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Title: Museum of Antiquity - A Description of Ancient Life
Author: Yaggy, L. W. (Levi W.), Haines, T. L. (Thomas Louis), 1844-
Language: English
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* * * * *
[Illustration: Painted by J.M.W. Turner, R.A.
Engraved & Printed by Illman Brothers.
THE PALACE OF THE CAESARS]
* * * * *
MUSEUM
OF
ANTIQUITY
A DESCRIPTION OF
_ANCIENT LIFE_:
THE
EMPLOYMENTS, AMUSEMENTS, CUSTOMS AND HABITS,
THE CITIES, PALACES, MONUMENTS AND TOMBS,
THE LITERATURE AND FINE ARTS
OF 3,000 YEARS AGO.
BY
L.W. YAGGY, M.S.,
AND
T.L. HAINES, A.M.,
_AUTHORS OF THE "ROYAL PATH OF LIFE,"
"OUR HOME COUNSELOR,"
"LITTLE GEMS."_
ILLUSTRATED.
MADISON, WIS.:
J.B. FURMAN & CO.
WESTERN PUBLISHING HOUSE, CHICAGO, ILL.
1884.
Entered according to Act of Congress, in the year 1880 by
L.W. YAGGY & T.L. HAINES,
In the Office of the Librarian of Congress, at Washington, D.C.
PREFACE.
Egypt, Greece and Italy were the fountain heads of our civilization
and the source of our knowledge; to them we can trace, link by link,
the origin of all that is ornamental, graceful and beautiful. It is
therefore a matter of greatest interest to get an intimate knowledge
of the original state, and former perfection, the grandeur,
magnificence and high civilization of these countries, as well as of
the homes, the private and domestic life, the schools, churches,
rites, ceremonies, &c.
The many recent excavations in Troy, Nineveh, Babylon and the
uncovering of the City of Pompeii, with its innumerable treasures, the
unfolding of the long-hoarded secrets, have revealed information for
volumes of matter. But works that treat on the various subjects of
antiquity are, for the most part, not only costly and hard to procure,
but also far too voluminous. The object of this work is to condense
into the smallest possible compass the essence of information which
usually runs through many volumes, and place it into a practical form
for the common reader. We hope, however, that this work will give the
reader a greater longing to extend his inquiries into these most
interesting subjects, so rich in everything that can refine the taste,
enlarge the understanding and improve the heart. It has been our
object, so far as possible, to avoid every expression of opinion,
whether our own or that of any school of thinkers, and to supply
first, facts, and secondly, careful references by which the citations
of those facts, may be verified, and the inferences from them traced
by the reader himself, to their legitimate result.
Before we close, we would tender our greatest obligations to the
English and German authors, from whom we have drawn abundantly in
preparing this work; also to the Directors of the British Museum of
London, and the Society of Antiquarians of Berlin, and especially to
the authorities of the excavated City of Pompeii and its treasures in
the Museum of Naples, where we were furnished with an intelligent
guide and permitted to spend days in our researches. To each and all
of these, who have so kindly promoted our labor, our heartfelt thanks
are cordially returned.
Many of the engravings are from drawings made on the spot, but a
greater number are from photographs, and executed with the greatest
fidelity by German and French artists.
Steel Plate Engravings.
PAGE
_The Palace of the Cæsars_, 1
_House of the Tragic Poet--Sallust_, 112
_Egyptian Feast_, 270
_Approach to Karnac_, 384
_Temple of Karnac_, 470
_The Philae Islands_, 656
_School of the Vestal Virgins_, 832
CONTENTS.
TABLE OF CONTENTS.
POMPEII.
The Glory of the City--Destruction--Excavation--_Entering
Pompeii_ (_Page 21-25_)--The Streets of the City--The Theatres
of Pompeii--Villa of Julia Felix--Pavements and Sidewalks--
_Arrangement of Private Houses_ (_Page 26-53_)--Elegance of
Domestic Architecture--Ground Plan of Roman House--Exterior
Apartments--Interior Apartments--Dining Halls--The
Triclinium--Materials and Construction--The Salve Lucru--
Paintings and Decorations--The Drunken Hercules--Wall
Decoration--The Peristyle--The House of Siricus--Political
Inscriptions--Electioneering Advertisements--The Graffiti--
Street of the Lupanar--Eighty Loaves of Bread Found--The
House of the Balcony--Human Bodies Preserved--Discovered
Bodies--_House of Diomedes_ (_Page 54-74_)--Location of the
Villa--Ground Plan of the Villa--Detail of Ground Plan--The
Caldarium--Galleries and Halls--Porticoes and Terraces--Tomb
and Family Sepulchre--The Villa Destroyed--Conclusive Evidence--
Jewels and Ornaments--Pliny's Account of a Roman Garden--_Stores
and Eating Houses_ (_Page 75-81_)--Restaurant--Pompeian Bill of
Fare--Circe, Daughter of the Sun--_Houses of Pansa and Sallust_
(_Page 82-102_)--Curious Religious Painting--General View of
House--Worship of the Lares--Domesticated Serpents--Discoveries
Confirm Ancient Authors--Ornamentation and Draperies--Remarkable
Mansions--House of the Vestals--Surgical and other Instruments--
Shop of an Apothecary--_House of Holconius_ (_Page 103-112_)--
Decorations of the Bed-Chambers--Perseus and Andromeda--Epigraphs
and Inscriptions--Ariadne Discovered by Bacchus--_General Survey
of the City_ (_Page 113-118_)--Wine Merchant's Sign--Sculptor's
Laboratory-- House of Emperor Joseph II 17-119
AMUSEMENTS.
The Amphitheatre--Coliseum--84,000 Seats--The Bloody
Entertainments--Examining the Wounded--Theatres--_Roman Baths_
(_Page 147-156_)--Description of the Baths--Cold Baths--Warm
Chambers--The Vapor Baths--Hot-Air Baths--_Social Games and
Sports_ (_Page 157-162_)--Domestic Games--Jugglers--Game of
Cities--Gymnastic Arts--_Social Entertainments_ (_Page
163-180_)--Characteristics of the Dance--Grace and Dress of the
Dancers--Position at the Table--Vases and Ornaments--Food and
Vegetables--Mode of Eating--Reminders of Mortality--_Egyptian
Music and Entertainments_ (_Page 181-188_)--Musical
Instruments--Jewish Music--Beer, Palm Wine, Etc--_Games and
Sports of the Egyptians_ (_Page 189-202_)--Games with
Dice--Games of Ball--Wrestling--Intellectual
Capabilities--Hunting 120-202
DOMESTIC LIFE.
Occupation of Women--Bathing--Wedding Ceremonies--Children's
Toys--Writing Materials--Families, Schools and Marriages--Duties
of Children--_Dress, Toilet and Jewelry_ (_Page 219-232_)--The
Chiton--Dress Materials--Styles of Wearing Hair--Head-Dress of
Women--Hair-Pins--Sunshades--_Crimes and Punishments; Contracts,
Deeds, Etc._ (_Page 233-252_)--Punishments--Laws Respecting
Debt--Contracts--Superstition--Cure of Diseases--_Houses,
Villas, Farmyards, Orchards, Gardens, Etc._ (_Page 253-270_)--
Character of the People--Construction of Houses--Plans of Villas--
Irrigation--Gardens--_Egyptian Wealth_ (_Page 271-280_)--Gold and
Silver--Worth of Gold--Treasures--Total Value of Gold 203-280
DOMESTIC UTENSILS.
Writing Materials--Literature--Curious Lamps--The Candelabrum--
Candelabra--Oil-Lamps--The Steelyard--Drinking Vessels--Colored
Glass--Glass--Glass Vessels--Articles of Jewelry--Toilet-Boxes,
Etc.--_Furniture_ (_Page 309-322_)--Chairs and Stools--Bed-Room
Furniture--Tables, Etc.--Pottery--Drawings on Vases--_Vases_
(_Page 323-342_)--Greek Vases--Inscriptions on Vases--Historical
Subjects on Vases--Uses of Vases--Vases Found in Tombs--Silver
Vessels--Decorated Vases 281-342
EMPLOYMENT.
Colored Glass Vessels--Imitation Jewels--Potters--Carpenter's
Tools--Professions--Husbandry--Rise of the Nile--Agricultural
Implements--Agriculture--_Baking, Dyeing and Painting_ (_Page
363-384_)--Flour Mills--Bread-Baking--Dyeing--Scouring and
Dyeing--Coloring Substances--Mineral Used for Dyeing--Cost of
Dyeing--Cloth Manufacture--Persian Costumes 343-384
TROY.
Ruins at Hissarlik--Settlement of Troy--First Settlers--Scæan
Gate--Call of Menelaus--Houses at Troy--Objects Found in Houses--
Silver Vases--Taking out the Treasure--Shield of the Treasure--
Contents of the Treasure--Ear-Rings and Chains--Gold Buttons,
Studs, Etc.--Silver Goblet and Vases--Weapons of Troy--Terra
Cotta Mugs--Condition of the Roads--Lack of Inscriptions 385-422
NINEVEH AND BABYLON.
Explorations of Niebuhr and Rich--Excavations at Kouyunjik
Palace--Sennacherib's Conquests--Highly-Finished Sculptures--
North Palace, Kouyunjik--Temple of Solomon--The Oracle--
Description of the Palace--Modern Houses of Persia--Chambers
in the Palace--The Walls--Grandeur of Babylon--Building
Materials--History of Babylon--_Karnac and Baalbec_
(_Page 461-473_)--Stupendous Remains--Temple of Luxor--
Chambers of the Great Pyramid--The Great Temple--The Pantheon
at Rome--Egyptian Obelisks--Obelisks 423-484
RELIGION OR MYTHOLOGY.
Mythology--Mythological Characters--The Pythian Apollo--Phœbus
Apollo--Niobe and Leto--Daphne--Kyrene--Hermes--The Sorrow of
Demeter--The Sleep of Endymion--Phaethon--Briareos--Dionysos--
Pentheus--Asklepios--Ixion--Tantalos--The Toils of Herakles--
Admetos--Epimetheus and Pandora--Io and Prometheus--Deukalion--
Poseidon and Athene--Medusa--Danae--Perseus--Andromeda--
Akrisios--Kephalos and Prokris--Skylla--Phrixos and Helle--
Medeia--Theseus--Ariadne--Arethusa--Tyro--Narkissos--Orpheus and
Eurydike--Kadmos and Europa--Bellerophon--Althaia and the Burning
Brand--Iamos 485-642
FINE ARTS.
Egyptian Sculpture--Etruscan Painting--Renowned Painters--
Parrhasius--Colors Used--Sculpture Painting--Fresco Painting--
_Sculpturing_ (_Page 667-694_)--Sculpture in Greece and Egypt--
Sculptures of Ancient Kings--Animal Sculpture--Modeling of the
Human Figure--"The Sculptor of the Gods"--Grandeur of Style--
Statues--Description of Statues--Work of Lysippus--The Macedonian
Age--Roman Art--Copies of Ancient Gods--_Mosaic_ (_Page
695-702_)--Mosaic Subjects--Battle Represented in Mosaics--
Grandeur of Style 643-702
LITERATURE.
Homer--Paris--Achilles--The Vengeance of Odysseus--Sophocles--
Herodotus--The Crocodile--Artabanus Dissuades Xerxes--Socrates--
Socrates and Aristodemus--Aristophanes--Plato--The Perfect
Beauty--Last Hours of Socrates--Demosthenes--Philip and the
Athenians--Measures to Resist Philip--Former Athenians Described--
Oration on the Crown--Invective against Catiline--Expulsion of
Catiline from Rome--The Tyrant Prætor Denounced--Immortality of
the Soul--Julius Cæsar--The Germans--Battle of Pharsalia--Virgil--
Employment of the Bee--Punishments in Hell--Horace--To Licinius--
Happiness Founded on Wisdom--The Equality of Man--Plutarch--
Proscription of Sylla--Demosthenes and Cicero Compared 703-832
TOMBS AND CATACOMBS.
Extent of the Tombs--An Acre and a quarter in a Tomb--
Sculpturings--Painting--Burying According to Rank--Mummies--
Mummy Cases and Sarcophagi--Roman Tombs--Inscriptions--_The
Catacombs_ (_Page 873-910_)--Inscriptions--Catacombs--Christian
Inscriptions--Early Inscriptions--Catacombs, nearly 900 miles
long--Utensils from the Catacombs--Paintings--S. Calixtus--Lord's
Supper 833-910
TRUTH OF THE BIBLE.
The Assyrian and Babylonian Discoveries--1100 Christian
Inscriptions--The use of the Bible for Excavators--Accordance
with Ancient Writings--Frieze from the Arch of Titus--No Book
produced by Chance--God the Author--Its Great Antiquity--The
Pentateuch--Preservation of the Scripture--Its Important
Discoveries--Its Peculiar Style--Its Harmony--Its Impartiality--
Its Prophecies--Its Important Doctrines--Its Holy Tendency--Its
Aims--Its Effects--Its General Reception--Persecuted but not
Persecuting 911-944
[Page Decoration]
[Page Decoration]
ILLUSTRATIONS
BY GERMAN ARTISTS.
DESTRUCTION OF POMPEII 17
VIEW OF POMPEII. (_From a Photograph_) 23
PLAN OF A ROMAN HOUSE 28
VESTIBULE OF A POMPEIAN HOUSE 30
TRICLINIUM OR DINING-ROOM 33
HERCULES DRUNK. (_From Pompeii_) 37
DISCOVERED BODY AT POMPEII 51
GROUND PLAN OF THE SUBURBAN VILLA OF DIOMEDES 57
WALL PAINTING AT POMPEII 69
HOUSEHOLD UTENSILS 72
RESTAURANT. (_From Wall Painting_) 77
BED AND TABLE AT POMPEII. (_From Wall Painting_) 78
PLAN OF A TRICLINIUM 79
HEAD OF CIRCE 81
KITCHEN FURNITURE AT POMPEII 84
BROOCHES OF GOLD FOUND AT POMPEII 98
SCALES FOUND AT POMPEII 100
WALL PAINTING FOUND AT POMPEII 105
GOLD BREASTPINS FOUND AT POMPEII 114
A LABORATORY, AS FOUND IN POMPEII 117
FIRST WALLS DISCOVERED IN POMPEII 118
VIEW OF THE AMPHITHEATRE AT POMPEII 121
COLISEUM OF ROME 128
EXAMINING THE WOUNDED 133
ASKING PARDON 135
NOT GRANTED 135
COMBATS WITH BEASTS 137
VIEW OF THE TEPIDARIUM 151
ANCIENT BATH ROOM. (_As Discovered_) 155
EGYPTIAN VASES 173
SOCIAL ENJOYMENT OF WOMEN. (_From an Ancient Painting_) 205
GOLD PINS 220
SHAWL OR TOGA PIN 220
PEARL SET PINS 221
STONE SET BROOCHES 224
HAIR DRESS. (_From Pompeii_) 227
TOILET ARTICLES FOUND AT POMPEII 231
WREATH OF OAK. (_Life Saving_) 247
TABULÆ, CALAMUS, AND PAPYRUS 283
TABULÆ, STYLUS, AND PAPYRUS 283
TABULÆ AND INK STAND 284
LIBRARIES AND MONEY 284
GOLD LAMP. (_Found at Pompeii_) 287
CANDELABRUM, OR LAMP STAND 289
CANDELABRA, OR LAMP STANDS 290
STANDING LAMP 293
ANCIENT LAMPS 293
SCALES AND WEIGHTS 295
VESSELS. (_From Pompeii_) 296
DRINKING VESSEL 297
GLASS VESSELS. (_From Pompeii_) 302
CUPS AND METALS 304
GOLD JEWELRY. (_From Pompeii_) 305
HEAVY GOLD PINS 306
BROOCHES INSET WITH STONE 307
SAFETY TOGA PINS 308
PLUNDERING CORINTH 317
GREEK VASE 321
ETRUSCAN VASE 324
ROMAN VASES 325
VASE REPRESENTING A MARRIAGE. (_Found at Pompeii_) 328
VASE REPRESENTING TROJAN WAR. (_Found at Pompeii_) 333
VASE. (_Found at Pompeii_) 334
VASE REPRESENTING GREEK SACRIFICE 336
VASE 2,000 YEARS OLD 337
SILVER PLATTER 339
SILVER CUP. (_Found at Hildesheim_) 340
VASE OF THE FIRST CENTURY 341
DISH OF THE FIRST CENTURY 341
ANCIENT GLASS VESSELS 346
GLASS BROOCH 347
IMITATION OF REAL STONE 348
ANCIENT EGYPTIAN POTTERY 350
MILL AND BAKERY AT POMPEII 365
BREAD DISCOVERED IN POMPEII 371
METALS AND BEADS 389
TERRA-COTTA LAMPS 394
BRONZE LAMPS 394
GOLDEN CUPS OF PRIAM. (_Found at Troy_) 396
WONDERFUL VASES OF TERRA-COTTA FROM PALACE OF PRIAM 399
FROM PALACE OF PRIAM 400
LIDS AND METALS OF PRIAM 401
TREASURES OF PRIAM. (_Found at Troy_) 404
PART OF MACHINE OF PRIAM 406
JEWELRY OF GOLD AND STONES 406
VESSEL FOUND IN THE PALACE OF PRIAM 407
SHIELD OF THE PALACE OF PRIAM 408
GOLD NECKLACE OF TROY 409
GOLD TASSELS OF TROY 409
LAMPS FOUND AT TROY 409
STUDS AND BRACELETS OF PRIAM 411
GOLD PINS WITH SET GEMS 411
GOLD EAR-RINGS OF TROY 412
SPEARS, LANCES, AX AND CHAIN 415
SHEARS, KNIVES AND SPEARS 415
LANCES FOUND AT PALACE OF PRIAM, TROY 416
COINS OR METALS 418
ELEGANT BROOCH OF TROY 421
LAMP FOUND AT TROY 422
PALACE OF SENNACHERIB 427
DISCOVERED IN THE PALACE 435
VIEW OF A HALL 445
COLUMNS OF KARNAC 463
THE GREAT PYRAMIDS AND SPHINX 469
RUINS OF BAALBEC 473
VIEW OF THE PANTHEON AT ROME 475
PANTHEON AT ROME 477
HALF SECTION OF THE PANTHEON 478
OBELISK OF HELIOPOLIS 481
JUPITER. (_or Zeus_) 491
APOLLO. (_From an Ancient Sculpture_) 495
PLUTO AND HIS WIFE 503
CERES. (_or Demeter. From Pompeii Wall Painting_) 512
JUNO. (_or Here_) 516
DIANA. (_or Artemis_) 520
VULCAN. (_or Hephaistos_) 526
MINERVA. (_or Pallas Athene. Found at Pompeii_) 530
ANCIENT SCULPTURING ON TANTALOS 537
URANIA. (_Muse of Astronomy_) 538
JUPITER. (_or Zeus with his Thunderbolt_) 544
THALIA, THE MUSE 550
LAOCOON, THE FALSE PRIEST 555
GRECIAN ALTAR. (_3000 years old_) 563
THEMIS. (_Goddess of Law_) 565
EUTERPE. (_Muse of Pleasure_) 577
THALIA. (_Muse of Comedy_) 584
NUMA POMPILIUS VISITING THE NYMPH EGERIA 591
POLYHYMNIA. (_Muse of Rhetoric_) 603
SPHINX OF EGYPT 607
CALLIOPE. (_Muse of Heroic Verse_) 614
THE ORIGIN OF MAN 617
ERATE. (_Muse of the Lute_) 623
TERPSICHORE. (_Muse of Dancing_) 625
ANCIENT SACRIFICE. (_From Wall Painting of Pompeii_) 631
MELPOMENE. (_Muse of Tragedy_) 639
CLIO. (_Muse of History_) 642
ANCIENT ART AND LITERATURE 645
PAINTING. (_2600 years old_) 655
DYING GLADIATOR 689
MOSAIC FLOOR 696
MOSAIC DOVES 697
APOLLO CHARMING NATURE 701
ANCIENT AUTHORS 709
LIBRARY OF HERCULANEUM 723
TROJAN HEROES 735
ANCIENT METAL ENGRAVING 745
SOCRATES DRINKING THE POISON 762
FROM ANCIENT SCULPTURING 775
KING PHILIP. (_of Macedon_) 784
AUGUSTUS CÆSAR. (_Found at Pompeii_) 795
JULIUS CÆSAR. (_From an Ancient Sculpturing_) 805
VIRGIL AND HORACE 813
EUCLID 824
ALEXANDER SEVERUS 831
EGYPTIAN TOMB 835
SARCOPHAGUS, OR COFFIN. (_With Noah's Ark Cut in Relief
on the Outside_) 841
COFFIN OF ALABASTER. (_Features of the Deceased Sculptured_) 843
DISCOVERED TOMB WITH ITS TREASURES. (_At Pompeii_) 847
ARTICLES FOUND IN A TOMB 852
HIEROGLYPHICS 857, 858, 859
EGYPTIAN PILLAR 862
EGYPTIAN COLUMN 867
SECTIONS OF THE CATACOMBS WITH CHAMBERS 874
PLAN OF THE CATACOMBS AT ROME 875
STONE COFFIN 878
STONE COFFIN WITH OPEN SIDE 879
INSIDE VIEW OF THE CATACOMBS 881
LAMPS FOUND IN THE CATACOMBS 884
TOMB INSCRIPTION 896
PAINTED CEILING 906
CHAMBER OF A CATACOMB 909
FRIEZE FROM THE ARCH OF TITUS 916
PENTATEUCH, WRITTEN 3200 YEARS AGO 921
SHISHAK AND HIS CAPTIVES ON SCULPTURED WALL AT KARNAC 935
PORTRAIT OF REHOBOAM 936
[Page Decoration]
[Page Decoration]
ADDRESS TO THE MUMMY.
"And thou hast walked about, (how strange a story!)
In Thebes' streets three thousand years ago,
When the Memnonium was in all its glory,
And time had not begun to overthrow
Those temples, palaces and piles stupendous,
Of which the very ruins are tremendous.
"Perhaps that very hand now pinioned flat,
Has hob-a-nobbed with Pharaoh, glass to glass;
Or dropped a half-penny in Homer's hat;
Or doffed thine own to let Queen Dido pass;
Or held, by Solomon's own invitation,
A torch at the great Temple's dedication.
"Thou couldst develop--if that withered tongue
Could tell us what those sightless orbs have seen--
How the world looked when it was fresh and young
And the great deluge still had left it green;
Or was it then so old that history's pages
Contained no record of its early ages?
"Since first thy form was in this box extended
We have, above ground, seen some strange mutations;
The Roman Empire has begun and ended,
New worlds have risen--we have lost old nations;
And countless kings have into dust been humbled,
While not a fragment of thy flesh has crumbled.
"If the tomb's secrets may not be confessed,
The nature of thy private life unfold:
A heart has throbbed beneath that leathern breast,
And tears adown that dusty cheek have rolled;
Have children climbed those knees and kissed that face?
What was thy name and station, age and race?"
ANSWER.
"Child of the later days! thy words have broken
A spell that long has bound these lungs of clay,
For since this smoke-dried tongue of mine hath spoken,
Three thousand tedious years have rolled away.
Unswathed at length, I 'stand at ease' before ye.
List, then. O list, while I unfold my story."
* * * * * * * * *
[Page Decoration]
[Page Decoration]
POMPEII.
[Illustration: DESTRUCTION OF POMPEII.]
Pompeii was in its full glory at the commencement of the Christian
era. It was a city of wealth and refinement, with about 35,000
inhabitants, and beautifully located at the foot of Mount Vesuvius; it
possessed all local advantages that the most refined taste could
desire. Upon the verge of the sea, at the entrance of a fertile plain,
on the bank of a navigable river, it united the conveniences of a
commercial town with the security of a military station, and the
romantic beauty of a spot celebrated in all ages for its pre-eminent
loveliness. Its environs, even to the heights of Vesuvius, were
covered with villas, and the coast, all the way to Naples, was so
ornamented with gardens and villages, that the shores of the whole
gulf appeared as one city.
What an enchanting picture must have presented itself to one
approaching Pompeii by sea! He beheld the bright, cheerful Grecian
temples spreading out on the slopes before him; the pillared Forum;
the rounded marble Theatres. He saw the grand Palaces descending to
the very edge of the blue waves by noble flights of steps, surrounded
with green pines, laurels and cypresses, from amidst whose dark
foliage marble statues of gods gleamed whitely.
The skillful architect, the sculptors, the painters, and the casters
of bronze were all employed to make Pompeii an asylum of arts; all
trades and callings endeavored to grace and beautify the city. The
prodigious concourse of strangers who came here in search of health
and recreation added new charms and life to the scene.
But behind all this, and encased as it were in a frame, the landscape
rose in a gentle slope to the summit of the thundering mountain. But
indications were not wanting of the peril with which the city was
threatened. The whole district is volcanic; and a few years before the
final catastrophe, an earthquake had shaken Pompeii to its
foundations; some of the buildings were much injured. On August 24,
A.D. 79, the inhabitants were busily engaged in repairing the damage
thus wrought, when suddenly and without any previous warning a vast
column of black smoke burst from the overhanging mountain. Rising to a
prodigious height in the cloudless summer sky, it then gradually
spread out like the head of some mighty Italian pine, hiding the sun,
and overshadowing the earth for miles in distance.
The darkness grew into profound night, only broken by the blue and
sulphurous flashes which darted from the pitchy cloud. Soon the thick
rain of thin, light ashes, almost imperceptible to the touch, fell
upon the land. Then quickly succeeded shower of small pumice stones
and heavier ashes, and emitting stifling eruptic fumes. After a time
the sounds of approaching torrent were heard, and soon streaming
rivers of dense black mud poured slowly but irresistibly down the
mountain sides, and circled through the streets, insidiously creeping
into such recesses as even the subtle ashes had failed to penetrate.
There was now no place of shelter left. No man could defend himself
against this double enemy. It was too late for flight for such as had
remained behind. Those who had taken refuge in the innermost parts of
the houses, or in the subterranean passages, were closed up forever.
Those who sought to flee through the streets were clogged by the
small, loose pumice stones, which lay many feet deep, or were
entangled and overwhelmed in the mud-streams, or were struck down by
the rocks which fell from the heavens. If they escaped these dangers,
blinded by the drifting ashes and groping in the dark, not knowing
which way to go, they were overcome by the sulphurous vapors, and
sinking on the highway were soon buried beneath the volcanic matter.
Even many who had gained the open country, at the beginning of the
eruption, were overtaken by the darkness and falling cinders, and
perished miserably in the field or on the sea-shore, where they had
vainly sought the means of flight.
In three days the doomed city had disappeared. It lay buried beneath a
vast mass of ashes, pumice stone and hardened mud, from twenty to
seventy feet deep. Those of its terror-stricken inhabitants who
escaped destruction, abandoned forever its desolate site. Years,
generations, centuries went by, and the existence of Pompeii--yea,
even its very name--had ceased to be remembered. The rich volcanic
soil became covered with a profusion of vegetation. Vineyards
flourished and houses were built on the site of the buried city.
Nearly eighteen hundred years had elapsed since the thunderer Vesuvius
had thrown the black mantle of ashes over the fair city before the
resuscitation arrived. Some antique bronzes and utensils, discovered
by a peasant, excited universal attention. Excavations were begun,
and Pompeii, shaking off as it were her musty grave clothes, stared
from the classic and poetical age of the first into the prosaic modern
world of the nineteenth century. The world was startled, and looked
with wondering interest to see this ancient stranger arising from her
tomb--to behold the awakening of the remote past from the womb of the
earth which had so long hoarded it.
The excavation has been assiduously prosecuted, until to-day three
hundred and sixty houses, temples, theatres, schools, stores,
factories, etc., have been thrown open before us with their treasured
contents. It is often, but erroneously, supposed that Pompeii, like
Herculaneum, was overwhelmed by a flood of lava. Had this been the
case, the work of excavation would have been immensely more difficult,
and the result would have been far less important. The marbles must
have been calcined, the bronzes melted, the frescoes effaced, and
smaller articles destroyed by the fiery flood. The ruin was effected
by showers of dust and scoriæ, and by torrents of liquid mud, which
formed a mould, encasing the objects, thus preserving them from injury
or decay. We thus gain a perfect picture of what a Roman city was
eighteen hundred years ago, as everything is laid bare to us in almost
a perfect state.
What wealth of splendid vessels and utensils was contained in the
chests and closets! Gold and gilded ivory, pearls and precious stones
were used to decorate tables, chairs and vessels for eating and
drinking. Elegant lamps hung from the ceiling, and candelabra and
little lamps of most exquisite shapes illuminated the apartments at
night. To-day, looking at the walls, the eyes may feast on beautiful
fresco paintings, with colors so vivid and fresh as if painted but
yesterday; while gleaming everywhere on ceiling, wall and floor, are
marbles of rarest hue, sculptured into every conceivable form of grace
and beauty, and inlaid in most artistic designs.
ENTERING POMPEII.
We will now proceed to describe the general aspect of the city, and
for this purpose it will be convenient to suppose that we have entered
it by the gate of Herculaneum, though in other respects the Porta
della Marina is the more usual and, perhaps, the best entrance.
On entering, the visitor finds himself in a street, running a little
east of south, which leads to the Forum. To the right, stands a house
formerly owned by a musician; to the left, a thermopolium or shop for
hot drinks; beyond is the house of the Vestals; beyond this the
custom-house; and a little further on, where another street runs into
this one from the north at a very acute angle, stands a public
fountain. In the last-named street is a surgeon's house; at least one
so named from the quantity of surgical instruments found in it, all
made of bronze. On the right or western side of the street, by which
we entered, the houses, as we have said, are built on the declivity of
a rock, and are several stories high.
The fountain is about one hundred and fifty yards from the city gate.
About the same distance, further on, the street divides into two; the
right-hand turning seems a by-street, the left-hand turning conducts
you to the Forum. The most important feature in this space is a house
called the house of Sallust or of Actæon, from a painting in it
representing that hunter's death. It stands on an area about forty
yards square, and is encompassed on three sides by streets; by that
namely which we have been describing, by another nearly parallel to
it, and by a third, perpendicular to these two. The whole quarter at
present excavated, as far as the Street of the Baths, continued by the
Street of Fortune, is divided, by six longitudinal and one transverse
street, into what the Romans called islands, or insulated masses of
houses. Two of these are entirely occupied by the houses of Pansa and
of the Faun, which, with their courts and gardens, are about one
hundred yards long by forty wide.
From the Street of the Baths and that of Fortune, which bound these
islands on the south, two streets lead to the two corners of the
Forum; between them are baths, occupying nearly the whole island.
Among other buildings are a milk-shop and gladiatorial school. At the
northeast corner of the Forum was a triumphal arch. At the end of the
Street of the Baths and beginning of that of Fortune, another
triumphal arch is still to be made out, spanning the street of
Mercury, so that this was plainly the way of state into the city. The
Forum is distant from the gate of Herculaneum about four hundred
yards. Of it we shall give a full description in its place. Near the
south-eastern corner two streets enter it, one running to the south,
the other to the east. We will follow the former for about eighty
yards, when it turns eastward for two hundred yards, and conducts us
to the quarter of the theatres. The other street, which runs eastward
from the Forum, is of more importance, and is called the Street of the
Silversmiths;[1] at the end of which a short street turns southwards,
and meets the other route to the theatres. On both these routes the
houses immediately bordering on the streets are cleared; but between
them is a large rectangular plot of unexplored ground. Two very
elegant houses at the southwest corner of the Forum were uncovered by
the French general Championnet, while in command at Naples, and are
known by his name. On the western side of the Forum two streets led
down towards the sea; the excavations here consist almost entirely of
public buildings, which will be described hereafter.
[Illustration: VIEW OF POMPEII. (_From a photograph._)]
The quarter of the theatres comprises a large temple, called the
Temple of Neptune or Hercules, a temple of Isis, a temple of
Æsculapius, two theatres, the Triangular Forum, and the quarters of
the soldiers or gladiators. On the north and east it is bounded by
streets; to the south and west it seems to have been enclosed partly
by the town walls, partly by its own. Here the continuous excavation
ends, and we must cross vineyards to the amphitheatre, about five
hundred and fifty yards distant from the theatre, in the southeast
corner of the city, close to the walls, and in an angle formed by
them. Close to the amphitheatre are traces of walls supposed to have
belonged to a Forum Boarium, or cattle market. Near at hand, a
considerable building, called the villa of Julia Felix, has been
excavated and filled up again. On the walls of it was discovered the
following inscription, which may serve to convey an idea of the wealth
of some of the Pompeian proprietors:
IN PRAEDIS JULLE SP F. FELICIS
LOCANTUR
BALNEUM VENERIUM ET NONGENTUM TABERNÆ PERGULÆ
CŒNACULA EX IDIBUS AUG PRIMIS
IN IDUS AUG. SEXTAS ANNOS CONTINUOS QUINQUE
S. Q. D. L. E. N. C.
That is: "On the estate of Julia Felix, daughter of Spurius, are to be
let a bath, a venereum, nine hundred shops, with booths and garrets,
for a term of five continuous years, from the first to the sixth of
the Ides of August." The formula, S. Q. D. L. E. N. C., with which the
advertisement concludes, is thought to stand for--si quis domi
lenocinium exerceat ne conducito: "let no one apply who keeps a
brothel."
A little to the south of the smaller theatre was discovered, in 1851,
the Gate of Stabiæ. Hence a long straight street, which has been
called the Street of Stabiæ, traversed the whole breadth of the city,
till it issued out on the northern side at the gate of Vesuvius. It
has been cleared to the point where it intersects the Streets of
Fortune and of Nola, which, with the Street of the Baths, traverse the
city in its length. The Street of Stabiæ forms the boundary of the
excavations; all that part of Pompeii which lies to the east of it,
with the exception of the amphitheatre, and the line forming the
Street of Nola, being still occupied by vineyards and cultivated
fields. On the other hand, that part of the city lying to the west of
it has been for the most part disinterred; though there are still some
portions lying to the south and west of the Street of Abundance and
the Forum, and to the east of the Vico Storto, which remain to be
excavated.
The streets of Pompeii are paved with large irregular pieces of lava
joined neatly together, in which the chariot wheels have worn ruts,
still discernible; in some places they are an inch and a half deep,
and in the narrow streets follow one track; where the streets are
wider, the ruts are more numerous and irregular. The width of the
streets varies from eight or nine feet to about twenty-two, including
the footpaths or trottoirs. In many places they are so narrow that
they may be crossed at one stride; where they are wider, a raised
stepping-stone, and sometimes two or three, have been placed in the
centre of the crossing. These stones, though in the middle of the
carriage way, did not much inconvenience those who drove about in the
biga, or two-horsed chariot, as the wheels passed freely in the spaces
left, while the horses, being loosely harnessed, might either have
stepped over the stones or passed by the sides. The curb-stones are
elevated from one foot to eighteen inches, and separate the
foot-pavement from the road. Throughout the city there is hardly a
street unfurnished with this convenience. Where there is width to
admit of a broad foot-path, the interval between the curb and the line
of building is filled up with earth, which has then been covered over
with stucco, and sometimes with a coarse mosaic of brickwork. Here and
there traces of this sort of pavement still remain, especially in
those streets which were protected by porticoes.
[Page Decoration]
[Page Decoration]
ARRANGEMENT OF PRIVATE HOUSES.
We will now give an account of some of the most remarkable private
houses which have been disinterred; of the paintings, domestic
utensils, and other articles found in them; and such information upon
the domestic manners of the ancient Italians as may seem requisite to
the illustration of these remains. This branch of our subject is not
less interesting, nor less extensive than the other. Temples and
theatres, in equal preservation, and of greater splendor than those at
Pompeii, may be seen in many places; but towards acquainting us with
the habitations, the private luxuries and elegancies of ancient life,
not all the scattered fragments of domestic architecture which exist
elsewhere have done so much as this city, with its fellow-sufferer,
Herculaneum.
Towards the last years of the republic, the Romans naturalized the
arts of Greece among themselves; and Grecian architecture came into
fashion at Rome, as we may learn, among other sources, from the
letters of Cicero to Atticus, which bear constant testimony to the
strong interest which he took in ornamenting his several houses, and
mention Cyrus, his Greek architect. At this time immense fortunes were
easily made from the spoils of new conquests, or by peculation and
maladministration of subject provinces, and the money thus ill and
easily acquired was squandered in the most lavish luxury. One favorite
mode of indulgence was in splendor of building. Lucius Cassius was the
first who ornamented his house with columns of foreign marble; they
were only six in number, and twelve feet high. He was soon surpassed
by Scaurus, who placed in his house columns of the black marble called
Lucullian, thirty-eight feet high, and of such vast and unusual weight
that the superintendent of sewers, as we are told by Pliny,[2] took
security for any injury which might happen to the works under his
charge, before they were suffered to be conveyed along the streets.
Another prodigal, by name Mamurra, set the example of lining his rooms
with slabs of marble. The best estimate, however, of the growth of
architectural luxury about this time may be found in what we are told
by Pliny, that, in the year of Rome 676, the house of Lepidus was the
finest in the city, and thirty-five years later it was not the
hundredth.[3] We may mention, as an example of the lavish expenditure
of the Romans, that Domitius Ahenobarbus offered for the house of
Crassus a sum amounting to near $242,500, which was refused by the
owner.[4] Nor were they less extravagant in their country houses. We
may again quote Cicero, whose attachment to his Tusculan and Formian
villas, and interest in ornamenting them, even in the most perilous
times, is well known. Still more celebrated are the villas of Lucullus
and Pollio; of the latter some remains are still to be seen near
Pausilipo.
Augustus endeavored by his example to check this extravagant passion,
but he produced little effect. And in the palaces of the emperors, and
especially the Aurea Domus, the Golden House of Nero, the domestic
architecture of Rome, or, we might probably say, of the world, reached
its extreme.
The arrangement of the houses, though varied, of course, by local
circumstances, and according to the rank and circumstances of the
master, was pretty generally the same in all. The principal rooms,
differing only in size and ornament, recur everywhere; those
supplemental ones, which were invented only for convenience or luxury,
vary according to the tastes and circumstances of the master.
[Illustration: GROUND PLAN OF A ROMAN HOUSE.]
The private part comprised the peristyle, bed-chambers, triclinium,
œci, picture-gallery, library, baths, exedra, xystus, etc. We proceed
to explain the meaning of these terms.
Before great mansions there was generally a court or area, upon which
the portico opened, either surrounding three sides of the area, or
merely running along the front of the house. In smaller houses the
portico ranged even with the street. Within the portico, or if there
was no portico, opening directly to the street, was the vestibule,
consisting of one or more spacious apartments. It was considered to be
without the house, and was always open for the reception of those who
came to wait there until the doors should be opened. The prothyrum, in
Greek architecture, was the same as the vestibule. In Roman
architecture, it was a passage-room, between the outer or house-door
which opened to the vestibule, and an inner door which closed the
entrance of the atrium. In the vestibule, or in an apartment opening
upon it, the porter, _ostiarius_, usually had his seat.
The atrium, or cavædium, for they appear to have signified the same
thing, was the most important, and usually the most splendid apartment
of the house. Here the owner received his crowd of morning visitors,
who were not admitted to the inner apartments. The term is thus
explained by Varro: "The hollow of the house (cavum ædium) is a
covered place within the walls, left open to the common use of all. It
is called Tuscan, from the Tuscans, after the Romans began to imitate
their cavædium. The word atrium is derived from the Atriates, a
people of Tuscany, from whom the pattern of it was taken." Originally,
then, the atrium was the common room of resort for the whole family,
the place of their domestic occupations; and such it probably
continued in the humbler ranks of life. A general description of it
may easily be given. It was a large apartment, roofed over, but with
an opening in the centre, called _compluvium_, towards which the roof
sloped, so as to throw the rain-water into a cistern in the floor
called _impluvium_.
The roof around the compluvium was edged with a row of highly
ornamented tiles, called antefixes, on which a mask or some other
figure was moulded. At the corners there were usually spouts, in the
form of lions' or dogs' heads, or any fantastical device which the
architect might fancy, which carried the rain-water clear out into the
impluvium, whence it passed into cisterns; from which again it was
drawn for household purposes. For drinking, river-water, and still
more, well-water, was preferred. Often the atrium was adorned with
fountains, supplied through leaden or earthenware pipes, from
aqueducts or other raised heads of water; for the Romans knew the
property of fluids, which causes them to stand at the same height in
communicating vessels. This is distinctly recognized by Pliny,[5]
though their common use of aqueducts, in preference to pipes, has led
to a supposition that this great hydrostatical principle was unknown
to them. The breadth of the impluvium, according to Vitruvius, was not
less than a quarter, nor greater than a third, of the whole breadth of
the atrium; its length was regulated by the same standard. The opening
above it was often shaded by a colored veil, which diffused a softened
light, and moderated the intense heat of an Italian sun.[6] The
splendid columns of the house of Scaurus, at Rome, were placed, as we
learn from Pliny,[7] in the atrium of his house. The walls were
painted with landscapes or arabesques--a practice introduced about the
time of Augustus--or lined with slabs of foreign and costly marbles,
of which the Romans were passionately fond. The pavement was composed
of the same precious material, or of still more valuable mosaics.
[Illustration: VESTIBULE OF A POMPEIAN HOUSE.]
The tablinum was an appendage of the atrium, and usually entirely open
to it. It contained, as its name imports,[8] the family archives, the
statues, pictures, genealogical tables, and other relics of a long
line of ancestors.
Alæ, wings, were similar but smaller apartments, or rather recesses,
on each side of the further part of the atrium. Fauces, jaws, were
passages, more especially those which passed to the interior of the
house from the atrium.
In houses of small extent, strangers were lodged in chambers which
surrounded and opened into the atrium. The great, whose connections
spread into the provinces, and who were visited by numbers who, on
coming to Rome, expected to profit by their hospitality, had usually a
_hospitium_, or place of reception for strangers, either separate, or
among the dependencies of their palaces.
Of the private apartments the first to be mentioned is the peristyle,
which usually lay behind the atrium, and communicated with it both
through the tablinum and by fauces. In its general plan it resembled
the atrium, being in fact a court, open to the sky in the middle, and
surrounded by a colonnade, but it was larger in its dimensions, and
the centre court was often decorated with shrubs and flowers and
fountains, and was then called _xystus_. It should be greater in
extent when measured transversely than in length,[9] and the
intercolumniations should not exceed four, nor fall short of three
diameters of the columns.
Of the arrangement of the bed-chambers we know little. They seem to
have been small and inconvenient. When there was room they had usually
a procœton, or ante-chamber. Vitruvius recommends that they should
face the east, for the benefit of the early sun. One of the most
important apartments in the whole house was the triclinium, or
dining-room, so named from the three beds, which encompassed the table
on three sides, leaving the fourth open to the attendants. The
prodigality of the Romans in matters of eating is well known, and it
extended to all matters connected with the pleasures of the table. In
their rooms, their couches, and all the furniture of their
entertainments, magnificence and extravagance were carried to their
highest point. The rich had several of these apartments, to be used at
different seasons, or on various occasions. Lucullus, celebrated for
his wealth and profuse expenditure, had a certain standard of
expenditure for each triclinium, so that when his servants were told
which hall he was to sup in, they knew exactly the style of
entertainment to be prepared; and there is a well-known story of the
way in which he deceived Pompey and Cicero, when they insisted on
going home with him to see his family supper, by merely sending word
home that he would sup in the Apollo, one of the most splendid of his
halls, in which he never gave an entertainment for less than 50,000
denarii, about $8,000. Sometimes the ceiling was contrived to open and
let down a second course of meats, with showers of flowers and
perfumed waters, while rope-dancers performed their evolutions over
the heads of the company. The performances of these _funambuli_ are
frequently represented in paintings at Pompeii. Mazois, in his work
entitled "Le Palais de Scaurus," has given a fancy picture of the
habitation of a Roman noble of the highest class, in which he has
embodied all the scattered notices of domestic life, which a diligent
perusal of the Latin writers has enabled him to collect. His
description of the triclinium of Scaurus will give the reader the best
notion of the style in which such an apartment was furnished and
ornamented. For each particular in the description he quotes some
authority. We shall not, however, encumber our pages with references
to a long list of books not likely to be in the possession of most
readers.
"Bronze lamps,[10] dependent from chains of the same metal, or raised
on richly-wrought candelabra, threw around the room a brilliant light.
Slaves set apart for this service watched them, trimmed the wicks, and
from time to time supplied them with oil.
"The triclinium is twice as long as it is broad, and divided, as it
were, into two parts--the upper occupied by the table and the couches,
the lower left empty for the convenience of the attendants and
spectators. Around the former the walls, up to a certain height, are
ornamented with valuable hangings. The decorations of the rest of the
room are noble, and yet appropriate to its destination; garlands,
entwined with ivy and vine-branches, divide the walls into
compartments bordered with fanciful ornaments; in the centre of each
of which are painted with admirable elegance young Fauns, or
half-naked Bacchantes, carrying thyrsi, vases and all the furniture of
festive meetings. Above the columns is a large frieze, divided into
twelve compartments; each of these is surmounted by one of the signs
of the Zodiac, and contains paintings of the meats which are in
highest season in each month; so that under Sagittary (December), we
see shrimps, shell-fish, and birds of passage; under Capricorn
(January), lobsters, sea-fish, wild-boar and game; under Aquarius
(February), ducks, plovers, pigeons, water-rails, etc.
[Illustration: TRICLINIUM.]
"The table, made of citron wood[11] from the extremity of Mauritania,
more precious than gold, rested upon ivory feet, and was covered by a
plateau of massive silver, chased and carved, weighing five hundred
pounds. The couches, which would contain thirty persons, were made of
bronze overlaid with ornaments in silver, gold and tortoise-shell; the
mattresses of Gallic wool, dyed purple; the valuable cushions,
stuffed with feathers, were covered with stuffs woven and embroidered
with silk mixed with threads of gold. Chrysippus told us that they
were made at Babylon, and had cost four millions of sesterces.[12]
"The mosaic pavement, by a singular caprice of the architect,
represented all the fragments of a feast, as if they had fallen in
common course on the floor; so that at the first glance the room
seemed not to have been swept since the last meal, and it was called
from hence, _asarotos oikos_, the unswept saloon. At the bottom of the
hall were set out vases of Corinthian brass. This triclinium, the
largest of four in the palace of Scaurus, would easily contain a table
of sixty covers;[13] but he seldom brings together so large a number
of guests, and when on great occasions he entertains four or five
hundred persons, it is usually in the atrium. This eating-room is
reserved for summer; he has others for spring, autumn, and winter, for
the Romans turn the change of season into a source of luxury. His
establishment is so appointed that for each triclinium he has a great
number of tables of different sorts, and each table has its own
service and its particular attendants.
"While waiting for their masters, young slaves strewed over the
pavement saw-dust dyed with saffron and vermilion, mixed with a
brilliant powder made from the lapis specularis, or talc."
Pinacotheca, the picture-gallery, and Bibliotheca, the library, need
no explanation. The latter was usually small, as a large number of
rolls (_volumina_) could be contained within a narrow space.
Exedra bore a double signification. It is either a seat, intended to
contain a number of persons, like those before the Gate of
Herculaneum, or a spacious hall for conversation and the general
purposes of society. In the public baths, the word is especially
applied to those apartments which were frequented by the philosophers.
Such was the arrangement, such the chief apartments of a Roman house;
they were on the ground-floor, the upper stories being for the most
part left to the occupation of slaves, freedmen, and the lower
branches of the family. We must except, however, the terrace upon the
top of all (solarium), a favorite place of resort, often adorned with
rare flowers and shrubs, planted in huge cases of earth, and with
fountains and trellises, under which the evening meal might at
pleasure be taken.
The reader will not, of course, suppose that in all houses all these
apartments were to be found, and in the same order. From the confined
dwelling of the tradesman to the palace of the patrician, all degrees
of accommodation and elegance were to be found. The only object of
this long catalogue is to familiarize the reader with the general type
of those objects which we are about to present to him, and to explain
at once, and collectively, those terms of art which will be of most
frequent occurrence.
The reader will gain a clear idea of a Roman house from the
ground-plan of that of Diomedes, given a little further on, which is
one of the largest and most regularly constructed at Pompeii.
We may here add a few observations, derived, as well as much of the
preceding matter, from the valuable work of Mazois, relative to the
materials and method of construction of the Pompeian houses. Every
species of masonry described by Vitruvius, it is said, may here be met
with; but the cheapest and most durable sorts have been generally
preferred.
Copper, iron, lead, have been found employed for the same purposes as
those for which we now use them. Iron is more plentiful than copper,
contrary to what is generally observed in ancient works. It is
evident from articles of furniture, etc., found in the ruins, that the
Italians were highly skilled in the art of working metals, yet they
seem to have excelled in ornamental work, rather than in the solid and
neat construction of useful articles. For instance, their lock-work is
coarse, hardly equal to that which is now executed in the same
country; while the external ornaments of doors, bolts, handles, etc.,
are elegantly wrought.
The first private house that we will describe is found by passing down
a street from the Street of Abundance. The visitor finds on the right,
just beyond the back wall of the Thermæ Stabianæ, the entrance of a
handsome dwelling. An inscription in red letters on the outside wall
containing the name of Siricus has occasioned the conjecture that this
was the name of the owner of the house; while a mosaic inscription on
the floor of the prothyrum, having the words SALVE LUCRU, has given
rise to a second appellation for the dwelling.
On the left of the prothyrum is an apartment with two doors, one
opening on a wooden staircase leading to an upper floor, the other
forming the entry to a room next the street, with a window like that
described in the other room next the prothyrum. The walls of this
chamber are white, divided by red and yellow zones into compartments,
in which are depicted the symbols of the principal deities--as the
eagle and globe of Jove, the peacock of Juno, the lance, helmet and
shield of Minerva, the panther of Bacchus, a Sphinx, having near it
the mystical chest and sistrum of Isis, who was the Venus Physica of
the Pompeians, the caduceus and other emblems of Mercury, etc. There
are also two small landscapes.
Next to this is a large and handsome exedra, decorated with good
pictures, a third of the size of life. That on the left represents
Neptune and Apollo presiding at the building of Troy; the former,
armed with his trident, is seated; the latter, crowned with laurel,
is on foot, and leans with his right arm on a lyre. On the wall
opposite to this is a picture of Vulcan presenting the arms of
Achilles to Thetis. The celebrated shield is supported by Vulcan on
the anvil, and displayed to Thetis, who is seated, whilst a winged
female figure standing at her side points out to her with a rod the
marvels of its workmanship. Agreeably to the Homeric description the
shield is encircled with the signs of the zodiac, and in the middle
are the bear, the dragon, etc. On the ground are the breast-plate, the
greaves and the helmet.
[Illustration: HERCULES DRUNK. (_From Pompeii._)]
In the third picture is seen Hercules crowned with ivy, inebriated,
and lying on the ground at the foot of a cypress tree. He is clothed
in a _sandyx_, or short transparent tunic, and has on his feet a sort
of shoes, one of which he has kicked off. He supports himself on his
left arm, while the right is raised in drunken ecstasy. A little Cupid
plucks at his garland of ivy, another tries to drag away his ample
goblet. In the middle of the picture is an altar with festoons. On the
top of it three Cupids, assisted by another who has climbed up the
tree, endeavor to bear on their shoulders the hero's quiver; while on
the ground, to the left of the altar, four other Cupids are sporting
with his club. A votive tablet with an image of Bacchus rests at the
foot of the altar, and indicates the god to whom Hercules has been
sacrificing.
On the left of the picture, on a little eminence, is a group of three
females round a column having on its top a vase. The chief and central
figure, which is naked to the waist, has in her hand a fan; she seems
to look with interest on the drunken hero, but whom she represents it
is difficult to say. On the right, half way up a mountain, sits
Bacchus, looking on the scene with a complacency not unmixed with
surprise. He is surrounded by his usual rout of attendants, one of
whom bears a thyrsus. The annexed engraving will convey a clearer idea
of the picture, which for grace, grandeur of composition, and delicacy
and freshness of coloring, is among the best discovered at Pompeii.
The exedra is also adorned with many other paintings and ornaments
which it would be too long to describe.
On the same side of the atrium, beyond a passage leading to a kitchen
with an oven, is an elegant _triclinium fenestratum_ looking upon an
adjacent garden. The walls are black, divided by red and yellow zones,
with candelabra and architectural members intermixed with quadrupeds,
birds, dolphins, Tritons, masks, etc., and in the middle of each
compartment is a Bacchante. In each wall are three small paintings
executed with greater care. The first, which has been removed,
represented Æneas in his tent, who, accompanied by Mnestheus, Achates,
and young Ascanius, presents his thigh to the surgeon, Iapis, in order
to extract from it the barb of an arrow. Æneas supports himself with
the lance in his right hand, and leans with the other on the shoulder
of his son, who, overcome by his father's misfortune, wipes the tears
from his eyes with the hem of his robe; while Iapis, kneeling on one
leg before the hero, is intent on extracting the barb with his
forceps. But the wound is not to be healed without divine
interposition. In the background of the picture Venus is hastening to
her son's relief, bearing in her hand the branch of dictamnus, which
is to restore him to his pristine vigor.
The subject of the second picture, which is much damaged, is not easy
to be explained. It represents a naked hero, armed with sword and
spear, to whom a woman crowned with laurel and clothed in an ample
_peplum_ is pointing out another female figure. The latter expresses
by her gestures her grief and indignation at the warrior's departure,
the imminence of which is signified by the chariot that awaits him.
Signor Fiorelli thinks he recognizes in this picture Turnus, Lavinia,
and Amata, when the queen supplicates Turnus not to fight with the
Trojans.
The third painting represents Hermaphroditus surrounded by six nymphs,
variously employed.
From the atrium a narrow _fauces_ or corridor led into the garden.
Three steps on the left connected this part of the house with the
other and more magnificent portion having its entrance from the Strada
Stabiana. The garden was surrounded on two sides with a portico, on
the right of which are some apartments which do not require particular
notice.
The house entered at a higher level, by the three steps just
mentioned, was at first considered as a separate house, and by
Fiorelli has been called the House of the Russian Princes, from some
excavations made here in 1851 in presence of the sons of the Emperor
of Russia. The peculiarities observable in this house are that the
atrium and peristyle are broader than they are deep, and that they are
not separated by a tablinum and other rooms, but simply by a wall. In
the centre of the Tuscan atrium, entered from the Street of Stabiæ, is
a handsome marble impluvium. At the top of it is a square cippus,
coated with marble, and having a leaden pipe which flung the water
into a square vase or basin supported by a little base of white
marble, ornamented with acanthus leaves. Beside the fountain is a
table of the same material, supported by two legs beautifully
sculptured, of a chimæra and a griffin. On this table was a little
bronze group of Hercules armed with his club, and a young Phrygian
kneeling before him.
From the atrium the peristyle is entered by a large door. It is about
forty-six feet broad and thirty-six deep, and has ten columns, one of
which still sustains a fragment of the entablature. The walls were
painted in red and yellow panels alternately, with figures of Latona,
Diana, Bacchantes, etc. At the bottom of the peristyle, on the right,
is a triclinium. In the middle is a small _œcus_, with two pillars
richly ornamented with arabesques. A little apartment on the left has
several pictures.
In this house, at a height of seventeen Neapolitan palms (nearly
fifteen feet) from the level of the ground, were discovered four
skeletons together in an almost vertical position. Twelve palms lower
was another skeleton, with a hatchet near it. This man appears to have
pierced the wall of one of the small chambers of the prothyrum, and
was about to enter it, when he was smothered, either by the falling in
of the earth or by the mephitic exhalations. It has been thought that
these persons perished while engaged in searching for valuables after
the catastrophe.
In the back room of a thermopolium not far from this spot was
discovered a _graffito_ of part of the first line of the Æneid, in
which the _r_s were turned into _l_s:
Alma vilumque cano Tlo.
We will now return to the house of Siricus. Contiguous to it in the
Via del Lupanare is a building having two doors separated with
pilasters. By way of sign, an elephant was painted on the wall,
enveloped by a large serpent and tended by a pigmy. Above was the
inscription: Sittius restituit elephantum; and beneath the following:
Hospitium hic locatur
Triclinium cum tribus lectis
Et comm.
Both the painting and the inscription have now disappeared. The
discovery is curious, as proving that the ancients used signs for
their taverns. Orelli has given in his _Inscriptions_ in Gaul, one of
a Cock (a Gallo Gallinacio). In that at Pompeii the last word stands
for "commodis." "Here is a triclinium with three beds and other
conveniences."
Just opposite the gate of Siricus was another house also supposed to
be a _caupona_, or tavern, from some chequers painted on the door
posts. On the wall are depicted two large serpents, the emblem so
frequently met with. They were the symbols of the Lares viales, or
compitales, and, as we have said, rendered the place sacred against
the commission of any nuisance. The cross, which is sometimes seen on
the walls of houses in a modern Italian city, serves the same purpose.
Above the serpents is the following inscription, in tolerably large
white characters: Otiosis locus hic non est, discede morator.
"Lingerer, depart; this is no place for idlers." An injunction by the
way which seems rather to militate against the idea of the house
having been a tavern.
The inscription just mentioned suggests an opportunity for giving a
short account of similar ones; we speak not of inscriptions cut in
stone, and affixed to temples and other public buildings, but such as
were either painted, scrawled in charcoal and other substances, or
scratched with a sharp point, such as a nail or knife, on the stucco
of walls and pillars. Such inscriptions afford us a peep both into the
public and the domestic life of the Pompeians. Advertisements of a
political character were commonly painted on the exterior walls in
large letters in black and red paint; poetical effusions or
pasquinades, etc., with coal or chalk (Martial, _Epig._ xii. 61, 9);
while notices of a domestic kind are more usually found in the
interior of the houses, scratched, as we have said, on the stucco,
whence they have been called _graffiti_.
The numerous political inscriptions bear testimony to the activity of
public life in Pompeii. These advertisements, which for the most part
turn on the election of ædiles, duumvirs, and other magistrates, show
that the Pompeians, at the time when their city was destroyed, were in
all the excitement of the approaching comitia for the election of such
magistrates. We shall here select a few of the more interesting
inscriptions, both relating to public and domestic matters.
It seems to have been customary to paint over old advertisements with
a coat of white, and so to obtain a fresh surface for new ones, just
as the bill-sticker remorselessly pastes his bill over that of some
brother of the brush. In some cases this new coating has been
detached, or has fallen off, thus revealing an older notice, belonging
sometimes to a period antecedent to the Social War. Inscriptions of
this kind are found only on the solid stone pillars of the more
ancient buildings, and not on the stucco, with which at a later period
almost everything was plastered. Their antiquity is further certified
by some of them being in the Oscan dialect; while those in Latin are
distinguished from more recent ones in the same language by the forms
of the letters, by the names which appear in them, and by archaisms in
grammar and orthography. Inscriptions in the Greek tongue are rare,
though the letters of the Greek alphabet, scratched on walls at a
little height from the ground, and thus evidently the work of
school-boys, show that Greek must have been extensively taught at
Pompeii.
The normal form of electioneering advertisements contains the name of
the person recommended, the office for which he is a candidate, and
the name of the person, or persons, who recommended him, accompanied
in general with the formula O. V. F. From examples written in full,
recently discovered, it appears that these letters mean _orat_ (or
_orant_) _vos faciatis_: "beseech you to create" (ædile and so forth).
The letters in question were, before this discovery, very often
thought to stand for _orat ut faveat_, "begs him to favor;" and thus
the meaning of the inscription was entirely reversed, and the person
recommending converted into the person recommended. In the following
example for instance--_M. Holconium Priscum duumvirum juri dicundo O.
V. F. Philippus_; the meaning, according to the older interpretation,
will be: "Philippus beseeches M. Holconius Priscus, duumvir of
justice, to favor or patronize him;" whereas the true sense is:
"Philippus beseeches you to create M. Holconius Priscus a duumvir of
justice." From this misinterpretation wrong names have frequently been
given to houses; as is probably the case, for instance, with the house
of Pansa, which, from the tenor of the inscription, more probably
belonged to Paratus, who posted on his own walls a request to
passers-by to make his friend Pansa ædile. Had it been the house of
Pansa, when a candidate for the ædileship, and if it was the custom
for such candidates to post recommendatory notices on their doors, it
may be supposed that Pansa would have exhibited more than this single
one from a solitary friend. This is a more probable meaning than that
Paratus solicited in this way the patronage of Pansa; for it would
have been a bad method to gain it by disfiguring his walls in so
impertinent a manner. We do not indeed mean to deny that adulatory
inscriptions were sometimes written on the houses or doors of powerful
or popular men or pretty women. A verse of Plautus bears testimony to
such a custom (Impleantur meæ foreis elogiorum carbonibus. _Mercator_,
act ii. sc. 3). But first, the inscription on the so-called house of
Pansa was evidently not of an adulatory, but of a recommendatory
character; and secondly, those of the former kind, as we learn from
this same verse, seem to have been written by passing admirers, with
some material ready to the hand, such as charcoal or the like, and not
painted on the walls with care, and time, and expense; a proceeding
which we can hardly think the owner of the house, if he was a modest
and sensible man, would have tolerated.
Recommendations of candidates were often accompanied with a word or two
in their praise; as _dignus_, or _dignissimus est_, _probissimus_,
_juvenis integer_, _frugi_, _omni bono meritus_, and the like. Such
recommendations are sometimes subscribed by guilds or corporations, as
well as by private persons, and show that there were a great many such
trade unions at Pompeii. Thus we find mentioned the _offectores_
(dyers), _pistores_ (bakers), _aurifices_ (goldsmiths), _pomarii_
(fruiterers), _cæparii_ (green-grocers), _lignarii_ (wood merchants),
_plostrarii_ (cart-wrights), _piscicapi_ (fishermen), _agricolæ_
(husbandmen), _muliones_ (muleteers), _culinarii_ (cooks), _fullones_
(fullers), and others. Advertisements of this sort appear to have been
laid hold of as a vehicle for street wit, just as electioneering squibs
are perpetrated among ourselves. Thus we find mentioned, as if among
the companies, the _pilicrepi_ (ball-players), the _seribibi_ (late
topers), the _dormientes universi_ (all the worshipful company of
sleepers), and as a climax, _Pompeiani universi_ (all the Pompeians, to
a man, vote for so and so). One of these recommendations, purporting to
emanate from a "teacher" or "professor," runs, _Valentius cum discentes
suos_ (Valentius with his disciples); the bad grammar being probably
intended as a gibe upon one of the poor man's weak points.
The inscriptions in chalk and coal, the _graffiti_, and occasionally
painted inscriptions, contain sometimes well-known verses from poets
still extant. Some of these exhibit variations from the modern text,
but being written by not very highly educated persons, they seldom or
never present any various readings that it would be desirable to
adopt, and indeed contain now and then prosodical errors. Other
verses, some of them by no means contemptible, are either taken from
pieces now lost, or are the invention of the writer himself. Many of
these inscriptions are of course of an amatory character; some convey
intelligence of not much importance to anybody but the writer--as,
that he is troubled with a cold--or was seventeen centuries ago--or
that he considers somebody who does not invite him to supper as no
better than a brute and barbarian, or invokes blessings on the man
that does. Some are capped by another hand with a biting sarcasm on
the first writer, and many, as might be expected, are scurrilous and
indecent. Some of the _graffiti_ on the interior walls and pillars of
houses are memoranda of domestic transactions; as, how much lard was
bought, how many tunics sent to the wash, when a child or a donkey was
born, and the like. One of this kind, scratched on the wall of the
peristyle of the corner house in the _Strada della Fortuna_ and
_Vicolo degli Scienziati_, appears to be an account of the
_dispensator_ or overseer of the tasks in spinning allotted to the
female slaves of the establishment, and is interesting as furnishing
us with their names, which are Vitalis, Florentina, Amarullis,
Januaria, Heracla, Maria (M_a_ria, feminine of Marius, not Mar_i_a),
Lalagia (reminding us of Horace's Lalage), Damalis, and Doris. The
_pensum_, or weight of wool delivered to each to be spun, is spelled
_pesu_, the _n_ and final _m_ being omitted, just as we find _salve
lucru_, for _lucrum_, written on the threshold of the house of
Siricus. In this form, _pesu_ is very close to the Italian word
_peso_.
We have already alluded now and then to the rude etchings and
caricatures of these wall-artists, but to enter fully into the
subject of the Pompeian inscriptions and _graffiti_ would almost
demand a separate volume, and we must therefore resume the thread of
our description.
A little beyond the house of Siricus, a small street, running down at
right angles from the direction of the Forum, enters the Via del
Lupanare. Just at their junction, and having an entrance into both,
stands the Lupanar, from which the latter street derives its name. We
can not venture upon a description of this resort of Pagan immorality.
It is kept locked up, but the guide will procure the key for those who
may wish to see it. Next to it is the House of the Fuller, in which
was found the elegant little bronze statuette of Narcissus, now in the
Museum. The house contained nothing else of interest.
The Via del Lupanare terminates in the Street of the Augustals, or of
the Dried Fruits. In this latter street, nearly opposite the end of
the Via del Lupanare, but a little to the left, is the House of
Narcissus, or of the Mosaic Fountain. This house is one of recent
excavation. At the threshold is a Mosaic of a bear, with the word
_Have_. The prothyrum is painted with figures on a yellow ground. On
the left is a medallion of a satyr and nymph; the opposite medallion
is destroyed.
The atrium is paved with mosaic. The first room on the right-hand side
of it has a picture of Narcissus admiring himself in the water. The
opposite picture has a female figure seated, with a child in her arms,
and a large chest open before her. The tablinum is handsomely paved
with mosaic and marble. Behind this, in place of a peristyle, is a
court or garden, the wall of which is painted with a figure bearing a
basin. At the bottom is a handsome mosaic fountain, from which the
house derives one of its names, with a figure of Neptune surrounded by
fishes and sea-fowl; above are depicted large wild boars.
On the opposite side of the way, at the eastern angle of the Street of
the Lupanar, is the House of the Rudder and Trident, also called the
House of Mars and Venus. The first of these names is derived from the
mosaic pavement in the prothyrum, in which the objects mentioned are
represented; while a medallion picture in the atrium, with heads of
Mars and Venus, gave rise to the second appellation. The colors of
this picture are still quite fresh, a result which Signor Fiorelli
attributes to his having caused a varnish of wax to be laid over the
painting at the time of its discovery. Without some such protection
the colors of these pictures soon decay; the cinnabar, or vermilion,
especially, turns black after a few days' exposure to the light.
The atrium, as usual, is surrounded with bed-chambers. A peculiarity
not yet found in any other house is a niche or closet on the left of
the atrium, having on one side an opening only large enough to
introduce the hand, whence it has been conjectured that it served as a
receptacle for some valuable objects. It is painted inside with a wall
of quadrangular pieces of marble of various colors, terminated at top
with a cornice. In each of the squares is a fish, bird, or quadruped.
This closet or niche stands at a door of the room in which is an
entrance to a subterranean passage, having its exit in the Via del
Lupanare. There is nothing very remarkable in the other apartments of
this house. Behind is a peristyle with twelve columns, in the garden
of which shrubs are said to have been discovered in a carbonized
state.
Further down the same Street of the Augustals, at the angle which it
forms with the Street of Stabiæ, is the house of a baker, having on
the external wall the name Modestum in red letters. For a tradesman it
seems to have been a comfortable house, having an atrium and fountain,
and some painted chambers. Beyond the atrium is a spacious court with
mills and an oven. The oven was charged with more than eighty loaves,
the forms of which are still perfect, though they are reduced to a
carbonaceous state. They are preserved in the Museum.
The narrow street to which we have alluded, as entering the Via del
Lupanare nearly opposite to the house of Siricus, has been called the
Via del Balcone, from a small house with a projecting balcony or
mænianum. Indications of balconies have been found elsewhere, and
indeed there were evidently some in the Via del Lupanare; but this is
the only instance of one restored to its pristine state, through the
care of Signor Fiorelli in substituting fresh timbers for those which
had become carbonized. The visitor may ascend to the first floor of
this house, from which the balcony projects several feet into the
narrow lane. In the atrium of this house is a very pretty fountain.
The house next to that of the Balcony, facing the entrance of a small
street leading from the Via dell Abbondanza, and numbered 7 on the
door post, has a few pictures in a tolerable state of preservation. In
a painting in the furthest room on the left of the atrium Theseus is
seen departing in his ship; Ariadne, roused from sleep, gazes on him
with despair, while a little weeping Cupid stands by her side. In the
same apartment are two other well-preserved pictures, the subjects of
which it is not easy to explain. In one is a female displaying to a
man two little figures in a nest, representing apparently the birth of
the Dioscuri. The other is sometimes called the Rape of Helen. There
are also several medallion heads around.
In the small street which runs parallel with the eastern side of the
Forum, called the Vico di Eumachia, is a house named the _Casa nuova
della Caccia_, to distinguish it from one of the same name previously
discovered. As in the former instance, its appellation is derived from
a large painting on the wall of the peristyle, of bears, lions, and
other animals. On the right-hand wall of the tablinum is a picture of
Bacchus discovering Ariadne. A satyr lifts her vest, while Silenus and
other figures look on in admiration. The painting on the left-hand
wall is destroyed. On entering the peristyle a door on the right leads
down some steps into a garden, on one side of which is a small altar
before a wall, on which is a painting of shrubs.
Proceeding from this street into the Vico Storto, which forms a
continuation of it on the north, we find on the right a recently
excavated house, which, from several slabs of variously colored
marbles found in it, has been called the House of the Dealer in
Marbles. Under a large court in the interior, surrounded with Doric
columns, are some subterranean apartments, in one of which was
discovered a well more than eighty feet deep and still supplied with
fresh water; almost the only instance of the kind at Pompeii. The
beautiful statuette of Silenus, already described, was found in this
house. Here also was made the rare discovery of the skeletons of two
horses, with the remains of a _biga_.
This description might be extended, but it would be tedious to repeat
details of smaller and less interesting houses, the features of which
present in general much uniformity; and we shall therefore conclude
this account of the more recent discoveries with a notice of a group
of bodies found in this neighborhood, the forms of which have been
preserved to us through the ingenuity of Signor Fiorelli.
It has already been remarked that the showers of _lapillo_, or pumice
stone, by which Pompeii was overwhelmed and buried, were followed by
streams of a thick, tenacious mud, which flowing over the deposit of
_lapillo_, and filling up all the crannies and interstices into which
that substance had not been able to penetrate, completed the
destruction of the city. The objects over which this mud flowed were
enveloped in it as in a plaster mould, and where these objects
happened to be human bodies, their decay left a cavity in which their
forms were as accurately preserved and rendered as in the mould
prepared for the casting of a bronze statue. Such cavities had often
been observed. In some of them remnants of charred wood, accompanied
with bronze or other ornaments, showed that the object inclosed had
been a piece of furniture; while in others, the remains of bones and
of articles of apparel evinced but too plainly that the hollow had
been the living grave which had swallowed up some unfortunate human
being. In a happy moment the idea occurred to Signor Fiorelli of
filling up these cavities with liquid plaster, and thus obtaining a
cast of the objects which had been inclosed in them. The experiment
was first made in a small street leading from the Via del Balcone
Pensile towards the Forum. The bodies here found were on the _lapillo_
at a height of about fifteen feet from the level of the ground.
"Among the first casts thus obtained were those of four human beings.
They are now preserved in a room at Pompeii, and more ghastly and
painful, yet deeply interesting and touching objects, it is difficult
to conceive. We have death itself moulded and cast--the very last
struggle and final agony brought before us. They tell their story with
a horrible dramatic truth that no sculptor could ever reach. They
would have furnished a thrilling episode to the accomplished author of
the 'Last Days of Pompeii.'
"These four persons had perished in a street. They had remained within
the shelter of their homes until the thick black mud began to creep
through every cranny and chink. Driven from their retreat they began
to flee when it was too late. The streets were already buried deep in
the loose pumice stones which had been falling for many hours in
unremitting showers, and which reached almost to the windows of the
first floor. These victims of the eruption were not found together,
and they do not appear to have belonged to the same family or
household. The most interesting of the casts is that of two women,
probably mother and daughter, lying feet to feet. They appear from
their garb to have been people of poor condition. The elder seems to
lie tranquilly on her side. Overcome by the noxious gases, she
probably fell and died without a struggle. Her limbs are extended, and
her left arm drops loosely. On one finger is still seen her coarse
iron ring. Her child was a girl of fifteen; she seems, poor thing, to
have struggled hard for life. Her legs are drawn up convulsively; her
little hands are clenched in agony. In one she holds her veil, or a
part of her dress, with which she had covered her head, burying her
face in her arm, to shield herself from the falling ashes and from the
foul sulphurous smoke. The form of her head is perfectly preserved.
The texture of her coarse linen garments may be traced, and even the
fashion of her dress, with its long sleeves reaching to her wrists;
here and there it is torn, and the smooth young skin appears in the
plaster like polished marble. On her tiny feet may still be seen her
embroidered sandals.
[Illustration: DISCOVERED BODY AT POMPEII.]
"At some distance from this group lay a third woman. She appears to
have been about twenty-five years of age, and to have belonged to a
better class than the other two. On one of her fingers were two silver
rings, and her garments were of a finer texture. Her linen head-dress,
falling over her shoulders like that of a matron in a Roman statue,
can still be distinguished. She had fallen on her side, overcome by
the heat and gases, but a terrible struggle seems to have preceded her
last agony. One arm is raised in despair; the hands are clenched
convulsively; her garments are gathered up on one side, leaving
exposed a limb of beautiful shape. So perfect a mould of it has been
formed by the soft and yielding mud, that the cast would seem to be
taken from an exquisite work of Greek art. She had fled with her
little treasure, which lay scattered around her--two silver cups, a
few jewels, and some dozen silver coins; nor had she, like a good
housewife, forgotten her keys, after having probably locked up her
stores before seeking to escape. They were found by her side.
"The fourth cast is that of a man of the people, perhaps a common
soldier. As may be seen in the cut, he is of almost colossal size; he
lies on his left arm extended by his side, and his head rests on his
right hand, and his legs drawn up as if, finding escape impossible,
he had laid himself down to meet death like a brave man. His dress
consists of a short coat or jerkin and tight-fitting breeches of some
coarse stuff, perhaps leather. On one finger is seen his iron ring.
His features are strongly marked the mouth open, as in death. Some of
the teeth still remain, and even part of the moustache adheres to the
plaster.
"The importance of Signor Fiorelli's discovery may be understood from
the results we have described. It may furnish us with many curious
particulars as to the dress and domestic habits of the Romans, and
with many an interesting episode of the last day of Pompeii. Had it
been made at an earlier period we might perhaps have possessed the
perfect cast of the Diomedes, as they clung together in their last
struggle, and of other victims whose remains are now mingled together
in the bone-house."
[Page Decoration]
[Page Decoration]
HOUSE OF DIOMEDES.
This house, the most interesting, and by far the most extensive of the
private buildings yet discovered, is the Suburban Villa, as it is
called, from its position a little way without the gates, in the
Street of the Tombs, which led to, or formed part of, the suburb
called Augustus Felix. It is worthy of remark that the plan of this
edifice is in close accord with the descriptions of country houses
given us by Vitruvius and others--a circumstance which tends strongly
to confirm the belief already expressed, that the houses of the city
are built upon the Roman system of arrangement, although the Greek
taste may predominate in their decoration. We will commence by
extracting the most important passages in Pliny the Younger's
description of his Laurentine villa, that the reader may have some
general notion of the subject, some standard with which to compare
that which we are about to describe.
