
will the other Powers of _Europe_ have to fear our giving them any
Disturbance: And that 20,000l. or 30,000l. a Year spent in Bribes and
Pensions, properly disposed, to raise an Opposition against Government,
and to enflame the Populace against their Rulers, will do more effectual
Service to the Courts of _France_ and _Spain_, than thirty Times these
Sums laid out in manning Fleets, or equipping Squadrons or preparing and
embarking Troops for an Invasion.

If therefore these Points are so self-evident, as not to be denied, the
only Question now remaining is this, Can it be supposed, or is it
credible, that a popular _British_ Senator, a _British_ Pamphleteer, or a
_British_ News-writer, in an Age so pure and uncorrupt as ours, would
accept of a Bribe, or a Pension on such dishonourable Conditions? And are
not all these illustrious Personages either of such well known independent
Fortunes, or of such spotless Characters, and approved Virtue, as to be
superior to any Temptation of this Sort? Now here I say nothing, but chuse
to be silent; and earnestly entreat every Reader to judge for himself.
Indeed there was a Time, when a Text of sacred Scripture might have been
urged, as carrying some Weight in deciding the present Question: "Beware
of false Prophets, who come to you in Sheep's Cloathing, but inwardly they
are ravening Wolves. Ye shall know them by their Fruits. Do Men gather
Grapes of Thorns, or Figs of Thistles? Even so every good Tree bringeth
forth good Fruit; but a corrupt Tree bringeth forth evil Fruit. A good
Tree cannot bring forth evil Fruit, neither can a corrupt Tree bring forth
good Fruit.--WHEREFORE BY THEIR FRUITS YE SHALL KNOW THEM." I say, there
was a Time, when the Authority of such a Caution would have been regarded
as more decisive than the Productions of our modern licentious Presses.
But as we now live in very extraordinary Times, full of new Lights, and
new Discoveries, I forbear, lest our Patriots should accuse me of Bigotry,
Priestcraft, or Superstition[1].

4thly. I expressly except against all Persons of _Republican_ Principles
for very obvious Reasons; for tho' they dignify themselves by the Name of
WHIGS, yet as they are not the genuine, _constitutional Whigs_ of this
Kingdom, but an unnatural Superfoetation, and the avowed Enemies of the
_British_ Constitution, they ought not to be allowed to sit in Judgment in
a _British_ Cause. They are, it is well known, the professed Advocates for
continuing and cementing the Union between _Great-Britain_ and her
Colonies; and yet they wish, above all Things, to see these Colonies
totally exempt from, and independent of, the Power and Jurisdiction of the
_British_ Legislature. Now, how are we to reconcile these glaring
Contradictions? And what is the Reason for professing such a preposterous
Zeal for _America_, in Preference both to the Interests and Honour of
their native Country? The Reason is this:--They think, that by cherishing
and protecting a republican Government in the Colonies, they are paving
the Way for introducing a similar Establishment into _Great-Britain_.
Therefore _Republicism_ is the Bond of Union between these unnatural
_Englishmen_ and their Fellow-Labourers of _America_: _Republicism_, I
say, [pardon the Use of a new Word, where the Language doth not afford a
better] is made the _common Cause_ for uniting Persons of the most
discordant Interests and different Inclinations in other Respects.

And I will add, as an Illustration of this Matter, and to shew how far
certain Persons will go to obtain their Ends, that the Republicans in the
Reigns of CHARLES II. JAMES II. and WILLIAM III. joined the
Constitutionalists in bringing about the Revolution, chiefly with the
Hopes, that a Prince who owed his Election to the Voice of the People,
might the easier be dethroned by the same People, whenever they could get
them into the Mood to do it, whether with, or without a Cause. For the
very Sound of Monarchy, however limited, or however well administered, is
grating to their Ears. They cannot bear to think, that one Man, or one
Family should be so much exalted above _themselves_, in Contradiction to
their darling Maxim of a NATURAL EQUALITY. And this Scheme for laying the
Foundation of a _new_ and _equal_ Republic is what the Republicans really
intend by using the Phrase _Revolution Principles_ at this Day. In short,
we have now the most authentic Proofs, that their Predecessors of old
tried all Means in their Power, and even applied to the Court of _France_
first to prevent, and then to defeat the Revolution, and to set up a
Republican Form in its stead; alledging that it was more for the Interest
of that Court to have a Republican Government take Place in _England_,
somewhat after the Example of that of _Holland_, than any Kind of
Monarchical Constitution, because this, at one Time or other, might
become a troublesome Neighbour, and a dangerous Rival; whereas nothing of
that Kind was to be feared from a mere simple _Democracy_. Moreover in
some Years afterwards, when the Crown was settled on the House of
_Hanover_, we know it well, (for it is no Secret) that the Republicans
both then, and since, had no other Merit towards that House,
notwithstanding all their Boastings, than that of reserving its Princes,
like the Prisoners in CACUS's Den, _to be devoured the last_. A mighty
Favour truly! For which our Ears are perpetually dinned with a Repetition
of the Services of these Men towards the ungrateful House of _Hanover_!

And now, my Lords and Gentlemen, having excepted against Courtiers and
Placemen as _such_,--against pretended Patriots _on every
Account_,--against the Pensioners of foreign Powers,--and against _rank
Republicans_;--my humble Request is, that the Cause between Mr. BURKE and
me may be tried by the LANDED INTEREST ONLY. _They_ are certainly the
properest and most unexceptionable Judges; for they have _the most at
Stake_; and their Interest, and the Interest of the Public, must
necessarily coincide. They can gain nothing either by War, or Peace, by a
Submission to, or a Separation from, the Revolters in _North America_, but
what must tend to the general, as well as to their own particular
Advantage. Whereas almost every other Rank of Men may find their Account,
in countenancing and supporting such Measures, as may greatly enrich
themselves, tho' at the Expence of depopulating and impoverishing their
native Country.

Nor, my Lords and Gentlemen, is this Cause beneath your solemn Notice and
Regard. In the former _Spanish_ [or no-search] War, you spent above _Sixty
Millions_ Sterling, including the extraordinary Sums raised, and the fresh
Debts contracted:--And in the last _French_, _Ohio_, or _Acadia_ War, you
spent above NINETY MILLIONS STERLING, if computed after the same Manner,
viz. Additional Sums annually raised, and new Debts contracted. And all,
alas! for what!!!![2]

But without any Retrospect to Things past, let us look towards what is to
come.

The first Thing to be considered in the Dispute between Mr. BURKE and me,
is, which of Our Schemes _is the easiest to be executed, and the most
practicable_? He proposes that all Concessions should be made on our Parts
in Favour of the Colonies; but that none, or next to none, should be made
by them in Favour of _Great Britain_. Now this Proposal can never
terminate the Dispute between us and them, but on one or other of the
following Suppositions.

First, that the Parliament and People of _Great-Britain_ are now
convinced, that they have acted injuriously, illegally, and
unconstitutionally in pretending to make any Laws, whether good or bad, to
bind the _Americans_: Because they (the _Americans_) have their own
Legislatures, which are totally independent of ours: And therefore we take
Shame to ourselves by revoking these pretended, usurping Laws. For in
short, the first Step in Politics, as well as in Morals, towards sincere
Repentance, is _Restitution_. Or, secondly, though we should not give up
the Point of _Right_, of making Laws, and cry _peccavimus_,--yet we take
for granted, that no improper Use will be made of the great and manifold
Concessions, contained in Mr. BURKE's Scheme; because we have to deal with
a People, who, (we know by long Experience) may be trusted with every
Thing, as being the _Quintessence of Honour and Honesty_, both in public
and private Life, and particularly the _fair unsullied Monuments of
national Gratitude_.

Or if this likewise should prove to be a Pill too large, and too nauseous
for _Englishmen_ to swallow;--then, thirdly, we are to suppose, in order
to end all Controversy, that the Trade with these _North-Americans_ is so
essential to our Interests, as a commercial Nation, that we must keep them
in good Humour at any Rate, and at any Expence;--least they should deprive
us of their Custom, to the utter Ruin of our Manufactures, Shipping,
Navigation, &c. &c. &c.

Or lastly, we must suppose, that old _England_ is in Fact grown so
exceedingly weak and impotent, and _America_ so very strong and powerful,
that it is in vain to resist any Encroachments, which the Colonies may
make on the Mother-Country:--For in such Circumstances, it is more prudent
to submit to the present Evils, great as they are, than to provoke our
Conquerors to inflict still greater.

I say, one or other of these four Suppositions must necessarily be made,
before Mr. BURKE's Plan can terminate in real Peace, and restore that
Harmony, of which he makes such continual Boastings. Let him therefore, at
his own Leisure, take his Choice of either of the four, or even adopt them
all, if he pleases, and make the most of them.

In the mean while, deign, my Lords and Gentlemen, to cast your Eyes on my
Plan (_childish_ as it is represented by him to be) of a _total
Separation_. And first of all, is it practicable in itself? And could it
be executed with Ease, if heartily set about?--Suppose therefore, that you
were to recall your Fleets and Armies, and publish to the _Americans_ the
following Manifesto, couched under the Form of an Act of Parliament.

"Whereas many of the _British_ Provinces, Colonies, and Plantations in
_North-America_, after having made, from Time to Time, various Attempts to
throw off, or subvert the legislative Authority and Jurisdiction of
_Great-Britain_, have at length proceeded to the greatest and most daring
Outrages for accomplishing the same, by entering into illegal Combinations
and traiterous Conspiracies, and even by breaking out into open and
undisguised Rebellion: And whereas the Inhabitants in general of the said
Provinces, Colonies, and Plantations shew not the least Signs of Sorrow
and Contrition for their past Offences, nor any Desire to implore the
Clemency of the Parent-State, which hath in all Instances cherished,
supported, and protected them at an immense Expence both of Blood, and
Treasure; but on the contrary, continue to encrease their hostile
Preparations for opposing, by Violence and Force of Arms, the Execution of
the Laws made by the supreme Legislature of Parliament for the due
Governance, and constitutional Dependence of such subordinate States and
Provinces;

"Be it therefore enacted by the Kings most excellent Majesty, by and with
the Advice and Consent of the Lords Spiritual and Temporal, and of the
Commons of _Great-Britain_ in Parliament assembled;--that every such
Province, Colony, and Plantation which either now is, or at the ___ Day of
_____ next ensuing shall be found to be in Arms and Rebellion against the
Laws and Authority of the supreme Legislature of _Great-Britain_, shall,
from and after the Time above mentioned, be totally cut off, severed, and
separated from the British Empire; and that all its Inhabitants shall be
declared, and are hereby declared to have lost and forfeited all
Privileges and Advantages, Benefits and Protection both by Sea and Land,
belonging, or supposed to belong to the Subjects of _Great-Britain_; and
that they shall be deemed, taken, and reputed, in all Courts of Law, and
in all Respects whatever, to be as much Aliens and Foreigners, and subject
to the same Incapacities, as if they had been Aliens born.

"Provided nevertheless, and to the Intent, that as far as the Nature of
the Case will admit, the _Innocent_ may not be involved in the Punishment
intended only for the _Guilty_; be it enacted by the Authority aforesaid,
that it shall and may be lawful for his Majesty, and for his Heirs and
Successors, at any Time, to grant a Pardon to a whole State, Province, or
Colony, now in Rebellion, under the Great Seal of the Realm; or to one or
more Inhabitant or Inhabitants thereof under the Seal Manual, and to
_restore_ such Colony, or such Person or Persons to their former Rights
and Privileges, as _British_ Subjects, when it shall appear to his Majesty
in Council, that such a Province, or Colony, or such a Petitioner or
Petitioners is, are, or shall be deserving of his Royal Clemency and
Favour."

Suppose, I say, such a Manifesto, or one to this Effect, and couched under
the Form of an Act of Parliament, to be proclaimed to the World concerning
the Rebellion now existing in _America_: And then I ask, what possible
Difficulty could attend the Execution of it? Or who would even attempt to
prevent it? The only People or Nation, who would wish to obstruct the
Execution of such a Law, are the _Americans_ themselves; for they have no
Manner of Objection against participating in all Kinds of _Benefits_ to be
derived from an _Union_ with us; tho' they raise such terrible Outcries
against sharing in any of our _Burthens_: And yet their Efforts and
Opposition would all be in vain; because, tho' you should even allow, that
they are able to maintain their Independence in _America_, that
Circumstance would not render them the Conquerors of _Great-Britain_, much
less of the rest of the World; who must of Course remain independent of
them.

Therefore, so far at least my System must have the Preference to Mr.
BURKE's.

2dly. The next Question is, _Which System, can be carried into Execution
with the least Expence?_ And surely as we have hitherto been engaged in
nothing but Profusion and Extravagance, it is now high Time to adopt, if
we can, some useful Scheme of Frugality and OEconomy in regard to
_America_.

Now, my Lords and Gentlemen, here again permit me to ask, What Expences
can possibly attend the Execution of my Scheme?--The Thing itself is no
sooner said, than done. And all the Charges attending it are summed up in
the triffling Articles of Pen, Ink, Paper, and Printing. Whereas Mr.
BURKE's System, even according to his own Account, will entail upon you
Expences always encreasing, nay, next to infinite. You must, for Example,
win over the Heads and Leaders of the new _American_ Parliaments by means
of "Great Honours and great Emoluments," [A pretty Periphrasis this to
describe the Art of _Bribing_!] in order to cooperate with the Plans of
the _British_ Parliament, and to bear a Share of the general Burthens of
the _British_ Empire.

You must also guard their Coasts at all Times, and protect them from all
Invaders: And when they chuse to amuse themselves by going _on smuggling_,
_trucking_, _huckstering_, and _buccaneering_ Parties on the _Spanish_
Main, then you must more particularly stand up in their Defence, and
insist on their Vessels not being searched by the _Spanish_ Guarda-costas.
And if the _Spaniards_ should think this an hard Measure, and appeal to
the Practice and Example of _Englishmen_ themselves, who never fail to
search the Ships of all Nations, if found hovering on their Coasts, you
must positively and vehemently say, that the _Case is widely
different_:--Then you have a sufficient Plea for declaring War against
them;--then, my Lords and Gentlemen, resolve (as your Predecessors did
before) never to make Peace 'till the Right of Searching is given
up;--then spend another _sixty_ or _ninety_ Millions in this new
Quarrel;--and at last make Peace, (as they did) without ever mentioning
the Right of not being searched; for which alone they pretended to go to
War.

But this is not all:--For when the Back-Settlers in _America_ shall have
"topped the _Apalachian_ Mountains in sufficient Numbers to constitute
Hords of _English_ Tartars, pouring down an irresistible Cavalry on the
unfortified Frontiers;"--who is to _resist_ these _Irresistibles_?--Not
the Colonists or Provincials; for they, poor People, tho' now 150,000
strong, [see General LEE's Letter] to fight against their Protectors and
Defenders, will nevertheless be so frightened at the Sight of this
_Apalachian_ Tartar Cavalry, that they will again cry out for Help to the
Mother-Country;--again, I say, as they did before, when only an handful of
[3] _French_ and _Indians_ appeared against them. And indeed, if the
Mother-Country will act the Part of _Don Quixote_ to that Degree, as to
expend her best Blood and Treasure in their Cause, why should they incur
any Dangers in their own dear Persons? Why be at the Pains and Charges of
defending themselves, when they can so easily get the _British_ Nation to
fight, and bleed, and do every Thing for them? Besides Mr. BURKE has
already declared in express Terms, [Page 98, 2d. Edit.] that AMERICA MUST
NOT BE EXHAUSTED. Exhaust, therefore, yourselves, my Lords and Gentlemen!
as much as you please, or as much as you can; but don't expect Assistance
from _America_, even in her own Defence, whilst she can get such
Knight-Errants as the _English_ to fight her Battles; and whilst she can
raise Patriots and Pamphleteers, News-Writers and Republicans, without
Number, to yell the _American_ War Hoop, and to denounce BLACK and BITTER
Days against those, who should even hesitate to obey her Commands.

But the third Question is, Which Scheme is _best calculated to prevent the
like Disturbances for the future_?

And here I would humbly beg Leave to observe, that if my Scheme had
nothing else to recommend it to your Notice, it most infallibly cuts off
all the present Causes of Dispute and Contention between the two
Countries; so that they never can revive again. Whereas Mr. BURKE's is,
at best, but a temporary Cessation from Hostilities; a mere Truce, 'till
both Parties can be recruited, and better provided to begin the War again.
Nay, his would be found in the Event,--not only to be no Manner of Cure or
Palliation of the present Evils, but even greatly to foment them, and also
to engender many new ones.

For Example:--Granting, that Peace was made on the very Terms, which Mr.
BURKE requires:--Granting, that we repealed every Act of Parliament to
which the _Americans_ have thought proper to object:--Granting also, that
we renounce for ever any Claim of Right to levy Taxes:--And granting, in
short, that the _American_ Assemblies became so many distinct Parliaments,
supreme within themselves, and independent of all others:--Still, whilst
these _American Independents_ are to be protected by the _British_ Flag;
whilst they are to enjoy all the Rights and Privileges of natural-born
_British_ Subjects, both at Home, and Abroad, and in every Part of the
Globe,--Questions _will_, and _must_, and _ought_ to arise, on what Terms
are these independent _Americans_ to be thus protected? And what
Compensation is to be made to the Mother-Country, for communicating to
them her most valuable Rights and Privileges? Are they really to enjoy all
Posts of Honour and Preferment, and all Places of Trust and Profit, and
to be entitled to every Sort of Advantage, [4] Safeguard, and Protection,
equally with the Natives of _Great-Britain_; and yet to make no Recompence
or Acknowledgement for all these Favours?--The Answer of every staunch
_American_, and of Mr. BURKE their Advocate General, must be as follows,
(for on their Principles they can return no other) That each independent
_American_ Parliament will be ready to _give_ and to _grant_ to _Great
Britain_, by Way of Recompense or Gratification, the whole Sum
of--_whatever they shall think proper, and no more_[5]. And that in
respect to the Regulations of _American_ Commerce, they will consent, that
you shall put whatever nominal Restraints you please upon it, provided
you will not enforce such Restraints by any Forfeitures or Penalties,
which shall imply _the most distant Idea of Taxation_;--and provided also
that, if Offences should be supposed to be committed, they, (the
_Americans_) and no others shall be allowed to be Judges both of the
Nature, and of the Degree of each Offence; and that the Cause shall be
tried no where else, but in their own _American_ Courts, and by their own
_American_ Juries.

Now, my Lords and Gentlemen, suffer me I beseech you, to appeal to your
own good Sense and Understandings on this Head.--Ask yourselves this plain
Question, Is such a Plan of Reconciliation as Mr. BURKE proposes, a likely
Method of terminating the present Disputes between the Mother-Country and
her Colonies? Nay ask farther;--Hath it so much as a Tendency to cool and
moderate them? Or rather doth it not seem much better contrived to
enflame, than to extinguish; to kindle new Fires, than to quench old ones?

Besides, when each of these _American_ Assemblies shall be erected into a
distinct Parliament, supreme within itself, and independent of the
rest,--Is it possible to suppose, that no _new_ Disputes, or _new_
Differences will arise between such co-ordinate States and rival
Powers;--_neighbouring_, _jealous_, and _contending_ Powers, I say, whose
respective Limits are in many Instances as yet undefined, if really
definable! And is it at all consistent with any Degree of common Sense, or
daily Experience, to suppose that such Combustibles as these will not
speedily catch Fire?--Especially, if we take into the Account, the
discordant Tempers of the Inhabitants of these respective Provinces, their
inbred Hatreds and Antipathies against each other, their different Modes
of Life, the Differences of Climate, Religion, Manners, Habits of
Thinking, &c. &c.

Now, when Tumults and Disorders shall arise from any of these various
Causes,--What is to be done? And to whom, or to what common Head, or
general Umpire is the appellant Province to carry her Complaint?--The
Parliament of _Great-Britain_, it seems, must no longer interfere; for
that is no longer the supreme Head of the Empire, to which all the Parts
used to be subordinate, and professed to be obedient; therefore, being
destitute of any authoritative or constitutional Right to _compel_
Submission, all it can do, is to offer its good Services by Way of
Mediation; and that is, generally speaking, just nothing at all.

Is then the KING (abstracted from the Parliament) to be appealed to in
this arduous Affair? And is he alone (in his mere _personal Capacity_) to
command the Peace to be preserved between State and State, or Province and
Province.----[6]Is he, I say (abstracted from being a King of
_Great-Britain_) to summon all the Parties before himself and his Privy
Council, in order to hear their respective Allegations, and finally to
determine, and settle the Differences between them? Be it so: Then if he
only is to decide, _as in an Affair relating to his own private Patrimony,
in which we have no more Concern than we have with Hanover_,--it
necessarily follows, that he must be invested with sufficient Power
(independent of, and without the Consent of Parliament) to enforce these
Decisions; for a Decree without a Power to enforce it, and to compel
Obedience, is altogether nugatory and vain.

Now, my Lords and Gentlemen, this brings us to the last Point of
Comparison between Mr. BURKE's, _and my System_, viz. Which will least
endanger, or rather, which is best adapted to preserve our present happy
Constitution?

Mr. BURKE's you see (if consistent with itself) must invest the Prince
with an amazing Degree of Power!--Even with such a Degree, as shall be
sufficient to controul the refractory States of _America_, from one End of
the Continent to the other. Nay, what is still more, this _supreme_,
_controuling_ Power must be the only CENTER OF UNION throughout the
Empire. Nothing besides is so much as proposed; and indeed nothing besides
(when the parliamentary Connection is dissolved) can be sufficient to
_tie_ all the Parts together;--Parts so widely distant, so totally
disjointed from each other, as the _British_ Isles and the _American_
Continent.

Now here again permit me to ask, Is not this a very alarming Circumstance
even in Contemplation? And is all our boasted Zeal for Liberty to end at
last only in that _Union_ and _Connection_ which can be procured to the
several detached Parts of the Empire by Means of a Court, and of a
standing Army?--A large standing Army to be kept up independently of the
_British_ Parliament!--And that too for the express Purpose of enforcing
the Decrees and Arbitrations of the Court!

But this is not all; for even a standing Army would not be so formidable
(because it would soon moulder away) were no Means to be found out for its
Support and Maintenance: And this Scheme of many independent Parliaments
points to the very Means of obtaining the necessary Supplies; for, as an
ingenious Foreigner has very judiciously observed[7], "A Sovereign who
depends, with regard to Supplies, on several Assemblies, in Fact depends
upon none. An Agent for the _American_ Colonies, [I suppose the Author
meant Dr. FRANKLIN] in his Examination before the House of Commons,
(_Anno_ 1766, P. 122) has even suggested in three Words the whole
Substance of what I have endeavoured to prove on that Subject; when he
said, _The Granting Aids to the Crown is the only Means the Americans
have of_ RECOMMENDING THEMSELVES TO THEIR SOVEREIGN. Nothing therefore
could be more fatal to _English_ Liberty (and to _American_ Liberty in the
Issue) than the Adoption of the Idea, cherished by the _Americans_, of
having distinct independent Assemblies of their own, who should treat
immediately with the King, and grant him Subsidies, to the utter
Annihilation of the Power of those antient, and hitherto successful
Assertors of general Liberty, the _British_ Parliament."

To these Reflections in this and in other Parts of his Book, the judicious
Author adds many striking Examples, particularly the present State of the
Want of Liberty in _France_ and _Spain_, by way of confirming and
corroborating his Argument. But in my humble Opinion there is still a more
forcible Example to be drawn from the Case of the hereditary Dominions of
the House of _Austria_. For it is well known, that the Princes of that
House rule in as absolute a Manner over every Part of their vast
Possessions as the Sovereigns either of _France_ or _Spain_; and yet there
are States (answering to our Parliaments) in almost every Country
belonging to the _Austrian_ Dominions; nay, these States are frequently
summoned to meet together; which is not the Case with the _general
national Assemblies of France_, or with the _Cortes_ of _Spain_. How then
comes it to pass,--that such Meetings produce little or no Effects in
regard to the obtaining of a _reasonable_ Degree of Liberty for the
Subject, which every Subject, if in his right Senses, wishes to obtain?
The Reason is obvious:--There are a Multitude of little States or
Parliaments within the Territories of the House of _Austria_;--the States
of _Austria_ (not to mention the several still lesser States in the
_Netherlands_) the States of _Bohemia_, States of _Hungary_, of
_Transilvania_, _Stiria_, _Carinthia_, _Carniola_, &c. &c. But all these
petty States, or Parliaments being totally independent of, and
consequently _Competitors_ with, and _Rivals_ to each other, never can act
in Concert, or pursue one general Plan, or attend to one _common
Interest_:--So that the Power of the Prince, which would have been too
weak to have contended with them all, if all had been UNITED (like the
Parliament of _Great-Britain_) in _one compact, and general
Body_,--becomes an _Over-match_ for any one of them singly and disjointed
from the rest:--And this is the true Reason, why the House of _Austria_
governs all her Provinces with so high an Hand at this Day. In short,
_Divide et impera_, explains the whole Mystery of this Affair:--And
_Great-Britain_ may here see her own Picture, drawn to the Life, if ever
she should consent to the Erection of Parliaments in _North-America_, to
be _co-ordinate_ with her own; and at the same Time should allow these
_North-Americans_ to be _Co-partners_ with herself in one common Empire.