"My villa is large enough for convenience, though not splendid. The
first apartment which presents itself is a plain, yet not mean,
atrium; then comes a portico, in shape like the letter O, which
surrounds a small, but pleasant area. This is an excellent retreat in
bad weather, being sheltered by glazed windows, and still more
effectually by an overhanging roof. Opposite the centre of this
portico is a pleasant cavædium, after which comes a handsome
triclinium, which projects upon the beach, so that when the southwest
wind urges the sea, the last broken waves just dash against its
walls. On every side of this room are folding doors, or windows
equally large, so that from the three sides there is a view, as it
were, of three seas at once, while backwards the eye wanders through
the apartments already described, the cavædium, portico, and atrium,
to woods and distant mountains. To the left are several apartments,
including a bed-chamber, and room fitted up as a library, which jets
out in an elliptic form, and, by its several windows, admits the sun
during its whole course. These apartments I make my winter abode. The
rest of this side of the house is allotted to my slaves and freedmen,
yet it is for the most part neat enough to receive my friends. To the
right of the triclinium is a very elegant chamber, and another, which
you may call either a very large chamber (_cubiculum_), or
moderate-sized eating-room (_cœnatio_), which commands a full prospect
both of the sun and sea. Passing hence, through three or four other
chambers, you enter the _cella frigidaria_ of the baths, in which
there are two basins projecting from opposite walls, abundantly large
enough to swim in, if you feel inclined to do so in the first
instance. Then come the anointing-room, the hypocaust, or furnace, and
two small rooms; next the warm bath, which commands an admirable view
of the sea. Not far off is the _sphæristerium_, a room devoted to
in-door exercises and games, exposed to the hottest sun of the
declining day. Beside it is a triclinium, where the noise of the sea
is never heard but in a storm, and then faintly, looking out upon the
garden and the _gestatio_, or place for taking the air in a carriage
or litter, which encompasses it. The gestatio is hedged with box, and
with rosemary where the box is wanting; for box grows well where it is
sheltered by buildings, but withers when exposed in an open situation
to the wind, and especially within reach of spray from the sea. To the
inner circle of the gestatio is joined a shady walk of vines, soft and
tender even to the naked feet. The garden is full of mulberries and
figs, the soil being especially suited to the former. Within the
circuit of the gestatio there is also a cryptoportico, for extent
comparable to public buildings, having windows on one side looking to
the sea, on the other to the garden. In front of it is a xystus,
fragrant with violets, where the sun's heat is increased by reflection
from the cryptoportico, which, at the same time, breaks the northeast
wind. At either end of it is a suite of apartments, in which, in
truth, I place my chief delight."[14] Such was one of several villas
described by Pliny. The directions given by Vitruvius for building
country houses are very short. "The same principles," he says, "are to
be observed in country houses as in town houses, except that in the
latter the atrium lies next to the door, but in pseudo-urban houses
the peristyles come first, then atria surrounded by paved porticoes,
looking upon courts for gymnastic exercises and walking" (_palæstras
et ambulationes_).[15] It will appear that the distribution of the
Suburban Villa was entirely in accordance with these rules.
The house is built upon the side of the hill, in such a manner that
the ground falls away, not only in the line of the street, across the
breadth of the house, but also from the front to the back, so that the
doorway itself being elevated from five to six feet above the roadway,
there is room at the back of the house for an extensive and
magnificent suite of rooms between the level of the peristyle and the
surface of the earth. These two levels are represented on the same
plan, being distinguished by a difference in the shading. The darker
parts show the walls of the upper floor, the lighter ones indicate the
distribution of the lower. A further distinction is made in the
references, which are by figures to the upper floor, and by letters to
the lower. There are besides subterraneous vaults and galleries not
expressed in the plan.
[Illustration: GROUND PLAN OF THE SUBURBAN VILLA OF DIOMEDES.]
1. Broad foot pavement raised nine inches or a foot above the carriage
way, running along the whole length of the Street of Tombs. 2.
Inclined planes, leading up to the porch on each side. 3. Entrance. 4.
Peristyle. This arrangement corresponds exactly with the directions of
Vitruvius for the building of country houses just quoted. The order
of the peristyle is extremely elegant. The columns, their capitals,
and entablatures, and the paintings on the walls are still in good
preservation. The architectural decorations are worked in stucco; and
it is observed by Mazois that both here and in other instances the
artist has taken liberties, which he would not have indulged in had he
been working in more valuable materials. On this ground that eminent
architect hazards a conjecture that the plasterer had a distinct style
of ornamenting, different from that of architects, or of the masons in
their employ. The lower third of the columns, which is not fluted, is
painted red. The pavement was formed of _opus Signinum_. 5. Uncovered
court with an impluvium, which collected the rain water and fed a
cistern, whence the common household wants were supplied. 6.
Descending staircase, which led to a court and building on a lower
level, appropriated to the offices, as the kitchen, bakehouse, etc.,
and to the use of slaves. It will be recollected that the ground
slopes with a rapid descent away from the city gate. This lower story,
therefore, was not under ground, though near eight feet below the
level of the peristyle. It communicates with the road by a back door.
From the bottom of the stair there runs a long corridor, A, somewhat
indistinct in our small plan, owing to its being crossed several times
by the lines of the upper floor, which leads down by a gentle slope to
the portico surrounding the garden. This was the back stair, as we
should call it, by which the servants communicated with that part of
the house. There was another staircase, B, on the opposite side of the
house, for the use of the family. 7. Door and passage to the upper
garden, marked 17, on the same level as the court. 8. Open hall,
corresponding in position with a tablinum. Being thus placed between
the court and the gallery, 28, it must have been closed with folding
doors of wood, which perhaps were glazed. 9, 10, 11, 12. Various rooms
containing nothing remarkable. 13. Two rooms situated in the most
agreeable manner at the two ends of a long gallery, 28, and looking
out upon the upper terraces of the garden, from which the eye took in
the whole gulf of Naples to the point of Sorrento, and the island of
Capreæ. 14. Procæton, or antechamber. 15. Lodge of the cubicular
slave, or attendant upon the bed-room. 16. Bed-room, probably that of
the master, or else the state-chamber. _b._ Alcove. Several rings were
found here which had evidently belonged to a curtain to draw across
the front of it. _c._ Hollow stand or counter of masonry, probably
coated with stucco or marble, which served for a toilet-table. Several
vases were found there, which must have contained perfumes or cosmetic
oils. The form of this bed-room is very remarkable, and will not fail
to strike the reader from its exact correspondence with the elliptic
chamber or library described by Pliny in his Laurentine villa. The
windows in the semi-circular end are so placed that they receive the
rising, noontide, and setting sun. Bull's eyes, placed above the
windows, permitted them to be altogether closed without darkening the
room entirely. These windows opened on a garden, where, in Mazois'
time, the care of the guardian had planted roses, which almost
beguiled him into the belief that he had found the genuine produce of
a Pompeian garden. This must have been a delightful room, from its
ample size, elegance of ornament, and the quiet cheerful retirement of
its situation.
17. Upper garden upon the level of the court.
18. Entrance to the baths, which, though originally rare in private
houses, had become so common, long before the destruction of Pompeii,
that few wealthy persons were without them. The word _balneum_ was
peculiarly applied to domestic, _thermæ_ to public baths. This
specimen, which fortunately was almost perfect, small as it is,
suffices to give an idea of the arrangement of private baths among the
Romans. 19. Portico upon two sides of a small triangular court. There
is as much skill in the disposition, as taste in the decoration, of
this court, which presents a symmetrical plan, notwithstanding the
irregular form of the space allotted to it. Its situation is
conformable to the advice of Vitruvius; and as it could not front the
west, it has been placed to the south. The columns of the portico are
octagonal. At the extremity of the gallery, on the left of the
entrance, there is a small furnace where was prepared some warm
beverage or restorative for the use of the bathers, who were
accustomed to take wine or cordials before they went away. Here a
gridiron and two frying pans were found, still blackened with smoke.
In the centre of the base, or third side of the court, is placed a
bath, 20, about six feet square, lined with stucco, the edge of which
is faced with marble. It was covered with a roof, the mark of which is
still visible on the walls, supported by two pillars placed on the
projecting angles. The holes in the walls to admit the three principal
beams are so contrived that each side is lined with a single brick.
Under this covering the whole wall was painted to represent water,
with fish and other aquatic animals swimming about. The water was
blue, and rather deep in color: the fish were represented in the most
vivid and varied tints. Some years ago this painting recovered, on
being wetted, the original freshness and brilliancy of its coloring;
but exposure to the weather has done its work, and now scarce a trace
of it remains. In the middle of it there is a circular broken space to
which a mask was formerly attached, through which a stream gushed into
the basin below. Two or three steps led down to this _baptisterium_,
where the cold bath was taken in the open air. This court and portico
were paved in mosaic. 21. Apodyterium. 22. Frigidarium. 23.
Tepidarium. These two rooms, in neither of which was there a bathing
vessel, show that frequently rooms thus named were not intended for
bathing, but simply to preserve two intermediate gradations of
temperature, between the burning heat of the caldarium or laconicum
and the open air. In fact, no trace of any contrivance for the
introduction or reception of water has been found in No. 22. It was
simply a cold chamber, cella frigidaria. Nor was the little chamber,
23, large enough to receive conveniently a bathing vessel; but seats
of wood were found there for the convenience of those who had quitted
the bath, and who came there to undergo the discipline of the strigil,
and a minute process of purification and anointing. This room is not
above twelve feet by six: the bath, therefore, could not have been
calculated for the reception of more than one, or, at most, of two
persons at once. Here the great question relative to the use of glass
windows by the ancients was finally settled. This apartment was
lighted by a window closed by a movable frame of wood, which, though
converted into charcoal, still held, when it was found, four panes of
glass about six inches square. A more elaborate and curious glass
window was found at a later period in the public baths. 24. Caldarium.
It might, however, be employed at pleasure as a tepid or cold bath,
when the weather was too cold for bathing in the open air. The
suspensura caldariorum, as Vitruvius calls the hollow walls and floors
raised upon pillars, are in remarkably good preservation. By means of
these the whole apartment was entirely enveloped in flame, and might
be easily raised to a most stifling temperature.
We will, however, add that Vitruvius directs a bed of clay mixed with
hair to be laid between the pillars and the pavement; and some
tradition of this custom may be imagined to subsist, for the potters
of the country, in some cases, work up wool with their clay, a
practice unknown elsewhere, as we believe, in the art of pottery. The
burning vapor passed out above the ceiling, gaining no entrance into
the apartment. Air and light were admitted by two windows, one higher
than the other. In one of these Mazois found a fragment of glass. The
bathing-vessel, _e_, lined with stucco, and coated on the outside with
marble, was fed by two cocks, which must have been very small, to
judge from the space which they occupied. Hence, hot and cold water
were supplied at pleasure; and it was only to fill the vessel with
boiling water, and the whole apartment would be converted into one
great vapor bath.
As it would have been difficult or impossible to have kept alive a
lamp or torch in so dense a steam, there is near the door a circular
hole, closed formerly by a glass, which served to admit the light of a
lamp placed in the adjoining chamber. The hypocaust, or furnace and
apparatus, 25, for heating the water, are so placed that they can not
be seen from the triangular court. They are small, but correspond with
the small quantity of boiling water which they were required to
furnish. _f._ Stone table. _g._ Cistern. _h._ Mouth of hypocaust. _i._
A furnace, probably for boiling water when merely a tepid bath was
required, without heating the suspensura caldariorum. By the side of
the hypocaust were placed the vases for hot and cold water, as
described in the chapter on Baths; their pedestals were observable
between the mouth of the furnace and the letter _k._ _l._ Wooden
staircase, no longer in existence, which led to the apartments above.
26. Reservoir.
Such was the distribution of this bath. Some paintings and mosaics,
which are ordinary enough, formed its only decorations; yet, from the
little that remains, we can discover that the good taste which reigned
everywhere, and the freshness of the colors, must have rendered the
effect of the whole most agreeable.
27. This chamber seems to have been used as a wardrobe, where the
numerous garments of the opulent masters of this dwelling were kept
under presses, to give them a lustre. This conjecture is founded upon
the remains of calcined stuffs, and the fragments of wardrobes and
carbonized plank found in the course of excavation.
28. Great gallery, lighted by windows which looked upon the two
terraces, 34, separated by the large hall, 33. This gallery furnished
an agreeable promenade, when the weather did not permit the enjoyment
of the external porticoes or terraces.
29, 29. These two small apartments, which were open to the gallery,
and probably were closed by glass, may very well have been, one a
library, the other a reading-room, since the place in which books were
kept was not usually the place in which they were read; being small
and confined, suitable to the comparatively small number of volumes
which an ancient library generally contained, and also to the limited
space within which a considerable number of rolls of papyrus might be
placed.
A bust, painted on the wall of one of them, confirms this supposition,
for it is known that the ancients were fond of keeping the portraits
of eminent men before their eyes, and especially of placing those of
literary men in their libraries.
30. The form of this hall is suitable to a triclinium, and its
situation, protected from the immediate action of the sun's rays,
would seem to mark it as a summer triclinium. Still the guests enjoyed
the view of the country and of the sea, by means of a door opening
upon the terrace. In front of the little chamber, 31, is a square
opening for the staircase, which descends to the point B upon the
floor below. It is to be remarked, that at the entrance of each
division of the building there is a lodge for a slave. No doubt each
suite of rooms had its peculiar keeper. The chamber, 10, seems to have
been reserved for the keeper of the peristyle; the apartment, 15,
belonged to the slave of the bed-chamber, who watched the apartment of
his master; a recess under the staircase, 35, was, without doubt, the
place of the atriensis, or attendant on the atrium, when the hall, 8,
was open, to give admission to the interior of the house; and when
this hall was closed, he attended in the chamber, 12, which commanded
the entrance through the passage, or fauces.
Lastly, the small lodge, 31, is so placed as to keep watch over all
communication between the upper floor, where is the peristyle, and
the lower floor, in which the apartments of the family seem to have
been chiefly situated.
32. Apartment, entirely ruined, to which it is difficult to assign a
name.
33. Large cyzicene œcus, about thirty-six feet by twenty-six. All the
windows of this apartment opened almost to the level of the floor, and
gave a view of the garden, the terraces and trellises which ornamented
them, as well as of the vast and beautiful prospect towards the sea
and Vesuvius.
34. Large terraces, perhaps formerly covered with trellises, which
communicate with the terraces over the gallery by which the garden is
surrounded.
35. Staircase leading to the upper floor, on which may have been the
gynæceum, or suite of apartments belonging to the women. So retired a
situation, however, did not always suit the taste of the Roman ladies.
Cornelius Nepos says that "they occupy for the most part the first
floor in the front of the house." Mazois was long impressed with the
idea that there must have been an upper story here, but for a long
time he could not find the staircase.
At last he discovered in this place marks in the plaster, which left
no doubt in his mind but that it had existed here, though being of
wood it disappeared with the other woodwork. He recognized the
inclination and the height of the steps, and found that they were high
and narrow, like those stone stairs which exist still in the same
dwelling.
36. A sort of vestibule at the entrance of the building, appropriated
to the offices. This lower court probably contained the kitchen.
37. Bake-house, apartments of the inferior slaves, stables, and other
accessories. These are separated from the main building by means of a
mesaulon, or small internal court, to diminish the danger in case of a
fire happening in the kitchen or bake-house. There were two ways of
communication from the level of the street to the level of the garden;
on one side by the corridor, A, A, principally reserved for the
servants, on the other by the staircase, B, C, C, C, Portico round the
garden.
The side beneath the house and that at the right of the plan are
perfectly preserved, but it has been found necessary to support the
terrace on this side by inserting a modern pillar between each of the
old ones, and to build two massive piers beneath the terrace on which
the great cyzicene hall is situated. This portico was elegantly
ornamented. If we may judge of the whole from a part, which is given
by Mazois, the interior entablature was ornamented with light
mouldings and running patterns, while there was a little picture over
each pillar. That in his plate represents a swan flying away with a
serpent. The pillars were square, the lower part painted with flowers
springing from trellises, apparently of very delicate execution. The
same style of painting occurs in the court of the baths. The ceiling
of the portico beneath the terrace is, in respect of its construction,
one of the most curious specimens of ancient building which have
reached our time. It is a plane surface of masonry, hung in the air,
supported neither on the principle of the arch, nor by iron cramps,
but owing its existence entirely to the adherence of the mortar by
which it is cemented. It is divided into compartments by false beams
(caissons) of the same construction. The whole is of remarkable
solidity. D. Open hall at the end of the western portico. E. Fountain,
supplied perhaps by the water of the cistern. There was formerly a
well upon the terrace, 34, by which water might be drawn from the
reservoir of this fountain, but it was effaced when the area of the
terrace was restored. F, F, F. Different chambers, halls, triclinium,
in which the remains of a carpet were found on the floor, and other
rooms, to which it is difficult to assign any particular destination.
They are all decorated in the most elegant and refined manner, but
their paintings are hastening to decay with a rapidity which is
grievous to behold. Fortunately, the Academy of Naples has published a
volume of details, in which the greater part of the frescos of this
villa are engraved. G. Passage, leading by the staircase B to the
upper floor, and by the staircase H to the subterranean galleries.
There is a similar staircase, H, on the other side of the portico.
These galleries form a crypt beneath the portico, lighted and aired by
loop-holes on the level of the ground. Amphoræ, placed in sand against
the wall, are still to be seen there, and for this reason it has been
conjectured that the crypt served the purposes of a cellar; but even
this crypt was coarsely painted. I. Mesaulon, or court, which
separates the offices from the house. K. Small room at the extremity
of the garden. L. An oratory; the niche served to receive a little
statue. M. Xystus, or garden. N. Piscina, with a _jet d'eau_. O.
Enclosure covered with a trellis. P. Door to the country and towards
the sea. Q. This enclosure, about fifteen feet wide, appears to have
been covered with a trellis, and must have been much frequented, since
there is a noble flight of steps leading down to it from the upper
garden. It fronted the south, and must have been a delightful winter
promenade.
The arch to the left is the end of the open hall, D, above the
portico; on each side are the terraces, 34, 34, and in the centre are
the remains of the cyzicene hall. Beneath on the level of the portico,
are the several rooms marked F, probably the chief summer abode of the
family, being well adapted to that purpose by their refreshing
coolness. Their ceilings for the most part are semicircular vaults,
richly painted, and the more valuable because few ceilings have been
found in existence. We should attempt in vain to describe the
complicated subjects, the intricate and varied patterns with which the
fertile fancy of the arabesque painter has clothed the walls and
ceilings, without the aid of drawings, which we are unable to give;
and, indeed, colored plates would be requisite to convey an adequate
notion of their effect. In the splendid work which Mr. Donaldson has
published upon Pompeii, several subjects taken from these rooms will
be found, some of them colored, together with eight mosaics, some of
very complicated, all of elegant design; and to this and similar works
we must refer the further gratification of the reader's curiosity.
Such was this mansion, in which no doubt the owner took pride and
pleasure, to judge from the expense lavished with unsparing hand on
its decoration; and if he could be supposed to have any cognizance of
what is now passing on earth, his vanity might find some consolation
for having been prematurely deprived of it, in the posthumous
celebrity which it has obtained. But his taste and wealth have done
nothing to perpetuate his name, for not a trace remains that can
indicate to what person or to what family it belonged. It is indeed
usually called the Villa of Marcus Arius Diomedes, on the strength of
a tomb discovered about the same period immediately opposite to it,
bearing that name. No other tomb had then been discovered so near it,
and on this coincidence of situation a conclusion was drawn that this
must have been a family sepulchre, attached to the house, and, by
consequence, that the house itself belonged to Diomedes. The
conjecture at the outset rested but on a sandy foundation, which has
since been entirely sapped by the discovery of numerous other tombs
almost equally near. All that we know of the owner or his family may
be comprised in one sentence, which, short as it is, speaks forcibly
to our feelings. Their life was one of elegant luxury and enjoyment,
in the midst of which death came on them by surprise, a death of
singular and lingering agony.
When Vesuvius first showed signs of the coming storm the air was
still, as we learn from the description of Pliny, and the smoke of the
mountain rose up straight, until the atmosphere would bear it no
higher, and then spread on all sides into a canopy, suggesting to him
the idea of an enormous pine tree. After this a wind sprung up from
the west, which was favorable to carry Pliny from Misenum to Stabiæ,
but prevented his return. The next morning probably it veered
something to the north, when, in the younger Pliny's words, a cloud
seemed to descend upon the earth, to cover the sea, and hide the Isle
of Capreæ from his view. The ashes are said by Dion Cassius to have
reached Egypt, and in fact a line drawn southeast from Vesuvius would
pass very near Pompeii, and cut Egypt. It was probably at this moment
that the hail of fire fell thickest at Pompeii, at daybreak on the
second morning, and if any had thus long survived the stifling air and
torrid earth which surrounded them, their misery probably was at this
moment brought to a close. The villa of which we speak lay exactly
between the city and the mountain, and must have felt the first, and,
if there were degrees of misery, where all perished alike, the worst
effects of this fearful visitation. Fearful is such a visitation in
the present day, even to those who crowd to see an eruption of
Vesuvius as they would to a picture-gallery or an opera; how much more
terrible, accompanied by the certainty of impending death, to those
whom neither history nor experience had familiarized with the most
awful phenomenon presented by nature. At this, or possibly an earlier
moment, the love of life proved too strong for the social affections
of the owner of the house. He fled, abandoning to their fate a
numerous family, and a young and beautiful daughter, and bent his way,
with his most precious movables, accompanied only by a single slave,
to the sea, which he never reached alive. His daughter, two children,
and other members of his family and household sought protection in the
subterranean vaults, which, by the help of the wine-jars already
stored there, and the provisions which they brought down with them,
they probably considered as sufficient refuge against an evil of which
they could not guess the whole extent. It was a vain hope; the same
fate awaited them all by different ways. The strong vaults and
narrow openings to the day protected them, indeed, from the falling
cinders; but the heat, sufficient to char wood, and volatilize the
more subtle part of the ashes, could not be kept out by such means.
The vital air was changed into a sulphurous vapor, charged with
burning dust. In their despair, longing for the pure breath of heaven,
they rushed to the door, already choked with scoriæ and ruins, and
perished in agonies on which the imagination does not willingly dwell.
[Illustration: WALL PAINTING AT POMPEII.]
This the reader will probably be inclined to think might do very well
for the conclusion of a romance, but why invent such sentimental
stories to figure in a grave historical account? It is a remarkable
instance, perhaps the strongest which has yet occurred, of the
peculiar interest which the discoveries at Pompeii possess, as
introducing us to the homes, nay, to the very persons of a
long-forgotten age, that every circumstance of this tale can be
verified by evidence little less than conclusive. Beside the garden
gate, marked P, two skeletons were found; one presumed to be the
master, had in his hand the key of that gate, and near him were about
a hundred gold and silver coins; the other, stretched beside some
silver vases, was probably a slave charged with the transport of them.
When the vaults beneath the room, D, were discovered, at the foot of
the staircase, H, the skeletons of eighteen adult persons, a boy and
an infant were found huddled up together, unmoved during seventeen
centuries since they sank in death. They were covered by several feet
of ashes of extreme fineness, evidently slowly borne in through the
vent-holes, and afterwards consolidated by damp. The substance thus
formed resembles the sand used by metal founders for castings, but is
yet more delicate, and took perfect impressions of everything on which
it lay. Unfortunately this property was not observed until almost too
late, and little was preserved except the neck and breast of a girl,
which are said to display extraordinary beauty of form. So exact is
the impression, that the very texture of the dress in which she was
clothed is apparent, which by its extraordinary fineness evidently
shows that she had not been a slave, and may be taken for the fine
gauze which Seneca calls woven wind. On other fragments the impression
of jewels worn on the neck and arms is distinct, and marks that
several members of the family here perished. The jewels themselves
were found beside them, comprising, in gold, two necklaces, one set
with blue stones, and four rings, containing engraved gems. Two of the
skeletons belonged to children, and some of their blonde hair was
still existent; most of them are said to have been recognized as
female. Each sex probably acted in conformity to its character, the
men trusting to their own strength to escape, the women waiting with
patience the issue of a danger from which their own exertions could
not save them.
In the same vault bronze candelabra and other articles, jewels and
coins were found. Amphoræ were also found ranged against the wall, in
some of which the contents, dried and hardened by time, were still
preserved. Archæologists, it is said, pretend to recognize in this
substance the flavor of the rich strong wine for which the
neighborhood of Vesuvius is celebrated.
Besides the interior garden within the portico, there must have been
another garden extending along the southern side of the house. The
passage from the peristyle, 7, the position of the elliptic chamber,
16, and the trellis work, Q, with its spacious steps, leave no doubt
on this subject. It has been stated in a German periodical that traces
of the plowshare have been distinguished in the fields adjoining this
villa. This is the only authority we have for supposing that the
process of excavation has been extended at all beyond the house
itself. The garden to the south is still, to the best of our
information, uncleared, nor is it likely that it contains objects of
sufficient interest to recompense the labor which would be consumed in
laying it open. Our limited knowledge of ancient horticulture is not
therefore likely to be increased by means of Pompeii; for such small
flower-pots as are attached to houses within the town can not contain
anything worth notice beyond a fountain or a summer triclinium.
[Illustration: HOUSEHOLD UTENSILS.]
We will do our best, however, to complete the reader's notion of an
Italian villa, and show what might have been, since we can not show
what has been here, by borrowing Pliny's account of the garden
attached to his Tuscan villa, the only account of a Roman garden which
has come down to us.
"In front of the house lies a spacious hippodrome, entirely open in
the middle, by which means the eye, upon your first entrance, takes in
its whole extent at one view. It is encompassed on every side with
plane trees covered with ivy, so that while their heads flourish with
their own green, their bodies enjoy a borrowed verdure; and thus the
ivy twining round the trunk and branches, spreads from tree to tree
and connects them together. Between each plane tree are placed box
trees, and behind these, bay trees, which blend their shade with that
of the planes. This plantation, forming a straight boundary on both
sides of the hippodrome, bends at the further end into a semi-circle,
which, being set round and sheltered with cypresses, casts a deeper
and more gloomy shade; while the inward circular walks (for there are
several) enjoying an open exposure, are full of roses, and correct the
coolness of the shade by the warmth of the sun.
"Having passed through these several winding alleys, you enter a
straight walk, which breaks out into a variety of others, divided by
box edges. In one place you have a little meadow; in another the box
is cut into a thousand different forms, sometimes into letters; here
expressing the name of the master, there that of the artificer; while
here and there little obelisks rise, intermixed with fruit trees; when
on a sudden, in the midst of this elegant regularity, you are
surprised with an imitation of the negligent beauties of rural nature,
in the centre of which lies a spot surrounded with a knot of dwarf
plane trees. Beyond this is a walk, interspersed with the smooth and
twining acanthus, where the trees are also cut into a variety of names
and shapes. At the upper end is an alcove of white marble, shaded with
vines, supported by four small columns of Carystian marble. Here is a
triclinium, out of which the water, gushing through several little
pipes, as if it were pressed out by the weight of the persons who
repose upon it, falls into a stone cistern underneath, from whence it
is received into a fine polished marble basin, so artfully contrived
that it is always full without ever overflowing. When I sup here,
this basin serves for a table, the larger sort of dishes being placed
round the margin, while the smaller swim about in the form of little
vessels and water-fowl.
"Corresponding to this is a fountain, which is incessantly emptying
and filling; for the water, which it throws up to a great height,
falling back again into it, is returned as fast as it is received, by
means of two openings.
"Fronting the alcove stands a summer-house of exquisite marble, whose
doors project and open into a green enclosure, while from its upper
and lower windows also the eye is presented with a variety of
different verdures. Next to this is a little private closet, which,
though it seems distinct, may be laid into the same room, furnished
with a couch; and notwithstanding it has windows on every side, yet it
enjoys a very agreeable gloominess, by means of a spreading vine,
which climbs to the top and entirely overshades it. Here you may lie
and fancy yourself in a wood, with this difference only, that you are
not exposed to the weather. In this place a fountain also rises, and
instantly disappears. In different quarters are disposed several
marble seats, which serve, as well as the summer-house, as so many
reliefs after one is tired of walking. Near each seat is a little
fountain, and throughout the whole hippodrome several small rills run
murmuring along, wheresoever the hand of art thought proper to conduct
them, watering here and there different spots of verdure, and in their
progress refreshing the whole."
[Page Decoration]
[Page Decoration]
STORES AND EATING HOUSES.
To notice all the houses excavated at Pompeii, would be wearisome in
the extreme. We intend therefore merely to select some of the most
important, to be described at length, the arrangement of which may
serve, with variations according to place and circumstances, as a type
of the whole. Some, which offer no particularity in their
construction, are remarkable for the beauty of their paintings or
other decorations; and, indeed, it is from the paintings on the walls
that many of the houses have derived their names. Some again are
designated from mosaics or inscriptions on the threshold, from the
trade or profession evidently exercised by the proprietors, or from
some accident, as the presence of distinguished persons at their
excavation--as, for instance, those called the House of the Emperor
Joseph II., del Gran Duca, degli Scienziati, etc. As it is the object
of this work to convey a general notion of the remains of Pompeii, and
to exhibit, as far as our materials will permit, the private life of
the first century in all its degrees, we shall begin with one or two
of the stores. These present great similarity in their arrangements,
and indicate that the tribe of storekeepers was very inferior in
wealth and comfort to that of our own time and country. They are for
the most part very small, and sometimes without any interior apartment
on the ground floor. The upper floor must have comprised one or two
sleeping-rooms; but there is, as we believe, only one house in which
the upper floor is in existence.
It is rare at Pompeii to see a whole house set apart for purposes of
trade, a part being occupied by the store itself, the rest furnishing
a comfortable dwelling for the owner. The houses of the richer
classes, instead of presenting a handsome elevation to the street,
were usually surrounded with stores. They furnished considerable
revenue.
Cicero, in a letter to Atticus, speaks of the ruinous state into which
some of his stores had fallen, "insomuch that not only the men, but
the mice had quitted them," and hints at the gain which he hoped to
derive from this seemingly untoward circumstance. One Julia Felix
possessed nine hundred stores, as we learn from an inscription in
Pompeii.
At night the whole front was closed with shutters, sliding in grooves
cut in the lintel and basement wall before the counter, and by the
door, which is thrown far back, so as to be hardly visible.
There is an oven at the end of the counter furthest from the street,
and three steps have been presumed to support different sorts of
vessels or measures for liquids. From these indications it is supposed
to have been a cook's shop; for the sale, perhaps, both of undressed
and dressed provisions, as is indicated in the view. The oven probably
served to prepare, and keep constantly hot, some popular dishes for
the service of any chance customer; the jars might hold oil, olives,
or the fish-pickle called _garum_, an article of the highest
importance in a Roman kitchen, for the manufacture of which Pompeii
was celebrated.[16]
Fixed vessels appear inconvenient for such uses on account of the
difficulty of cleaning them out; but the practice, it is said,
continues to this day at Rome, where the small shopkeepers keep their
oil in similar jars, fixed in a counter of masonry. All the ornaments
in the view are copied from Pompeii. In front of the store, which
stands opposite the passage leading behind the small theatre to the
Soldiers' Quarters, are three stepping-stones, to enable persons to
cross the road without wetting their feet in bad weather.
In conjunction with a street view, we give the view of another shop,
which has also a counter containing jars for the reception of some
liquid commodity. By some it is called a Thermopolium, or store for
the sale of hot drinks, while others call it an oil store. In front is
a fountain. It is situated at the angle of the street immediately
adjoining the House of Pansa. The left-hand street leads to the Gate
of Herculaneum; the right, skirting Pansa's house, is terminated by
the city walls.
[Illustration: RESTAURANT. (_From Wall Painting._)]
Tracks of wheels are very visible on the pavement. The interior was
gaily painted in blue panels and red borders, as we learn from the
colored view in Mr. Donaldson's Pompeii, from which this is taken. The
counter is faced and covered with marble. Numerous thermopolia have
been discovered in Pompeii, many of them identified, or supposed to
be identified, by the stains left upon the counters by wet glasses.
[Illustration: BED AND TABLE AT POMPEII. (_From Wall
Painting._)]
In the centre is a small altar, placed before a niche, ornamented with
the painting of some goddess holding a cornucopia. She is reposing on
a couch, closely resembling a modern French bed. The mattress is
white, striped with violet, and spotted with gold; the cushion is
violet. The tunic of the goddess is blue, the bed, the table, and the
cornucopia, gold. This house stands just by the gate of Herculaneum,
adjoining the broad flight of steps which leads up to the ramparts.
Bonucci supposes that it belonged to the officer appointed to take
charge of the gate and walls.
We may take this opportunity to describe the nature and arrangement of
the triclinium, of which such frequent mention has been made. In the
earlier times of Rome, men sat at table--the habit of reclining was
introduced from Carthage after the Punic wars. At first these beds
were clumsy in form, and covered with mattresses stuffed with rushes
or straw. Hair and wool mattresses were introduced from Gaul at a
later period, and were soon followed by cushions stuffed with
feathers. At first these tricliniary beds were small, low, and round,
and made of wood; afterwards, in the time of Augustus, square and
highly ornamented couches came into fashion. In the reign of Tiberius
they began to be veneered with costly woods or tortoiseshell, and were
covered with valuable embroideries, the richest of which came from
Babylon, and cost incredible sums.
Each couch contained three persons, and, properly, the whole
arrangement consisted of three couches, so that the number at table
did not exceed the number of the Muses, and each person had his seat
according to his rank and dignity. The places were thus appropriated:
1. The host. 2. His wife. 3. Guest. 4. Consular place, or place of
honor. This was the most convenient situation at table, because he who
occupied it, resting on his left arm, could easily with his right
reach any part of the table without inconvenience to his neighbors. It
was, therefore, set apart for the person of highest rank. 5, 6, 7, 8,
9. Other guests.
[Illustration: PLAN OF A TRICLINIUM.]
The entertainment itself usually comprised three services; the first
consisting of fresh eggs, olives, oysters, salad, and other light
delicacies; the second of made dishes, fish, and roast meats; the
third of pastry, confectionery, and fruits. A remarkable painting,
discovered at Pompeii, gives a curious idea of a complete feast. It
represents a table set out with every requisite for a grand dinner. In
the centre is a large dish, in which four peacocks are placed, one at
each corner, forming a magnificent dome with their tails. All round
are lobsters--one holding in his claws a blue egg, a second an oyster,
a third a stuffed rat, a fourth a little basket full of grasshoppers.
Four dishes of fish decorate the bottom, above which are several
partridges, and hares, and squirrels, each holding its head between
its paws. The whole is surrounded by something resembling a German
sausage; then comes a row of yolks of eggs; then a row of peaches,
small melons, and cherries; and lastly, a row of vegetables of
different sorts. The whole is covered with a sort of green-colored
sauce.
Another house, also of the minor class, yet superior to any hitherto
described, is recommended to our notice by the beauty of the
paintings found. That the proprietor was not rich is evident from its
limited extent and accommodation; yet he had some small property, as
we may infer from the shop communicating with the house, in which were
sold such articles of agricultural produce as were not required for
the use of the family.
This house was formerly decorated with paintings taken from the
Odyssey, and from the elegant fictions of Grecian mythology. When
Mazois visited it in 1812, two paintings in the atrium were still in
existence, though in a very perishing state. Shortly after he had
copied them they fell, owing to the plaster detaching itself from the
wall. One of them is taken from the Odyssey, and represents Ulysses
and Circe, at the moment when the hero, having drunk the charmed cup
with impunity, by virtue of the antidote given him by Mercury, draws
his sword and advances to avenge his companions.[17] The goddess,
terrified, makes her submission at once, as described by Homer, while
her two attendants fly in alarm; yet one of them, with a natural
curiosity, can not resist the temptation to look back, and observe the
termination of so unexpected a scene. Circe uses the very gesture of
supplication so constantly described by Homer and the tragedians, as
she sinks on her knees, extending one hand to clasp the knees of
Ulysses, with the other endeavoring to touch his beard.[18] This
picture is remarkable, as teaching us the origin of that ugly and
unmeaning glory with which the heads of saints are often surrounded.
The Italians borrowed it from the Greek artists of the lower empire,
in whose paintings it generally has the appearance, as we believe, of
a solid plate of gold. The glory round Circe's head has the same
character, the outer limb or circle being strongly defined, not shaded
off and divining into rays, as we usually see it in the Italian
school. This glory was called nimbus, or aureola, and is defined by
Servius to be "the luminous fluid which encircles the heads of the
gods." It belongs with peculiar propriety to Circe, as the daughter of
the sun. The emperors, with their usual modesty, assumed it as the
mark of their divinity; and, under this respectable patronage, it
passed, like many other Pagan superstitions and customs, in the use of
the church.
The other picture represents Achilles at Scyros, where Thetis had
hidden him among the daughters of Lycomedes, to prevent his engaging
in the Trojan war. Ulysses discovered him by bringing for sale arms
mixed with female trinkets, in the character of a merchant. The story
is well known. The painting represents the moment when the young hero
is seizing the arms. Deidamia seems not to know what to make of the
matter, and tries to hold him back, while Ulysses is seen behind with
his finger on his lips, closely observing all that passes.
[Illustration: HEAD OF CIRCE.]
[Page Decoration]
HOUSES OF PANSA AND SALLUST.
The two compartments marked 30 are houses of a very mean class, having
formerly an upper story. Behind the last of them is a court, which
gives light to one of the chambers of Pansa's house. On the other side
of the island or block are three houses (32), small, but of much more
respectable extent and accommodation, which probably were also meant
to be let. In that nearest the garden were found the skeletons of four
women, with gold ear and finger rings having engraved stones, besides
other valuables; showing that such _inquilini_ or lodgers, were not
always of the lowest class.
The best view of this house is from the front of the doorway. It
offers to the eye, successively, the doorway, the prothyrum, the
atrium, with its impluvium, the Ionic peristyle, and the garden wall,
with Vesuvius in the distance. The entrance is decorated with two
pilasters of the Corinthian order. Besides the outer door, there was
another at the end of the prothyrum, to secure the atrium against too
early intrusion. The latter apartment was paved with marble, with a
gentle inclination towards the impluvium. Through the tablinum the
peristyle is seen, with two of its Ionic capitals still remaining. The
columns are sixteen in number, fluted, except for about one-third of
their height from the bottom. They are made of a volcanic stone, and,
with their capitals, are of good execution. But at some period
subsequent to the erection of the house, probably after the
earthquake, A.D. 63, they have been covered with hard stucco, and
large leaves of the same material set under the volutes, so as to
transform them into a sort of pseudo-Corinthian, or Composite order.
It is not impossible that the exclusively Italian order, which we call
Composite, may have originated in a similar caprice. Of the
disposition of the garden, which occupied the open part of the
peristyle, we have little to say. Probably it was planted with choice
flowers. Slabs of marble were placed at the angles to receive the
drippings of the roof, which were conducted by metal conduits into the
central basin, which is about six feet in depth, and was painted
green. In the centre of it there stood a jet d'eau, as there are
indications enough to prove. This apartment, if such it may be called,
was unusually spacious, measuring about sixty-five feet by fifty. The
height of the columns was equal to the width of the colonnade, about
sixteen feet. Their unfluted part is painted yellow, the rest is
coated with white stucco. The floor is elevated two steps above the
level of the tablinum.
A curious religious painting, now almost effaced, was found in the
kitchen, representing the worship offered to the Lares, under whose
protection and custody the provisions and all the cooking utensils
were placed. In the centre is a sacrifice in honor of those deities,
who are represented below in the usual form of two huge serpents
brooding over an altar. There is something remarkable in the upper
figures. The female figure in the centre holds a cornucopia, and each
of the male figures holds a small vase in the hand nearer to the
altar, and a horn in the other. All the faces are quite black, and the
heads of the male figures are surrounded with something resembling a
glory. Their dress in general, and especially their boots, which are
just like the Hungarian boots now worn on the stage, appear different
from anything which is to be met with elsewhere. Are these figures
meant for the Lares themselves? On each side are represented different
sorts of eatables. On the left a bunch of small birds, a string of
fish, a boar with a girth about his body, and a magnificently curling
tail, and a few loaves, or rather cakes, of the precise pattern of
some which have been found in Pompeii: on the right, an eel spitted on
a wire, a ham, a boar's head, and a joint of meat, which, as pig-meat
seems to have been in request here, we may conjecture to be a loin of
pork; at least it is as like that as anything else. It is suspended by
a reed, as is still done at Rome. The execution of this painting is
coarse and careless in the extreme, yet there is a spirit and freedom
of touch which has hit off the character of the objects represented,
and forbids us to impute the negligence which is displayed to
incapacity. Another object of interest in the kitchen is a stove for
stews and similar preparations, very much like those charcoal stoves
which are seen in extensive kitchens at the present day. Before it lie
a knife, strainers, and a strange-looking sort of a frying-pan, with
four spherical cavities, as if it were meant to cook eggs. A similar
one, containing twenty-nine egg-holes, has been found, which is
circular, about fifteen inches in diameter, and without a handle.
Another article of kitchen furniture is a sort of flat ladle pierced
with holes, said to belong to the class called _trua_. It was meant
apparently to stir up vegetables, etc., while boiling, and to strain
the water from them.
[Illustration: KITCHEN FURNITURE AT POMPEII.]
This house has been long excavated, and perhaps that is the reason
that, considering its extent and splendor, the notices of it are
particularly meagre. Of the decorations we have been able to procure
no detailed accounts, though several paintings are said to have been
found in it, and among them, one of Danae amid the golden shower,
deserving of notice. Of the garden little can be said, for little is
known. According to the best indications which Mazois could observe,
it consisted of a number of straight parallel beds, divided by narrow
paths, which gave access to them for horticultural purposes, but with
no walk for air and exercise except the portico which adjoins the
house.
Inferior to the House of Pansa, and to some others in size, but second
to none in elegance of decoration and in the interest which it
excites, is a house in the street leading from the Gate of Herculaneum
to the Forum, called by some the House of Actæon, from a painting
found in it; by others the House of Caius Sallustius. It occupies the
southernmost portion of an insula extending backwards to the city
walls.
It is remarkable that the architects of Pompeii seem to have been
careless for the most part whether they built on a regular or an
irregular area. The practice of surrounding the owner's abode with
shops, enabled them to turn to advantage the sides and corners of any
piece of ground, however misshapen. Thus in another plan the
apartments of the dwelling-houses are almost all well shaped and
rectangular, though not one of the four angles of the area is a right
angle.
The general view of this house is taken from the street in front, and
runs completely through to the garden wall. One of the pilasters which
flank the doorway has its capital still in good preservation. It is
cut out of gray lava, and represents a Silenus and Faun side by side,
each holding one end of an empty leather bottle, thrown over their
shoulders. Ornaments of this character, which can be comprehended
under none of the orders of architecture, are common in Pompeii, and
far from unpleasing in their effect, however contrary to established
principles. On the right is the large opening into the vestibule. In
the centre of the view is the atrium, easily recognized by the
impluvium, and beyond it through the tablinum are seen the pillars of
the portico. Beyond the impluvium is the place of a small altar for
the worship of the Lares. A bronze hind, through the mouth of which a
stream of water flowed, formerly stood in the centre of the basin. It
bore a figure of Hercules upon its back.
The walls of the atrium and tablinum are curiously stuccoed in large
raised panels, with deep channels between them, the panels being
painted of different colors, strongly contrasted with each other.
We find among them different shades of the same color, several reds,
for instance, as sinopis, cinnabar, and others. This sort of
decoration has caused some persons to call this the house of a
color-seller--a conjecture entirely at variance with the luxury and
elegance which reign in it. The floor was of red cement, with bits of
white marble imbedded in it.
The altar in the atrium and the little oratory in the left-hand ala
belong to the worship of the Lares _domestici_ or _familiares_, as is
indicated by the paintings found in the false doorway, but now
removed. They consisted of a serpent below and a group of four figures
above, employed in celebrating a sacrifice to these gods.
In the centre is a tripod, into which a priest, his head covered, is
pouring the contents of a patera. On each side are two young men,
dressed alike, apparently in the prætexta; at least their robes are
white, and there is a double red stripe down the front of their
tunics, and a red drapery is thrown over the shoulders of each. In one
hand each holds a patera; in the other each holds aloft a cow's horn
perforated at the small end, through which a stream is spouting into
the patera at a considerable distance. This, though an inconvenient,
seems to have been a common drinking-vessel. The method of using it
has already been described. In the background is a man playing on the
double flute.
The worship of the Lares was thus publicly represented, and their
images were exposed to view, that all persons might have an
opportunity of saluting them and invoking prosperity on the house.
Noble families had also a place of domestic worship (_adytum_ or
_penetrale_) in the most retired part of their mansions, where their
most valuable records and hereditary memorials were preserved.
The worship of these little deities (_Dii minuti_, or _patellarii_)
was universally popular, partly perhaps on account of its economical
nature, for they seem to have been satisfied with anything that came
to hand, partly perhaps from a sort of feeling of good fellowship in
them and towards them, like that connected with the Brownies and
Cluricaunes, and other household goblins of northern extraction.
Like those goblins they were represented sometimes under very
grotesque forms. There is a bronze figure of one found at Herculaneum,
and figured in the Antiquites d'Herculanum, plate xvii. vol. viii.,
which represents a little old man sitting on the ground with his knees
up to his chin, a huge head, ass's ears, a long beard, and a roguish
face, which would agree well with our notion of a Brownie. Their
statues were often placed behind the door, as having power to keep out
all things hurtful, especially evil genii. Respected as they were,
they sometimes met with rough treatment, and were kicked or cuffed, or
thrown out of window without ceremony, if any unlucky accident had
chanced through their neglect. Sometimes they were imaged under the
form of dogs, the emblems of fidelity and watchfulness, sometimes,
like their brethren of the highways (Lares compitales), in the shape
of serpents.
The tutelary genii of men or places, a class of beings closely allied
to Lares, were supposed to manifest themselves in the same shape: as,
for example, a sacred serpent was believed at Athens to keep watch in
the temple of Athene in the Acropolis. Hence paintings of these
animals became in some sort the guardians of the spot in which they
were set up, like images of saints in Roman Catholic countries, and
not unfrequently were employed when it was wished to secure any place
from irreverent treatment.
From these associations the presence of serpents came to be considered
of good omen, and by a natural consequence they were kept (a harmless
sort of course) in the houses, where they nestled about the altars,
and came out like dogs or cats to be patted by the visitors, and beg
for something to eat. Nay, at table, if we may build upon insulated
passages, they crept about the cups of the guests; and in hot weather
ladies would use them as live boas, and twist them round their necks
for the sake of coolness.
Martial, however, our authority for this, seems to consider it as an
odd taste. Virgil, therefore, in a fine passage, in which he has
availed himself of the divine nature attributed to serpents, is only
describing a scene which he may often have witnessed:
Scarce had he finished, when with speckled pride,
A serpent from the tomb began to glide;
His hugy bulk on seven high volumes rolled;
Blue was his breadth of back, but streaked with scaly gold;
Thus, riding on his curls, he seemed to pass
A rolling fire along, and singe the grass.
More various colors through his body run,
Than Iris, when her bow imbibes the sun.
Betwixt the rising altars, and around,
The rolling monster shot along the ground.
With harmless play amidst the bowls he passed,
And with his lolling tongue assayed the taste;
Thus fed with holy food, the wondrous guest
Within the hollow tomb retired to rest.
The pious prince, surprised at what he viewed,
The funeral honors with more zeal renewed;
Doubtful if this the place's genius were,
Or guardian of his father's sepulchre.
We may conjecture from the paintings, which bear a marked resemblance
to one another, that these snakes were of considerable size, and of
the same species, probably that called Æsculapius, which was brought
from Epidaurus to Rome with the worship of the god, and, as we are
told by Pliny, was commonly fed in the houses of Rome. These sacred
animals made war on the rats and mice, and thus kept down one species
of vermin; but as they bore a charmed life, and no one laid violent
hands on them, they multiplied so fast, that, like the monkeys of
Benares, they became an intolerable nuisance. The frequent fires at
Rome were the only things that kept them under.
Passing through the tablinum, we enter the portico of the xystus, or
garden, a spot small in extent, but full of ornament and of beauty,
though not that sort of beauty which the notion of a garden suggests
to us. It is not larger than a city garden, the object of our
continual ridicule; yet while the latter is ornamented only with one
or two scraggy poplars, and a few gooseberry-bushes with many more
thorns than leaves, the former is elegantly decorated by the hand of
art, and set apart as the favorite retreat of festive pleasure. True
it is that the climate of Italy suits out-of-door amusements better
than our own, and that Pompeii was not exposed to that plague of soot
which soon turns marble goddesses into chimney-sweepers. The portico
is composed of columns, fluted and corded, the lower portion of them
painted blue, without pedestals, yet approaching to the Roman rather
than to the Grecian Doric. The entablature is gone. From the portico
we ascend by three steps to the xystus. Its small extent, not
exceeding in its greatest dimensions seventy feet by twenty, did not
permit trees, hardly even shrubs, to be planted in it. The centre,
therefore, was occupied by a pavement, and on each side boxes filled
with earth were ranged for flowers; while, to make amends for the want
of real verdure, the whole wall opposite the portico is painted with
trellises and fountains, and birds drinking from them; and above, with
thickets enriched and ornamented with numerous tribes of their winged
inhabitants.
The most interesting discoveries at Pompeii are those which throw
light on, or confirm passages of ancient authors. Exactly the same
style of ornament is described by Pliny the Younger as existing in his
Tuscan villa. "Another cubiculum is adorned with sculptured marble for
the height of the podium; above which is a painting of trees, and
birds sitting on them, not inferior in elegance to the marble itself.
Under it is a small fountain, and in the fountain a cup, round which
the playing of several small water-pipes makes a most agreeable
murmur." At the end of this branch of the garden, which is shaped like
an L, we see an interesting monument of the customs of private life.
It is a summer triclinium, in plan like that which has been mentioned
in the preceding chapter, but much more elegantly decorated. The
couches are of masonry, intended to be covered with mattresses and
rich tapestry when the feast was to be held here: the round table in
the centre was of marble. Above it was a trellis, as is shown by the
square pillars in front and the holes in the walls which enclose two
sides of the triclinium. These walls are elegantly painted in panels,
in the prevailing taste; but above the panelling there is a whimsical
frieze, appropriate to the purpose of this little pavilion, consisting
of all sorts of eatables which can be introduced at a feast. When
Mazois first saw it the colors were fresh and beautiful; but when he
wrote, after a lapse of ten years, it was already in decay, and ere
now it has probably disappeared, so perishable are all those beauties
which can not be protected from the inclemency of the weather by
removal. In front a stream of water pours into a basin from the wall,
on which, half painted, half raised in relief, is a mimic fountain
surmounted by a stag. Between the fountain and triclinium, in a line
between the two pilasters which supported the trellis, was a small
altar, on which the due libations might be poured by the festive
party. In the other limb of the garden is a small furnace, probably
intended to keep water constantly hot for the use of those who
preferred warm potations. Usually the Romans drank their wine mixed
with snow, and clarified through a strainer, of which there are many
in the Museum of Naples, curiously pierced in intricate patterns; but
those who were under medical care were not always suffered to enjoy
this luxury. Martial laments his being condemned by his physician to
drink no cold wine, and concludes with wishing that his enviers may
have nothing but warm water. At the other end of the garden, opposite
the front of the triclinium, was a cistern which collected the rain
waters, whence they were drawn for the use of the garden and of the
house. There was also a cistern at the end of the portico, next the
triclinium.
The several rooms to the left of the atrium offer nothing remarkable.
On the right, however, as will be evident upon inspecting the plan, a
suite of apartments existed, carefully detached from the remainder of
the house, and communicating only with the atrium by a single passage.
The disposition and the ornaments of this portion of the house prove
that it was a private _venereum_, a place, if not consecrated to the
goddess from whom it derives its name, at least especially devoted to
her service. The strictest privacy has been studied in its
arrangements; no building overlooks it; the only entrance is closed by
two doors, both of which we may conjecture, were never suffered to be
open at once; and beside them was the apartment of a slave, whose duty
was to act as porter and prevent intrusion. Passing the second door,
the visitor found himself under a portico supported by octagonal
columns, with a court or open area in the centre, and in the middle of
it a small basin. At each end of the portico is a small cabinet, with
appropriate paintings: in one of them a painting of Venus, Mars, and
Cupid is conspicuous.
The apartments were paved with marble, and the walls lined breast-high
with the same material. A niche in the cabinet nearest the triclinium
contained a small image, a gold vase, a gold coin, and twelve bronze
medals of the reign of Vespasian; and near this spot were found eight
small bronze columns, which appear to have formed part of a bed.
In the adjoining lane four skeletons were found, apparently a female
attended by three slaves; the tenant perhaps of this elegant
apartment. Beside her was a round plate of silver, which probably was
a mirror, together with several golden rings set with engraved stones,
two ear-rings, and five bracelets of the same metal.
Both cabinets had glazed windows, which commanded a view of the court
and of each other; it is conjectured that they were provided with
curtains. The court itself presents no trace of pavement, and,
therefore, probably served as a garden.
The ground of the wall is black, a color well calculated to set off
doubtful complexions to the best advantage, while its sombre aspect is
redeemed by a profusion of gold-colored ornament, in the most elegant
taste. The columns were painted with the color called _sinopis
Ponticum_, a species of red ochre of brilliant tint. Nearly all the
wall of the court between the cabinets is occupied by a large painting
of Actæon, from which the house derives one of its names; on either
side it is flanked by the representation of a statue on a high
pedestal. The centre piece comprises a double action. In one part we
see a rocky grotto, in which Diana was bathing when the unwary hunter
made his appearance above: in the other he is torn by his own dogs, a
severe punishment for an unintentional intrusion. The background
represents a wild and mountainous landscape. A painted frieze, and
other paintings on the walls, complete the decorations of the portico.
The large apartment was a triclinium for the use of this portion of
the house, where the place of the table, and of the beds which
surrounded it on three sides, was marked by a mosaic pavement. Over
the left-hand portico there was a terrace. The space marked 36
contained the stair which gave access to it, a stove connected
probably with the service of the triclinium and other conveniences.
In the centre room is the opening into the tablinum, which probably
was only separated from the atrium by curtains (_parapetasmata_),
which might be drawn or undrawn at pleasure. Through the tablinum the
pillars of the peristyle and the fountain painted on the garden wall
are seen. To the right of the tablinum is the fauces, and on each side
of the atrium the alæ are seen, partly shut off, like the tablinum, by
handsome draperies. The nearer doors belong to chambers which open
into the atrium. Above the colored courses of stucco blocks the walls
are painted in the light, almost Chinese style of architecture, which
is so common, and a row of scenic masks fills the place of a cornice.
The ceiling is richly fretted.
The compluvium also was ornamented with a row of triangular tiles
called antefixes, on which a mask or some other object was moulded in
relief. Below, lions' heads are placed along the cornice at intervals,
forming spouts through which the water was discharged into the
impluvium beneath. Part of this cornice, found in the house of which
we speak, is well deserving our notice, because it contains, within
itself, specimens of three different epochs of art, at which we must
suppose the house was first built, and subsequently repaired.
It is made of fine clay, with a lion's head moulded upon it, well
designed, and carefully finished. It is plain, therefore, that it was
not meant to be stuccoed, or the labor bestowed in its execution would
have been in great part wasted. At a later period it has been coated
over with the finest stucco, and additional enrichments and mouldings
have been introduced, yet without injury to the design or inferiority
in the workmanship; indicating that at the time of its execution the
original simplicity of art had given way to a more enriched and
elaborate style of ornament, yet without any perceptible decay,
either in the taste of the designer or the skill of the workman.
Still later this elegant stucco cornice had been covered with a third
coating of the coarsest materials, and of design and execution most
barbarous, when it is considered how fine a model the artists had
before their eyes.
In the restoration, the impluvium is surrounded with a mosaic border.
This has disappeared, if ever there was one; but mosaics are
frequently found in this situation, and it is, therefore, at all
events, an allowable liberty to place one here, in a house so
distinguished for the richness and elegance of its decorations.
Beside the impluvium stood a machine, now in the National Museum, for
heating water, and at the same time warming the room if requisite. The
high circular part, with the lid open, is a reservoir, communicating
with the semi-circular piece, which is hollow, and had a spout to
discharge the heated water. The three eagles placed on it are meant to
support a kettle. The charcoal was contained in the square base.
In the preceding pages we have taken indiscriminately, from all
quarters of the town, houses of all classes, from the smallest to the
most splendid, in the belief that such would be the best way of
showing the gradations of wealth and comfort, the different styles of
dwelling adopted by different classes of citizens, in proportion to
their means. It would, however, be manifestly impossible so to
classify all the houses which contain something worthy of description,
and we shall, therefore, adopt a topographical arrangement as the
simplest one, commencing at the Gate of Herculaneum, and proceeding in
as regular order as circumstances will permit through the excavated
part of the town.
Most of the houses immediately about the gate appear to have been
small inns or eating-houses, probably used chiefly by country people,
who came into market, or by the lower order of travelers. Immediately
to the right of it, however, at the beginning of the street called
the Via Consularis, or Domitiana, there is a dwelling of a better
class, called the House of the Musician, from paintings of musical
instruments which ornamented the walls. Among these were the sistrum,
trumpet, double flute, and others. Upon the right side of the street,
however, the buildings soon improve, and in that quarter are situated
some of the most remarkable mansions, in respect of extent and
construction, which Pompeii affords. They stand in part upon the site
of the walls which have been demolished upon this, the side next the
port, for what purpose it is not very easy to say; not to make room
for the growth of the city, for these houses stand at the very limit
of the available ground, being partly built upon a steep rock. Hence,
besides the upper floors, which have perished, they consist each of
two or three stories, one below another, so that the apartments next
the street are always on the highest level. Those who are familiar
with the metropolis of Scotland will readily call to mind a similar
mode of construction very observable on the north side of the High
Street, where the ground-floor is sometimes situated about the middle
of the house.
One of the most remarkable of these houses contains three stories; the
first, level with the street, contains the public part of the house,
the vestibule, atrium, and tablinum, which opens upon a spacious
terrace. Beside these is the peristyle and other private apartments,
at the back of which the terrace of which we have just spoken offers
an agreeable walk for the whole breadth of the house, and forms the
roof of a spacious set of apartments at a lower level, which are
accessible either by a sloping passage from the street, running under
the atrium, or by a staircase communicating with the peristyle. This
floor contains baths, a triclinium, a spacious saloon, and other rooms
necessary for the private use of a family. Behind these rooms is
another terrace, which overlooks a spacious court surrounded by
porticoes, and containing a piscina or reservoir in the centre. The
pillars on the side next the house are somewhat higher than on the
other three sides, so as to give the terrace there a greater
elevation. Below this second story there is yet a third, in part under
ground, which contains another set of baths, and, besides apartments
for other purposes, the lodging of the slaves. This was divided into
little cells, scarcely the length of a man, dark and damp; and we can
not enter into it without a lively feeling of the wretched state to
which these beings were reduced.
A few steps further on the same side, is another house somewhat of the
same description, which evidently belonged to some man of importance,
probably to Julius Polybius, whose name has been found in several
inscriptions. Fragments of richly-gilt stucco-work enable us to
estimate the richness of its decoration and the probable wealth of its
owner. It will be readily distinguished by its immense Corinthian
atrium, or rather peristyle. It has the further peculiarity of having
two vestibules each communicating with the street and with the atrium.
The portico of the atrium is formed by arcades and piers, ornamented
with attached columns, the centre being occupied by a court and
fountain. These arcades appear to be enclosed by windows. Square
holes, worked in the marble coping of a dwarf wall which surrounds the
little court, were perfectly distinguishable, and it is concluded that
they were meant to receive the window-frames.
Pliny the Younger describes a similar glazed portico at his Laurentine
villa; and an antique painting, representing the baths of Faustina,
gives the view of a portico, the apertures of which are entirely
glazed, as we suppose them to have been here. The portico, and three
apartments which communicate with it, were paved in mosaic. Attached
to one of the corner piers there is a fountain. The kitchen and other
apartments were below this floor. There was also an upper story, as is
clear from the remains of stair-cases. This house extends to the point
at which a by-street turns away from the main road to the Forum. We
will now return to the gate, to describe the triangular island of
houses which bounds the main street on the eastern side.
That close to the gate, called the House of the Triclinium, derives
its name from a large triclinium in the centre of the peristyle, which
is spacious and handsome, and bounded by the city walls. The House of
the Vestals is a little further on. What claim it has to this title,
except by the rule of contraries, we are at a loss to guess; seeing
that the style of its decorations is very far from corresponding with
that purity of thought and manners which we are accustomed to
associate with the title of vestal. The paintings are numerous and
beautiful, and the mosaics remarkably fine. Upon the threshold here,
as in several other houses, we find the word "Salve" (Welcome), worked
in mosaic. One may be seen in cut on page 30.
We enter by a vestibule, divided into three compartments, and
ornamented with four attached columns, which introduces us to an
atrium, fitted up in the usual manner, and surrounded by the usual
apartments. The most remarkable of these is a triclinium, which
formerly was richly paved with glass mosaics. Hence we pass into the
private apartments, which are thus described by Bonucci:--"This house
seems to have been originally two separate houses, afterwards,
probably, bought by some rich man, and thrown into one. After
traversing a little court, around which are the sleeping chambers, and
that destined to business, we hastened to render our visit to the
Penates. We entered the pantry, and rendered back to the proprietors
the greeting that, from the threshold of this mansion, they still
direct to strangers. We next passed through the kitchen and its
dependencies. The corn-mills seemed waiting for the accustomed hands
to grind with them, after so many years of repose. Oil standing in
glass vessels, chestnuts, dates, raisins, and figs, in the next
chamber, announce the provision for the approaching winter, and large
amphoræ of wine recall to us the consulates of Cæsar and of Cicero.
[Illustration: BROOCHES OF GOLD FOUND AT POMPEII.]
"We entered the private apartment. Magnificent porticoes are to be
seen around it. Numerous beautiful columns covered with stucco, and
with very fresh colors, surrounded a very agreeable garden, a pond,
and a bath. Elegant paintings, delicate ornaments, stags, sphinxes,
wild and fanciful flowers everywhere cover the walls. The cabinets of
young girls, and their toilets, with appropriate paintings, are
disposed along the sides. In this last were found a great quantity of
female ornaments, such as seen in the cut, and others, and the
skeleton of a little dog. At the extremity is seen a semicircular room
adorned with niches, and formerly with statues, mosaics, and marbles.
An altar, on which the sacred fire burned perpetually, rose in the
centre. This is the _sacrarium_. In this secret and sacred place the
most solemn and memorable days of the family were spent in rejoicing;
and here, on birthdays, sacrifices were offered to Juno, or the
Genius, the protector of the new-born child."
The next house is called the House of a Surgeon, because a variety of
surgical instruments were found in it. In number they amounted to
forty; some resembled instruments still in use, others are different
from anything employed by modern surgeons. In many the description of
Celsus is realized, as, for instance, in the specillum, or probe,
which is concave on one side and flat on the other; the scalper
excisorius, in the shape of a lancet-point on one side and of a mallet
on the other; a hook and forceps, used in obstetrical practice. The
latter are said to equal in the convenience and ingenuity of their
construction the best efforts of modern cutlers. Needles, cutting
compasses (circini excisorii), and other instruments were found, all
of the purest brass with bronze handles, and usually enclosed in brass
or boxwood cases.
There is nothing remarkable in the house itself, which contains the
usual apartments, atrium, peristyle, etc., except the paintings. These
consist chiefly of architectural designs, combinations of golden and
bronze-colored columns placed in perspective, surmounted by rich
architraves, elaborate friezes, and decorated cornices, one order
above another. Intermixed are arabesque ornaments, grotesque
paintings, and compartments with figures, all apparently employed in
domestic occupations.
One of them represents a female figure carrying rolls of papyrus to a
man who is seated and intently reading. The method of reading these
rolls or volumes, which were written in transverse columns across the
breadth of the papyrus, is clearly shown here. Behind him a young
woman is seated, playing on the harp. All these figures are placed
under the light architectural designs above described, which seem
intended to surmount a terrace. It is a common practice at the present
day in Italy, especially near Naples, to construct light treillages on
the tops of the houses, where the inhabitants enjoy the evening
breeze, _al fresco_, in the same way as is represented in these
paintings.
The peristyle is small, but in good preservation. Its
inter-columniations are filled up by a dwarf wall painted red, the
lower part of the columns being painted blue. This house runs through
the island from one street to the other. Adjoining it, on the south,
is the custom-house, _telonium_. Here a wide entrance admits us into
an ample chamber, where many scales were found, and among them a
steelyard, _statera_, much resembling those now in use, but more
richly and tastefully ornamented.
[Illustration: SCALES FOUND AT POMPEII.]
Many weights of lead and marble were found here; one with the
inscription, "Eme et habebis" (Buy and you shall have), also scales.
Near the custom-house is a soap manufactory. In the first room were
heaps of lime, the admirable quality of which has excited the wonder
of modern plasterers. In an inner room are the soap-vats, placed on a
level with the ground.
Besides these, the block contains three houses which have been
distinguished by names, the House of Isis and Osiris, the House of
Narcissus, and the House of the Female Dancers. Of these the latter is
remarkable for the beauty of the paintings which adorn its Tuscan
atrium.
Among them are four very elegant figures of female dancers, from which
the name given to the house is taken. Another represents a figure
reposing on the border of a clear lake, surrounded by villas and
palaces, on the bosom of which a flock of ducks and wild-fowl are
swimming. The house of Narcissus is distinguished by the elegance of
its peristyle; the inter-columniations are filled up by a dwarf wall,
which is hollowed at the top, probably to receive earth for the
cultivation of select flowers. Our materials do not admit of a fuller
description of the houses in this quarter.
Passing onwards from the House of Sallust, the next island to the
south, separated from it by a narrow lane, affords nothing remarkable,
except the shop of a baker, to the details of which, in conjunction
with the art of dyeing, we purpose to devote a separate chapter. It is
terminated in a sharp point by the fountain before mentioned. The
disposition of the streets and houses everywhere is most
unsymmetrical, but here it is remarkably so, even for Pompeii. Just by
the house with the double vestibule the main street divides into two,
inclined to each other at a very acute angle, which form, together
with a third cross street of more importance, called the Strada delle
Terme, or Street of the Baths, another small triangular island.
The house of the apex was an apothecary's shop. A great many drugs,
glasses, and vials of the most singular forms, were found here; in
some of the latter fluids were yet remaining. In particular one large
glass vase is to be mentioned, capable of holding two gallons, in
which was a gallon and a half of a reddish liquid, said to be balsam.
On being opened, the contents began to evaporate very fast, and it
was, therefore, closed hermetically. About an inch in depth of the
contents has been thus lost, leaving on the sides of the vessel a
sediment, reaching up to the level to which it was formerly filled.
The right-hand street leads to buildings entirely in ruins, the
left-hand one, which is a continuation of the Via Consularis, or
Domitiana, conducts us towards the Forum.
Immediately to the eastward of the district just described is the
House of Pansa, which occupies a whole block. The block between it and
the city walls, on the north, offers nothing remarkable. Beyond, still
to the east, is a block separated from it by a narrow street, called
the Via della Fullonica, and bounded on the other side by the Street
of Mercury, which runs in a straight line from the walls nearly to the
Forum. This block contains, besides several private houses of great
beauty, the Fullonica, or establishment for the fulling and dyeing of
woolen cloths. This, together with the bake-house above mentioned,
will be described further on.
[Page Decoration]
[Page Decoration]
HOUSE OF HOLCONIUS.
Passing on the insula or block, bounded on the north by the Street of
Holconius, on the south by the Street of Isis, on the west by the
Street of the Theatres, and on the east by that of Stabiæ, we find two
remarkable houses excavated within the last few years. That at the
northern corner of the street of the Theatres, numbered 4 on the
entrance, is sometimes called the House of Holconius. The two stores
which precede it, numbered 2 and 3, seem to have been the property of
the master of the house, and communicate with each other. A third
shop, numbered 1, at the angle of the street, appears to have been
occupied by a dyer, and is called Taberna Offectoris. On the front of
the house were some inscriptions for electioneering purposes.
The pilasters on either side of the main entrance are painted red to
about the height of a man, beyond which they are of white plaster. On
entering the prothyrum may be observed a large hole in the wall,
destined for the reception of the _repagulum_, or strong wooden bar
with which the door was secured. The door appears, from the places for
bolts on the threshold, to have been composed of two pieces (bifora).
The walls of the prothyrum are painted black, with a red podium,
divided into three compartments by green and yellow lines, in the
middle of which are an aquatic bird, perhaps an _ibis_, a swan with
spread wings, and an ornament that can not be made out. Towards the
top the walls are painted with fantastic pieces of architecture on a
white ground; amidst which, on one side, is a nymph descending
apparently from heaven. She has a golden-colored vest, on her
shoulders is a veil agitated by the breeze, and she bears in her hand
a large dish filled with fruits and herbs. On the other side was a
similar figure, playing on the lyre, with a sky-blue vest and
rose-colored veil that fluttered about her. The remaining
architectural paintings contained little winged Cupids, one holding a
cornucopia, another a drum, and two with baskets of fruits and
flowers. These were the good geniuses, which, by being depicted at the
entrance of a house, repelled all evil influences and rendered it a
joyful abode.
The pavement of the Tuscan atrium is variegated with small pieces of
white marble placed in rows. The impluvium in the middle appears to
have been under repair, as it is stripped of its marble lining. The
walls of the atrium are painted red, with vertical black zones like
pilasters, or _antæ_, besides lines and ornaments of various colors.
On the wall to the left of the entrance is painted a recumbent
Silenus, crowned with ivy, and pressing in his arms the little
Bacchus, who in alarm is endeavoring to escape from his embraces. Near
it, on a yellow ground, is the bearded head of a man, with two claws
projecting from his temples like horns, and a beard floating as if it
was in the water. It may probably be a mask of Oceanus, who is
represented on coins of Agrigentum in a somewhat similar manner. Under
the head is the figure of a hippocampus.
Many objects were found in this atrium, some at the height of four or
five yards from the floor, which must consequently have fallen in from
the upper stories; and others on the pavement itself. But one of the
most important discoveries was the skeleton of a woman, near the
entrance of the tablinum. She appears to have been in the act of
flight, and had with her a small box containing her valuables and
nick-nacks. Among the most curious of these was a necklace composed of
amulets, or charms, which, it will be observed, are all attributes of
Isis and her attendant, Anubis, or of her husband Osiris, here
considered as Bacchus. The mystic articles kept in the Isiac coffer
were, says Eusebius, a ball, dice, (_turbo_) wheel, mirror, lock of
wool.
The first bed-chamber on the right of the atrium communicated with the
store No. 3, and was probably occupied by the slave who conducted the
business of it. The first bed-chamber on the left had a similar
communication with the store outside.
[Illustration: WALL PAINTING DISCOVERED AT POMPEII.]
There are few houses in Pompeii in which the paintings are more
numerous or better preserved than in that which we are examining. The
second bed-chamber on the right has several. In this room may be
observed a space hollowed in the wall to receive the foot of a bed or
coutch. The walls are white, with a red podium, and are surmounted by
a cornice from which springs the vault. The upper part is painted with
lines, between which are depicted griffins in repose, baskets with
thyrsi, branches of herbs, and other objects.
The lower part of the walls is divided into larger compartments by
candelabra supporting little globes. In each compartment are eight
small pictures, representing the heads and busts of Bacchic
personages, in a very good state of preservation. On the left is
Bacchus, crowned with ivy, his head covered with the _mitra_, a sort
of veil of fine texture which descends upon his left shoulder. This
ornament, as well as the cast of his features, reveals the half
feminine nature of the deity. Opposite to him is the picture of
Ariadne, also crowned with ivy, clothed in a green _chiton_ and a
violet _himation_. She presses to her bosom the infant Iacchus,
crowned with the eternal ivy, and bearing in his hand the thyrsus.
Then follow Bacchic or Panic figures, some conversing, some drinking
together, some moving apparently in the mazes of the dance. Paris,
with the Phrygian cap and crook, seems to preside over this voluptuous
scene, and to listen to a little Cupid seated on his shoulder.
In the chamber on the opposite side of the atrium, fronting that just
described, were also four pictures, two of which are destroyed, the
walls having apparently been broken through, not long after the
destruction of Pompeii, by persons in search of their buried property.
Of the other two, which are almost effaced, one represents an aged
Faun, holding in his hands a thyrsus and a vase; the other a young
woman conversing with an African slave. A wooden chest seems to have
stood close to the left-hand wall.
The left _ala_, or wing, has its walls painted in yellow and red
compartments, with a black podium. In the middle of each was a
valuable painting, but these, with the exception of the greater part
of one fronting the entrance, have been almost destroyed. The one
saved represents Apollo, who has overtaken Daphne, and is clasping her
in his arms, while the nymph, who has fallen on her knees, repels the
embraces of the deity. A malicious little Cupid, standing on tiptoes,
draws aside the golden-tissued veil which covered the nymph, and
displays her naked form. On the left of the same apartment is a
picture, almost effaced, of Perseus and Andromeda; and on the right
another with three male figures, of which only the lower part remains.
The right _ala_, which, however, from its capability of being closed
with a door, does not properly come under that denomination, seems,
from various culinary utensils of metal and earthenware found in it,
to have served as a kitchen, or rather perhaps as a store-closet.
The tablinum, opposite the entrance, and, as usual, without any
enclosure on the side of the atrium, has a small marble threshold, and
on its floor little squares of colored marbles surrounded with a
mosaic border. The yellow walls, divided into compartments by vertical
stripes of red, white, and black, were beautifully ornamented with the
usual architectural designs and flying figures. On each side were two
larger pictures, of which only that on the left of the spectator
remains. It represents Leda showing to Tyndareus a nest containing the
two boys produced from the egg. A stucco cornice runs round the wall,
above which a flying nymph is painted on a white ground, between two
balconies, from which a man and woman are looking down. There are also
figures of sphinxes, goats, etc.
A wooden staircase on the left of the tablinum, the first step being
of stone, led to the floor above. On the right is the passage called
_fauces_, leading to the peristyle. On its left-hand side, near the
ground, was a rudely traced figure of a gladiator, with an inscription
above, of which only the first letters, PRIMI, remain. On the left
wall of the fauces, near the extremity, and level with the eye, is
another inscription, or _graffito_, in small characters, difficult to
be deciphered from the unusual _nexus_ of the letters, but which the
learned have supposed to express the design of an invalid to get rid
of the pains in his limbs by bathing them in water.
At the extremity of the _fauces_, on the right, there is an entrance
to a room which has also another door leading into the portico of the
peristyle. The walls are painted black and red, and in the
compartments are depicted birds, animals, fruits, etc. Two skeletons
were found in this room. In the apartment to the left, or east of the
tablinum, of which the destination can not be certainly determined,
the walls are also painted black, with architectural designs in the
middle, and figures of winged Cupids variously employed. On the larger
walls are two paintings, of which that on the right represents the
often-repeated subject of Ariadne, who, just awakened from sleep, and
supported by a female figure with wings, supposed to be Nemesis, views
with an attitude of grief and stupor the departing ship of Theseus,
already far from Naxos. On the left side is a picture of Phryxus,
crossing the sea on the ram and stretching out his arms to Helle, who
has fallen over and appears on the point of drowning. The form of this
chamber, twice as long as it is broad, its vicinity to the kitchen,
and the window, through which the slaves might easily convey the
viands, appear to show that it was a triclinium, or dining-room.