But why do I labour to prove this Point? Mr. BURKE himself is as
conscious, as I can be, of the dreadful Effects, which must necessarily
attend the Execution of his Scheme. Hear him therefore in his own
Words:--[8]"We know that the Emulations of such Parties [to be created by
the independent Parliaments of _North-America_] their Contradictions,
their reciprocal Necessities, their Hopes and their Fears, _must_ send
them all in their Turns to him who holds the BALANCE of the State. The
Parties are the Gamesters, but Government keeps the Table, and is sure to
be the Winner in the End. When this Game is played, I really think, it is
more to be feared, that the [_American_] People will be exhausted, than
that Government will not be supplied."

Now, my Lords and Gentlemen! be pleased to compare these _Fears_ of Mr.
BURKE, "that the _Americans_ will be too _lavish_ in their Grants,--with
the _Hopes_ entertained by the Agent (just quoted from Monsieur De LOLME)
that the _Americans_ by Means of _liberal Grants_ may recommend themselves
to the good Graces of their Prince;"--and then you will have full
Possession of all Dr. FRANKLIN's favourite Speculation for removing the
Seat of Empire from hence to _North-America_, and for abandoning the
_British_ Isles to the Care of Deputies, Vice Roys, and Lord Lieutenants.
Many of you, I make no Doubt, have heard him declare, that the great
Continent of _British America_ (which, according to his Computation, will
contain nearly ONE HUNDRED MILLIONS of Inhabitants in little more than a
Century) ought to become the Seat of general Empire. And it might be
easily gathered from the whole Turn of his Conversation, that he thought
it no very difficult Matter in the Course of Things to bring this
important Point to bear;--that is, to induce some future Sovereign of this
Country to make the wished for Exchange;--partly by the Obstacles which
might be thrown in his Way, were he to persist in remaining here
[Obstacles, of which we have an _egregious Specimen_ already] and partly
by the alluring Temptations which might be offered him to quit this petty
Spot, and reside in _America_.--I say, many of you must have heard Dr.
FRANKLIN haranguing after this Sort; or have seen Letters from him to the
same Effect:--For that this was his darling Scheme, even before he came to
reside in _England_, I have been well assured; as well as his favourite
Topic ever afterwards. Therefore I will add, that by the Help of this
Comment, we can explain many Passages in the Declarations of the grand
_American_ Congress, which otherwise must appear to be either nauseous
Compliments, or gross Contradictions:--The Passages I refer to, are the
Protestations so often and so solemnly repeated, that they [the
_Americans_] have no Intention of separating from this Country; and that
they have the purest Loyalty to the King, and the strongest Attachment to
the illustrious House of _Hanover_. This Key therefore unlocks the whole
Mystery of their (otherwise unaccountable) Proceedings. And as POPE said
on another Occasion:

  'Tis in the _ruling Passion_: There alone,
  The Wild are constant, and the _Cunning_ known.
  This Clue, once found, unravels all the rest.
  The Prospect clears, and CLODIO stands confest.

In the mean Time, because his Majesty is graciously disposed to join with
_Great-Britain_ against _America_ in this Contest for Empire, (for in Fact
_that is_ the _real_ Dispute, whatever may be the _Pretence_) not only
many among the _Americans_, which is natural enough, but (Shame to tell!)
even among _Englishmen_ themselves, vent the bitterest Reproaches against
him for being the best Friend and Protector of the Mother-Country. Surely
Posterity will stand amazed at such a Procedure! The like Scenes of
Infatuation and Ingratitude (not to mention Disloyalty and Rebellion)
never yet disgraced the Annals of the World! And it seems to be reserved
as a Mark of Infamy peculiar to the present Age, and to our modern Race of
Patriots, that while the Prince on the Throne is incessantly endeavouring
to keep his People free, and to secure their Freedom more and more by all
proper and constitutional Measures, such Numbers should be found amongst
his Subjects, who are equally industrious to thwart his truly patriotic
Designs, and to rush headlong into Slavery.

But as Providence very often brings the greatest Good out of the worst of
Evils, let us not despair, but that these very Attempts, wicked and
unnatural as they are, may be the Means of uniting all honest, and
well-intentioned Men the firmer together, in order to support, and even to
strengthen the present Constitution. For Example, the two great Islands of
_Britain_ and _Ireland_, which are only separated by a narrow Sea, ought
not to be separated at all by different Governments, Laws, or Parliaments.
No good Reason upon Earth can be given for such a Separation: And it has
long been the ardent Wish of every true Patriot in both Nations, to see
them united. Indeed, the best that can be said for the Continuance of the
present absurd System is, that the City of _Dublin_ would be a Sufferer by
the Removal of the Court and Parliament:--I say, this is the very
Argument, which can be urged: And yet this has no Foundation at all, but
in the Prejudices of the Populace, who are almost perpetually mistaking
their own Interests. Even the City of _Dublin_ would be a very great
Gainer by such a Removal: For it would acquire _Industry_ in Exchange for
_Idleness_; and then the Hands of its Tradesmen, by being the Hands of the
Diligent, would enrich each other by reciprocal Employment;--the Hands, I
say, of those very Tradesmen, who in their present State, are almost as
poor, as the poorest in the Kingdom.--That this is the natural and
necessary Course of Things, and not an idle Theory, or visionary
Speculation, I appeal to Fact and daily Experience;--and I appeal, not
only to the Case of _Edinburgh_, which is now three Times, at least, as
rich and flourishing, as when it was the Residence of a Court, and of a
Parliament; but I appeal also to almost every Town in _Ireland_: _Cork_
and _Belfast_ for Example, have neither Courts, nor Parliaments; and yet
their Merchants, Manufacturers, and Traders are much richer in Proportion
to their Numbers, than those of _Dublin_: And what is still more
extraordinary, those little Towns, which once thought themselves happy in
procuring Barracks to be erected among them, in order to obtain, as they
fondly imagined, _the Benefit of a great Flow of Money_, are now perfectly
convinced, that Towns without Barracks, or Towns from which Barracks have
been removed, are in a much more flourishing Condition, then those which
have them.--Of so mischievous a Tendency is the Circulation of Money, when
it becomes the Means of introducing Idleness, and of preventing Industry.
For, reason as long as you will on the Subject, the actual State of Things
will ever prove itself to be this, that Idleness is the Parent of Poverty,
and Industry the only Source of real Riches.

But, my Lords and Gentlemen, this is not all; and my Scheme of an Union
with _Ireland_ is calculated not only to introduce Wealth, and to prevent
Idleness in the single City of _Dublin_; but also to diffuse
constitutional Strength and Firmness, and to create a Stability and
Compactness throughout the whole Empire: Whereas Mr. BURKE's has as
necessary a Tendency to weaken and disjoint every Part of it, and to sow
Jealousies and Dissentions both at Home and Abroad, in the Mother-Country,
and in the Colonies:--The unavoidable Consequence of which would be at the
last, arbitrary and despotic Power. In one Word, the true Motto for my
Scheme is, _Vis unita fortior_; and for his, _Divide et impera_. Judge
therefore, as Men who are more deeply concerned in preserving and
improving the present Constitution, than any Class of Men
whatever;--judge, I say, whether Mr. BURKE's Scheme or mine, in regard to
_America_, ought to have the Preference. You have every Means of
Information now at your Command: Your Birth, your Rank, and Education,
lift you up much above the Prejudices of the Vulgar; whilst your
patrimonial Estates and ample Fortunes screen you from a Multitude of
those Temptations, to which other Men are grievously exposed. And yet, my
Lords and Gentlemen, let me tell you, that if you will not exert
yourselves on this trying Occasion, in some Degree proportionate to the
Importance of the Cause now before you, perhaps it may never be in your
Power to exert yourselves hereafter, when you would wish most ardently to
do it. Remember, therefore, I beseech you, the Words, the _emphatic_, and
perhaps even the _prophetic_, Words of a celebrated Partizan, whose Name I
need not mention:--"Why, Gentlemen, will not you, who are _Men of great
Landed Estates_, take an active Part in the present Disputes? Your
Neutrality, I do assure you, will not protect you. For if you will still
remain inactive at such a Crisis, what has happened before will happen
again; and the *****'s and the *****'s who have but little to lose, but
may have much to get in Times of general Confusion, will certainly become
the great Men of this Nation."

  _Fas est et ab hoste doceri._

Indeed the Estates of the Church, we all know, will fall the first
Sacrifice, should the Republican Party now prevail. But nevertheless, if
you, my Lords and Gentlemen, should be so weak as to imagine, that Matters
will stop there; and that your own large Possessions, your splendid
Titles, your hereditary Honours, and ample Privileges will escape unhurt,
amidst that general _Wreck_ of private Property, and _Crush_ of
Subordination, which will necessarily ensue; you will be woefully
mistaken:--And I must beg Leave to say, that you will have profited but
very little, by what has been so well written in the Annals of this very
Country, for your Instruction and Admonition. For depend upon it, the Use
of _Committee-Men_, and the Business of _Sequestrators_ are not yet
forgot; depend upon it, I say, that Ways and Means are still to be found
out, for the lowest of the People to get at the Possession of the greatest
of your Estates, as well in these, as in former Times. Their Appetites are
equally keen:--And if these hungry Patriots should succeed, after such an
Example is set before your Eyes, who are you to blame but yourselves?--In
one Word, you know, or ought to know, that even the tender Mercies of a
Republic are cruel. Or, if you are not yet convinced of the Truth of this
Assertion, look abroad into the World; nay, look into what is now doing by
the Republican Congresses in _America_; and then see how you would approve
such Men as these for YOUR MASTERS.

HERE THEREFORE I willingly close the whole Dispute between Mr. BURKE and
me: And I most chearfully submit the Decision of this important Question
to those (but to _those only_) who are the best qualified, the most able,
and the most concerned to decide impartially. What therefore is to follow
in this Treatise, is to be considered rather _ex abundanti_, than as
strictly necessary for the Support of my Argument, and the Confutation of
my Opponent. Yet, seeing that the following Points may serve to elucidate
some of the former, and seeing that so much has been said, and such
confident Boastings have been uttered, concerning the Advantages, and even
the Immensity of the Colony-Trade; I will enter the more particularly into
these Matters.

And first of all, and previous to any Enquiry into the Fact, I enter a
solemn Protest against the disingenuous Artifice, so often practiced by
the Partizans of _America_, viz. That OF BEGGING THE QUESTION. They beg
the Question, when they take for granted, that if _America_ were separated
from _Great-Britain_, all commercial Intercourse would cease between the
two Countries. For this is the very Point, which they ought to have
proved, instead of taking it for granted. And prove it they never can,
'till they shall have first demonstrated, that the _Americans_ will no
longer adhere to their own Interest, when they shall be disunited from
us. A difficult Task this! In regard to which, they will find all the
World to be Unbelievers. Indeed I have already so effectually silenced
this Plea in my Fourth Tract from Page 203 to Page 220, [2d Edit. printed
for RIVINGTON, &c.] that I hope I may be excused from repeating the same
Things. And as the Arguments there urged have never been attempted to be
answered, notwithstanding so much Good-Will to do it, and that my
Opponents most certainly would do it, if they could, the natural
Conclusion is, _that they are_ UNANSWERABLE.

Therefore I now enter upon the Subject itself; and as the Trade to
_Holland_ and _Germany_ (and _more particularly to_ Hanover) hath been
frequently represented as being very inconsiderable, and of small
Importance; I have for this very Reason, selected this Trade from others,
to make it the Subject of our Comparison with the Trade to all the
revolted Provinces of _North-America_.


An Account of the Value of the Exports from _England_ to _Germany_ and
_Holland_; and also to those _North-American_ Provinces, which are now
under the Dominion of the Congress, for nine Years successively, viz. from
_Christmas_ 1763 to _Christmas_ 1772, distinguishing each Country, and
each Year.

                            From Christmas 1763 |
                             to Christmas 1764. |       1765.       |
                       -------------------------+-------------------+
                           _Value of Exports._  |_Value of Exports._|
                       -------------------------+-------------------+
                               £.         s. d. | £.         s.  d. |
                     Germany   2,264,315  3  9  | 1,869,465  18   8 |
                     Holland   2,040,467  9  9  | 2,026,772  16  11 |


  The REVOLTED PROVINCES of _North-America_.

  Carolina                       305,808  1  6  |   334,709  12   8 |
  New-England's four Provinces   459,765  0 11  |   451,299  14   7 |
  New-York                       515,416 12  1  |   382,349  11   1 |
  Pensilvania                    435,191 14  0  |   363,368  17   5 |
  Virginia and Maryland          515,192 10  6  |   383,224  13   0 |



        |       1766.       |       1767.       |       1768.       |
        +-------------------+-------------------+-------------------+
        |_Value of Exports._|_Value of Exports._|_Value of Exports._|
        +-------------------+-------------------+-------------------+
        | £.         s.  d. | £.         s.  d. | £.         s.  d. |
        | 1,811,268   2   3 | 1,506,293  10  11 | 1,499,732   0   4 |
        | 1,602,924   6   7 | 1,539,705  18   0 | 1,744,974   5   8 |


        |   296,732   1   4 |   244,093   6   0 |   289,868  12   3 |
        |   409,642   7   6 |   406,081   9   2 |   419,797   9   4 |
        |   330,829  15   8 |   417,957  15   5 |   482,930  14   4 |
        |   327,314   5   3 |   371,830   8  10 |   432,107  17   4 |
        |   372,548  16   1 |   437,628   2   6 |   475,954   6   2 |



        |       1769.       |       1770.       |        1771.      |
        +-------------------+-------------------+-------------------+
        |_Value of Exports._|_Value of Exports._|_Value of Exports._|
        +-------------------+-------------------+-------------------+
        | £.         s.  d. | £.         s.  d. | £.         s.  d. |
        | 1,338,866   9   8 | 1,272,569   0   4 | 1,316,492   1   4 |
        | 1,658,551  13   1 | 1,766,333  10   2 | 1,685,397  16   0 |


        |   306,600   5   6 |   146,273  17   0 |   409,169   9   4 |
        |   207,993  14   3 |   394,451   7   5 | 1,420,119   1   1 |
        |    74,918   7  10 |   475,991  12   0 |   653,621   7   6 |
        |   199,909  17  11 |   134,881  15   5 |   728,744  19  10 |
        |   488,362  15   1 |   717,782  17   3 |   920,326   3   8 |



                            |       1772.       |     Totals.
                            +-------------------+-------------------
                            |_Value of Exports._|_Value of Exports._
                            +-------------------+-------------------
                            | £.          s.  d.
                            | 1,354,181   6   6 | 14,233,183  13   9
                            | 1,997,815   1   4 | 16,060,942  17   6
                                                  ------------------
                        Total of both Countries   30,294,126  11   3
                                                  ------------------
                            |   449,610   2   2 |  2,782,865   7   7
                            |   824,830   8   9 |  4,993,980  13   0
                            |   343,970  19   9 |  3,677,986  15   8
                            |   507,909  14   0 |  3,501,259  10   0
                            |   793,910  13   2 |  5,104,930  17   5
                                                 -------------------
  Totals of the revolted Provinces                20,061,023   3   8
                                                 -------------------
  Superiority of the Value of the Exports
  to _Holland_ and _Germany_ over the
  Exports to the revolted Provinces of
  _America_                                  £.   10,233,103   7   7


[_To face Page 49._]



REMARK I.


According to the above State of the Account, the Sum Total of the Value of
the Exports to _Holland_ and _Germany_ alone, during a Period of nine
Years, exceeded that to all the [present revolted] Provinces of _North
America_, by no less than 10,234,103_l._ 7_s._ 7_d._ which is more than
ONE-THIRD of the Whole. And yet this very Period was more favourable to
_American_ Exports than any other: 1st. Because during this Period, there
was the greatest Emigration from _Europe_ to _America_, and particularly
from _Holland_ and _Germany_, that can be remembered; and each Emigrant,
if a Customer to _England_, whilst resident in _Europe_, not only swells
the _American_ Account by his Removal, but also sinks the _European_: So
that he acts in a double Capacity, by adding Weight to one Scale, and by
substracting, at least an equal, if not a greater, from the other:--2dly,
Because During this Period, the Colonists, and more especially the four
_New-England_ Governments, were preparing for a _Non-Importation_ System;
and therefore were storing their Magazines with great Quantities of Goods
to serve for many Years. This Circumstance appears on the very Face of
the Account:--And 3dly, Because the Business of Commercial PUFFING, during
this Period, was carried, by the Partizans of _America_, to a greater
Height than ever, in order to make the _American_ Trade appear to be of
much more Consequence to this Nation, than it really is.--To explain this
Artifice of Commercial _Puffing_, to such Persons, who are not conversant
in the Progress of Commercial Laws, I must beg their Attention to the
following short Narrative.--Formerly the Kings of _England_ established
certain Duties or Taxes (generally five per Cent. _ad Valorem_) both on
the Import and Export of Goods, _merely by Virtue of their own
Prerogative_; and, as it was the _universal Practice_ for every Prince to
act in the same Manner, these Duties or _customary_ Payments were
therefore called the CUSTOMS,--the Place where these Duties were paid the
_Custom-House_, and the Officers who collected them the _Custom-House_
Officers. In Process of Time, the Subjects gained a little more Liberty;
so that the Duties, which were originally imposed by Virtue of the mere
Prerogative of the Crown, were afterwards collected by the Authority of an
_Act_, or _Acts_ of the whole Legislature.

And yet, notwithstanding this Change of Authority, there was very little
Alteration in the System of Taxation: For _Exports_ as well as _Imports_
(in those Days of commercial Blindness) paid a Duty of about five per
Cent. [9] _ad Valorem_, as low down as the Reigns of CHARLES II. and JAMES
II.--King WILLIAM was the first Prince who had a true Notion of
introducing wise and beneficial Regulations into the System of
Exportation: For he caused the Duties to be taken off from the Exports of
_English_ Woollen Manufactures, and of a few other Articles: Queen ANN
followed his good Example, and extended the same politic System a little
farther: But it was reserved to the Reign of GEORGE I. and to the
Administration of that _great_ and _able_ Minister, Sir ROBERT WALPOLE
(whom the Traders, and the Populace always abused) to enrich this Country
by Means of a general System of _judicious_ Taxes, and salutary commercial
Regulations. For in one single Act of Parliament in the Year 1722, (8th of
G. I. Chap. 15.) there were about 196 Taxes repealed, [see CROUCH's Book
of Rates] Taxes which had been injudiciously laid, partly on Raw-Materials
coming in, but chiefly on _British_ Manufactures going out. But tho' this
excellent Law was productive of the greatest Advantage to the Nation; yet
it must be allowed, that like many other good Things, it was the innocent
Cause of introducing some Evil. For from that Time we may date the Origin
of our modern _Puffing_, respecting the Export of Goods, which has spread
but too generally ever since. _English_ Manufactures, when entered in the
Custom-House for Exportation, now pay no Tax or Duty; therefore this
Circumstance becomes a Temptation to many Persons to make larger Entries
for Exportation, than in Truth and Reality they ought to do. Vanity, and
the Desire of appearing to be Men of large Dealings, and extensive
Correspondencies, and perhaps other Motives still less justifiable, will
but too well account for such Proceedings in the mercantile World.
Consequently in commercial Puffing, the Traders to _Holland_ and
_Germany_, and the Traders to _North-America_ are much upon a Par: So that
were they to accuse each other, it might be said of both,

  _Clodius accusat Mæchos, Catalina Cethegos._

But nevertheless in other Respects there is a wide Difference between
them. For the Partizans of _America_ are actuated not only by
Self-Interest, or Vanity, but by Principles still more powerful, viz. By
such a Spirit of Enthusiasm, and a Zeal bordering on Phrenzy, as will
stick at nothing to promote the Good of the Cause. Hence therefore we may
reasonably infer, that tho' the Entries for Exportation to every Country
are somewhat exaggerated, yet that those to _North-America_ are doubly so.
Other Traders may probably consider these puffing Advertisements [I mean
their exaggerated Entries for Exportation] as a Kind of Peccadillos, very
allowable for the Promotion of their Interest; but an _American_ Partizan
views them in a much higher Light, viz. as _meritorious Acts done for the
Good of his Country_.



REMARK II.


As we have been hitherto comparing the Value of the _Exports_ to the
twelve _malcontent_ Provinces of _North-America_, with the Value of the
Exports to _Holland_ and _Germany_; let us in the next Place consider also
the Nature of the _North-American Imports_, if compared with those of
other Countries.

Now all Imports may be divided into two Classes, viz. Raw Materials for
the Employment of our own People, and taxable Objects for the Purposes of
raising a Revenue.

In regard to the first of these,--if we should cast our Eyes on the
Imports from [10] _Russia_ only, will any one be so hardy as to maintain,
that the Imports from _North-America_ are at all on a Par with them, in
any Respect whatever? Timber, for Example, Iron, Hemp, Flax and
Flax-Seed, Linen-Yarn, Skins and Furrs, Ashes, Tallow, Hair, Bristles, &c.
&c.;--Can it be pretended, with any Appearance of Truth, that the Imports
of these Articles (taking one with another) from _North-America_, will
bear any Comparison with those from _Russia_? And yet, to the Shame and
Disgrace of an enlightened commercial State, several of these raw
Materials are taxed, if imported from _Russia_, in order to create a
Monopoly to _North-America_: And others, when imported from _America_, are
not only allowed to be entered Duty-free, which is just enough; but also
have enjoyed for many Years the Benefit of large and munificent Bounties
given by the Parliament of _Great-Britain_.--Given? To whom? To our
non-represented Colonies: For it seems they will condescend to receive
Bounties from us, tho' not represented, notwithstanding they make this
very Circumstance a Plea or Pretence against bearing any Share in our
Burdens. However, all this is not sufficient to create that Monopoly in
their Favour, which they, and their Adherents have long had in
Contemplation. For the Imports of Raw-Materials from _Russia_, which are
every Day encreasing, exceed those from _North-America_ in Goodness, in
Quantity, in Value, and in every Respect, to a very great Degree.

But I forget: "Pitch and Tar, and Indigo are also Raw-Materials of very
great Consequence: And they are imported from _North-America_, but not
from _Russia_." True: Pitch and Tar, if imported from _Russia_, would have
paid an high Duty; but when brought from _America_, they receive a very
large Bounty. And as to Indigo, had it not been for the many Hundred
Thousands of Pounds Sterling, which _Great-Britain_ has granted in
Bounties and Premiums to promote the Culture of this Article in the
_Carolinas_ and _Virginia_, [a tenth Part of which Sum would have served
for the Cultivation of a better Sort on the Coast of _Africa_] I say, had
it not been for this continual Fostering, and expensive Nursing, probably
not an Ounce of it would have been raised in _North-America_. And even as
it is, the Indigo of _Carolina_, &c. is, generally speaking, of a Quality
much inferior to that, which comes from other Countries. So much therefore
as to Raw-Materials,--and let this suffice in respect to the grateful
Returns of our Colonies towards us, for making so many impolitic
restraining Laws against ourselves, and for granting them so many
Monopolies, and such extensive Bounties.

The next Head of Enquiry is, what _taxable Objects_ do we receive from
_North-America_, if compared with the Taxables of other Countries? Mr.
BURKE asserts Page 97, 2d Edit. "That if _America_ gives us _taxable
Objects_, on which we lay our Duties here, and gives us at the same Time,
a Surplus by a foreign Sale of her Commodities to pay the Duties on these
Objects which we tax at Home, _she has performed her Part to the_ British
_Revenue_."