The floor, which is lower by a step than the peristyle, is paved with
_opus Signinum_, and ornamented only at one end with a mosaic. On one
of the walls, about ten feet from the floor, is the _graffito_,
_Sodales Avete_ (Welcome Comrades), which could have been inscribed
there only by a person, probably a slave, mounted on a bench or a
ladder.
The viridarium, or xystus, surrounded with spacious porticoes, was
once filled with the choicest flowers, and refreshed by the grateful
murmur of two fountains. One of these in the middle of the peristyle
is square, having in its centre a sort of round table from which the
water gushed forth. The other fountain, which faces the tablinum, is
composed of a little marble staircase, surmounted by the statue of a
boy having in his right hand a vase from which the water spirted, and
under his left arm a goose. The statue is rather damaged.
Many objects were found in the peristyle, mostly of the kind usually
discovered in Pompeian houses. Among them was an amphora, having the
following epigraph in black paint:
COUM. GRAN.
OF.
ROMÆ. ATERIO. FELICI.
which has been interpreted to mean that it contained Coan wine
flavored with pomegranate, and that it came from Rome, from the stores
of Aterius Felix.
The portico is surrounded by strong columns, and seems to have had a
second order resting on the first, as may be inferred from some
indications to the right of him who enters from the _fauces_. The
walls are painted red and black, with architectural designs,
candelabra, meanders, birds, winged Cupids, etc. There are also
fourteen small pictures enclosed in red lines, eight of which
represent landscapes and sea-shores, with fishermen, and the other six
fruits and eatables. On the wall on the right side is the following
_graffito_, or inscription, scratched with some sharp instrument:
IIX. ID. IVL. AXVNGIA. PCC.
ALIV. MANVPLOS. CCL.
That is: "On the 25th July, hog's lard, two hundred pounds, Garlic,
two hundred bunches." It seems, therefore, to be a domestic memorandum
of articles either bought or sold.
Around the portico are several rooms, all having marble thresholds,
and closed by doors turning on bronze hinges. On the right hand of
the peristyle, near the entrance, is a private door, or _posticum_,
leading into the Street of the Theatres, by which the master of the
house might escape his importunate clients.
The rooms at the sides of the peristyle offer nothing remarkable, but
the three chambers opposite to the tablinum are of considerable size,
and contain some good pictures. The first on the right has two figures
of Nereids traversing the sea, one on a sea-bull the other on a
hippocampus. Both the monsters are guided by a Cupid with reins and
whip, and followed by dolphins. Another painting opposite the entrance
is too much effaced to be made out. The same wall has a feature not
observed in any other Pompeian house, namely, a square aperture of
rather more than a foot reaching down to the floor, and opening upon
an enclosed place with a canal or drain for carrying off the water of
the adjoining houses. It seems also to have been a receptacle for
lamps, several of which were found there.
Adjoining this room is a large _exedra_ with a little _impluvium_ in
the middle, which seems to indicate an aperture in the roof, a
construction hitherto found only in _atria_. The absence of any
channels in the floor for conducting water seems to show that it could
not have been a fountain. This exedra is remarkable for its paintings.
In the wall in front is depicted Narcissus with a javelin in his hand,
leaning over a rock and admiring himself in the water, in which his
image is reflected; but great part of the painting is destroyed. A
little Cupid is extinguishing his torch in the stream. In the
background is a building with an image of the bearded Bacchus; and
near it a terminal figure of Priapus Ithyphallicus, with grapes and
other fruits. This picture was much damaged in the process of
excavation.
On the left wall is a painting of a naked Hermaphroditus. In his right
hand is a little torch reversed; his left arm rests on the shoulders
of Silenus, who appears to accompany his songs on the lyre, whilst a
winged Cupid sounds the double flute. On the other side is a
Bacchante with a thyrsus and tambourine, and near her a little Satyr,
who also holds a torch reversed.
But the best picture in this apartment is that representing Ariadne
discovered by Bacchus. A youthful figure with wings, supposed to
represent Sleep, stands at Ariadne's head, and seems to indicate that
she is under his influence. Meanwhile a little Faun lifts the veil
that covers her, and with an attitude indicating surprise at her
beauty, turns to Bacchus and seems to invite him to contemplate her
charms. The deity himself, crowned with ivy and berries, clothed in a
short tunic and a pallium agitated by the breeze, holds in his right
hand the thyrsus, and lifts his left in token of admiration. In the
background a Bacchante sounds her tympanum, and invites the followers
of the god to descend from the mountains. These, preceded by Silenus,
obey the summons; one is playing the double flute, another sounding
the cymbals, a third bears on her head a basket of fruit. A Faun and a
Bacchante, planted on a mountain on the left, survey the scene from a
distance.
The adjoining triclinium, entered by a door from the exedra, had also
three paintings, one of which however is almost destroyed. Of the
remaining two, that on the left represents Achilles discovered by
Ulysses among the damsels of Lycomedes. The subject of that on the
right is the Judgment of Paris. It is more remarkable for its spirit
and coloring than for the accuracy of its drawing. This apartment has
also six medallions with heads of Bacchic personages.
In the same block as the house just described, and having its entrance
in the same street, stands the house of Cornelius Rufus. It is a
handsome dwelling, but as its plan and decorations have nothing to
distinguish them from other Pompeian houses, we forbear to describe
them. The only remarkable feature in this excavation was the discovery
of a Hermes at the bottom of the atrium on the left, on which was a
marble bust of the owner, as large as life and well executed, having
his name inscribed beneath.
Not far from the houses just described, in the Street of Stabiæ, at
the angle formed by the street leading to the amphitheatre, stands the
House of Apollo Citharœdus, excavated in 1864. It derives its name
from a fine bronze statue, as large as life, of Apollo sounding the
lyre, which was found there, but has now been placed in the Museum at
Naples. In this house the tablinum and a peristyle beyond are on a
higher level than the atrium; consequently the _fauces_, or passage
leading to the latter, ascends. In the peristyle is a semicircular
fountain, on the margin of which were disposed several animals in
bronze, representing a hunting scene. In the centre was a wild boar in
flight attacked by two dogs; at the sides were placed a lion, a stag,
and a serpent. These animals, arranged in the same way in which they
were found, are now preserved in the Museum.
Adjoining the House of Lucretius are several stores. That next door
but one appears to have belonged to a chemist or color-maker. On the
right of the atrium is a triple furnace, constructed for the reception
of three large cauldrons at different levels, which were reached by
steps. The house contained a great quantity of carbonized drugs. At
the sides of the entrance were two stores for the sale of the
manufactured articles. In one of these stores was discovered, some
yards below the old level of the soil, the skeleton of a woman with
two bracelets of gold, two of silver, four ear-rings, five rings,
forty-seven gold, and one hundred and ninety-seven silver coins, in a
purse of netted gold.
[Page Decoration]
[Illustration: Painted by J. Coomans
Engraved & Printed by Illman Brothers.
HOUSE OF THE TRAGIC POET--SALLUST.
FOR THE MUSEUM OF ANTIQUITY]
[Page Decoration]
GENERAL SURVEY OF THE CITY.
Proceeding southward along the Street of Mercury, we pass under the
triumphal arch of Nero, and crossing the transverse street which leads
towards the Gate of Nola, enter the Street of the Forum, a
continuation of the Street of Mercury, leading straight to the
triumphal arch at the north end of the Forum, and bounding the island
of the Baths on the eastern side. This street is one of the most
spacious in Pompeii. A long list of articles was found here in the
course of excavation. One of the houses about the centre of the street
nearly opposite the entrance to the Thermæ, is of more consequence
than the rest, and has been named the House of Bacchus, from a large
painting of that god on a door opposite to the entry. Channels for the
introduction of water were found in the atrium, which has been
surrounded by a small trough, formed to contain flowers, the outer
side of which is painted blue, to imitate water, with boats floating
upon it. The wall behind this is painted with pillars, between which
are balustrades of various forms. Cranes and other birds perch upon
these, and there is a back ground of reeds and other vegetables, above
which the sky is visible. The greater portion of the eastern side of
the street is occupied by a row of shops with a portico in front of
them. It is flanked on either side by footpaths, and must have
presented a noble appearance when terminated by triumphal arches at
either end, and overlooked by the splendid Temple of Jupiter and that
of Fortune elevated on its lofty basis.
It is to be noticed that the last-named edifice does not stand
symmetrically either with the Street of the Forum or with the Street
of the Baths running past the House of the Pansa. "The portico," we
quote again from Gell, "is turned a little towards the Forum, and the
front of the temple is so contrived that a part of it might be seen
also from the other street. It is highly probable that these
circumstances are the result of design rather than of chance. The
Greeks seem to have preferred the view of a magnificent building from
a corner, and there is scarcely a right-angled plan to be found either
in ancient or modern Italy." In the Street of the Forum has been
established a temporary museum of articles found in Pompeii. Adjoining
it is a library containing all the best works that have been written
on the city.
[Illustration: GOLD BREASTPINS FOUND AT POMPEII.]
The street running westward between the baths and the Forum presents
nothing remarkable, except that in it are the signs of the milk-shop
and school of gladiators. There is also an altar, probably dedicated
to Jupiter, placed against the wall of a house; above it is a
bass-relief in stucco, with an eagle in the tympanum. Eastward of the
Forum this street assumes the name of the Street of Dried Fruits, from
an inscription showing that dried fruits were sold in it; and, indeed,
a considerable quantity of figs, raisins, chestnuts, plums, hempseed,
and similar articles were found. It is now, however, usually called
the Street of the Augustals.
Near the point at which this street is intersected by that of
Eumachia, running at the back of the east side of the Forum, there is
a remarkably graceful painting of a youthful Bacchus pressing the
juice of the grape into a vase placed upon a pillar, at the foot of
which is a rampant animal expecting the liquor, apparently meant for a
tiger or panther, but of very diminutive size. This picture is one
foot five inches high and one foot two inches wide. It probably served
for the sign of a wine-merchant. Corresponding with it, on the other
side of the shop, is a painting of Mercury, to render that knavish god
propitious to the owner's trade.
We will now proceed to the Street of Abundance, or of the Merchants,
formerly called the Street of the Silversmiths. This is about
twenty-eight feet wide, and bordered on each side by foot-paths about
six feet wide, which are described as made in several places of a hard
plaster, probably analogous to _opus Signinum_. At the end next the
Forum it is blocked up by two steps, which deny access to wheel
carriages, and is in other parts so much encumbered by large
stepping-stones that the passage of such vehicles, if not prohibited,
must have been difficult and inconvenient.
We may here take notice of a peculiarity in this street. It slopes
with a very gentle descent away from the Forum, and the courses of
masonry, instead of being laid horizontally, run parallel to the
slope of the ground, a unique instance, as we believe, of such a
construction.
The doors of several shops in this street have left perfect
impressions on the volcanic deposit, by which it appears that the
planks of which they were made lapped one over the other, like the
planks of a boat.
Although the houses that line this street have now been cleared, there
still remains a large unexcavated space on its southern side. The only
house requiring notice is that called the Casa del Cinghiale, or House
of the Wild Boar, a little way down on the right-hand side in going
from the Forum. Its name is derived from the mosaic pavement of the
prothyrum, representing a boar attacked by two dogs. The house is
remarkable for its well-preserved peristyle of fourteen Ionic columns,
with their capitals. On the right is a brick staircase leading to a
large garden. The atrium is bordered with a mosaic representing the
walls of a city with towers and battlements, supposed by some to be
the walls of Pompeii.
Just beyond this house is a small street or lane, turning down to the
right, called the _Vicolo dei Dodici Dei_, from a painting on the
outside wall of the corner house, in the manner of a frieze,
representing the twelve greater divinities. Below is the usual
painting of serpents. At the corner of the quadrivium is the
apothecary's shop, in which was a large collection of surgical
instruments, mortars, drugs, and pills. The house is not otherwise
remarkable.
Of the early excavations at the southern extremity of the town few
records are preserved. In the Quarter of the Theatres, besides the
public buildings, there are but two houses of any interest. These
occupy the space between the Temple of Æsculapius and the small
theatre. The easternmost of them is one of the most interesting yet
discovered in Pompeii, not for the beauty or curiosity of the building
itself, but for its contents, which prove it to have been the abode
of a sculptor. Here were found statues, some half finished, others
just begun, with blocks of marble, and all the tools required by the
artist. Among these were thirty-two mallets, many compasses, curved
and straight, a great quantity of chisels, three or four levers, jacks
for raising blocks, saws, etc., etc. The house has the usual
arrangement of atrium, tablinum, and peristyle, but, owing to the
inclination of the ground, the peristyle is on a higher level than the
public part of the house, and communicates with it by a flight of
steps. A large reservoir for water extended under the peristyle, which
was in good preservation when first found, but has been much injured
by the failure of the vault beneath.
[Illustration: A LABORATORY, AS FOUND IN POMPEII.]
Returning by the southernmost of the two roads which lead to the
Forum, we find, beside the wall of the triangular Forum as it is
called, one of the most remarkable houses in Pompeii, if not for its
size, at least for its construction.
The excavations here made were begun in April, 1769, in the presence
of the Emperor Joseph II., after whom this house has been named; but
after curiosity was satisfied, they were filled up again with rubbish,
as was then usual, and vines and poplars covered them almost entirely
at the time when Mazois examined the place, insomuch that the
underground stories were all that he could personally observe. The
emperor was accompanied in his visit by his celebrated minister, Count
Kaunitz, the King and Queen of Naples, and one or two distinguished
antiquaries. This was one of the first private dwellings excavated at
Pompeii. It appears to have been a mansion of considerable
magnificence, and, from its elevated position, must have commanded a
fine view over the Bay of Naples towards Sorrento. The "find" was so
good on the occasion of the emperor's visit, as to excite his
suspicion of some deceit. The numerous articles turned up afforded Sir
W. Hamilton an opportunity to display his antiquarian knowledge.
Joseph appears to have been rather disgusted on hearing that only
thirty men were employed on the excavations, and insisted that three
thousand were necessary. We give a cut of the house, page 119.
[Page Decoration]
FOOTNOTES:
[1] Now the Street of Abundance.
[2] Nat. Hist. xxxvi. 2.
[3] Ib. xxxvi. 15.
[4] Sexagies sestertium.
[5] Nat. Hist. xxxi. 6, S. 31: Aqua in plumbo subit altitudinem
exortus sui.
[6] Rubent (vela scil.) in cavis ædium, et museum a sole defendunt. We
may conclude, then, that the impluvium was sometimes ornamented with
moss or flowers, unless the words cavis ædium may be extended to the
court of the peristyle, which was commonly laid out as a garden. [The
latter seems more likely.]
[7] xxxvi. 1.
[8] From tabula, or tabella, a picture. Another derivation is, "quasi
e tabulis compactum," because the large openings into it might be
closed by shutters.
[9] This rule, however, is seldom observed in the Pompeian houses.
[10] The best of these were made at Ægina. The more common ones cost
from $100 to $125; some sold for as much as $2000. Plin. Hist. Nat.
xxxiv. 3.
[11] These citreæ mensæ have given rise to considerable discussion.
Pliny says that they were made of the roots or knots of the wood, and
esteemed on account of their veins and markings, which were like a
tiger's skin, or peacock's tail (xiii. 91. sqq.) Some copies read
_cedri_ for citri; and it has been suggested that the cypress is
really meant, the roots and knots of which are large and veined;
whereas the citron is never used for cabinet work, and is neither
veined nor knotted.
[12] About $161,000.
[13] The common furniture of a triclinium was three couches, placed on
three sides of a square table, each containing three persons, in
accordance with the favorite maxim, that a party should not consist of
more than the Muses nor of fewer than the Graces, not more than nine
nor less than three. Where such numbers were entertained, couches must
have been placed along the sides of long tables.
[14] Plin. Ep. lib. ii. 17. We have very much shortened the original,
leaving out the description of, at least, one upper floor, and other
particulars which did not appear necessary to the illustration of our
subject.
[15] Vitruvius, vi. 8.
[16] It was made of the entrails of fish macerated in brine. That made
from the fish called scomber was the best. This word is sometimes
translated a herring, but the best authorities render it a mackerel.
It was caught, according to Pliny, in the Straits of Gibraltar,
entering from the ocean, and was used for no purpose but to make
garum. The best was called garum sociorum, a term of which we have
seen no satisfactory explanation, and sold for 1,000 sesterces for two
congii, about $20 a gallon. An inferior kind, made from the anchovy
(aphya), was called alec, a name also given to the dregs of garum. "No
liquid, except unguents," Pliny says, "fetched a higher price."--Hist.
Nat. xxxi. 43.
[17]
"Hence, seek the sty--there wallow with thy friends."
She spake. I drawing from beside my thigh
My faulchion keen, with death-denouncing looks
Rushed on her; she with a shrill scream of fear
Ran under my raised arm, seized fast my knees,
And in winged accents plaintive thus began:
"Say, who art thou," etc.--Cowper's Odyss. x. 320.
[18]
She sat before him, clasped with her left hand
His knees; her right beneath his chin she placed,
And thus the king, Saturnian Jove, implored.--Il. i. 500.
[Illustration: FIRST WALLS DISCOVERED IN POMPEII.]
[Page Decoration]
AMUSEMENTS.
The amphitheatre stands some hundred yards from the theatres, in the
south-eastern angle of the walls of the town. Although, perhaps, of
Etruscan origin, the exhibitions of the amphitheatre are so peculiarly
Roman, and Pompeii contains so many mementos of them, that a detailed
account of them will not perhaps be misplaced. At an early period,
B.C. 263, the practice of compelling human beings to fight for the
amusement of spectators was introduced; and twelve years later the
capture of several elephants in the first Punic war proved the means
of introducing the chase, or rather the slaughter, of wild beasts into
the Roman circus. The taste for these spectacles increased of course
with its indulgence, and their magnificence with the wealth of the
city and the increasing facility and inducement to practice bribery
which was offered by the increased extent of provinces subject to
Rome. It was not, however, until the last period of the republic, or
rather until the domination of the emperors had collected into one
channel the tributary wealth which previously was divided among a
numerous aristocracy, that buildings were erected solely for the
accommodation of gladiatorial shows; buildings entirely beyond the
compass of a subject's wealth, and in which perhaps the magnificence
of imperial Rome is most amply displayed. Numerous examples scattered
throughout her empire, in a more or less advanced state of decay,
still attest the luxury and solidity of their construction; while at
Rome the Coliseum (see frontispiece) asserts the pre-eminent splendor
of the metropolis--a monument surpassed in magnitude by the Pyramids
alone, and as superior to them in skill and varied contrivance of
design as to other buildings in its gigantic magnitude.
[Illustration: VIEW OF THE AMPHITHEATRE AT POMPEII.]
The Greek word, which by a slight alteration of its termination we
render amphitheatre, signifies a theatre, or place of spectacles,
forming a continuous inclosure, in opposition to the simple theatre,
which, as we have said, was semicircular, but with the seats usually
continued somewhat in advance of the diameter of the semicircle. The
first amphitheatre seems to have been that of Curio, consisting of two
movable theatres, which could be placed face to face or back to back,
according to the species of amusement for which they were required.
Usually, gladiatorial shows were given in the Forum, and the chase
and combats of wild beasts exhibited in the Circus, where once, when
Pompey was celebrating games, some enraged elephants broke through the
barrier which separated them from the spectators. This circumstance,
together with the unsuitableness of the Circus for such sports, from
its being divided into two compartments by the spina, a low wall
surmounted by pillars, obelisks, and other ornamental erections, as
well as from its disproportionate length, which rendered it ill
adapted to afford a general view to all the spectators, determined
Julius Cæsar, in his dictatorship, to construct a wooden theatre in
the Campus Martius, built especially for hunting, "which was called
amphitheatre (apparently the first use of the word) because it was
encompassed by circular seats without a scene."
The first permanent amphitheatre was built partly of stone and partly
of wood, by Statilius Taurus, at the instigation of Augustus, who was
passionately fond of these sports, especially of the hunting of rare
beasts. This was burnt during the reign of Nero, and though restored,
fell short of the wishes of Vespasian, who commenced the vast
structure completed by his son Titus--called the Flavian Amphitheatre,
and subsequently the Coliseum. The expense of this building it is said
would have sufficed to erect a capital city, and, if we may credit
Dion, 9,000 wild beasts were destroyed in its dedication. Eutropius
restricts the number to 5,000. When the hunting was over the arena was
filled with water, and a sea-fight ensued.
The construction of these buildings so much resembles the construction
of theatres, that it will not be necessary to describe them at any
great length. Without, they usually presented to the view an oval
wall, composed of two or more stories of arcades, supported by piers
of different orders of architecture adorned with pilasters or attached
pillars. Within, an equal number of stories of galleries gave access
to the spectators at different elevations, and the inclined plane of
the seats was also supported upon piers and vaults, so that the
ground plan presented a number of circular rows of piers, arranged in
radii converging to the centre of the arena. A suitable number of
doors opened upon the ground floor, and passages from thence,
intersecting the circular passages between the piers, gave an easy
access to every part of the building. Sometimes a gallery encompassed
the whole, and served as a common access to all the stairs which led
to the upper stories. This was the case in the amphitheatre at Nismes.
Sometimes each staircase had its distinct communication from without:
this was the case at Verona.
The arrangement of the seats was the same as in theatres; they were
divided horizontally by præcinctiones, and vertically into cunei by
staircases. The scene and apparatus of the stage was of course
wanting, and its place occupied by an oval area, called arena, from
the sand with which it was sprinkled, to absorb the blood shed, and
give a firmer footing than that afforded by a stone pavement. It was
sunk twelve or fifteen feet below the lowest range of seats, to secure
the spectators from injury, and was besides fenced with round wooden
rollers turning in their sockets, placed horizontally against the
wall, such as the reader may have observed placed on low gates to
prevent dogs from climbing over, and with strong nets. In the time of
Nero these nets were knotted with amber, and the Emperor Carinus
caused them to be made of golden cord or wire. Sometimes, for more
complete security, ditches, called _euripi_, surrounded the arena.
This was first done by Cæsar, as a protection to the people against
the elephants which he exhibited, that animal being supposed to be
particularly afraid of water. The arena was sometimes spread with
pounded stone. Caligula, in a fit of extravagance, used chrysocolla;
and Nero, to surpass him, caused the brilliant red of cinnabar to be
mixed with it.
In the centre of the arena was an altar dedicated sometimes to Diana
or Pluto, more commonly to Jupiter Latiaris, the protector of Latium,
in honor of whom human sacrifices were offered. Passages are to be
found in ancient writers, from which it is inferred that the games of
the amphitheatre were usually opened by sacrificing a _bestiarius_,
one of those gladiators whose profession was to combat wild beasts, in
honor of this bloodthirsty deity. Beneath the arena dens are supposed
to have been constructed to contain wild beasts.
At the Coliseum numerous underground buildings are said by Fulvius to
have existed, which he supposed to be sewers constructed to drain and
cleanse the building. Others with more probability have supposed them
to be the dens of wild beasts. Immense accommodation was requisite to
contain the thousands of animals which were slaughtered upon solemn
occasions, but no great provision need have been made to carry off the
rain-water which fell upon the six acres comprised within the walls of
the building. Others again have supposed them formed to introduce the
vast bodies of water by which the arena was suddenly transformed into
a lake when imitations of naval battles were exhibited. Doors pierced
in the wall which supported the podium communicated with these, or
with other places of confinement beneath the part allotted to the
audience, which being thrown open, vast numbers of animals could be
introduced at once. Vopiscus tells us that a thousand ostriches, a
thousand stags, and a thousand boars were thrown into the arena at
once by the Emperor Probus. Sometimes, to astonish, and attract by
novelty, the arena was converted into a wood. "Probus," says the same
author, "exhibited a splendid hunting match, after the following
manner: Large trees torn up by the roots were firmly connected by
beams, and fixed upright; then earth was spread over the roots, so
that the whole circus was planted to resemble a wood, and offered us
the gratification of a green scene."
The same order of precedence was observed as at the theatre--senators,
knights, and commons having each their appropriate place. To the
former was set apart the podium, a broad precinction or platform which
ran immediately round the arena. Hither they brought the curule seats
or bisellia, described in speaking of the theatres of Pompeii; and
here was the suggestus, a covered seat appropriated to the Emperor. It
is supposed that in this part of the building there were also seats of
honor for the exhibitor of the games and the vestal virgins. If the
podium was insufficient for the accommodation of the senators, some of
the adjoining seats were taken for their use. Next to the senators sat
the knights, who seem here, as in the theatre, to have had fourteen
rows set apart for them; and with them sat the civil and military
tribunes. Behind were the popularia, or seats of the plebeians.
Different tribes had particular cunei allotted to them. There were
also some further internal arrangements, for Augustus separated
married from unmarried men, and assigned a separate cuneus to youths,
near whom their tutors were stationed. Women were stationed in a
gallery, and attendants and servants in the highest gallery. The
general direction of the amphitheatre was under the care of an officer
named _villicus amphitheatri_. Officers called _locarii_ attended to
the distribution of the people, and removed any person from a seat
which he was not entitled to hold. We may notice, as a refinement of
luxury, that concealed conduits were carried throughout these
buildings, from which scented liquids were scattered over the
audience. Sometimes the statues which ornamented them were applied to
this purpose, and seemed to sweat perfume through minute holes, with
which the pipes that traversed them were pierced. It is this to which
Lucan alludes in the following lines:--
---- As when mighty Rome's spectators meet
In the full theatre's capacious seat,
At once, by secret pipes and channels fed,
Rich tinctures gush from every antique head;
At once ten thousand saffron currents flow,
And rain their odors on the crowd below.
Rowe's _Lucan_, book ix.
Saffron was the material usually employed for these refreshing
showers. The dried herb was infused in wine, more especially in sweet
wine. Balsams and the more costly unguents were sometimes employed for
the same purpose.
Another contrivance, too remarkable to be omitted in a general account
of amphitheatres, is the awning by which spectators were protected
from the overpowering heat of an Italian sun. This was called Velum,
or Velarium; and it has afforded matter for a good deal of
controversy, how a temporary covering could be extended over the vast
areas of these buildings. Something of the kind was absolutely
necessary, for the spectacle often lasted for many hours, and when
anything extraordinary was expected the people went in crowds before
daylight to obtain places, and some even at midnight.
The Campanians first invented the means of stretching awnings over
their theatres, by means of cords stretched across the cavea and
attached to masts which passed through perforated blocks of stone
deeply bedded in the wall. Quintus Catulus introduced them at Rome
when he celebrated games at the dedication of the Capitol, B.C. 69.
Lentulus Spinther, a contemporary of Cicero, first erected fine linen
awnings (carbasina vela). Julius Cæsar covered over the whole Forum
Romanum, and the Via Sacra, from his own house to the Capitol, which
was esteemed even more wonderful than his gladiatorial exhibition. Dio
mentions a report that these awnings were of silk, but he speaks
doubtfully; and it is scarcely probable that even Cæsar's extravagance
would have carried him so far. Silk at that time was not manufactured
at Rome; and we learn from Vopiscus, that even in the time of Aurelian
the raw material was worth its weight in gold. Lucretius, speaking of
the effect of colored bodies upon transmitted light, has a fine
passage illustrative of the magnificence displayed in this branch of
theatrical decoration.
This the crowd surveys
Oft in the theatre, whose awnings broad,
Bedecked with crimson, yellow, or the tint
Of steel cerulean, from their fluted heights
Wave tremulous; and o'er the scene beneath,
Each marble statue, and the rising rows
Of rank and beauty, fling their tint superb,
While as the walls with ampler shade repel
The garish noonbeam, every object round
Laughs with a deeper dye, and wears profuse
A lovelier lustre, ravished from the day.
Wool, however, was the most common material, and the velaria made in
Apulia were most esteemed, on account of the whiteness of the wool.
Those who are not acquainted by experience with the difficulty of
giving stability to tents of large dimensions, and the greater
difficulty of erecting awnings, when, on account of the purpose for
which they are intended, no support can be applied in the centre, may
not fully estimate the difficulty of erecting and managing these
velaria. Strength was necessary, both for the cloth itself and for the
cords which strained and supported it, or the whole would have been
shivered by the first gust of wind, and strength could not be obtained
without great weight. Many of our readers probably are not aware, that
however short and light a string may be, no amount of tension applied
horizontally will stretch it into a line perfectly and mathematically
straight. Practically the deviation is imperceptible where the power
applied is very large in proportion to the weight and length of the
string. Still it exists; and to take a common example, the reader
probably never saw a clothes-line stretched out, though neither the
weight nor length of the string are considerable, without the middle
being visibly lower than the ends. When the line is at once long and
heavy, an enormous power is required to suspend it even in a curve
between two points; and the amount of tension, and difficulty of
finding materials able to withstand it, are the only obstacles to
constructing chain bridges which should be thousands, instead of
hundreds of feet in length.
In these erections the piers are raised to a considerable height, that
a sufficient depth may be allowed for the curve of the chains without
depressing the roadway. Ten times--a hundred times the power which was
applied to strain them into that shape would not suffice to bring them
even so near to a horizontal line but that the most inaccurate and
unobservant eye should at once detect the inequality in their level;
and the chains themselves would probably give way before such a force
as this could be applied to them. The least diameter of the Coliseum
is nearly equal in length to the Menai bridge; and if the labor of
stretching cords over the one seems small in comparison with that of
raising the ponderous chains of the other, we may take into
consideration the weight of cloth which those cords supported, and the
increase of difficulties arising from the action of the wind on so
extensive a surface.
In boisterous weather, as we learn from Martial and other authors,
these difficulties were so great that the velum could not be spread.
When this was the case the Romans used broad hats, or a sort of
parasol, which was called _umbella_ or _umbraculum_, from _umbra_,
shade. We may add, in conclusion, that Suctonius mentions as one of
Caligula's tyrannical extravagances, that sometimes at a show of
gladiators, when the sun's heat was most intense, he would cause the
awning to be drawn back, and, at the same time, forbid any person to
leave the place.
The difficulty of the undertaking has given rise to considerable
discussion as to the means by which the Romans contrived to extend the
velum at such a height over so great a surface, and to manage it at
pleasure. Sailors were employed in the service, for the Emperor
Commodus, who piqued himself on his gladiatorial skill, and used to
fight in the arena, believing himself mocked by the servile crowd of
spectators, when once they hailed him with divine honors, gave
order for their slaughter by the sailors who were managing the veils.
[Illustration: COLISEUM OF ROME.]
Concerning the method of working them no information has been handed
down. It is evident, however, that they were supported by masts which
rose above the summit of the walls. Near the top of the outer wall of
the Coliseum there are 240 consoles, or projecting blocks of stone, in
which holes are cut to receive the ends of spars, which ran up through
holes cut in the cornice to some height above the greatest elevation
of the building. A sufficient number of firm points of support at
equal intervals was thus procured; and, this difficulty being
overcome, the next was to stretch as tight as possible the larger
ropes, upon which the whole covering depended for its stability.
The games to which these buildings were especially devoted were, as we
have already hinted, two-fold--those in which wild beasts were
introduced, to combat either with each other or with men, and those in
which men fought with men. Under the general term of gladiators are
comprised all who fought in the arena, though those who pitted their
skill against the strength and ferocity of savage animals were
peculiarly distinguished by the name of _bestiarii_. In general these
unhappy persons were slaves or condemned criminals, who, by adopting
this profession, purchased an uncertain prolongation of existence, but
freemen sometimes gained a desperate subsistence by thus hazarding
their lives; and in the decline of Rome, knights, senators, and even
the emperors sometimes appeared in the arena, at the instigation of a
vulgar and degrading thirst for popular applause.
The origin of these bloody entertainments may be found in the earliest
records of profane history and the earliest stages of society. Among
half-civilized or savage nations, both ancient and modern, we find it
customary after a battle to sacrifice prisoners of war in honor of
those chiefs who have been slain. Thus Achilles offers up twelve young
Trojans to the ghost of Patroclus. In course of time it became usual
to sacrifice slaves at the funeral of all persons of condition; and
either for the amusement of the spectators, or because it appeared
barbarous to massacre defenceless men, arms were placed in their
hands, and they were incited to save their own lives by the death of
those who were opposed to them.
In later times, the furnishing these unhappy men became matter of
speculation, and they were carefully trained to the profession of
arms, to increase the reputation and popularity of the contractor who
provided them. This person was called _lanista_ by the Romans. At
first these sports were performed about the funeral pile of the
deceased, or near his sepulchre, in consonance with the idea of
sacrifice in which they originated; but as they became more splendid,
and ceased to be peculiarly appropriated to such occasions, they were
removed, originally to the Forum, and afterwards to the Circus and
amphitheatres.
Gladiators were first exhibited at Rome, B.C. 265, by M. and D.
Brutus, on occasion of the death of their father. This show consisted
only of three pairs. B.C. 216, the three sons of M. Æmilius Lepidus,
the augur, entertained the people in the Forum with eleven pair, and
the show lasted three days. B.C. 201, the three sons of M. Valerius
Lævinus exhibited twenty-five pairs. And thus these shows increased in
number and frequency, and the taste for them strengthened with its
gratification, until not only the heir of any rich or eminent person
lately deceased, but all the principal magistrates, and the candidates
for magistracies, presented the people with shows of this nature to
gain their favor and support.
This taste was not without its inconveniences and dangers. Men of rank
and political importance kept _families_, as they were called, of
gladiators--desperadoes ready to execute any command of their master;
and towards the fall of the republic, when party rage scrupled not to
have recourse to open violence, questions of the highest import were
debated in the streets of the city by the most despised of its slaves.
In the conspiracy of Catiline so much danger was apprehended from
them, that particular measures were taken to prevent their joining the
disaffected party; an event the more to be feared because of the
desperate war in which they had engaged the republic a few years
before, under the command of the celebrated Spartacus. At a much later
period, at the triumph of Probus, A.D. 281, about fourscore gladiators
exhibited a similar courage. Disdaining to shed their blood for the
amusement of a cruel people, they killed their keepers, broke out from
the place of their confinement, and filled the streets of Rome with
blood and confusion. After an obstinate resistance they were cut to
pieces by the regular troops.
The oath which they took upon entering the service is preserved by
Petronius, and is couched in these terms: "We swear, after the
dictation of Eumolpus, to suffer death by fire, bonds, stripes, and
the sword; and whatever else Eumolpus may command, as true gladiators
we bind ourselves body and mind to our master's service."
From slaves and freedmen the inhuman sport at length spread to persons
of rank and fortune, insomuch that Augustus was obliged to issue an
edict, that none of senatorial rank should become gladiators; and soon
after he laid a similar restraint on the knights.
Succeeding emperors, according to their characters, encouraged or
endeavored to suppress this degrading taste. Nero is related to have
brought upwards of four hundred senators and six hundred knights upon
the arena; and in some of his exhibitions even women of quality
contended publicly. The excellent Marcus Aurelius not only retrenched
the enormous expenses of these amusements, but ordered that gladiators
should contend only with blunt weapons. But they were not abolished
until some time after the introduction of Christianity. Constantine
published the first edict which condemned the shedding of human blood,
and ordered that criminals condemned to death should rather be sent to
the mines than reserved for the service of the amphitheatre. In the
reign of Honorius, when he was celebrating with magnificent games the
retreat of the Goths and the deliverance of Rome, an Asiatic monk, by
name Telemachus, had the boldness to descend into the arena to part
the combatants. "The Romans were provoked by this interruption of
their pleasures, and the rash monk was overwhelmed under a shower of
stones. But the madness of the people soon subsided; they respected
the memory of Telemachus, who had deserved the honors of martyrdom,
and they submitted without a murmur to the laws of Honorius, which
abolished forever the human sacrifices of the amphitheatre." This
occurred A.D. 404. It was not, however, until the year 500 that the
practice was finally and completely abolished by Theodoric.
Some time before the day appointed for the spectacle, he who gave it
(_editor_) published bills containing the name and ensigns of the
gladiators, for each of them had his own distinctive badge, and
stating also how many were to fight, and how long the show would last.
It appears that like our itinerant showmen they sometimes exhibited
paintings of what the sports were to contain. On the appointed day the
gladiators marched in procession with much ceremony into the
amphitheatre. They then separated into pairs, as they had been
previously matched. An engraving on the wall of the amphitheatre at
Pompeii seems to represent the beginning of a combat. In the middle
stands the arbiter of the fight, marking out with a long stick the
space for the combatants. On his right stands a gladiator only half
armed, to whom two others are bringing a sword and helmet. On the left
another gladiator, also only partly armed, sounds the trumpet for the
commencement of the fight; whilst behind him two companions, at the
foot of one of the Victories which enclose the scene, are preparing
his helmet and shield.
[Illustration: EXAMINING THE WOUNDED.]
At first, however, they contended only with staves, called _rudes_, or
with blunted weapons; but when warmed and inspirited by the pretense
of battle, they changed their weapons, and advanced at the sound of
trumpets to the real strife. The conquered looked to the people or to
the emperor for life; his antagonist had no power to grant or to
refuse it; but if the spectators were dissatisfied and gave the signal
of death, he was obliged to become the executioner of their will. This
signal was the turning down the thumbs; as is well known. If any
showed signs of fear, their death was certain; if on the other hand
they waited the fatal stroke with intrepidity, the people generally
relented. But fear and want of spirit were of very rare occurrence,
insomuch that Cicero more than once proposed the principle of honor
which actuated gladiators as an admirable model of constancy and
courage, by which he intended to animate himself and others to suffer
everything in defence of the commonwealth.
The bodies of the slain were dragged with a hook or on a cart through
a gate called Libitinensis, the Gate of Death. The victor was rewarded
with a sum of money, contributed by the spectators or bestowed from
the treasury, or a palm-branch, or a garland of palm ornamented with
colored ribbons--ensigns of frequent occurrence in ancient monuments.
Those who survived three years were released from this service, and
sometimes one who had given great satisfaction was enfranchised on the
spot. This was done by presenting the staff (_rudis_) which was used
in preluding to the combat; on receiving which, the gladiator, if a
freeman, recovered his liberty; if a slave, he was not made free, but
was released from the obligation of venturing his life any further in
the arena.
Gladiators were divided, according to the fashion of their armor and
offensive weapons, into classes, known by the names of Thrax, Samnis,
Myrmillo, and many others, of which a mere catalogue would be tedious,
and it would be the work of a treatise to ascertain and describe their
distinctive marks.
Another group consists of four figures. Two are _secutores_,
followers, the other two, _retiarii_, net men, armed only with a
trident and net, with which they endeavored to entangle their
adversary, and then dispatch him. These classes, like the Thrax and
Myrmillo, were usual antagonists, and had their name from the secutor
following the retiarius, who eluded the pursuit until he found an
opportunity to throw his net to advantage. Nepimus, one of the latter,
five times victorious, has fought against one of the former, whose
name is lost, but who had triumphed six times in different combats. He
has been less fortunate in this battle. Nepimus has struck him in the
leg, the thigh, and the left arm; his blood runs, and in vain he
implores mercy from the spectators. As the trident with which Nepimus
is armed is not a weapon calculated to inflict speedy and certain
death, the secutor Hyppolitus performs this last office to his
comrade. The condemned wretch bends the knee, presents his throat to
the sword, and throws himself forward to meet the blow, while Nepimus,
his conqueror, pushes him, and seems to insult the last moments of his
victim. In the distance is the retiarius, who must fight Hyppolitus in
his turn. The secutores have a very plain helmet, that their adversary
may have little or no opportunity of pulling it off with the net or
trident; the right arm is clothed in armor, the left bore a _clypeus_,
or large round shield; a sandal tied with narrow bands forms the
covering for their feet. They wear no body armor, no covering but a
cloth round the waist, for by their lightness and activity alone could
they hope to avoid death and gain the victory. The retiarii have the
head bare, except a fillet bound round the hair; they have no shield,
but the left side is covered with a demi-cuiarass, and the left arm
protected in the usual manner, except that the shoulder-piece is very
high. They wear the caliga, or low boot common to the Roman soldiery,
and bear the trident; but the net with which they endeavored to
envelop their adversaries is nowhere visible. This bas-relief is
terminated by the combat between a light-armed gladiator and a
Samnite. This last beseeches the spectators to save him, but it
appears from the action of the principal figure that this is not
granted. The conqueror looks towards the steps of the amphitheatre; he
has seen the fatal signal, and in reply prepares himself to strike.
[Illustration: ASKING PARDON.]
[Illustration: NOT GRANTED.]
Between the pilasters of the door the frieze is continued. Two combats
are represented. In the first a Samnite has been conquered by a
Myrmillo. This last wishes to become his comrade's executioner without
waiting the answer from the people, to whom the vanquished has
appealed; but the _lanista_ checks his arm, from which it would seem
that the Samnite obtained pardon.
Another pair exhibits a similar combat, in which the Myrmillo falls
stabbed to death. The wounds, the blood, and the inside of the
bucklers are painted of a very bright red color. The swords, with the
exception of that of Hyppolitus, are omitted; it is possible that it
was intended to make them of metal.
The bas-reliefs constituting the lower frieze are devoted to the chase
and to combats between men and animals. In the upper part are hares
pursued by a dog; beyond is a wounded stag pursued by dogs, to whom he
is about to become the prey; below, a wild boar is seized by an
enormous dog, which has already caused his blood to flow.
In the middle of the composition a _bestiarius_ has transfixed a bear
with a stroke of his lance. This person wears a kind of short hunting
boot, and is clothed as well as his comrade in a light tunic without
sleeves, bound round the hips, and called _subucula_. It was the dress
of the common people, as we learn from the sculptures on Trajan's
column. The companion of this man has transfixed a bull, which flies,
carrying with him the heavy lance with which he is wounded. He turns
his head toward his assailant, and seems to wish to return to the
attack; the man by his gestures appears astonished, beholding himself
disarmed and at the mercy of the animal, whom he thought mortally
stricken. Pliny (lib. viii. cap. 45) speaks of the ferocity shown by
bulls in these combats, and of having seen them, when stretched for
dead on the arena, lift themselves up and renew the combat.
[Illustration: COMBATS WITH BEASTS.]
Another sort of amphitheatrical amusements consisted in witnessing the
death of persons under sentence of the law, either by the hands of the
executioner, or by being exposed to the fury of savage animals. The
early Christians were especially subjected to this species of cruelty.
Nero availed himself of the prejudice against them to turn aside
popular indignation after the great conflagration of Rome, which is
commonly ascribed to his own wanton love of mischief; and we learn
from Tertullian, that, after great public misfortunes, the cry of the
populace was, "To the lions with the Christians."
The Coliseum now owes its preservation to the Christian blood so
profusely shed within its walls. After serving during ages as a quarry
of hewn stone for the use of all whose station and power entitled them
to a share in public plunder, it was at last secured from further
injury by Pope Benedict XIV., who consecrated the building about the
middle of the last century, and placed it under the protection of the
martyrs, who had there borne testimony with their blood to the
sincerity of their belief.
There is nothing in the amphitheatre of Pompeii at variance with the
general description of this class of buildings, and our notice of it
will therefore necessarily be short. (See page 121.) Its form, as
usual, is oval: the extreme length, from outside to outside of the
exterior arcade, is 430 feet, its greatest breadth is 335 feet. The
spectators gained admission by tickets, which had numbers or marks on
them, corresponding with similar signs on the arches through which
they entered. Those who were entitled to occupy the lower ranges of
seats passed through the perforated arcades of the lower order; those
whose place was in the upper portion of the cavea ascended by
staircases between the seats and the outer wall of the building. From
hence the women again ascended to the upper tier, which was divided
into boxes, and appropriated to them.
The construction consists for the most part of the rough masonry
called _opus incertum_, with quoins of squared stone, and some
trifling restorations of rubble. This rude mass was probably once
covered with a more sumptuous facing of hewn stone: but there are now
no other traces of it than a few of the key-stones, on one of which a
chariot and two horses is sculptured, on another a head; besides which
there are a few stars on the wedge-stones.
At each end of the ellipse were entrances into the arena for the
combatants, through which the dead bodies were dragged out into the
spoliarium. These were also the principal approaches to the lower
ranges of seats, occupied by the senators, magistrates, and knights,
by means of corridors to the right and left which ran round the arena.
The ends of these passages were secured by metal gratings against the
intrusion of wild beasts. In the northern one are nine places for
pedestals to form a line of separation, dividing the entrance into two
parts of unequal breadth. The seats are elevated above the arena upon
a high podium or parapet, upon which, when the building was first
opened, there remained several inscriptions, containing the names of
duumvirs who had presided upon different occasions. There were also
paintings in fresco, one representing a tigress fighting with a wild
boar; another, a stag chased by a lioness; another, a battle between a
bull and bear. Other subjects comprised candelabra, a distribution of
palms among the gladiators, winged genii, minstrels, and musicians;
but all disappeared soon after their exposure to the atmosphere. The
amphitheatre comprises twenty-four rows of seats, and about 20,000
feet of sitting-room.
It may be observed that the arena of the amphitheatre of Pompeii
appears to be formed of the natural surface of the earth, and has none
of those vast substructions observable at Pozzuoli and Capua. It does
not, therefore, appear capable of being turned into a Naumachia, nor
indeed would it have been easy to find there water enough for such a
purpose.
In the Roman theatre the construction of the orchestra and stage was
different from that of the Greeks. By the construction peculiar to the
Roman theatre, the stage was brought nearer to the audience (the arc
not exceeding a semi-circle), and made considerably deeper than in the
Greek theatre. The length of the stage was twice the diameter of the
orchestra. The Roman orchestra contained no thymele. The back of the
stage, or proscenium, was adorned with niches, and columns, and
friezes of great richness, as may be seen in some of the theatres of
Asia Minor, and in the larger theatre at Pompeii, which belong to the
Roman period.
On the whole, however, the construction of a Roman theatre resembled
that of a Greek one. The Senate, and other distinguished persons,
occupied circular ranges of seats within the orchestra; the prætor had
a somewhat higher seat. The space between the orchestra and the first
præcinctio, usually consisting of fourteen seats, was reserved for the
equestrian order, tribunes, etc. Above them were the seats of the
plebeians. Soldiers were separated from the citizens. Women were
appointed by Augustus to sit in the portico, which encompassed the
whole. Behind the scenes were the postscenium, or retiring-room, and
porticoes, to which, in case of sudden showers, the people retreated
from the theatre.
The earliest theatres at Rome were temporary buildings of wood. A
magnificent wooden theatre, built by M. Æmilius Scaurus, in his
edileship, B.C. 58, is described by Pliny. In 55 B.C., Cn. Pompey
built the first stone theatre at Rome, near the Campus Martius. A
temple of Venus Victrix, to whom he dedicated the whole building, was
erected at the highest part of the cavea.
The next permanent theatre was built by Augustus, and named after his
favorite, the young Marcellus, son of his sister Octavia. Vitruvius is
generally reported to have been the architect of this building, which
would contain 30,000 persons. The audience part was a semi-circle 410
feet in diameter. Twelve arches of its external wall still remain.
From marks still visible in the large theatre at Pompeii, the place
reserved for each spectator was about 13 inches. This theatre
contained 5,000. The theatre of Pompeii, at Rome, contained 40,000.
The theatre of Scaurus is said to have contained 80,000. The Romans
surpassed the Greeks in the grandeur and magnificence of these
buildings. They built them in almost all their towns. Remains of them
are found in almost every country where the Romans carried their rule.
One of the most striking Roman provincial theatres is that of Orange,
in the south of France.
Odeum was a building intended for the recitations of rhapsodists and
the performances of citharædists, before the theatre was in existence.
In its general form and arrangements the odeum was very similar to the
theatre. There were, however, some characteristic differences. The
odeum was much smaller than the theatre, and it was roofed over. The
ancient and original Odeum of Athens in the Agora was probably
erected in the time of Hipparchus, who, according to Plato, first
introduced at Athens the poems of Homer, and caused rhapsodists to
recite them during the Panathenæa. There were two others in
Athens--the Odeum of Pericles, and that of Herodes Atticus. The Odeum
of Pericles was built in imitation of the tent of Xerxes. It was burnt
by Sylla, but was restored in exact imitation of the original
building. It lay at the east side of the theatre of Dionysus. The
Odeum of Herodes Atticus was built by him in memory of his departed
wife Regilla, whose name it commonly bore. It lies under the southwest
angle of the Acropolis. Its greatest diameter within the walls was 240
feet, and it is calculated to have held about 8,000 persons. There
were odea in several of the towns of Greece, in Corinth, Patræ, and at
Smyrna, Ephesus and other places of Asia Minor. There were odea also
in Rome; one was built by Domitian, and a second by Trajan. There are
ruins of an Odeum in the villa of Adrian, at Tivoli and at Pompeii.
Remains of amphitheatres are found in several cities of Etruria. The
amphitheatre of Sutri is considered to be peculiarly Etruscan in its
mode of construction. It is cut out of the tufa rock, and was no doubt
used by that people for festal representations long before Rome
attempted anything of the kind. The Romans copied these edifices from
the Etruscans. We have historical evidence, also, that gladiatorial
combats had an Etruscan origin, and were borrowed by the Romans.
Amphitheatres were peculiar to the Romans. The gladiatorial shows, and
the chase and combats of wild beasts with which the amphitheatre is
always connected, were at first given in the circus. Its
unsuitableness for such sports determined Julius Cæsar, in his
dictatorship, to construct a wooden theatre in the Campus Martius,
built especially for hunting. Caius Scribonius Curio built the first
amphitheatre, for the celebration of his father's funeral games. It
was composed of two theatres of wood, placed on pivots, so that they
could be turned round, spectators and all, and placed face to face,
thus forming a double theatre, or amphitheatre, which ending suggested
its elliptical shape. Statilius Taurus, the friend of Augustus, B.C.
30, erected a more durable amphitheatre, partly of stone and partly of
wood, in the Campus Martius. Others were afterwards built by Caligula
and Nero. The amphitheatre of Nero was of wood, and in the Campus
Martius.
The assembled people in a crowded theatre must have been an imposing
spectacle, in which the gorgeous colors of the dresses were blended
with the azure of a southern sky. No antique rendering of this subject
remains. The spectators began to assemble at early dawn, for each
wished to secure a good seat, after paying his entrance fee. This, not
exceeding two oboloi, was payable to the builder or manager of the
theatre. After the erection of stone theatres at Athens, this entrance
fee was paid for the poorer classes by Government, and formed, indeed,
one of the heaviest items of the budget. For not only at the Dionysian
ceremonies, but on many other festive occasions, the people clamored
for free admission, confirmed in their demands by the demagogues.
Frequently the money reserved for the emergency of a war had to be
spent for this purpose. The seats in a theatre were, of course, not
all equally good, and their prices varied accordingly. The police of
the theatre had to take care that everybody took his seat in the row
marked on his ticket. Most of the spectators were men. In older times
women were allowed only to attend at tragedies, the coarse jokes of
the comedy being deemed unfit for the ears of Athenian ladies. Only
hetairai made an exception to this rule. It is almost certain that the
seats of men and women were separate. Boys were allowed to witness
both tragedies and comedies. Whether slaves were admitted amongst the
spectators seems doubtful. As pedagogues were not allowed to enter
the schoolroom, it seems likely that they had also to leave the
theatre after having shown their young masters to their seats. Neither
were the slaves carrying the cushions for their masters' seats
admitted amongst the spectators. It is, however, possible that when
the seats became to be for sale, certain classes of slaves were
allowed to visit the theatre. Favorite poets and actors were rewarded
with applause and flowers; while bad performers had to submit to
whistling, and, possibly, other worse signs of public indignation.
Greek audiences resembled those of southern Europe at the present day
in the vivacity of their demonstrations, which were even extended to
public characters amongst the spectators on their clearing the
theatre.
Vitruvius has given some minute directions, strongly illustrative of
the importance of the subject, for choosing a proper situation for a
theatre. "When the Forum is finished, a healthy situation must be
sought for, wherein the theatre may be erected to exhibit sports on
the festival days of the immortal gods. For the spectators are
detained in their seats by the entertainment of the games, and
remaining quiet for a long time, their pores are opened, and imbibe
the draughts of air, which, if they come from marshy or otherwise
unhealthy places, will pour injurious humors into the body. Neither
must it front the south; for when the sun fills the concavity, the
inclosed air, unable to escape or circulate, is heated, and then
extracts and dries up the juices of the body. It is also to be
carefully observed that the place be not unfitted to transmit sound,
but one in which the voice may expand as clearly as possible."
The ancient scene was not, like that of the modern stage, capable of
being shifted. It consisted of a solid building (_scena stabilis_),
representing the facade of a royal palace, and adorned with the
richest architectural ornaments. It was built of stone, or brick cased
with marble, and had three doors, of which the middle one, called
_porta regia_, larger and handsomer than the others, was supposed to
form the entrance to the palace. This was used only in the
representation of tragedies, and then only by the principal personages
of the drama. The door in the right wing was appropriated to inferior
personages, and that on the left to foreigners or persons coming from
abroad. In our plan, the five angles of the triangles not yet disposed
of determine the disposition of the scene. Opposite the centre one are
the regal doors; on each side are those by which the secondary
characters entered. Behind the scene, as in the Greek theatre, there
were apartments for the actors to retire into; and under it were
vaults or cellars, which, as in the modern stage, served for the
entrance of ghosts, or the appliance of any needful machinery. The
_proscenium_, or space between the orchestra and the scene, answering
to our stage, though deeper than the Greek, was of no great depth,
which was not required for the performance of ancient dramas, in which
only a few personages appeared on the stage at once. Besides, in the
absence of any roof, the voice of the performers would have been lost
if the stage had been too deep. That of Pompeii is only about
twenty-one feet broad, though its length is one hundred and nine.
Along the front of the stage, and between it and the orchestra, runs a
tolerably deep linear opening, the receptacle for the _aulæum_, or
curtain, the fashion of which was just the reverse of ours, as it had
to be depressed instead of elevated when the play began. This
operation, performed by machinery of which we have no clear account,
was called _aulæum premere_, as in the well-known line of Horace:[19]
Quatuor aut plures aulæa premuntur in horas.
It should, however, be mentioned that the ancients seem also to have
had movable scenery (_scena ductilis_), to alter the appearance of
the permanent scene when required. This must have consisted of painted
board or canvas.
Another method of illusion was by the use of masks. These were
rendered necessary by the vastness of the ancient theatres, and the
custom of performing in the open air.
In the eastern portico of the Triangular Forum are four entrances to
different parts of the greater theatre. The first two, as you enter,
lead into a large circular corridor surrounding the whole cavea; the
third opens on an area behind the scene, from which there is a
communication with the orchestra and privileged seats; the fourth led
down a long flight of steps, at the bottom of which you turn, on the
right, into the soldiers' quarter, on the left, into the area already
mentioned. The corridor is arched over. It has two other entrances,
one by a large passage from the east side, another from a smaller
passage on the north. Six inner doors, called vomitoria, opened on an
equal number of stair-cases which ran down to the first præcinctio.
The theatre is formed upon the slope of a hill, the corridor being the
highest part, so that the audience upon entering descended at once to
their seats, and the vast staircases, which conducted to the upper
seats of the theatres and amphitheatres at Rome, were saved. By the
side of the first entrance is a staircase which led up to the women's
gallery above the corridor; here the seats were partitioned into
compartments, like our boxes. The benches were about one foot three
inches high and two feet four inches wide. One foot three inches and a
half was allowed to each spectator, as may be ascertained in one part,
where the divisions are marked off and numbered. There is space to
contain about five thousand persons. Here the middle classes sat,
usually upon cushions which they brought with them; the men of rank
sat in the orchestra below, on chairs of state carried thither by
their slaves. Flanking the orchestra, and elevated considerably above
it, are observable two divisions, appropriated, one perhaps to the
pro-consul, or duumvirs and their officers, the other to the vestal
virgins, or to the use of the person who gave the entertainments. This
is the more likely, because in the smaller theatre, where these boxes,
if we may call them so, are also found, they have a communication with
the stage.
This theatre appears to have been entirely covered with marble; the
benches of the cavea were of marble, the orchestra was of marble, the
scene with all its ornaments was also of marble; and yet of this
profusion of marble only a few fragments remain.
It appears, from an inscription found in it, to have been erected, or
much improved, by one Holconius Rufus. Upon the first step of the
orchestra was another inscription, composed of bronze letters let into
the marble. The metal has been carried away, but the cavities in the
marble still remain. They were placed so as partly to encompass a
statue, and run thus:
M. HOLCONIO. M. F. RVFO. II. V.I.D. QVINQVIENS. ITER.
QVINQ. TRIB. MIL. A. P. FLAMEN. AVG.
PATR. COLON. D.D.
signifying, that the colony dedicated this to its patron, M. Holconius
Rufus, son of Marcus: then follow his titles. In the middle of this
inscription is a vacant space, where probably stood the statue of
Holconius, as the cramps, by which something was fastened, still
remain. Or possibly it may have been an altar, as it was the custom
among the ancients to sacrifice to Bacchus in the theatre.
[Page Decoration]
[Page Decoration]
ROMAN BATHS.
After the excavations at Pompeii had been carried on to a considerable
extent, it was matter of surprise that no public baths were
discovered, particularly as they were sure almost to be placed in the
most frequented situation, and therefore probably somewhere close to
the Forum. The wonder was increased by the small number of baths found
in private houses. That public baths existed, was long ago ascertained
from an inscription discovered in 1749, purporting that one Januarius,
an enfranchised slave, supplied the baths of Marcus Crassus Frugi with
water, both fresh and salt. At length an excavation in the vicinity of
the Forum brought to light a suite of public baths, admirably
arranged, spacious, highly decorated, and superior to any even in the
most considerable of our modern cities. They are fortunately in good
preservation, and throw much light on what the ancients, and
especially Vitruvius, have written on the subject.
Inscription in the Court of the Baths.
DEDICATIONE. THERMARUM. MUNERIS. CNÆI.
ALLEI. NIGIDII. MAII. VENATIO. ATHLETÆ.
SPARSIONES. VELA. ERUNT. MAIO.
PRINCIPI. COLONIÆ. FELICITER.
"On occasion of the dedication of the baths, at the expense of
Cnæus Alleius Nigidius Maius, there will be the chase of wild
beasts, athletic contests, sprinkling of perfumes, and an
awning. Prosperity to Maius, chief of the colony."
This announcement of a public entertainment is written on a wall of
the court of the baths, to the right hand on entering.
The provincial towns, imitating the example of Rome, and equally fond
of all sorts of theatrical and gladiatorial exhibitions, of which we
have spoken at length in describing the various theatres of Pompeii,
usually solemnized the completion of any edifices or monuments erected
for the public service by dedicating them. This ceremony was nothing
more than opening or exhibiting the building to the people in a solemn
manner, gratifying them at the same time with largesses and various
spectacles. When a private man had erected the building, he himself
was usually the person who dedicated it. When undertaken by the public
order and at the public cost, the citizens deputed some magistrate or
rich and popular person to perform the ceremony. In the capital vast
sums were expended in this manner; and a man who aspired to become a
popular leader could scarcely lay out his money to better interest
than in courting favor by the prodigality of his expenses on these or
similar occasions. It appears, then, that upon the completion of the
baths, the Pompeians committed the dedication to Cnæus Alleius
Nigidius Maius, who entertained them with a sumptuous spectacle.
There were combats (_venatio_) between wild beasts, or between beasts
and men, a cruel sport, to which the Romans were passionately
addicted; athletic games (_athletæ_), sprinkling of perfumes
(_sparsiones_), and it was further engaged that an awning should be
raised over the amphitheatre. The convenience of such a covering will
be evident, no less as a protection against sun than rain under an
Italian sky: the merit of the promise, which may seem but a trifle,
will be understood by considering the difficulty of stretching a
covering over the immense area of an ancient amphitheatre. We may
observe, by the way, that representations of hunting and of combats
between wild beasts are common subjects of the paintings of Pompeii. A
combat between a lion and a horse, and another, between a bear and a
bull, have been found depicted in the amphitheatre. The velarium, or
awning, is advertised in all the inscriptions yet found which give
notice of public games. Athletæ and sparsiones appear in no other. We
learn from Seneca that the perfumes were disseminated by being mixed
with boiling water, and then placed in the centre of the amphitheatre,
so that the scents rose with the steam, and soon became diffused
throughout the building.
There is some reason to suppose that the completion and dedication of
the baths preceded the destruction of the city but a short time, from
the inscription being found perfect on the wall of the baths, for it
was the custom to write these notices in the most public places, and
after a very short season they were covered over by others, as one
billsticker defaces the labors of his predecessors. This is abundantly
evident even in the present ruined state of the town, especially at
the corners of the principal streets, where it is easy to discover one
inscription painted over another.
But to return to the Baths. They occupy almost an entire block,
forming an irregular quadrangle; the northern front, facing to the
Street of the Baths, being about 162 feet in length, the southern
front about 93 feet, and the average depth about 174 feet. They are
divided into three separate and distinct compartments, one of which
was appropriated to the fireplaces and to the servants of the
establishment; the other two were occupied each by a set of baths,
contiguous to each other, similar and adapted to the same purposes,
and supplied with heat and water from the same furnace and from the
same reservoir. It is conjectured that the most spacious of them was
for the use of the men, the lesser for that of the women. The
apartments and passages are paved with white marble in mosaic. It
appears, from Varro and Vitruvius, that baths for men and women were
originally united, as well for convenience as economy of fuel, but
were separated afterwards for the preservation of morals, and had no
communication except that from the furnaces. We shall call these the
_old_ Baths by way of distinction, and because they were first
discovered; but in reality, the more recently discovered Stabian Baths
may probably be the more ancient.
It should be observed here that the old Pompeian _thermæ_ are adapted
solely to the original purposes of a bath, namely, a place for bathing
and washing. They can not therefore for a moment be compared to the
baths constructed at Rome during the period of the empire, of which
such magnificent remains may still be seen at the baths of Diocletian,
and especially at those of Caracalla. In these vast establishments the
bath formed only a part of the entertainment provided. There were also
spacious porticoes for walking and conversing, halls and courts for
athletic games and gladiatorial combats, apartments for the lectures
and recitations of philosophers, rhetoricians and poets. In short,
they formed a sort of vast public club, in which almost every species
of amusement was provided. In the more recently discovered baths,
called the Thermæ Stabianæ, there is indeed a large quadrangular
court, or palæstra, which may have served for gymnastic exercises, and
among others for the game of ball, as appears from some large balls of
stone having been found in it. Yet even this larger establishment
makes but a very slight approach to the magnificence and luxury of a
Roman bath.
The tepidarium, or warm chamber, was so called from a warm, but soft
and mild temperature, which prepared the bodies of the bathers for the
more intense heat which they were to undergo in the vapor and hot
baths; and, _vice versa_, softened the transition from the hot bath to
the external air. The wall is divided into a number of niches or
compartments by Telamones, two feet high, in high relief, and
supporting a rich cornice. These are male, as Caryatides are female
statues placed to perform the office of pillars. By the Greeks they
were named Atlantes, from the well-known fable of Atlas supporting the
heavens. Here they are made of terra-cotta, or baked clay, incrusted
with the finest marble stucco. Their only covering is a girdle round
the loins; they have been painted flesh-color, with black hair and
beards; the moulding of the pedestal and the baskets on their heads
were in imitation of gold; and the pedestal itself, as well as the
wall behind them and the niches for the reception of the clothes of
the bathers, were colored to resemble red porphyry. Six of these
niches are closed up without any apparent reason.
[Illustration: RECEPTION TO THE BATHS (_at Pompeii_).]
The ceiling is worked in stucco, in low relief, with scattered figures
and ornaments of little flying genii, delicately relieved on
medallions, with foliage carved round them. The ground is painted,
sometimes red and sometimes blue. The room is lighted by a window two
feet six inches high and three feet wide, in the bronze frame of which
were found set four very beautiful panes of glass fastened by small
nuts and screws, very ingeniously contrived, with a view to remove the
glass at pleasure. In this room was found a brazier, seven feet long
and two feet six inches broad, made entirely of bronze, with the
exception of an iron lining. The two front legs are winged sphinxes,
terminating in lions' paws, the two other legs are plain, being
intended to stand against the wall. The bottom is formed with bronze
bars, on which are laid bricks supporting pumice-stones for the
reception of charcoal. There is a sort of false battlement worked on
the rim, and in the middle a cow is to be seen in high relief. Three
bronze benches also were found, alike in form and pattern. They are
one foot four inches high, one foot in width, and about six feet long,
supported by four legs, terminating in the cloven hoofs of a cow, and
ornamented at the upper ends with the heads of the same animal. Upon
the seat is inscribed, M. NIGIDIUS, VACCULA. P.S.
Varro, in his book upon rural affairs, tells us that many of the
surnames of the Roman families had their origin in pastoral life, and
especially are derived from the animals to whose breeding they paid
most attention. As, for instance, the Porcii took their name from
their occupation as swine-herds; the Ovini from their care of sheep;
the Caprilli, of goats; the Equarii, of horses; the Tauri, of bulls,
etc. We may conclude, therefore, that the family of this Marcus
Vaccula were originally cow-keepers, and that the figures of cows so
plentifully impressed on all the articles which he presented to the
baths are a sort of _canting arms_, to borrow an expression from
heraldry, as in Rome the family Toria caused a bull to be stamped on
their money.
A doorway led from the tepidarium into the caldarium, or vapor-bath.
It had on one side the laconicum, containing the vase called labrum.
On the opposite side of the room was the hot bath called lavacrum.
Here it is necessary to refer to the words of Vitruvius as explanatory
of the structure of the apartments (cap. xi. lib. v.): "Here should be
placed the vaulted sweating-room, twice the length of its width, which
should have at each extremity, on one end the _laconicum_, made as
described above, on the other end the hot bath." This apartment is
exactly as described, twice the length of its width, exclusively of
the laconicum at one end and the hot bath at the other. The pavement
and walls of the whole were hollowed to admit the heat.
The labrum was a great basin or round vase of white marble, rather
more than five feet in diameter, into which the hot water bubbled up
through a pipe in its centre, and served for the partial ablutions of
those who took the vapor-bath. It was raised about three feet six
inches above the level of the pavement, on a round base built of small
pieces of stone or lava, stuccoed and colored red, five feet six
inches in diameter, and has within it a bronze inscription, which runs
thus:
CNÆO. MELISSÆO. CNÆL FILIO. APRO. MARCO. STAIO. MARCI. FILIO.
RUFO. DUUMVIRIS. ITERUM. IURE. DICUNDO. LABRUM. EX DECURIONUM
DECRETO. EX. PECUNIA. PUBLICA. FACIENDUM. CURARUNT
CONSTAT. HS. D.C.C.L.
Relating that "Cnæus Melissæus Aper, son of Cnæus Aper. Marcus Staius
Rufus, son of M. Rufus, duumvirs of justice for the second time,
caused the labrum to be made at the public expense, by order of the
Decurions. It cost 5,250 sesterces" (about $200). There is in the
Vatican a magnificent porphyry labrum found in one of the imperial
baths; and Baccius, a great modern authority on baths, speaks of labra
made of glass.
This apartment, like the others, is well stuccoed and painted yellow;
a cornice, highly enriched with stucco ornaments, is supported by
fluted pilasters placed at irregular intervals. These are red, as is
also the cornice and ceiling of the laconicum, which is worked in
stucco with little figures of boys and animals.
The women's bath resembles very much that of the men, and differs only
in being smaller and less ornamented. It is heated, as we have already
mentioned, by the same fire, and supplied with water from the same
boilers. Near the entrance is an inscription painted in red letters.
All the rooms yet retain in perfection their vaulted roofs. In the
vestibule are seats similar to those which have been described in the
men's baths as appropriated to slaves or servants of the
establishment. The robing-room contains a cold bath; it is painted
with red and yellow pilasters alternating with one another on a blue
or black ground, and has a light cornice of white stucco and a white
mosaic pavement with a narrow black border. There are accommodations
for ten persons to undress at the same time. The cold bath is much
damaged, the wall only remaining of the alveus, which is square, the
whole incrustation of marble being destroyed. From this room we pass
into the tepidarium, about twenty feet square, painted yellow with red
pilasters, lighted by a small window far from the ground. This
apartment communicates with the warm bath, which, like the men's, is
heated by flues formed in the floors and walls.
There are in this room paintings of grotesque design upon a yellow
ground, but they are much damaged and scarcely visible. The pavement
is of white marble laid in mosaic. The room in its general arrangement
resembles the hot bath of the men; it has a labrum in the laconicum,
and a hot bath contiguous to the furnace. The hollow pavement and the
flues in the walls are almost entirely destroyed; and of the labrum,
the foot, in the middle of which was a piece of the leaden conduit
that introduced the water, alone remains. On the right of the entrance
into these women's baths is a wall of stone of great thickness and in
a good style of masonry.
These baths are so well arranged, with so prudent an economy of room
and convenient distribution of their parts, and are adorned with such
appropriate elegance, as to show clearly the intellect and resources
of an excellent architect. At the same time some errors of the
grossest kind have been committed, such as would be inexcusable in the
most ignorant workman; as, for instance, the symmetry of parts has
been neglected where the parts correspond; a pilaster is cut off by a
door which passes through the middle of it; and other mistakes occur
which might have been avoided without difficulty. This strange mixture
of good and bad taste, of skill and carelessness, is not very easily
accounted for, but it is of constant recurrence in Pompeii.
[Illustration: ANCIENT BATH-ROOM. (_As discovered_).]
Vitruvius recommends the selecting a situation for baths defended from
the north and northwest winds, and forming windows opposite the south,
or if the nature of the ground would not permit this, at least towards
the south, because the hours of bathing used by the ancients being
from after mid-day till evening, those who bathed could, by those
windows, have the advantage of the rays and of the heat of the
declining sun.
For this reason the Pompeian baths hitherto described have the greater
part of their windows turned to the south, and are constructed in a
low part of the city, where the adjoining buildings served as a
protection to them from the inconvenience of the northwest winds.
Before concluding this account of the Stabian baths, we should mention
that under the portico, near the entrance to the men's baths, was
found a sun-dial, consisting as usual of a half circle inscribed in a
rectangle, and with the gnomon in perfect preservation. It was
supported by lion's feet and elegantly ornamented. On its base was an
Oscan inscription, which has been interpreted as follows by Minervini:
Marius. Atinius, Marii filius, quæstor, ex multatitia pecunia
conventus decreto fieri mandavit. That is: the Quæstor M. Atinius, in
accordance with a decree of the assembly, caused it to be made out of
money levied by fines. The title of "Quæstor" seems to show that this
inscription must have been written after the occupation of Pompeii by
the Romans, but at the same time at a period when the Oscan tongue
continued to be generally spoken. The fines alluded to were probably
levied for breaches of the rules to be observed in the palæstra.
[Page Decoration]
SOCIAL GAMES AND SPORTS.
Jugglers of both sexes, either single or in gangs, were common all
over Greece putting up their booths, as Xenophon says, wherever money
and silly people could be found. These frequently amused the guests at
drinking feasts with their tricks. The reputation of this class of
people was anything but above suspicion, as is proved by the verse of
Manetho ("Apotheles," IV., 276), in which they are described as the
"birds of the country, the foulest brood of the city." Their tricks
were innumerable, and outvied in boldness and ingenuity those of our
conjurors, barring, of course such as are founded on the modern
discoveries of natural science. Male and female jugglers jumped
forwards and backwards over swords or tables; girls threw up and
caught again a number of balls or hoops to the accompaniment of a
musical instrument; others displayed an astounding skill with their
feet and toes while standing on their hands. Rope-dancers performed
the most dangerous dances and _salti-mortali_. In Rome even elephants
were trained to mount the rope. Flying-machines of a construction
unknown to us are also mentioned, on which bold aeronauts traversed
the air. Alkiphron tells a story about a peasant who, on seeing a
juggler pulling little bullets from the noses, ears, and heads of the
spectators, exclaimed: "Let such a beast never enter my yard, or else
everything would soon disappear." Descriptions of these tricks are
frequent in ancient writers, particularly in the indignant invectives
of the early fathers of the Church. Amongst the pictures of female
jugglers in all kinds of impossible postures, can be seen a girl
performing the dangerous sword-dance, described by Plato. It consists
in her turning somersaults forwards and backwards across the points of
three swords stuck in the ground. A similar picture we see on a vase
of the Berlin Museum. Another vase shows a female juggler dressed in
long drawers standing on her hands, and filling with her feet a
kantharos from a krater placed in front of her. She holds the handle
of the kantharos with the toes of her left foot, while the toes of her
other foot cling round the stem of the kyathos used for drawing the
liquor. A woman sitting in front of her performs a game with three
balls, in which the other artiste also seems to take a part. In
another, a girl in a rather awkward position is shooting an arrow from
a bow.
Of social games played by the topers we mention, besides the
complicated kottabos, the games played on a board or with dice. Homer
already mentions a game of the former class, and names Palamedes as
its inventor; of the exact nature of this game we know little or
nothing. Neither are we informed of the details of another kind of
petteia played with five little stones on a board divided by five
lines.
The so-called "game of cities" seems to have resembled our chess or
draughts. The board was divided into five parts. Each player tried to
checkmate the other by the skillful use of his men. Games of hazard
with dice and astragaloi were most likely greater favorites with the
topers than the intellectual ones hitherto described. The number of
dice was at first three, afterwards two; the figures on the parallel
sides being 1 and 6, 2 and 5, 3 and 4. In order to prevent cheating,
they were cast from conical beakers, the interior of which was formed
into different steps. Each cast had its name, sixty-four of which have
been transmitted to us by the grammarians. The luckiest cast, each of
the dice showing the figure 6, was called Aphrodite; the unluckiest,
the three dice showing the figure 1, had the names of "dog" or "wine"
applied to it.
Another game of a similar nature was played with the so-called
astragaloi, dice of a lengthy shape made of the knuckles of animals.
Two of the surfaces were flat, the third being raised, and the fourth
indented slightly. The last-mentioned side was marked 1, and had,
amongst many other names, that of "dog;" the opposite surface, marked
6. The Latin names of the two other sides marked 3 and 4 were _suppus_
and _planus_ respectively. The figures 2 and 5 were wanting on the
astragaloi, the narrow end-surfaces not being counted. The number of
astragaloi used was always four, being the same as in the game of
dice. Here also the luckiest cast was called Aphrodite, with which at
the same time the honor of king-of-the-feast was connected.
Young girls liked to play at a game with five astragaloi, or little
stones, which were thrown into the air and caught on the upper surface
of the hand. This game is still in use in many countries. We possess
many antique representations of these various games.
Two vase paintings show soldiers playing at draughts. Astragaloi and
dice of different sizes, some with the figures as above described on
them, others evidently counterfeited, are preserved in several
museums. Of larger representations we mention the marble statue of a
girl playing with astragaloi in the Berlin Museum, and a Pompeian
wall-painting in which the children of Jason play the same game, while
Medea threatens their lives with a drawn sword. The celebrated
masterpiece of Polykletes, representing two boys playing with
astragaloi, formerly in the palace of Titus in Rome, has unfortunately
been lost. Another wall-painting shows in the foreground Aglaia and
Hileaira, daughters of Niobe, kneeling and playing the same game.