Well then, according to this Doctrine, we are first to suppose, that
_North-America_ supplies us with great Quantities of taxable Objects;--and
secondly that by so doing, she hath performed her Part to the _British_
Revenue; and therefore ought not to be obliged to contribute any further.
Now I am so unhappy as to differ from the patriotic Orator in both these
respects; that is, I first deny his Premises;--and then 2dly, granting
even his Premises, I cannot admit of his Conclusion. First, then I do
maintain, that _North-America_ doth not supply _Great-Britain_ with great
Quantities of taxable Objects: For perhaps hardly any civilized Country in
the World, of equal Extent, and under the same Parallels of Latitude, is
so barren in that Respect, as _North-America_.--At present, I can
recollect but two taxable Objects among all her Stores, viz. Rice and
Tobacco. In respect to Rice, I do allow that it hath been customary to tax
it; but as it is a Raw-Material, and an Article of Food, it ought never to
have been taxed. And the Legislature hath done wisely at present in
repealing that Tax, which heretofore was laid on the home Consumption of
it. The Fact is, that when Corn is dear, Rice becomes a good Succedaneum;
but when the former is cheap, the latter will not be used in any
Quantities here in _England_: For _English_ Stomachs will never prefer
Rice to Wheat. In respect to that Rice, which is carried to the rest of
_Europe_, it ought to be remembered, that it pays no Duty at all, if
exported South of Cape _Finisterre_. And as to the Duty which is retained
on the Re-exportation of Rice to the Northward of Cape _Finistere_, it is
so very trifling and inconsiderable, that it doth not deserve to be
mentioned in a general and national View.

In regard to Tobacco; I admit it to be a very proper Object of Taxation.
But here again, that which is re-exported pays but little Duty, if any at
all. And with respect to that which is used and consumed at Home, when the
many Frauds attending it, together with the Expence of collecting are
taken into the Account, the clear Balance will not be in any Degree, so
great as is vulgarly imagined.

But granting, that this Branch of the Revenue is considerable, nay that it
is _very_ considerable; yet there are a few unlucky Questions to be asked
on this Head, which it will puzzle Mr. BURKE and all his Adherents to
answer in such a Manner, as would do any Credit, or Service to their
Cause. For Example; has the _English_ Legislature done any Thing towards
favouring this _American_ Tobacco-Trade, and raising it up to its present
Height? Yes, it has; _England_ has granted a Monopoly to the _Americans_
against herself, by severely prohibiting, in several Acts of Parliament,
the Cultivation of Tobacco in _England_: So that at the worst, we have one
Remedy still in reserve, viz. the taking off this Prohibition, should the
_Americans_ be so wrathfully-minded as to resolve never to sell us any
more Tobacco. On this Ground therefore I still proceed; and as the Friends
of Mr. BURKE (if not he himself) are so very forward in exclaiming against
the Restraints and Hardships, under which they pretend, that _America_ has
so long groaned;--I ask, why are they so totally silent concerning the
many Restraints and Discouragements, which _England_ also hath long and
patiently suffered in order to enrich _America_? And where is the Candor,
or Impartiality of such a Conduct? Again,--if we have granted the
_Americans_ this Monopoly, in order to encrease their Trade, and so cause
their Provinces to flourish; what Effects hath it produced, in regard to
the Sum Total of our own Revenue? And what is the Amount of the whole Duty
on Tobacco? Is it equal to the Duties paid on the simple Article of
Tea,--or of Wines and Brandies;--or in short of mere Fruit for our
Mince-Pies, and Plumb-Puddings, for our Tables and Deserts? No, by no
Means, it is not equal to any one of these _general_ Articles: For the
Duty paid on the Importation of Fruit alone greatly surpasses it. And yet
we have granted no Monopolies, no Premiums, and no Bounties either to
_China_, or to _France_, to _Spain_, _Portugal_, _Italy_, &c. &c. nor are
these Countries, to which we have so vast a Trade, and from which we draw
so great a Revenue, ENGLISH COLONIES.

But nevertheless, I will now suppose, contrary to all Proof and Matters of
Fact, that the Revenue of the taxable Objects imported from
_North-America_, was the greatest of all others;--what Inference is to be
drawn from this Concession? And doth it at all follow from such Premises,
that the _North-Americans_ must, or ought to enjoy all the Privileges of
_Englishmen_, without contributing any Thing towards the general Support,
merely because we carry on an advantageous Trade with them, or have raised
a Tax on their Commodities? Surely no: For by the same Rule, we must unite
and incorporate with, we must protect and defend, the _Chinese_, the
_French_, the _Spaniards_, _Portuguese_, _Italians_, &c. &c. for the same
Reasons, and on the same Account. A Proposition this, which is too big
with Nonsense and Absurdity, to be seriously maintained.

I will therefore dismiss the present Remark, with putting my Reader again
in Mind, that let the Trade to _North-America_ be what it may, of little
Importance, or otherwise; it is a mere begging the Question, and a most
_disingenuous Artifice_ to insinuate (as all the Advocates for _America_
now do) that this Trade will be lost, if a Separation from the Colonies
should ensue. On the contrary, it is much more probable, that, when all
Parties shall be left at full Liberty to do as they please, our
_North-American_ Trade will rather be encreased, than diminished by such a
Measure. Because it is Freedom, and not Confinement, or Monopoly, which
encreases Trade. And sure I am that, on this Subject, History and past
Experience, as well as Reason and Argument, are clearly on my Side.



REMARK III.


The Case of Emigrations from _Germany_ and _Holland_, hath been in Part
considered already: But as the continual Emigrations from _Great-Britain_
and _Ireland_ (which I will always consider as _one_ Country) have
something more particularly prejudicial in their Nature, if compared with
others, I hope the Reader will not think it lost Time, if I give them in
this Place a distinct Consideration.

A Set of Labourers, or Tradesmen resided lately in _Great-Britain_, or
_Ireland_; and earned their Bread by the Sweat of their Brows. Their
natural, or artificial Wants might be summed up under the three great, and
comprehensive Articles of Food, Rayment, and Dwelling. In respect to
_Food_, including drinkables, as well as eatables, they paid for it by
their Labour Wages; and consequently were the Means and of employing all
those different Trades both in Town and Country, which were concerned in,
or connected with, the raising of Corn, or the rearing of Sheep and
Cattle, the making of Bread, Butter, Cheese, Malt, and Malt-Liquors,
Cyder, &c. &c. also in the fattening, killing, dressing, or preparing of
Flesh, Fish, Fowl, &c. &c. and in the raising of all Sorts of
Garden-Stuff, and other Eatables: The like might be observed in regard to
_Rayment_, traced from the Raw-Material up to the perfect Manufacture, and
including every Article of Dress, and all the Trades dependent on, and
supported by it, throughout all its Stages: _Dwelling_ is the last
Article; in which Estimate ought to be included not only the original
Materials for framing the Structure of the House, but also its successive
Repairs; together with all Kinds of Household Goods from the highest to
the lowest Piece of Furniture, and their continual Wear and Tare.

These Persons, who have been thus useful to their Country, and have
contributed to its Trade and Riches, both by paying their own Rents and
Taxes, and also by enabling others to pay theirs;--these Persons I say,
have been inveigled away to leave this Country, and to settle in
_North-America_.--Here therefore I ask this plain Question, What
Recompence can they possibly make in _America_, for the Loss which hath
been occasioned by their leaving _England_? And what Gains will accrue to
the Mother-Country by this flourishing State of her Colonies? Begin
therefore wherever you please;--examine, I beseech you this Matter to the
Bottom, and mark the Consequences. _Food_ for Example, consisting of its
various Kinds, and including eatables as well as drinkables, _common
Food_, I say, must certainly be raised and manufactured on the Spot; for a
Man cannot wait for his Dinner 'till it comes from _England_. Similar
Observations will likewise extend to the chief Part of every Article
respecting _Rayment_ or Cloathing;--not forgetting also _Housing_ and
Furniture. For in all these Respects, the principal Quantity, and the Bulk
of the Goods, Manufactures, or Provisions must be procured from adjacent
Places, and not from a Country 3000 Miles off. Perhaps indeed a few, a
very few Elegancies and Ornaments of Dress or Furniture, or of the
Dainties of the Table may still be imported from the Mother-Country. But
alas! What are they, if compared with the Whole? Perhaps they would not
amount to more than a twentieth Part of the general Consumption.--And most
certain it is, that if these Emigrants should not settle near the
Sea-Coasts of _America_, but wander higher up the Country for Hundreds of
Miles, in pursuit of fresh _unpatented_ Tracts of Land, (which most
New-comers are desirous of doing,) it would then not be a _fortieth_ Part
of what they would have either used, consumed, or worn, had they still
remained Inhabitants of _Great-Britain_ or _Ireland_: So little Cause hath
the Mother-Country to rejoice at this rapid Progress of the Population of
her Colonies, arising from, or caused by, Emigrations.

But here, I know, it will be said, because it hath very often been said
already, "That tho' these Emigrants might not employ as many Persons, or
mechanic Trades here at Home, as they did before they left _England_; yet
they will employ more Shipping and Navigation, and consequently more
Sailors than heretofore; Sailors are the Defence, Sailors are the Bulwark
of the Nation," &c. &c. Now in order to detect this Fallacy, as well as
the rest, I will here state a Case, which must open People's Eyes, if any
Thing can, respecting even the Articles of Seamen, Shipping, and
Navigation.

Suppose 1000 Tradesmen with their Families, Watch-Makers for Instance,
settled on one Spot somewhere in the Neighbourhood of _London_, [I only
mention _Watch-Makers_, because it is computed, that about 1000 Families,
or one-third of the City of _Geneva_ are supposed to be of that
Profession.] Now the first Thing which would attract our Notice respecting
Navigation, is to lay in a Provision of Sea-Coals; and a yearly Supply of
this Commodity for 1000 Families would employ a good deal of Shipping:
Fish would be the next Article, Sea-Fish especially, whether fresh or
Salt, in respect to which a good many Sailors one Time or other must be,
or must have been employed: After this, the like Observation will extend
to Cyder, and to other Articles brought Coast-wise; also to Wines,
Brandies, Rum, Sugars, Fruits, Oils, &c. &c. imported from Abroad:
likewise to Timber of various Kinds for building or repairing, also for
making a Variety of Houshold Goods; to Iron, Hemp, Linen Cloth, and other
Commodities, especially those of the bulky Kind: Now here I ask, Is it
possible to conceive, that, were this Group of Manufacturers to take
Flight, like a Swarm of Bees, and settle in some of the Towns or Provinces
of _North-America_, they either would, or could employ as many _English_
Seamen in their _new_ Situations, as they do at present in their _old_
ones? And can any Man be so absurd as to maintain such a Paradox?
[Remember I limit the Matter to _English_ Seamen only; for as to
_Americans_, let their Number be what it may, _Great-Britain_ never was
advantaged by them. Not to mention, that several of the _American_
Provinces have disputed, or rather denied, long before the present
Disturbances began, the Right of pressing Sailors for the Navy; though it
is well known, that this is the only Method whereby a Navy can be manned;
and though that eminent Whig, that upright, learned, and truly-patriotic
Lawyer [Judge FOSTER] hath demonstratively proved in his Law-Tracts this
Right to be as legally and constitutionally vested in the Crown, as any
Right whatever.]

I will therefore take this Point relating to Sailors for granted; [at
least 'till the contrary shall be proved,] and then it will follow, that
_British_ or _Irish_ Emigrations are to be considered as being very
unfavourable to the Increase of _English_ Sailors, as well as of _English_
Manufacturers; and that the Loss and Detriment to the Mother-Country are
very great in both Respects.

But here a Difficulty of another Kind, and from a different Quarter, will
probably arise. It is this:--Granting that Emigrations are bad Things in
all Respects;--granting that they tend to diminish the Number of your
Sailors, as well as of your Manufacturers; yet how can you prevent this
Evil? And what Remedy do you propose for curing the People of that Madness
which has seized them for Emigrations?--I answer:--Even the Remedy which
hath been so often, and all along proposed, _A Total Separation from
North-America_. For most certain it is, that as soon as such a Separation
shall take Place, a Residence in the Colonies will be no longer a
desirable Situation. Nay, it is much more probable, that many of those who
are already settled there, will wish to fly away, than that others should
covet to go to them. And indeed we begin to find this Observation not a
little verified at present, a considerable Re-emigration (if I may use the
Term) having already taken Place. In short, when the _English_
Government, which was the only Center of Union, and the only Bond of
Peace, shall be removed, Faction will rise up against Faction, Congress
against Congress, and Colony against Colony; and then the Southern
Provinces will find to their Cost, that they have been egregiously duped
and bubbled by the Northern; then they will perceive, that they have no
other Alternative, but either to submit to the tyrannical Usurpations of
those _canting, hypocritical Republicans_, whom they used both to hate and
despise; or else to implore that Help, Defence, and Protection of the
Parent-State, which they now so wantonly and ungratefully reject and
oppose:--In either of these Situations, and under such Circumstances,
there is no Reason to fear, that many of our People will flock to
_North-America_.



REMARK IV.