In connection with these social games we mention a few other favorite
amusements of the Greeks. The existence of cock-fights is proved by
vase-paintings, gems, and written evidence. It was a favorite pastime
with both old and young. Themistokles, after his victory over the
Persians, is said to have founded an annual entertainment of
cock-fights, which made both these and the fights of quails popular
among the Greeks. The breeding of fighting-cocks was a matter of great
importance, Rhodes, Chalkis, and Media being particularly celebrated
for their strong and large cocks. In order to increase their fury, the
animals were fed with garlic previous to the fight. Sharp metal spurs
were attached to their legs, after which they were placed on a table
with a raised border. Very large sums were frequently staked on them
by owners and spectators.
Here, again, we see antique customs reproduced by various modern
nations. The Italian game of _morra_ (_il giuco alla morra_ or _fare
alla morra_) was also known to the ancients. In it both players open
their clenched right hands simultaneously with the speed of lightning,
whereat each has to call out the number of fingers extended by the
other. It is the same game which figured among Egyptian amusements.
Mimetic dances were another favorite amusement at symposia. They
mostly represented mythological scenes. A few words about Greek
dancing ought to be added.
Homer mentions dancing as one of the chief delights of the feast; he
also praises the artistic dances of the Phaiakian youths. This proves
the esteem in which this art was held even at that early period. In
the dances of the Phaiakai, all the young men performed a circular
movement round a singer standing in the centre, or else two skilled
dancers executed a _pas de deux_. Homer's words seem to indicate that
the rhythmical motion was not limited to the legs, as in our modern
dances, but extended to the upper part of the body and the arms.
Perhaps the germs of mimetic art may be looked for in this dance.
According to Lucian, the aim of the dance was to express sentiment,
passion, and action by means of gestures. It soon developed into
highest artistic beauty, combined with the rhythmic grace peculiar to
the Greeks. Like the gymnastic and agonistic arts, the dance retained
its original purity as long as public morality prevailed in Greece:
its connection with religious worship preserved it from neglect.
Gradually, however, here also mechanical virtuosity began to supplant
true artistic principles.
The division of dances according to their warlike or religious
character seems objectionable, because all of them were originally
connected with religious worship. The distinction between warlike and
peaceful dances is more appropriate. Among the warlike dances
particularly adapted to the Doric character, was the oldest and that
most in favor. It dates from mythical times. Pyrrhichos, either a
Kretan or Spartan by birth, the Dioskuroi, also Pyrrhos, the son of
Achilles, are mentioned as its originators. The Pyrrhic dance,
performed by several men in armor, imitated the movements of attack and
defence. The various positions were defined by rule; hands and arms
played an important part in the mimetic action. It formed the chief
feature of the Doric gymnopaidia and of the greater and lesser
Panathenaia at Athens. The value attached to it in the latter city is
proved by the fact of the Athenians making Phrynichos commander-in-chief
owing to the skill displayed by him in the Pyrrhic dance.
Later a Bacchic element was introduced into this dance, which
henceforth illustrated the deeds of Dionysos. A fragment of a marble
frieze shows a satyr with a thyrsos and laurel crown performing a wild
Bacchic dance between two soldiers, also executing a dancing movement;
it most likely illustrates the Pyrrhic dance of a later epoch.
Of other warlike dances we mention the _karpeia_, which rendered the
surprise of a warrior plowing a field by robbers, and the scuffle
between them. It was accompanied on the flute.
More numerous, although less complicated, were the peaceful choral
dances performed at the feasts of different gods, according to their
individualities. With the exception of the Bacchic dances, they
consisted of measured movements round the altar. More lively in
character were the gymnopaidic dances performed by men and boys. They
were, like most Spartan choral dances, renowned for their graceful
rhythms. They consisted of an imitation of gymnastic exercises,
particularly of the wrestling-match and the Pankration; in later times
it was generally succeeded by the warlike Pyrrhic dance.
[Page Decoration]
[Page Decoration]
SOCIAL ENTERTAINMENTS.
We will now give some of the more domestic entertainments, such as
parties or dinners, given by the Egyptians. In their entertainments
they appear to have omitted nothing which could promote festivity and
the amusement of the guests. Music, songs, dancing, buffoonery, feats
of agility, or games of chance, were generally introduced; and they
welcomed them with all the luxuries which the cellar and the table
could afford.
The party, when invited to dinner, met about midday, and they arrived
successively in their chariots, in palanquins borne by their servants,
or on foot. Sometimes their attendants screened them from the sun by
holding up a shield (as is still done in Southern Africa), or by some
other contrivance; but the chariot of the king or of a princess, was
often furnished with a large parasol; and the flabella borne behind
the king, which belonged exclusively to royalty, answered the same
purpose. They were composed of feathers, and were not very unlike
those carried on state occasions behind the Pope in modern Rome.
Parasols or umbrellas were also used in Assyria, Persia, and other
Eastern countries.
When a visitor came in his car, he was attended by a number of
servants, some of whom carried a stool, to enable him to alight, and
others his writing tablet, or whatever he might want during his stay
at the house. The guests are assembled in a sitting room within, and
are entertained with music during the interval preceding the
announcement of dinner; for, like the Greeks, they considered it a
want of good breeding to sit down to table immediately on arriving,
and, as Bdelycleon, in Aristophanes, recommended his father Philocleon
to do, they praised the beauty of the rooms and the furniture, taking
care to show particular interest in those objects which were intended
for admiration. As usual in all countries, some of the party arrived
earlier than others; and the consequence, or affectation of fashion,
in the person who now drives up in his curricle, is shown by his
coming some time after the rest of the company; one of his footmen
runs forward to knock at the door, others, close behind the chariot,
are ready to take the reins, and to perform their accustomed duties;
and the one holding his sandals in his hand, that he may run with
greater ease, illustrates a custom, still common in Egypt, among the
Arabs and peasants of the country, who find the power of the foot
greater when freed from the encumbrance of a shoe.
To those who arrived from a journey, or who desired it, water was
brought for their feet, previous to entering the festive chamber. They
also washed their hands before dinner, the water being brought in the
same manner as at the present day; and ewers, not unlike those used by
the modern Egyptians, are represented, with the basins belonging to
them, in the paintings of a Theban tomb. In the houses of the rich
they were of gold, or other costly materials. Herodotus mentions the
golden foot-pan, in which Amasis and his guests used to wash their
feet.
The Greeks had the same custom of bringing water to the guests,
numerous instances of which we find in Homer; as when Telemachus and
the son of Nestor were received at the house of Menelaus, and when
Asphalion poured it upon the hands of his master, and the same guests,
on another occasion. Virgil also describes the servants bringing water
for this purpose when Æneas was entertained by Dido. Nor was the
ceremony thought superfluous, or declined, even though they had
previously bathed and been anointed with oil.
It is also probable that, like the Greeks, the Egyptians anointed
themselves before they left home; but still it was customary for a
servant to attend every guest, as he seated himself, and to anoint his
head; which was one of the principal tokens of welcome. The ointment
was sweet-scented, and was contained in an alabaster, or in an elegant
glass or porcelain vase, some of which have been found in the tombs of
Thebes. Servants took the sandals of the guests as they arrived, and
either put them by in a convenient place in the house, or held them on
their arm while they waited upon them.
After the ceremony of anointing was over, and in some cases at the
time of entering the saloon, a lotus flower was presented to each
guest, who held it in his hand during the entertainment. Servants then
brought necklaces of flowers, composed chiefly of the lotus; a garland
was also put round the head, and a single lotus bud, or a full-blown
flower, was so attached as to hang over the forehead. Many of them,
made up into wreaths and other devices, were suspended upon stands in
the room ready for immediate use; and servants were constantly
employed to bring other fresh flowers from the garden, in order to
supply the guests as their bouquets faded.
The Greeks and Romans had the same custom of presenting guests with
flowers or garlands, which were brought in at the beginning of their
entertainments, or before the second course. They not only adorned
their _heads_, _necks_, and _breasts_, like the Egyptians, but often
bestrewed the couches on which they lay, and all parts of the room,
with flowers; though the head was chiefly regarded, as appears from
Horace, Anacreon, Ovid, and other ancient authors. The wine-bowl, too,
was crowned with flowers, as at an Egyptian banquet. They also
perfumed the apartment with myrrh, frankincense and other choice
odors, which they obtained from Syria; and if the sculptures do not
give any direct representation of this practice among the Egyptians,
we know it to have been adopted and deemed indispensable among them;
and a striking instance is recorded by Plutarch, at the reception of
Agesilaus by Tachos. A sumptuous dinner was prepared for the Spartan
prince, consisting, as usual, of beef, goose, and other Egyptian
dishes; he was crowned with garlands of papyrus, and received with
every token of welcome; but when he refused "the sweatmeats,
confections, and perfumes," the Egyptians held him in great contempt,
as a person unaccustomed to, and unworthy of, the manners of civilized
society.
The Greeks, and other ancient people, usually put on a particular
garment at festive meetings, generally of a white color; but it does
not appear to have been customary with the Egyptians to make any great
alteration in their attire, though they evidently abstained from
dresses of a gloomy hue.
The guests being seated, and having received these tokens of welcome,
wine was offered them by the servants. To the ladies it was generally
brought in a small vase, which, when emptied into the drinking-cup,
was handed to an under servant, or slave, who followed; but to the men
it was frequently presented in a one-handled goblet, without being
poured into any cup, and sometimes in a larger or small vase of gold,
silver, or other materials.
Herodotus and Hellanicus both say that they drank wine out of brass or
bronze goblets; and, indeed, the former affirms that this was the only
kind of drinking-cup known to the Egyptians; but Joseph had one of
silver, and the sculptures represent them of glass and porcelain, as
well as of gold, silver and bronze. Those who could not afford the
more costly kind were satisfied with a cheaper quality, and many were
contented with cups of common earthenware; but the wealthy Egyptians
used vases of glass, porcelain, and the precious metals, for numerous
purposes, both in their houses and in the temples of the gods.
The practice of introducing wine at the commencement of an
entertainment, or before dinner had been served up, was not peculiar
to this people; and the Chinese, to the present day, offer it at their
parties to all the guests, as they arrive, in the same manner as the
ancient Egyptians. They also drank wine during the repast, perhaps to
the health of one another or of an absent friend, like the Romans; and
no doubt the master of the house, or "the ruler of the feast,"
recommended a choice wine, and pledged them to the cup.
While dinner was preparing the party was enlivened by the sound of
music; and a band, consisting of the harp, lyre, _guitar_, tambourine,
double and single pipe, flute and other instruments, played the
favorite airs and songs of the country. Nor was it deemed unbecoming
the gravity and dignity of a priest to admit musicians into his house,
or to take pleasure in witnessing the dance; and seated with their
wives and family in the midst of their friends, the highest
functionaries of the sacerdotal order enjoyed the lively scene. In the
same manner, at a Greek entertainment, diversions of all kinds were
introduced; and Xenophon and Plato inform us that Socrates, the wisest
of men, amused his friends with music, jugglers, mimics, buffoons, and
whatever could be desired for exciting cheerfulness and mirth.
The dance consisted mostly of a succession of figures, in which the
performers endeavored to exhibit a great variety of gesture; men and
women danced at the same time, or in separate parties, but the latter
were generally preferred, from their superior grace and elegance. Some
danced to slow airs, adapted to the style of their movement; the
attitudes they assumed frequently partook of a grace not unworthy of
the Greeks; and others preferred a lively step, regulated by an
appropriate tune. Men sometimes danced with great spirit, bounding
from the ground more in the manner of Europeans than of an Eastern
people; on which occasions the music was not always composed of many
instruments, but consisted only of _crotala_ or maces, a man clapping
his hand, and a woman snapping her fingers to the time.
Graceful attitudes and gesticulation were the general style of their
dance; but, as in other countries, the taste of the performance varied
according to the rank of the person by whom they were employed, or
their own skill; and the dance at the house of a priest differed from
that among the uncouth peasantry, or the lower classes of townsmen.
It was not customary for the upper orders of Egyptians to indulge in
this amusement, either in public or private assemblies, and none
appear to have practiced it but the lower ranks of society, and those
who gained their livelihood by attending festive meetings. The Greeks,
however, though they employed women who professed music and dancing,
to entertain the guests, looked upon the dance as a recreation in
which all classes might indulge, and an accomplishment becoming a
gentleman; and it was also a Jewish custom for young ladies to dance
at private entertainments, as it still is at Damascus and other
Eastern towns.
The Romans, on the contrary, were far from considering it worthy of a
man of rank, or of a sensible person; and Cicero says: "No man who is
sober dances, unless he is out of his mind, either _when alone_, or in
any decent society; for dancing is the companion of wanton
conviviality, dissoluteness, and luxury."
Nor did the Greeks indulge in it to excess; and effeminate dances, or
extraordinary gesticulation, were deemed indecent in men of character
and wisdom. Indeed, Herodotus tells a story of Hippoclides, the
Athenian, who had been preferred before all the nobles of Greece, as a
husband for the daughter of Clisthenes, king of Argos, having been
rejected on account of his extravagant gestures in the dance.
Of all the Greeks, the Ionians were most noted for their fondness of
this art; and, from the wanton and indecent tendency of their songs
and gestures, dances of a voluptuous character (like those of the
modern Almehs of the East) were styled by the Romans "Ionic
movements." Moderate dancing was even deemed worthy of the gods
themselves. Jupiter, "the father of gods and men," is represented
dancing in the midst of the other deities; and Apollo is not only
introduced by Homer thus engaged, but received the title of "the
dancer," from his supposed excellence in the art.
Grace in posture and movement was the chief object of those employed
at the assemblies of the rich Egyptians; and the ridiculous gestures
of the buffoon were permitted there, so long as they did not
transgress the rules of decency and moderation. Music was always
indispensable, whether at the festive meetings of the rich or poor;
and they danced to the sound of the harp, lyre, guitar, pipe,
tambourine, and other instruments, and, in the streets, even to the
drum.
Many of their postures resembled those of the modern ballet, and the
_pirouette_ delighted an Egyptian party four thousand years ago.
The dresses of the female dancers were light, and of the finest
texture, showing, by their transparent quality, the forms and movement
of the limbs; they generally consisted of a loose flowing robe,
reaching to the ankles, occasionally fastened tight at the waist; and
round the hips was a small narrow girdle, adorned with beads, or
ornaments of various colors. Sometimes the dancing figures appear to
have been perfectly naked; but this is from the outline of the
transparent robe having been effaced; and, like the Greeks, they
represented the contour of the figure as if seen through the dress.
Slaves were taught dancing as well as music; and in the houses of the
rich, besides their other occupations, that of dancing to entertain
the family, or a party of friends, was required of them; and free
Egyptians also gained a livelihood by their performances.
While the party was amused with music and dancing, and the late
arrivals were successively announced, refreshments continued to be
handed round, and every attention was shown to the assembled guests.
Wine was offered to each new comer, and chaplets of flowers were
brought by men servants to the gentlemen, and by women or white slaves
to the ladies, as they took their seats. An upper servant, or slave,
had the office of handing the wine, and a black woman sometimes
followed, in an inferior capacity, to receive an empty cup when the
wine had been poured into the goblet. The same black slave also
carried the fruits and other refreshments; and the peculiar mode of
holding a plate with the hand reversed, so generally adopted by women
from Africa, is characteristically shown in the Theban paintings.
To each person after drinking a napkin was presented for wiping the
mouth, answering to the _mahrama_ of the modern Egyptians; and the
bearer of it uttered a complimentary sentiment, when she offered it
and received back the goblet: as, "May it benefit you!" and no
oriental at the present day drinks water without receiving a similar
wish. But it was not considered rude to refuse wine when offered, even
though it had been poured out; and a teetotaller might continue
smelling a lotus without any affront.
Men and women either sat together, or separately, in a different part
of the room; but no rigid mistrust prevented strangers, as well as
members of the family, being received into the same society; which
shows how greatly the Egyptians were advanced in the habits of social
life. In this they, like the Romans, differed widely from the Greeks,
and might say with Cornelius Nepos, "Which of us is ashamed to bring
his wife to an entertainment? and what mistress of a family can be
shown who does not inhabit the chief and most frequented part of the
house? Whereas in Greece she never appears at any entertainments,
except those to which relations alone are invited, and constantly
lives in the women's apartments at the upper part of the house, into
which no man has admission, unless he be a near relation." Nor were
married people afraid of sitting together, and no idea of their having
had too much of each other's company made it necessary to divide them.
In short, they were the most Darby and Joan people possible, and they
shared the same chair at home, at a party, and even in their tomb,
where sculpture grouped them together.
The master and mistress of the house accordingly sat side by side on a
large fauteuil, and each guest as he arrived walked up to receive
their welcome. The musicians and dancers hired for the occasion also
did obeisance to them, before they began their part. To the leg of the
fauteuil was tied a favorite monkey, a dog, a gazelle, or some other
pet; and a young child was permitted to sit on the ground at the side
of its mother, or on its father's knee.
In the meantime the conversation became animated, especially in those
parts of the room where the ladies sat together, and the numerous
subjects that occurred to them were fluently discussed. Among these
the question of dress was not forgotten, and the patterns, or the
value of trinkets, were examined with proportionate interest. The
maker of an ear-ring, and the store where it was purchased, were
anxiously inquired; each compared the workmanship, the style, and the
materials of those she wore, coveted her neighbor's, or preferred her
own; and women of every class vied with each other in the display of
"jewels of silver and jewels of gold," in the texture of their
"raiment," the neatness of their sandals, and the arrangement or
beauty of their plaited hair.
It was considered a pretty compliment to offer each other a flower
from their own bouquet, and all the vivacity of the Egyptians was
called forth as they sat together. The hosts omitted nothing that
could make their party pass off pleasantly, and keep up agreeable
conversation, which was with them the great charm of accomplished
society, as with the Greeks, who thought it "more requisite and
becoming to gratify the company by cheerful conversation, than with
variety of dishes." The guests, too, neglected no opportunity of
showing how much they enjoyed themselves; and as they drew each
other's attention to the many nick-nacks that adorned the rooms, paid
a well-turned compliment to the taste of the owner of the house. They
admired the vases, the carved boxes of wood or ivory, and the light
tables on which many a curious trinket was displayed; and commended
the elegance and comfort of the luxurious fauteuils, the rich cushions
and coverings of the couches and ottomans, the carpets and the other
furniture. Some, who were invited to see the sleeping apartments,
found in the ornaments on the toilet-tables, and in the general
arrangements, fresh subjects for admiration; and their return to the
guest-chamber gave an opportunity of declaring that good taste
prevailed throughout the whole house. On one occasion, while some of
the delighted guests were in these raptures of admiration, and others
were busied with the chitchat, perhaps the politics, or the scandal of
the day, an awkward youth, either from inadvertence, or a little too
much wine, reclined against a wooden column placed in the centre of
the room to support some temporary ornament, and threw it down upon
those who sat beneath it.[20] The confusion was great: the women
screamed; and some, with uplifted hands, endeavored to protect their
heads and escape its fall. No one, however, seems to have been hurt;
and the harmony of the party being restored, the incident afforded
fresh matter for conversation; to be related in full detail to their
friends, when they returned home.
The vases were very numerous, and varied in shape, size, and
materials; being of hard stone, alabaster, glass, ivory, bone,
porcelain, bronze, brass, silver, or gold; and those of the poorer
classes were of glazed pottery, or common earthenware. Many of their
ornamental vases, as well as those in ordinary use, were of the most
elegant shape, which would do honor to the Greeks, the Egyptians
frequently displaying in these objects of private _luxe_ the taste of
a highly refined people; and so strong a resemblance did they bear to
the productions of the best epochs of ancient Greece, both in their
shape and in the fancy devices upon them, that some might even suppose
them borrowed from Greek patterns. But they were purely Egyptian, and
had been universally adopted in the valley of the Nile, long before
the graceful forms we admire were known in Greece; a fact invariably
acknowledged by those who are acquainted with the remote age of
Egyptian monuments, and of the paintings that represent them.
[Illustration: EGYPTIAN VASES.]
For some of the most elegant date in the early age of the third
Thothmes, who lived between 3,300 and 3,400 years before our time; and
we not only admire their forms, but the richness of the materials of
which they were made, their color, as well as the hieroglyphics,
showing them to have been of gold and silver, or of this last, inlaid
with the more precious metal.
Those of bronze, alabaster, glass, porcelain, and even of ordinary
pottery, were also deserving of admiration, from the beauty of their
shapes, the designs which ornamented them, and the superior quality of
the material; and gold and silver cups were often beautifully
engraved, and studded with precious stones. Among these we readily
distinguish the green emerald, the purple amethyst, and other gems;
and when an animal's head adorned their handles, the eyes were
frequently composed of them, except when enamel, or some colored
composition, was employed as a substitute.
While the guests were entertained with music and the dance dinner was
prepared; but as it consisted of a considerable number of dishes, and
the meat was killed for the occasion, as at the present day in Eastern
and tropical climates, some time elapsed before it was put upon table.
An ox, kid, wild goat, gazelle or an oryx, and a quantity of geese,
ducks, teal, quails and other birds, were generally selected; but
mutton was excluded from a Theban table. Plutarch even states that "no
Egyptians would eat the flesh of sheep, except the Lycopolites," who
did so out of compliment to the wolves they venerated; and Strabo
confines the sacrifice of them to the Nome of Nitriotis. But though
sheep were not killed for the altar or the table, they abounded in
Egypt and even at Thebes; and large flocks were kept for their wool,
particularly in the neighborhood of Memphis. Sometimes a flock
consisted of more than 2,000; and in a tomb below the Pyramids, dating
upwards of 4,000 years ago, 974 rams are brought to be registered by
his scribes, as part of the stock of the deceased; implying an equal
number of ewes, independent of lambs.
A considerable quantity of meat was served up at those repasts, to
which strangers were invited, as among people of the East at the
present day; whose _azooma_, or feast, prides itself in the quantity
and variety of dishes, in the unsparing profusion of viands, and,
whenever wine is permitted, in the freedom of the bowl. An endless
succession of vegetables was also required on all occasions; and, when
dining in private, dishes composed chiefly of them were in greater
request than joints, even at the tables of the rich, and consequently
the Israelites, who, by their long residence there, had acquired
similar habits, regretted them equally with the meat and fish of
Egypt.
Their mode of dining was very similar to that now adopted in Cairo and
throughout the East; each person sitting round a table, and dipping
his bread into a dish placed in the centre, removed on a sign made by
the host, and succeeded by others, whose rotation depends on
established rule, and whose number is predetermined according to the
size of the party, or the quality of the guests.
Among the lower orders, vegetables constituted a very great part of
their ordinary food, and they gladly availed themselves of the variety
and abundance of esculent roots growing spontaneously, in the lands
irrigated by the rising Nile, as soon as its waters had subsided; some
of which were eaten in a crude state, and others roasted in the ashes,
boiled or stewed: their chief aliment, and that of their children,
consisting of milk and cheese, roots, leguminous, cucurbitaceous and
other plants, and the ordinary fruits of the country. Herodotus
describes the food of the workmen who built the Pyramids, to have been
the "_raphanus_, onions and garlic;" the first of which, now called
_figl_, is like a turnip-radish in flavor; but he has omitted one more
vegetable, lentils, which were always, as at the present day, the
chief article of their diet; and which Strabo very properly adds to
the number.
The nummulite rock, in the vicinity of those monuments, frequently
presents a conglomerate of testacea imbedded in it, which, in some
positions, resemble small seeds; and Strabo imagines they were the
petrified residue of the lentils brought there by the workmen, from
their having been the ordinary food of the laboring classes, and of
all the lower orders of Egyptians.
Much attention was bestowed on the culture of this useful pulse, and
certain varieties became remarkable for their excellence, the lentils
of Pelusium being esteemed both in Egypt and in foreign countries.
That dinner was served up at mid-day, may be inferred from the
invitation given by Joseph to his brethren; but it is probable that,
like the Romans, they also ate supper in the evening, as is still the
custom in the East. The table was much the same as that of the present
day in Egypt: a small stool, supporting a round tray, on which the
dishes are placed; but it differed from this in having its circular
summit fixed on a pillar, or leg, which was often in the form of a
man, generally a captive, who supported the slab upon his head; the
whole being of stone, or some hard wood. On this the dishes were
placed, together with loaves of bread, some of which were not unlike
those of the present day in Egypt, flat and round as our crumpets.
Others had the form of rolls or cakes, sprinkled with seeds.
It was not generally covered with any linen, but, like the Greek
table, was washed with a sponge, or napkin, after the dishes were
removed, and polished by the servants, when the company had retired;
though an instance sometimes occurs of a napkin spread on it, at least
on those which bore offerings in honor of the dead.
One or two guests generally sat at a table, though from the mention of
persons seated in rows according to rank, it has been supposed the
tables were occasionally of a long shape, as may have been the case
when the brethren of Joseph "sat before him, the first born according
to his birth-right, and the youngest according to his youth," Joseph
eating alone at another table where "they set on for him by himself."
But even if round, they might still sit according to rank; one place
being always the post of honor, even at the present day, at the round
table of Egypt.
In the houses of the rich, bread was made of wheat; the poorer classes
being contented with bakes of barley, or of _doora_ (holcus sorghum),
which last is still so commonly used by them; for Herodotus is as
wrong in saying that they thought it "the greatest disgrace to live
on wheat and barley," as that "no one drank out of any but bronze (or
brazen) cups." The drinking cups of the Egyptians not only varied in
their materials, but also in their forms. Some were plain and
unornamented; others, though of small dimensions, were made after the
models of larger vases; many were like our own cups without handles;
and others may come under the denomination of beakers, and saucers. Of
these the former were frequently made of alabaster, with a round base,
so that they could not stand when filled, and were held in the hand,
or, when empty, were turned downwards upon their rim: and the saucers,
which were of glazed pottery, had sometimes lotus blossoms, or fish,
represented on their concave surface.
The tables, as at a Roman repast, were occasionally brought in, and
removed, with the dishes on them; sometimes each joint was served up
separately, and the fruit, deposited in a plate or trencher, succeeded
the meat at the close of the dinner; but in less fashionable circles,
particularly of the olden time, fruit was brought in baskets, which
stood beside the table. The dishes consisted of fish; meat boiled,
roasted, and dressed in various ways; game, poultry, and a profusion
of vegetables and fruit, particularly figs and grapes, during the
season; and a soup, or "pottage of lentils," as with the modern
Egyptians, was not an unusual dish.
Of figs and grapes they were particularly fond, which is shown by
their constant introduction, even among the choice offerings presented
to the gods; and figs of the sycamore must have been highly esteemed,
since they were selected as the heavenly fruit, given by the goddess
Netpe to those who were judged worthy of admission to the regions of
eternal happiness. Fresh dates during the season, and in a dried state
at other periods of the year, were also brought to table, as well as a
preserve of the fruit, made into a cake of the same form as the
tamarinds now brought from the interior of Africa, and sold in the
Cairo market.
The guests sat on the ground, or on stools and chairs, and, having
neither knives and forks, nor any substitute for them answering to the
chop-sticks of the Chinese, they ate with their fingers, like the
modern Asiatics, and invariably with the right hand; nor did the Jews
and Etruscans, though they had forks for other purposes, use any at
table.
Spoons were introduced when required for soup, or other liquids; and,
perhaps, even a knife was employed on some occasions, to facilitate
the carving of a large joint, which is sometimes done in the East at
the present day.
The Egyptians washed after, as well as before, dinner; an invariable
custom throughout the East, as among the Greeks, Romans, Hebrews, and
others; and Herodotus speaks of a golden basin, belonging to Amasis,
which was used by the King, and "the guests who were in the habit of
eating at his table."
An absorbent seems also to have been adopted for scouring the hands;
and a powder of ground lupins, the _doqaq_ of modern Egypt, is no
doubt an old invention, handed down to the present inhabitants.
Soap was not unknown to the ancients, and a small quantity has been
found at Pompeii. Pliny, who mentions it as an invention of the Gauls,
says it was made of fat and ashes; and Aretæus, the physician of
Cappadocia, tells us that the Greeks borrowed their knowledge of its
medicinal properties from the Romans. But there is no evidence of soap
having been used by the Egyptians; and if by accident they discovered
something of the kind, while engaged with mixtures of natron or
potash, and other ingredients, it is probable that it was only an
absorbent, without oil or grease, and on a par with steatite, or the
argillaceous earths, with which, no doubt, they were long acquainted.
The Egyptians, a scrupulously religious people, were never remiss in
expressing their gratitude for the blessings they enjoyed, and in
returning thanks to the gods for that peculiar protection they were
thought to extend to them and to their country, above all the nations
of the earth.
They, therefore, never sat down to meals without saying grace; and
Josephus says that when the seventy-two elders were invited by Ptolemy
Philadelphus to sup at the palace, Nicanor requested Eleazer to say
grace for his countrymen, instead of those Egyptians to whom that duty
was committed on other occasions.
It was also a custom of the Egyptians, during or after their repasts,
to introduce a wooden image of Osiris, from one foot and a half to
three feet in height, in the form of a human mummy, standing erect, or
lying on a bier, and to show it to each of the guests, warning him of
his mortality, and the transitory nature of human pleasures. He was
reminded that some day he would be like that figure; that men ought
"to love one another, and avoid those evils which tend to make them
consider life too long, when in reality it is too short;" and while
enjoying the blessings of this world, to bear in mind that their
existence was precarious, and that death, which all ought to be
prepared to meet, must eventually close their earthly career.
Thus, while the guests were permitted, and even encouraged, to indulge
in conviviality, the pleasures of the table, and the mirth so
congenial to their lively disposition, they were exhorted to put a
certain degree of restraint upon their conduct; and though this
sentiment was perverted by other people, and used as an incentive to
present excesses, it was perfectly consistent with the ideas of the
Egyptians to be reminded that this life was only a lodging, or "inn"
on their way, and that their existence here was the preparation for a
future state.
"The ungodly," too, of Solomon's time, thus expressed themselves: "Our
life is short and tedious, and in the death of a man there is no
remedy; neither was there any man known to have returned from the
grave. For we are born at all adventure, and we shall be hereafter as
though we had never been, ... come on, therefore, let us enjoy the
good things that are present, ... let us fill ourselves with costly
wine and ointments; and let no flower of the spring pass by us; let us
crown ourselves with rosebuds, before they be withered; let none of us
go without his part of our voluptuousness; let us leave tokens of our
joyfulness in every place."
But even if the Egyptians, like other men, neglected a good warning,
the original object of it was praiseworthy; and Plutarch expressly
states that it was intended to convey a moral lesson. The idea of
death had nothing revolting to them; and so little did the Egyptians
object to have it brought before them, that they even introduced the
mummy of a deceased relative at their parties, and placed it at table,
as one of the guests; a fact which is recorded by Lucian, in his
"Essay on Grief," and of which he declares himself to have been an
eye-witness.
After dinner, music and singing were resumed; hired men and women
displayed feats of agility; swinging each other round by the hand;
throwing up and catching the ball; or flinging themselves round
backwards head-over-heels, in imitation of a wheel; which was usually
a performance of women. They also stood on each other's backs, and
made a somersault from that position; and a necklace, or other reward,
was given to the most successful tumbler.
[Page Decoration]
[Page Decoration]
EGYPTIAN MUSIC AND ENTERTAINMENTS.
Though impossible for us now to form any notion of the character or
style of Egyptian music, we may be allowed to conjecture that it was
studied on scientific principles; and, whatever defects existed in the
skill of ordinary performers, who gained their livelihood by playing
in public, or for the entertainment of a private party, music was
looked upon as an important science, and diligently studied by the
priests themselves. According to Diodorus it was not customary to make
music part of their education, being deemed useless and even
injurious, as tending to render the minds of men effeminate; but this
remark can only apply to the custom of studying it as an amusement.
Plato, who was well acquainted with the usages of the Egyptians, says
that they considered music of the greatest consequence, from its
beneficial effects upon the mind of youth; and according to Strabo,
the children of the Egyptians were taught letters, the songs appointed
by law, and a certain kind of music, established by government.
That the Egyptians were particularly fond of music is abundantly
proved by the paintings in their tombs of the earliest times; and we
even find they introduced figures performing on the favorite
instruments of the country, among the devices with which they adorned
fancy boxes or trinkets. The skill of the Egyptians in the use of
musical instruments is also noticed by Athenæus, who says that both
the Greeks and barbarians were taught by refugees from Egypt, and
that the Alexandrians were the most scientific and skillful players on
pipes and other instruments.
It is sufficiently evident, from the sculptures of the ancient
Egyptians, that their hired musicians were acquainted with the triple
symphony: the harmony of instruments; of voices; and of voices and
instruments. Their band was variously composed, consisting either of
two harps, with the single pipe and flute; of the harp and double pipe,
frequently with the addition of the guitar; of a fourteen-stringed
harp, a guitar, lyre, double pipe, and tambourine; of two harps,
sometimes of different sizes, one of seven, the other of four, strings;
of two harps of eight chords, and a seven-stringed lyre; of the guitar
and the square or oblong tambourine; of the lyre, harp, guitar, double
pipe, and a sort of harp with four strings, which was held upon the
shoulder; of the harp, guitar, double pipe, lyre, and square
tambourine; of the harp, two guitars, and the double pipe; of the harp,
two flutes, and a guitar; of two harps and a flute; of a
seventeen-stringed lyre, the double pipe, and a harp of fourteen
chords; of the harp and two guitars; or of two seven-stringed harps and
an instrument held in the hand, not unlike an eastern fan, to which
were probably attached small bells, or pieces of metal that emitted a
jingling sound when shaken, like the crescent-crowned _bells_ of our
modern bands. There were many other combinations of these various
instruments; and in the Bacchic festival of Ptolemy Philadelphus,
described by Athenæus, more than 600 musicians were employed in the
chorus, among whom were 300 performers on the _cithara_.
Sometimes the harp was played alone, or as an accompaniment to the
voice; and a band of seven or more choristers frequently sang to it a
favorite air, beating time with their hands between each stanza. They
also sang to other instruments, as the lyre, guitar or double pipe; or
to several of them played together, as the flute and one or more
harps; or to these last with a lyre or a guitar. It was not unusual
for one man or one woman to perform a solo; and a chorus of many
persons occasionally sang at a private assembly without any
instrument, two or three beating time at intervals with the hand.
Sometimes the band of choristers consisted of more than twenty
persons, only two of whom responded by clapping their hands; and in
one instance we have seen a female represented holding what was
perhaps another kind of jingling instrument.
The custom of beating time by clapping the hands between the stanzas
is still usual in Egypt.
On some occasions women beat the tambourine and _darabooka_ drum,
without the addition of any other instrument; dancing or singing to
the sound; and bearing palm branches or green twigs in their hands,
they proceeded to the tomb of a deceased friend, accompanied by this
species of music. The same custom may still be traced in the Friday
visit to the cemetery, and in some other funeral ceremonies among the
Moslem peasants of modern Egypt.
If it was not customary for the higher classes of Egyptians to learn
music for the purpose of playing in society, and if few amateur
performers could be found among persons of rank, still some general
knowledge of the art must have been acquired by a people so alive to
its charms; and the attention paid to it by the priests regulated the
taste, and prevented the introduction of a vitiated style.
Those who played at the houses of the rich, as well as the ambulant
musicians of the streets, were of the lower classes, and made this
employment the means of obtaining their livelihood; and in many
instances both the minstrels and the choristers were blind.
It was not so necessary an accomplishment for the higher classes of
Egyptians as of the Greeks, who, as Cicero says, "considered the arts
of singing and playing upon musical instruments a very principal part
of learning; whence it is related of Epaminondas, who, in my judgment,
was the first of all the Greeks, that he played very well upon the
flute. And, some time before, Themistocles, upon refusing the harp at
an entertainment, passed for an uninstructed and ill-bred person.
Hence, Greece became celebrated for skillful musicians; and as all
persons there learned music, those who attained to no proficiency in
it were thought uneducated and unaccomplished."
Cornelius Nepos also states that Epaminondas "played the harp and
flute, and perfectly understood the art of dancing, with other liberal
sciences," which, "though trivial things in the opinion of the Romans,
were reckoned highly commendable in Greece."
The Israelites also delighted in music and the dance; and persons of
rank deemed them a necessary part of their education. Like the
Egyptians with whom they had so long resided, the Jews carefully
distinguished sacred from profane music. They introduced it at public
and private rejoicings, at funerals, and in religious services; but
the character of the airs, like the words of their songs, varied
according to the occasion; and they had canticles of mirth, of praise,
of thanksgiving, and of lamentation. Some were _epithalamia_, or songs
composed to celebrate marriages; others to commemorate a victory, or
the accession of a prince; to return thanks to the Deity, or to
celebrate his praises; to lament a general calamity, or a private
affliction; and others, again, were peculiar to their festive
meetings. On these occasions they introduced the harp, lute, tabret,
and various instruments, together with songs and dancing, and the
guests were entertained nearly in the same manner as at an Egyptian
feast. In the temple, and in the religious ceremonies, the Jews had
female as well as male performers, who were generally daughters of the
Levites, as the Pallaces of Thebes were either of the royal family, or
the daughters of priests; and these musicians were attached
exclusively to the service of religion.
David was not only remarkable for his taste and skill in music, but
took a delight in introducing it on every occasion. "And seeing that
the Levites were numerous, and no longer employed as formerly in
carrying the boards, veils, and vessels of the tabernacle, its abode
being fixed at Jerusalem, he appointed a great part of them to sing
and play on instruments, at the religious festivals."
Solomon, again, at the dedication of the temple, employed "120
priests, to sound with trumpets;" and Josephus pretends that no less
than 200,000 musicians were present at that ceremony, besides the same
number of singers, who were Levites.
When hired to attend at a private entertainment, the musicians either
stood in the centre, or at one side, of the festive chamber, and some
sat cross-legged on the ground, like the Turks and other Eastern
people of the present day. They were usually accompanied on these
occasions by dancers, either men or women, sometimes both; whose art
consisted in assuming all the graceful or ludicrous gestures, which
could obtain the applause, or tend to the amusement, of the assembled
guests. For music and dancing were considered as essential at their
entertainments, as among the Greeks; but it is by no means certain
that these diversions counteracted the effect of wine, as Plutarch
imagines; a sprightly air is more likely to have invited another
glass; and sobriety at a feast was not one of the objects of the
lively Egyptians.
They indulged freely in whatever tended to increase their enjoyment,
and wine flowed freely at their entertainments.
Private individuals were under no particular restrictions with regard
to its use, and it was not forbidden to women. In this they differed
widely from the Romans; for in early times no female at Rome enjoyed
the privilege, and it was unlawful for women, or, indeed, for young
men below the age of thirty, to drink wine, except at sacrifices.
Even at a later time the Romans considered it disgraceful for a woman
to drink wine; and they sometimes saluted a female relation, whom they
suspected, in order to discover if she had secretly indulged in its
use. It was afterwards allowed them on the plea of health.
That Egyptian women were not forbidden the use of wine, is evident
from the frescoes which represent their feasts; and the painters, in
illustrating this fact, have sometimes sacrificed their gallantry to a
love of caricature. Some call the servants to support them as they
sit, others with difficulty prevent themselves from falling on those
behind them; a basin is brought too late by a reluctant servant, and
the faded flower, which is ready to drop from their heated hands, is
intended to be characteristic of their own sensations.
That the consumption of wine in Egypt was very great is evident from
the sculptures, and from the accounts of ancient authors, some of whom
have censured the Egyptians for their excesses; and so much did the
quantity used exceed that made in the country, that, in the time of
Herodotus, twice every year a large importation was received from
Phœnicia and Greece.
Notwithstanding all the injunctions or exhortations of the priests in
favor of temperance, the Egyptians of both sexes appear from the
sculptures to have committed occasional excesses, and men were
sometimes unable to walk from a feast, and were carried home by
servants. These scenes, however, do not appear to refer to members of
the higher, but of the lower, classes, some of whom indulged in
extravagant buffoonery, dancing in a ludicrous manner, or standing on
their heads, and frequently in amusements which terminated in a fight.
At the tables of the rich, stimulants were sometimes introduced, to
excite the palate before drinking, and Athenæus mentions cabbages as
one of the vegetables used by the Egyptians for this purpose.
Besides beer, the Egyptians had what Pliny calls factitious, or
artificial, wine, extracted from various fruits, as figs, _myxas_,
pomegranates, as well as herbs, some of which were selected for their
medicinal properties. The Greeks and Latins comprehended every kind of
beverage made by the process of fermentation under the same general
name, and beer was designated as barley-_wine_; but, by the use of the
name zythos, they show that the Egyptians distinguished it by its own
peculiar appellation. Palm-wine was also made in Egypt, and used in
the process of embalming.
The palm-wine now made in Egypt and the Oases is simply from an
incision in the heart of the tree, immediately below the base of the
upper branches, and a jar is attached to the part to catch the juice
which exudes from it. But a palm thus tapped is rendered perfectly
useless as a fruit-bearing tree, and generally dies in consequence;
and it is reasonable to suppose that so great a sacrifice is seldom
made except when date-trees are to be felled, or when they grow in
great abundance.
The modern name of this beverage in Egypt is _lowbgeh_; in flavor it
resembles a very new light wine, and may be drunk in great quantity
when taken from the tree; but, as soon as the fermentation has
commenced, its intoxicating qualities have a powerful and speedy
effect.
Among the various fruit-trees cultivated by the ancient Egyptians,
palms, of course, held the first rank, as well from their abundance as
from their great utility. The fruit constituted a principal part of
their food, both in the month of August, when it was gathered fresh
from the trees, and at other seasons of the year, when it was used in
a preserved state.
They had two different modes of keeping the dates; one was by the
simple process of drying them, the other was by making them into a
conserve, like the _agweh_ of the present day; and of this, which was
eaten either cooked or as a simple sweetmeat, there have been found
some cakes, as well as the dried dates, in the sepulchres of Thebes.
Pliny makes a just remark respecting the localities where the palm
prospers, and the constant irrigation it requires; and though every
one in the East knows the tree will not grow except where water is
abundant, we still read of "palm-trees of the desert," as if it
delighted in an arid district. Wherever it is found it is a sure
indication of water; and if it may be said to flourish in a sandy
soil, this is only in situations where its roots can obtain a certain
quantity of moisture. The numerous purposes for which its branches and
other parts might be applied rendered the cultivation of this valuable
and productive tree a matter of primary importance, for no portion of
it is without its peculiar use.
The trunk serves for beams, either entire, or split in half; of the
_gereet_, or branches, are made wicker baskets, bedsteads, coops, and
ceilings of rooms, answering every purpose for which laths or any thin
woodwork are required; the leaves are converted into mats, brooms, and
baskets; of the fibrous tegument as the base of the branches, strong
ropes and mats are made, and even the thick ends of the _gereet_ are
beaten flat and formed into brooms.
Besides the _lowbgeh_ of the tree, brandy, wine, and vinegar are made
from the fruit; and the quantity of saccharine matter in the dates
might be used in default of sugar or honey.
In Upper Egypt another tree called the _Dom_, or Theban palm, was also
much cultivated, and its wood, more solid and compact than the
date-tree, is found to answer as well for rafts, and other purposes
connected with water, as for beams and rafters.
[Page Decoration]
GAMES AND SPORTS OF THE EGYPTIANS.
The game of _morra_ was common in ancient as well as modern Italy, and
was played by two persons, who each simultaneously threw out the
fingers of one hand, while one party guessed the sum of both. They
were said in Latin, "micare digitis," and this game, still so common
among the lower order of Indians, existed in Egypt, about four
thousand years ago, in the reigns of the Osirtasens.
The same, or even a greater, antiquity may be claimed for the game of
draughts, or, as it has been called, chess. As in the two former, the
players sat on the ground, or on chairs, and the pieces, or men, being
ranged in line at either end of the tables, moved on a chequered
board, as in our own chess.
The pieces were all of the same size and form, though they varied on
different boards, some being small, others large with round summits:
some were surmounted by human heads; and many were of a lighter and
neater shape, like small nine-pins, probably the most fashionable
kind, since they were used in the palace of king Remeses. These last
seem to have been about one inch and a half high, standing on a
circular base of half an inch in diameter; but some are only one inch
and a quarter in height, and little more than half an inch broad at
the lower end. Others have been found, of ivory, one inch and six
eighths high, and one and an eighth in diameter, with a small knob at
the top, exactly like those represented at Beni Hassan, and the tombs
near the Pyramids.
They were about equal in size upon the same board, one set black, the
other white or red; or one with round, the other with flat heads,
standing on opposite sides; and each player, raising it with the
finger and thumb, advanced his piece towards those of his opponent;
but though we are unable to say if this was done in a direct or a
diagonal line, there is reason to believe they could not take
backwards as in the Polish game of chess, the men being mixed together
on the board.
It was an amusement common in the houses of the lower classes, as in
the mansions of the rich; and king Remeses is himself portrayed on the
walls of his palace at Thebes, engaged in the game of chess with the
ladies of his household.
The modern Egyptians have a game of chess, very similar, in the
appearance of the men, to that of their ancestors, which they call
_dameh_, and play much in the same manner as our own.
Analogous to the game of odd and even was one, in which two of the
players held a number of shells, or dice, in their closed hands, over
a third person who knelt between them, with his face towards the
ground, and who was obliged to guess the combined number ere he could
be released from this position.
Another game consisted in endeavoring to snatch from each other a
small hoop, by means of hooked rods, probably of metal; and the
success of a player seems to have depended on extricating his own from
an adversary's rod, and then snatching up the hoop, before he had time
to stop it.
There were also two games, of which the boards, with the men, are in
the possession of Dr. Abbott. One is eleven inches long by three and a
half, and has ten spaces or squares in three rows; the other twelve
squares at the upper end (or four squares in three rows) and a long
line of eight squares below, forming an approach to the upper part,
like the arrangement of German tactics. The men in the drawer of the
board are of two shapes, one set ten, the other nine in number.
Other games are represented in the paintings, but not in a manner to
render them intelligible; and many, which were doubtless common in
Egypt, are omitted both in the tombs, and in the writings of ancient
authors.
The dice discovered at Thebes and other places, may not be of a
Pharaonic period, but, from the simplicity of their form, we may
suppose them similar to those of the earliest age, in which, too, the
conventional number of six sides had probably always been adopted.
They were marked with small circles, representing units, generally
with a dot in the centre; and were of bone or ivory, varying slightly
in size.
Plutarch shows that dice were a very early invention in Egypt, and
acknowledged to be so by the Egyptians themselves, since they were
introduced into one of their oldest mythological fables; Mercury being
represented playing at dice with the Moon, previous to the birth of
Osiris, and winning from her the five days of the epact, which were
added to complete the 365 days of the year.
It is probable that several games of chance were known to the
Egyptians, besides dice and _morra_, and, as with the Romans, that
many a doubtful mind sought relief in the promise of success, by
having recourse to fortuitous combinations of various kinds; and the
custom of drawing, or casting lots, was common, at least as early as
the period of the Hebrew Exodus.
The games and amusements of children were such as tended to promote
health by the exercise of the body, and to divert the mind by
laughable entertainments. Throwing and catching the ball, running,
leaping, and similar feats, were encouraged, as soon as their age
enabled them to indulge in them; and a young child was amused with
painted dolls, whose hands and legs, moving on pins, were made to
assume various positions by means of strings. Some of these were of
rude form, without legs, or with an imperfect representation of a
single arm on one side. Some had numerous beads, in imitation of
hair, hanging from the doubtful place of the head; others exhibited a
nearer approach to the form of a man; and some, made with considerable
attention to proportion, were small models of the human figure. They
were colored according to fancy; and the most shapeless had usually
the most gaudy appearance, being intended to catch the eye of an
infant. Sometimes a man was figured washing, or kneading dough, who
was made to work by pulling a string; and a typhonian monster, or a
crocodile, amused a child by its grimaces, or the motion of its
opening mouth. In the toy of the crocodile, we have sufficient
evidence that the notion of this animal "not moving its lower jaw, and
being the only creature which brings the upper one down to the lower,"
is erroneous. Like other animals, it moves the lower jaw _only_; but
when seizing its prey, it throws up its head, which gives an
appearance of motion in the upper jaw, and has led to the mistake.
The game of ball was of course generally played out of doors. It was
not confined to children, nor to one sex, though the mere amusement of
throwing and catching it appears to have been considered more
particularly adapted to women. They had different modes of playing.
Sometimes a person unsuccessful in catching the ball was obliged to
suffer another to ride on her back, who continued to enjoy this post
until she also missed it; the ball being thrown by an opposite player,
mounted in the same manner, and placed at a certain distance,
according to the space previously agreed upon; and, from the
beast-of-burden office of the person who had failed, the same name was
probably applied to her as to those in the Greek game, "who were
called asses, and were obliged to submit to the commands of the
victor."
Sometimes they caught three or more balls in succession, the hands
occasionally crossed over the breast; they also threw it up to a
height and caught it, like our "sky-ball;" and the game described by
Homer to have been played by Halius and Laodamus, in the presence of
Alcinous, was known to them; in which one party threw the ball as high
as he could, and the other, leaping up, caught it on its fall, before
his feet again touched the ground.
When mounted on the backs of the losing party, the Egyptian women sat
sidewise. Their dress consisted merely of a short petticoat, without a
body, the loose upper robe being laid aside on these occasions; it was
bound at the waist with a girdle, supported by a strap over the
shoulder, and was nearly the same as the undress garb of mourners,
worn during the funeral lamentation on the death of a friend.
The balls were made of leather or skin, sewed with string, crosswise,
in the same manner as our own, and stuffed with bran, or husks of
corn; and those which have been found at Thebes are about three inches
in diameter. Others were made of string, or of the stalks of rushes,
platted together so as to form a circular mass, and covered, like the
former, with leather. They appear also to have had a smaller kind of
ball probably of the same materials, and covered, like many of our
own, with slips of leather of a rhomboidal shape, sewed together
longitudinally, and meeting in a common point at both ends, each
alternate slip being of a different color; but these have only been
met with in pottery.
In one of their performances of strength and dexterity, two men stood
together side by side, and, placing one arm forward and the other
behind them, held the hands of two women, who reclined backwards, in
opposite directions, with their whole weight pressed against each
other's feet, and in this position were whirled round; the hands of
the men who held them being occasionally crossed, in order more
effectually to guarantee the steadiness of the centre, on which they
turned.
Sometimes two men, seated back to back on the ground, at a given
signal tried who should rise first from that position, without
touching the ground with the hand. And in this, too, there was
probably the trial who should first make good his seat upon the
ground, from a standing position.
Another game consisted in throwing a knife, or pointed weapon, into a
block of wood, in which each player was required to strike his
adversary's, or more probably to fix his own in the centre, or at the
circumference, of a ring painted on the wood; and his success depended
on being able to ring his weapon most frequently, or approach most
closely to the line.
Conjuring appears also to have been known to them, at least
thimble-rig, or the game of cups, under which a ball was put, while
the opposite party guessed under which of four it was concealed.
The Egyptian grandees frequently admitted dwarfs, and deformed persons,
into their household; originally, perhaps, from a humane motive, or
from some superstitious regard for men who bore the external character
of one of their principal gods, Pthah-Sokari-Osiris, the misshapen
Deity of Memphis; but, whatever may have given rise to the custom, it
is a singular fact, that already as early as the age of Osirtasen, or
about 4,000 years ago, the same fancy of attaching these persons to
their suite existed among the Egyptians, as at Rome, and even in modern
Europe, till a late period.
The games of the lower orders, and of those who sought to invigorate
the body by active exercises, consisted of feats of agility and
strength. Wrestling was a favorite amusement; and the paintings at
Beni Hassan present all the varied attitudes and modes of attack and
defence of which it is susceptible. And, in order to enable the
spectator more readily to perceive the position of the limbs of each
combatant, the artist has availed himself of a dark and light color,
and even ventured to introduce alternately a black and red figure. The
subject covers a whole wall.
It is probable that, like the Greeks, they anointed the body with
oil, when preparing for these exercises, and they were entirely naked,
with the exception of a girdle, apparently of leathern thongs.
The two combatants generally approached each other, holding their arms
in an inclined position before the body; and each endeavored to seize
his adversary in the manner best suited to his mode of attack. It was
allowable to take hold of any part of the body, the head, neck, or
legs; and the struggle was frequently continued on the ground, after
one or both had fallen; a mode of wrestling common also to the Greeks.
They also fought with the single stick, the hand being apparently
protected by a basket, or guard projecting over the knuckles; and on
the left arm they wore a straight piece of wood, bound on with straps,
serving as a shield to ward off their adversary's blow. They do not,
however, appear to have used the _cestus_, nor to have known the art
of boxing; though in one group, at Beni Hassan, the combatants appear
to strike each other. Nor is there an instance, in any of these
contests, of the Greek sign of acknowledging defeat, which was by
holding up a finger in token of submission; and it was probably done
by the Egyptians with a word. It is also doubtful if throwing the
discus, or quoit, was an Egyptian game; but there appears to be one
instance of it, in a king's tomb of the 19th dynasty.
One of their feats of strength, or dexterity, was lifting weights; and
bags full of sand were raised with one hand from the ground and
carried with a straight arm over the head, and held in that position.
Mock fights were also an amusement, particularly among those of the
military class, who were trained to the fatigues of war, by these
manly recreations. One party attacked a temporary fort, and brought up
the battering ram, under cover of the testudo; another defended the
walls and endeavored to repel the enemy; others, in two parties of
equal numbers, engaged in single stick, or the more usual _neboot_, a
pole wielded with both hands; and the pugnacious spirit of the people
is frequently alluded to in the scenes portrayed by their artists.
The use of the _neboot_ seems to have been as common among the
ancient, as among the modern, Egyptians; and the quarrels of villages
were often decided or increased, as at present, by this efficient
weapon.
Crews of boats are also represented attacking each other with the
earnestness of real strife. Some are desperately wounded, and, being
felled by their more skillful opponents, are thrown headlong into the
water; and the truth of Herodotus' assertion, that the heads of the
Egyptians were harder than those of other people, seems fully
justified by the scenes described by their own draughtsmen.
It is fortunate that their successors have inherited this peculiarity,
in order to bear the violence of the Turks, and their own combats.
Many singular encounters with sticks are mentioned by ancient authors;
among which may be noticed one at Papremis, the city of Mars,
described by Herodotus. When the votaries of the deity presented
themselves at the gates of the temple, their entrance was obstructed
by an opposing party; and all being armed with sticks, they commenced
a rude combat, which ended, not merely in the infliction of a few
severe wounds, but even, as the historian affirms, in the death of
many persons on either side.
Bull-fights were also among their sports; which were sometimes
exhibited in the _dromos_, or avenue, leading to the temples, as at
Memphis before the temple of Vulcan; and prizes were awarded to the
owner of the victorious combatant. Great care was taken in training
them for this purpose; Strabo says as much as is usually bestowed on
horses; and herdsmen were not loth to allow, or encourage, an
occasional fight for the love of the exciting and popular amusement.
They did not, however, condemn culprits, or captives taken in war, to
fight with wild beasts, for the amusement of an unfeeling assembly;
nor did they compel gladiators to kill each other, and gratify a
depraved taste by exhibitions revolting to humanity. Their great
delight was in amusements of a lively character, as music, dancing,
buffoonery, and feats of agility; and those who excelled in gymnastic
exercises were rewarded with prizes of various kinds; which in the
country towns consisted, among other things, of cattle, dresses, and
skins, as in the games celebrated in Chemmis.
The lively amusements of the Egyptians show that they had not the
gloomy character so often attributed to them; and it is satisfactory
to have these evidences by which to judge of it, in default of their
physiognomy, so unbecomingly altered by death, bitumen, and bandages.
The intellectual capabilities, however, of individuals may yet be
subject to the decision of the phrenologist; and if they have escaped
the ordeal of the _supposed_ spontaneous rotation of a pendulum under
a glass bell, their handwriting is still open to the criticisms of the
wise, who discover by it the most minute secrets of character; and
some of the old scribes may even now be amenable to this kind of
scrutiny. But they are fortunately out of reach of the surprise, that
some in modern days exhibit, at the exact likeness of themselves,
believed to be presented to them from their own handwriting by a few
clever generalities; forgetting that the sick man, in each malady he
reads of in a book of medicine, discovers his own symptoms, and
fancies they correspond with his own particular case. For though a
certain neatness, or precision, carelessness, or other habit, may be
discovered by handwriting, to describe from it all the minutiæ of
character is only feeding the love of the marvelous, so much on the
increase in these days, when a reaction of credulity bids fair to make
nothing too extravagant for our modern _gobe-mouches_.
Among the various pastimes of the Egyptians, none was more popular
than the chase; and the wealthy aristocracy omitted nothing that could
promote their favorite amusement. They hunted the numerous wild
animals in the desert; they had them caught with nets, to be turned
out on some future day; and some very keen sportsmen took long
journeys to spots noted for abundance of game.
When a grand chase or hunt took place in the domain of some grandee,
or in the extensive tracts of the desert, a retinue of huntsmen,
beaters and others in his service, attended to manage the hounds, to
carry the game baskets and hunting poles, to set the nets, and to make
other preparations for a good day's sport. Some took a fresh supply of
arrows, a spare bow, and various requisites for remedying accidents;
some were merely beaters, others were to assist in securing the large
animals caught by the _lasso_, others had to mark or turn the game,
and some carried a stock of provisions for the chasseur and his
friends. These last were borne upon the usual wooden yoke, across the
shoulders, and consisted of a skin of water, and jars of good wine
placed in wicker baskets, with bread, meats, and other eatables.
Sometimes a portion of the desert of considerable extent, was enclosed
by nets, into which the animals were driven by beaters; and the place
chosen for fixing them was, if possible, across narrow valleys, or
torrent beds, lying between some rocky hills. Here a sportsman on
horseback, or in a chariot, could waylay them, or get within reach
with a bow; for many animals, particularly gazelles, when closely
pressed by dogs, fear to take a steep ascent, and are easily
overtaken, or shot as they double back.
The spots thus enclosed were usually in the vicinity of the water
brooks, to which they were in the habit of repairing in the morning
and evening; and having awaited the time when they went to drink, and
ascertained it by their recent tracks on the accustomed path, the
hunters disposed the nets, occupied proper positions for observing
them unseen, and gradually closed in upon them.
Such are the scenes partially portrayed in the Egyptian paintings,
where long nets are represented surrounding the space they hunted in;
and the hyænas, jackals, and various wild beasts unconnected with the
sport, are intended to show that they have been accidentally enclosed
within the same line of nets with the antelopes and other animals.
In the same way Æneas and Dido repaired to a wood at break of day,
after the attendants had surrounded it with a temporary fence, to
enclose the game.
The long net was furnished with several ropes, and was supported on
forked poles, varying in length, to correspond with the inequalities
of the ground, and was so contrived as to enclose any space, by
crossing hills, valleys or streams, and encircling woods, or whatever
might present itself; smaller nets for stopping gaps were also used;
and a circular snare, set round with wooden or metal nails, and
attached by a rope to a log of wood, which was used for catching deer,
resembled one still made by the Arabs.
The dresses of the attendants and huntsmen were generally of a
suppressed color, "lest they should be seen at a distance by the
animals," tight fitting, and reaching only a short way down the thigh;
and the horses of the chariots were divested of the feathers and showy
ornaments used on other occasions.
Besides the portions of the open desert and the valleys, which were
enclosed for hunting, the parks and covers on their own domains in the
valley of the Nile, though of comparatively limited dimensions,
offered ample space and opportunity for indulging in the chase; and a
quantity of game was kept there, principally the wild goat, oryx, and
gazelle.
They had also fish-ponds, and spacious poultry-yards, set apart for
keeping geese and other wild fowl, which they fattened for the table.
It was the duty of the huntsmen, or the gamekeepers, to superintend
the preserves; and at proper periods of the year wild fawns were
obtained, to increase the herds of gazelles and other animals, which
always formed part of the stock of a wealthy Egyptian.
The Egyptians frequently coursed with dogs in the open plains, the
chasseur following in his chariot, and the huntsmen on foot. Sometimes
he only drove to cover in his car, and having alighted, shared in the
toil of searching for the game, his attendants keeping the dogs in
slips, ready to start them as soon as it appeared. The more usual
custom when the dogs threw off in a level plain of great extent, was
for him to remain in his chariot, and, urging his horses to their full
speed, endeavor to turn or intercept them as they doubled, discharging
a well-directed arrow whenever they came within its range.
The dogs were taken to the ground by persons expressly employed for
that purpose, and for all the duties connected with the kennel; and
were either started one by one or in pairs, in the narrow valleys or
open plains; and when coursing on foot, the chasseur and his attendant
huntsmen, acquainted with the direction and sinuosities of the torrent
beds, shortened the road as they followed across the intervening
hills, and sought a favorable opportunity for using the bow; or
enjoyed the course in the level space before them.
Having pursued on foot, and arrived at the spot where the dogs had
caught their prey, the huntsman, if alone, took up the game, tied its
legs together, and hanging it over his shoulders, once more led by his
hand the coupled dogs, precisely in the same manner as the Arabs do at
the present day. But this was generally the office of persons who
carried the cages and baskets on the usual wooden yoke, and who took
charge of the game as soon as it was caught; the supply of these
substitutes for our game cart being in proportion to the proposed
range of the chase, and the number of head they expected to kill.
Sometimes an ibex, oryx, or wild ox, being closely pressed by the
hounds, faced round and kept them at bay, with its formidable horns,
and the spear of the huntsman as he came up, was required to decide
the success of the chase.
It frequently happened, when the chasseur had many attendants and the
district to be hunted was extensive, that they divided into parties,
each taking one or more dogs, and starting them on whatever animal
broke cover; sometimes they went without hounds, merely having a small
dog for searching the bushes, or laid in wait for the larger and more
formidable animals, and attacked them with the lance.
The noose, or _lasso_, was also employed to catch the wild ox, the
antelope and other animals; but this could only be thrown by lying in
ambush for the purpose, and was principally adopted when they wished
to secure them alive.
Besides the bow, the hounds and the noose, they hunted with lions,
which were trained expressly for the chase, like the _cheeta_, or
hunting leopard of India, being brought up from cubs in a tame state;
and many Egyptian monarchs were accompanied in battle by a favorite
lion. But there is no instance of hawking.
The bow used for the chase was very similar to that employed in war;
the arrows were generally the same, with metal heads, though some were
only tipped with stone. The mode of drawing the bow was also the same;
and if the chasseurs sometimes pulled the string only to the breast,
the more usual method was to raise it, and bring the arrow to the ear;
and occasionally, one or more spare arrows were held in the hand, to
give greater facility in discharging them with rapidity on the
antelopes and oxen.
The animals they chiefly hunted were the gazelle, wild goat or _ibex_,
the oryx, wild ox, stag, _kebsh_ or wild sheep, hare and porcupine; of
all of which the meat was highly esteemed among the delicacies of the
table; the fox, jackal, wolf, hyæna, and leopard, and others, being
chased as an amusement, for the sake of their skins, or as enemies of
the farm-yard. For though the fact of the hyæna being sometimes bought
with the ibex and gazelle might seem to justify the belief that it was
also eaten, there is no instance of its being slaughtered for the
table. The ostrich held out a great temptation to the hunter from the
value of its plumes. These were in great request among the Egyptians
for ornamental purposes; they were also the sacred symbol of truth;
and the members of the court on grand occasions decked themselves with
the feathers of the ostrich. The labor endured during the chase of
this swift-footed bird was amply repaid; even its eggs were required
for some ornamental or for some religious use (as with the modern
Copts); and, with the plumes, formed part of the tribute imposed by
the Egyptians on the conquered countries where it abounded. Lion
hunting was a favorite amusement of the kings, and the deserts of
Ethiopia always afforded good sport, abounding as they did with lions;
their success on those occasions was a triumph they often recorded;
and Amunoph III. boasted having brought down in one _battue_ no less
than one hundred and two head, either with the bow or spear. For the
chase of elephants they went still further south; and, in after times,
the Ptolemies had hunting places in Abyssinia.
[Page Decoration]
FOOTNOTES:
[19] Epp. ii. 1, 189.
[20] We regret having lost the copy of this amusing subject. It was in
a tomb at Thebes.
[Page Decoration]
DOMESTIC LIFE.
The life of married women, maidens, children while in the care of
women, and of female slaves, passed in the gynaikonitis, from which
they issued only on rare occasions. The family life of Greek women
widely differed from our Christian idea; neither did it resemble the
life in an Oriental harem, to which it was far superior. The idea of
the family was held up by both law and custom, and although
concubinage and the intercourse with hetairai was suffered, nay
favored, by the state, still such impure elements never intruded on
domestic relations.
Our following remarks refer, of course, only to the better classes,
the struggle for existence by the poor being nearly the same in all
ages. In the seclusion of the gynaikonitis the maiden grew up in
comparative ignorance. The care bestowed on domestic duties and on her
dress was the only interest of her monotonous existence. Intellectual
intercourse with the other sex was wanting entirely. Even where
maidens appeared in public at religious ceremonies, they acted
separately from the youths. An intercourse of this kind, at any rate,
could not have a lasting influence on their culture. Even marriage did
not change this state of things. The maiden only passed from the
gynaikonitis of her father into that of her husband. In the latter,
however, she was the absolute ruler. She did not share the
intellectual life of her husband--one of the fundamental conditions of
our family life. It is true that the husband watched over her honor
with jealousy, assisted by the gynaikonomoi, sometimes even by means
of lock and key. It is also true that common custom protected a
well-behaved woman against offence; still her position was only that
of the mother of the family. Indeed, her duties and achievements were
hardly considered by the husband, in a much higher light than those of
a faithful domestic slave.
In prehistoric times the position of women seems to have been, upon
the whole, a more dignified one. Still, even then, their duties were
essentially limited to the house, as is proved, for instance, by the
words in which Telemachus bids his mother mind her spindle and loom,
instead of interfering with the debates of men. As the state became
more developed, it took up the whole attention of the man, and still
more separated him from his wife. Happy marriages, of course, were by
no means impossible; still, as a rule, the opinion prevailed of the
woman being by nature inferior to the man, and holding a position of a
minor with regard to civic rights. This principle has, indeed, been
repeatedly pronounced by ancient philosophers and lawgivers. Our
remarks hitherto referred chiefly to the Ionic-Attic tribe, renowned
for the modesty of its women and maidens. The Doric principle,
expressed in the constitution of Sparta, gave, on the contrary, full
liberty to maidens to show themselves in public, and to steel their
strength by bodily exercise. This liberty, however, was not the result
of a philosophic idea of the equality of the two sexes, but was
founded on the desire of producing strong children by means of
strengthening the body of the female.
The chief occupation of women, beyond the preparing of the meals,
consisted in spinning and weaving. In Homer we see the wives of the
nobles occupied in this way; and the custom of the women making the
necessary articles of dress continued to prevail even when the luxury
of later times, together with the degeneracy of the women themselves,
had made the establishment of workshops and places of manufacture for
this purpose necessary. Antique art has frequently treated these
domestic occupations. The Attic divinities, Athene Ergane and
Aphrodite Urania, as well as the Argive Here, Ilithyia, the protecting
goddess of child-bearing, Persephone, and Artemis, all these plastic
art represents as goddesses of fate, weaving the thread of life, and,
at the same time, protecting female endeavors; in which two-fold
quality they have the emblem of domestic activity, the distaff, as
their attribute. Only a few representations of spinning goddesses now
remain; but many are the pictures of mortal spinning-maidens painted
on walls, chiefly for female use. For the spinning, a spindle was
used, as is still the case in places where the northern
spinning-wheel has not supplanted the antique custom. Homer describes
noble ladies handling the distaff with the spindle belonging to it.
Helen received a present of a golden spindle, with a silver basket to
keep the thread in. The distaff, with a bundle of wool or flax
fastened to its point, was held under the left arm, while the thumb
and first finger of the right hand, slightly wetted, spun the thread
at the end of which hung the spindle, made of metal. The web was, from
the spindle, wound round a reel, to be further prepared on the loom.
[Illustration: SOCIAL ENJOYMENT OF WOMEN (_From an ancient
painting._)]
Akin to spinning are the arts of weaving and embroidering. We
frequently see in vase-paintings women with embroidering-frames in
their laps. The skill of Greek ladies in embroidery is sufficiently
proved by the tasteful embroidered patterns and borders on Greek
dresses, both of men and women. The vase-paintings supply many
examples.
Our remarks about female duties in preparing the meal must be short.
The heavy parts of the duty, like grinding the corn in hand-mills,
were performed by servants. In the palace of Odysseus twelve female
slaves were employed all day in grinding wheat and barley in an equal
number of hand-mills, to supply the numerous guests. The hand-mill
consisted (like those still used in some Greek islands) of two stones,
each about two feet in diameter, the upper one of which was made to
rotate by means of a crooked handle, so as to crush the corn poured
through an opening in it.
Baking and roasting meat on the spit were among the duties of female
slaves. In every house of even moderate wealth, several of these were
kept as cooks, chambermaids, and companions of the ladies on their
walks, it being deemed improper for them to leave the house
unaccompanied by several slaves. How far ladies took immediate part in
the preparing of dainty dishes we can not say. In later times it
became customary to buy or hire male slaves as cooks.
Antique representations of women bathing, adorning themselves,
playing, and dancing, are numerous. The Athenian maiden, unlike her
Spartan sister, did not think it proper to publicly exhibit her bodily
skill and beauty in a short chiton, but taking a bath seems to have
been among her every-day habits as is shown by the numerous bathing
scenes on vases. In one of them, a slave pours the contents of a
hydria over her nude mistress. Cowering on the floor in another we see
an undressed woman catching in her hand the water-spout issuing from a
mask of Pan in the wall into a bath. An alabastron and comb are lying
on the floor. A picture on an amphora in the museum of Berlin offers a
most interesting view of the interior of a Greek bath-chamber. We see
a bathing establishment built in the Doric style. By a row of columns
the inner space is divided into two bath-chambers, each for two women.
The water is most likely carried by pressure to the tops of the hollow
columns, the communication among which is effected by means of pipes
about six feet from the ground. The openings of the taps are formed
into neatly modeled heads of boars, lions, and panthers, from the
mouths of which a fine rain spray is thrown on the bathers. Their hair
has been tightly arranged into plaits. The above-mentioned pipes were
evidently used for hanging up the towels; perhaps they were even
filled with hot water to warm the bathing linen. Whether our picture
represents a public or private bath seems doubtful. The dressing after
the bath has also been frequently depicted.
We need not enter upon the subject here. We will mention the chief
utensils, as the comb, ointment-bottle, mirror, etc., on a following
page. The scenes thus depicted are undoubtedly borrowed from daily
life, although Aphrodite, with her attendance of Cupids and Graces,
has taken the place of mortal women.
For music, games, and dances, we mention only a game at ball, which
was played in a dancing measure, and, therefore, considered as a
practice of graceful movements. Homer mentions Nausikaa as a skilled
player of this game. It is remarkable that wherever women playing at
ball appear in pictures they are represented in a sitting posture.
(See cut, page 205.)
The swing was essentially a female amusement. In commemoration of the
fate of Erigone, daughter of Ikarios, a festival had been ordained at
Athens at which the maidens indulged in the joys of the swing.
Illustrations of this pastime occur frequently on vases, free from any
mythological symbolism, even in cases where Eros is made to move the
swing.
We now come to the point in the maiden's life when she is to preside
over her own household as the legitimate mate of her husband. In most
cases Greek marriage was a matter of convenience, a man considering it
his duty to provide for the legitimate continuation of his family. The
Doric tribe did not attempt to disguise this principle in its
plain-spoken laws; the rest of Greece acknowledged it but in silence,
owing to a more refined conception of the moral significance of
marriage.
The seclusion of female life, indeed, made the question of personal
charms appear of secondary importance. Equity of birth and wealth were
the chief considerations. The choice of the Athenian citizen was
limited to Athenian maidens; only in that case were the children
entitled to full birthright, the issue of a marriage of an Athenian
man or maiden with a stranger being considered illegitimate by the
law. Such a marriage was, indeed, nothing but a form of concubinage.
The laws referring to this point were, however, frequently evaded. At
the solemn betrothal, always preceding the actual marriage, the dowry
of the bride was settled; her position as a married woman greatly
depended upon its value. Frequently the daughter of poor, deserving
citizens were presented with a dowry by the state or by a number of
citizens.
In Homer's time the bridegroom wooed the bride with rich gifts;
Iphidamas, for instance, offers a hundred heifers and a thousand goats
as a nuptial present. But afterwards this was entirely reversed, the
father of the bride having to provide the dowry, consisting partly in
cash, partly in clothes, jewelry, and slaves. In cases of separation
the dowry had, in most cases, to be returned to the wife's parents.
The most appropriate age for contracting a marriage, Plato in his
Republic fixes, for girls, at twenty, for men, at thirty. There was,
however, no rule to this effect. Parents were naturally anxious to
dispose of their daughters as early as possible, without taking
objection to the advanced years of the wooer, as is tersely pointed
out by Aristophanes.
The actual marriage ceremony, or leading home, was preceded by
offerings to Zeus Teleios, Hera Teleia, Artemis Eukleia and other
deities protecting marriage. The bridal bath was the second ceremony,
which both bride and bridegroom had to go through previous to their
union.
On the wedding day, towards dark, after the meal at her parental home
was over,[21] the bride left the festively adorned house, and was
conducted by the bridegroom in a chariot to his dwelling. She sat
between the bridegroom and the best man chosen from among his
relatives or intimate friends. Accompanied by the sounds of the
hymenæos, and the festive sounds of flutes and friendly acclamations
from all passers-by, the procession moved slowly towards the
bridegroom's house, also adorned with wreaths of foliage. The mother
of the bride walked behind the chariot, with the wedding torches,
kindled at the parental hearth, according to custom immemorial. At the
door of the bridegroom his mother was awaiting the young couple with
burning torches in her hand. In case no wedding meal had been served
at the bride's house, the company now sat down to it. To prognosticate
the desired fertility of the union, cakes of sesame were distributed.
The same symbolic meaning attached to the quince, which, according to
Solon's law, the bride had to eat. After the meal the couple retired
to the thalamos, where for the first time the bride unveiled herself
to her husband. Before the door of the bridal chamber epithalamia were
sung, a charming specimen of which we possess in the bridal hymn of
Helena by Theokritos. On the two first days after the wedding,
wedding-presents were received by the pair. Not till after these days
did the bride appear without her veil.
Very different from the social position of chaste women was that of
the hetairai. We are not speaking of the lowest class of unfortunates,
worshiping Aphrodite Pandemos, but of those women who, owing to their
beauty and grace of conversation, exerted great influence even over
superior men. We only remind the reader of Aspasia. In the graces of
society the hetairai were naturally superior to respectable women,
owing to their free intercourse with men. For the hetairai did not
shun the light of day, and were not restrained by the law. Only the
house of the married man was closed to them.