Prejudices and Prepossessions are stubborn Things in all Cases; but in
none more peculiarly obstinate, than in relinquishing detached Parts of an
unwieldy, extended Empire; there not being, I believe, a single Instance
in all History, of any Nation surrendering a distant Province voluntarily,
and of free Choice, notwithstanding it was greatly their Interest to have
done it. The _English_ in particular have given remarkable Proofs of their
Unwillingness. For tho' it was undeniably their Interest to have abandoned
all the Provinces which they held in _France_, yet they never gave up one
of them, 'till they were compelled to it by Force of Arms. Now indeed, and
at this Distance of Time, we see clearly, that our Fore-Fathers were
wretched Politicians in endeavouring to retain any one of the _French_
Provinces, which, if it was a little one, would be a continual Drain, and
perhaps an encreasing Expence; and if it was a great one, might grow up to
be a Rival, and become the Seat of Empire. I say, we can see these Things
clearly enough at present: Yet alas! what Advantages do we derive from
this Discovery? And what Application do we make of such historical
_Mementos_ to the Business of the present Day? The remotest of our
Provinces in _France_ were hardly 300 Miles distant from our own Coasts;
the nearest of those in _America_ are about 3000. The Provinces in
_France_ were already fully peopled, and peopled for the most Part by
Inhabitants extremely well affected at that Time to the _English_
Government: Whereas the Deserts of _America_ require first to be peopled
by Draughts either from ourselves, or from our _European_ Customers; and
then when these Emigrants have been settled for a Generation or two, they
become native _Americans_, who naturally forget the Supremacy of that
Country, with whose Government they have so little Connections, from whose
Seat of Empire they are so far distant, whose ruling Power they so seldom
feel (and therefore do not regard) and consequently whose Claims they
consider as so many audacious Attempts to rob them of their beloved
Independence.

But this is not all: And the Absurdity of our present Conduct in not
abandoning the _rebellious_ Provinces of _North-America_, becomes still
more glaring, when we consider farther, (what we now find by Experience to
be true) that we can live and flourish, even in our commercial Capacity,
without the Assistance of these refractory Colonies. For tho' it doth by
no Means follow, that we should be destitute of their Trade, if each
_American_ Province was erected into a separate and independent State;
nay, tho' the contrary hath been made to appear by such a Chain of
Evidences, as no Man hitherto hath attempted to break or weaken, yet,
granting the worst, granting even that these _North-Americans_ traded with
us as little after a Separation as they do at present, still it is
possible that we may then live, because it is certain we do now live
without them; and do not only live, but also enjoy as many of the Comforts
and Elegancies, not to mention the Profusions and Luxuries of Life, as any
Nation ever did, and more than we ourselves did heretofore.

Therefore (to be more particular on this Head, for surely it is a most
important one) we were gravely told, that as soon as ever the _Americans_
should shut their Ports against us, Famine to our Manufacturers,
Bankruptcy to our Merchants, Destruction and Desolation to our Seaport
Towns must inevitably ensue. Well, the _Americans_ have now shut their
Ports for a considerable Time against the Admission of _English_
Manufactures. And what has ensued? Nothing, that I know of, so very
dismal, or so very tragical; and none of those _black_ and _bitter_ Days,
with which we were threatened, have yet appeared. Nay, according to the
Accounts received from the principal manufacturing Places and Districts
throughout the Kingdom, it uniformly appears that Trade was never brisker
in most Articles; and that it is not remarkably dead in any:--Moreover it
is likewise certain, from the same Accounts, that a much greater
Stagnation hath been frequently felt, even at Times when every Port in
_America_ was open to us, than is felt at present.

However, if these Partizans of _America_ should cavil at these Accounts,
and dispute their Authority, we have others yet to produce, which surely
must carry Conviction (almost in Spite of Prejudice) as soon as they are
perused; [unless indeed it can be imagined, that the present wicked
Ministry have entered into a Plot to charge themselves Debtors to the
Public for almost TWO HUNDRED AND FIFTY-FIVE THOUSAND POUNDS STERLING
_more than they received_, merely to plague and confound the poor
Patriots.]

The Account I am now going to lay before the Reader, is the gross Produce
for the Year 1775, ending at the 5th of _July_ last, compared with the
like gross Produce of the preceding Year 1774, ending at the like Period.

                                           £.       _s. d._

  Gross Produce of the Year 1775,       5,479,695    7 10
  Gross Produce of the Year 1774,       5,224,899    7 10-1/4

  Increased Produce of the Year 1775,     254,795   19 11-3/4

Now it appears by the Particulars of the Account, that what chiefly caused
this great Increase, was the greater Quantity made, consumed, or used of
Low Wines and Spirits,--of the _London_ Brewery,--of Malt, Hops, Cyder,
and Coaches, in the Year 1775, ending at the 5th of _July_, than in the
preceding Year. For as to several other Articles, there was a remarkable
Deficiency, especially in the Excise on Tea, and on Liquors imported into
the [11] Out-Ports; both which Branches, if put together, amount to no
less than 79,380_l._ 13_s._ 9-1/2_d._--And yet, notwithstanding this great
Loss in two such capital Articles, the Produce of the others before
mentioned so much exceeded their usual Income, that the whole Balance of
the Year was, as I said before, 254,795_l._ 19_s._ 11-3/4_d._ Now as our
common People, our Artificers, and mechanic Tradesmen, our Journeymen,
Day-Labourers, &c. &c. are the principal Consumers of, or Customers for,
these Articles (Coaches excepted) we may, and ought to pronounce, that
these numerous Bodies of Men were not in that starving Condition, (which
it was foretold they should be) when they could so much exceed their usual
(and for the most Part _unnecessary_) Gratifications in Spirituous
Liquors, and Porter, Ale, strong Beer, and Cyder, as to raise such a
Surplus of Revenue. And in respect to the Increase in the Coach-Tax (which
was nearly 2000_l._) surely this is a plain Proof likewise, that our
Merchants, principal Traders, and Manufacturers (who were all to be
infallibly ruined) are not in that melancholly Situation, as hath been
foreboded of them by the _American_ false Prophets;--I say, the Proof is
plain, seeing that so many new Carriages have been set up, instead of the
former being put down. And I think, I may take for granted, that it is the
Trading, and not the Landed-Interest, which sets up most new Carriages.

Upon the Whole therefore, and in whatever Light things are considered, it
evidently appears that we can have but little, or nothing to lose; but
must have a great deal to get, or (which is the same thing) much to save,
and many Dangers to escape by a total Separation from the rebellious
Provinces of _North-America_. The History of all Nations, and of all
Ages,--our own Experience respecting _France_,--the melancholly Situation
at this Day of the once populous and flourishing Kingdom of _Spain_,--the
present Demands of our Manufactures for Exportation,--the State of
Parties among us, and the Growth of republican Principles, all, all
conspire to prove, that we ought to get rid of such an onerous, dangerous,
and expensive Connection as soon as possible. In one Word, the longer the
present System is persevered in, the worse Things will necessarily grow,
and the riper for Destruction; it being morally impossible that they
should mend; for the Fire, if even smothered for the present, will break
out again with fresh Violence; and the sound Parts of our Constitution
will be in great Danger of being tainted by the Gangrene of _American_
Republicism.



POSTSCRIPT.


In a Note at the Bottom of Page 52, (2d. Edition) of my Letter to Mr.
BURKE, I expressed myself in the following Manner: "The Instances which
Mr. BURKE has brought, [at Pages 74 and 75 of his Speech, 2d. Edit. 8vo.]
to prove that the Colonies, or rather that a few out of the many Colonies,
have been liberal in their Grants to _Great-Britain_, during the
Continuance of a privateering, smuggling, trucking, and huckstering
_American_ Sea-War, in which they were sure to be the greatest Gainers,
shall be particularly considered in an ensuing Treatise, An Address to the
Landed Interest of _Great-Britain_ and _Ireland_."

The Minutes which I took at that Time relative to this Affair, and which I
intended to have inserted in the Body of this Treatise, were the
following, that the leading Men in the Government of the Province of
_Massachusets_, had, some Time before their famous Expedition against
_Cape Breton_, been guilty of certain Mal-Practices in the Administration
of public Affairs, for which they were in Danger of being called to an
Account. That in order to divert the Storm, and to throw a Barrel to the
Whale, they projected the Plan of an Expedition, knowing the Temper of the
_English_, and their Rage for Conquests. Therefore, hearing that the
Fortifications of _Cape Breton_ were very ruinous, and the Garrison both
weak and mutinous for Want of Pay, Cloathing, and Provisions, they bent
their Forces against this Place. The Scheme succeeded, and _Cape Breton_
was yielded up; but the Joy of the _English_ Nation knew no Bounds: For
the People, from the highest to the lowest, were so intoxicated with
Notions of the Importance of this Port, [tho' now it is evident, that it
is a very useless one if compared with others] that they forgot every
other Idea in the general Transport; so that the Planners and Conductors
of the Expedition, instead of their being called to an Account for their
former Misdemeanors, found themselves caressed and applauded by the whole
Nation; and to crown all, the Parliament itself voted a prodigious Sum of
Money to reimburse the _New-Englanders_ for their Expences, and their
Services in this glorious Work.

This, I say, or to this Effect, was the Account which I received;--and
which I believe in my own Mind, will be found to be for the most Part very
true, when it can be very thoroughly _examined into_. But as I have been
hurried, by the _early_ Meeting of Parliament, to publish the present
Treatise at least three Months sooner than intended, I cannot at present
_authenticate_ Facts and Dates in the Manner I wish to do, in an Affair of
such Importance. Therefore I give this public Notice, that I build nothing
on the present Narration; and I only offer it (because not corroborated by
sufficient Evidence) as a probable Case, and as my own Opinion.

Indeed I have a particular Reason for acting in this cautious Manner;
seeing that I have suffered already by making a Slip in an Affair of this
Nature, which in any other Cause or Controversy, would have been reckoned
to be a very _venial_ one. The Case was this: In the First Edition of my
Fourth Tract, I had accused Dr. FRANKLIN with having acted a very
disingenuous Part, in opposing and denying the Authority of the _British_
Parliament, to lay a Tax [the Stamp-Duty] on _America_, when he himself
had solicited to be employed as an Agent in the Collection of that very
Tax. In Letters which passed between us, he denied the Charge, asserting
first, that he did not make Interest for a Place in the Stamp-Office,
'till the Bill was passed into a Law;--And 2dly. that the Place, for which
he asked, was not for himself, but for a Friend, one Mr. HUGHES, who was
accordingly appointed by Mr. GRENVILLE. Now in Consequence of this
Information, I omitted in the next Edition, the whole Paragraph, and said
nothing, either _pro_, or _con_, particularly relative to Dr. FRANKLIN.
And surely, every Thing considered, and the _faux pas_ of Dr. FRANKLIN
concerning the _stolen_ Papers of Mr. WHEATLEY duly weighed, one would
have thought, that I had made Satisfaction fully sufficient to almost any
Man in such a Case, whose Pretensions to _nice_ Honour might have been
much better founded than those of Dr. FRANKLIN. But it seems, I was
mistaken: For before he left _England_, I was called on in Print, to make
Reparation to his much injured Character: And in his Absence, his Agents
and Confederates, the Monthly Reviewers, have done the same.

Here therefore, I appeal to the Public, whether I have not advanced as far
already in this Affair, as there was need for me to have done, supposing
even (which is supposing a great deal) that every Thing which Dr. FRANKLIN
said was strictly true: For granting that he did not solicit for that
Place in particular, yet it is a most undeniable Fact, that at the very
Instant when he was declaiming at the Bar of the House of Commons, against
the Authority of Parliament, he himself was an _American_ Revenue Officer,
in a very lucrative Post, created by parliamentary Authority: He was a
Post-Master General in _North-America_; and the Tax, which he collected,
and for which he was accountable, was an _internal_, as well as _external_
Tax. So that in short, in every, or in any Light, his Conduct was not of
the spotless Kind; nor was my Accusation of Disingenuity against him the
less true, whether he had solicited a Place in the Stamp-Office, or not.

While I am writing this,--a Paragraph, cut out of a News-Paper, and dated
from _Salisbury_, _October_ 15, is laid before me, which I am positively
told, is reckoned to be UNANSWERABLE. Now I have known so many of these
UNANSWERABLES to shrink to nothing, when examined with any due Care and
Attention, that I own I am not much frightened at the Appearance of this
new _American_ GOLIAH. However, let us approach this formidable Champion a
little nearer.

"The _Americans_, says the News-Writer, in their Addresses to the Public,
urge as a Reason against Parliamentary Taxation, the _great Disadvantages_
they incur by submitting to such numerous Restrictions in Trade, which
they deem a Burden equal to, if not greater than Taxation: And they also
estimate, that that Mode of contributing to the Support of the _English_
Nation, is, upon the whole, more beneficial than if they were to pay their
Share by being equally taxed with the Subjects of the Mother Country: But
to be obliged to submit to those numerous Restraints in Trade, and at the
same Time to be subject to a parliamentary Taxation, they think is the
highest Degree of Oppression.

"The _Irish_ submit to parliamentary Restraints in Trade; but then, in
return, they are exempted from Taxation. Why then should the _Americans_
be burdened with both, in similar Circumstances?"

Here the whole Matter of Complaint is reduced to two Heads; First, That
the _Americans_ by being restrained in their Trade, are thereby in Effect
taxed, and therefore ought not be taxed a second Time:

And 2dly, That this Hardship seems to be the more oppressive, because the
_Irish_ under similar Circumstances, are exempted from Taxation.

With respect to the first Head, it is a mere _Begging of the Question_.
For I have proved beyond Contradiction, that the _Americans_ are not, in
_Fact_ and _Reality_, restrained either in their Exports or Imports,
except in a very few Articles; and that they now enjoy the very best
Market which _Europe_ can afford, see my 4th Tract, Page 202-209. I have
proved also, that _Great-Britain_ hath restrained herself in Favour of
_America_ in Articles of at least as great Value and Importance, as those
in which she hath restrained _America_ in Favour of _Great-Britain_. See
more particularly my 3d Tract, Page 119,-121. Surely therefore these
Things ought to have been taken into Consideration, and not to have been
passed over, as if they had never been mentioned: And it is exceedingly
unfair and disingenuous to remember every Thing which makes on one Side of
a Question, and to forget the rest.

2dly, With respect to the other Head of Complaint, viz. That _Ireland_ is
exempted from Taxation, while such extraordinary Efforts are made for
taxing _America_, I hope what follows will be as full an Answer to this
Complaint, as what has been already given was to the former.

First therefore, I observe, that with Respect to the Claim of the
legislative Authority, which the Parent State makes over _Ireland_ as well
as _America_, both Countries are exactly on the same Footing: See the 7th
and 8th of WM. III. C. 22, § 9.:--And also Lord ROCKINGHAM's Act itself,
respecting the Claims of the Mother-Country over _America_:--See likewise
the Declaratory Act of 6. GEO. I. C. 5, respecting _Ireland_.

2dly. The Mother-Country hath not only asserted, but maintained her Claims
alike over both Countries, in the Affair of laying a general Post-Tax on
all Parts of the _British_ Empire; so that in this Respect likewise both
Countries are on a Par.

But here I allow follows a wide Difference, which I will endeavour to
account for, viz. The _British_ Parliament never attempted to lay any
internal Tax, except the Post-Tax, on _Ireland_; whereas it is well known,
that the _British_ Parliament did attempt to lay an internal Tax on
_America_.

Now to account for this _seeming_ Partiality, I have the following Points
to offer; and I intreat my Readers to attend particularly to them.

1. Ireland never plunged us into any Wars since the Revolution; whereas
_America_ hath involved us in two, the most bloody and expensive that ever
this Nation experienced; the last of which brought on a Debt of
70,000,000l. Sterling, the Interest of which we are now paying.

2. Ireland doth not drain us of any Sums of Money to support and maintain
its civil and military Establishments; whereas _America_ drains us for
those Purposes of upwards 300,000l. annually.

3. Ireland drains us of no Money, by Way of _Bounty_ on the Importation of
her Goods, or natural Produce into this Kingdom; whereas _America_ hath
drained us of at least 1,000,000l. Sterling for Bounties on Pitch and Tar,
on Lumber, Indigo, &c. &c. within a few Years.

4. Ireland is continually burthened with large Pensions, some to Princes
of the Blood, some to other Persons, and some to flaming Patriots: For
even Patriots will accept of Pensions if they can get them, and then
exclaim most bitterly--O Liberty, O my Country! Whereas _America_ is
totally free from this Species of Taxation, as far as I am able to trace
the Matter.

Many other Articles might have been enumerated, particularly the Restraint
formerly laid upon the _Irish_ fishing on the Banks of _Newfoundland_, and
taken off only the last Session. But surely these are full enough; because
these, I hope, will sufficiently shew, that there ought to be a wide
Difference put on, every Principle of Equity and Justice, between the Case
of _Ireland_ and that of _America_; and that the two Countries are by no
Means in similar Circumstances.

What is now to follow, is added at the Request of a foreign Nobleman,
whose good Sense and Penetration led him to discern, that a Crisis was
certainly approaching, in which the Fate of this Country will be
determined; and therefore wished to know, what was the Strength of each
Party, and the Amount of the Forces on either Side.



  A General Muster of the Forces
  BOTH FOR AND AGAINST
  The Present Government.

PARTIES _for overturning the present Constitution, and for setting up
something in its Stead, for which we have not yet a Name_.


1st. The Idle and Dissolute among the common People are for throwing the
present System into Anarchy and Confusion. They have ardently wished these
many Years, for some Kind of levelling Scheme whereby they might enrich
themselves at the Cost of their Masters, and rob and plunder with
Impunity. If Mr. WILKES, or any other modern Patriot can lead them into
this Path of Glory, they will joyfully follow such a Leader, and become
his devoted Fellow-Labourers, in the same good Work; but if not, they will
forsake him with as little Ceremony as they have done some others, and
look out for a new Leader.

2dly. That Species among the _Whigs_ which is properly _Republican_, is
violently for a Change of Government, suitable to such Principles; and
these Men are now become of some Consequence, not so much on the Score of
their Numbers, as on Account of their enthusiastic Zeal, and of their
breaking through every Tye of Honour, Honesty, and Conscience, for
accomplishing such Designs. Moreover, as they put on every Disguise; as
they forge, lye, falsify; as they use the Word Liberty merely as a Blind
to conceal the Batteries they are erecting against it; and as they pretend
to support and uphold the Constitution, at the very Instant they are
planning a Scheme to destroy it; their Designs are so much the more
dangerous by appearing to fight under the same Banner with ourselves; and
the Wounds they give, are the more difficult of Cure, because they stab
and assassinate under the Mask of Friendship, and therefore take their Aim
the better, and strike the deeper. In the former Plots and Conspiracies of
the _Jacobites_, their Aim and Intent were to dethrone the reigning
Family, and to replace another: The present Views of the Republicans,
which they are incessantly pursuing by various Means, and almost
contradictory Measures, are, _to have no Throne at all_. Hence, by a
Comparison of the two Crimes, the Reader must judge, which is the
greatest, and the most repugnant to the _English_ Constitution.

3dly. The Advocates for making _North-America_ independent of the
_British_ Parliament must, if consistent with themselves, be for turning
the _British_ Constitution into something very different from what it is
at present, or ever was; for the very Plea these Men use in regard to
_North-America_ is, that Representation and Legislation (a very small Part
of which is the Power of raising Taxes) must always go together; therefore
as nineteen Parts in twenty of the People of _England_, and upwards of
ninety-nine Parts in an Hundred of the People of _Scotland_, are not
qualified to be _Voters_, nor ever were, _be their Property ever so
great_, that is (according to this new-fashioned Doctrine) are not
represented in Parliament; it must inevitably follow, that a vast Majority
of the Inhabitants of _Great-Britain_, as well as _British America_, have
a right to renounce their Allegiance to the present Government as soon as
they please, and to set up for Independence. For in Fact, according to the
dangerous Principles now openly avowed, all this Multitude of Non-Electors
owe no Subjection to that Legislature, and to those Powers, in the Choice
or Continuance of which they were not consulted. They ought not to be
compelled to obey any Laws, which were made without their Consent, or
Privity; and more especially where they have no Representation, they ought
not to be subject to any Taxation.--So that being thus happily set free
from all Coercion of Government, all Restraints of Law, and Burden of
Taxes; and having learnt at last to assert those inherent and unalienable
Rights, which have been so long usurped, they are now restored to a State
of the most perfect Freedom, and may either chuse another Form of
Government, according to their own Fancy; or else live, as they can,
without any Government at all. A blessed Specimen this of _patriotic
Liberty_! A most comprehensive Bill of Rights! sure of overturning, if
carried into Execution, every Government, that either ever was, or ever
can be, proposed to the World.

4thly. The honourable Society of the _Outs_ will go as great Lengths to
throw Things into Confusion as any Set of Men whatever; for as these
Persons have no other End in View than to get into Power, and to share the
Emoluments of the State among themselves and their Dependents, they will
stick at no Measure, however unjust and unconstitutional, to compass this
End: Nay, they will unsay the Things which they themselves had said in
Administration; they will blame those very Measures which they themselves
had planned and recommended; and, in short, they will do any Thing, and
every Thing, to raise the evil Spirit of Discord and Dissention, to bring
themselves in.

_Lastly._ The Inconstant and Disappointed, those who love to fish in
troubled Waters, and those who, having spent their Fortunes, have nothing
to lose, but may have a Chance to share in the Property of other Men by a
general Scramble; also the Desperate and Daring of every Denomination; all
these wish for some speedy Change in the Constitution.


PARTIES _for preserving the present Constitution, and for keeping every
Thing in a quiet and peaceable Condition_.

1st. The greatest Part of the Nobility and Gentry of the Kingdom; that is,
almost all those who have the greatest Property at Stake, and have the
most to lose.

2dly. A vast Majority of the richest Merchants, and principal Traders and
Manufacturers throughout the Kingdom, are the warm Friends of Government:
The Exceptions on this Head are few, and very inconsiderable.

3dly. The Clergy of the established Church are zealously attached to the
present happy Constitution, wishing to preserve, and to promote Peace on
Earth, and Good-Will among Men: And in respect to the dissenting Clergy,
the most eminent and respectable (tho' it is to be feared, not the most
numerous) act in the same laudable Manner, and endeavour to make their
People truly sensible of the many Blessings they enjoy under the Reign of
his present Majesty.

4thly. The Proprietors and Stock-Holders in the public Funds will
undoubtedly range on the Side of Government; because they can get nothing,
but must necessarily lose by the Convulsions of the State, and by the
Overthrow of that Constitution, the Preservation of which is their
greatest Security.

5thly. The whole Body of the learned Profession in the Law (Men who
have acquired their Knowledge of the Constitution from Authors of
a Cast very different from bawling, disappointed Patriots, or hungry
Pamphleteers;--these Men, I say) in general agree, that each Member of the
House of Commons, tho' elected by one particular County, City, or Borough,
doth not represent that particular County, City, or Borough, in any
_exclusive_ Sense; for he represents the whole Commons of the Realm, one
Part, and one Individual as well as another. A Member chosen _by_ the
County of _Middlesex_ is not chosen _for Middlesex_ exclusively, but for
all the Subjects of the _British_ Empire; each of whom hath as
constitutional a Right to his Services, and may be as much affected by his
particular Conduct, and therefore has as much Right to _instruct_ him, as
any Freeholder in the County of _Middlesex_: And he, on his Part, is
bound by his Office to omit the _smaller_ Interest of the County of
_Middlesex_, or of the _Middlesex Electors_, when standing in Competition
with the _greater_ Interests of his Fellow Subjects in _America_, or other
Places:--So that in short, tho' some few only, perhaps not a fortieth
Part, of the Inhabitants of the whole Island, have legal Votes for
Representatives, all in general, both within the Island, and without it,
are _virtually_ represented. That this is Fact and Law, that this ever was
the Constitution of the _British_ Empire, from the earliest Times down to
the present Day, is such an apparent Truth, that it cannot be denied.
Therefore in this Sense it is true, and in _no other_, that every Member
of the common Wealth is supposed to give his previous Consent to the
making of those Laws, which he is afterwards bound to obey, and to the
imposing of those Taxes which he is obliged to pay. Indeed upon this
Footing (viz. of virtual Representation in some Cases, and of actual
Election in others) a free and well-poised Government can stand, and be
supported; but it can be supported on no other:--Nay, the Government of
the _Massachusets-Bay_ itself, whenever this Colony shall become
independent of the Mother-Country, must then, as well as now, be supported
on this very Principle; that is to say, on the very Principle against
which they so loudly clamour. And besides all this, the very same
Reasons, which induce the non-represented Subjects in _England_ to submit
quietly and peaceably to the Payment of those Taxes, to which they have
not given their Consent by actual Representation, ought to induce the
_Americans_ to acquiesce also; because, if the _American_ Trade is so
valuable, as reported, a _British_ Parliament cannot injure this Trade by
any Mode of Taxation, without injuring the Merchants, the Manufacturers,
and the Traders in general of _Great-Britain_; and thereby sinking the
Profits of their own Estates, and the Rents of their own Lands and Houses.