Before passing from private to public life, we must cast a glance at
the early education of the child by the mother. We begin with the
earliest days of infancy. After the first bath the new-born child was
put into swaddling-clothes, a custom not permitted by the rougher
habits of Sparta. On the fifth or seventh day the infant had to go
through the ceremony of purification; the midwife, holding him in her
arms, walked several times round the burning altar. A festive meal on
this day was given to the family, the doors being decorated with an
olive crown for a boy, with wool for a girl. On the tenth day after
its birth, when the child was named, another feast took place. This
ceremony implied the acknowledgment, on the part of the father, of the
child's legitimacy. The name of the child was chosen by both parents,
generally after the name of either of the grandparents, sometimes,
also, after the name or attributes of a deity, under whose particular
protection the child was thus placed. A sacrifice, offered chiefly to
the goddess of child-bearing, Here Ilithyia, and a meal, concluded the
ceremony. At the latter, friends and relatives presented the infant
with toys of metal or clay, while the mother received painted vases.
The antique cradle consisted of a flat swing of basket work, such as
appears in a terra-cotta relief in the British Museum, of the infant
Bacchus being carried by a satyr brandishing a thyrsus, and a
torch-bearing bacchante. Another kind of cradle, in the form of a
shoe, is shown containing the infant Hermes, recognizable by his
petasos. It also is made of basket-work. The advantage of this cradle
consists in its having handles, and, therefore, being easily portable.
It also might be suspended on ropes, and rocked without difficulty.
Other cradles, similar to our modern ones, belong to a later period.
The singing of lullabies, and the rocking of children to sleep, were
common amongst the ancients. Wet-nurses were commonly employed amongst
Ionian tribes; wealthy Athenians chose Spartan nurses in preference,
as being generally strong and healthy. After the child had been weaned
it was fed by the dry nurse and the mother with pap, made chiefly of
honey.
The rattle, said to be invented by Archytas, was the first toy of the
infant. Other toys of various kinds were partly bought, partly made by
the children themselves on growing older. We mention painted clay
puppets, representing human beings or animals, such as tortoises,
hares, ducks, and mother apes with their offspring. Small stones were
put inside, so as to produce a rattling noise; which circumstance,
together with the fact of small figures of this kind being frequently
found on children's graves, proves their being toys. Small wooden
carts, houses and ships made of leather, and many other toys, made by
the children themselves, might be instanced. Up to their sixth year
boys and girls were brought up together under their mother's care;
from that point their education became separate. The education proper
of the boy became a more public one, while the girl was brought up by
the mother at home, in a most simple way, according to their notions.
From amongst the domestic slaves a trustworthy companion was chosen
for the boy. He was, however, not a tutor in our sense, but rather a
faithful servant, who had to take care of the boy in his walks,
particularly on his way to and from school. He also had to instruct
his pupil in certain rules of good behavior. The boy had, for
instance, to walk in the street with his head bent, as a sign of
modesty, and to make room for his elders meeting him. In the presence
of the latter he had to preserve a respectful silence. Proper behavior
at table, a graceful way of wearing his garments, etc., might be
mentioned as kindred subjects of education. Boys were accompanied by
pedagogues up to their sixteenth year. The latter appear frequently in
vase-paintings, and are easily recognizable by their dress, consisting
of chiton and cloak, with high-laced boots; they also carry sticks
with crooked handles, and their hair and beards give them a venerable
aspect; while their pupils, according to Athenian custom, are clad
more lightly and gracefully. The pedagogue of the group of the
Niobides is well known.
Education was, at Athens, a matter of private enterprise. Schools were
kept by private teachers, the government supervision extending only to
the moral not to the scientific qualification of the schoolmaster.
Grammar, music and gymnastics, to which Aristotle adds drawing, as a
means of æsthetic cultivation, were the common subjects of education
at schools and gymnasia; also reading, writing and arithmetic. The
method of teaching how to write consisted in the master's forming the
letters, which the pupils had to imitate on their tablets, sometimes
with the master's assistance. The writing materials were small tablets
covered with wax, into which the letters were scratched by means of a
pencil made of metal or ivory. It was pointed at one end, and
flattened or bent at the other, so as to extinguish the writing, if
required, and, at the same time, to smooth the surface again for other
letters. A young girl, in a charming Pompeian wall-painting, has in
her hand a double tablet, while with her other hand she holds a pencil
to her chin, as if pondering over a letter. Her nurse looking over her
shoulder tries to decipher the contents of the love-letter. Besides
these tablets, Herodotus mentions the use of paper made of the bark of
the Egyptian papyrus-plant. The stalk (three or four feet in length)
was cut longitudinally, after which the outer bark was first taken
off; the remaining layers of bark, about twenty in number, were
carefully severed with a pin; and, afterwards, the single stripes
plaited crosswise; by means of pressing and perforating the whole with
lime-water, the necessary consistency of the material was obtained.
The lower layers of bark yielded the best writing-paper, while the
outer layers were made into packing-paper (_emporetica_); the
uppermost bark was used for making ropes. A case of this kind full of
parchment rolls, with a cover to it, stands by the side of Klio in a
wall-painting of Herculaneum. In her left hand the muse holds a
half-opened roll on which are inscribed the words "Klio teaches
history." The ink was made of a black coloring substance; it was kept
in an inkstand made of metal, with a cover to it. Double inkstands,
frequently seen on monuments, were most likely destined for the
keeping of black and red inks, the latter of which was frequently
used. To write on paper or parchment, the ancients used the Memphic,
Gnidic, or Anaitic reeds, pointed and split like our pens. As we
mentioned before, it was the custom of adults to write either
reclining on the kline, with the leaf resting on the bent leg, or
sitting in a low arm-chair, in which case the writing apparatus was
supported by the knee of the writer. The latter posture is exemplified
by a reading ephebos in a vase-painting; it was, undoubtedly, also
that of the boys sitting on the rising steps used as forms at the
schools. After his elementary education was completed, the boy was
made acquainted with the works of national poetry, particularly with
the poems of Homer, the learning by heart and reciting of which
inspired him with patriotic pride.
Of the marriage contracts of the Egyptians we are entirely ignorant,
nor do we even find the ceremony represented in the paintings of their
tombs. We may, however, conclude that they were regulated by the
customs usual among civilized nations; and, if the authority of
Diodorus can be credited, women were indulged with greater privileges
in Egypt than in any other country. He even affirms that part of the
agreement entered into at the time of marriage was, that the wife
should have control over her husband, and that no objection should be
made to her _commands_, whatever they might be; but, though we have
sufficient to convince us of the superior treatment of women among the
Egyptians, as well from ancient authors as from the sculptures that
remain, it may fairly be doubted if those indulgences were carried to
the extent mentioned by the historian, or that command extended beyond
the management of the house, and the regulation of domestic affairs.
It is, however, remarkable that the royal authority and supreme
direction of affairs were entrusted without reserve to women, as in
those states of modern Europe where the Salic law has not been
introduced; and we not only find examples in Egyptian history of
queens succeeding to the throne, but Manetho informs us that the law,
according this important privilege to the other sex, dated as early as
the reign of Binothris, the third monarch of the second dynasty.
In primitive ages the duties of women were very different from those
of later and more civilized periods, and varied of course according to
the habits of each people. Among pastoral tribes they drew water, kept
the sheep, and superintended the herds as well as flocks. As with the
Arabs of the present day, they prepared both the furniture and the
woolen stuffs of which the tents themselves were made, ground the
corn, and performed other menial offices. They were also engaged, as
in ancient Greece, in weaving, spinning, needlework, embroidery, and
other sedentary occupations within doors.
The Egyptian ladies in like manner employed much of their time with
the needle; and the sculptures represent many females weaving and
using the spindle. But they were not kept in the same secluded manner
as those of ancient Greece, who, besides being confined to certain
apartments in the house, most remote from the hall of entrance, and
generally in the uppermost part of the building, were not even allowed
to go out of doors without a veil, as in many Oriental countries at
the present day.
The Egyptians treated their women very differently, as the accounts of
ancient authors and the sculptures sufficiently prove. At some of the
public festivals women were expected to attend--not alone, like the
Moslem women at a mosque, but in company with their husbands or
relations; and Josephus states that on an occasion of this kind, "when
it was the custom for women to go to the public solemnity, the wife of
Potiphar, having pleaded ill health in order to be allowed to stay at
home, was excused from attending," and availed herself of the absence
of her husband to talk with Joseph.
That it was the custom of the Egyptians to have only one wife, is
shown by Herodotus and the monuments, which present so many scenes
illustrative of their domestic life; and Diodorus is wrong in
supposing that the laity were allowed to marry any number, while the
priests were limited to one.
But a very objectionable custom, which is not only noticed by
Diodorus, but is fully authenticated by the sculptures both of Upper
and Lower Egypt, existed among them from the earliest times, the
origin and policy of which it is not easy to explain--the marriage of
brother and sister--which Diodorus supposes to have been owing to, and
sanctioned by, that of Isis and Osiris; but as this was purely an
allegorical fable, and these ideal personages never lived on earth,
his conjecture is of little weight; nor does any ancient writer offer
a satisfactory explanation of so strange a custom.
Though the Egyptians confined themselves to one wife, they, like the
Jews and other Eastern nations, both of ancient and modern times,
scrupled not to admit other inmates to their _hareem_, most of whom
appear to have been foreigners, either taken in war, or brought to
Egypt to be sold as slaves. They became members of the family, like
those in Moslem countries at the present day, and not only ranked next
to the wives and children of their lord, but probably enjoyed a share
of the property at his death.
These women were white or black slaves, according to the countries
from which they were brought; but, generally speaking, the latter were
employed merely as domestics, who were required to wait upon their
mistress and her female friends. The former, likewise, officiated as
servants, though they of course held a rank above the black slaves.
The same custom prevailed among the Egyptians regarding children, as
with the Moslems and other Eastern people; no distinction being made
between their offspring by a wife or any other woman, and all equally
enjoying the rights of inheritance; for, since they considered a child
indebted to the father for its existence, it seemed unjust to deny
equal rights to all his progeny.
In speaking of the duties of children in Egypt, Herodotus declares,
that if a son was unwilling to maintain his parents he was at liberty
to refuse, but that a daughter, on the contrary, was compelled to
assist them, and, on refusal, was amenable to law. But we may question
the truth of this statement; and, drawing an inference from the
marked severity of filial duties among the Egyptians, some of which we
find distinctly alluded to in the sculptures of Thebes, we may
conclude that in Egypt much more was expected from a son than in any
civilized nation of the present day; and this was not confined to the
lower orders, but extended to those of the highest ranks of society.
And if the office of fan-bearer was an honorable post, and the sons of
the monarch were preferred to fulfill it, no ordinary show of humility
was required on their part; and they walked on foot behind his
chariot, bearing certain insignia over their father during the
triumphal processions which took place in commemoration of his
victories, and in the religious ceremonies over which he presided.
It was equally a custom in the early times of European history, that a
son should pay a marked deference to his parent; and no prince was
allowed to sit at table with his father, unless through his valor,
having been invested with arms by a foreign sovereign, he had obtained
that privilege; as was the case with Alboin, before he succeeded his
father on the throne of the Lombards. The European nations were not
long in altering their early habits, and this custom soon became
disregarded; but a respect for ancient institutions, and those ideas,
so prevalent in the East, which reject all love of change, prevented
the Egyptians from discarding the usages of their ancestors; and we
find this and many other primitive customs retained, even at the
period when they were most highly civilized.
In the education of youth they were particularly strict; and "they
knew," says Plato, "that children ought to be early accustomed to such
gestures, looks, and motions as are decent and proper, and not to be
suffered either to hear or learn any verses and songs, than those
which are calculated to inspire them with virtue; and they
consequently took care that every dance and ode introduced at their
feasts or sacrifices should be subject to certain regulations."
They particularly inculcated respect for old age; and the fact of this
being required even towards strangers, argues a great regard for the
person of a parent; for we are informed that, like the Israelites and
the Lacedæmonians, they required every young man to give place to his
superiors in years, and even, if seated, to rise on their approach.
Nor were these honors limited to their lifetime; the memory of parents
and ancestors was revered through succeeding generations; their tombs
were maintained with the greatest respect; liturgies were performed by
their children, or by priests at their expense; and we have previously
seen what advantage was taken of this feeling, in the laws concerning
debt.
"For of all people" says Diodorus, "the Egyptians retain the highest
sense of a favor conferred upon them, deeming it the greatest charm of
life to make a suitable return for benefits they have received;" and
from the high estimation in which the feeling of gratitude was held
among them, even strangers felt a reverence for the character of the
Egyptians.
Through this impulse, they were induced to solemnize the funeral
obsequies of their kings with the enthusiasm described by the
historian; and to this he partly attributes the unexampled duration of
the Egyptian monarchy.
It is only doing justice to the modern Egyptians to say that gratitude
is still a distinguishing trait of their character; and this is one of
the many qualities inherited by them, for which their predecessors
were remarkable; confirming what we have before stated, that the
general peculiarities of a people are retained, though a country may
be conquered, and nominally peopled by a foreign race.
[Page Decoration]
DRESS, TOILET AND JEWELRY.
We now come to the dress of the Ancients. We shall have to consider
those articles of dress used as a protection against the weather, and
those prescribed by decency or fashion, also the coverings of the head
and the feet, the arrangement of the hair and the ornaments.
Unfortunately, the terminology is, in many cases, uncertain. Many
points, therefore, must remain undecided. Before entering upon
details, we must remark that the dress of the Greeks, compared with
modern fashion, was extremely simple and natural. Owing to the warmth
of the climate and the taste of the inhabitants, both superfluous and
tight articles of dress were dispensed with. Moreover, the body was
allowed to develop its natural beauty in vigorous exercise; and in
this harmony and beauty of the limbs the Greeks prided themselves,
which, of course, reacted favorably on the character of the dress.
Identical with this in form is the chiton worn by Doric women. It was
simple, short-skirted, and with a slit in the upper part at both
sides. It was fastened with clasps over both shoulders, and shortened
as far as the knees by means of pulling it through the girdle. In this
form it is worn by two maidens in the Louvre, destined for the service
of the Lakonian Artemis at Karyæ. They carry kinds of baskets on their
heads, and are performing the festive dance in honor of the goddess.
The exomis is worn by the female statue in the Vatican known as the
"Springing Amazon," and also by statues of Artemis, and
representations of that goddess on gems and coins. The long chiton for
women reaching down to the feet, and only a little pulled up at the
girdle, we see in a vase painting, representing dancing youths and
maidens, the former wearing the short, the latter the long, chiton. A
development of the long chiton is the double-chiton. It was a very
large, oblong piece of woven cloth, left open on one side, like the
Doric chiton for men. It was equal to about one and a half lengths of
the body. The overhanging part of the cloth was folded round the chest
and back, from the neck downwards, the upper edge being arranged round
the neck, and the two open corners clasped together on one shoulder.
On this open side, therefore, the naked body was visible. Over the
other shoulder the upper edge of the chiton was also fastened with a
clasp--these clasps, as seen in annexed cuts, were elaborate
ornaments, some being richly bejeweled, others being made of wrought
gold--the arm being put through the opening left between this clasp
and the corresponding corner of the cloth.
[Illustration: GOLD PINS.]
[Illustration: SHAWL OR TOGA PIN.]
In the same way was arranged the half-open chiton, the open side of
which, from the girdle to the lower hem, was sewed up. A bronze
statuette illustrates this way of putting it on. A young girl is about
to join together on her left shoulder the chiton, which is fastened
over the right shoulder by means of an agraffe. It appears clearly
that the whole chiton consists of one piece. Together with the open
and half-open kinds of the chiton, we also find the closed
double-chiton flowing down to the feet. It was a piece of cloth
considerably longer than the human body, and closed on both sides,
inside of which the person putting it on stood as in a cylinder. As
in the chiton of the second form, the overhanging part of the cloth
was turned outward, and the folded rim pulled up as far as the
shoulders, across which (first on the right, and after it on the left
side) the front and back parts were fastened together by means of
clasps, the arms being put through the two openings affected in this
manner. Round the hips the chiton was fastened by means of a girdle,
through which the bottom part of the dress trailing along the ground
was pulled up just far enough to let the toes be visible. Above the
girdle the chiton was arranged in shorter or longer picturesque folds.
The chief alterations of varying fashion applied to the arrangement of
the diploidion which reached either to the part under the bosom or was
prolonged as far as the hips; its front and back parts might either be
clasped together across the shoulders, or the two rims might be pulled
across the upper arm as far as the elbow, and fastened in several
places by means of buttons or agraffes, so that the naked arm became
visible in the intervals, by means of which the sleeveless chiton
received the appearance of one with sleeves. Where the diploidion was
detached from the chiton, it formed a kind of handsome cape, which,
however, in its shape, strictly resembled the Diploidion proper. Its
shape was considerably modified by fashion, taking sometimes the form
of a close-fitting jacket, at others (when the sides remained open)
that of a kind of shawl, the ends of which sometimes equaled in length
the chiton itself. In the latter case, the ampechonion was naturally
at least three times as long as it was wide. In antique pictures women
sometimes wear a second shorter chiton over the other. A great many
varieties of dress, more distinguishable in the vase-paintings,
representing realistic scenes, than in the ideal costumes of
sculptural types, we must omit, particularly as, in most cases, they
may be reduced to the described general principles.
[Illustration: PEARL SET PINS.]
From the chiton we now pass to the articles of dress of the nature of
cloaks. They also show throughout an oblong form, differing in this
essentially from the Roman toga. It, belonging to this class, was
arranged so that the one corner was thrown over the left shoulder in
front, so as to be attached to the body by means of the left arm. On
the back the dress was pulled toward the right side so as to cover it
completely up to the right shoulder, or, at least, to the armpit, in
which latter case the right shoulder remained uncovered. Finally, the
himation was again thrown over the left shoulder, so that the ends
fell over the back.
Concerning the materials of the described garments, we have mentioned
before that linen was used principally by the Ionians, wool by the
Dorians; the latter material in the course of time became the rule for
male garments all over Greece. The change of seasons naturally
required a corresponding modification in the thickness of these woolen
garments; accordingly we notice the difference between summer and
winter dresses. For women's dresses, besides sheep's wool and linen,
byssos, most likely a kind of cotton, was commonly used. Something
like the byssos, but much finer, was the material of which the
celebrated transparent dresses were woven in the Isle of Amorgos; they
consisted of the fibre of a fine sort of flax, undoubtedly resembling
our muslins and cambrics. The introduction of silk into Greece is of
later date, while in Asia it was known at a very early period. From
the interior of Asia the silk was imported into Greece, partly in its
raw state, partly worked into dresses. Ready made dresses of this kind
differed greatly from the dresses made in Greece of the imported raw
silk. The Isle of Kos was the first seat of silk manufacture, where
silk dresses were produced rivaling in transparency the
above-mentioned. These diaphanous dresses, clinging close to the body,
and allowing the color of the skin and the veins to be seen, have been
frequently imitated with astonishing skill by Greek sculptors and
painters. We only remind the reader of the beautifully modeled folds
of the chiton covering the upper part of the body of Niobe's youngest
daughter, in a kneeling position, who seeks shelter in the lap of her
mother; in painting, several wall-pictures of Pompeii may be cited.
The antiquated notion of white having been the universal color of
Greek garments, a colored dress being considered immodest, has been
refuted by Becker. It is, however, likely that, with the cloak-like
epiblememata, white was the usual color, as is still the case amongst
Oriental nations much exposed to the sun. Brown cloaks are, however,
by no means unusual; neither were they amongst Greek men.
Party-colored Oriental garments were also used, at least by the
wealthy Greek classes, both for male and female dresses, while white
still remained the favorite color with modest Greek women. This is
proved, not to mention written evidence, by a number of small painted
statuettes of burnt clay, as also by several pictures on lekythoi from
Attic graves. The original colors of the dresses, although
(particularly the reds) slightly altered from the burning process, may
still be distinctly recognized.
The dresses were frequently adorned with interwoven patterns, or
attached borders and embroideries. From Babylon and Phrygia, the
ancient seats of the weaving and embroidering arts, these crafts
spread over the occidental world, the name "Phrygiones," used in Rome
at a later period for artists of this kind, reminding one of this
origin. As we learn from the monuments, the simplest border either
woven or sewed to the dresses, consisted of one or more dark stripes,
either parallel with the seams of the chiton, himation, and
ampechonion, or running down to the hem of the chiton from the girdle
at the sides or from the throat in front. The vertical ornaments
correspond to the Roman _clavus_. Besides these ornaments in stripes,
we also meet with others broader and more complicated; whether woven
into, or sewed on, the dress seems doubtful. They cover the chiton
from the hem upwards to the knee, and above the girdle up to the neck,
as is seen in the chiton worn by the spring goddess Opora, in a
vase-painting. The whole chiton is sometimes covered with star or dice
patterns, particularly on vases of the archaic style. The
vase-painters of the decaying period chiefly represent Phrygian
dresses with gold fringes and sumptuous embroideries of palmetto and
"meandering" patterns, such as were worn by the luxurious
South-Italian Greeks. Such a sumptuous dress is worn by Medea in a
picture of the death of Talos on an Apulian amphora in the Jatta
collection at Ruvo. In the same picture the chitones of Kastor and
Polydeukes, and those of the Argonautai, are covered with palmetto
embroideries, the edges at the bottom showing mythological scenes on
the dark ground.
[Illustration: STONE SET BROOCHES.]
In the cities Greeks walked mostly bareheaded, owing most likely to
the more plentiful hair of southern nations, which, moreover, was
cultivated by the Greeks with particular care. Travelers, hunters, and
such artificers as were particularly exposed to the sun, used light
coverings for their heads. The different forms of these may be
classified. They were made of the skins of dogs, weasels, or cows.
The hair is considered in Homer as one of the greatest signs of male
beauty among the long-haired Achaioi; no less were the well-arranged
locks of maidens and women praised by the tragic poets. Among the
Spartans it became a sacred custom, derived from the laws of Lykurgos,
to let the hair of the boy grow as soon as he reached the age of the
ephebos, while up to that time it was cut short. This custom prevailed
among the Spartans up to their being overpowered by the Achaic
federation. Altogether the Dorian character did not admit of much
attention being paid to the arrangement of the hair. Only on solemn
occasions, for instance on the eve of the battle of Thermopylæ, the
Spartans arranged their hair with particular care.
At Athens, about the time of the Persian wars, men used to wear their
hair long, tied on to the top of the head in a knot, which was
fastened by a hair-pin in the form of a cicada. Of this custom,
however, the monuments offer no example. Only in the pictures of two
Pankratiastai, on a monument dating most likely from Roman times, we
discover an analogy to this old Attic custom. After the Persian war,
when the dress and manners of the Ionians had undergone a change, it
became the custom to cut off the long hair of the boys on their
attaining the age of epheboi, and devote it as an offering to a god,
for instance, to the Delphic Apollo or some local river-god. Attic
citizens, however, by no means wore their hair cropped short, like
their slaves, but used to let it grow according to their own taste or
the common fashion. Only dandies, as, for instance, Alkibiades, let
their hair fall down to their shoulders in long locks. Philosophers
also occasionally attempted to revive old customs by wearing their
hair long.
The beard was carefully attended to by the Greeks. The barber's shop,
with its talkative inmate, was not only frequented by those requiring
the services of the barber in cutting the hair, shaving, cutting the
nails and corns, and tearing out small hairs, but it was also, as
Plutarch says, a symposion without wine, where political and local
news were discussed. Alkiphron depicts a Greek barber in the following
words: "You see how the d----d barber in yon street has treated me;
the talker, who puts up the Brundisian looking-glass, and makes his
knives to clash harmoniously. I went to him to be shaved; he received
me politely, put me in a high chair, enveloped me in a clean towel,
and stroked the razor gently down my cheek, so as to remove the thick
hair. But this was a malicious trick of his. He did it partly, not all
over the chin; some places he left rough, others he made smooth
without my noticing it." After the time of Alexander the Great, a
barber's business became lucrative, owing to the custom of wearing a
full beard being abandoned, notwithstanding the remonstrances of
several states.[22] In works of art, particularly in portrait statues,
the beard is always treated as an individual characteristic. It is
mostly arranged in graceful locks, and covers the chin, lips and
cheeks, without a separation being made between whiskers and
moustache. Only in archaic renderings the wedge-like beard is combed
in long wavy lines, and the whiskers are strictly parted from the
moustache. As an example we quote the nobly formed head of Zeus
crowned with the stephane in the Talleyrand collection. The usual
color of the hair being dark, fair hair was considered a great beauty.
Homer gives yellow locks to Menelaos, Achilles, and Meleagros; and
Euripides describes Menelaos and Dionysos as fair-haired.
The head-dress of women was in simple taste. Hats were not worn, as a
rule, because, at least in Athens, the appearance of women in the
public street was considered improper, and therefore happened only on
exceptional occasions. On journeys women wore a light broad-brimmed
petasos as a protection from the sun. With a Thessalian hat of this
kind Ismene appears in "[Œ]dipus in Kolonos." The head-dress of
Athenian ladies at home and in the street consisted, beyond the
customary veil, chiefly of different contrivances for holding together
their plentiful hair. We mentioned before, that the himation was
sometimes pulled over the back of the head like a veil. But at a very
early period Greek women wore much shorter or longer veils, which
covered the face up to the eyes, and fell over the neck and back in
large folds, so as to cover, if necessary, the whole upper part of the
body. The care bestowed on the hair was naturally still greater
amongst women than amongst men. Cut shows a number of heads of
Athenian women, taken from an old painting of Pompeii. These, and the
numerous heads represented in sculptures and gems, give an idea of the
exquisite taste of these head-dresses. At the same time, it must be
confessed that most modern fashions, even the ugly ones, have their
models, if not in Greek, at least in Roman antiquity. The combing of
the hair over the back in wavy lines was undoubtedly much in favor. A
simple ribbon tied round the head, in that case, connected the front
with the back hair. This arrangement we meet with in the maidens of
the Parthenon frieze and in a bust of Niobe. On older monuments, for
instance, in the group of the Graces on the triangular altar in the
Louvre, the front hair is arranged in small ringlets, while the back
hair partly falls smoothly over the neck, and partly is made into long
curls hanging down to the shoulders. It was also not unusual to comb
back the front hair over the temples and ears, and tie it, together
with the back hair, into a graceful knot. Here, also, the
above-mentioned ribbon was used. It consisted of a stripe of cloth or
leather, frequently adorned, where it rested on the forehead, with a
plaque of metal formed like a frontal. This stephane appears on
monuments mostly in the hair of goddesses; the ribbon belonging to it,
in that case, takes the form of a broad metal circle destined no more
to hold together, but to decorate the hair. This is the case in a bust
of Here in the Villa Ludovisi, in the statue of the same goddess in
the Vatican, and in a statue of Aphrodite found at Capua. Besides this
another ornamented tie of cloth or leather was used by the Greeks,
broad in the centre and growing narrower towards both ends. Its shape
had great similarity to the sling. It was either put with its broader
side on the front of the head, the ends, with ribbons tied to them,
being covered by the thick black hair, or _vice versa_; in which
latter case the ends were tied on the forehead in an elaborate knot.
The net, and after it the kerchief, were developed from the simple
ribbon, in the same manner as straps on the feet gradually became
boots.
[Illustration: HAIR-DRESS. (_From Pompeii._)]
The kekryphalos proper consists of a net-like combination of ribbon
and gold thread, thrown over the back hair to prevent it from
dropping. The large tetradrachmai of Syrakuse, bearing the signature
of the engraver, Kimon, show a beautiful head of Arethusa adorned
with the kekryphalos. More frequent is the coif-like kekryphalos
covering the whole hair, or only the back hair, and tied into a knot
at the top.
The modifications of the sakkos, and the way of its being tied, are
chiefly illustrated by vase-paintings. At the present day the Greek
women of Thessaly and the Isle of Chios wear a head-dress exactly
resembling the antique sakkos. The acquaintance of the Greeks with the
curling-iron and cosmetic mysteries, such as oil and pomatum, can be
proved both by written evidence and pictures. It quite tallied with
the æsthetical notions of the Greeks to shorten the forehead by
dropping the hair over it, many examples of which, in pictures of both
men and women, are preserved to us.
We conclude our remarks about dress with the description of some
ornaments, the specimens of which in Greek graves and in sculptural
imitations are numerous. In Homer the wooers try to gain the favor of
Penelope with golden breastpins, agraffes, ear-rings, and chains.
Hephaistos is, in the same work, mentioned as the artificer of
beautiful rings and hair-pins. The same ornaments we meet with again
at a later period as important articles of female dress.
Many preserved specimens show the great skill of Greek goldsmiths'
breastpins. Hair-pins, in our sense, and combs for parting and holding
up the hair were unknown to the Greeks. The double or simple comb of
Greek ladies, made of box-wood, ivory, or metal, was used only for
combing the hair. The back hair was prevented from dropping by means
of long hair-pins, the heads of which frequently consisted of a
graceful piece of sculpture. Well known are the hair-pins adorned with
a golden cicada which, in Solon's time, were used by both Athenian men
and women for the fastening of the krobylos.
It was the custom of the Greeks to adorn their heads on festive
occasions with wreaths and garlands. Thus adorned the bridegroom led
home the bride. Flowers full of symbolic meaning were offered on the
altars of the gods, and the topers at carousals were crowned with
wreaths of myrtle, roses, and violets, the latter being the favorite
flower with the Athenians. The flower-market of Athens was always
supplied with garlands to twine round the head and the upper part of
the body; for the latter also was adorned with garlands. Crowns
consisting of other flowers, and leaves of the ivy and silver-poplar,
are frequently mentioned. Wreaths also found a place in the serious
business of life. They were awarded to the victors in the games; the
archon wore a myrtle-wreath as the sign of his dignity, as did also
the orator while speaking to the people from the tribune.
The crowning with flowers was a high honor to Athenian
citizens--awarded, for instance, to Perikles, but refused to
Miltiades. The head and bier of the dead were also crowned with fresh
wreaths of myrtle and ivy.
The luxury of later times changed the wreaths of flowers for golden
ones, with regard to the dead of the richer classes. Wreaths made of
thin gold have repeatedly been found in graves. The barrows of the old
Pantikapaion have yielded several beautiful wreaths of ivy and ears of
corn; a gold imitation of a crown of myrtle has been found in a grave
in Ithaka. Other specimens from Greek and Roman graves are preserved
in our museums. A golden crown of Greek workmanship, found at Armento,
a village of the Basilicata (at present in Munich), is particularly
remarkable. A twig of oak forms the ground, from among the thin golden
leaves of which spring forth asters with chalices of blue enamel,
convolvulus, narcissus, ivy, roses, and myrtle, gracefully
intertwined. On the upper bend of the crown is the image of a winged
goddess, from the head of which, among pieces of grass, rises the
slender stalk of a rose. Four naked male genii and two draped female
ones, floating over the flowers, point towards the goddess, who stands
on a pedestal bearing an inscription.
Greek, particularly Athenian, women carried a sunshade, or employed
slaves to hold it over them. In the Panathenaic procession even the
daughters of metoikoi had to perform this service. Such sunshades,
which, like our own, could be shut by means of wires, we often see
depicted on vases and Etruscan mirrors. This form was undoubtedly the
most common one. The cap-like sunshade painted on a skyphos, which a
Silenus, instead of a servant, holds over a dignified lady walking in
front of him, is undoubtedly intended as a parody, perhaps copied from
the scene of a comedy. In vase paintings we also see frequently the
leaf-like painted fan in the hands of women.
[Illustration: TOILET ARTICLES FOUND AT POMPEII.]
The above articles were in good preservation when found. _a_, _l_,
_n_, are hand-mirrors; _m_, is a wall-mirror; _c_, toilet-box, made of
ivory and beautifully carved; _d_ and _k_, bronze combs; _i_, fine
comb; _b_, ear and tooth-pick; _f_, pin-box, with glass and steel
pins; _h_, salve-box; _g_, hair-pins made of ivory and gold; _e_, is a
powder or paint-box.
Of the secrets of Greek _toilette_ we will only disclose the fact that
ladies knew the use of paint. The white they used consisted of
white-lead; their reds were made either of red minium or of a root.
This unwholesome fashion of painting was even extended to the
eyebrows, for which black color was used, made either of pulverized
antimony or of fine soot.
The mirrors of the Greeks consisted of circular pieces of polished
bronze, either without a handle or with one richly adorned. Frequently
a cover, for the reflecting surface, was added. The Etruscan custom of
engraving figures on the back of the mirror or the cover seems to have
been rare among the Greeks, to judge, at least, from the numerous
specimens of mirrors found in Greek graves. Characteristic of these
are, on the other hand, the tasteful handles, representing mostly
Aphrodite, as in a manner the ideal of a beautifully adorned woman.
These hand-mirrors frequently occur in vase paintings, particularly in
those containing bathing utensils.
The carrying of a stick seems to have been a common custom. It is
mostly of great length, with a crutched handle; young Athenian dandies
may have used shorter walking-sticks. The first-mentioned sticks seem
to have been used principally for leaning upon in standing still, as
is indicated by frequent representations in pictures.
[Page Decoration]
[Page Decoration]
CRIMES AND PUNISHMENTS; CONTRACTS, DEEDS, ETC.
Truth or justice was thought to be the main cardinal virtue among the
Egyptians, inasmuch as it relates more particularly to others;
prudence, temperance, and fortitude being relative qualities, and
tending chiefly to the immediate benefit of the individual who
possesses them. It was, therefore, with great earnestness that they
inculcated the necessity of fully appreciating it; and falsehood was
not only considered disgraceful, but when it entailed an injury on any
other person was punishable by law.
A calumniator of the dead was condemned to a severe punishment; and a
false accuser was doomed to the same sentence which would have been
awarded to the accused, if the offense had been proved against him;
but to maintain a falsehood by an oath was deemed the blackest crime,
and one which, from its complicated nature, could be punished by
nothing short of death. For they considered that it involved two
distinct crimes--a contempt for the gods, and a violation of faith
towards man; the former the direct promoter of every sin, the latter
destructive of all those ties which are most essential for the welfare
of society.
The willful murder of a freeman, or even of a _slave_, was punished
with death, from the conviction that men ought to be restrained from
the commission of sin, not on account of any distinction of station in
life, but from the light in which they viewed the crime itself; while
at the same time it had the effect of showing that if the murder of a
slave was deemed an offense deserving of so severe a punishment, they
ought still more to shrink from the murder of one who was a compatriot
and a free-born citizen.
In this law we observe a scrupulous regard to justice and humanity,
and have an unquestionable proof of the great advancement made by the
Egyptians in the most essential points of civilization. Indeed, the
Egyptians considered it so heinous a crime to deprive a man of life,
that to be the accidental witness of an attempt to murder, without
endeavoring to prevent it, was a capital offense, which could only be
palliated by bringing proofs of inability to act.
With the same spirit they decided that to be present when any one
inflicted a personal injury on another, without interfering, was
tantamount to being a party, and was punishable according to the
extent of the assault; and every one who witnessed a robbery was bound
either to arrest, or, if that was out of his power, to lay an
information, and to prosecute the offenders; and any neglect on this
score being proved against him, the delinquent was condemned to
receive a stated number of stripes, and to be kept without food for
three whole days.
Although, in the case of murder, the Egyptian law was inexorable and
severe, the royal prerogative might be exerted in favor of a culprit,
and the punishment was sometimes commuted by a mandate from the king.
Sabaco, indeed, during the fifty years of his reign, "made it a rule
not to punish his subjects with death," whether guilty of murder or
any other capital offence, but, "according to the magnitude of their
crimes, he condemned the culprits to raise the ground about the town
to which they belonged. By these means the situation of the different
cities became greatly elevated above the reach of the inundation, even
more than in the time of Sesostris;" and either on account of a
greater proportion of criminals, or from some other cause, the mounds
of Bubastis were raised considerably higher than those of any other
city.
The same laws that forbade a master to punish a slave with death took
from a father every right over the life of his offspring; and the
Egyptians deemed the murder of a child an odious crime, that called
for the direct interposition of justice. They did not, however, punish
it as a capital offence, since it appeared inconsistent to take away
life from one who had given it to the child, but preferred inflicting
such a punishment as would induce grief and repentance. With this view
they ordained that the corpse of the deceased should be fastened to
the neck of its parent, and that he should be obliged to pass three
whole days and nights in its embrace, under the surveillance of a
public guard.
But parricide was visited with the most cruel of chastisements; and
conceiving, as they did, that the murder of a parent was the most
unnatural of crimes, they endeavored to prevent its occurrence by the
marked severity with which it was avenged. The criminal was,
therefore, sentenced to be lacerated with sharpened reeds, and, after
being thrown on thorns, he was burned to death.
When a woman was guilty of a capital offence, and judgment had been
passed upon her, they were particularly careful to ascertain if the
condemned was in a state of pregnancy; in which case her punishment
was deferred till after the birth of the child, in order that the
innocent might not suffer with the guilty, and thus the father be
deprived of that child to which he had at least an equal right.
But some of their laws regarding the female sex were cruel and
unjustifiable; and even if, which is highly improbable, they succeeded
by their severity in enforcing chastity, and in putting an effectual
stop to crime, yet the punishment rather reminds us of the laws of a
barbarous people than of a wise and civilized state. A woman who had
committed adultery was sentenced to lose her nose, upon the principle
that, being the most conspicuous feature, and the chief, or, at least,
an indispensable, ornament of the face, its loss would be most
severely felt, and be the greatest detriment to her personal charms;
and the man was condemned to receive a bastinado of one thousand
blows. But if it was proved that force had been used against a free
woman, he was doomed to a cruel mutilation.
The object of the Egyptian laws was to preserve life, and to reclaim
an offender. Death took away every chance of repentance, it deprived
the country of his services, and he was hurried out of the world when
least prepared to meet the ordeal of a future state. They, therefore,
preferred severe punishments, and, except in the case of murder, and
some crimes which appeared highly injurious to the community, it was
deemed unnecessary to sacrifice the life of an offender.
In military as well as civil cases, minor offences were generally
punished with the stick; a mode of chastisement still greatly in vogue
among the modern inhabitants of the valley of the Nile, and held in
such esteem by them, that convinced of (or perhaps by) its efficacy,
they relate "its descent from heaven as a blessing to mankind."
If an Egyptian of the present day has a government debt or tax to pay,
he stoutly persists in his inability to obtain the money, till he has
withstood a certain number of blows, and considers himself compelled
to produce it; and the ancient inhabitants, if not under the rule of
their native princes, at least in the time of the Roman emperors,
gloried equally in the obstinacy they evinced, and the difficulty the
governors of the country experienced in extorting from them what they
were bound to pay; whence Ammianus Marcellinus tells us, "an Egyptian
blushes if he can not show numerous marks on his body that evince his
endeavors to evade the duties."
The bastinado was inflicted on both sexes, as with the Jews. Men and
boys were laid prostrate on the ground, and frequently held by the
hands and feet while the chastisement was administered; but women, as
they sat, received the stripes on their back, which was also inflicted
by the hand of a man. Nor was it unusual for the superintendents to
stimulate laborers to their work by the persuasive powers of the
stick, whether engaged in the field or in handicraft employments; and
boys were sometimes beaten without the ceremony of prostration, the
hands being tied behind their back while the punishment was applied.
The character of some of the Egyptian laws was quite consonant with
the notions of a primitive age. The punishment was directed more
particularly against the offending member; and adulterators of money,
falsifiers of weights and measures, forgers of seals or signatures,
and scribes who altered any signed document by erasures or additions,
without the authority of the parties, were condemned to lose both
their hands.
But their laws do not seem to have sanctioned the gibbet, or the
exposure of the body of an offender; for the conduct of Rhampsinitus,
in the case of the robbery of his treasure, is mentioned by Herodotus
as a singular mode of discovering an accomplice, and not as an
ordinary punishment; if, indeed, the whole story be not the invention
of a Greek _cicerone_.
Thefts, breach of trust, and petty frauds were punished with the
bastinado; but robbery and house-breaking were sometimes considered
capital crimes, and deserving of death; as is evident from the conduct
of the thief when caught by the trap in the treasury of Rhampsinitus,
and from what Diodorus states respecting Actisanes.
This monarch, instead of putting robbers to death, instituted a novel
mode of punishing them, by cutting off their noses and banishing them
to the confines of the desert, where a town was built, called
Rhinocolura, from the peculiar nature of their punishment; and thus,
by removing the bad, and preventing their corrupting the good, he
benefited society, without depriving the criminals of life; at the
same time that he punished them severely for their crimes, by
obliging them to live by their labors, and derive a precarious
sustenance from quails, or whatever they could catch, in that barren
region. Commutation of punishment was the foundation of this part of
the convict system of Egypt, and Rhinocolura was their Norfolk Island,
where a sea of sand separated the worst felons from those guilty of
smaller crimes; who were transported to the mines in the desert, and
condemned to work for various terms, according to their offence.
The Egyptians had a singular custom respecting theft and burglary.
Those who followed the _profession_ of thief gave in their names to
the chief of the robbers; and agreed that he should be informed of
every thing they might thenceforward steal, the moment it was in their
possession. In consequence of this the owner of the lost goods always
applied by letter to the chief for their recovery; and having stated
their quality and quantity, the day and hour when they were stolen,
and other requisite particulars, the goods were identified, and, on
payment of one quarter of their value, they were restored to the
applicant in the same state as when taken from his house.
For being fully persuaded of the impracticability of putting an entire
check to robbery, either by the dread of punishment, or by any method
that could be adopted by the most vigilant police, they considered it
more for the advantage of the community that a certain sacrifice
should be made in order to secure the restitution of the remainder,
than that the law, by taking on itself to protect the citizen, and
discover the offender, should be the indirect cause of greater loss.
And that the Egyptians, like the Indians, and we may say the modern
inhabitants of the Nile, were very expert in the art of stealing, we
have abundant testimony from ancient authors.
It may be asked, what redress could be obtained, if goods were stolen
by thieves who failed to enter their names on the books of the chief;
but it is evident that there could be few of those private
speculators, since by their interfering with the interests of all the
_profession_, the detection of such egotistical persons would have
been certain; and thus all others were effectually prevented from
robbing, save those of the privileged class.
The salary of the chief was not merely derived from his own demands
upon the goods stolen, or from any voluntary contribution of the
robbers themselves, but was probably a fixed remuneration granted by
the government, as one of the chiefs of the police; nor is it to be
supposed that he was any other than a respectable citizen, and a man
of integrity and honor. The same may be said of the modern "_shekh_ of
the thieves," at Cairo, where this very ancient office is still
retained.
The great confidence reposed in the public weighers rendered it
necessary to enact suitable laws in order to bind them to their duty;
and considering how much public property was at their mercy, and how
easily bribes might be taken from a dishonest tradesman, the Egyptians
inflicted a severe punishment as well on the weighers as on the
shopkeepers, who were found to have false weights and measures, or to
have defrauded the customer in any other way; and these, as well as
the scribes who kept false accounts, were punished (as before stated)
with the loss of both their hands; on the principle, says Diodorus,
that the offending member should suffer; while the culprit was
severely punished, that others might be deterred from the commission
of a similar offence.
As in other countries, their laws respecting debt and usury underwent
some changes, according as society advanced, and as pecuniary
transactions became more complicated.
Bocchoris (who reigned in Egypt about the year 800 B.C., and who, from
his learning, obtained the surname of Wise), finding that in cases of
debt many causes of dispute had arisen, and instances of great
oppression were of frequent occurrence, enacted, that no agreement
should be binding unless it were acknowledged by a written contract;
and if any one took oath that the money had not been lent him, that no
debt should be recognized, and the claims of the suing party should
immediately cease. This was done, that great regard might always be
had for the name and nature of an oath, at the same time that, by
substituting the unquestionable proof of a written document, the
necessity of having frequent recourse to an oath was avoided, and its
sanctity was not diminished by constant repetition.
Usury was in all cases condemned by the Egyptian legislature; and when
money was borrowed, even with a written agreement, it was forbidden to
allow the interest to increase to more than double the original sum.
Nor could the creditors seize the debtor's person: their claims and
right were confined to the goods in his possession, and such as were
really his own; which were comprehended under the produce of his
labor, or what he had received from another individual to whom they
lawfully belonged. For the person of every citizen was looked upon as
the property of the state, and might be required for some public
service, connected either with war or peace; and, independent of the
injustice of subjecting any one to the momentary caprice of his
creditor, the safety of the country might be endangered through the
avarice of a few interested individuals.
This law, which was borrowed by Solon from the Egyptian code, existed
also at Athens; and was, as Diodorus observes, much more consistent
with justice and common sense than that which allowed the creditor to
seize the person, while it forbade him to take the plows and other
implements of industry. For if, continues the historian, it is unjust
thus to deprive men of the means of obtaining subsistence, and of
providing for their families, how much more unreasonable must it be to
imprison those by whom the implements were used!
To prevent the accumulation of debt, and to protect the interests of
the creditor, another remarkable law was enacted by Asychis, which,
while it shows how greatly they endeavored to check the increasing
evil, proves the high respect paid by the Egyptians to the memory of
their parents, and to the sanctity of their religious ceremonies. By
this it was pronounced illegal for any one to borrow money without
giving in pledge the body of his father, or the tomb of his ancestors;
and, if he failed to redeem so sacred a deposit, he was considered
infamous; and, at his death, the celebration of the accustomed funeral
obsequies was denied him, and he could not enjoy the right of burial
either in that tomb or in any other place of sepulture; nor could he
inter his children, or any of his family, as long as the debt was
unpaid, the creditor being put in actual possession of the family
tomb.
In the large cities of Egypt, a fondness for display, and the usual
allurements of luxury, were rapidly introduced; and considerable sums
were expended in furnishing houses, and in many artificial caprices.
Rich jewels and costly works of art were in great request, as well
among the inhabitants of the provincial capitals, as at Thebes and
Memphis; they delighted in splendid equipages, elegant and commodious
boats, numerous attendants, horses, dogs, and other requisites for the
chase; and, besides, their houses, their villas and their gardens,
were laid out with no ordinary expense. But while the funds arising
from extensive farms, and the abundant produce of a fertile soil,
enabled the rich to indulge extravagant habits, many of the less
wealthy envied the enjoyment of those luxuries which fortune had
denied to them; and, prompted by vanity, and a silly desire of
imitation, so common in civilized communities, they pursued a career
which speedily led to the accumulation of debt, and demanded the
interference of the legislature; and it is probable that a law, so
severe as this must have appeared to the Egyptians, was only adopted
as a measure of absolute necessity, in order to put a check to the
increasing evil.
The necessary expenses of the Egyptians were remarkably small, less,
indeed, than of any people; and the food of the poorer classes was of
the cheapest and most simple kind. Owing to the warmth of the climate,
they required few clothes, and young children were in the habit of
going without shoes, and with little or no covering to their bodies.
It was, therefore, luxury, and the increasing wants of an artificial
kind, which corrupted the manners of the Egyptians, and rendered such
a law necessary for their restraint; and we may conclude that it was
mainly directed against those who contracted debts for the
gratification of pleasure, or with the premeditated intent of
defrauding an unsuspecting creditor.
In the mode of executing deeds, conveyances, and other civil
contracts, the Egyptians were peculiarly circumstantial and minute;
and the great number of witnesses is a singular feature in those
documents. In the time of the Ptolemies, sales of property commenced
with a preamble, containing the date of the king in whose reign they
were executed; the name of the president of the court, and of the
clerk by whom they were written, being also specified. The body of the
contract then followed.
It stated the name of the individual who sold the land, the
description of his person, an account of his parentage, profession,
and place of abode, the extent and nature of the land, its situation
and boundaries, and concluded with the name of the purchaser, whose
parentage and description were also added, and the sum for which it
was bought. The seller then vouched for his undisturbed possession of
it; and, becoming security against any attempt to dispute his title,
the name of the other party was inserted as having accepted it, and
acknowledged the purchase. The names of witnesses were then affixed;
and, the president of the court having added his signature, the deed
was valid. Sometimes the seller formally recognized the sale in the
following manner:
"All these things have I sold thee: they are thine, I have received
their price from thee, and will make no demand upon thee for them from
this day; and if any person disturb thee in the possession of them, I
will withstand the attempt; and, if I do not otherwise repel it, I
will use compulsory means, or, I will indemnify thee."
But, in order to give a more accurate notion of the form of these
contracts, we shall introduce a copy of the whole of one of them, as
given by Dr. Young, and refer the reader to others occurring in the
same work. "Translation of the enchorial papyrus of Paris, containing
the original deed relating to the mummies:--'This writing dated in the
year 36, Athyr 20, in the reign of our sovereigns Ptolemy and
Cleopatra his sister, the children of Ptolemy and Cleopatra the
divine, the gods Illustrious: and the priest of Alexander, and of the
Saviour gods, of the Brother gods, of the Beneficent gods, of the
Father-loving gods, of the Illustrious gods, of the Paternal god, and
of the Mother-loving gods, being (as by law appointed): and the
prize-bearer of Berenice the Beneficent, and the basket-bearer of
Arsinoe the Brother-loving, and the priestess of Arsinoe the
Father-loving, being as appointed in the metropolis (of Alexandria);
and in (Ptolemais) the royal city of the Thebaid? the guardian priest
for the year? of Ptolemy Soter, and the priest of king Ptolemy the
Father-loving, and the priest of Ptolemy the Brother-loving, and the
priest of Ptolemy the Beneficent, and the priest of Ptolemy the
Mother-loving; and the priestess of queen Cleopatra, and the priestess
of the princess Cleopatra, and the priestess of Cleopatra, the (queen)
mother, deceased, the Illustrious; and the basket-bearer of Arsinoe
the Brother-loving (being as appointed): declares: The Dresser? in the
temple of the Goddess Onnophris, the son of Horus, and of Senpoeris,
daughter of Spotus? ("aged about forty, lively,") tall ("of a sallow
complexion, hollow-eyed, and bald"); in the temple of the goddess to
(Horus) his brother? the son of Horus and of Senpoeris, has sold, for
a price in money, half of one-third of the collections for the dead
"priests of Osiris?" lying in Thynabunum ... in the Libyan suburbs of
Thebes, in the Memnonia ... likewise half of one-third of the
liturgies: their names being, Muthes, the son of Spotus, with his
children and his household; Chapocrates, the son of Nechthmonthes,
with his children and his household; Arsiesis, the son of
Nechthmonthes, with his children and his household; Petemestus, the
son of Nechthmonthes; Arsiesis, the son of Zminis, with his children
and his household; Osoroeris, the son of Horus, with his children and
his household; Spotus, the son of Chapochonsis, surnamed? Zoglyphus
(the sculptor), with his children and his household; while there
belonged also to Asos, the son of Horus and of Senpoeris, daughter of
Spotus? in the same manner one-half of a third of the collections for
the dead, and of the fruits and so forth ... he sold it on the 20th of
Athyr, in the reign of the King ever-living, to (complete) the third
part: likewise the half of one-third of the collections relating to
Peteutemis, with his household, and ... likewise the half of
one-third? of the collections and fruits for Petechonsis, the bearer
of milk, and of the ... place on the Asian side, called Phrecages, and
... the dead bodies in it: there having belonged to Asos, the son of
Horus, one-half of the same: he has sold to him in the month of ...
the half of one-third of the collections for the priests of Osiris?
lying in Thynabunum, with their children and their households:
likewise the half of one-third of the collections for Peteutemis, and
also for Petechonsis, the bearer of milk, in the place Phrecages on
the Asian side: I have received for them their price in silver ... and
gold; and I make no further demand on thee for them from the present
day ... before the authorities ... (and if any one shall disturb thee
in the possession of them, I will resist him, and, if I do not
succeed, I will indemnify thee?).... Executed and confirmed. Written
by Horus, the son of Phabis, clerk to the chief priests of
Amonrasonther, and of the contemplar? Gods, of the Beneficent gods, of
the Father-loving gods, of the Paternal god, and of the Mother-loving
gods. Amen.
"'Names of the witnesses present:
ERIEUS, the son of Phanres Erieus.
PETEARTRES, the son of Peteutemis.
PETEARPOCRATES, the son of Horus.
SNACHOMNEUS, the son of Peteuris.
SNACHOMES, the son of Psenchonsis.
TOTOES, the son of Phibis.
PORTIS, the son of Appollonius.
ZMINIS, the son of Petemestus.
PETEUTEMIS, the son of Arsiesis.
AMONORYTIUS, the son of Pacemis.
HORUS, the son of Chimnaraus.
ARMENIS (rather Arbais), the son of Zthenaetis.
MAESIS, the son of Mirsis.
ANTIMACHUS, the son of Antigenes.
PETOPHOIS, the son of Phibis.
PANAS, the son of Petosiris.'"
In this, as in many other documents, the testimony required is very
remarkable, sixteen witnesses being thought necessary for the sale of
a moiety of the sums collected on account of a few tombs, and for
services performed to the dead, the total value of which was only 400
pieces of brass; and the name of each person is introduced, in the
true Oriental style, with that of his father. Nor is it unreasonable
to suppose that the same precautions and minute formulas were observed
in similar transactions during the reigns of the Pharaonic kings,
however great may have been the change introduced by the Ptolemies and
Romans into the laws and local government of Egypt.
The Egyptians paid great attention to health, and "so wisely," says
Herodotus, "was medicine managed by them, that no doctor was permitted
to practice any but his own peculiar branch. Some were oculists, who
only studied diseases of the eye; others attended solely to
complaints of the head; others to those of the teeth; some again
confined themselves to complaints of the intestines; and others to
secret and internal maladies; accoucheurs being usually, if not
always, women." And it is a singular fact, that their dentists adopted
a method, not very long practiced in Europe, of stopping teeth with
gold, proofs of which have been obtained from some mummies of Thebes.
They received certain salaries from the public treasury; and after
they had studied those precepts which had been laid down from the
experience of their predecessors, they were permitted to practice;
and, in order to prevent dangerous experiments being made upon
patients, they might be punished if their treatment was contrary to
the established system; and the death of a person entrusted to their
care, under such circumstances, was adjudged to them as a capital
offence.
If, however, every remedy had been administered according to the
sanitary law, they were absolved from blame; and if the patient was
not better, the physician was allowed to alter the treatment after the
third day, or even before, if he took upon himself the responsibility.
Though paid by Government as a body, it was not illegal to receive
fees for their advice and attendance; and demands could be made in
every instance except on a foreign journey, and on military service;
when patients were visited free of expense.
The principal mode adopted by the Egyptians for preventing illness was
attention to regimen and diet; "being persuaded that the majority of
diseases proceed from indigestion and excess of eating;" and they had
frequent recourse to abstinence, emetics, slight doses of medicine,
and other simple means of relieving the system, which some persons
were in the habit of repeating every two or three days.
[Illustration: WREATH OF OAK. (_Life Saving._)]
"Those who lived in the corn country," as Herodotus terms it, were
particular for their attention to health. "During three successive
days, every month, they submitted to a regular course of treatment;
from the conviction that illness was wont to proceed from some
irregularity in diet;" and if preventives were ineffectual they had
recourse to suitable remedies, adopting a mode of treatment very
similar to that mentioned by Diodorus.
The employment of numerous drugs in Egypt has been mentioned by sacred
and profane writers; and the medicinal properties of many herbs which
grow in the deserts, particularly between the Nile and Red Sea, are
still known to the Arabs; though their application has been but
imperfectly recorded and preserved.
"O virgin, daughter of Egypt," says Jeremiah, "in vain shalt thou use
many medicines, for thou shalt not be cured;" and Homer, in the
Odyssey, describes the many valuable medicines given by Polydamna, the
wife of Thonis, to Helen while in Egypt, "a country whose fertile soil
produces an infinity of drugs, some salutary and some pernicious;
where each physician possesses knowledge above all other men."
Pliny makes frequent mention of the productions of that country, and
their use in medicine; he also notices the physicians of Egypt; and as
if their number were indicative of the many maladies to which the
inhabitants were subject, he observes, that it was a country
productive of numerous diseases. In this, however, he does not agree
with Herodotus, who affirms that, "after the Libyans, there are no
people so healthy as the Egyptians, which may be attributed to the
invariable nature of the seasons in their country."
Pliny even says that the Egyptians examined the bodies after death, to
ascertain the nature of the diseases of which they had died; and we
can readily believe that a people so far advanced in civilization and
the principles of medicine as to assign to each physician his peculiar
branch, would have resorted to this effectual method of acquiring
knowledge and experience.
It is evident that the medical science of the Egyptians was sought and
appreciated even in foreign countries; and we learn from Herodotus,
that Cyrus and Darius both sent to Egypt for medical men. In later
times, too, they continued to be celebrated for their skill; Ammianus
says it was enough for a doctor to say he had studied in Egypt to
recommend him; and Pliny mentions medical men going from Egypt to
Rome. But though their physicians are often noticed by ancient
writers, the only indication of medical attendance appears to be in
the paintings of Beni Hassan; and even there it is uncertain whether a
doctor, or a barber, be represented.
Their doctors probably felt the pulse; as Plutarch shows they did at
Rome, from this saying of Tiberius, "a man after he has passed his
thirtieth year, who _puts forth his hand_ to a physician, is
ridiculous;" whence our proverb of "a fool or a physician after
forty."
Diodorus tells us, that dreams were regarded in Egypt with religious
reverence, and the prayers of the devout were often rewarded by the
gods, with an indication of the remedy their sufferings required; and
magic, charms, and various supernatural agencies, were often resorted
to by the credulous; who "sought to the idols, and to the charmers,
and to them that had familiar spirits, and to the wizards."
Origen also says, that when any part of the body was afflicted with
disease, they invoked the demon to whom it was supposed to belong, in
order to obtain a cure.
In cases of great moment oracles were consulted; and a Greek papyrus
found in Egypt mentions divination "through a boy with a lamp, a bowl,
and a pit;" which resembles the pretended power of the modern
magicians of Egypt. The same also notices the mode of discovering
theft, and obtaining any wish; and though it is supposed to be of the
2d century, the practices it alludes to are doubtless from an old
Egyptian source; and other similar papyri contain recipes for
obtaining good fortune and various benefits, or for causing
misfortunes to an enemy.
Some suppose the Egyptians had even recourse to animal magnetism, and
that dreams indicating cures were the result of this influence; and
(though the subjects erroneously supposed to represent it apply to a
very different act) it is not impossible that they may have discovered
the mode of exercising this art, and that it may have been connected
with the strange scenes recorded at the initiation into the mysteries.
If really known, such a power would scarcely have been neglected; and
it would have been easy to obtain thereby an ascendency over the minds
of a superstitious people.
Indeed, the readiness of man at all times to astonish on the one hand,
and to court the marvelous on the other, is abundantly proved by
present and past experience. That the nervous system may be worked
upon by it to such a degree that a state either of extreme
irritability, or of sleep and coma, may be induced, in the latter case
paralyzing the senses so as to become deadened to pain, is certain;
and a highly sensitive temperament may exhibit phenomena beyond the
reach of explanation; but it requires very little experience to know
that we are wonderfully affected by far more ordinary causes; for the
nerves may be acted upon to such an extent by having as we commonly
term it "our teeth set on edge," that the mere filing a saw would
suffice to drive any one mad, if unable to escape from its unceasing
discord. What is this but an effect upon the nerves? and what more
could be desired to prove the power of any agency? And the world would
owe a debt of gratitude to the professors of animal magnetism, if,
instead of making it, as some do, a mere exhibition to display a
power, and astonish the beholders, they would continue the efforts
already begun, for discovering all the beneficial uses to which it is
capable of being applied.
We might then rejoice that, as astrology led to the more useful
knowledge of astronomy, this influence enabled us to comprehend our
nervous system, on which so many conditions of health depend, and with
which we are so imperfectly acquainted.
The cure of diseases was also attributed by the Egyptians to _Exvotos_
offered in the temples. They consisted of various kinds. Some persons
promised a certain sum for the maintenance of the sacred animals; or
whatever might propitiate the deity; and after the cure had been
effected, they frequently suspended a model of the restored part in
the temple; and ears, eyes, distorted arms, and other members, were
dedicated as memorials of their gratitude and superstition.
Sometimes travelers, who happened to pass by a temple, inscribed a
votive sentence on the walls, to indicate their respect for the deity,
and solicit his protection during their journey; the complete formula
of which contained the adoration of the writer, with the assurance
that he had been mindful of his wife, his family, and friends; and the
reader of the inscription was sometimes included in a share of the
blessings it solicited. The date of the king's reign and the day of
the month were also added, with the profession and parentage of the
writer. The complete formula of one adoration was as follows:
"The adoration of Caius Capitolinus, son of Flavius Julius, of the
fifth troop of Theban horse, to the goddess Isis, with ten thousand
names. And I have been mindful of (or have made an adoration for) all
those who love me, and my consort, and children, and all my household,
and for him who reads this. In the year 12 of the emperor Tiberius
Cæsar, the 15 of Pauni."
The Egyptians, according to Pliny, claimed the honor of having
invented the art of curing diseases. Indeed, the study of medicine and
surgery appears to have commenced at a very early period in Egypt,
since Athothes, the second king of the country, is stated to have
written upon the subject of anatomy; and the schools of Alexandria
continued till a late period to enjoy the reputation, and display the
skill, they had inherited from their predecessors. Hermes was said to
have written six books on medicine, the first of which related to
anatomy; and the various recipes, known to have been beneficial, were
recorded, with their peculiar cases, in the memoirs of physic
inscribed among the laws deposited in the principal temples.
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HOUSES, VILLAS, FARMYARDS, ORCHARDS, GARDENS, ETC.
The monumental records and various works of art, and, above all, the
writings, of the Greeks and Romans, have made us acquainted with their
customs and their very thoughts; and though the literature of the
Egyptians is almost unknown, their monuments, especially the paintings
in the tombs, have afforded us an insight into their mode of life
scarcely to be obtained from those of any other people. The influence
that Egypt had in early times on Greece gives to every inquiry
respecting it an additional interest; and the frequent mention of the
Egyptians in the Bible connects them with the Hebrew Records, of which
many satisfactory illustrations occur in the sculptures of Pharaonic
times. Their great antiquity also enables us to understand the
condition of the world long before the era of written history; all
existing monuments left by other people are comparatively modern; and
the paintings in Egypt are the earliest descriptive illustrations of
the manners and customs of any nation.
It is from these that we are enabled to form an opinion of the
character of the Egyptians. They have been pronounced a serious,
gloomy people, saddened by the habit of abstruse speculation; but how
far this conclusion agrees with fact will be seen in the sequel. They
were, no doubt, less lively than the Greeks; but if a comparatively
late writer, Ammianus Marcellinus, may have remarked a "rather sad"
expression, after they had been for ages under successive foreign
yokes, this can scarcely be admitted as a testimony of their character
in the early times of their prosperity; and though a sadness of
expression might be observed in the present oppressed population, they
can not be considered a grave or melancholy people. Much, indeed, may
be learned from the character of the modern Egyptians; and
notwithstanding the infusion of foreign blood, particularly of the
Arab invaders, every one must perceive the strong resemblance they
bear to their ancient predecessors. It is a common error to suppose
that the conquest of a country gives an entirely new character to the
inhabitants. The immigration of a whole nation taking possession of a
thinly-peopled country, will have this effect, when the original
inhabitants are nearly all driven out by the new-comers; but
immigration has not always, and conquest never has, for its object the
destruction or expulsion of the native population; they are found
useful to the victors, and as necessary for them as the cattle or the
productions of the soil. Invaders are always numerically inferior to
the conquered nation--even to the male population; and, when the women
are added to the number, the majority is greatly in favor of the
original race, and they must exercise immense influence on the
character of the rising generation. The customs, too, of the old
inhabitants are very readily adopted by the new-comers, especially
when they are found to suit the climate and the peculiarities of the
country they have been formed in; and the habits of a small mass of
settlers living in contact with them fade away more and more with each
successive generation. So it has been in Egypt; and, as usual, the
conquered people bear the stamp of the ancient inhabitants rather than
that of the Arab conquerors.
Of the various institutions of the ancient Egyptians, none are more
interesting than those which relate to their social life; and when we
consider the condition of other countries in the early ages when they
flourished, from the 10th to the 20th century before our era, we may
look with respect on the advancement they had then made in
civilization, and acknowledge the benefits they conferred upon mankind
during their career. For like other people, they have had their part
in the great scheme of the world's development, and their share of
usefulness in the destined progress of the human race; for countries,
like individuals, have certain qualities given them, which, differing
from those of their predecessors and contemporaries are intended in
due season to perform their requisite duties. The interest felt in the
Egyptians is from their having led the way, or having been the first
people we know of who made any great progress, in the arts and manners
of civilization; which, for the period when they lived, was very
creditable, and far beyond that of other kingdoms of the world. Nor
can we fail to remark the difference between them and their Asiatic
rivals, the Assyrians, who, even at a much later period, had the great
defects of Asiatic cruelty--flaying alive, impaling, and torturing
their prisoners, as the Persians, Turks, and other Orientals have done
to the present century, the reproach of which can not be extended to
the ancient Egyptians. Being the dominant race of that age, they
necessarily had an influence on others with whom they came in contact;
and it is by these means that civilization is advanced through its
various stages; each people striving to improve on the lessons derived
from a neighbor whose institutions they appreciate, or consider
beneficial to themselves. It was thus that the active mind of the
talented Greeks sought and improved on the lessons derived from other
countries, especially from Egypt; and though the latter, at the late
period of the 7th century B.C., had lost its greatness and the
prestige of superiority among the nations of the world, it was still
the seat of learning and the resort of studious philosophers; and the
abuses consequent on the fall of an empire had not yet brought about
the demoralization of after times.
The early part of Egyptian monumental history is coeval with the
arrivals of Abraham and of Joseph, and the Exodus of the Israelites;
and we know from the Bible what was the state of the world at that
time. But then, and apparently long before, the habits of social life
in Egypt were already what we find them to have been during the most
glorious period of their career; and as the people had already laid
aside their arms, and military men only carried them when on service,
some notion may be had of the very remote date of Egyptian
civilization. In the treatment of women they seem to have been very
far advanced beyond other wealthy communities of the same era, having
usages very similar to those of the modern world; and such was the
respect shown to women that precedence was given to them over men, and
the wives and daughters of kings succeeded to the throne like the male
branches of the royal family. Nor was this privilege rescinded, even
though it had more than once entailed upon them the trouble of a
contested succession; foreign kings often having claimed a right to
the throne through marriage with an Egyptian princess. It was not a
mere influence that they possessed, which women often acquire in the
most arbitrary Eastern communities; nor a political importance
accorded to a particular individual, like that of the Sultana Valideh,
the Queen Mother, at Constantinople; it was a right acknowledged by
law, both in private and public life. They knew that unless women were
treated with respect, and made to exercise an influence over society,
the standard of public opinion would soon be lowered, and the manners
and morals of men would suffer; and in acknowledging this, they
pointed out to women the very responsible duties they had to perform
to the community.
From their private life great insight is obtained into their character
and customs: and their household arrangements, the style of their
dwellings, their amusements and their occupations, explain their
habits; as their institutions, mode of government, arts and military
knowledge illustrate their history, and their relative positions among
the nations of antiquity. In their form and arrangement, the houses
were made to suit the climate, modified according to their advancement
in civilization; and we are often enabled to trace in their abodes
some of the primitive habits of a people, long after they have been
settled in towns, and have adopted the manners of wealthy communities;
as the tent may still be traced in the houses of the Turks, and the
small original wooden chamber in the mansions and temples of ancient
Greece.
As in all warm climates, the poorer classes of Egyptians lived much in
the open air; and the houses of the rich were constructed to be cool
throughout the summer; currents of refreshing air being made to
circulate freely through them by the judicious arrangement of the
passages and courts. Corridors, supported on columns, gave access to
the different apartments through a succession of shady avenues and
areas, with one side open to the air, as in cloisters; and even small
detached houses had an open court in the centre, planted as a garden
with palms and other trees. _Mulkufs_, or wooden wind-sails, were also
fixed over the terraces of the upper story, facing the prevalent and
cool N.W. wind, which was conducted down their sloping boards into the
interior of the house. They were exactly similar to those in the
modern houses of Cairo; and some few were double, facing in opposite
directions.
The houses were built of crude brick, stuccoed and painted, with all
the combinations of bright color in which the Egyptians delighted; and
a highly decorated mansion had numerous courts, and architectural
details derived from the temples. Over the door was sometimes a
sentence, as "the good house;" or the name of a king, under whom the
owner probably held some office; many other symbols of good omen were
also put up, as at the entrances of modern Egyptian houses; and a
visit to some temple gave as good a claim to a record as the
pilgrimage to Mecca, at the present day. Poor people were satisfied
with very simple tenements; their wants being easily supplied, both as
to lodging and food; and their house consisted of four walls, with a
flat roof of palm-branches laid across a split date-tree as a beam,
and covered with mats plastered over with a thick coating of mud. It
had one door and a few small windows closed by wooden shutters. As it
scarcely ever rained, the mud roof was not washed into the sitting
room; and this cottage rather answered as a shelter from the sun, and
as a closet for their goods, than for the ordinary purpose of a house
in other countries. Indeed at night the owners slept on the roof,
during the greater part of the year; and as most of their work was
done out of doors, they might easily be persuaded that a house was far
less necessary for them than a tomb. To convince the rich of this
ultra-philosophical sentiment was not so easy; at least the practice
differed from the theory; and though it was promulgated among all the
Egyptians, it did not prevent the priests and other grandees from
living in very luxurious abodes, or enjoying the good things of this
world; and a display of wealth was found to be useful in maintaining
their power, and in securing the obedience of a credulous people. The
worldly possessions of the priests were therefore very extensive, and
if they imposed on themselves occasional habits of abstemiousness,
avoided certain kinds of unwholesome food, and performed many
mysterious observances, they were amply repaid by the improvement of
their health, and by the influence they thereby acquired. Superior
intelligence enabled them to put their own construction on regulations
emanating from their sacred body, with the convenient persuasion that
what suited them did not suit others; and the profane vulgar were
expected to do, not as the priests did, but as they taught them to do.
In their plans the houses of towns, like the villas in the country,
varied according to the caprice of the builders. The ground-plan, in
some of the former, consisted of a number of chambers on three sides
of a court, which was often planted with trees. Others consisted of
two rows of rooms on either side of a long passage, with an
entrance-court from the street; and others were laid out in chambers
round a central area, similar to the Roman _Impluvium_, and paved with
stone, or containing a few trees, a tank or a fountain in its centre.
Sometimes, though rarely, a flight of steps led to the front door from
the street.
Houses of small size were often connected together and formed the
continuous sides of streets; and a court-yard was common to several
dwellings. Others of a humbler kind consisted merely of rooms opening
on a narrow passage, or directly on the street. These had only a
basement story, or ground-floor; and few houses exceeded two stories
above it. They mostly consisted of one upper floor; and though
Diodorus speaks of the lofty houses in Thebes four and five stories
high, the paintings show that few had three, and the largest seldom
four, including, as he does, the basement-story. Even the greater
portion of the house was confined to a first floor, with an additional
story in one part, on which was a terrace covered by an awning, or a
light roof supported on columns. This served for the ladies of the
family to sit at work in during the day, and here the master of the
house often slept at night during the summer, or took his _siesta_ in
the afternoon. Some had a tower which rose even above the terrace.
The first-floor was what the Italians call the "_piano nobile_;" the
ground rooms being chiefly used for stores, or as offices, of which
one was set apart for the porter, and another for visitors coming on
business. Sometimes besides the parlor were receiving apartments on
the basement-story, but guests were generally entertained on the
first-floor; and on this were the sleeping-rooms also, except where
the house was of two or three stories. The houses of wealthy citizens
often covered a considerable space, and either stood directly upon the
street, or a short way back, within an open court; and some large
mansions were detached, and had several entrances on two or three
sides. Before the door was a porch supported on two columns, decked
with banners or ribbons, and larger porticoes had a double row of
columns, with statues between them.
In the distribution of the apartments numerous and different modes
were adopted, according to circumstances; in general, however, the
large mansions seem to have consisted of a court and several
corridors, with rooms leading from them, not unlike many of those now
built in Oriental and tropical countries. The houses in most of the
Egyptian towns are quite destroyed, leaving few traces of their plans,
or even of their sites; but sufficient remains of some at Thebes, at
Tel el Amarna, and other places, to enable us, with the help of the
sculptures, to ascertain their form and appearance.
Granaries were also laid out in a very regular manner, and varied of
course in plan as much as the houses, to which there is reason to
believe they were frequently attached, even in the towns; and they
were sometimes only separated from the house by an avenue of trees.
Some small houses consisted merely of a court, and three or four
store-rooms on the ground-floor, with a single chamber above, to which
a flight of steps led from the court; but they were probably only met
with in the country, and resembled some still found in the _fellah_
villages of modern Egypt. Very similar to these was the model of a
house now in the British Museum, which solely consisted of a
court-yard and three small store-rooms on the ground-floor, with a
staircase leading to a room belonging to the storekeeper, which was
furnished with a narrow window or aperture opposite the door, rather
intended for the purposes of ventilation than to admit the light. In
the court a woman was represented making bread, as is sometimes done
at the present day in Egypt, in the open air; and the store-rooms were
full of grain.
Other small houses in towns consisted of two or three stories above
the ground-floor. They had no court, and stood close together,
covering a small space, and high in proportion to their base, like
many of those at Karnak. The lower part had merely the door of
entrance and some store-rooms, over which were a first and second
floor, each with three windows on the front and side, and above these
an attic without windows, and a staircase leading to a terrace on the
flat roof. The floors were laid on rafters, the end of which projected
slightly from the walls like dentils; and the courses of brick were in
waving or concave lines, as in the walls of an enclosure at Dayr el
Medeeneh in Thebes. The windows of the first-floor had a sort of
mullion dividing them into two lights each, with a transom above; and
the upper windows were filled with trellis-work, or cross bars of
wood, as in many Turkish harems. A model of a house of this kind is
also in the British Museum. But the generality of Egyptian houses were
far less regular in their plan and elevation; and the usual disregard
for symmetry is generally observable in the houses even of towns.
The doors, both of the entrances and of the inner apartments, were
frequently stained to imitate foreign and rare woods. They were either
of one or two valves, turning on pins of metal, and were secured
within by a bar or bolts. Some of these bronze pins have been
discovered in the tombs of Thebes. They were fastened to the wood with
nails of the same metal, whose round heads served also as an ornament,
and the upper one had a projection at the back, in order to prevent
the door striking against the wall. We also find in the stone lintels
and floor, behind the thresholds of the tombs and temples, the holes
in which they turned, as well as those of the bolts and bars, and the
recess for receiving the opened valves. The folding doors had bolts in
the centre, sometimes above as well as below; a bar was placed across
from one wall to the other; and in many instances wooden locks
secured them by passing over the centre, at the junction of the two
folds. For greater security they were occasionally sealed with a mass
of clay, as is proved by some tombs found closed at Thebes, by the
sculptures, and in the account given by Herodotus of Rhampsinitus'
treasury.
Keys were made of bronze or iron, and consisted of a long straight
shank, about five inches in length, with three or more projecting
teeth; others had a nearer resemblance to the wards of modern keys,
with a short shank about an inch long; and some resembled a common
ring with the wards at its back. These are probably of Roman date. The
earliest mention of a key is in Judges (iii. 23-25), when Ehud having
gone "through the porch, and shut the doors of the parlor upon him and
locked them," Eglon's "servants took a key and opened them."
The doorways, like those in the temples, were often surmounted by the
Egyptian cornice; others were variously decorated, and some,
represented in the tombs, were surrounded with a variety of ornaments,
as usual richly painted. These last, though sometimes found at Thebes,
were more general about Memphis and the Delta; and two good instances
of them are preserved at the British Museum, brought from a tomb near
the Pyramids.
Even at the early period when the Pyramids were built, the doors were
of one or two valves: and both those of the rooms and the entrance
doors opened inwards, contrary to the custom of the Greeks, who were
consequently obliged to strike on the inside of the street door before
they opened it, in order to warn persons passing by; and the Romans
were forbidden to make it open outward without a special permission.
The floors were of stone, or a composition made of lime or other
materials; but in humbler abodes they were formed of split date-tree
beams, arranged close together or at intervals, with planks or
transverse layers of palm branches over them, covered with mats and a
coating of mud. Many roofs were vaulted, and built like the rest of
the house of crude brick; and not only have arches been found of that
material dating in the 16th century before our era, but vaulted
granaries appear to be represented of much earlier date. Bricks,
indeed, led to the invention of the arch; the want of timber in Egypt
having pointed out the necessity of some substitute for it.
Wood was imported in great quantities; deal and cedar were brought
from Syria; and rare woods were part of the tribute imposed on foreign
nations conquered by the Pharaohs. And so highly were these
appreciated for ornamental purposes, that painted imitations were made
for poorer persons who could not afford them; and the panels, windows,
doors, boxes, and various kinds of woodwork, were frequently of cheap
deal or sycamore, stained to resemble the rarest foreign woods. And
the remnants of them found at Thebes show that these imitations were
clever substitutes for the reality. Even coffins were sometimes made
of foreign wood; and many are found of cedar of Lebanon. The value of
foreign woods also suggested to the Egyptians the process of
veneering; and this was one of the arts of their skillful cabinet
makers.
The ceilings were of stucco, richly painted with various devices,
tasteful both in their form and the arrangement of the colors; among
the oldest of which is the Guilloche, often miscalled the Tuscan or
Greek border.
Both in the interior and exterior of their houses the walls were
sometimes portioned out into large panels of one uniform color, flush
with the surface, or recessed, not very unlike those at Pompeii; and
they were red, yellow, or stained to resemble stone or wood. It seems
to have been the introduction of this mode of ornament into Roman
houses that excited the indignation of Vitruvius; who says that in old
times they used red paint sparingly, like physic, though now whole
walls are covered over with it.
Figures were also introduced on the blank walls in the sitting-rooms,
or scenes from domestic life, surrounded by ornamental borders, and
surmounted by deep cornices of flowers and various devices richly
painted; and no people appear to have been more fond of using flowers
on every occasion. In their domestic architecture they formed the
chief ornament of the mouldings; and every visitor received a bouquet
of real flowers, as a token of welcome on entering a house. It was the
pipe and coffee of the modern Egyptians; and a guest at a party was
not only presented with a lotus, or some other flower, but had a
chaplet placed round his head, and another round his neck; which led
the Roman poet to remark the "many chaplets on the foreheads" of the
Egyptians at their banquets. Everywhere flowers abounded; they were
formed into wreaths and festoons, they decked the stands that
supported the vases in the convivial chamber, and crowned the
wine-bowl as well as the servants who bore the cup from it to the
assembled guests.
The villas of the Egyptians were of great extent, and contained
spacious gardens, watered by canals communicating with the Nile. They
had large tanks of water in different parts of the garden, which
served for ornament, as well as for irrigation, when the Nile was low;
and on these the master of the house occasionally amused himself and
his friends by an excursion in a pleasure-boat towed by his servants.
They also enjoyed the diversion of angling and spearing fish in the
ponds within their grounds, and on these occasions they were generally
accompanied by a friend, or one or more members of their family.
Particular care was always bestowed upon the garden, and their great
fondness for flowers is shown by the number they always cultivated, as
well as by the women of the family or the attendants presenting
bouquets to the master of the house and his friends when they walked
there.
The house itself was sometimes ornamented with propylæ and obelisks,
like the temples themselves; it is even possible that part of the
building may have been consecrated to religious purposes, as the
chapels of other countries, since we find a priest engaged in
presenting offerings at the door of the inner chambers; and, indeed,
were it not for the presence of the women, the form of the garden, and
the style of the porch, we should feel disposed to consider it a
temple rather than a place of abode. The entrances of large villas
were generally through folding gates, standing between lofty towers,
as at the courts of temples, with a small door at each side; and
others had merely folding-gates, with the jambs surmounted by a
cornice. One general wall of circuit extended round the premises, but
the courts of the house, the garden, the offices, and all the other
parts of the villa had each their separate enclosure. The walls were
usually built of crude brick, and, in damp places, or when within
reach of the inundation, the lower part was strengthened by a basement
of stone. They were sometimes ornamented with panels and grooved
lines, generally stuccoed, and the summit was crowned either with
Egyptian battlements, the usual cornice, a row of spikes in imitation
of spear-heads, or with some fancy ornament.
The plans of the villas varied according to circumstances, but their
general arrangement is sufficiently explained by the paintings. They
were surrounded by a high wall, about the middle of which was the main
or front entrance, with one central and two side gates, leading to an
open walk shaded by rows of trees. Here were spacious tanks of water,
facing the doors of the right and left wings of the house, between
which an avenue led from the main entrance to what may be called the
centre of the mansion. After passing the outer door of the right wing,
you entered an open court with trees, extending quite round a nucleus
of inner apartments, and having a back entrance communicating with the
garden. On the right and left of this court were six or more
store-rooms, a small receiving or waiting room at two of the corners,
and at the other end the staircases which led to the upper stories.
Both of the inner facades were furnished with a corridor, supported on
columns, with similar towers and gateways. The interior of this wing
consisted of twelve rooms, two outer and one center court,
communicating by folding gates; and on either side of this last was
the main entrance to the rooms on the ground-floor, and to the
staircases leading to the upper story. At the back were three long
rooms, and a gateway opening on the garden, which, besides flowers,
contained a variety of trees, a summer-house, and a large tank of
water.
The arrangement of the left wing was different. The front gate led to
an open court, extending the whole breadth of the facade of the
building, and backed by the wall of the inner part. Central and
lateral doors thence communicated with another court, surrounded on
three sides by a set of rooms, and behind it was a corridor, upon
which several other chambers opened.
This wing had no back entrance, and standing isolated, the outer court
extended entirely around it; and a succession of doorways communicated
from the court with different sections of the centre of the house,
where the rooms, disposed like those already described, around
passages and corridors, served partly as sitting apartments, and
partly as store-rooms.
The stables for the horses and the coach-houses for the traveling
chariots and carts, were in the centre, or inner part of the building;
but the farm-yard where the cattle were kept stood at some distance
from the house, and corresponded to the department known by the Romans
under the name of _rustica_. Though enclosed separately, it was within
the general wall of circuit, which surrounded the land attached to the
villa; and a canal, bringing water from the river, skirted it, and
extended along the back of the grounds. It consisted of two parts; the
sheds for housing the cattle, which stood at the upper end, and the
yard, where rows of rings were fixed, in order to tie them while
feeding in the day-time; and men always attended, and frequently fed
them with the hand.
The granaries were also apart from the house, and were enclosed within
a separate wall; and some of the rooms in which they housed the grain
appear to have had vaulted roofs. These were filled through an
aperture near the top, to which the men ascended by steps, and the
grain when wanted was taken out from a door at the base.
The superintendence of the house and grounds was intrusted to
stewards, who regulated the tillage of the land, received whatever was
derived from the sale of the produce, overlooked the returns of the
quantity of cattle or stock upon the estate, settled all the accounts,
and condemned the delinquent peasants to the bastinado, or any
punishment they might deserve. To one were intrusted the affairs of
the house, answering to "the ruler," "overseer," or "steward of
Joseph's house;" others "superintended the granaries," the vineyard,
or the culture of the fields; and the extent of their duties, or the
number of those employed, depended on the quantity of land, or the
will of its owner.
The mode of laying out their gardens was as varied as that of the
houses; but in all cases they appear to have taken particular care to
command a plentiful supply of water, by means of reservoirs and
canals. Indeed, in no country is artificial irrigation more required
than in the valley of the Nile; and, from the circumstance of the
water of the inundation not being admitted into the gardens, they
depend throughout the year on the supply obtained from wells and
tanks, or a neighboring canal.
The mode of irrigation adopted by the ancient Egyptians was
exceedingly simple, being merely the _shadoof_, or pole and bucket of
the present day; and, in many instances, men were employed to carry
the water in pails, suspended by a wooden yoke they bore upon their
shoulders. The same yoke was employed for carrying other things, as
boxes, baskets containing game and poultry, or whatever was taken to
market; and every trade seems to have used it for this purpose, from
the potter and the brick-maker, to the carpenter and the shipwright.
Part of the garden was laid out in walks shaded with trees, usually
planted in rows, and surrounded, at the base of the stem, with a
circular ridge of earth, which, being lower at the centre than at the
circumference, retained the water, and directed it more immediately
towards the roots. It is difficult to say if trees were trimmed into
any particular shape, or if their formal appearance in the sculpture
is merely owing to a conventional mode of representing them; but,
since the pomegranate, and some other fruit trees, are drawn with
spreading and irregular branches, it is possible that sycamores, and
others, which presented large masses of foliage, were really trained
in that formal manner, though, from the hieroglyphic signifying
"_tree_" having the same shape, we may conclude it was only a general
character for all trees.
Some, as the pomegranates, date-trees, and _dom_-palms, are easily
recognized in the sculptures, but the rest are doubtful, as are the
flowering plants, with the exception of the lotus and a few others.
To the garden department belonged the care of the bees, which were
kept in hives very like our own. In Egypt they required great
attention; and so few are its plants at the present day, that the
owners of hives often take the bees in boats to various spots upon the
Nile, in quest of flowers. They are a smaller kind than our own; and
though found wild in the country, they are far less numerous than
wasps, hornets, and ichneumons. The wild bees live mostly under
stones, or in clefts of the rock, as in many other countries; and the
expression of Moses, as of the Psalmist, "honey out of the rock,"
shows that in Palestine their habits were the same. Honey was thought
of great importance in Egypt, both for household purposes, and for an
offering to the gods; that of Benha (thence surnamed _El assal_), or
Athribis, in the Delta, retained its reputation to a late time; and a
jar of honey from that place was one of the four presents sent by John
Mekaukes, the governor of Egypt, to Mohammed.
Large gardens were usually divided into different parts; the principal
sections being appropriated to the date and sycamore trees, and to the
vineyard. The former may be called the orchard. The flower and kitchen
gardens also occupied a considerable space, laid out in beds; and
dwarf trees, herbs, and flowers, were grown in red earthen pots,
exactly like our own, arranged in long rows by the walks and borders.
Besides the orchard and gardens, some of the large villas had a park
or paradise, with its fish-ponds and preserves for game, as well as
poultry-yards for keeping hens and geese, stalls for fattening cattle,
wild goats, gazelles, and other animals originally from the desert,
whose meat was reckoned among the dainties of the table.
It was in these extensive preserves that the rich amused themselves
with the chase; and they also enclosed a considerable space in the
desert itself with net-fences, into which the animals were driven, and
shot with arrows, or hunted with dogs.
Gardens are frequently represented in the tombs of Thebes and other
parts of Egypt, many of which are remarkable for their extent. The one
here introduced is shown to have been surrounded by an embattled wall,
with a canal of water passing in front of it, connected with the
river. Between the canal and the wall, and parallel to them both, was
a shady avenue of various trees; and about the centre was the
entrance, through a lofty door, whose lintel and jambs were decorated
with hieroglyphic inscriptions, containing the name of the owner of
the grounds, who in this instance was the king himself. In the gateway
were rooms for the porter, and other persons employed about the
garden, and, probably, the receiving room for visitors, whose abrupt
admission might be unwelcome; and at the back a gate opened into the
vineyard. The vines were trained on a trellis-work, supported by
transverse rafters resting on pillars; and a wall, extending round it,
separated this part from the rest of the garden. At the upper end were
suites of rooms on three different stories, looking upon green trees,
and affording a pleasant retreat in the heat of summer. On the outside
of the vineyard wall were placed rows of palms, which occurred again
with the _dom_ and other trees, along the whole length of the exterior
wall; four tanks of water, bordered by a grass plot, where geese were
kept, and the delicate flower of the lotus was encouraged to grow,
served for the irrigation of the grounds; and small _kiosks_ or
summer-houses, shaded with trees, stood near the water, and overlooked
beds of flowers. The spaces containing the tanks, and the adjoining
portions of the garden, were each enclosed by their respective walls,
and a small subdivision on either side, between the large and small
tanks, seems to have been reserved for the growth of particular trees,
which either required peculiar care, or bore a fruit of superior
quality.
[Page Decoration]
[Illustration: Painted by Edwin Long, A.R.A.
Engraved & Printed by Illman Brothers
EGYPTIAN FEAST.
FOR THE MUSEUM OF ANTIQUITY]
[Page Decoration]
EGYPTIAN WEALTH.
That the riches of the country were immense is proved by the
appearance of the furniture and domestic utensils, and by the great
quantity of jewels of gold and silver, precious stones, and other
objects of luxury in use among them in the earliest times; their
treasures became proverbial throughout the neighboring states, and a
love of pomp and splendor continued to be the ruling passion of the
Egyptians till the latest period of their existence as an independent
state.
The wealth of Egypt was principally derived from taxes, foreign
tribute, monopolies, commerce, mines, and above all from the
productions of a fruitful soil. The wants of the poorer classes were
easily satisfied; the abundance of grain, herbs and esculent plants,
afforded an ample supply to the inhabitants of the valley of the Nile,
at a trifling expense, and with little labor; and so much corn was
produced in this fertile country, that after sufficing for the
consumption of a very extensive population, it offered a great surplus
for the foreign market; and afforded considerable profit to the
government, being exported to other countries, or sold to the traders
who visited Egypt for commercial purposes.
The gold mines of the Bisharee desert were in those times very
productive; and, though we have no positive notice of their first
discovery, there is reason to believe they were worked at the earliest
periods of the Egyptian monarchy. The total of the annual produce of
the gold and silver mines (which Diodorus, on the authority of
Hecatæus, says, was recorded in the tomb of Osymandyas at Thebes,
apparently a king of the 19th dynasty) is stated to have been 3,200
myriads, or 32 millions of _minæ_--a weight of that country, called by
the Egyptians _mn_ or _mna_, 60 of which were equal to one talent. The
whole sum amounted to 665 millions of our money; but it was evidently
exaggerated.
The position of the silver mines is unknown; but the gold mines of
Allaga, and other quartz "diggings," have been discovered, as well as
those of copper, lead, iron and emeralds, all of which are in the
desert near the Red Sea; and the sulphur, which abounds in the same
districts, was not neglected by the ancient Egyptians.
The abundance of gold and silver in Egypt and other ancient countries,
and the sums reported to have been spent, accord well with the reputed
productiveness of the mines in those days; and, as the subject has
become one of peculiar interest, it may be well to inquire respecting
the quantity and the use of the precious metals in ancient times. They
were then mostly confined to the treasures of princes, and of some
rich individuals; the proportion employed for commercial purposes was
small, copper sufficing for most purchases in the home market; and
nearly all the gold and silver money (as yet uncoined) was in the
hands of the wealthy few. The manufacture of jewelry, and other
ornamental objects took up a small portion of the great mass; but it
required the wealth and privilege of royalty to indulge in a grand
display of gold and silver vases, or similar objects of size and
value.
The mines of those days, from which was derived the wealth of Egypt,
Lydia, Persia, and other countries, afforded a large supply of the
precious metals; and if most of them are now exhausted or barely
retain evidences of the treasures they once gave forth, there can be
no doubt of their former productiveness; and it is reasonable to
suppose that gold and silver abounded in early times in those parts
of the world which were first inhabited, as they did in countries more
recently peopled. They may never have afforded at any period the
immense riches of a California or an Australia, yet there is evidence
of their having been sufficiently distributed over various parts of
the old world.
For though Herodotus (iii., 106) says that the extremities of the
earth possess the greatest treasures; these extremities may approach
or become the centre, _i.e._, of civilization, when they arrive at
that eminence which all great countries in their turn seem to have a
chance of reaching; and Britain, the country of the greatly coveted
tin, once looked upon as separated from the rest of mankind, is now
one of the commercial centres of the world. The day, too, has come
when Australia and California are rivals for a similar distinction;
and England, the rendezvous of America in her contests with Europe,
has yielded its turn to younger competitors.
The greatest quantity of gold and silver in early times was derived
from the East; and Asia and Egypt possessed abundance of those metals.
The trade of Colchis, and the treasures of the Arimaspes and
Massagetæ, coming from the Ural (or from the Altai) mountains,
supplied much gold at a very early period, and Indian commerce sent a
large supply to western Asia. Spain, the Isle of Thasos, and other
places, were resorted to by the Phœnicians, particularly for silver;
and Spain, for its mines, became the "El Dorado" of those adventurous
traders.
The mines of the Eastern desert, the tributes from Ethiopia and
Central Africa, as well as from Asia, enriched Egypt with gold and
silver; but it was long before Greece (where in heroic times the
precious metals were scarcely known) obtained a moderate supply of
silver from her own mines; and gold only became abundant there after
the Persian war.
Thrace and Macedonia produced gold, as well as other countries, but
confined it to their own use, as Ireland employed the produce of its
mines; and as early Italy did, when its various small states were
still free from the Roman yoke; and though the localities from which
silver was obtained in more ancient times are less known, it is
certain that it was used at a very remote period; and (as before
stated) it was commonly employed in Abraham's time for mercantile
transactions.
Gold is mentioned on the Egyptian monuments of the 4th dynasty, and
silver was probably of the same early time; but gold was evidently
known in Egypt before silver, which is consistent with reason, gold
being more easily obtained than silver, and frequently near the
surface or in streams.
The relative value and quantity of the precious metals in the earliest
times, in Egypt and Western Asia, are not known; and even if a greater
amount of gold were found mentioned in a tribute, this could be no
proof of the silver being more rare, as it might merely be intended to
show the richness of the gifts. In the tribute brought to Thothmes
III. by the Southern Ethiopians and three Asiatic people, the former
present scarcely any silver, but great quantities of gold in rings,
ingots, and dust. The Asiatic people of Pount bring two baskets of
gold rings, and one of gold dust in bags, a much smaller amount of
gold than the Ethiopians, and no silver; those of Kufa, or Kaf, more
silver than gold, and a considerable quantity of both made into vases
of handsome and varied shapes; and the Rot-n̄-n (apparently living
on the Euphrates) present rather more gold than silver, a large basket
of gold and a smaller one of silver rings, two small silver and
several large gold vases, which are of the most elegant shape, as well
as colored glass or porcelain cups, and much incense and bitumen. The
great Asiatic tribute to the same king at Karnak, speaks in one place
of 100 ingots (or pounds weight?) of gold and silver, and afterwards
of 401 of silver; but the imperfect preservation of that record
prevents our ascertaining how much gold was brought, or the relative
proportions of the two metals.
M. Leon Faucher, indeed, suggested that the value of silver in some
countries originally equaled, if it did not exceed, that of gold ...
and the laws of Menes state that gold was worth two and a half times
more than silver.... Everywhere, except in India, between the fifth
and sixth century B.C., the relative value of gold and silver was 6 or
8 to 1, as it was in China and Japan at the end of the last century.
In Greece it was, according to Herodotus, as 13 to 1; afterwards, in
Plato's and Xenophon's time, and more than 100 years after the death
of Alexander, as 10 to 1, owing to the quantity of gold brought in
through the Persian war; when the value of both fell so much, that in
the time of Demosthenes it was five times less than at the death of
Solon.
Though it may not be possible to arrive at any satisfactory conclusion
respecting the quantity of gold and silver taken from the mines,
employed in objects of art and luxury, or in circulation as money in
Egypt and other countries, we shall introduce a few facts derived from
the accounts of ancient authors, relating to the amount of wealth
amassed, and the purposes to which those precious metals were applied.
We shall also show some of the fluctuations that have taken place in
the supply of them at various periods; and shall endeavor to establish
a comparison between the quantity said to have been in use in ancient
and modern times.
When we read of the enormous wealth amassed by the Egyptian and
Asiatic kings, or the plunder by Alexander and the Romans, we wonder
how so much could have been obtained; for, even allowing for
considerable exaggeration in the accounts of early times, there is no
reason to disbelieve the private fortunes of individuals at Rome, and
the sums squandered by them, or even the amount of some of the
tributes levied in the East. Of ancient cities, Babylon is
particularly cited by Herodotus and others for its immense wealth.
Diodorus (ii. 9) mentions a golden statue of Jupiter at Babylon 40
feet high, weighing 1,000 Babylonian talents; another of Rhea, of
equal weight, having two lions on its knees, and near it silver
serpents of 300 talents each; a standing statue of Juno weighing 800
talents, holding a snake, and a sceptre set with gems; as well as a
golden table of 500 talents weight on which were two cups weighing 300
talents, and two censers each of 300 talents weight, with three golden
bowls, one of which, belonging to Jupiter, weighed 1,200 talents, the
others each 600; making a total of at least 6,900 talents, reckoned
equal to $55,000,000. And the golden image of Nebuchadnezzar, 60
cubits, or 90 feet high, at the same ratio would weigh 2,250 talents,
or $17,934,820.
David, who had not the Indian and Arabian trade afterwards obtained by
Solomon, left for the building of the temple 100,000 talents of gold
and 1,000,000 of silver; and the sum given by him of his "own proper
good," "over and above all prepared for the holy house," was "3,000
talents of gold" and "7,000 of refined silver;" besides the chief
men's contributions of 500 talents and 10,000 drachms of gold, 10,000
talents of silver, and an abundance of brass, iron, and precious
stones.
The annual tribute of Solomon was 666 talents of gold, besides that
brought by the merchants, and the present from the Queen of Sheba of
120 talents; and the quantity of gold and silver used in the temple
and his house was extraordinary. Mr. Jacob, in his valuable work on
the precious metals, has noticed many of these immense sums, collected
in old times. Among them are the tribute of Darius, amounting to 9,880
talents of silver and 4,680 of gold, making a total of 14,560,
estimated at about $37,250,000; the sums taken by Xerxes to Greece;
the wealth of Crœsus; the riches of Pytheus, king of a small territory
in Phrygia, possessing gold and silver mines, who entertained the army
of Xerxes, and gave him 2,000 talents of silver and 4,093,000 staters
of gold (equal to 23,850,000 dollars of our money); the treasures
acquired by Alexander, in Susa and Persia, exclusive of that found in
the Persian camp and in Babylon, said to have amounted to 40,000 or
50,000 talents; the treasure of Persepolis rated at 120,000 talents;
that of Pasagarda at 6,000; and the 180,000 talents collected at the
capture of Ecbatana; besides 6,000 which Darius had with him, and were
taken by his murderers. "Ptolemy Philadelphus is stated by Appian to
have possessed treasure to the enormous amount of 740,000 talents;"
either "890 million dollars, or at least a quarter of that sum;" and
fortunes of private individuals at Rome show the enormous wealth they
possessed. "Crassus had in lands $8,072,915, besides as much more in
money, furniture, and slaves; Seneca, $12,109,375; Pallas, the
freedman of Claudius, an equal sum; Lentulus, the augur, $16,145,805;
Cæc. Cl. Isidorus, though he had lost a great part of his fortune in
the civil war, left by his will 4,116 slaves, 3,600 yoke of oxen,
257,000 other cattle, and in ready money $2,421,875. Augustus received
by the testaments of his friends $161,458,330. Tiberius left at his
death $108,984,375, which Caligula lavished away in less than one
year; and Vespasian, at his succession, said that to support the state
he required _quadrigenties millies_, or $1,614,083,330. The debts of
Milo amounted to $2,825,520. J. Cæsar, before he held any office, owed
1,300 talents, $1,279,375; and when he set out for Spain after his
prætorship, he is reported to have said, that 'Bis millies et
quingenties sibi deesse, ut nihil haberet,' or 'that he was
$10,091,145 worse than nothing.' When he first entered Rome, in the
beginning of the civil war, he took out of the treasury $5,479,895,
and brought into it at the end of it $24,218,750; he purchased the
friendship of Curio, at the commencement of the civil war, by a bribe
of $2,421,856, and that of the consul, L. Paulus, by 1,500 talents,
about $1,397,500; Apicius wasted on luxurious living $2,421,875;
Caligula laid out on a supper $403,625; and the ordinary expense of
Lucullus for a supper in the Hall of Apollo was 50,000 drachms, or
$8,070. The house of Marius, bought of Cornelia for $12,105, was sold
to Lucullus for $80,760; the burning of his villa was a loss to M.
Scaurus of $4,036,455; and Nero's golden house must have cost an
immense sum, since Otho laid out in furnishing a part of it
$2,017,225." But though Rome was greatly enriched by conquest, she
never obtained possession of the chief wealth of Asia; and the largest
quantity of the precious metals was always excluded from the
calculations of ancient writers.
The whole revenue of the Roman Empire under Augustus is "supposed to
have been equal to 200 millions of our money;" and at the time of his
death (A.D. 14) the gold and silver in circulation throughout the
empire is supposed to have amounted to $1,790,000,000; which at a
reduction of 1 grain in 360 every year for wear, would have been
reduced by the year A.D. 482 to $435,165,495; and when the mines of
Hungary and Germany began to be worked, during the seventh and ninth
centuries, the entire amount of coined money was not more than about
42 at the former, and 165 or 170 million dollars at the latter,
period; so that if no other supply had been obtained, the quantity
then circulating would long since have been exhausted.
"The loss by wear on silver" is shown by Mr. Jacob "to be four times
that of gold;" that on our money is estimated at more than one part in
a hundred annually; and "the smaller the pieces, the greater loss do
they suffer by abrasion." "The maximum of durability of gold coins
seems to be fixed at 22 parts, in 24, of pure gold with the
appropriate alloys. When the fineness ascends or descends from that
point, the consumption by abrasion is increased."
It is from its ductility that gold wears so much less than silver; and
many ancient gold coins (as those of Alexander and others), though
evidently worn by use, nearly retain their true weight, from the
surface being partly transferred into the adjacent hollows, and not
entirely rubbed off as in silver.
The quantity of the precious metals, formerly used for the purposes of
luxury, greatly diminished after the decline of the Roman empire, and
in the middle ages they were sparingly employed except for coinage;
ornamental work in gold and silver, mostly executed by first-rate
artists, being confined to men of rank, till the opening of new mines
added to the supply; which was afterwards increased by the abundant
treasures of America; and the quantity applied to ornamental purposes
then began to vie with that of olden times.
M. Leon Faucher even calculates the annual abstraction of the precious
metals from circulation by use for luxury, disasters at sea, and
export, at 25 million dollars, in Europe and the United States.
The silver from the American mines exported to Europe in 100 years, to
1630, gave an addition to the currency of 5 million dollars annually,
besides that used for other purposes, or re-exported; and from 1630 to
1830 from 7-1/2 to 10 millions annually; an increase in the quantity
used for currency having taken place, as well as in that exported to
India, and employed for purposes of luxury.
Humboldt states the whole quantity of gold from the American mines, up
to 1803, to be 162 millions of pounds in weight, and of silver 7,178
millions, or 44 of silver to 1 of gold.
Again, the total value of gold produced during three centuries to
1848, including that from Russia, has been estimated at
$2,825,000,000; and the total annual quantity of gold, before the
discovery of the Californian fields, has been reckoned at about
$50,000,000. That from California and Australia already amounts yearly
to $170,000,000 (or 3-2/5 times as much as previously obtained), and
is still increasing; but though far beyond the supply afforded by the
discovery of America, the demand made upon it by the modern industry
of man, together with the effect of rapid communication, and of the
extension of trade, as well as by the great deficiency of gold in the
world, will prevent its action being felt in the same way as when the
American supply was first obtained; and still less will be the effect
now, than it would have been in ancient times, if so large and sudden
a discovery had then been made. For, as Chevalier says, "Vast as is
the whole amount of gold in the world, it sinks into insignificance
when contrasted with the aggregate product of other branches of human
industry. If they increase as fast as the gold, little or no
alteration will take place in its value; which depends on the relation
between it and the annual production of other wealth."
According to another calculation, all the gold now in the world is
supposed to be equal to about $3,410,000,000; but the whole amount of
either of the two precious metals in old times is not easily
ascertained, nor can any definite comparison be established between
their former and present value. And still less in Egypt, than in
Greece and Rome, no standard of calculation being obtainable from the
prices of commodities there, or from any other means of determining,
the value of gold and silver.
[Page Decoration]
FOOTNOTES:
[21] At this meal, contrary to the usual custom, women were present.
[22] According to tradition, many Makedonians were killed by the
Persians taking hold of their long beards, and pulling them to the
ground. Alexander, in consequence, had his troops shaved during the
battle.
[Page Decoration]
DOMESTIC UTENSILS.
The immense number and variety of statues, lamps, urns, articles of
domestic use, in metal or earthenware, etc., discovered at Herculaneum
and Pompeii, have rendered the Museum at Naples an inexhaustible
treasury of information relative to the private life of the ancients.
To give an adequate description of the richness and variety of its
contents would far exceed the whole extent of this work, much more the
small space which it can have; but that space can not be better
occupied than in describing some few articles which possess an
interest from the ingenuity of their construction, the beauty of their
workmanship, or their power to illustrate ancient usages or ancient
authors.
Writing implements are among the most important of the latter class,
on account of the constant mention of them, as well as of the
influence which the comparative ease or difficulty of producing copies
of writing is always found to exert over society. On this head there
is no want of information. The implements used are frequently
mentioned, especially in familiar writings, as the letters of Cicero,
and their forms have been tolerably ascertained from various fragments
of ancient paintings.
It is hardly necessary to state that for manuscripts of any length,
and such as were meant to be preserved, parchment or vellum, and a
vegetable tissue manufactured from the rush _papyrus_, were in use.
The stalk of this plant consists of a number of thin concentric coats,
which, being carefully detached, were pasted crossways one over the
other, like the warp and woof in woven manufactures, so that the
fibres ran longitudinally in each direction, and opposed in each an
equal resistance to violence. The surface was then polished with a
shell, or some hard smooth substance. The ink used was a simple black
liquid, containing no mordant to give it durability, so that the
writing was easily effaced by the application of a sponge. The length
of the Greek papyri is said to vary from eight to twelve inches; the
Latin often reach sixteen; the writing is in columns, placed at right
angles to the length of the roll.
To each of them is appended a sort of ticket, which served as a title.
Hence the end of the roll, or volume, was called _frons_, a term of
frequent recurrence in Ovid and Martial, and not always rightly
understood. Hence, also, when we meet with the expression, _gemina
frons_, we must understand that the volume had a ticket at each end.
These books were also composed of two tables or pages, and served for
memoranda, letters, and other writings, not intended to be preserved.
They were composed of leaves of wood or metal coated over with wax,
upon which the ancients wrote with a _stylus_, or iron pen, or point
rather, for it was a solid sharp-pointed instrument, some 6 to 8
inches in length, like a lady's stiletto upon a large scale. In the
middle of each leaf there appears to have been a button, called
_umbilicus_, intended to prevent the pages touching when closed, and
obliterating the letters traced on the yielding wax.
The tablets here represented would be called twofold, as consisting
only of two leaves; in the following cut may be seen another sort,
consisting of several leaves, united at the back with hinges or rings.
In Latin they were called _tabulæ_, or _tabellæ_, and the epithets,
duplices, triplices, quintuplices, served to mark the number of the
leaves.
Beside them stands a double inkstand, intended probably to contain
both black and red ink. The former was made either of lampblack or
some other sort of charcoal, or from the cuttlefish, and was called
atramentum. As it contained no mordant, and was readily obliterated by
moisture, it could be used for writing upon ivory tablets; and it has
been conjectured that some sorts of paper were covered with a wash, or
varnish, to facilitate the discharge of the old writing, and render
the paper serviceable a second time. Red ink was prepared from
cinnabar. The reed, cut to a point, which lies beside the inkstand, is
the instrument used in writing with ink before the application of
quills. It was called _calamus_. The open papyrus explains how
manuscripts were read, rolled up at each end, so as to show only the
column of writing upon which the student was intent. At the other side
is a purse, or bag, to hold the reed, penknife, and other writing
instruments.
[Illustration: TABULÆ, CALAMUS, AND PAPYRUS.]
The next cut represents, besides a set of tablets bound up, a single
one hanging from a nail. Such, probably, were those suspended at
Epidaurus, containing remedies by which the sick had been cured, by
the perusal of which Hippocrates is said to have profited in the
compilation of his medical works. It also contains, besides a papyrus
similar to those described, a hexagonal inkstand, with a ring to pass
the finger through, upon which there lies an instrument resembling a
reed, but the absence of the knots, or joints, marks it to be a
stylus. Another of these instruments leans against the open book.
[Illustration: TABULÆ, STYLUS, AND PAPYRUS.]
These were made of every sort of material; sometimes with the precious
metals, but usually of iron, and on occasion might be turned into
formidable weapons. It was with his stylus that Cæsar stabbed Casca in
the arm, when attacked in the senate by his murderers; and Caligula
employed some person to put to death a senator with the same
instruments.
In the reign of Claudius women and boys were searched to ascertain
whether there were styluses in their pen-cases. Stabbing with the pen,
therefore, is not merely a metaphorical expression. Tablets such as
those here represented, were the day-books, or account-books. When
they were full, or when the writing on them was no longer useful, the
wax was smoothed, and they were ready again for other service.
[Illustration: TABULÆ AND INK STAND.]
The cut above, besides an inkstand, represents an open book. The
thinness and yellowish color of the leaves, which are tied together
with ribbon, denotes that it was made of parchment or vellum.
[Illustration: LIBRARIES AND MONEY.]
Below is a cylindrical box, called _scrinium_ and _capsa_, or
_capsula_, in which the manuscripts were placed vertically, the titles
at the top. Catullus excuses himself to Manlius for not having sent
him the required verses, because he had with him only one box of his
books. It is evident that a great number of volumes might be comprised
in this way within a small space; and this may tend to explain the
smallness of the ancient libraries--at least of the rooms which are
considered to have been such. Beside the box are two tablets, which,
from the money-bag and coins scattered about, had probably been used
in reckoning accounts.
No perfect papyri, but only fragments, have been found at Pompeii. At
Herculaneum, up to the year 1825, 1,756 had been obtained, besides
many others destroyed by the workmen, who imagined them to be mere
sticks of charcoal. Most of them were found in a suburban villa, in a
room of small dimensions, ranged in presses round the sides of the
room, in the centre of which stood a sort of rectangular book-case.
Sir Humphry Davy, after investigating their chemical nature, arrived
at the conclusion that they had not been carbonized by heat, but
changed by the long action of air and moisture; and he visited Naples
in hopes of rendering the resources of chemistry available towards
deciphering these long-lost literary treasures. His expectations,
however, were not fully crowned with success, although the partial
efficacy of his methods was established; and he relinquished the
pursuit at the end of six months, partly from disappointment, partly
from a belief that vexatious obstacles were thrown in his way by the
jealousy of the persons to whom the task of unrolling had been
intrusted. About five hundred volumes have been well and neatly
unrolled. It is rather remarkable that, as far as we are acquainted,
no manuscript of any known standard work has been found, nor, indeed,
any production of any of the great luminaries of the ancient world.
The most celebrated person, of whom any work has been found, is
Epicurus, whose treatise, _De Natura_, has been successfully unrolled.
This and a few other treatises have been published. The library in
which this was found appears to have been rich in treatises on the
Epicurean philosophy. The only Latin work which it contained was a
poem, attributed to Rabirius, on the war of Cæsar and Antony.
A curious literary monument has been found in the shape of a
calendar. It is cut on a square block of marble, upon each side of
which three months are registered in perpendicular columns, each
headed by the proper sign of the zodiac. The information given may be
classed under three heads, astronomical, agricultural, and religious.
The first begins with the name of the month; then follows the number
of days; then the nones, which in eight months of the year fall on the
fifth day, and were thence called quintanæ--in the others on the
seventh, and were, therefore, called septimanæ. The ides are not
mentioned, because seven days always elapsed between them and the
nones. The number of hours in the day and night is also given, the
integral part being given by the usual numerals, the fractional by an
S for semissis, the half, and by small horizontal lines for the
quarters. Lastly, the sign of the zodiac in which the sun is to be
found is named, and the days of the equinoxes and of the summer
solstice are determined; for the winter solstice we read, _Hiemis
initium_, the beginning of winter. Next the calendar proceeds to the
agricultural portion, in which the farmer is reminded of the principal
operations which are to be done within the month. It concludes with
the religious part, in which, besides indicating the god under whose
guardianship the month is placed, it notes the religious festivals
which fall within it, and warns the cultivator against neglecting the
worship of those deities upon whose favor and protection the success
of his labors is supposed mainly to depend.
[Illustration: GOLD LAMP. (_Found at Pompeii._)]
No articles of ancient manufacture are more common than lamps. They
are found in every variety of form and size, in clay and in metal,
from the cheapest to the most costly description. A large and handsome
gold lamp found at Pompeii in 1863 may be seen in the Pompeian room at
the museum in Naples. We have the testimony of the celebrated
antiquary, Winkleman, to the interest of this subject. "I place among
the most curious utensils found at Herculaneum, the lamps, in which
the ancients sought to display elegance and even magnificence. Lamps
of every sort will be found in the museum at Portici, both in clay
and bronze, but especially the latter; and as the ornaments of the
ancients have generally some reference to some particular things, we
often meet with rather remarkable subjects. A considerable number of
these articles will be found in the British Museum, but they are
chiefly of the commoner sort. All the works, however, descriptive of
Herculaneum and Pompeii, present us with specimens of the richer and
more remarkable class which attract admiration both by the beauty of
the workmanship and the whimsical variety of their designs. We may
enumerate a few which occur in a work now before us, 'Antiquites
d'Herculanum,' in which we find a Silenus, with the usual
peculiarities of figure ascribed to the jolly god rather exaggerated,
and an owl sitting on his head between two huge horns, which support
stands for lamps. Another represents a flower-stalk growing out of a
circular plinth, with snail-shells hanging from it by small chains,
which held the oil and wick; the trunk of a tree, with lamps suspended
from the branches; another, a naked boy, beautifully wrought, with a
lamp hanging from one hand, and an instrument for trimming it from the
other, the lamp itself representing a theatrical mask. Beside him is a
twisted column surmounted by the head of a Faun or Bacchanal, which
has a lid in its crown, and seems intended as a reservoir of oil. The
boy and pillar are both placed on a square plateau raised upon lions'
claws. But beautiful as these lamps are, the light which they gave
must have been weak and unsteady, and little superior to that of the
old-fashioned common lamps, with which they are identical in
principle. The wick was merely a few twisted threads drawn through a
hole in the upper surface of the oil vessel, and there was no glass to
steady the light and prevent its varying with every breeze that blew.
"Still, though the Romans had not advanced so far in art as to apply
glass chimneys and hollow circular wicks to their lamps, they had
experienced the inconvenience of going home at night through a city
poorly paved, watched and lighted, and accordingly soon invented
lanterns to meet the want. These, we learn from Martial, who has
several epigrams upon this subject, were made of horn or bladder: no
mention, we believe, occurs of glass being thus employed. The rich
were preceded by a slave bearing their lantern. This Cicero mentions
as being the habit of Catiline upon his midnight expeditions; and when
M. Antony was accused of a disgraceful intrigue, his lantern-bearer
was tortured to extort a confession whither he had conducted his
master. One of these machines, of considerable ingenuity and beauty of
workmanship, was found in Herculaneum, and another almost exactly the
same, at Pompeii a few years after. In form it is cylindrical, with a
hemispherical top, and it is made of sheet-copper, except the two main
pieces, which are cast. The bottom consists of a flat, circular copper
plate, supported by three balls, and turned up all around the rim,
from which rise the rectangular supports, which support the upper part
of the frame. The top and bottom were further connected by the
interior uprights, between which the laminæ of horn or glass were
placed, and secured at the top and bottom by the doublings of the
copper. Horn was the most common substance used to transmit the light,
but bladder and other membranes were also employed. In the centre of
the lantern is seen the small lamp. The cover is hemispherical, and
lifts up and down: it is pierced with holes for the admission of air,
and has besides the characters NBVRTI-CATIS pricked upon it. These
have been interpreted, Tiburti Cati Sum, or Tiburti Cati S. (ervus),
indicating, the one that it belonged to Catus, or that it was to be
carried by his slave."
[Illustration: CANDELABRUM, OR LAMP STAND.]
One of the most elegant articles of furniture in ancient use was the
candelabrum, by which we mean those tall and slender stands which
served to support a lamp, but were independent of, and unconnected
with, it. These, in their original and simple form, were mere reeds or
straight sticks, fixed upon a foot by peasants to raise their light to
a convenient height; at least such a theory of their origin is
agreeable to what we are told of the rustic manners of the early
Romans, and it is in some degree countenanced by the fashion in which
many of the ancient candelabra are made. Sometimes the stem is
represented as throwing out buds; sometimes it is a stick, the side
branches of which have been roughly lopped, leaving projections where
they grew; sometimes it is in the likeness of a reed or cane, the
stalk being divided into joints. Most of those which have been found
in the buried cities are of bronze, some few of iron. In their general
plan and appearance there is a great resemblance, though the details
of the ornaments admit of infinite variety. All stand on three feet,
usually griffins' or lions' claws, which support a light shaft, plain
or fluted according to the fancy of the maker. The whole supports
either a plinth large enough for a lamp to stand on, or a socket to
receive a wax candle, which the Romans used sometimes instead of oil
in lighting their rooms. Some of them have a sliding shaft, like that
of a music stand, by which the light might be raised or lowered at
pleasure.
[Illustration: CANDELABRA, OR LAMP STANDS.]
One of those elegant table lamps, by the praise of which the present
discussion was introduced, is represented in the accompanying plate.
Including the stand it is three feet high. On a rectangular plinth
rises a rectangular pillar, crowned by a capricious capital. On the
front of the pillar is a mask of a Bacchante, with fine features and
long flowing hair; and on the opposite side, the head of a bull, with
the Greek word Bucranion. From the extreme points of the abacus, four
ornamental branches, beautifully chased, project; the lamps which now
hang from them, though ancient, also, are not those which belong to
the stand, and were not found with it. They are nearly alike in
figure, but differ in size. Three of them are ornamented with various
animals, the fourth is plain. One of them has each of its ends wrought
into the form of a shell. Above are two eagles in high relief, with
the thunderbolt of Jupiter in their talons. Another has two bulls'
heads, a third two elephants' heads projecting from the sides. The
latter is suspended by two dolphins, instead of the chains generally
in use, whose tails are united, and attached to a small ball and ring.
The pillar is not placed in the center, but at one end of the plinth,
which is the case in almost every lamp of this description yet found.
The space thus obtained may have served as a stand for the oil vase
used in trimming the lamps. The plinth is beautifully damasked, or
inlaid, in imitation of a vine, the leaves of which are of silver, the
stem and fruit of bright brass. On one side is an altar with wood and
fire upon it; on the other a Bacchus, naked, with his thick hair
plaited and bound with ivy. He rides a tiger, and has his left hand in
the attitude of holding reins, which time probably has destroyed; with
the right he raises a drinking-horn. The workmanship of this lamp is
exquisitely delicate in all its parts.
Before we quit this subject we have still one candelabrum to notice,
which for simplicity of design and delicacy of execution is hardly to
be surpassed by any in the Neapolitan collection. The stem is formed
of a liliaceous plant, divided into two branches, each of which
supports a flat disc, which may represent the flower, upon which a
lamp was placed. At the base is a mass of bronze which gives stability
to the whole, upon which a Silenus is seated, earnestly engaged in
trying to pour wine from a skin which he holds in his left hand into a
cup in his right. In this figure all the distinctive marks of the
companion and tutor of Bacchus are expressed with great skill; the
pointed ears, the goat's tail, the shaggy skin, the flat nose, and the
ample rotundity of body, leave no doubt on our minds as to the person
intended to be represented. The head, especially, is admirable, both
in respect of workmanship and expression.
Amongst Greek domestic utensils we also count articles made of
basket-work, which frequently occur in antique pictures. The
kalathos, the basket for keeping wool (used for weaving and
embroidering), and also flowers and fruit, is frequently met with in
vase paintings illustrating the life of Greek women. As early as
Homer's time baskets, probably round or oval, were used at meals, to
keep bread and pastry in. They had a low rim and handles. The kaneon
was also used at offerings, where it is filled with pomegranates,
holly boughs and ribbons. At the Panathenaia noble Athenian maidens
carried such baskets, filled with holy cakes, incense, and knives on
their heads. These graceful figures were a favorite subject of antique
sculpture. Both Polyklete and Skopas had done a celebrated
kanephore--the former in bronze, the latter in marble. There was also
a flat basket, chiefly used for carrying fish, similar to that used at
the present day by fishermen in the south. Other baskets used by
peasants appear frequently in antique pictures, in the original
carried by a peasant on a stick over his shoulder, together with
another basket of the same pear-like shape, taken from a bas-relief
representing a vintage, in which the former appears filled with
grapes, while the latter is being filled with must by a boy. This
proves, at the same time, the knowledge amongst the Greeks of the art
of making the basket-work dense enough to hold fluids. The same fact
is shown by a passage in Homer, in which Polyphemos lets the milk
coagulate to cheese in baskets, which cheese was afterwards placed on
a hurdle through which the whey trickled slowly. Of plaited rushes, or
twigs, consisted also a peculiar kind of net, a specimen of which is
seen on the reverse of a medal coined under the Emperor Macrinus, as
the emblem of the maritime city of Byzantium.
To light and heat the room, in Homer's time, fire-baskets, or
fire-basins were used, standing on high poles, and fed with dry logs
of wood or splinters. The cinders were, at intervals, removed by
serving-maids, and the flames replenished. Such fire-baskets on poles
are still used by night-travelers in Southern Russia, and at nightly
ceremonies in India. The use of pine-torches is of equal antiquity.
They consisted of long, thin sticks of pine-wood, tied together with
bark, rushes or papyrus. The bark of the vine was also used for
torches, called lophis. The golden statues on pedestals, in the hall
of Alkinoos, undoubtedly held such torches in their hands. In vase
paintings we also see a different form of the torch, carried chiefly
by Demeter and Persephone, which consists of two pieces of wood
fastened crosswise to a staff. An imitation of this wooden torch was
undoubtedly the torch-case made of clay or metal in the shape of a
salpinx. Its surface was either smooth or formed in imitation of the
bundles of sticks and the bark of the wooden torch, the inside being
filled with resinous substances.
[Illustration: STANDING LAMP.]
[Illustration: ANCIENT LAMPS.]
The date of oil-lamps in Greece can not be stated with accuracy; they
were known at the time of Aristophanes. They were made of terra-cotta
or metal, and their construction resembles those used by the Romans.
They are mostly closed semi-globes with two openings, one, in the
centre, to pour the oil in, the other in the nose-shaped prolongation
destined to receive the wick. Amongst the small numbers of Greek lamps
preserved to us we have chosen a few of the most graceful specimens,
one of them showing the ordinary form of the lamp. Some are made of
clay, the latter being painted in various colors. The Athenians also
used lanterns made of transparent horn, and lit up with oil-lamps.
They were carried at night in the streets like the torches. Sparks,
carefully preserved under the ashes, served both Greeks and Romans to
light the fire. The ancients had, however, a lighting apparatus
consisting of two pieces of wood, of which the one was driven into the
other, like a gimlet, the friction effecting a flame. According to
Theophrast, the wood of nut or chestnut trees was generally used for
the purpose.
The street running from the Temple of Fortune to the Forum, called the
Street of the Forum, in Pompeii, and forming a continuation of that of
Mercury, has furnished an unusually rich harvest of various utensils.
A long list of these is given by Sir W. Gell, according to which there
were found no less than two hundred and fifty small bottles of
inferior glass, with numerous other articles of the same material,
which it would be tedious to particularize.
A marble statue of a laughing faun, two bronze figures of Mercury, the
one three inches and the other four inches high, and a statue of a
female nine inches high, were also found, together with many bronze
lamps and stands. We may add vases, basins with handles, pateræ,
bells, elastic springs, hinges, buckles for harness, a lock, an
inkstand, and a strigil; gold ear-rings and a silver spoon; an oval
cauldron, a saucepan, a mould for pastry, and a weight of alabaster
used in spinning, with its ivory axis remaining. The catalogue
finishes with a leaden weight, forty-nine lamps of common clay
ornamented with masks and animals, forty-five lamps for two wicks,
three boxes with a slit to keep money in, in one of which were found
thirteen coins of Titus, Vespasian, and Domitian. Among the most
curious things discovered, were seven glazed plates found packed in
straw. There were also seventeen unvarnished vases of terra-cotta and
seven clay dishes, and a large pestle and mortar. The scales and
steelyard which we have given are said to have been found at the same
time. On the beam of the steelyard are Roman numerals from X. to
XXXX.; a V was placed for division between each X.; smaller divisions
are also marked. The inscription is
IMP. VESP. AVG. IIX.
T. IMP. AVG. F. VI. C.
EXACTA. IN. CAPITO.
which is translated thus: "In the eighth consulate of Vespasian
Emperor Augustus, and in the sixth of Titus, Emperor and son of
Augustus. Proved in the Capitol." This shows the great care taken to
enforce a strict uniformity in the weights and measures used
throughout the empire; the date corresponds with the year 77 of our
era, only two years previous to the great eruption. The steelyard
found was also furnished with chains and hooks, and with numbers up to
XXX. Another pair of scales had two cups, with a weight on the side
opposite to the material weighed, to mark more accurately the
fractional weight; this weight was called by the ancients ligula, and
examen.
[Illustration: SCALES AND WEIGHTS.]
Gell tells us that the skeleton of a Pompeian was found here, "who
apparently, for the sake of sixty coins, a small plate and a saucepan
of silver, had remained in his house till the street was already half
filled with volcanic matter." He was found as if in the act of
escaping from his window. Two others were found in the same street.
The shops in the street on the north side of the Temple of Augustus
most probably supplied those who feasted with dainties; and it has
been called the Street of Dried Fruits, from the quantity of raisins,
figs, plums, and chestnuts, fruit of several sorts preserved in vases
of glass, hempseed, and lentils. It is now, however, more generally
known as the Street of the Augustals. Scales, money, moulds for pastry
and bread, were discovered in the shops; and a bronze statue of Fame,
small, and delicately executed, having golden bracelets round the
arms.
In the northern entrance to the building the name CELSVM was written
on a pilaster; near it was found in a box a gold ring with an engraved
stone set in it, forty-one silver, and a thousand and thirty-six brass
coins.
The next group of vessels, though nearly destitute of ornament, and
probably of a very ordinary class, will serve to give us some idea of
the cooking vessels of the Romans. One of the most celebrated vases in
the Neapolitan collection was found with a bronze simpulum in it; and
upon the vase itself there was a sacrificial painting, representing a
priest in the act of pouring out a libation from a vase with the
simpulum.
Pottery in ancient times was usually much more ornamental than at
present, although it was often the case that their ornaments were
rather an inconvenience, and would simply encumber the vessels; in our
practical age more importance is placed in the convenience and utility
than in beauty. Even their common vessels are not without a certain
degree of elegance, both in form and workmanship.
[Illustration: VESSELS. (_From Pompeii._)]
Great numbers of clay vases have been found, of which the following is
a very beautiful specimen. The lip and base have the favorite ovolo
moulding; the body has two rows of fluting separated by a transverse
band, charged with leaves, and with a swan in the centre. The neck of
the vase is painted, and the same subject is given on each side. It
represents a chariot, drawn by four animals at full gallop, which
appear to be intermediate between tigers and panthers. A winged genius
directs them with his left hand, while with his right he goads them
with a javelin.
Another winged figure preceding the quadriga, with a thyrsus in his
left hand, is in the act of seizing the bridle of one of the animals.
The whole is painted in white on a black ground, except some few of
the details, which are yellow, and the car and mantle of the genius,
which are red. The handles represent knotted cords, or flexible
branches interlaced, which terminate in the heads of animals. This
vase is much cracked, probably in consequence of the violence of the
fire.
Some drinking vessels of peculiar construction have been found, which
merit a particular description. These were in the shape of a horn, the
primitive drinking-vessel, and had commonly a hole at the point, to be
closed with the finger, until the drinker, raising it above his mouth,
suffered the liquor to flow in a stream from the orifice.
[Illustration: DRINKING VESSEL.]
This method of drinking, which is still practiced in some parts of the
Mediterranean, must require great skill in order to hit the mark
exactly. Sometimes the hole at the tip was closed, and one or two
handles fitted to the side, and then the base formed the mouth; and
sometimes the whimsical fancy of the potter fashioned it into the head
of a pig, a stag, or any other animal. One in the Neapolitan Museum
has the head of an eagle with the ears of a man.
These vases are usually of clay, but cheap as is the material, it is
evident by their good workmanship that they were not made by the
lowest artists.
The learned seem to have been generally mistaken on the subject of
glass-making among the ancients, who appear to have been far more
skillful than had been imagined. The vast collection of bottles,
vases, glasses, and other utensils, discovered at Pompeii, is
sufficient to show that the ancients were well acquainted with the art
of glass-blowing.
There is no doubt but that the Romans possessed glass in sufficient
plenty to apply it to purposes of household ornament. The raw material
appears from Pliny's account to have undergone two fusions; the first
converted it into a rough mass called ammonitrum, which was melted
again and became pure glass. We are also told of a dark-colored glass
resembling obsidian, plentiful enough to be cast into solid statues.
Pliny mentions having seen images of Augustus cast in this substance.
It probably was some coarse kind of glass resembling the ammonitrum,
or such as that in which the scoriæ of our iron furnaces abound. Glass
was worked either by blowing it with a pipe, as is now practiced, by
turning in a lathe, by engraving and carving it, or, as we have
noticed, by casting it in a mould.
The ancients had certainly acquired great skill in the manufacture, as
appears both from the accounts which have been preserved by ancient
authors, and by the specimens which still exist--among which we may
notice, as pre-eminently beautiful, that torment of antiquaries, the
Portland vase, preserved in the British Museum. We have already
adverted to another vase of the same kind, and of almost equal beauty,
found in one of the tombs near the Gate of Herculaneum.
A remarkable story is told by Dion Cassius, of a man who, in the time
of the Emperor Tiberius, brought a glass cup into the imperial
presence and dashed it on the ground. To the wonder of the spectators,
the vessel bent under the blow without breaking, and the ingenious
artist immediately hammered out the bruise, and restored it whole and
sound to its original form; in return for which display of his skill,
Tiberius, it is said, ordered him to be immediately put to death.
The story is a strange one, yet it is confirmed by Pliny, who both
mentions the discovery itself, and gives a clue to the motives which
may have urged the emperor to a cruelty apparently so unprovoked. He
speaks of an artificer who had invented a method of making flexible
glass, and adds that Tiberius banished him, lest this new fashion
should injure the workers in metal, of whose trade the manufacture of
gold, silver, and other drinking-cups, and furniture for the table,
formed an extensive and important branch.
The Romans were also well acquainted with the art of coloring glass,
as appears, among other proofs, from the glass mosaics, of which
mention has been made. Pliny speaks of a blood-red sort, called
hæmatinum, from blood, of white glass, blue glass, etc. The most
valuable sort, however, was the colorless crystal glass, for two cups
of which, with handles on each side, Nero gave 6,000 sesterces, about
$240.
Under this head we may speak of the vases called _murrhina_, since one
theory respecting them is, that they were made of variegated glass.
Their nature, however, is doubtful; not so their value. Pliny speaks
of 70 talents being given for one holding three sextarii, about four
and a half pints. Titus Petronius on his death-bed defrauded the
avarice of Nero, who had compelled him, by a common piece of tyranny,
to appoint the crown his heir by breaking a murrhine trulla, or flat
bowl, worth 300 talents. Nero himself, as became a prince, outdid all
by giving 100 talents for a single capis, or drinking-cup, "a
memorable circumstance, that an emperor, and father of his country,
should have drunk at so dear a rate." Pliny's description of this
substance runs thus:
"It is to be noticed that we have these rich cassidoin vessels (called
in Latin murrhina) from the East, and that from places otherwise not
greatly renowned, but most within the kingdom of Parthia; howbeit the
principal come from Carmania. The stone whereof these vessels are made
is thought to be a certain humor, thickened as it were in the earth by
heat. In no place are these stones found larger than small tablements
of pillars or the like, and seldom were they so thick as to serve for
such a drinking-cup as I have spoken of already. Resplendent are they
in some sort, but it may rather be termed a gloss than a radiant and
transparent clearness; but that which maketh them so much esteemed is
the variety of colors, for in these stones a man shall perceive
certain veins or spots, which, as they be turned about, resemble
divers colors, inclining partly to purple and partly to white: he
shall see them also of a third color composed of them both, resembling
the flame of fire. Thus they pass from one to another as a man holdeth
them, insomuch as their purple seemeth near akin to white, and their
milky white to bear as much on the purple. Some esteem those cassidoin
or murrhine stones, the richest, which present as it were certain
reverberations of certain colors meeting altogether about their edges
and extremities, such as we observe in rainbows; others are delighted
with certain fatty spots appearing in them; and no account is made of
them which show either pale or transparent in any part of them, for
these be reckoned great faults and blemishes; in like manner if there
be seen in the cassidoin any spots like corns of salts or warts, for
then are they considered apt to split. Finally, the cassidoin stones
are commended in some sort also for the smell that they do yield."
On these words of Pliny a great dispute has arisen. Some think that
onyx is the material described, a conjecture founded on the variety of
colors which that stone presents. To this it is objected, that onyx
and murrha, onyx vases and murrhine vases are alike mentioned by Latin
writers, and never with any hint as to their identity; nay, there is a
passage in which Heliogabalus is said to have onyx and murrhine vases
in constant use. Others, as we have said, think that they were
variegated glass; others that they were the true Chinese porcelain, a
conjecture in some degree strengthened by a line of Propertius:
"Murrheaq. in Parthis pocula cocta focis."
At the same time this quotation is not so conclusive as it might have
been, since Pliny speaks of murrha as "hardened in the earth by heat,"
and the poet may only have meant the same thing, though the expression
in that case would be somewhat strained. To us, Pliny's description
appears to clearly point to some opaline substance; the precious opal
has never in modern times been found in masses approaching to the size
necessary to make vessels such as we have spoken of. The question is
not likely to be settled, and it is not improbable that the material
of these murrhine vases is entirely unknown to us, as the quarries of
many marbles used by the ancients have hitherto eluded our research,
and the marbles themselves are only known by their recurrence among
ancient buildings.
We may here notice one or two facts connected with glass, which show
that the ancients were on the verge of making one or two very
important discoveries in physical science. They were acquainted with
the power of transparent spherical bodies to produce heat by the
transmission of light, though not with the manner in which that heat
was generated by the concentration of the solar rays. Pliny mentions
the fact that hollow glass balls filled with water would, when held
opposite to the sun, grow hot enough to burn any cloth they touched;
but the turn of his expression evidently leads to the conclusion that
he believed the heat to become accumulated in the glass itself, not
merely to be transmitted through it. Seneca speaks of similar glass
balls, which magnified minute objects to the view. Nay, he had nearly
stumbled on a more remarkable discovery, the composition of light, for
he mentions the possibility of producing an artificial rainbow by the
use of an angular glass rod. At a far earlier period Aristophanes
speaks of "a transparent substance used to light fires with," usually
translated glass. The passage is curious, as it shows a perfect
acquaintance with the use of the burning glass.
With the laws of reflection the ancients, as we know from the
performances ascribed to Archimedes, were well acquainted. It is
singular that being in possession of such remarkable facts connected
with refraction, they should never have proceeded to investigate the
laws by which it is governed.
[Illustration: GLASS VESSELS (_of Pompeii_).]
The first object figured _h_, in the annexed block, is a glass funnel,
_infundibulum_; _g_, is described as a wine-strainer, but the method
of its use is not altogether clear. The bottom is slightly concave,
and pierced with holes. It is supposed to have been used as a sort of
tap, the larger part being placed within the barrel, and the wine
drawn off through the neck or spout, which is broken. Fig. _n_, is a
wine-taster, something on the principle of a siphon. It is hollow, and
the air being exhausted by the mouth at the small end, the liquid to
be tasted was drawn up into the cavity. _a_ and _b_, wine-jars; _c_,
two small wine-jars in a glass casket; _d_, _e_, _f_ and _q_, goblets
or drinking-glasses of toned and beautiful colored glass; _i_ and _m_,
glass dishes, the first with a saucer.
Another sort of glass strainer, of which there are several in the
Neapolitan Museum, is made of bronze, pierced in elegant and intricate
patterns as seen on page 84. The Romans used strainers filled with
snow to cool their wines, and such may have been the destination of
the one here represented. These were called _cola vinaria_, or
_nivaria_. The poor used a linen cloth for the same purpose.
With respect to the details of dress, the excavations, whether at
Pompeii or Herculaneum, enable us to clear up no difficulties, and to
add little to that which is already known on this subject. Still a
short notice of the principal articles of dress, and explanation of
their Latin names, may be expedient for the full understanding of some
parts of our subject. The male costume will detain us a very short
time.
The proper Roman dress, for it would be tiresome and unprofitable to
enter upon the variety of garments introduced in later times from
foreign nations, consisted merely of the toga and tunica, the latter
being itself an innovation on the simple and hardy habit of ancient
times. It was a woolen vest, for it was late before the use of linen
was introduced, reaching to the knees, and at first made without
sleeves, which were considered effeminate; but, as luxury crept in,
not only were sleeves used, but the number of tunics was increased to
three or four. The toga was an ample semi-circular garment, also
without sleeves. It is described as having an opening large enough to
admit the head and the right arm and shoulder, which were left
exposed, having a sort of lappet, or flap (lacinia), which was brought
under the right arm and thrown over the left shoulder, forming the
_sinus_, or bosom, the deep folds of which served as a sort of pocket.
This is the common description, which, we confess, conveys no very
clear notion of the construction or appearance of the dress. The left
arm was entirely covered, or if exposed, it was by gathering up the
lower edge of the ample garment.
The female dress consisted of one or more tunics, with an upper
garment, called _stola_, which superseded the toga, originally worn by
women as well as men. The stola is said to have been a more ample and
ornamented sort of tunic. The tunic worn by women does not seem to
have differed from that worn by men, except that it reached to the
feet. Above the stola, women wore a mantle called palla or pallium.
This is said to have been thrown across the shoulders, the right end
being gathered up and thrown over the left shoulder, leaving nothing
but the right hand visible.
[Illustration: CUPS AND METALS.]
Some minute speculations relative to one article in female dress have
been based on a statue from Herculaneum, in which a Neapolitan
antiquary thinks that he has discovered the nature and construction of
that compound garment called the tunico-pallium, in which the
appearance and uses of the tunic and mantle were united. It is the
statue of a woman employed in buckling her dress over the right
shoulder, having already fastened it on the left, in such a manner as
to leave the arm bare.
Numerous articles of female ornament have been found, of which we have
collected a few into one block. They are drawn of the same size as the
originals. The lower corners of the cut represent ear-rings, seen in
front and sideways. It is a portion of a plain gold spheroid, very
thick, with a metal hook at the back to pass through the ear. The next
is of simpler construction, having pearl pendants. Both these patterns
seem to have been very common. The upper right-hand corner of the cut
represents a breast-pin, attached to a Bacchanalian figure, with a
patera in one hand and a glass in the other. He is provided with bat's
wings, and two belts, or bands of grapes, pass across his body. The
bat's wings symbolize the drowsiness consequent upon hard drinking.
There are also represented gold rings with serpent's heads, the eyes
of which are inlaid with beautiful stones and diamonds; also bracelets
of this pattern were very common.
[Illustration: GOLD JEWELRY (_From Pompeii_)]
A beautiful gold necklace was also found, of which a cut is
represented in the above plate. It was very elaborate and exquisite.
Ornamental safety-pins were also found, as shown in following cuts.
Lockets were also found, indicating religious subjects of later date.
Small toilet-boxes, made of wood or ivory, were also numerous; and,
like the vases, of many different forms; and some, which contained
cosmetics of divers kinds, served to deck the dressing table, or a
lady's boudoir. They were carved in various ways, and loaded with
ornamental devices in relief; sometimes representing the favorite
lotus flower, with its buds and stalks, a goose, gazelle, fox, or
other animal. Many were of considerable length, terminating in a
hollow shell, not unlike a spoon in shape and depth, covered with a
lid turning on a pin; and to this, which may properly be styled the
box, the remaining part was merely an accessory, intended for
ornament, or serving as a handle.
[Illustration: HEAVY GOLD PINS.]
They were generally of sycamore wood, sometimes of tamarisk, or of
acacia; and occasionally ivory, and inlaid work, were substituted for
wood. To many, a handle of less disproportionate length was attached,
representing the usual lotus flower, a figure, a Typhonian monster, an
animal, a bird, a fish, or a reptile; and the box itself, whether
covered with a lid or open, was in character with the remaining part.
Some shallow ones were probably intended to contain small portions of
ointment, taken from a large vase at the time it was wanted, or for
other purposes connected with the toilet, where greater depth was not
required; and in many instances they rather resembled spoons than
boxes.
[Illustration: BROOCHES INSET WITH STONE.]
Many were made in the form of a royal oval, with and without a handle;
and the body of a wooden fish was scooped out, and closed with a cover
imitating the scales, to deceive the eye by the appearance of a solid
mass. Sometimes a goose was represented, ready for table, or swimming
on the water, and pluming itself; the head being the handle of a box
formed of its hollow body; some consisted of an open part or cup,
attached to a covered box; others of different shapes offered the
usual variety of fancy devices, and some were without covers, which
may come under the denomination of saucers. Others bore the precise
form and character of a box, being deeper and more capacious; and
these were probably used for holding trinkets, or occasionally as
repositories for the small pots of ointment, or scented oils, and
bottles containing the collyrium, which women applied to their eyes.
Some were divided into separate compartments, covered by a common lid,
either sliding in a groove, or turning on a pin at one end; and many
of still larger dimensions sufficed to contain a mirror, combs, and,
perhaps, even some articles of dress.
These boxes were frequently of costly materials, veneered with rare
woods, or made of ebony, inlaid with ivory, painted with various
devices, or stained to imitate materials of a valuable nature; and the
mode of fastening the lid, and the curious substitute for a hinge
given to some of them, show the former was entirely removed, and that
the box remained open, while used.
Knobs of ebony, or other hard wood, were very common. They were
covered with great care, and inlaid with ivory and silver.
[Illustration: SAFETY TOGA PINS.]
Some boxes were made with a pointed summit, divided into two parts,
one of which alone opened, turning on small pivots at the base, and
the two ends of the box resembled in form the gable ends, as the top,
the shelving roof, of a house. The sides were, as usual, secured by
glue and nails, generally of wood, and dove-tailed, a method of
joining adopted in Egypt at the most remote period; but the
description of these belongs more properly to cabinet work, as those
employed for holding the combs, and similar objects, to the toilet.
Some vases have been found in boxes, made of wicker-work, closed with
stoppers of wood, reed, or other materials, supposed to belong either
to a lady's toilet or to a medical man; one of which, now in the
Berlin Museum, has been already noticed.
[Page Decoration]
FURNITURE.
In the furniture of the houses the Egyptians displayed considerable
taste; and there, as elsewhere, they studiously avoided too much
regularity, justly considering that its monotonous effect fatigued the
eye. They preferred variety both in the arrangement of the rooms and
in the character of their furniture, and neither the windows, doors,
nor wings of the house, exactly corresponded with each other. An
Egyptian would, therefore, have been more pleased with the form of our
Elizabethan, than of the box-shaped rooms of later times.
In their mode of sitting on chairs they resembled the modern Europeans
rather than Asiatics, neither using, like the latter, soft _divans_,
nor sitting cross-legged on carpets. Nor did they recline at meals, as
the Romans, on a _triclinium_, though couches and ottomans formed part
of the furniture of an Egyptian. When Joseph entertained his brethren,
he ordered them to _sit_ according to their ages. Egyptians sometimes
sat cross-legged on the ground, on mats and carpets, or knelt on one
or both knees; these were rather the customs for certain occasions,
and of the poorer classes. To sit on their heels was also customary as
a token of respect in the presence of a superior, as in modern Egypt;
and when a priest bore a shrine before the deity he assumed this
position of humility; a still greater respect being shown by
prostration, or by kneeling and kissing the ground. But the house of a
wealthy person was always furnished with chairs and couches. Stools
and low seats were also used, the seat being only from 8 to 14 inches
high, and of wood, or interlaced with thongs; these, however, may be
considered equivalent to our rush-bottomed chairs, and probably
belonged to persons of humbler means. They varied in their quality,
and some were inlaid with ivory and various woods.
Those most common in the houses of the rich were the single and double
chair (answering to the Greek _thronos_ and _diphros_), the latter
sometimes kept as a family seat, and occupied by the master and
mistress of the house, or a married couple. It was not, however,
always reserved exclusively for them, nor did they invariably occupy
the same seat; they sometimes sat like their guests on separate
chairs, and a _diphros_ was occasionally offered to visitors, both men
and women.
Many of the fauteuils were of the most elegant form. They were made of
ebony and other rare woods, inlaid with ivory, and very similar to
some now used in Europe. The legs were mostly in imitation of those of
an animal; and lions' heads, or the entire body, formed the arms of
large fauteuils, as in the throne of Solomon (I Kings, x. 19). Some,
again, had folding legs, like our camp-stools; the seat was often
slightly concave; and those in the royal palace were ornamented with
the figures of captives, or emblems of dominion over Egypt and other
countries. The back was light and strong, and consisted of a single
set of upright and cross bars, or of a frame receding gradually and
terminating at its summit in a graceful curve, supported from without
by perpendicular bars; and over this was thrown a handsome pillow of
colored cotton, painted leather, or gold and silver tissue, like the
beds at the feast of Abasuerus, mentioned in Esther, or like the
feathered cushions covered with stuffs and embroidered with silk and
threads of gold in the palace of Scaurus.
Seats on the principle of our camp-stools seem to have been much in
vogue. They were furnished with a cushion, or were covered with the
skin of a leopard, or some other animal, which was removed when the
seat was folded up; and it was not unusual to make even head-stools,
or wooden pillows on the same principle. They were also adorned in
various ways, bound with metal plates, and inlaid with ivory, or
foreign woods; and the wood of common chairs was often painted to
resemble that of a rarer and more valuable kind.
The seats of chairs were frequently of leather, painted with flowers
and fancy devices; of interlaced work made of string or thongs,
carefully and neatly arranged, which, like our Indian cane chairs,
were particularly adapted for a hot climate; but over this they
occasionally placed a leather cushion, painted in the manner already
mentioned.
The forms of the chairs varied very much; the larger ones generally
had light backs, and some few had arms. They were mostly about the
height of those now used in Europe, the seat nearly in a line with the
bend of the knee; but some were very low, and others offered that
variety of position which we seek in the kangaroo chairs of our own
drawing-room. The ordinary fashion of the legs was in imitation of
those of some wild animal, as the lion or the goat, but more usually
the former, the foot raised and supported on a short pin; and, what is
remarkable, the skill of their cabinet-makers, even before the time of
Joseph, had already done away with the necessity of uniting the legs
with bars. Stools, however, and more rarely chairs, were occasionally
made with these strengthening members, as is still the case in our own
country; but the drawing-room fauteuil and couch were not disfigured
by so unseemly and so unskillful a support.
The stools used in the saloon were of the same style and elegance as
the chairs, frequently differing from them only in the absence of a
back; and those of more delicate workmanship were made of ebony, and
inlaid, as already stated, with ivory or rare woods. Some of an
ordinary kind had solid sides, and were generally very low; and
others, with three legs, belonged to persons of inferior rank.
The ottomans were simple square sofas, without backs, raised from the
ground nearly to the same level as the chairs. The upper part was of
leather, or a cotton stuff, richly colored, like the cushions of the
fauteuils; the base was of wood painted with various devices; and
those in the royal palace were ornamented with the figures of
captives, the conquest of whose country was designated by their having
this humiliating position. The same idea gave them a place on the
soles of sandals, on the footstools of a royal throne, and on the
walls of the palace at Medeenet Haboo, in Thebes, where their heads
support some of the ornamental details of the building.
Footstools also constituted part of the furniture of the sitting-room;
they were made with solid or open sides, covered at the top with
leather or interlaced work, and varied in height according to
circumstances, some being of the usual size now adopted by us, others
of inconsiderable thickness, and rather resembling a small rug.
Carpets, indeed, were a very early invention, and they are often
represented sitting upon them, as well as on mats, which are commonly
used in their sitting-rooms, as at the present day, and remnants of
them have been found in the Theban tombs.
Their couches evinced no less taste than the fauteuils. They were of
wood, with one end raised, and receding in a graceful curve; and the
feet, as in many of the chairs, already described, were fashioned to
resemble those of some wild animal.
Egyptian tables were round, square, or oblong; the former were
generally used during their repasts, and consisted of a circular flat
summit, supported like the _monopodium_ of the Romans, on a single
shaft, or leg, in the centre, or by the figure of a man, intended to
represent a captive. Large tables had usually three or four legs, but
some were made with solid sides; and though generally of wood, many
were of metal or stone; and they varied in size, according to the
purposes for which they were intended.
Of the furniture of their bed-rooms we know little or nothing; but
that they universally employed the wooden pillow above alluded to is
evident, though Porphyry would lead us to suppose its use was confined
to the priests, when, in noticing their mode of life, he mentions a
half cylinder of well polished wood "sufficing to support their head,"
as an instance of their simplicity and self-denial. For the rich they
were made of Oriental alabaster, with an elegant grooved or fluted
shaft, ornamented with hieroglyphics, carved in intaglio, of sycamore,
tamarisk, and other woods of the country; the poor classes being
contented with a cheaper sort, of pottery or stone. Porphyry mentions
a kind of wicker bedstead of _palm branches_, hence called _bais_,
evidently the species of framework called _kaffass_, still employed by
the modern Egyptians as a support to the _divans_ of sitting rooms,
and to their beds. Wooden, and perhaps also bronze, bedsteads (like
the iron one of Og, King of Bashan), were used by the wealthier
classes of the ancient Egyptians; and it is at least probable that the
couches they slept upon were as elegant as those on which their bodies
reposed after death; and the more so, as these last, in their general
style, are very similar to the furniture of the sitting-room.
The oldest specimen of a bedstead is that mentioned by Homer as joined
together by Odysseus in his own house. He had cut off the stem of an
olive-tree a few feet from the ground, and joined to it the boards of
the bed, so that the trunk supported the bed at the head. It therefore
was immovable. The antique bed must be considered as the prolongation
of the diphros. The cross-legged diphros prolonged became the folding
bed; that with perpendicular legs the couch. The former could easily
be moved and replaced; they are perhaps identical with the beds
frequently mentioned in the "Odyssey," which were put into the outer
hall for guests. One of them is shown as the notorious bed of
Prokrustes in a picture on a vase. The diphros corresponds to the
couch resting on four legs, at first without head and foot-board,
which were afterwards added at both ends. By the further addition of a
back on one of the long sides, it became what we now call a _chaise
longue_ or sofa. This sleeping kline was no doubt essentially the same
as that used at meals. The materials were, besides the ordinary woods,
maple or box, either massive or veneered. The legs and backs, and
other parts not covered by the bed clothes, were carefully worked.
Sometimes the legs are neatly carved or turned, sometimes the frames
are inlaid with gold, silver, and ivory, as is testified in the
"Odyssey," and elsewhere.