6thly. The whole legislative Power of the Kingdom will certainly support
their own Authority, and not commit _Felo de se_ to please their Enemies.
They will not, they never can admit the Parliaments of _North-America_ to
be independent of them, or co-ordinate with themselves in the same State
or Empire.

7thly. The whole executive Power of the Kingdom is at present in the Hands
of his Majesty, and of those who act in his Name, and by his Authority.
There the Constitution has placed it, and in no other Hands; nor is there
the least Probability that mobbing, huzzaing, furious Speeches, and
inflammatory Libels, without Arms, Artillery, or Ammunition, and without
a Treasury, will be able to wrest the executive Power out of the Hands of
those who constitutionally enjoy it.

And now upon this General Review and Muster of the Forces on the
Malcontent, as well as the Government Side, let every one consider well
within himself, what he ought to do at the present Crisis, as a
constitutional Patriot, an honest _Englishman_, a loyal Subject, and a
prudent Man.


THE END.



ERRATA.


  P. 19. l. 10. for _Cacus_ read _Polyphemus_.
  P. 62. l. 17. after _Labour_ add _and_.
  P. 62. l. 19. dele _and_.
  P. 65. l. 8. before _Sailors_ add _and_.
  P. 72. l. 21. after _Produce_ add _of the Excise_.



Footnotes:

[1] In the Year of the Rebellion 1745, and for many Years afterwards, the
_London Evening Post_ (now a republican) was then a flaming _Jacobite
Paper_: During which Period the Author of these Tracts had frequently the
Honour of being abused by him, under the Character of a _low-church,
fanatical, Oliverian Whig_. Once in particular (above 20 Years ago) he
was complimented in the high-flown Strain of _Josiah ben Tucker ben Judas
Iscariot_. The Times are now greatly altered; and so is the Tone of the
Abuse. But the Author is perfectly resigned to these Vicissitudes of human
Affairs: And he has no other Favour to ask of this, and of all his
Brother-Scribblers, whether weekly or monthly, in Sheets, or in Pamphlets,
than that they would _never praise him_, because that, and that only, he
should look upon to be a _real Disgrace_. But it is not the _London
Evening Post_ alone, who from a violent Jacobite has commenced a fierce
Republican. Many like Instances may be recollected. And indeed the
Transition is natural enough; for if a Man can be so absurd as to think
that there is an _indefeasible_ Right in any one Family, when that Family
becomes _extinct_, he turns a Republican.

[2] The late Dr. BUTLER, Bishop of _Bristol_, and afterwards of _Durham_
had a singular Notion respecting large Communities and public Bodies;--a
Notion which perhaps is not altogether unapplicable to the present Case.
His Custom was, when at _Bristol_, to walk for Hours in his Garden in the
darkest Night, which the Time of the Year could afford; and I had
frequently the Honour to attend him. After walking some Time, he would
stop suddenly, and ask the Question, "What Security is there against the
_Insanity_ of Individuals? The Physicians know of none: And as to Divines,
we have no Data either from Scripture, or Reason to go upon relative to
this Affair."--_True, my Lord, no Man has a Lease of his Understanding,
any more than of his Life. They are both in the Hands of the Sovereign
Disposer of all Things._ He would then take another Turn, and again stop
short. "Why might not whole Communities and public Bodies be seized with
_Fits of Insanity_, as well as Individuals?" _My Lord, I have never
considered the Case, and can give no Opinion concerning it._ "Nothing but
this Principle, that they are liable to Insanity, equally at least with
private Persons, can account for the major Part of those Transactions,
which we read in History." I thought little of this odd Conceit of the
Bishop's at that Juncture: But I own I could not avoid thinking of it a
great deal since, and applying it to many Cases.

[3] See, for a Proof of this Fact, First, A Message from the General
Assembly of _Massachusetts Bay_ to GOVERNOR SHIRLEY, 4th of _January_,
1754. Secondly, A Message from the Council and House of Representatives of
ditto to ditto. Thirdly, An Address from the Council of Representatives of
ditto to ditto. Forthly, An Address of the Assembly of _Virginia_ to the
King. Fifthly, A Representation of the Commissioners met at _Albany_. And
Sixthly, Extracts from the Proceedings of the CONGRESS at _Albany_, all in
the Year 1754. And all of them antecedent to the Arrival of the two
Regiments under GENERAL BRADDOCK. I would here recommend the Perusal of
_The Controversy between_ Great Britain _and her Colonies_, printed for
ALMON, to those who wish for a fuller Information on these interesting
Points; particularly from Page 107 to 136.

[4] Were it not for the _British_ Fleets, and for the Fortresses of
_Gibraltar_ and _Port-Mahon_,--and in short for the general Terror of the
British Name, all the piratical States of _Barbary_ would immediately
seize on _American_ Ships, when carrying Fish, or Rice, or any other
_American_ Produce South of Cape _Finistere_, as their lawful Prey. And
yet _America_ doth not pay a single Shilling towards the Support of our
Fleets, or the Maintenance of our Forts and Garrisons in any Part of the
World.

[5] See the Resolutions of the grand Continental Congress, in Opposition
to the reconciliatory Proposal of Parliament for permitting each Province
to tax itself, according to its own Mode. In these Resolutions they
expressly declare, that they will be the sole Judges, not only of the
_Mode_ of raising, but also of the Sum or Quantum to be raised, and of the
Application of it: And that the Parliament of _Great-Britain_ hath no
Right to decide as to either of these Points.

[6] The Princes of the House of STUART took it into their Heads to
believe, that all Colonies were their private Patrimony; in respect of
which the Parliament had no Right to intermeddle. This Notion, so long ago
justly exploded, is now revived, (strange to tell!) even by modern
Patriots, and _American_ Republicans: For they are the People at present,
and not the King's Ministers, who propose to exalt the Prerogatives of the
Crown to the Subversion of the Rights, Privileges, and Liberties of the
_British_ Parliament, and the _British_ Nation. Indeed so far, it must be
owned, is Fact,--that as the Princes of that House had the first modelling
of the Colonies, they introduced a Practice, (still most absurdly retained
tho' without any Power to enforce it) of bringing all Appeals before
themselves and their Privy Councils, instead of before the Court of
King's-Bench or the House of Lords; which is the only regular and
constitutional Mode of appealing, and the only one now observed in Appeals
from _Ireland_. However, notwithstanding this _Impropriety_, as the King
can send no armed Forces to _America_, without Consent of Parliament first
had for their Maintenance, and afterwards for authorizing the Use of
military Law, and military Discipline among them, it may be justly
averred, that the King doth in no other exclusive Sense govern _America_,
than as the sole executive Power, which is to enforce and put in Motion
the Laws and Decrees of the supreme Legislature of _Great-Britain_. See a
very candid and impartial Account of this Matter in a Book entituled,
"Remarks on the principal Acts of the 13th Parliament of _Great-Britain_,"
from Page 38 to 45.

[7] See De LOLME's _Constitution of England_, the Note of Page 52. The
whole is a most excellent Treatise, and worthy the Perusal of all those
_Englishmen_, who wish to understand, and to set a just Value on the
distinguishing Excellencies of the _English_ Constitution,--a
Constitution, as he justly observes, the only one in its Kind, _ponderibus
librata suis_.

[8] See his Speech, _March_ 22, 1775, second Edition Octavo.

[9] Queen ELIZABETH sometimes raised this Duty to 20 and 25 per Cent. by
Orders and Warrants issued from her Privy Council; that is, by her own
sole and absolute Authority. Yet she was _good Queen_ BESS: And her Days
were _golden Days_. See also the shocking Number of Monopolies granted in
her Reign, set forth at large in TOWNSHEND's _Collection_; or in Sir SIMON
d'EWE's _Journal_ of _Parliament_. See more particularly the Debates which
past in the 43d Year of her Reign, after a Struggle of upwards of 20 Years
for abolishing these Monopolies.

[10] A few shallow, half-sighted Politicians have objected to the Trade
with _Russia_, because the Balance, according to their narrow Ideas, is
visibly against us. But what Balance do they mean?--Not the Balance of
_Industry_, for that is plainly in our Favour; or, in other Words, we
export more _manufactured_ Goods to _Russia_, than we receive from it. And
as to the Balance of _Money_, they ought to have known, that it is much
more beneficial to an industrious, commercial Country to import
Raw-Materials (_if it wants them_) than to import Gold and Silver; because
there cannot be so many Hands employed in the manufacturing of these
Metals, as in the working up of Timber, Iron, Hemp, Flax, &c. &c. to their
respective Uses. It is amazing, how little these self-evident Principles
have been understood, or at least attended to by commercial Writers of
some Note and Character, and particularly by JOSIAH GEE; according to
whose Doctrine of the Balance of Trade, this Nation hath not been worth a
single Shilling for almost these 100 Years.

[11] I am told, that this Deficiency of the Excise this Year, on Liquors
imported into the Out-Ports, is owing to a new Species of Smuggling lately
put in Practice, whereby the Revenue is grossly defrauded. If so, the
Balance would have been still greater, had all the Duties on Rum, and
other Liquors imported into the Out-Ports, been justly and fairly paid; or
at least paid as fairly and justly as usual.



_Lately published by the same Author_,

TRACTS Political and Commercial.

1. _A Solution of the important Question, whether a poor Country, where
raw Materials and Provisions are cheap, and Wages low, can supplant the
Trade of a rich manufacturing Country, where raw Materials and Provisions
are dear, and the Price of Labour high._

2. _The Case of going to War for the Sake of Trade considered in a new
Light._

3. _A Letter from a Merchant in_ London _to his Nephew in_ America,
_concerning the late and present Disturbances in the Colonies._

4. _The true Interest of_ Great-Britain _set forth in regard to the
Colonies; and the only Means of living in Peace and Harmony with them._

5. _The respective Pleas and Arguments of the Mother Country and of the
Colonies distinctly set forth; and the Impossibility of a Compromise of
Differences, or a mutual Concession of Rights plainly demonstrated; with a
prefatory Epistle to the Plenipotentiaries of the Congress._

Printed for RIVINGTON, CADEL, and WALTER.


TRACTS Polemical and Theological.

1. _An Apology for the Church of_ England, _as by Law established,
occasioned by a Petition to Parliament for abolishing Subscriptions._

2. _Two Letters to the Rev. Dr._ KIPPIS: _Letter 1st. Concerning the
Extent of the Claim of the Church of_ England _to regulate the_ external
_Behaviour of her own Members; and also to influence their_ internal
_Judgments in Controversies of Faith: Letter 2d. Wherein the Question is
discussed, whether the_ English _Reformers in the Reign of_ EDWARD VI.
_intended to establish the Doctrines of Predestination, Redemption, Grace,
Justification, and Perseverance, in the Calvinistical Sense, as the
Doctrines of the Church of_ England.

3. _Religious Intolerance no Part of the General Plan either of the Mosaic
or Christian Dispensation._

4. _A brief and dispassionate View of the Difficulties respectively
attending the Trinitarian, Arian, and Socinian Systems._


To be published in the Course of the ensuing Winter.

_A Volume of select Sermons on interesting and important Subjects._

All by the same Author.



      *      *      *      *      *      *



Transcriber's note:

Text in italics is enclosed by underscores (_italics_).

The original text includes two blank spaces. These are represented by
____ in this text version.

Footnote markers are placed as in the original text.

The table facing page 49 was in one piece in the original text.

The following misprints have been corrected:
  "memomorable" corrected to "memorable" (page 13)
  "for for" corrected to "for" (page 85)

Other than the corrections listed above, inconsistencies in
spelling, punctuation, and hyphenation have been retained.





*** End of this Doctrine Publishing Corporation Digital Book "An Humble Address and Earnest Appeal to Those Respectable Personages in Great-Britain and Ireland, Who, by Their Great and Permanent Interest in Landed Property, Their Liberal Education, Elevated Rank, and Enlarged Views, Are the Ablest to Judge, and the Fittest to Decide, Whether a Connection with, Or a Separation from the Continental Colonies of America, Be Most for the National Advantage, and the Lasting Benefit of These Kingdoms" ***

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