The bedding mentioned in Homer did not consist of sumptuous bolsters
and cushions, as in later times. It consisted, even amongst the richer
classes, first of all of the blankets of a long-haired woolen
material, or perhaps a kind of mattress. Hides, as spread by the poor
on the hard floor, were sometimes put under the blankets, and other
additional blankets, so as to soften the couch. The whole was covered
with linen sheets. The light blankets served to cover the sleeper, who
sometimes used his own dress for this purpose; sometimes they
consisted of woolen blankets woven for the purpose. After Homer's
time, when Asiatic luxury had been introduced into Greece, a mattress
was placed immediately on the bed-straps. It was stuffed with plucked
wool or feathers, and covered with some linen or woolen material.
Pillows, like the mattresses stuffed with wool or feathers, were added
to complete the bedding, at least in more luxurious times. (The cut on
page 78 gives a good idea of the looks of an ancient Roman and Grecian
bed.) Of a similar kind were the klinai placed in the sitting-rooms,
lying on which, in a half-reclining position, people used to read,
write and take their meals. They were covered with soft blankets of
gorgeous colors, while one or more cushions served to support the body
in its half-sitting position, or to prop the left arm.
Tables were used by the ancients chiefly at meals, not for reading and
writing. The antique tables, either square with four legs, or circular
or oval with three connected legs, afterwards with one leg, resemble
our modern ones, but for their being lower. Mostly their slabs did not
reach higher than the kline; higher tables would have been
inconvenient for the reclining person. In Homeric and even in later
times, a small table stood before each thronos. The use of separate
dishes for each guest is comparatively new. Originally the meats were
brought in on large platters, divided by the steward, and each portion
put on the bare table. In want of knives and forks the fingers were
used. The pastry was put in baskets by the tables. Whether the Homeric
tables were as low as the later ones, when lying instead of sitting
had become the custom, we must leave undecided, in want of sculptural
evidence. The legs of the tables were carefully finished, particularly
those of the tripods, which frequently imitated the legs of animals,
or at least had claws at their ends. The four-legged tables were more
simple in design. The material was wood, particularly maple; later on,
bronze, precious metals, and ivory were introduced.
For the keeping of articles of dress, valuable utensils, ornaments,
bottles of ointment, and documents, larger or smaller drawers and
boxes were used. Chests of drawers and upright cupboards with doors
seem to have been unknown in earlier times; only in few monuments of
later date (for instance in the wall-painting of a shoemaker's
workshop at Herculaneum) we see something resembling our wardrobe. The
wardrobes mentioned by Homer doubtless resembled our old-fashioned
trunks. The surfaces showed ornaments of various kinds, either cut
from the wood in relief or inlaid with precious metal and ivory. Some
smaller boxes with inlaid figures or painted arabesques are shown from
pictures on vases. The ornamentation with polished nails seem to have
been very much in favor--a fashion re-introduced in modern times. The
most celebrated example of such ornamentation was the box of Kypselos,
in the opisthodomos of the temple of Hera at Olympia. It dates
probably from the time when the counting by Olympiads was introduced,
and served, according to Botticher, for the keeping of votive tapestry
and the like. According to Pausanias, it was made of cedar-wood, and
elliptic in shape. It was adorned with mythological representations,
partly carved in wood, partly inlaid with gold and ivory, encircling
the whole box in five stripes, one over the other.
Locks, keys and bolts, known at an early period for the closing of
doors, were later applied to boxes, as is sufficiently proved by the
still-existing small keys fastened to finger-rings, which, although
all of Roman make, were most likely not unknown to the Greeks. For
doors these would have been too small.
The furniture of Greek houses was simple, but full of artistic beauty.
This was particularly displayed in vessels for the keeping of both dry
and fluid stores, as were found in temples, dwellings and even graves.
Only the last-mentioned have been preserved to us. Earthen vessels are
the most numerous. The invention of the potter's wheel is of great
antiquity, and was ascribed by the Greeks in different places to
different mythical persons. The Corinthians named Hyperbion as its
inventor. In the Kerameikos, the potters' quarter of Athens, Keramos,
the son of Dionysos and Ariadne, was worshiped as such. The name of
the locality itself was derived from this "heros eponymos." Next to
Corinth and Athens (which latter became celebrated for earthen
manufactures, owing to the excellent clay of the promontory of
Kolias), Ægina, Lakedæmon, Aulis, Tenedos, Samos and Knidos were
famous for their earthenware. In these places the manufacture of
painted earthenware was concentrated; thence they were exported to the
ports of the Mediterranean and the Black Sea for the markets of the
adjoining countries. Owing to the beautiful custom of the ancients of
leaving in the graves of the dead the utensils of their daily life, a
great many beautiful vessels have been preserved which otherwise would
have shared the destruction of the dwellings with much less fragile
implements. From the pictures on these vases we derive, moreover,
valuable information as to the public and private habits of the
Greeks. The greatest number of graves in their original condition, and
filled with vessels, are found in Italy.
[Illustration: PLUNDERING CORINTH.]
Good, particularly red, clay was in demand for superior goods, and of
this the promontory of Kolias, near Athens, furnished an unlimited
supply. The potter's wheel was in use at a very early period. On it
were formed both large and small vessels, with the difference,
however, that of the former the foot, neck, and handles were formed
separately, and afterwards attached, as was also the case in small
vessels with widely curved handles.
In order to intensify the red color the vessel was frequently glazed
and afterwards dried and burnt on the oven. The outlines of the
figures to be painted on the vase were either cut into the red clay
and filled up with a brilliant black varnish, or the surface itself
was covered with the black varnish up to the contours, in which case
these stood out in the natural red color of the clay.
The first mentioned process was the older of the two, and greater
antiquity is, therefore, to be assigned to vessels with black figures
on a red ground. In both kinds of paintings draperies or the muscles
of nude figures were further indicated by the incision of additional
lines of the color of the surface into the figures. Other colors,
like dark red, violet, or white, which on close investigation have
been recognized as dissolvable, were put on after the second burning
of the vessel.
About the historic development of pottery we know nothing beyond what
may be guessed from the differences of style. As we said before,
figures of a black or dark-brown color painted on the natural pale red
or yellowish color of the clay indicate greater antiquity. The black
figures were occasionally painted over in white or violet. These
vessels are mostly small and somewhat compressed in form; they are
surrounded with parallel stripes of pictures of animals, plants,
fabulous beings, or arabesques. The drawings show an antiquated stiff
type, similar to those on the vessels recently discovered at Nineveh
and Babylon, whence the influence of Oriental on Greek art may be
inferred. This archaic style, like the strictly hieratic style in
sculpture, was retained together with a freer treatment at a more
advanced period. As a first step of development we notice the
combination of animals and arabesques, at first with half-human,
half-animal figures, soon followed by compositions belonging mostly to
a certain limited circle of myths. The treatment of figures shows
rigidity in the calm, and violence in the active, positions. The Doric
forms of letters and words on many vases of this style, whether found
in Greece or Italy, no less than the uniformity of their _technique_,
indicate _one_ place of manufacture, most likely the Doric Corinth,
celebrated for her potteries; on the other hand, the inscriptions in
Ionian characters and written in the Ionian dialect on vessels prove
their origin in the manufactures of the Ionian Eubœa and her colonies.
The pictures on these vases, also painted in stripes, extend the
mythological subject-matter beyond the Trojan cycle to the oldest
epical myths, each story being represented in its consecutive phases.
The latter vases form the transition to the second period. The shapes
now become more varied, graceful, and slender. The figures are
painted in black, and covered with a brilliant varnish; the
_technique_ of the painting, however, does not differ from that of the
first period. The outlines have been neatly incised and covered up
with black paint; the details also of draperies and single parts of
the body are done by incision, and sometimes painted over in white or
dark red. The principle seems to be that of polychrome painting, also
applied in sculpture. Single parts of the armor, embroideries, and
patterns of dresses, hair, and beards of men, the manes of animals,
etc., are indicated by means of dark red lines. This variety of color
was required particularly for the draperies, which are stiff and
clumsily attached to the body. The same stiffness is shown in the
treatment of faces and other nude parts of the body, as also in the
rendering of movements. The faces are always in profile, the nose and
chin pointed and protruding, and the lips of the compressed mouth
indicated only by a line. Shoulders, hips, thighs, and calves bulge
out, the body being singularly pinched. The grouping is equally
imperfect. The single figures of compositions are loosely connected by
the general idea of the story. They have, as it were, a narrative
character; an attempt at truth to nature is, however, undeniable.
The subjects are taken partly from the twelve-gods cycle (like the
frequently-occurring birth of Athene, Dionysian processions, etc.), or
from Trojan and Theban myths; partly also from daily life, such as
chases, wrestlings, sacrifices, symposia and the like. To this class
belong most of those large Panathenaic prize-vases, which are of such
importance for our knowledge of gymnastic competitions.
In our third class the figures appear in the natural color of the
surface, which itself has been painted black. The character of the
figures in consequence appears gay and lively. Both styles seem at one
time to have existed together, for we find them used severally on two
sides of one and the same vessel, till at last the painting of black
figures was disused entirely. The drawings now become more individual,
and are freed from the fetters of conventional tradition--a proof of
the free development of both political and artistic feelings, even
among the lower classes of artificers. The specimens of the third
class show the different stages of this process of liberation. At
first the figures are somewhat hard, and the drapery, although
following the lines of the body more freely than previously, shows
still traces of archaic severity of treatment; the details, indicated
by black lines, are still carefully worked out. For smaller folds and
muscles, a darker shade of the red color is used; wreaths and flowers
appear dark; red white is used only in few cases--for instance, for
the hair of an old man. The composition shows greater concentration
and symmetry in the grouping, according to the conditions of the space
at disposal. The figures show a solemn dignity, with signs, however,
of an attempted freer treatment.
[Illustration: GREEK VASE.]
Kramer justly calls this period that of the "severe style," and
compares it with the well-known "Æginetic" style in sculpture. The
further development of the "severe style" is what Kramer calls the
"beautiful style," in which grace and beauty of motion and drapery,
verging on the soft, have taken the place of severe dignity. In high
art this transition might be compared to that from Perugino's school
to that of Raphael, or, if we may believe the ancient writers, from
the school of Polygnotos to that of Zeuxis and Parrhasios.
The form of the vessels themselves next calls for our attention. The
vases, two-handled amphorai and krateres, found most frequently during
this period, are slender and graceful. Together with them we meet with
beautifully modeled drinking-horns, and heads or whole figures, used
to put vessels upon. The variety of forms, and the largeness of some
vessels, overloaded as they were with figures, soon led to want of
care in the composition. The moderation characteristic of the
"beautiful style" was soon relinquished for exaggerated ornamentation,
combined with a preference for representing sumptuous dresses and the
immoderate use of white, yellow, and other colors. This led gradually
to the decadence of pottery.
In some Etruscan cities earthenware was manufactured by local artists
working after Greek patterns. The figures are distinguished from
genuine Greek work by the contours being incised very deeply and
filled up with red color. The clay also is coarser. The compositions
show an admixture of local myths and usages, not to mention Etruscan
inscriptions.
[Page Decoration]
[Page Decoration]
VASES.
Painted vases may be considered as the most curious, the most
graceful, and the most instructive remains that have come down to us
from ancient times. The beauty of the forms, the fineness of the
material, the perfection of the varnish, the variety of the subjects,
and their interest in an historical point of view give painted vases a
very important place among the productions of the arts of the
ancients. Painted vases have been collected with great eagerness ever
since they have been known, and the most remarkable have been engraved
by celebrated artists, and explained by profound archæologists. Modern
art and archæology have obtained from them beautiful models and
important information. They were known for the first time in the
seventeenth century.
Painted vases were, to a considerable extent, objects of traffic and
of export from one country to another. They may be generally traced to
Athens as the original place of exportation. Corinth also exported
vases, for the products of Corinthian potters have been found in
Sicily and Italy, and there can be no doubt that Corinth had
established an active trade in works of art with the Greek colonies
all over the Mediterranean. Athenian vases were carried by the
Phœnicians, the commercial traders of the ancient world, as objects of
traffic to the remotest parts of the then known world. In the Periplus
of Scylax, the Phœnicians are mentioned as exchanging the pottery of
Athens for the ivory of Africa. They were, in fact, the ornamental
china of the ancient world.
[Illustration: ETRUSCAN VASE.]
_Etruscan._--The potter's art was introduced into Etruria by Demaratus
of Corinth, who, flying from that city, took up his abode at
Tarquinii, the modern Corneto, where vases in the most archaic style,
resembling those of Corinth, or those called Doric, have been found.
Vases, the Etruscan origin of which can not be disputed, have been
found at Volterra, Tarquinii (Corneto), Perugia, Orvieto, Viterbo,
Aquapendente, and other towns of ancient Etruria. The clay of which
they are made is of a pale or reddish yellow, the varnish is dull, the
workmanship rather rude, the ornaments are devoid of taste and
elegance, and the style of the figures possesses all those
characteristics already assigned to that of the Etruscans. The figures
are drawn in black on the natural color of the clay; sometimes a
little red is introduced on the black ground of the drapery. It is by
the subject chiefly that the Etruscan vases are distinguished from the
Greek vases. On the former, the figures are in the costume peculiar to
ancient Italy; the men and the heroes are represented with their
beards and hair very thick; the gods and genii have large wings;
monstrous combinations not capable of explanation by Hellenic myths;
we may also observe divinities, religious customs, attributes,
manners, arms, and symbols, different from those of Greece. Etruscan
deities, such as Charun with his mace, denote their Etruscan origin;
the subjects of the vases are, however, generally derived from Greek
mythology, treated in a manner consonant to the Etruscan taste, and to
their local religion, while their drawing is of the coarsest kind. If
an inscription in Etruscan characters, traced invariably from right to
left, accompanies the painting, certainty with regard to their origin
may be considered as complete. It is true that the greater number of
the letters of the ancient Greek alphabet are of the same form as
those of the Etruscan alphabet; but there are in the latter some
particular characters which will prevent any confusion. The names of
the personages on the vases are spelt differently from those on the
Greek, as Ainas for Ajax, Atreste for Adrastus, Akle for Achilles,
Alesti for Alcestis, etc. We must also observe, that Etruscan painted
vases are very rare, and are but few in number, compared with those
for which we are indebted to the arts of Greece.
[Illustration: ROMAN VASES.]
_Greek._--The paste of these vases is tender, easily scratched or cut
with a knife, remarkably fine and homogeneous, but of loose texture.
When broken, it exhibits a dull opaque color, more or less yellow, red
or grey. It is composed of silica, alumina, carbonate of lime,
magnesia and oxide of iron. The color depends on the proportions in
which these elements are mixed; the paler parts containing more lime,
the red more iron. The exterior coating is composed of a particular
kind of clay, which seems to be a kind of yellow or red ochre, reduced
to a very fine paste, mixed with some glutinous or oily substance, and
laid on with a brush; great difference is observable in the pastes of
vases coming from widely separated localities, owing either to their
composition or baking. The paste of the early vases of Athens and
Melos is of a very pale red; that of vases of the Doric or Corinthian
style is of a pale lemon color. At the best period of the art, the
paste is of a warm orange red; but Lucanian and Apulian vases are of a
paler tone. The Etruscan painted vases of all ages are of a pale red
tone, with a much greater proportion of white, which appears to be
owing to the greater proportion of chalk used in preparing the paste.
The earliest vases were made with the hand, while those of a later
period were made with the wheel; the wheel, however, is a very early
invention. Among the Egyptians and Greeks it was a low, circular
table, turned with the foot. Representations of a potter turning the
wheel with his foot, occur on painted vases of an early date. With
this simple wheel the Greeks effected wonders, producing shapes still
unrivalled in beauty.
After the vases had been made on the wheel, Dr. Birch writes, they
were duly dried in the sun, and then painted; for it is evident that
they could not have been painted while wet. The simplest and probably
the most common, process was to color the entire vase black. The under
part of the foot was left plain. When a pattern was added, the
outline, faintly traced with a round point on the moist clay, was
carefully followed by the painter. It was necessary for the artist to
follow his sketch with great rapidity, since the clay rapidly absorbed
the coloring matter, and the outline was required to be bold and
continuous, each time that it was joined detracting from its merit. A
finely-ground slip was next laid upon a brush, and the figures and
ornaments were painted in. The whole was then covered with a very fine
siliceous glaze, probably formed of soda and well-levigated sand. The
vase was next sent to the furnace, and carefully baked. It was then
returned to the workshop, where a workman or painter scratched in all
the details with a pointed tool. The faces of female figures were
colored white, with a thick coat of lime or chalk, and the eyes red.
Parts of the drapery, the crests of helmets, and the _antyges_, or
borders of shields, were colored with a crimson coat, consisting of an
oxide of iron and lime, like a body color.
In the second style of vases the figures are painted in a dark brown
or black, of an unequal tone, on yellow ground, formed of a siliceous
coating over the pale red clay of the vase. An improvement upon this
style was the changing of the color of the figures by painting, or
stopping out, all the ground of the vase in black, thus leaving the
figures of the natural red of the clay, and the marking of the muscles
and finer portions, as an outline, of bright brown. After the paint
had dried, the slip, or the siliceous glaze, was laid over the vase,
except the under part of the foot and the inside. The colors used were
few and simple, and were evidently ground excessively fine, and made
into a kind of slip. Of these colors the black was the most important
and the most extensively used. Great difference has always existed as
to the nature of this color. Vauquelin takes it to be a carbonaceous
matter, such as plumbagine or black lead. The Duc de Luynes asserts it
to be an oxide of iron. Of opaque colors, the most important and
extensively used is the white, said by Brongniart to be a carbonate of
lime or fine clay. Red and yellow are sparingly used. Blue and green
are rarely found, and only on vases of the latest styles. The liquid
employed for mixing the colors is supposed to have been water.
The glaze with which these vases were covered is described by M.
Brongniart as lustrous (_lustre_), and only one kind was used, the
recipe for making which is now lost. It appears to have been composed
of one of the principal alkalies, either potash or soda. The vases of
Nola and Vulci are remarkable for the beauty and brilliancy of their
glaze.
According to d'Hancarville the vases were baked in a naked furnace.
Representations of ancient furnaces occur on painted vases. The
furnaces were of simple construction, in shape like tall ovens, fed by
fires from beneath, into which the vases were placed with a long
shovel resembling the baker's peel.
[Illustration: VASE REPRESENTING A MARRIAGE. (_Found at
Pompeii._)]
The colors being laid on in a different manner in the earlier and
later vases has caused them to be distinguished into two general
classes. In the earlier the ground is yellow or red, and the figures
are traced on it in black, so as to form kinds of silhouettes. These
are called the black or archaic vases; they are generally in an
ancient style; their subjects belong to the most ancient mythological
traditions, and their inscriptions to the most ancient forms of the
Greek alphabet, written from right to left, or in boustrophedon. The
draperies, the accessories, the harness of the horses, and the wheels
of the chariots, are touched with white. At a later period, the whole
vase was painted black, with the exception of the figures, which were
then of the color of the clay of the vase; the contours of the
figures, the hair, drapery, etc., being previously traced in black.
There are then two general classes of Greek vases, distinguished by
the figures, which are black or yellow. They are in general remarkable
for the beauty and elegance of their forms. There is a great variety
in their sizes; some being several feet high, and broad in proportion;
others being not higher than an inch. The subject is on one side of
the vase; sometimes it occupies the entire circumference, but more
generally it is on one side alone, and then there is on the reverse
some insignificant subject, generally two or three old men leaning on
a stick, instructing a young man, or presenting him with some
instrument or utensil; a bacchanalian scene is sometimes represented
on the reverse. Some vases have been found with two subjects on the
sides of the vase. On some of the finest vases, the subject goes round
the entire circumference of the vase. On the foot, neck and other
parts are the usual Greek ornaments, the Vitruvian scroll, the
Meander, Palmetto, the honeysuckle. A garland sometimes adorns the
neck, or, in its stead, a woman's head issuing from a flower. These
ornaments are in general treated with the greatest taste and elegance.
Besides the obvious difference in the style of the vases, there is a
remarkable difference in the execution of the paintings. They are not
all of the highest merit, but the boldness of the outlines is
generally remarkable on them. They could be executed only with the
greatest rapidity, the clay absorbing the colors very quickly, so that
if a line was interrupted the joining would be perceptible. Some
thought that the figures were executed by the means of patterns cut
out, which being laid on the vase, preserved on the black ground the
principal masses in yellow, which were finished afterwards with a
brush. But this opinion of Sir William Hamilton has been abandoned by
himself, particularly since the traces of a point have been
recognized, with which the artist had at first sketched on the soft
clay the principal outlines, which he afterwards finished with a brush
dipped in the black pigment, without, however, strictly following the
lines traced by the point. The traces of the point are rarely
observed; all depended on the skill and talent of the artists. They
must have been very numerous, as these vases are found in such
numbers, and the greater number may be considered as models for the
excellence of their design and the taste of their composition. Not
unfrequently, the artists by whom the designs have been painted, have
placed their names on them; the principal names known are those of
Clitias, Doris who painted the celebrated Francois vase, Asteas, and
Epictetos. Clitias is the most ancient; his designs evince the infancy
of art, those of the other artists display greater progress in the
art; the name can be recognized from the word _painted_, which follows
it immediately. Some vases have the potter's name inscribed on them.
One of the earliest makers was Taleides. Nearly fifty names of potters
have been found, but they only occur on choice specimens of art. On
many vases the name of the artist appears along with that of the
potter, which much enhances the value of the vase. On the celebrated
Francois vase appear the name of the artist Clitias, and the name of
the potter Ergotimos. Some potters, such as Amasis and Euphronius,
painted as well as made vases. Other inscriptions are sometimes found
on vases which enhance their value greatly. They are generally the
names of gods, heroes, and other mythological personages, which are
represented in the paintings.
These inscriptions are of great interest for two reasons: in the first
place, from the form of the letters and the order according to which
they are traced, the greater or lesser antiquity of the vase can be
recognized, these inscriptions necessarily following all the changes
of the Greek alphabet; care must be taken to examine whether the
inscription goes from right to left, whether the long vowels, the
double letters are replaced by the silent vowels, or single letters;
these are in general signs of relative antiquity which prove that of
the vase itself; secondly, because the names invariably explain the
subject of the painting, and even indicate by a name hitherto unknown,
either some personage who sometimes bore another name, or a person
whose real name was unknown, in fine, some mythic being of whom
ancient writers give us no information.
The information derived from vases is of great importance for the
study of Greek mythology viewed in its different epochs, and for the
interpretation and understanding of ancient tragic or lyric poets.
Moral or historical inscriptions, in prose and in verse, have also
been found on vases. The letters of these inscriptions are capital or
cursive; they are very delicately traced, and often require a great
deal of attention to perceive. They are traced in black or white with
a brush, sometimes they are incised with a very sharp point.
On some which had been gifts to some "beautiful youths," we find the
inscription, "the handsome boy," and also the form, "the handsome
Onetorides," "the handsome Stroibos." One youth is called "the most
handsome Hippocritus." The names of females, whether brides, beauties,
or hetairæ, are found accompanied with the expression, "the lovely
Œnanthe," "the fair Rodon." On others, salutatory expressions are
sometimes found, such as "Hail to thee;" "Happy as possible."
The subjects represented on painted vases, although of infinite
variety, may be reduced to three classes, which include them all: 1.
Mythological subjects; 2. Heroic subjects; 3. Historical subjects. The
_Mythological_ subjects relate to the history of all the gods, and
their adventures in human form are reproduced on them in a thousand
shapes. It requires a deep and intimate knowledge of Greek mythology,
in order to explain the different subjects. One of the oldest and most
popular subjects in Greece was the Gigantomachia, which is found
represented as a whole upon many vases, while others contain
individual incidents from it.
Among the Olympic deities represented, Zeus takes a prominent part.
The father of the gods, the great thunderer, seldom appears alone, but
is chiefly seen in scenes from the Heracleid and the Trojan war. On
the black vases, and on those of the finest style with red figures,
his amorous adventures are also frequently depicted. The goddess Hera
rarely appears.
Athene, the great female deity of the Ionic race, plays an important
part in many scenes. As Pallas Athene she frequently appears;
generally on foot, but sometimes in her quadriga. Poseidon, the sea
god, appears as a subordinate in many scenes, and as a protagonist in
others. Apollo, Artemis, Hephæstos, Ares, Aphrodite, and Hermes,
frequently appear in various scenes in the vases. The greater part of
the paintings of the vases are relative to Dionysus, his festivals and
mysteries. On them we see depicted his birth, childhood, education,
all his exploits, his banquets, and his games; his habitual
companions, his religious ceremonies, the lampadephori brandishing the
long torches, the dendrophori raising branches of trees, adorned with
garlands and tablets; the initiated preparing for the mysteries;
lastly, the ceremonies peculiar to those great institutions, and the
circumstances relative to their dogmas and their aim. The inferior
deities also appear on the vases.
The _Historical_ subjects begin with the war of Troy. Painters, as
well as poets, found in this event a vast field to exercise their
talents and their imagination. The principal actors in this memorable
drama appear on the vases. The principal scenes of the Trojan war are
depicted; but we must remark, that the historical subjects do not
extend to a later period than that of the Heracleidæ.
Among the incidents represented are the opening scenes of the Iliad,
the quarrel of Agamemnon and Achilles, Briseis led away by the
heralds, Paris and Helen, the death of Patroclus, the grief of
Achilles, the arming of Achilles, the death of Hector, Priam
entreating for the corpse of Hector, the terrible scene of the last
night of Troy. Many subjects from the Odyssey also occur. Incidents
from the Greek drama are of common occurrence, such as the death of
Agamemnon, Orestes and Pylades meeting Electra, the death of
Clytemnestra, the Furies pursuing Orestes.
[Illustration: VASE REPRESENTING TROJAN WAR (_Found at
Pompeii._)]
We may consider, as belonging to the class of historical vases, those
with paintings relative to public and private customs; those
representing games, repasts, scenic representations of combats of
animals, hunting and funeral subjects.
Millingen remarks that the subjects of the paintings vary according to
the period and the places in which they have been executed; on the
most ancient vases Dionysiac scenes are frequently seen. As,
originally, the greater number were destined to contain wine, they
were adorned with analogous subjects. Those of the beautiful period of
the art, especially of the manufacture of Nola, a town in which Greek
institutions were observed with extreme care, present the ancient
traditions of mythological episodes in all their purity. Those of a
later period represent subjects taken from the tragic writers. Lastly,
on those of the decline, we see depicted the new ceremonies and
superstitions which were mingled with the ancient and simple religion
of the Greek. Painted vases are, therefore, of the greatest interest
for the study of the manners and customs of ancient Greece, and of
those which the Romans adopted from her in imitation.
[Illustration: VASE. (_Found at Pompeii._)]
As to the uses of these vases, there have been a variety of opinions;
but a careful examination of a great number of vases would lead us to
suppose that many were, doubtless, articles of household furniture,
for use and adornment, such as the larger vases, destined, by their
size, weight, and form, to remain in the same place, while others, of
different sizes and shapes, were made to hold wine and other liquids,
unguents, and perfumes. It is evident that they were more for ornament
than use, and that they were considered as objects of art, for the
paintings seem to have been executed by the best artists of the
period. They were chiefly employed for entertainments, and the
banquets of the wealthy. They are seen in use in scenes painted on the
vases themselves. Many, especially those of the later style, were
solely used for decorative purposes, as is evident from the fact of
one side only being executed with care, while the other has been
neglected, both in the drawing and in the subject. Those with
Panathenaic subjects were probably given full of oil, as prizes at the
national games. These were called _Athla_. Certain vases bearing the
inscription, "From Athens," or "Prize from Athens," seem to have been
given to the victors in the pentathlon, or courses of athletic
exercises in the Panathenæa. Others may have been given at the
palæstric festivals, or as nuptial presents, or as pledges of love and
friendship; and these are marked by some appropriate inscription.
We find that they were also used in the ceremonies of the Mysteries,
for we see their forms represented on the vases themselves: Bacchus
frequently holds a cantharus, Satyrs carry a diota. A few seem to have
been expressly for sepulchral purposes. Some have supposed that these
vases were intended to hold the ashes of the dead; but this could not
have been their use, for they are only found in tombs in which the
bodies have been buried without being burnt. The piety of the
relations adorned the tomb of the deceased with those vases, together
with his armor and jewelry, which they had prized most in life, which
were associated with their habits, or recalled circumstances the
memory of which they cherished.
We could not but feel astonished at the perfect preservation of such
fragile objects, did we not know that they were found in tombs. Those
in which they are found, are placed near the walls, but outside the
town, at a slight depth, except those of Nola, where the eruptions of
Vesuvius have considerably raised the soil since the period when the
tombs were made, so that some of the tombs of Nola are about
twenty-one feet under ground.
In Greece, the graves are generally small, being designed for single
corpses, which accounts for the comparatively small size of the vases
discovered in that country. At Athens the earlier graves are sunk
deepest in the soil, and those at Corinth, especially such as contain
the early Corinthian vases, are found by boring to a depth of several
feet beneath the surface.
[Illustration: A GREEK SACRIFICE.]
The early tombs of Civita Vecchia, and Cære, or Cervetri, in Italy,
are tunneled in the earth; and those at Vulci, and in the Etruscan
territory, from which the finest and largest vases have been
extracted, are chambers hewn in the rocks. In southern Italy,
especially in Campania, the common tombs are constructed of rude
stones or tiles, and are exactly of sufficient size to contain a
corpse and five or six vases; a small one is placed near the head, and
the others between the legs of the body, or they are ranged on each
side, frequently on the left side alone.
The number and beauty of the vases vary, probably, according to the
rank and fortune of the owner of the tomb. The tombs of the first
class are larger, and have been built with large cut stones, and
rarely connected with cement; the walls inside are coated with stucco,
and adorned with paintings; these tombs resemble a small chamber; the
corpse is laid out in the middle, the vases are placed round it,
frequently some others are hung up to the walls on nails of bronze.
The number of vases is always greater in these tombs; they are also of
a more elegant form.
Several other articles are sometimes found in the tombs, such as gold
and silver fibulæ, swords, spears, armor, and several ornaments. The
objects buried with the corpse generally bespeak the tastes and
occupation of the deceased. Warriors are found with their armor, women
with ornaments for the toilet, priests with their sacerdotal
ornaments, as in the tomb at Cervetri. When the vases are taken out of
the excavations, they are covered with a coating of whitish earth,
something like tartar, and of a calcareous nature; it disappears on
the application of aqua fortis. This operation ought to be done with
great caution; for though the aqua fortis does not injure the black
varnish, it might destroy some of the other colors.
[Illustration: 2000 YEARS OLD.]
Some of these vases are as well preserved as if they had just been
issued from the hands of the potter; others have been greatly injured
by the earthy salts with which they have come in contact; many are
found broken--these have been put together and restored with great
skill. But this work of restoration, especially if the artist adds any
details which are not visible on the original, might alter or
metamorphose a subject, and the archæologist ought to set little value
on these modern additions, in the study of a painted vase.
Several collections have been formed of these vases. The British
Museum contains the finest collections, purchased by government from
Sir William Hamilton and others. The Museum at Naples, and the
Gregorian Museum in the Vatican, also contain many beautiful specimens
from Magna Græcia and Etruria. The British Museum has about 2,600
vases of all kinds. The Museum at Naples contains about 2,100, and the
Gregorian Museum at Rome about 1,000. Several amateurs have also
formed collections in England, France, and Italy. We may mention those
of Roger, Hope, Sir Harry Englefield, in England; those of the Duc de
Blacas, the Comte Pourtales, in France; and that of the Marquis
Campana, in Rome. The total number of vases in public and private
collections probably amounts to 15,000 of all kinds. Some of these
collections have been published, such as the first collection of Sir
William Hamilton, explained by d'Hancarville; the second by Tischbein.
Several works have also been published, giving detailed accounts of
painted vases in general.
[Illustration: FOUND AT HILDESHEIM.]
We have mentioned before the luxurious custom, common amongst the
Romans after the conquest of Greece and Asia, of having their utensils
of the table, and even of the kitchen, made of solid silver. Valuable
plate was of common occurrence in the houses of the rich. According to
Pliny, common soldiers had the handles of their swords and their belts
studded with silver; the baths of women were covered with the same
valuable material, which was even used for the common implements of
kitchen and scullery. Large manufactories of silver utensils were
started, in which each part of the work was assigned to a special
artificer; here the orders of the silver-merchants were executed.
Amongst the special workmen of these manufactories were the modelers,
founders, turners or polishers, chiselers, the workmen who attached
the bas-reliefs to the surface of the vessel, and the gilders. Many
valuable vessels have been recovered in the present century; others
(for instance, several hundred silver vessels found near the old
Falerii) have tracelessly disappeared. Amongst the discoveries which
happily have escaped the hands of the melter, we mention the treasure
of more than one hundred silver vessels, weighing together about 50
pounds, found by Berney in Normandy (1830). According to their
inscriptions, these vessels belonged to the treasury of a temple of
Mercury; they are at present in the late imperial library at Paris. In
the south of Russia the excavations carried on in 1831, 1862, and
1863, amongst the graves of the kings of the Bosphoric empire, have
yielded an astonishing number of gold and silver vessels and ornaments
belonging to the third century of our era. At Pompeii fourteen silver
vases were discovered in 1835; at Cære (1836) a number of silver vases
(now in the Museo Gregoriano) were found in a grave. One of the most
interesting discoveries was made near Hildesheim, 7th October, 1868,
consisting of seventy-four eating and drinking vessels, mostly well
preserved; not to speak of numerous fragments which seem to prove that
only part of the original treasure has been recovered; the weight of
all the vessels (now in the Antiquarium of the Royal Museum, Berlin)
amounts to 107,144 lbs., some over 53 tons, of silver. The style and
technical finish of the vases prove them to have been manufactured in
Rome; the form of the letters of the inscriptions found on
twenty-four vessels indicates the first half of the first century
after Christ. The surfaces of many of them are covered with
alto-relievos of beaten silver--a circumstance which traces back their
origin to imperial times, distinguishing them, at the same time, from
the bas-relief ornamentations of the acme of Greek art. The gilding of
the draperies and weapons, and the silver color of the naked parts, in
imitation, as it were, of the gold-and-ivory statues of Greek art,
also indicate Roman workmanship. The annexed cuts show some of the
finest pieces of this treasure. The composition of the figures on the
surface of the vase in cut on page 340 shows true artistic genius;
naked children are balancing themselves on water-plants growing in
winding curves from a pair of griffins; some of the children attack
crabs and eels with harpoons, while others drag the killed animals
from the water. The graceful groups on the drinking-vessels in the
above cuts are mostly taken from the Bacchic cycle of myths.
[Illustration: FOUND AT HILDESHEIM. (_Of the first century_)]
[Illustration: VASE OF THE FIRST CENTURY.]
[Illustration: VASE OF THE FIRST CENTURY.]
Besides vessels of precious metals and stones, those of glass were in
favorite use among the Romans. The manufactory of glass, originating
in Sidon, had reached its climax of perfection, both with regard to
color and form, in Alexandria about the time of the Ptolemies. Many
of these Alexandrine glasses have been preserved to us, and their
beauty fully explains their superiority in the opinion of the ancients
to those manufactured in Italy. Here also, after the discovery of
excellent sand at Cumæ and Linternum, glass works had been
established. Most of our museums possess some specimens of antique
glass manufacture, in the shape of balsam or medicine bottles of white
or colored glass. We also possess goblets and drinking-bottles of
various shapes and sizes, made of white or common green glass; they
generally taper toward the bottom, and frequently show grooves or
raised points on their outer surfaces, so as to prevent the glass from
slipping from the hand; urns, oinochoai, and dishes of various sizes
made of glass, are of frequent occurrence. Some of these are dark blue
or green, others party-colored with stripes winding round them in
zigzag or in spiral lines, reminding one of mosaic patterns. Pieces of
glittering glass, being most likely fragments of so-called
_allassontes versicolores_ (not to be mistaken for originally white
glass which has been discolored by exposure to the weather), are not
unfrequently found. We propose to name in the following pages a few of
the more important specimens of antique glass-fabrication. One of the
first amongst these is the vessel known as the Barberini or Portland
Vase, which was found in the sixteenth century in the sarcophagus of
the so-called tomb of Severus Alexander and of his mother Julia
Mammæa. It was kept in the Barberini Palace for several centuries,
till it was purchased by the Duke of Portland, after whose death it
was placed in the British Museum. After having been broken by the hand
of a barbarian, it has fortunately been restored satisfactorily. Many
reproductions of this vase in china and terra-cotta have made it known
in wide circles. The mythological bas-reliefs have not as yet been
sufficiently explained. Similar glass vases with bas-relief
ornamentation occur occasionally either whole or in fragments.
[Page Decoration]
EMPLOYMENT.
Many arts and inventions were in common use in Egypt for centuries
before they are generally supposed to have been known; and we are now
and then as much surprised to find that certain things were old 3,000
years ago, as the Egyptians would be if they could hear us talk of
them as late discoveries. One of them is the use of glass, with which
they were acquainted at least as early as the reign of the first
Osirtasen, more than 3,800 years ago; and the process of glass-blowing
is represented during his reign, in the paintings of Beni Hassan, in
the same manner as it is on later monuments, in different parts of
Egypt, to the time of the Persian conquest.
The form of the bottle and the use of the blow-pipe are unequivocally
indicated in those subjects; and the green hue of the fused material,
taken from the fire at the point of the pipe, sufficiently proves the
intention of the artist. But, even if we had not this evidence of the
use of glass, it would be shown by those well-known images of glazed
pottery, which were common at the same period; the vitrified substance
that covers them being of the same quality as glass, and containing
the same ingredients fused in the same manner. And besides the many
glass ornaments known to be of an earlier period is a bead, found at
Thebes, bearing the name of a Pharaoh who lived about 1450 B.C., the
specific gravity of which, 25° 23', is precisely the same as of crown
glass, now manufactured in England.
Glass bottles are even met with on monuments of the 4th dynasty,
dating long before the Osirtasens, or more than 4,000 years ago; the
transparent substance shows the red wine they contained; and this kind
of bottle is represented in the same manner among the offerings to the
gods, and at the fetes of individuals, wherever wine was introduced,
from the earliest to the latest times. Bottles, and other objects of
glass, are commonly found in the tombs; and though they have no kings'
names or dates inscribed upon them (glass being seldom used for such a
purpose), no doubt exists of their great antiquity; and we may
consider it a fortunate chance that has preserved _one_ bead with the
name of a sovereign of the 18th dynasty. Nor is it necessary to point
out how illogical is the inference that, because other kinds of glass
have not been found bearing a king's name, they were not made in
Egypt, at, or even before, the same early period.
Pliny ascribes the discovery of glass to some Phœnician sailors
accidently lighting a fire on the sea-shore; but if an effect of
chance, the secret is more likely to have been arrived at in Egypt,
where natron (or subcarbonate of soda) abounded, than by the sea side;
and if the Phœnicians really were the first to discover it on the
_Syrian_ coast, this would prove their migration from the Persian Gulf
to have happened at a very remote period. Glass was certainly one of
the great exports of the Phœnicians; who traded in beads, bottles, and
other objects of that material, as well as various manufactures, made
either in their own or in other countries: but Egypt was always famed
for its manufacture; a peculiar kind of earth was found near
Alexandria, without which, Strabo says, "it was impossible to make
certain kinds of glass of many colors, and of a brilliant quality,"
and some vases, presented by an Egyptian priest to the Emperor
Hadrian, were considered so curious and valuable that they were only
used on grand occasions.
Glass bottles, of various colors, were eagerly bought from Egypt, and
exported into other countries; and the manufacture as well as the
patterns of many of those found in Greece, Etruria, and Rome, show
that they were of Egyptian work; and though imitated in Italy and
Greece, the original art was borrowed from the workmen of the Nile.
Such, too, was their skill in making glass, and in the mode of
staining it of various hues, that they counterfeited with success the
emerald, the amethyst, and other precious stones; and even arrived at
an excellence in the art of introducing numerous colors into the same
vase, to which our European workmen, in spite of their improvements in
many branches of this manufacture, are still unable to attain. A few
years ago the glass-makers of Venice made several attempts to imitate
the variety of colors found in antique cups; but as the component
parts were of different densities, they did not all cool, or set, at
the same rapidity, and the vase was unsound. And it is only by making
an inner foundation of one color, to which those of the outer surface
are afterwards added, that they have been able to produce their
many-colored vases; some of which were sent to the Great Exhibition of
1851.
Not so the Egyptians, who combined all the colors they required in the
same cup, without the interior lining: those which had it being of
inferior and cheaper quality. They had even the secret of introducing
gold between two surfaces of glass; and in their bottles, a gold band
alternates within a set of blue, green, and other colors. Another
curious process was also common in Egypt in early times, more than
3,000 years ago, which has only just been attempted at Venice; whereby
the pattern on the surface was made to pass in right lines directly
through the substance; so that if any number of horizontal sections
were made through it, each one would have the same device on its upper
and under surface. It is in fact a Mosaic in glass; made by fusing
together as many delicate rods of an opaque glass of the color
required for the picture, in the same manner as the woods in
Tunbridge-ware are glued together, to form a larger and coarser
pattern. The skill required in this exquisite work is not only shown
by the art itself, but the fineness of the design; for some of the
feathers of birds, and other details, are only to be made out with a
lens; which means of magnifying was evidently used in Egypt, when this
Mosaic glass was manufactured. Indeed, the discovery of a lens of
crystal by Mr. Layard, at Nimroud, satisfactorily proves its use at an
early period in Assyria; and we may conclude that it was neither a
recent discovery there, nor confined to that country.
[Illustration: ANCIENT GLASS VESSELS.]
Winkleman is of opinion that "the ancients carried the art of
glass-making to a higher degree of perfection than ourselves, though
it may appear a paradox to those who have not seen their works in this
material;" and we may even add that they used it for more purposes,
excepting of course windows, the inconvenience of which in the hot sun
of Egypt would have been unbearable, or even in Italy, and only one
pane of glass has been found at Pompeii, in a place not exposed to the
outer light.
[Illustration: GLASS BROACH.]
That the Egyptians, more than 3,000 years ago, were well acquainted
not only with the manufacture of common glass, for beads and bottles
of ordinary quality, but with the art of staining it with divers
colors, is sufficiently proved by the fragments found in the tombs of
Thebes; and so skillful were they in this complicated process, that
they imitated the most fanciful devices, and succeeded in
counterfeiting the rich hues, and brilliancy, of precious stones. The
green emerald, the purple amethyst, and other expensive gems, were
successfully imitated; a necklace of false stones could be purchased
at an Egyptian jeweler's, to please the wearer, or deceive a stranger,
by the appearance of reality; and some mock pearls (found lately at
Thebes) have been so well counterfeited, that even now it is difficult
with a strong lens to detect the imposition.
Pliny says the emerald was more easily counterfeited than any other
gem, and considers the art of imitating precious stones a far more
lucrative piece of deceit than any devised by the ingenuity of man;
Egypt was, as usual, the country most noted for this manufacture; and
we can readily believe that in Pliny's time they succeeded so
completely in the imitation as to render it difficult to distinguish
false from real stones.
Many, in the form of beads, have been met with in different parts of
Egypt, particularly at Thebes; and so far did the Egyptians carry this
spirit of imitation, that even small figures, scarabæi, and objects
made of ordinary porcelain, were counterfeited, being composed of
still cheaper materials. A figure, which was entirely of earthenware,
with a glazed exterior, underwent a somewhat more complicated process
than when cut out of stone and simply covered with a vitrified
coating; this last could, therefore, be sold at a low price; it
offered all the brilliancy of the former, and its weight alone
betrayed its inferiority; by which means, whatever was novel, or
pleasing from its external appearance, was placed within reach of all
classes, or, at least, the possessor had the satisfaction of seeming
to partake in each fashionable novelty.
[Illustration: IMITATION OF REAL STONES.]
Such inventions, and successful endeavors to imitate costly ornaments
by humbler materials, not only show the progress of art among the
Egyptians, but strongly argue the great advancement they had made in
the customs of civilized life; since it is certain, that until society
has arrived at a high degree of luxury and refinement, artificial
wants of this nature are not created, and the poorer classes do not
yet feel the desire of imitating the rich, in the adoption of objects
dependent on taste or accidental caprice.
Glass bugles and beads were much used by the Egyptians for necklaces,
and for a sort of network, with which they covered the wrappers and
cartonage of mummies. They were arranged so as to form, by their
varied hues, numerous devices or figures, in the manner of our bead
purses; and women sometimes amused themselves by stringing them for
ornamental purposes, as at the present day.
A far more numerous class were the potters; and all the processes of
mixing the clay, and of turning, baking and polishing the vases are
represented in the tombs of Thebes and Beni Hassan, of which we have
already spoken.
They frequently kneaded the clay with their feet, and after it had
been properly worked up, they formed it into a mass of convenient size
with the hand, and placed it on the wheel, which was of very simple
construction, and generally turned with the hand. The various forms of
the vases were made out by the finger during the revolution; the
handles, if they had any, were afterwards affixed to them; and the
devices and other ornamental parts were traced with a wooden or metal
instrument, previous to their being baked. They were then suffered to
dry, and for this purpose were placed on planks of wood; they were
afterwards arranged with great care in trays, and carried, by means of
the usual yoke, borne on men's shoulders, to the oven.
The Egyptians displayed much taste in their gold, silver, porcelain,
and glass vases, but when made of earthenware, for ordinary purposes,
they were frequently devoid of elegance, and scarcely superior to
those of England before the taste of Wedgewood substituted the
graceful forms of Greek models, for some of the unseemly productions
of our old potteries. Though the clay of Upper Egypt was particularly
suited to porous bottles, it could be obtained of a sufficiently fine
quality for the manufacture of vases like those of Greece and Italy;
in Egypt, too, good taste did not extend to all classes, as in Greece;
and vases used for fetching water from a well, or from the Nile, were
of a very ordinary kind, far inferior to those carried by the Athenian
women to the fountain of Kallirhoe.
The Greeks, it is true, were indebted to Egypt for much useful
knowledge, and for many early hints in art, but they speedily
surpassed their instructors; and in nothing, perhaps, is this more
strikingly manifested than in the productions of the potter. Samples
of the more common are seen below.
Carpenters and cabinet-makers were a very numerous class of workmen;
and their occupations form one of the most important subjects in the
paintings which represent the Egyptian trades.
[Illustration: ANCIENT EGYPTIAN POTTERY.]
For ornamental purposes, and sometimes even for coffins, doors and
boxes, foreign woods were employed; deal and cedar were imported from
Syria; and part of the contributions, exacted from the conquered
tribes of Ethiopia, and Asia, consisted in ebony and other rare woods,
which were annually brought by the chiefs, deputed to present their
country's tribute to the Egyptian Pharaohs.
Boxes, chairs, tables, sofas, and other pieces of furniture were
frequently made of ebony, inlaid with ivory, sycamore and acacia, were
veneered with thin layers, or ornamented with carved devices of rare
wood, applied or let into them; and a fondness for this display
suggested to the Egyptians the art of painting common boards, to
imitate foreign varieties, so generally adopted in other countries at
the present day.
The colors were usually applied on a thin coating of stucco, laid
smoothly upon the previously prepared wood, and the various knots and
grains painted upon this ground indicated the quality of the wood they
intended to counterfeit.
The usual tools of the carpenter were the ax, adze, handsaw, chisels
of various kinds (which were struck with a wooden mallet), the drill,
and two sorts of planes (one resembling a chisel, the other apparently
of stone, acting as a rasp on the surface of the wood, which was
afterwards polished by a smooth body, probably also of stone); and
these, with the ruler, plummet, and right angle, a leather bag
containing nails, the hone, and the horn of oil, constituted the
principal, and perhaps the only, implements he used.
Many adzes, saws and chisels, have been found at Thebes. The blades
are all of bronze, the handles of the acacia or the tamarisk; and the
general mode of fastening the blade to the handle appears to have been
by thongs of hide. It is probable that some of those discovered in the
tombs are only models, or unfinished specimens, and it may have been
thought sufficient to show their external appearance, without the
necessity of nailing them, beneath the thongs, for those they worked
with were bound in the same manner, though we believe them to have
been also secured with nails. Some, however, evidently belonged to the
individuals in whose tombs they were buried, and appear to have been
used; and the chisels often bear signs of having been beaten with the
mallet.
The drill is frequently represented in the sculptures. Like all the
other tools, it was of the earliest date, and precisely similar to
that of modern Egypt, even to the nut of the _dom_ in which it turned,
and the form of its bow with a leathern thong.
The chisel was employed for the same purposes, and in the same manner,
as at the present day, and was struck with a wooden mallet, sometimes
flat at the two ends, sometimes of circular or oval form; several of
which last have been found at Thebes, and are in European museums. The
handles of the chisel were of acacia, tamarisk, or other compact wood,
the blades of bronze, and the form of the points varied in breadth,
according to the work for which they were intended.
The hatchet was principally used by boat-builders, and those who made
large pieces of frame-work; and trees were felled with the same
instrument.
With the carpenters may be mentioned the wheelwrights, the makers of
coffins, and the coopers, and this sub-division of one class of
artisans shows that they had systematically adopted the partition of
labor.
The makers of chariots and traveling carriages were of the same class;
but both carpenters and workers of leather were employed in their
manufacture; and chariots either passed through the hands of both, or,
which is more probable, chariot makers constituted a distinct trade.
The tanning and preparation of leather was also a branch of art in
which the Egyptians evinced considerable skill; the leather cutters
constituted one of the principal sub-divisions of the fourth-class,
and a district of the city was exclusively appropriated to them, in
the Libyan part of Thebes, where they were known as "the
leather-cutters of the Memnonia."
Many of the occupations of their trade are portrayed on the painted
walls of the tombs at Thebes. They made shoes, sandals, the coverings
and seats of chairs or sofas, bow-cases, and most of the ornamental
furniture of the chariot; harps were also adorned with colored
leather, and shields and numerous other things were covered with skin
prepared in various ways. They also make skins for carrying water,
wine, and other liquids, coated within with a resinous substance, as
is still the custom in Egypt.
The stores of an Egyptian town were probably similar to those of Cairo
and other Eastern cities, which consist of a square room, open in
front, with falling or sliding shutters to close it at night, and the
goods, ranged on shelves or suspended against the walls, are exposed
to the view of those who pass. In front is generally a raised seat,
where the owner of the shop and his customers sit during the long
process of concluding a bargain previous to the sale and purchase of
the smallest article, and here an idle lounger frequently passes whole
hours, less intent on benefiting the merchant than in amusing himself
with the busy scene of the passing crowd.
It is probable that, as at the present day, they ate in the open front
of their shops, exposed to the view of every one who passed, and to
this custom Herodotus may allude, when he says, "the Egyptians eat in
the street."
There is no direct evidence that the ancient Egyptians affixed the
name and trade of the owner of the shop, though the presence of
hieroglyphics, denoting this last, together with the emblem which
indicated it, may seem to argue in favor of the question; and the
absence of many individuals' names in the sculpture is readily
accounted for by the fact that these scenes refer to the occupation of
the whole trade, and not to any particular person.
The high estimation in which the priestly and military professions
were held in Egypt placed them far above the rest of the community;
but the other classes had also their degrees of consequence, and
individuals enjoyed a position and importance in proportion to their
respectability, their talents, or their wealth.
According to Herodotus, the whole Egyptian community was divided into
seven tribes, one of which was the sacerdotal, another of the
soldiers, and the remaining five of the herdsmen, swineherds,
merchants, interpreters, and boatmen. Diodorus states that, like the
Athenians, they were distributed into three classes--the priests, the
peasants, or husbandmen, from whom the soldiers were levied, and the
artisans, who were employed in handicraft and other similar
occupations, and in common offices among the people--but in another
place he extends the number to five, and reckons the pastors,
husbandmen, and artificers independent of the soldiers and priests.
Strabo limits them to three, the military, husbandmen, and priests;
and Plato divides them into six bodies, the priests, artificers,
shepherds, huntsmen, husbandmen, and soldiers; each peculiar art or
occupation he observes being confined to a certain sub-division of the
caste, and every one being engaged in his own branch without
interfering with the occupation of another. Hence it appears that the
first class consisted of the priests, the second of the soldiers, the
third of the husbandmen, gardeners, huntsmen, boatmen of the Nile, and
others; the fourth of artificers, tradesmen and merchants, carpenters,
boat-builders, masons, and probably potters, public weighers, and
notaries; and in the fifth may be reckoned pastors, poulterers,
fowlers, fishermen, laborers, and, generally speaking, the common
people. Many of these were again sub-divided, as the artificers and
tradesmen, according to their peculiar trade or occupation; and as the
pastors, into oxherds, shepherds, goatherds, and swineherds, which
last were, according to Herodotus, the lowest grade, not only of the
class, but of the whole community, since no one would either marry
their daughters or establish any family connection with them. So
degrading was the occupation of tending swine, that they were looked
upon as impure, and were even forbidden to enter a temple without
previously undergoing a purification; and the prejudices of the
Indians against this class of persons almost justify our belief in the
statement of the historian.
Without stopping to inquire into the relative rank of the different
sub-divisions of the third class, the importance of agriculture in a
country like Egypt, where the richness and productiveness of the soil
have always been proverbial, suffices to claim the first place for the
husbandmen.
The abundant supply of grain and other produce gave to Egypt
advantages which no other country possessed. Not only was her dense
population supplied with a profusion of the necessaries of life, but
the sale of the surplus conferred considerable benefits on the
peasant in addition to the profits which thence accrued to the state,
for Egypt was a granary, where, from the earliest times, all people
felt sure of finding a plenteous store of corn, and some idea may be
formed of the immense quantity produced there from the circumstance of
"seven plenteous years" affording, from the superabundance of the
crops, a sufficiency of corn to supply the whole population during
seven years of dearth, as well as "all countries" which sent to Egypt
"to buy" it, when Pharaoh, by the advice of Joseph, laid up the annual
surplus for that purpose.
The right of exportation, and the sale of superfluous produce to
foreigners, belonged exclusively to the government, as is distinctly
shown by the sale of corn to the Israelites from the royal stores, and
the collection having been made by Pharaoh only; and it is probable
that even the rich landowners were in the habit of selling to
government whatever quantity remained on hand at the approach of each
successive harvest, while the agricultural laborers, from their frugal
mode of living, required very little wheat and barley, and were
generally contented, as at the present day, with bread made of the
_Doora_ flour; children and even grown persons, according to Diodorus,
often living on roots and esculent herbs, as the papyrus, lotus, and
others, either raw, toasted, or boiled.
The government did not interfere directly with the peasants respecting
the nature of the produce they intended to cultivate; and the
vexations of later times were unknown under the Pharaohs. They were
thought to have the best opportunities of obtaining, from actual
observation, an accurate knowledge on all subjects connected with
husbandry, and, as Diodorus observes, "being from their infancy
brought up to agricultural pursuits, they far excelled the husbandmen
of other countries, and had become acquainted with the capabilities of
the land, the mode of irrigation, the exact season for sowing and
reaping, as well as all the most useful secrets connected with the
harvest, which they had derived from their ancestors, and had improved
by their own experience." "They rented," says the same historian, "the
arable lands belonging to the kings, the priests, and the military
class, for a small sum, and employed their whole time in the tillage
of their farms," and the laborers who cultivated land for the rich
peasant, or other landed proprietors, were superintended by the
steward or owner of the estate, who had authority over them, and the
power of condemning delinquents to the bastinado. This is shown by the
paintings of the tombs, which frequently represent a person of
consequence inspecting the tillage of the field, either seated in a
chariot, walking, or leaning on his staff, accompanied by a favorite
dog.
Their mode of irrigation was the same in the field of the peasant as
in the garden of the villa; and the principal difference in the mode
of tilling the former consisted in the use of the plow.
The usual contrivance for raising water from the Nile for watering the
crops was the _shadoof_, or pole and bucket, so common still in Egypt,
and even the water-wheel appears to have been employed in more recent
times.
The sculptures of the tombs frequently represent canals conveying the
water of the inundation into the fields, and the proprietor of the
estate is seen, as described by Virgil, plying in a light painted
skiff or papyrus punt, and superintending the maintenance of the
dykes, or other important matters connected with the land. Boats carry
the grain to the granary, or remove the flocks from the lowlands; as
the water subsides the husbandman plows the soft earth with a pair of
oxen, and the same subjects introduce the offering of first-fruits of
the gods in acknowledgment of the benefits conferred by "a favorable
Nile." The main canal was usually carried to the upper or southern
side of the land, and small branches, leading from it at intervals,
traversed the fields in straight or curving lines, according to the
nature or elevation of the soil.
Guards were placed to watch the dykes which protected the lowlands,
and the utmost care was taken to prevent any sudden influx of water
which might endanger the produce still growing there, the cattle, or
the villages. And of such importance was the preservation of the dykes
that a strong guard of cavalry and infantry was always in attendance
for their protection; certain officers of responsibility were
appointed to superintend them, being furnished with large sums of
money for their maintenance and repairs, and in the time of Romans any
person found destroying a dyke was condemned to hard labor in the
public works or in the mines, or was branded and transported to the
Oasis. According to Strabo, the system was so admirably managed, "that
art contrived sometimes to supply what nature denied, and, by means of
canals and embankments, there was little difference in the quantity of
land irrigated, whether the inundation was deficient or abundant."
"If," continues the geographer, "it rose only to the height of eight
cubits, the usual idea was that a famine would ensue, fourteen being
required for a plentiful harvest; but when Petronius was præfect of
Egypt twelve cubits gave the same abundance, nor did they suffer from
want even at eight;" and it may be supposed that long experience had
taught the ancient Egyptians to obtain similar results from the same
means, which, neglected at a subsequent period, were revived, rather
than, as Strabo thinks, first introduced, by the Romans.
In some parts of Egypt the villages were liable to be overflowed when
the Nile rose to more than an ordinary height, by which the lives and
property of the inhabitants were endangered, and when their crude
brick houses had been long exposed to the damp the foundations gave
way, and the fallen walls, saturated with water, were once more mixed
with the mud from which they had been extracted. On these occasions
the blessings of the Nile entailed heavy losses on the inhabitants,
for, according to Pliny, "if the rise of water exceeded sixteen
cubits famine was the result, as when it only reached the height of
twelve." In another place he says, "a proper inundation is of sixteen
cubits * * * * in twelve cubits the country suffers from famine, and
feels a deficiency even in thirteen; fourteen cause joy, fifteen
security, sixteen delight; the greatest rise of the river to this
period being of eighteen cubits, in the reign of Claudius; the least
during the Pharsalic war."
The land being cleared of the water, and presenting in some places a
surface of liquid mud, in others nearly dried by the sun and the
strong northwest winds (that continue at intervals to the end of
Autumn and commencement of Winter), the husbandman prepared the ground
to receive the seed, which was either done by the plow and hoe, or by
more simple means, according to the nature of the soil, the quality of
the produce they intended to cultivate, or the time the land had
remained under water.
When the levels were low and the water had continued long upon the
land they often dispensed with the plow, and, like their successors,
broke up the ground with hoes, or simply dragged the moist mud with
bushes after the seed had been thrown upon the surface, and then
merely drove a number of cattle, asses, pigs, sheep, or goats into the
field to tread in the grain. "In no country," says Herodotus, "do they
gather their seed with so little labor. They are not obliged to trace
deep furrows with the plow and break the clods, nor to partition out
their fields into numerous forms as other people do, but when the
river of itself overflows the land, and the water retires again, they
sow their fields, driving the pigs over them to tread in the seed, and
this being done every one patiently awaits the harvest." On other
occasions they used to plow, but were contented, as we are told by
Diodorus and Columella, with "tracing slight furrows with light plows
on the surface of the land," and others followed with wooden hoes to
break the clods of the rich and tenacious soil.
The modern Egyptians sometimes substitute for the hoe a machine called
_khonfud_, "hedgehog," which consists of a cylinder studded with
projecting iron pins, to break the clods after the land has been
plowed, but this is only used when great care is required in the
tillage of the land, and they frequently dispense with the hoe,
contenting themselves, also, with the same slight furrows as their
predecessors, which do not exceed the depth of a few inches, measuring
from the lowest part to the summit of the ridge. It is difficult to
say if the modern Egyptians derived the hint of the "_hedgehog_" from
their predecessors, but it is a curious fact that a clod-crushing
machine, not very unlike that of Egypt, has only lately been invented
in England, which was shown at the Great Exhibition.
The ancient plow was entirely of wood, and of as simple a form as that
of modern Egypt. It consisted of a share, two handles, and the pole or
beam, which last was inserted into the lower end of the stilt, or the
base of the handles, and was strengthened by a rope connecting it with
the heel. It had no coulter, nor were wheels applied to any Egyptian
plow, but it is probable that the point was shod with a metal sock,
either of bronze or iron. It was drawn by two oxen, and the plowman
guided and drove them with a long goad, without the assistance of
reins, which are used by modern Egyptians. He was sometimes
accompanied by another man, who drove the animals, while he managed
the two handles of the plow, and sometimes the whip was substituted
for the more usual goad.
Cows were occasionally put to the plow, and it may not have been
unknown to them that the cow plows quicker than the ox.
The mode of yoking the beasts was exceedingly simple. Across the
extremity of the pole, a wooden yoke or cross-bar, about fifty-five
inches, or five feet, in length was fastened by a strap lashed
backwards and forwards over a prominence projecting from the centre of
the yoke, which corresponded to a similar peg, or knob, at the end of
the pole, and, occasionally, in addition to these, was a ring passing
over them as in some Greek chariots. At either end of the yoke was a
flat or slightly concave projection, of semi-circular form, which
rested on a pad placed upon the withers of the animal, and through a
hole on either side of it passed a thong for suspending the
shoulder-pieces which formed the collar. These were two wooden bars,
forked at about half their length, padded so as to protect the
shoulder from friction, and connected at the lower end by a strong
broad band passing under the throat.
Sometimes the draught, instead of being from the withers, was from the
head, the yoke being tied to the base of the horns, and in religious
ceremonies oxen frequently drew the bier, or the sacred shrine, by a
rope fastened to the upper part of the horns, without either yoke or
pole.
From a passage in Deuteronomy, "Thou shalt not plow with an ox and an
ass together," it might be inferred that the custom of yoking two
different animals to the plow was common in Egypt; but it was
evidently not so, and the Hebrew lawgiver had probably in view a
practice adopted by some of the people of Syria, whose country the
Israelites were about to occupy.
The hoe was of wood, like the fork, and many other implements of
husbandry, and in form was not unlike the letter A, with one limb
shorter than the other, and curving inwards. The longer limb, or
handle, was of uniform thickness, round and smooth, sometimes with a
knob at the end, and the lower extremity of the blade was of increased
breadth, and either terminated in a sharp point, or was rounded at the
end. The blade was frequently inserted into the handle, and they were
bound together, about the centre, with twisted rope. Being the most
common tool, answering for hoe, spade, and pick, it is frequently
represented in the sculptures, and several, which were found in the
tombs of Thebes, are preserved in the museums of Europe.
The hoe in hieroglyphics stands for the letter M, though the name of
this instrument was in Egyptian, as in Arabic, _Tore_. It forms the
commencement of the word _Mai_, "_beloved_," and enters into numerous
other combinations.
There are no instances of hoes with metal blades, except of very late
time, nor is there any proof of the plowshare having been sheathed
with metal.
The ax had a metal blade, either bronze or iron, and the peasants are
sometimes represented felling trees with this implement, while others
are employed in hoeing the field preparatory to its being
sown--confirming what we have observed, that the ancient, as well as
the modern, Egyptians frequently dispensed with the use of the plow.
The admission of swine into the fields, mentioned by Herodotus, should
rather have been before than after they had sown the land, since their
habits would do little good to the farmer, and other animals would
answer as well for "treading in the grain;" but they may have been
used before for clearing the fields of the roots and weeds encouraged
by the inundation; and this seems to be confirmed by the herd of pigs
with water plants represented in the tombs.
They sometimes used a top dressing of nitrous soil, which was spread
over the surface; a custom continued to the present day; but this was
confined to certain crops, and principally to those reared late in the
year, the fertilizing properties of the alluvial deposit answering all
the purposes of the richest manure.
Besides the admixture of nitrous earth the Egyptians made use of other
kinds of dressing, and sought for different productions the soils best
suited to them. They even took advantage of the edge of the desert for
growing the vine and some other plants, which, being composed of clay
and sand, was peculiarly adapted to such as required a light soil, and
the cultivation of this additional tract, which only stood in need of
proper irrigation to become highly productive, had the advantage of
increasing considerably the extent of the arable land of Egypt. In
many places we still find evidence of its having been tilled by the
ancient inhabitants, even to the late time of the Roman empire; and in
some parts of the Fyoom the vestiges of beds and channels for
irrigation, as well as the roots of vines, are found in sites lying
far above the level of the rest of the country.
The occupation of the husbandman depended much on the produce he had
determined on rearing. Those who solely cultivated corn had little
more to do than to await the time of harvest, but many crops required
constant attention, and some stood in need of frequent artificial
irrigation.
[Page Decoration]
[Page Decoration]
BAKING, DYEING AND PAINTING.
The fame of an actor has been justly said to be of all fame the most
perishable, because he leaves no memorial of his powers, except in the
fading memories of the generation which has beheld him. An analogous
proposition might be made with respect to the mechanical arts: of all
sorts of knowledge they are the most perishable, because the knowledge
of them can not be transmitted by mere description. Let any great
convulsion of nature put an end to their practice for a generation or
two, and though the scientific part of them may be preserved in books,
the skill in manipulation, acquired by a long series of improvements,
is lost. If the United States be destined to relapse into such a state
of barbarism as Italy passed through in the period which divides
ancient and modern history, its inhabitants a thousand years hence
will know little more of the manual process of printing, dyeing, and
the other arts which minister to our daily comfort, in spite of all
the books which have been and shall be written, than we know of the
manual processes of ancient Italy. We reckon, therefore, among the
most interesting discoveries of Pompeii, those which relate to the
manner of conducting handicrafts, of which it is not too much to say
that we know nothing except through this medium. It is to be
regretted, that as far as our information goes, there are but two
trades on which any light has yet been thrown, those, namely, of the
baker and the dyer. We shall devote this chapter to collecting what is
known upon these subjects, and probably also speak some on painting.
Several bakers' shops have been found, all in a tolerable state of
preservation. The mills, the oven, the kneading-troughs, the vessels
for containing flour, water, leaven, have all been discovered, and
seem to leave nothing wanting to our knowledge; in some of the vessels
the very flour remained, still capable of being identified, though
reduced almost to a cinder. But in the centre some lumps of whitish
matter resembling chalk remained, which, when wetted and placed on a
red-hot iron, gave out the peculiar color which flour thus treated
emits. Even the very bread, in a perfect though carbonized form, has
in some instances been found in the oven. One of these bakers' shops
was attached to the House of Sallust, another to the House of Pansa:
probably they were worth a handsome rent. A third, which we select for
description, for one will serve perfectly as a type for the whole,
seems to have belonged to a man of higher class, a sort of capitalist;
for, instead of renting a mere dependency of another man's house, he
lived in a tolerably good house of his own, of which the bakery forms
a part. It stands next to the House of Sallust, on the south side,
being divided from it only by a narrow street. Its front is in the
main street or Via Consularis, leading from the gate of Herculaneum to
the Forum. Entering by a small vestibule, the visitor finds himself in
a tetrastyle atrium (a thing not common at Pompeii), of ample
dimensions, considering the character of the house, being about
thirty-six feet by thirty. The pillars which supported the ceiling are
square and solid, and their size, combined with indications observed
in a fragment of the entablature, led Mazois to suppose that, instead
of a roof, they had been surmounted by a terrace. The impluvium is
marble. At the end of the atrium is what would be called a tablinum in
the house of a man of family, through which we enter the bake-house,
which is at the back of the house, and opens into the smaller street,
which, diverging from the main street at the fountain by Pansa's
house, runs up straight to the city walls. The atrium is surrounded
by different apartments, offering abundant accommodation, but such as
we need not stop to describe.
[Illustration: MILL AND BAKERY AT POMPEII.]
The work-room is about thirty-three feet long by twenty-six. The
centre is occupied by four stone mills, exactly like those found in
the other two stores, for all the bakers ground their own flour. To
give more room they are placed diagonally, so as to form, not a
square, but a lozenge. Mazois was present at the excavation of this
house, and saw the mills at the moment of their discovery, when the
iron-work, though entirely rust-eaten, was yet perfect enough to
explain satisfactorily the method of construction. This will be best
understood from the following representation, one half of which is an
elevation, the other half a section. The cut on page 365 gives some
idea of them.
The base is a cylindrical stone, about five feet in diameter and two
feet high. Upon this, forming part of the same block, or else firmly
fixed into it, is a conical projection about two feet high, the sides
slightly curving inwards. Upon this there rests another block,
externally resembling a dice-box, internally an hour-glass, being
shaped into two hollow cones with their vertices towards each other,
the lower one fitting the conical surface on which it rests, though
not with any degree of accuracy. To diminish friction, however, a
strong iron pivot was inserted in the top of the solid cone, and a
corresponding socket let into the narrow part of the hour-glass. Four
holes were cut through the stone parallel to this pivot. The narrow
part was hooped on the outside with iron, into which wooden bars were
inserted, by means of which the upper stone was turned upon its pivot,
by the labor of men or asses. The upper hollow cone served as a
hopper, and was filled with corn, which fell by degrees through the
four holes upon the solid cone, and was reduced to powder by friction
between the two rough surfaces. Of course it worked its way to the
bottom by degrees, and fell out on the cylindrical base, round which a
channel was cut to facilitate the collection. These machines are
about six feet high in the whole, made of a rough gray volcanic stone,
full of large crystals of leucite. Thus rude, in a period of high
refinement and luxury, was one of the commonest and most necessary
machines--thus careless were the Romans of the amount of labor wasted
in preparing an article of daily and universal consumption. This,
probably, arose in chief from the employment of slaves, the hardness
of whose task was little cared for; while the profit and encouragement
to enterprise on the part of the professional baker was
proportionately diminished, since every family of wealth probably
prepared its bread at home. But the same inattention to the useful
arts runs through everything that they did. Their skill in working
metals was equal to ours; nothing can be more beautiful than the
execution of tripods, lamps, and vases, nothing coarser than their
locks; while at the same time the door-handles, bolts, etc., which
were seen, are often exquisitely wrought. To what cause can this
sluggishness be referred? At present we see that a material
improvement in any article, though so trifling as a corkscrew or
pencil-case, is pretty sure to make the fortune of some man, though
unfortunately that man is very often not the inventor. Had the
encouragement to industry been the same, the result would have been
the same. Articles of luxury were in high request, and of them the
supply was first-rate. But the demands of a luxurious nobility would
never have repaid any man for devoting his attention to the
improvement of mills or perfecting smith's work, and there was little
general commerce to set ingenuity at work. Italy imported largely both
agricultural produce and manufactures in the shape of tribute from a
conquered world, and probably exported part of her peculiar
productions; but we are not aware that there is any ground for
supposing that she manufactured goods for exportation to any extent.
Originally mills were turned by hand, (many establishments may still
be seen in the streets of Naples for grinding corn by means of a
hand-mill, turned by a man. Such flour-shops have always a picture of
the Madonna inside,) and this severe labor seems, in all half-savage
times, to have been conducted by women. It was so in Egypt; it was so
in Greece in the time of Homer, who employs fifty females in the house
of Alcinous upon this service. It was so in Palestine in the time of
the Evangelists, and in England in the fourteenth and sixteenth
centuries. We find a passage of St. Matthew thus rendered by Wicliffe:
"Two wymmen schulen (shall) be grinding in one querne," or hand-mill;
and Harrison the historian, two centuries later, says that his wife
ground her malt at home upon her quern. Among the Romans poor freemen
used sometimes to hire themselves out to the service of the mill when
all other resources failed; and Plautus is said to have done so, being
reduced to the extreme of poverty, and to have composed his comedies
while thus employed. This labor, however, fell chiefly upon slaves,
and is represented as being the severest drudgery which they had to
undergo. Those who had been guilty of any offense were sent to the
mill as a punishment, and sometimes forced to work in chains. Asses,
however, were used by those who could afford it. That useful animal
seems to have been employed in the establishment we are describing,
for the fragment of a jaw-bone, with several teeth in it, was found in
a room which seems to have been the stable; and the floor about the
mill is paved with rough pieces of stone, while in the rest of the
rooms it is made of stucco or compost. The use of water-mills,
however, was not unknown to the Romans. Vitruvius describes their
construction in terms not inapplicable to the mechanism of a common
mill of the present day, and other ancient authors refer to them. "Set
not your hands to the mill, O women that turn the millstone! sleep
sound though the cock's crow announce the dawn, for Ceres has charged
the nymphs with the labors which employed your arms. These, dashing
from the summit of a wheel, make its axle revolve, which, by the help
of moving radii, sets in action the weight of four hollow mills. We
taste anew the life of the first men, since we have learnt to enjoy,
without fatigue, the produce of Ceres."
In the centre of the pier, at the back, is the aperture to the cistern
by which the water used in making bread was supplied. On each side are
vessels to hold the water. On the pier above is a painting, divided
horizontally into two compartments. The figures in the upper ones are
said to represent the worship of the goddess Fornax, the goddess of
the oven, which seems to have been deified solely for the advantages
which it possessed over the old method of baking on the hearth. Below,
two guardian serpents roll towards an altar crowned with a fruit very
much like a pine-apple; while above, two little birds are in chase of
large flies. These birds, thus placed in a symbolical picture, may be
considered, in perfect accordance with the spirit of ancient
mythology, as emblems of the genii of the place, employed in driving
those troublesome insects from the bread.
The oven is on the left. It is made with considerable attention to
economy of heat. The real oven is enclosed in a sort of ante-oven,
which had an aperture in the top for the smoke to escape. The hole in
the side is for the introduction of dough, which was prepared in the
adjoining room, and deposited through that hole upon the shovel with
which the man in front placed it in the oven. The bread, when baked,
was conveyed to cool in a room the other side of the oven, by a
similar aperture. Beneath the oven is an ash-pit. To the right is a
large room which is conjectured to have been a stable. The jaw-bone
above mentioned and some other fragments of a skeleton were found in
it. There is a reservoir for water at the further end, which passes
through the wall, and is common both to this room and the next, so
that it could be filled without going into the stable. The further
room is fitted up with stone basins, which seem to have been the
kneading-troughs. It contains also a narrow and inconvenient
staircase.
Though corn-bread formed the principal article of nourishment among
the Italians, the use of bread itself was not of early date. For a
long time the Romans used their corn sodden into pap, and there were
no bakers in Rome antecedent to the war against Perseus, king of
Macedonia, about B.C. 580. Before this every house made its own bread,
and this was the task of the women, except in great houses, where
there were men-cooks. And even after the invention of bread it was
long before the use of mills was known, but the grain was bruised in
mortars. Hence the names _pistor_ and _pistrinum_, a baker and baker's
shop, which are derived from _pinsere_, to pound. The oven also was of
late introduction, as we have hinted in speaking of the goddess
Fornax, nor did it ever come into exclusive use. We hear of bread
baked under the ashes; baked in the bread-pan, which was probably of
the nature of a Dutch oven; and other sorts, named either from the
nature of their preparation or the purpose to which they were to be
applied. The finest sort was called _siligineus_, and was prepared
from the best and whitest sort of wheaten flour. A bushel of the best
wheat of Campania, which was of the first quality, containing sixteen
sextarii, yielded four sextarii of siligo, here seemingly used for the
finest flour; half a bushel of _flos_, bolted flour; four sextarii of
_cibarium_, seconds; and four sextarii of bran; thus giving an excess
of four sextarii. Their loaves appear to have been very often baked in
moulds, several of which have been found; these may possibly be
artoptæ, and the loaves thus baked, artopticii. Several of these
loaves have been found entire. They are flat, and about eight inches
in diameter. One in the Neapolitan Museum has a stamp on the top:--
SILIGO . CRANII
E . CICER
This has been interpreted to mean that cicer (vetch) was mixed with
the flour. We know from Pliny that the Romans used several sorts of
grain. The cut below gives an idea of their form.
[Illustration: BREAD DISCOVERED IN POMPEII.]
In front of the house, one on each side the doorway, there are two
shops. Neither of these has any communication with the house; it is
inferred, therefore, that they were let out to others, like the shops
belonging to more distinguished persons. This supposition is the more
probable because none of the bakeries found have shops attached to
them, and there is a painting in the grand work on Herculaneum, Le
Pitture d'Ercolano, which represents a bread-seller established in the
Forum, with his goods on a little table in the open air.
There is only one trade, so far as we are aware, with respect to the
practices of which any knowledge has been gained from the excavations
at Pompeii--that of fulling and scouring cloth. This art, owing to the
difference of ancient and modern habits, was of much greater
importance formerly than it now is. Wool was almost the only material
used for dresses in the earlier times of Rome, silk being unknown till
a late period, and linen garments being very little used. Woolen
dresses, however, especially in the hot climate of Italy, must often
have required a thorough purification, and on the manner in which this
was done of course their beauty very much depended. And since the
toga, the chief article of Roman costume, was woven in one piece, and
was of course expensive, to make it look and wear as well as possible
was very necessary to persons of small fortune. The method pursued has
been described by Pliny and others, and is well illustrated in some
paintings found upon the wall of a building, which evidently was a
_fullonica_, or scouring-house. The building in question is entered
from the Street of Mercury, and is situated in the same island as the
House of the Tragic Poet.
The first operation was that of washing, which was done with water
mixed with some detergent clay, or fuller's earth; soap does not
appear to have been used. This was done in vats, where the clothes
were trodden and well worked by the feet of the scourer. The painting
on the walls of the Fullonica represents four persons thus employed.
Their dress is tucked up, leaving their legs bare; it consists of two
tunics, the under one being yellow and the upper green. Three of them
seem to have done their work, and to be wringing the articles on which
they have been employed; the other, his hands resting on the wall on
each side, is jumping, and busily working about the contents of his
vat. When dry, the cloth was brushed and carded, to raise the nap--at
first with metal cards, afterwards with thistles. A plant called
teazle is now largely cultivated in England for the same purpose. The
cloth was then fumigated with sulphur, and bleached in the sun by
throwing water repeatedly upon it while spread out on gratings. In the
painting the workman is represented as brushing or carding a tunic
suspended over a rope. Another man carries a frame and pot, meant
probably for fumigation and bleaching; the pot containing live coals
and sulphur, and being placed under the frame, so that the cloths
spread upon the latter would be fully exposed to the action of the
pent-up vapor. The person who carries these things wears something on
his head, which is said to be an olive garland. If so, that, and the
owl sitting upon the frame, probably indicate that the establishment
was under the patronage of Minerva, the tutelary goddess of the loom.
Another is a female examining the work which a young girl has done
upon a piece of yellow cloth. A golden net upon her head, and a
necklace and bracelets, denote a person of higher rank than one of the
mere workpeople of the establishment; it probably is either the
mistress herself, or a customer inquiring into the quality of the work
which has been done for her.
These pictures, with others illustrative of the various processes of
the art, were found upon a pier in the peristyle of the Fullonica.
Among them we may mention one that represents a press, similar in
construction to those now in use, except that there is an unusual
distance between the threads of the screw. The ancients, therefore,
were acquainted with the practical application of this mechanical
power. In another is to be seen a youth delivering some pieces of
cloth to a female, to whom, perhaps, the task of ticketing, and
preserving distinct the different property of different persons, was
allotted. It is rather a curious proof of the importance attached to
this trade, that the due regulation of it was a subject thought not
unworthy of legislative enactments. B.C. 354, the censors laid down
rules for regulating the manner of washing dresses, and we learn from
the digests of the Roman law that scourers were compelled to use the
greatest care not to lose or to confound property. Another female,
seated on a stool, seems occupied in cleaning one of the cards. Both
of the figures last described wear green tunics; the first of them has
a yellow under-tunic, the latter a white one. The resemblance in
colors between these dresses and those of the male fullers above
described may perhaps warrant a conjecture that there was some kind of
livery or described dress belonging to the establishment, or else the
contents of the painter's color-box must have been very limited.
The whole pier on which these paintings were found has been removed to
the museum at Naples. In the peristyle was a large earthenware jar,
which had been broken across the middle and the pieces then sewed
carefully and laboriously together with wire. The value of these
vessels, therefore, can not have been very small, though they were
made of the most common clay. At the eastern end of the peristyle
there was a pretty fountain, with a jet d'eau. The western end is
occupied by four large vats in masonry, lined with stucco, about seven
feet deep, which seem to have received the water in succession, one
from another.
Dyeing and painting in ancient times was rather more perfect than at
present, at least the colors were stronger and more durable. The
Egyptians had the most durable colors. The Henna is a plant which is
abundant in Egypt, Arabia, and Palestine, and was used by the
ancients, as it is by the moderns, for dyeing. The leaves were dried
and pulverized, and then made into a paste. It is a powerful
astringent dye, and is applied to desiccate and dye the palms of the
hands and soles of the feet and nails of both, and gives a sort of dun
or rust color to animal tissues, which is very permanent.
It is stated that when sal-ammoniac and lime were put upon the colored
parts they changed to a dark greenish-blue color, and passed on to
black, probably from the sal-ammoniac containing iron which would give
this result.
The Tyrian ladies dyed rings and stars upon their persons. Men gave a
black dye to the hair of their heads and beards. The dyeing of the
nails with henna is a very ancient custom. Some of the old Egyptian
mummies are so dyed. It is supposed that the Jewish women also
followed this custom. Reference is made to it in Deuteronomy, where
the newly-married wife is desired to stain her nails. Also, in the
Song of Solomon, _Camphire_, in the authorized version, is said to
mean henna, which has finely-scented flowers growing in bunches, and
the leaves of the plant are used by women to impart a reddish stain to
their nails.
Speaking of the Arabian women at the present day, Dr. Thomson, in "The
Land and the Book," says: "They paint their cheeks, putting tahl
around their eyes, arching their eyebrows with the same, and stain
their hands and feet with henna thus to deck themselves, and should an
unmarried woman do so, an impression is conveyed highly injurious to
the girl's character."
GALLS are named among the substances known to the ancients, but we can
not find whether they were used as a dyeing agent. Wilkinson says that
tanning was in Egypt a subdivision of dyeing, and it is mentioned that
copperas with galls dyed leather black; and there can be little doubt
that galls were used for a similar purpose in ordinary dyeing. The
_Myrobollans_ and several sorts of barks and pods of the _Acacia
nilotica_ were also used for tanning, from their astringent
properties, and may have been similarly used for dyeing.
These are a few of the principal coloring matters used by dyers in
ancient times. There is a little confusion with respect to some of the
salts mentioned as having been used by them, especially the alkaline
salts--a circumstance, however, not to be wondered at. In more modern
times there is a similar confusion on this same head.
When nitre, for instance, is burned with carbonaceous matter, the
product is carbonate of potash. The ashes left by burning wood contain
the same salt. The ashes left by burning sea-weed produce carbonate of
soda. When nitre is burned with sulphur, the product is sulphate of
potash, etc. These have all been called generically, even in modern
times, nitre, having each a certain prefix well understood by the
adept, or chemist, of the day.
We think it probable that all these processes for making the different
salts were practiced in ancient times, but now having only the generic
name _nitre_ given us by historians, we can not understand exactly
when nitre is mentioned which of the nitres is meant.
When Solomon speaks of the action of vinegar upon nitre, the chemist
understands that the salt referred to is a carbonate, but when the
nature of the action or application is not given, we have no idea what
particular salt is meant. There is no doubt, however, that the
ancients were well acquainted with the alkaline salts of potash and
soda, and applied them in the arts. The metallic salts of iron,
copper, and alumina were well known, and their application to dyeing
was generally the same as at the present day. That they were used both
as mordants and alterants is evident from several references.
A very suggestive statement is made by Pliny about the ancient
Egyptians. "They began," says he, "by painting or drawing on white
cloths with certain drugs, which in themselves possessed no color, but
had the property of attracting or absorbing coloring matter, after
which these cloths were immersed in a heated dyeing liquor; and
although they were colorless before, and although this dyeing liquor
was of one equable and uniform color, yet when taken out of it soon
afterwards, the cloth was found to be wonderfully tinged of different
colors according to the peculiar nature of the several drugs which had
been applied to their respective parts, and these colors could not be
afterwards discharged by washing."
Herodotus states that certain people who lived near the Caspian Sea
could, by means of leaves of trees which they bruised and steeped in
water, form on cloth the figures of animals, flowers, etc., which were
as lasting as the cloth itself. This statement is more suggestive than
instructive.
Persia was much famed for dyeing at a very early period, and dyeing is
still held in great esteem in that country. Persian dyers have chosen
Christ as their patron; and Bischoff says that they at present call a
dye-house Christ's workshop, from a tradition they have that He was of
that profession. They have a legend, probably founded upon what Pliny
tells of the Egyptian dyers, "that Christ being put apprentice to a
dyer, His master desired Him to dye some pieces of cloth of different
colors; He put them all into a boiler, and when the dyer took them out
he was terribly frightened on finding that each had its proper color."
This or a similar legend occurs in the apocryphal book entitled "The
First Gospel of the Infancy of Jesus Christ." The following is the
passage:
"On a certain day also, when the Lord Jesus was playing with
the boys, and running about, He passed by a dyer's shop whose
name was Salem, and there were in his shop many pieces of
cloth belonging to the people of that city, which they
designed to dye of several colors. Then the Lord Jesus, going
into the dyer's shop, took all the cloths and threw them into
the furnace. When Salem came home and saw the cloth spoiled,
he began to make a great noise and to chide the Lord Jesus,
saying: "What hast Thou done unto me, O thou son of Mary? Thou
hast injured both me and my neighbors; they all desired their
cloths of a proper color, but Thou hast come and spoiled them
all." The Lord Jesus replied: "I will change the color of
every cloth to what color thou desirest," and then He
presently began to take the cloths out of the furnace; and
they were all dyed of those same colors which the dyer
desired. And when the Jews saw this surprising miracle they
praised God."
TIN.--We have no positive evidence as to whether the ancients used
oxide, or the salts of tin, in their dyeing operations. A modern dyer
could hardly produce permanent tints with some of the dye drugs named
without tin salts. We know that the ancients used the oxides of tin
for glazing pottery and painting; they may therefore have used salts
of tin in their dyeing operations. However, they had another
salt--sulphate of alumina--which produces similar results, although
the moderns in most cases prefer tin, as it makes a more brilliant and
permanent tint.
ALUM.--This is what is termed a double salt, and is composed of
sulphate of alumina and sulphate of potash. The process of
manufacturing it in this country is by subjecting clay slate
containing iron pyrites to a calcination, when the sulphur with the
iron is oxidized, becoming sulphuric acid, which, combining with the
alumina of the clay, and also with the iron, becomes sulphate of
alumina and iron; to this is added a salt of potash, which, combining
with the sulphate of alumina, forms the double salt alum. Soda or
ammonia may be substituted for potash with similar results; the alum
is crystallized from the solution. That the ancients were acquainted
with this double salt has been disputed, but we think there can be no
doubt of its existence and use at a very early period. A very pure
alum is produced in volcanic districts by the action of sulphurous
acid and oxygen on felspathic rocks, and used by the ancients for
different purposes. Pliny mentions _Alumine_, which he describes as
white, and used for whitening wool, also for dyeing wool of bright
colors. Occasionally he confounds this salt with a mixture of sulphate
of alumina and iron, which, in all probability, was alum containing
iron, the process of separation not being perfect; and he mentions
that this kind of alumen blackens on the application of nut-galls,
showing that iron was in it. Pliny says of alumen, that it is
"understood to be a sort of brine which exudes from the earth; of
this, too, there are several kinds. In Cyprus there is a white alumen,
and another kind of a darker color; the uses of these are very
dissimilar, the white liquid alumen being employed for dyeing a whole
bright color, and the darker, on the other hand, for giving wool a
tawny or sombre tint." This is very characteristic of a pure aluminous
mordant, and of one containing iron. He also mentions that this dark
alumen was used for purifying gold. He must be referring here to its
quality of giving gold a rich color. The liquid of this iron alumen,
if put upon light-colored gold, and heated over a fire, gives it a
very rich tint; a process practiced still for the same purpose. So
far, however, as the application to dyeing is concerned, it is
unnecessary to prove that the ancients used our double salt alum.
Probably the alumen referred to by Pliny, as exuding from the earth,
was sulphate of alumina, without potash or soda, a salt not easily
crystallized, but as effective, in many cases more effective, in the
operations of dyeing, as alum, which is attested by the preference
given to this salt over alum for many purposes at the present day.
Pliny says that alumen was a product of Spain, Egypt, Armenia,
Macedonia, Pontus, Africa, and the Islands of Sardinia, Melos, Lipara,
and Strangyle, and that the most esteemed is that of Egypt. And
Herodotus mentions that King Amasis of Egypt sent the people of Delphi
a thousand talents of this substance, as his contribution toward the
rebuilding of their temple. Notwithstanding considerable confusion in
Pliny's account of this substance, our belief is, that it refers to
different salts of alumina, and whether or not they were all used in
the processes of dyeing, they were used for manufacturing purposes,
and thus gives us some insight to the advanced state of the arts in
those times.
Respecting the cost and durability of the Tyrian purple, it is related
that Alexander the Great found in the treasury of the Persian monarch
5,000 quintals of Hermione purple of great beauty, and 180 years old,
and that it was worth $125 of our money per pound weight. The price of
dyeing a pound of wool in the time of Augustus is given by Pliny, and
this price is equal to about $160 of our money. It is probable that
his remarks refer to some particular tint or quality of color easily
distinguished, although not at all clearly defined by Pliny. He
mentions a sort of purple, or hyacinth, which was worth, in the time
of Julius Cæsar, 100 denarii (about $15 of our money) per pound.
Since, according to our modern researches into this dye, one fish, the
common _Purpura lapillus_, produces only about one drop of the liquor,
then it would take about 10,000 fish to dye 1 lb. of wool, so that
$160 is not extravagant.
Spinning and weaving in ancient times were principally performed by
women; indeed, the words _woof_, _weaving_, and _web_ are allied to
the word _wife_. However, in ancient Egypt and in India men also
wrought at the loom. Probably nothing could be simpler or ruder than
the looms used by ancient weavers. Were we to compare these with the
looms and other weaving apparatus of the present day, and reason
therefrom that as the loom so must have been the cloth produced
thereon, we would make a very great mistake. There are few arts which
illustrate with equal force our argument in favor of the perfection of
ancient art so well as this of weaving. It would appear that our
advancement is not so much in the direction of quality as in that of
quantity. There are few things we can do which were not done by the
ancients equally perfect. Rude as were their looms in ancient Egypt,
they produced the far-famed linen so often mentioned in Scripture and
the writings of other nations. In order to show that this is not to be
regarded as a merely comparative term applicable to a former age, we
will here quote from G. Wilkinson respecting some mummy-cloths
examined by the late Mr. Thomson, of Clithero:--"My first impression
on seeing these cloths was, that the first kinds were muslins, and of
Indian manufacture; but this suspicion of their being cotton was soon
removed by the microscope. Some were thin and transparent, and of
delicate texture, and the finest had 140 threads to the inch in the
warp." Some cloth Mr. Wilkinson found in Thebes had 152 threads to the
inch in the warp, but this is coarse when compared with a piece of
linen cloth found in Memphis, which had 540 threads to the inch of the
warp. How fine must these threads have been! In quoting this extract
from Wilkinson to an old weaver, he flatly said it was impossible, as
no reed could be made so fine. However, there would be more threads
than one in the split, and by adopting this we can make cloth in our
day having between 400 and 500 in the inch. However, the ancient
cloths are much finer in the warp than woof, probably from want of
appliance for driving the threads of the weft close enough, as they do
not appear to have _lays_ as we have for this purpose. Pliny refers to
the remains of a linen corselet, presented by Amasis, king of Egypt,
to the Rhodians, each thread of which was composed of 365 fibres:
"Herodotus mentions this corselet, and another presented by Amasis to
the Lacedæmonians, which had been carried off by the Samians. It was
of linen, ornamented with numerous figures of animals worked in gold
and cotton. Each thread of the corselet was worthy of admiration, for
though very fine, every one was composed of 360 other threads all
distinct." No doubt this kind of thread was symbolical. It was
probably something of this sort that Moses refers to when he mentions
the material of which the corselet or girdle of the high priest was
made--the fine twined linen. Jewish women are represented in the Old
Testament as being expert in the art of spinning.
Ancient Babylon was also celebrated for her cloth manufacture and
embroidery work, and to be the possessor of one of these costly
garments was no ordinary ambition. It is not to be wondered at that
when Achan saw amongst the spoils of Jericho a goodly Babylonish
garment he "coveted it and took it." The figure represented on the
ancient seal of Urukh has, says Rawlinson, fringed garments delicately
striped, indicating an advanced condition of this kind of manufacture
five or six centuries before Joshua. It may be mentioned, however,
that such manufactures were in ancient times, especially in Egypt,
national. Time was of little importance, labor was plentiful, and no
craftsman was allowed to scheme, or plan, or introduce any change, but
was expected to aim at the perfection of the operation he was engaged
in, and this led to perfection every branch. Every trade had its own
quarters in the city or nation, and the locality was named after the
trade, such as goldsmiths' quarters, weavers' quarters, etc. This same
rule seems to have been practised by the Hebrews after their
settlement in Palestine, for we find such names in Scripture as the
Valley of Craftsmen. We also find that certain trades continued in
families; passages such as the following are frequent--"The father of
those who were craftsmen," and "The father of Mereshah, a city, and of
the house of those who wrought fine linen;" and again, "The men of
Chozeba, and Joash, and Saraph, who had the dominion of Moab and
Jashubalahem, these were potters, and those that dwelt among plants
and hedges, and did the king's work." In ancient Egypt every son was
obliged to follow the same trade as his father. Thus caste was formed.
Whether this same was carried out in Babylon, Persia, and Greece, we
do not know; but certainly, in these nations there were in all cases
officers directing the operations, and overseers, to whom these again
were responsible, so that every manufacturing art was carried on under
strict surveillance, and to the highest state of perfection. As the
possession of artistic work was an object of ambition amongst the
wealthy or favored portion of the community, it led to emulation among
the workers. Professor Rawlinson, in his "Five Ancient Monarchies,"
speaks of the Persians emulating with each other in the show they
could make of their riches and variety of artistic products. This
emulation led both to private and public exhibitions. One of those
exhibitions, which lasted over a period of six months, is referred to
in the Old Testament; so when we opened our Great Exhibition in 1876
we were only resuscitating a system common in ancient times, the event
recorded in the Book of Esther having happened at least 2,200 years
before:
"In those days, when the King Ahasuerus sat on the throne of
his kingdom, which was in Shushan the palace, in the third
year of his reign, he made a feast unto all his princes and
his servants; the power of Persia and Media, the nobles and
princes of the provinces, being before him: when he showed the
riches of his glorious kingdom, and the honor of his excellent
majesty, many days, even an hundred and fourscore days. And
when these days were expired, the king made a feast unto all
the people that were present in Shushan the palace, both unto
great and unto small, seven days, in the court of the garden
of the king's palace; where were white green and blue
hangings, fastened with cords of fine linen and purple to
silver rings and pillars of marble; the beds were of gold and
silver, upon a pavement of red, and blue, and white, and black
marble. And they gave them drink in vessels of gold (the
vessels being diverse one from another), and royal wine in
abundance, according to the state of the king."
This must have been a magnificent exhibition. The number attending
this feast is not ascertainable; but, if the princes and nobles of the
provinces (the provinces were 127 in number), and all the officers and
great men of Persia and Media, and the servants of the palace, great
and small, were there, it must have formed an immense company. Now, as
every one drank out of a golden cup of a different pattern, we obtain
an idea of profusion in art of which we can form but a very limited
conception. This fact indicates that variety of pattern was an object
sought after--a fashion fostering and favoring the development of art
and design, and worthy of being emulated in the present day.
Speaking of the Persians, Professor Rawlinson says that the richer
classes seem to have followed the court in their practices. In their
costume they wore long purple or flowered robes, with loose-hanging
sleeves, flowered tunics reaching to the knee, also sleeved,
embroidered trowsers, tiaras, and shoes of a more elegant shape than
the ordinary Persian. Under their trowsers they wore drawers, and
under their tunics shirts, and under their shoes stockings or socks.
In their houses their couches were spread with gorgeous coverlets, and
their floors with rich carpets--habits that must have necessitated an
immense labor and skill, and indicate great knowledge in the
manufacture of textile fabrics.
Among the great historic nations of antiquity, the chief consumption
of copper and tin was in the manufacture of bronze; and the quantities
of these metals necessary for the purpose must have been very great,
for bronze seems to have been the principal metallic substance of
which articles both of utility and art were formed. Wilkinson, Layard,
and others, found bronze articles in abundance amongst the _debris_ of
all the ancient civilizations to which their researches extend,
proving that the manufacture of this alloy was widely known at a very
early period; and strange to say, when we consider the applications of
some of the tools found, we are forced to the conclusion that the
bronze of which they were made must originally have been in certain
important particulars superior to any which we can produce at the
present day. In these researches were found carpenters' and masons'
tools, such as saws, chisels, hammers, etc., and also knives, daggers,
swords, and other instruments which require both a fine hard edge and
elasticity. Were we to make such tools now, they would be useless for
the purpose to which the ancients applied them. Wilkinson says: "No
one who has tried to perforate or cut a block of Egyptian granite will
scruple to acknowledge that our best steel tools are turned in a very
short time, and require to be re-tempered; and the labor experienced
by the French engineers who removed the obelisk of Luxor from Thebes,
in cutting a space less than two feet deep along the face of its
partially decomposed pedestal, suffices to show that, even with our
excellent modern implements, we find considerable difficulty in doing
what to the Egyptians would have been one of the least arduous tasks."
But Wilkinson believes that bronze chisels were used for cutting
granite, as he found one at Thebes, of which he says, "Its point is
instantly turned by striking it against the very stone it was used to
cut; and yet, when found, the summit was turned over by blows it had
received from the mallet, while the point was intact, as if it had
recently left the hands of the smith who made it."
"Another remarkable feature in their bronze," says the same author,
"is the resistance it offers to the effects of the atmosphere--some
continuing smooth and bright though buried for ages, and since exposed
to the damp European climate. They had also the secret of covering the
surface with a rich patina of dark or light green, or other color, by
applying acids to it."
[Illustration: Engraved & Printed by Illman Brothers
APPROACH TO KARNAC.
FOR THE MUSEUM OF ANTIQUITY]
[Page Decoration]
TROY.
AS EXCAVATED BY DR. SCHLIEMANN.
No words can describe the interest which belongs to such a
contribution to the history of the world as the discovery of Troy by
Dr. Schliemann. The belief of a large part of the classic world for
centuries has been embodied in a saying quite common among the Greeks:
"I know of but one Ilion, and that is the Ilion as sung by Homer,
which is not to be found except among the muses who dwell on Olympus."
To-day is given to the world a description of the fire-scathed ruins
of that city whose fate inspired the immortal first-fruits of Greek
poetry, and from these remains are brought to light thousands of facts
bearing upon the origin and history of the inhabitants, and
illustrating their religion and language, their wealth and
civilization. He has supplied the missing link, long testified by
tradition as well as poetry, between the famous Greeks and their
kindred in the East.
The satisfaction which the discovery of Troy gives to the Greeks
especially is, perhaps, nearly commensurate with the joy that a
discovery would bring to the Christian which would so confirm the
truth of the Bible as to forever silence its critics and the
skepticism of the day. The Iliad was the Greek Bible, and every page
of it was full of accounts of Troy, its people and its heroes. It was
the ultimate standard of appeal on all matters of religious doctrine
and early history. It was learned by the boys at school. It was the
study of men in their riper years, and even in the time of Socrates
there were Athenian gentlemen who could repeat both the Iliad and
Odyssey by heart. In whatever part of the ancient world a Greek
settled he carried with him a love for the great poet, just as much as
the Christian family takes the Bible to its new frontier home. No work
of profane literature has exercised so wide and long-continued an
influence.
The site of Troy is upon a plateau on the eastern shore of the Ægean
Sea, about 4 miles from the coast and 4-1/2 miles southeast from the
port of Sigeum. The plateau lies on an average about 80 feet above the
plain, and descending very abruptly on the north side. Its
northwestern corner is formed by a hill about 26 feet higher still,
which is about 705 feet in breadth and 984 in length, and from its
imposing situation and natural fortifications this hill of _Hissarlik_
seems specially suited to be the Acropolis of the town.
Like the other great Oriental capitals of the Old World, the present
condition of Troy is that of a mound, such as those in the plain of
the Tigris and Euphrates, offering for ages the invitation to
research, which has only been accepted and rewarded in our own day.
The resemblance is so striking as to raise a strong presumption that,
as the mounds of Nimrud and Hillah have been found to contain the
palaces of the Assyrian and Babylonian kings, so we may accept the
ruins found in the mound of Hissarlik as those of the capital of that
primeval empire in Asia Minor.
As the mounds opened by Layard and his fellow laborers contained only
the "royal quarters," which towered above the rude buildings of
cities, the magnitude of which is attested by abundant proofs, so it
is reasonable to believe that the ruins at Hissarlik are those of the
royal quarter, the only really _permanent_ part of the city built on
the hill capping the lower plateau which lifted the huts of the common
people above the marshes and inundations of the Scamander and the
Simois. In both cases the fragile dwellings of the multitude have
perished, and the pottery and other remains, which were left in the
surface of the plateau of Ilium, would naturally be cleared away by
the succeeding settlers. Homer's poetical exaggeration exalted the
mean dwellings that clustered about the acropolis into the "well-built
city" with her "wide streets."
The erroneous theory which assigns Troy to the heights of Bunarbashi
could, in fact, never have gained ground, had its advocates employed
the few hours which they spent on the heights, and in Bunarbashi
itself, in making small holes, with the aid of even a single workman.
No one can conceive how it is possible that the solution of the great
problem, "ubi Troja fait"--which is surely one of the greatest
interest to the whole civilized world--should have been treated so
superficially that, after a few hours' visit to the Plain of Troy, men
have sat down at home and written voluminous works to defend a theory,
the worthlessness of which they would have perceived had they but made
excavations for a single hour.
The view from the hill of Hissarlik is extremely magnificent. Before
it lies the glorious Plain of Troy, which is covered with grass and
yellow buttercups; on the north northwest, at about an hour's
distance, it is bounded by the Hellespont. The peninsula of Gallipoli
here runs out to a point, upon which stands a lighthouse. To the left
of it is the island of Imbros, above which rises Mount Ida of the
island of Samothrace, at present covered with snow; a little more to
the west, on the Macedonian peninsula, lies the celebrated Mount
Athos, or Monte Santo, with its monasteries, at the northwestern side
of which there are still to be seen traces of that great canal, which,
according to Herodotus (vii. 22, 23), was made by Xerxes, in order to
avoid sailing round the stormy Cape Athos.
Returning to the Plain of Troy we see to the right of it, upon a spur
of the promontory of Rhœteum, the sepulchral mound of Ajax, at the
foot of the opposite Cape of Sigeum that of Patroclus, and upon a spur
of the same cape the sepulchre of Achilles; to the left of the latter,
on the promontory itself, is the Village of Yenishehr. The Plain,
which is about two hours' journey in breadth, is thence bounded on the
west by the shores of the Ægean, which are, on an average, about 131
feet high, and upon which we see first the sepulchral mound of Festus,
the confidential friend of Caracalla, whom the Emperor (according to
Herodian IV.) caused to be poisoned on his visit to Ilium, that he
might be able to imitate the funeral rites which Achilles celebrated
in honor of his friend Patroclus, as described by Homer. Then upon the
same coast there is another sepulchral mound, called _Udjek-Tepe_,
rather more than 78-1/2 feet in height, which most archæologists
consider to be that of the old man Æsyetes, from which Polites,
trusting to the swiftness of his feet, watched to see when the Greek
army would set forth from the ships.
"Swift Iris stood amidst them, and the voice
Assuming of Polites, Priam's son,
The Trojan scout, who, trusting to his speed,
Was posted on the summit of the mound
Of ancient Æsyetes, there to watch
Till from their ships the Grecian troops should march--"
Between the last-named mounds we see projecting above the high shores
of the Ægean Sea the island of Tenedos, to which the crafty Greeks
withdrew their fleet when they pretended to abandon the siege. To the
south we see the Plain of Troy, extending again to a distance of two
hours, as far as the heights of Bunarbashi, above which rises
majestically the snow-capped Gargarus of Mt. Ida, from which Jupiter
witnessed the battles between the Trojans and the Greeks.
One of the greatest difficulties has been to make the enormous
accumulation of _debris_ at Troy agree with chronology; and in this
Dr. Schliemann only partially succeeded. According to Herodotus (vii.
43): "Xerxes in his march through the Troad, before invading Greece
(B.C. 480) arrived at the Scamander and went up to Priam's Pergamus,
as he wished to see that citadel; and, after having seen it, and
inquired into its past fortunes, he sacrificed 1,000 oxen to the Ilian
Athena, and the Magi poured libations to the manes of the heroes."
[Illustration: METALS AND BEADS.]
This passage tacitly implies that at that time a Greek colony had long
since held possession of the town, and according to Strabo's testimony
(XIII. i. 42), such a colony built Ilium during the dominion of the
Lydians. Now, as the commencement of the Lydian dominion dates from
the year 797 B.C., and as the Ilians seem to have been completely
established there long before the arrival of Xerxes in 480 B.C., we
may fairly assume that their first settlement in Troy took place about
700 B.C. Now, there are found no inscriptions later than those
belonging to the second century after Christ, and no coins of later
date than Constantine II., but very many belonging to Constantine the
Great, who, as is well known, intended to build Constantinople on that
site, but it remained an uninhabited place till about the end of the
reign of Constans II., that is till about A.D. 361. Since the
accumulation of _debris_ during this long period of 1061 years amounts
only to six and one-half feet, whereas we have still to dig to a depth
of forty feet, and in places to forty-six and one-half below this,
before reaching the native soil, how many years did it require to form
a layer of forty to forty-six and one-half feet? The formation of the
uppermost one, the Greek layer of six and one-half feet required 1061.
The time required to cover the foundations of Troy to a depth of
forty-six and one-half feet of _debris_ must have been very long. The
first layer of from thirteen to twenty feet on this hill of Hissarlik
belonged to the Aryan race, of whom very little can be said. The
second layer was formed by the Trojans of Homer, and are supposed, by
Dr. Schliemann and others to have flourished here about 1400 years
before Christ. We have only the general supposition of antiquity that
the Trojan war occurred about B.C. 1200, and Homer's statement that
Dardanus, the first Trojan King, founded Dardania, which town Virgil
and Euripides consider identical with Ilium, and that after him it was
governed by his son Erichthonius, and then by his grandson Tros, by
his great-grandson Ilus, and then by his son Laomedon, and by his
grandson Priam. Even if we allow every one of these six kings a long
reign of thirty-three years, we nevertheless scarcely carry the
foundation of the town beyond 1400 B.C., that is 700 years before the
Greek colony.
During Dr. Schliemann's three-year excavations in the depths of Troy,
he has had daily and hourly opportunities of convincing himself that,
from the standard of our own or of the ancient Greek mode of life, we
can form no idea of the life and doings of the four nations which
successively inhabited this hill before the time of the Greek
settlement. They must have had a terrible time of it, otherwise we
should not find the walls of one house upon the ruined remains of
another, in continuous but _irregular_ succession; and it is just
because we can form no idea of the way in which these nations lived
and what calamities they had to endure, that it is impossible to
calculate the duration of their existence, even approximately, from
the thickness of their ruins. It is extremely remarkable, but
perfectly intelligible from the continual calamities which befel the
town, that the civilization of all the four nations constantly
declined; the terra-cottas, which show continuous _decadence_, leave
no doubt of this.
The first settlement on this hill of _Hissarlik_ seems to have been of
the longest duration, for its ruins cover the rock to a height of from
thirteen to twenty feet. Its houses and walls of fortification were
built of stones, large and small, joined with earth, and manifold
remains of these may be seen in the excavations. It was supposed that
these settlers were identical with the Trojans of whom Homer sang,
which is not the case.
All that can be said of the first settlers is that they belonged to
the Aryan race, as is sufficiently proved by the Aryan religious
symbols met with in the strata of their ruins, both upon the pieces of
pottery and upon the small curious terra-cottas with a hole in the
centre, which have the form of the crater of a volcano or of a
_carrousel_, _i.e._, a top.
The excavations made have sufficiently proved that the second nation
which built a town on this hill, upon the _debris_ of the first
settlers (which is from 13 to 20 feet deep), are the Trojans of whom
Homer sings. Their _debris_ lies from 23 to 33 feet below the surface.
This Trojan stratum, which, without exception, bears marks of great
heat, consists mainly of red ashes of wood, which rise from 5 to 10
feet above the Great Tower of Ilium, the double Scæan Gate, and the
great enclosing Wall, the construction of which Homer ascribes to
Poseidon and Apollo, and they show that the town was destroyed by a
fearful conflagration. How great the heat must have been is clear also
from the large slabs of stone upon the road leading from the double
Scæan Gate down to the Plain; for when the road was laid open all the
slabs appeared as uninjured as if they had been put down quite
recently; but after they had been exposed to the air for a few days,
the slabs of the upper part of the road, to the extent of some 10
feet, which had been exposed to the heat, began to crumble away, and
they have now almost disappeared, while those of the lower portion of
the road, which had not been touched by the fire, have remained
uninjured, and seem to be indestructible. A further proof of the
terrible catastrophe is furnished by a stratum of scoriæ of melted
lead and copper, from one fifth to one and one fifth of an inch thick,
which extends nearly through the whole hill at a depth of from 28 to
29-1/2 feet. That Troy was destroyed by enemies after a bloody war is
further attested by the many human bones which were found in these
heaps of _debris_, and above all the skeletons with helmets, found in
the depths of the Temple of Athena, for, as we know from Homer, all
corpses were burned and the ashes were preserved in urns. Of such urns
were found an immense number in all the pre-Hellenic strata on the
hill. Lastly, the Treasure, which some member of the royal family had
probably endeavored to save during the destruction of the city, but
was forced to abandon, leaves no doubt that the city was destroyed by
the hands of enemies. This Treasure was found on the large enclosing
wall by the side of the royal palace, at a depth of 27-1/2 feet, and
covered with red Trojan ashes from 5 to 6-1/2 feet in depth, above
which was a post-Trojan wall of fortification 19-1/2 feet high.
As Homer is so well informed about the topography and the climatic
conditions of the Troad, there can surely be no doubt that he had
himself visited Troy. But, as he was there long after its destruction,
and its site had moreover been buried deep in the _debris_ of the
ruined town, and had for centuries been built over by a new town,
Homer could neither have seen the Great Tower of Ilium nor the Scæan
Gate, nor the great enclosing Wall, nor the palace of Priam; for, as
every visitor to the Troad may convince himself by the excavations,
the ruins and red ashes of Troy alone--forming a layer of from five to
ten feet thick--covered all these remains of immortal fame, and this
accumulation of _debris_ must have been much more considerable at the
time of Homer's visit. Homer made no excavations so as to bring those
remains to light, but he knew of them from tradition; for the tragic
fate of Troy had for centuries been in the mouths of all minstrels,
and the interest attached to it was so great that tradition itself
gave the exact truth in many details.
"Say now, ye Nine, who on Olympus dwell,
Muses--for ye are Goddesses, and ye
Were _present_ and know all things; _we ourselves_
_But hear from Rumor's voice_, and nothing know--
Who were the chiefs and mighty lords of Greece."
Such, for instance, is the memory of the Scæan Gate in the Great Tower
of Ilium, and the constant use of the name Scæan Gate in the plural,
because it had to be described as double, and in fact it has been
proved to be a double gate. According to the lines of the Iliad, it
now seems extremely probable that, at the time of Homer's visit, the
King of Troy declared that his race was descended in a direct line
from Æneas.
"But o'er the Trojans shall Æneas reign,
And his sons' sons, through ages yet unborn."
Now, as Homer never saw Ilium's Great Tower, nor the Scæan Gate, and
could not imagine that these buildings lay buried deep beneath his
feet, and as he probably imagined Troy to have been very
large--according to the then existing poetical legends--and perhaps
wished to describe it as still larger, we can not be surprised that he
makes Hector descend from the palace in the Pergamus and hurry through
the town in order to arrive at the Scæan Gate; whereas that gate and
Ilium's Great Tower, in which it stands, are in reality directly in
front of the royal house. That this house is really the king's palace
seems evident from its size, from the thickness of its stone walls, in
contrast to those of the other houses of the town, which are built
almost exclusively of unburned bricks, and from its imposing
situation upon an artificial hill directly in front of or beside the
Scæan Gate, the Great Tower, and the great surrounding Wall. This is
confirmed by the many splendid objects found in its ruins, especially
the enormous royally ornamented vase with the picture of the
owl-headed goddess Athena, the tutelary divinity of Ilium; and lastly,
above all other things, the rich Treasure found close by it. It can
not, of course, be proved that the name of this king, the owner of
this Treasure, was really PRIAM; but he is so called by Homer and in
all the traditions. All that can be proved is, that the palace of the
owner of this Treasure, this last Trojan king, perished in the great
catastrophe, which destroyed the Scæan Gate, the great surrounding
Wall, and the Great Tower, and which desolated the whole city. It can
be proved, by the enormous quantities of red and yellow calcined
Trojan ruins, from five to ten feet in height, which covered and
enveloped these edifices, and by the many post-Trojan buildings, which
were again erected upon these calcined heaps of ruins, that neither
the palace of the owner of the Treasure, nor the Scæan Gate, nor the
great surrounding Wall, nor Ilium's Great Tower, were ever again
brought to light. A city, whose king possessed such a Treasure, was
immensely wealthy, considering the circumstances of these times; and
because Troy was rich it was powerful, had many subjects, and obtained
auxiliaries from all quarters.
[Illustration: TERRA-COTTA LAMPS.]
[Illustration: BRONZE LAMPS.]
This Treasure of the supposed mythical king Priam, of the mythical
heroic age, is, at all events, a discovery which stands alone in
archæology, revealing great wealth, great civilization and great taste
for art, in an age preceding the discovery of bronze, when weapons and
implements of pure copper were employed contemporaneously with
enormous quantities of stone weapons and implements. This Treasure
further leaves no doubt that Homer must have actually seen gold and
silver articles, such as he continually describes; it is, in every
respect, of inestimable value to science, and will for centuries
remain the object of careful investigation.
While the Trojan war was the last it was also the greatest of all the
achievements of the heroic age, and was immortalized by the genius of
Homer. Paris, son of Priam, king of Ilium or Troy, abused the
hospitality of Menelaus, king of Sparta, by carrying off his wife
Helen, the most beautiful woman of the age. All the Grecian princes
looked upon the outrage as committed upon themselves. Responding to
the call of Menelaus, they assemble in arms, elect his brother
Agamemnon, king of Mycenæ, leader of the expedition, and sail across
the Ægean in nearly 1,200 ships to recover the faithless fair one.
Some, however, excelled Agamemnon in fame. Among them Achilles stands
pre-eminent in strength, beauty and value, while Ulysses surpasses all
the rest in the mental qualities of counsel, subtility and eloquence.
Thus, by the opposite endowments, these two heroes form the centre of
the group.
Among the Trojans, Hector, one of the sons of Priam, is most
distinguished for heroic qualities, and forms a striking contrast to
his handsome, but effeminate brother, Paris. It is said that even the
gods took part in the contest, encouraging their favorite heroes, and
sometimes fighting by their side or in their stead. It was not until
the tenth year that Troy yielded to the inevitable fate. It was
delivered over to the sword and its glory sank in ashes.
The houses of Troy were all very high, and had several stories, as is
obvious from the thickness of the walls, the construction and colossal
heaps of _debris_. The city was immensely rich, and as it was wealthy,
so was it powerful and its buildings large. The ruins are found in a
badly decayed state, because of the great fires that occurred there,
and the neighboring towns were largely built with stone from the ruins
of Troy; Archæanax is said to have built a long wall around Sigeum
with its stones.
[Illustration: GOLDEN CUPS OF PRIAM.]
A portion of a large building was laid bare, the walls of which are
6-1/4 feet thick, and consist for the most part of hewn blocks of
limestone joined with clay. None of the stones seem to be more than 1
foot 9 inches long, and they are so skillfully put together, that the
walls form a smooth surface. This house is built upon a layer of
yellow and brown ashes and ruins, at a depth of 20 feet, and the
portion of the walls preserved reaches up to within 10 feet below the
surface of the hill. In the house, as far as has been excavated, only
one vase, with two breasts in front and one breast at the side, has
been found.
This is the first house that Dr. Schliemann excavated, which is quite
evident by what he writes about it: "It is with a feeling of great
interest that, from this great platform, that is, at a perpendicular
height of from thirty-three to forty-two feet, I see this very
ancient building (which may have been erected 1000 years before
Christ) standing as it were in mid air."
A room was excavated which is ten feet high and eleven and one-fourth
wide; it was at one time much higher; its length has not been
ascertained.
One of the compartments of the uppermost houses, below the Temple of
Athena and belonging to the pre-Hellenic period, appears to have been
used as a wine-merchant's cellar or as a magazine, for in it there are
nine enormous earthen jars of various forms, about five and
three-fourths feet high and four and three-fourths feet across, their
mouths being from twenty-nine and one-half to thirty-five and
one-fourth inches broad. Each of these earthen jars has four handles,
three and three-fourths inches broad, and the clay of which they are
made has the enormous thickness of two and one-fourth inches.
A house of eight rooms was also brought to light at a depth of
twenty-six feet. It stands upon the great Tower, directly below the
Greek Temple of Athena. Its walls consist of small stones cemented
with earth, and they appear to belong to different epochs; for, while
some of them rest directly upon the stones of the Tower, others were
not built till the Tower was covered with eight inches, and in several
cases even with three and one-fourth feet, of _debris_. These walls
also show differences in thickness; one of them is four and one-half
feet, others are only twenty-five and one-half inches, and others
again not more than nineteen and two-thirds inches thick. Several of
these walls are ten feet high, and on some of them may be seen large
remnants of the coatings of clay, painted yellow or white. Black
marks, the result of fire, upon the lower portion of the walls of the
other rooms which have been excavated, leave no doubt that their
floors were of wood, and were destroyed by fire. In one room there is
a wall in the form of a semicircle, which has been burnt as black as
coal. All the rooms as yet laid open, and not resting directly upon
the Tower, have been excavated down to the same level; and, without
exception, the _debris_ below them consists of red or yellow ashes and
burnt ruins. Above these, even in the rooms themselves, were found
nothing but either red or yellow wood-ashes, mixed with bricks that
had been dried in the sun and subsequently burnt by the conflagration,
or black _debris_, the remains of furniture, mixed with masses of
small shells: in proof of this there are the many remains which are
still hanging on the walls.
A very large ancient building was found standing upon the wall or
buttress. At this place the wall appears to be about seventy-nine feet
wide, or thick. The site of this building, upon an elevation, together
with its solid structure, leave no doubt that it was the grandest
building in Troy; nay, that it must have been the Palace of Priam.
This edifice, now first laid open from beneath the ashes which covered
it in the burning of the city, was found by Dr. Schliemann in the very
state to which, in Homer, Agamemnon threatens to reduce it: "The house
of Priam _blackened with fire_."
Upon this house, by the side of the double gate, upon Ilium's Great
Tower, at the edge of the western slope of the Acropolis, sat Priam,
the seven elders of the city, and Helen; and this is the scene of the
most splendid passage in the Iliad:
"Attending there on aged Priam, sat
The Elders of the city; ...
All these were gathered at the Scæan Gates.
... so on Ilion's Tower
Sat the sage chiefs and counselors of Troy.
Helen they saw, as to the Tower she came."
From this spot the company surveyed the whole plain, and saw at the
foot of the Acropolis the Trojan and the Achæan armies face to face,
about to settle their agreement to let the war be decided by a single
combat between Paris and Menelaus.
"Upon _Seamander's flowery mead_ they stood
Unnumbered as _the vernal leaves and flowers_."
The description which Homer gives of the Tower of Ilium, and the
incidents connected with it, corresponds so closely to the tower which
Dr. Schliemann found that it leaves no doubt that the two are
identical.
[Illustration: WONDERFUL VASES OF TERRA-COTTA. (_From the
Palace of Priam, at 24-1/4 feet._)]
"Now, with regard to the objects found in these houses, I must first
of all mention having discovered, at a depth of twenty-six feet, in
the Palace of Priam, a splendid and brilliant brown vase, twenty-four
and one-fourth inches high, with a figure of the tutelar goddess of
Troy, that is, with her owl's head, two breasts, a splendid necklace,
indicated by an engraved pattern, a very broad and beautifully
engraved girdle, and other very artistic decorations; there are no
arms, nor are there any indications of them. Unfortunately this
exquisite vase has suffered from the weight of stones which lay upon
it. No. 4 resembles an owl's beak, and especially as this is seen
between the ear-shaped ornaments, it was doubtless intended to
represent the image of the owl with upraised wings on each side of the
vases, which image received a noble appearance from the splendid lid
with a coronet. I give a drawing of the largest vase of this type,
which was found a few days ago in the royal palace at a depth of from
twenty-eight to twenty-nine and one-half feet; on the top of it I have
placed the bell-shaped lid with a coronet, which was discovered close
by and appears to have belonged to it.
[Illustration: FROM PALACE OF PRIAM.]
"I also found in the Treasure three great silver vases, the largest of
which is above eight and one-fourth inches high and nearly eight
inches in diameter, and has a handle five and one-half inches in
length and three and one-half in breadth. (No. 23.) The second vase is
6.9 inches high and nearly six inches in diameter; another silver vase
is welded to the upper part of it (No. 22), of which, however, only
portions have been preserved. No. 19 is a splendid Terra-cotta vase
from the Palace of Priam. It is the largest vase of the type frequent
in the ruins, with two small handles and two great upright wings. The
cover was found near it.
[Illustration: LIDS AND METALS OF PRIAM.]
"On the south side of the hill, where, on account of the slight
natural slope, I had to make my great trench with an inclination of
fourteen degrees, I discovered, at a distance of 197 feet from the
declivity, a Tower, forty feet thick, which I have uncovered on the
north and south sides along the whole breadth of my trench, and have
convinced myself that it is built on the rock at a depth of forty-six
and a half feet.
"The Tower is at present only twenty feet high, but the nature of its
surface, and the masses of stones lying on both sides, seem to prove
that it was at one time much higher. For the preservation of what
remains we have only to thank the ruins of Troy, which entirely
covered the Tower as it now stands. It is probable that after the
destruction of Troy much more of it remained standing, and that the
part which rose above the ruins of the town was destroyed by the
successors of the Trojans, who possessed neither walls nor
fortifications. The western part of the Tower, so far as it is yet
uncovered, is only from 121 to 124 feet distant from the steep western
slope of the hill; and, considering the enormous accumulation of
_debris_, I believe that the Tower once stood on the western edge of
the Acropolis, where its situation would be most interesting and
imposing, for its top would have commanded, not only a view of the
whole Plain of Troy, but of the sea with the Islands of Tenedos,
Imbros and Samothrace. There is not a more sublime situation in the
area of Troy than this, and I therefore presume that it is the 'Great
Tower of Ilium' which Andromache ascended because 'she had heard that
the Trojans were hard pressed and that the power of the Achæans was
great.'
"'But to the height of Ilion's topmost tower
Andromache is gone; since tidings came
The Trojan force was overmatched, and great
The Grecian strength.'
"After having been buried for thirty-one centuries, and after
successive nations have built their houses and palaces high above its
summit during thousands of years, this Tower has now again been
brought to light, and commands a view, if not of the whole Plain, at
least of the northern part and of the Hellespont. May this sacred and
sublime monument of Greek heroism forever attract the eyes of those
who sail through the Hellespont! May it become a place to which the
inquiring youth of all future generations shall make pilgrimage to fan
their enthusiasms for knowledge, and above all for the noble language
and literature of Greece!
"Directly by the side of the Palace of King Priam I came upon a large
copper article of the most remarkable form, which attracted my
attention all the more as I thought I saw gold behind it. On the top
of this copper article lay a stratum of red and calcined ruins, from
four and three-quarters to five and one-quarter feet thick, as hard as
stone, and above this again lay a wall of fortification (six feet
broad and twenty feet high) which was built of large stones and earth,
and must have belonged to an early date after the destruction of Troy.
In order to withdraw the Treasure from the greed of my workmen, and to
save it for archæology, I had to be most expeditious, and although it
was not yet time for breakfast, I immediately had breakfast called.
While the men were eating and resting I cut out the Treasure with a
large knife, which it was impossible to do without the very greatest
exertion and the most fearful risk of my life, for the great
fortification wall, beneath which I had to dig, threatened every
moment to fall down upon me. But the sight of so many objects, every
one of which is of inestimable value to archæology, made me foolhardy,
and I never thought of any danger. It would, however, have been
impossible for me to have removed the Treasure without the help of my
dear wife, who stood by me ready to pack the things which I cut out in
her shawl and to carry them away.
[Illustration: TREASURES OF PRIAM.]
"The first thing I found was a large copper shield, in the form of an
oval salver, in the middle of which is a knob or boss encircled by a
small furrow. It is a little less than twenty inches in length, is
quite flat, and surrounded by a rim one and one-half inches high; the
boss is two and one-third inches high and four and one-third inches
in diameter; the furrow encircling it is seven inches in diameter and
two-fifths of an inch deep. This round shield of copper (or bronze?)
with its central boss, and the furrow and rim so suitable for holding
together a covering of ox-hides, reminds one irresistibly of the
seven-fold shield of Ajax (_Iliad_ vii. 219-223):
"'Ajax approached; before him, as a tower,
His mighty shield he bore, seven-fold, brass-bound,
The work of Tychius, best artificer
That wrought in leather; he in Hyla dwelt.
Of seven-fold hides the ponderous shield was wrought
Of lusty bulls; the eighth was glittering brass.'
"It is equally striking to compare the shield of the Treasure with the
description of Sarpedon's shield, with its round plate of hammered
copper (or bronze), and its covering of ox-hides, fastened to the
inner edge of the rim by gold wires or rivets (_Iliad_ xii. 294-297):
"'His shield's broad _orb_ before his breast he bore,
Well wrought, _of beaten brass_, which the armorer's hand
Had beaten out, and lined with stout bull's hide
With golden rods, continuous, all around.'
"The second object which I got out was a copper caldron with two
horizontal handles. It is sixteen and one-half inches in diameter and
five and one-half inches high; the bottom is flat, and is nearly eight
inches in diameter. In the Iliad this vessel is used almost always as
a caldron, and is often given as a prize at games; in the Odyssey it
is always used for washing the hands or feet. This one shows the marks
of a fearful conflagration, and near the left handle are seen two
fragments of copper weapons (a lance and a battle-ax) firmly molten
on. (See No. 25.)
"The third object was a copper plate two-fifths of an inch thick, six
and one-third inches broad, and seventeen and one-third inches long;
it has a rim about one-twelfth of an inch high; at one end of it there
are two immovable wheels with an axle-tree. This plate is very much
bent in two places, but I believe that these curvatures have been
produced by the heat to which the article was exposed in the
conflagration; a silver vase four and three-fourths inches high and
broad has been fused to it; I suppose, however, that this also
happened by accident in the heat of the fire. (See No. 14.)
"This remarkable object lay at the top of the whole mass, and I
suppose it to have formed a hasp to the lid of the wooden chest in
which the Treasure was packed. The fourth article I brought out was a
copper vase five and one-half inches high and four and one-third
inches in diameter. Thereupon followed a globular bottle of the purest
gold, weighing 6,220 grains, or above one pound troy; it is nearly six
inches high and five and one-half inches in diameter, and has the
commencement of a zigzag decoration on the neck, which, however, is
not continued all round. Then came a cup, likewise of the purest gold,
weighing seven and one-fourth oz. troy; it is three and one-half
inches high and three inches broad. (See Nos. 4 and 12.)
[Illustration: PART OF MACHINE OF PRIAM.]
[Illustration: JEWELRY OF GOLD AND STONES.]
"Next came another cup of purest gold, weighing about one pound and
six oz. troy; it is three and one-half inches high, seven and
one-fourth inches long, and seven and one-fifth inches broad; it is in
the form of a ship, with two large handles; on one side there is a
mouth one and one-fifth inches broad, for drinking out of, and another
at the other side two and three-fourths inches broad. Prof. Stephanos
Kumanudes, of Athens, remarks, the person who presented the filled cup
may have first drank from the small mouth as a mark of respect, to let
the guest drink from the larger mouth. (See No. 10.)
[Illustration: FOUND IN THE PALACE OF PRIAM.]
"The Treasure further contained a small cup of gold weighing two and
one-fourth oz. troy; also six pieces of the purest silver in the form
of large knife blades; they have all been wrought with a hammer.
"I also found in the Treasure three great silver vases, the largest
of which is above eight and one-fourth inches high and nearly eight
inches in diameter, and has a handle five and one-half inches in
length and three and one-half in breadth; I found besides a number of
silver goblets and cups. Upon and beside the gold and silver articles
I found thirteen copper lances; also fourteen copper weapons, which
are frequently met with here, and seven large double-edged copper
daggers.
"As I found all these articles together, forming a rectangular mass,
or packed into one another, it seems to be certain that they were
placed on the city wall in a wooden chest, such as those mentioned by
Homer as being in the Palace of King Priam. This appears to be the
more certain, as close by the side of these articles I found a copper
key above four inches long, the head of which (about two inches long
and broad) greatly resembles a large safe-key of a bank. Curiously
enough this key has had a wooden handle.
[Illustration]
"That the Treasure was packed together at terrible risk of life, and
in the greatest anxiety, is proved among other things also by the
contents of a large silver vase, at the bottom of which I found two
gold diadems, a fillet and four beautiful ear-rings of most exquisite
workmanship; upon these lay fifty-six gold ear-rings of exceedingly
curious form, and 8,750 small gold rings, perforated prisms and dice,
gold buttons and similar jewels; then followed six gold bracelets,
and, on the top of all, the two small gold goblets. Some of these are
mentioned by Homer:
"'Far off were flung the adornments of her head;
The net, the fillet, and the woven band,
The nuptial-veil by golden Venus given.'
[Illustration: GOLD NECKLACE OF TROY.]
[Illustration: GOLD TASSELS OF TROY.]
[Illustration: LAMPS FOUND AT TROY.]
"The one diadem consists of a gold fillet, twenty-one and two-thirds
inches long and nearly half an inch broad, from which there hang on
either side seven little chains to cover the temples, each of which
has eleven square leaves with a groove; these chains are joined to one
another by four little cross chains, at the end of which hangs a
glittering golden idol of the tutelar goddess of Troy, nearly an inch
long. The entire length of each of these chains, with the idols,
amounts to ten and one-quarter inches. Almost all these idols have
something of the human form, but the owl's head with the two large
eyes can not be mistaken; their breadth at the lower end is about
nine-tenths of an inch. Between these ornaments for the temples there
are forty-seven little pendant chains adorned with square leaves; at
the end of each little chain is an idol of the tutelar goddess of
Ilium, about three-quarters of an inch long; the length of these
little chains with the idols is not quite four inches. The fillet is
above eighteen inches long and two-fifths of an inch broad, and has
three perforations at each end. Eight quadruple rows of dots divide it
into nine compartments, in each of which there are two large dots, and
an uninterrupted row of dots adorns the whole edge. (See Fig. 1.) Of
the four ear-rings only two are exactly alike; from the upper part,
which is almost in the shape of a basket, and is ornamented with two
rows of decorations in the form of beads, there hang six small chains
on which are three little cylinders; attached to the end of the chains
are small idols of the tutelar goddess of Troy. The length of each
ear-ring is three and one-half inches. The upper part of the other two
ear-rings is larger and thicker, but likewise almost in the shape of a
basket; from it are suspended five little chains entirely covered with
small round leaves, on which are likewise fastened small but more
imposing idols of the Ilian tutelar divinity; the length of one of
these pendants is three and one-half inches, that of the other a
little over three inches. (See Fig. 17.)
"Homer, in the Iliad, sings of 'beautifully twined tassels of solid
gold' which adorned Athene:
"'All around
A hundred tassels hung, rare works of art,
All gold, each one a hundred oxen's price.'
"Again, when Hera adorns herself to captivate Jove, her zone is
fringed with a hundred tassels, and her ear-rings are described in
terms corresponding exactly to the triple leaves above described:
"'Her zone, from which a hundred tassels hung,
She girt above her; and, in three bright drops,
Her glittering gems suspended from her ears,
And all around her grace and beauty shone.'
"Of the six gold bracelets two are quite simple, and closed, but
consist of an ornamented band one-twenty-fifth of an inch thick and
one-fourth of an inch broad. The other three are double, and the ends
are turned round and furnished with a head. The princess who wore
these bracelets must have had unusually small hands, for they are so
small that a girl of ten would have difficulty in putting them on.
"The fifty-six other gold ear-rings are of various sizes, and three
of them appear to have also been used by the princesses of the royal
family as finger-rings. Also gold buttons were found, or studs,
one-sixth of an inch high, in the cavity of which is a ring above
one-tenth of an inch broad for sewing them on; gold double buttons,
exactly like our shirt studs, three-tenths of an inch long, which,
however, are not soldered, but simply stuck together, for from the
cavity of the button there projects a tube, nearly one-fourth of an
inch long, and from the other a pin of the same length, and the pin is
merely stuck into the tube to form a double stud. (See Fig. No. 16.)
These double buttons or studs can only have been used, probably, as
ornament upon leather articles, for instance upon the handle-straps of
swords, shields, or knives. I found in the vase also two gold
cylinders above one-tenth of an inch long; also a small peg above
four-fifths of an inch in length, and from six one-hundreths to eight
one-hundreths of an inch thick; it has at one end a perforated hole
for hanging it up, and on the other side six encircling incisions,
which give the article the appearance of a screw; it is only by means
of a magnifying glass that it is found not to be really a screw. I
also found in the same vase two pieces of gold, one of which is
one-seventh of an inch, the other above two inches long; each of them
has twenty-one perforations.
[Illustration: SIX GOLDEN BRACELETS WELDED TOGETHER BY THE
CONFLAGRATION.]
[Illustration: GOLD PINS WITH SET GEMS.]
"The persons who endeavored to save the Treasure had fortunately the
presence of mind to stand the silver vase, containing the valuable
articles described above, upright in the chest, so that not so much as
a bead could fall out, and everything has been preserved uninjured.
"M. Landerer, of Athens, a chemist well known through his discoveries
and writings, who has most carefully examined all the copper articles
of the Treasure, and analyzed the fragments, finds that all of them
consist of pure copper without any admixture of tin or zinc, and that,
in order to make them more durable, they have been wrought with the
hammer.
[Illustration: GOLD EAR-RINGS OF TROY.]
"As I hoped to find other treasures here, and also wished to bring to
light the wall surrounding Troy, the erection of which Homer ascribes
to Poseidon and Apollo, as far as the Scæan Gate, I have entirely cut
away the upper wall, which rested partly upon the gate, to an extent
of fifty-six feet. Visitors to the Troad can, however, still see part
of it in the northwest earth-wall opposite the Scæan Gate. I have also
broken down the enormous block of earth which separated my western and
northwestern cutting from the Great Tower. The result of this new
excavation is very important to archæology, for I have been able to
uncover several walls, and also a room of the Royal Palace, twenty
feet in length and breadth, upon which no buildings of a later period
rest.
"Of the objects discovered there I have only to mention an excellently
engraved inscription found upon a square piece of red slate, which has
two holes not bored through it and an encircling incision, but neither
can my learned friend Emile Burnouf nor I tell in what language the
inscription is written. Further, there were some interesting
terra-cottas, among which is a vessel, quite the form of a modern
cask, and with a tube in the centre for pouring in and drawing off the
liquid. There were also found upon the walls of Troy, one and
three-fourths feet below the place where the Treasure was discovered,
three silver dishes, two of which were broken to pieces in digging
down the _debris_, they can, however, be repaired, as I have all the
pieces. These dishes seem to have belonged to the Treasure, and the
fact of the latter having otherwise escaped our pickaxes is due to the
above mentioned large copper vessels which projected, so that I could
cut everything out of the hard _debris_ with a knife.
"I found, further, a silver goblet above three and one-third inches
high, the mouth of which is nearly four inches in diameter; also a
silver flat cup or dish five and one-half inches in diameter, and two
beautiful small silver vases of most exquisite workmanship. The larger
one, which has two rings on either side for hanging up by strings, is
nearly eight inches high with its hat-shaped lid, and three and
one-half inches in diameter across the bulge. The smaller silver vase,
with a ring on either side for suspension by a string, is about six
and three-fourths inches high, with its lid, and above three inches
broad.
"I now perceive that the cutting which I made in April was exactly at
the proper point, and that if I had only continued it I should in a
few weeks have uncovered the most remarkable buildings in Troy,
namely, the Palace of King Priam, the Scæan Gate, the Great
Surrounding Wall, and the Great Tower of Ilium; whereas, in
consequence of abandoning this cutting, I had to make colossal
excavations from east to west and from north to south through the
entire hill in order to find those most interesting buildings.
"In the upper strata of the north western and western excavations we
came upon another great quantity of heads of beautiful terra-cotta
figures of the best Hellenic period, and at a depth of twenty-three
feet upon some idols, as well as the upper portion of a vase with the
owl's face and a lid in the form of a helmet. Lids of this kind, upon
the edge of which female hair is indicated by incisions, are
frequently found in all the strata between thirteen and thirty-three
feet deep, and as they belong to vases with owls' faces, the number of
lids gives us an idea of the number of the vases with the figure of
the owl-headed Athene, which existed here in Troy.
"Homer rarely mentions temples, and, although he speaks of the Temple
of Athene, yet, considering the smallness of the city, it is very
doubtful whether it actually existed. It is probable that the tutelar
goddess at that time possessed only the sacrificial altar which I
discovered, and the crescent form of which greatly resembles the upper
portion of the ivory idol found in the lowest strata as well as the
one end of the six talents contained among the Treasure.
"Valuable stones, such as those large flags which cover the road
leading from the Scæan Gate to the Plain, as well as the stones of the
enclosing wall and of the Great Tower, have been left untouched, and
not a single stone of the Scæan Gate is wanting. Nay, with the
exception of the houses which I myself destroyed, it would be quite
possible to uncover the 'carcasses' of all the houses, as in the case
of Pompeii. The houses must have been very high, and a great deal of
wood must have been used in their construction, for otherwise the
conflagration could not have produced such an enormous quantity of
ashes and rubbish.
"Upon and beside the gold and silver articles, I found thirteen copper
lances, from nearly seven to above twelve and one-half inches in
length, and from above one and one-half to two and one-third inches
broad at the broadest point; at the lower end of each is a hole, in
which, in most cases, the nail or peg which fastened the lance to the
wooden handle is still sticking. The pin-hole is clearly visible in a
lance-head which the conflagration has welded to a battle-ax. The
Trojan lances were therefore quite different from those of the Greeks
and Romans.
[Illustration: SPEARS, LANCES, AX AND CHAIN.]
[Illustration: SHEARS, KNIVES AND SPEARS.]
"I also found fourteen of those copper weapons, which are frequently
met with here, but which have never been discovered elsewhere; at one
end they are pointed but blunt, and at the other they end in a broad
edge. I formerly considered them to be a species of lance, but now,
after mature consideration, I am convinced that they could have been
used only as battle-axes. They are from above six to above twelve
inches in length, from nearly one-half to above three-fourths of an
inch thick, and from above one to nearly three inches broad; the
largest of them weighs about three pounds avoirdupois.
[Illustration: LANCES FOUND AT PALACE OF PRIAM, TROY.]
"There were also seven large double-edged copper daggers, with a
handle from about two to two and three-fourths inches long, the end of
which is bent round at a right angle. These handles must at one time
have been encased in wood, for if the cases had been made of bone they
would still have been wholly or partially preserved. The pointed
handle was inserted into a piece of wood, so that the end projected
about half an inch beyond it, and this end was simply bent round. The
largest of these daggers is ten and two-thirds inches in length and
above two inches broad at the broadest part; a second dagger, which is
above one and three-fourths inches broad, has the point broken off,
and is now less than nine inches long, but appears to have been eleven
inches; a third dagger is eight and two-thirds inches long, and
measures above one and one-fourth inches at the broadest point.
"On the north side of the hill I have now also uncovered several
house-walls at a depth of forty-two and one-half feet, and also the
beginning of a remarkable wall of fortification, the continuation of
which may be seen in the labyrinth of the house-walls in the depths of
the Temple of Athene. On the north side, above the primary soil, I
have also brought to light a portion of the pavement already
mentioned, composed of small, round, white sea-pebbles, below which
are the calcined ruins of a building which formerly stood there.
"Among some very remarkable terra-cottas discovered since my last
report I must mention two jugs found on the north side, at a depth of
from twenty-three to twenty-six feet, each of which has two upright
necks standing side by side, but their handles are united. One of them
has also beside the mouths two small elevations, which may probably
indicate eyes. Of a third jug of this kind I only found the upper
portion. I must also mention an exceedingly curious cup, discovered at
a depth of thirteen feet, which consists of a tube resting upon three
feet and ending in one large and two small goblets; the larger goblet
is connected with the opposite side of the tube by a handle. At the
same depth I met with a large vase, from which projects a separate
small vase; it is ornamented with incisions, and has three feet and
two very pretty handles and rings for hanging it up. I found likewise,
at the depth of thirteen feet, a vase with two female breasts, two
large handles and engravings resembling letters. Among other extremely
curious terra-cottas I must also mention three pots with three rows of
perforations; they have the usual handle on one side and three feet on
the other; also three large vases with perforations right round, on
all sides, from the bottom to the top; their use is a riddle to me;
can they have served as bee-hives? Also a vessel in the form of a pig,
with four feet, which are, however, shorter than the belly, so that
the vessel can not stand upon them; the neck of the vessel, which is
attached to the back of the pig, is connected with the hinder part by
a handle. I further found a pot in the form of a basket with a handle
crossing the mouth, and a tube in the bulge for drawing off the
liquid. Also two terra-cotta funnels, at a depth of ten feet, with a
letter which I have repeatedly met with on some of the terra-cottas.
At a depth of five feet I found one of those round twice-perforated
terra-cottas with a stamp, in which there are Egyptian hieroglyphics;
also a dozen of the same articles in the stamps of which are a crowned
head, a bird, a dog's head, a flying man or an eagle and a stag. At a
depth of sixteen and one-half feet I found the handle of a cup with
the beautifully modeled head of a bull.
"Neither can I prove that the terra-cottas here frequently met with,
in the form of horses' heads, represent the mother of Hera, Cybele or
Rhea, but it is very likely, for, as it is well known, in Phrygia she
was represented with a horse's head. Terra-cotta idols of the Ilian
Athene are rarely met with, but we daily find marble idols of this
goddess, most of which have almost a human form. We also frequently
come upon oblong flat pieces of rough marble upon which the owl's face
of the goddess is more or less deeply engraved. It is often so finely
scratched that the aid of a magnifying glass is required to convince
one that it actually exists; we found several such pieces of marble
where the owl's head was painted in a black color. Since I have come
to the conclusion that they are idols of the tutelar divinity of Troy
I have carefully collected them.
[Illustration: COINS OR METALS.]
"In excavating the ground upon which my wooden house had stood we
found, at a depth of from nine to nineteen inches, eighteen copper and
two silver medals; one of the latter is of Marcus Aurelius. The other
is a tetra-drachm of the island of Tenedos; on the obverse, to the
right, is the head of Jupiter, to the left that of Juno, both having
one neck in common, like the heads of Janus. The head of Jupiter is
crowned with laurels, that of Juno has a wreath or crown. Upon the
reverse of the coin there is a laurel wreath round the edge, and in
the centre a large double ax, above which stands the word Teneelion,
below and to the right of the handle of the double ax there is a
winged Eros, who is holding up an object which it is difficult to
distinguish, to the left is a bunch of grapes and a monogram, which
looks like the letter A.
"Of the copper coins five are of Alexandria Troas, two of Ophrynium,
one of Tenedos, two of Abydos, and one of Dardania.
"When I uncovered the road paved with large flags of stone, which
leads from the Scæan Gate to the Plain, the stones looked as new as if
they had just been hewn. But since then, under the influence of the
burning sun, the flags of the upper portion of the road, which have
specially suffered from the conflagration that destroyed the city, are
rapidly crumbling away, and will probably have quite disappeared in a
few years. However, the flags of stone on the northwestern half of the
road, which have been less exposed to the heat, may still last many
centuries.
"In this day, closing the excavations at Ilium forever, I can not but
fervently thank God for His great mercy, in that, notwithstanding the
terrible danger to which we have been exposed owing to the continual
hurricanes, during the last three years' gigantic excavations, no
misfortune has happened, no one has been killed, and no one has been
seriously hurt.
"In my last report I did not state the exact number of springs in
front of the Ilium. I have now visited all the springs myself, and
measured their distance from my excavations, and I can give the
following account of them. The first spring, which is situated
directly below the ruins of the ancient town-wall, is exactly 399
yards from my excavations; its water has a temperature of 60.8°
Fahrenheit. It is enclosed to a height of six and-one-half feet by a
wall of large stones joined with cement, nine and one-quarter feet in
breadth, and in front of it there are two stone troughs for watering
cattle. The second spring, which is likewise still below the ruins of
the ancient town-wall, is exactly 793 yards distant from my
excavations. It has a similar enclosure of large stones, seven feet
high and five feet broad, and has the same temperature. But it is out
of repair, and the water no longer runs through the stone pipe in the
enclosure, but along the ground before it reaches the pipe. The double
spring spoken of in my last report is exactly 1,033 yards from my
excavations. It consists of two distinct springs, which run out
through two stone pipes lying beside each other in the enclosure
composed of large stones joined with earth, which rises to a height of
seven feet and is twenty-three feet broad; its temperature is 62.6°
Fahrenheit. In front of these two springs there are six stone troughs,
which are placed in such a manner that the superfluous water always
runs from the first trough through all the others. It is extremely
probable that these are the two springs mentioned by Homer, beside
which Hector was killed.
"'They (Hector and Achilles) in flight and pursuit,
They by the watch-tower, and beneath the wall
Where stood the wind-beat fig-tree, raced amain
Along the public road, until they reached
The fairly-flowing founts, whence issued forth,
From double source, Scamander's eddying streams.
One with hot current flows, and from beneath,
As from a furnace, clouds of steam arise;
'Mid Summer's heat the other rises cold
As hail, or snow, or water crystallized;
Beside the fountains stood the washing-troughs
Of well-wrought stone, where erst the wives of Troy
And daughters fair their choicest garments washed,
In peaceful times, ere came the sons of Greece.'
"In this new excavation I find four earthen pipes, from eighteen and
three-quarters to twenty-two and one-quarter inches long, and from
six and one-half to eleven and three-quarters inches thick, laid
together for conducting water, which was brought from a distance of
about seven miles from the upper Thymbrius. This river is now called
the Kemar, from the Greek word kamara (vault), because an aqueduct of
the Roman period crosses its lower course by a large arch. This
aqueduct formerly supplied Ilium with drinking water from the upper
portion of the river. But the Pergamus required special aqueducts, for
it lies higher than the city.
[Illustration: ELEGANT BROOCH OF TROY.]
"Unfortunately upon none of the articles of the Treasure of Priam are
there found any inscriptions or any religious symbols except 100 idols
of the Homeric 'owl-faced goddess Athene.' (Thea glaukopis Athene)
which glitter upon the two diadems and the four ear-rings. These are,
however, an undeniable proof that the Treasure belongs to the city and
to the age of which Homer sings."
The question asked is: Has Schliemann found any inscriptions which
throw the certain light of written testimony on the language, the
history and social condition, the religion, science and literature of
the old inhabitants of the hill, whose records form as yet no part of
ancient history? Upon this point very little satisfaction can be
given, yet the people of ancient Troy did have a written language. At
a depth of twenty-six feet, in the royal palace, a vase with an
inscription was found. One of the letters resembles the Greek P. This
same letter occurs on a seal found at a depth of twenty-three feet;
two other letters of this inscription occurred on one other
terra-cotta, likewise found at a depth of twenty-three feet.
To Dr. Martin Haug belongs the honor of first deciphering the Trojan
inscriptions on the above-mentioned vase. He, not without much
research, interpreted it as a dedication "To the divine Sigo," a deity
whose name was found in Sigeum. The transmutation, however, seemed
forced; and, while Haug was right in his method, his results were
pronounced at best,
"Fragments of broken words and thoughts,
Yet glimpses of the true."
Prof. T. Gomperz, of Vienna, after making one correction in Haug's
reading, still found it unsatisfactory, till the thought struck him of
reading it from right to left round the vase, instead of from left to
right, when the confused syllables flashed, as by sudden
crystallization, into the pure Greek, and read: "To the divine
Prince."
Another inscription was found which Prof. Max Muller read as the very
name of ILION. Others were found which are not as yet interpreted.
[Illustration: LAMP FOUND AT TROY.]
[Page Decoration]
NINEVEH AND BABYLON.
Far away from the highways of modern commerce and the tracks of
ordinary travel lay a city buried in the sandy earth of a half-desert
Turkish province, with no trace of its place of sepulture. Vague
tradition said it was hidden somewhere near the river Tigris; but for
a long series of ages its existence in the world was a mere name--a
word. That name suggested the idea of an ancient capital of fabulous
splendor and magnitude; a congregation of palaces and temples,
encompassed by vast walls and ramparts--of "the rejoicing city that
dwelt carelessly; that said in her heart, I am, and there is none
beside me," and which was to become "a desolation and dry like a
wilderness."
More than two thousand years had it lain in its unknown grave, when a
French _savant_ and a wandering scholar sought the seat of the once
powerful empire, and searching till they found the dead city, threw
off its shroud of sand and ruin, and revealed once more to an
astonished and curious world the temples, the palaces, and the idols;
the representations of war and the chase, of the cruelties and
luxuries of the ancient Assyrians. The Nineveh of Scripture, the
Nineveh of the oldest historians; the Nineveh--twin sister of
Babylon--glorying in pomp and power, all traces of which were believed
to be gone; the Nineveh in which the captive tribes of Israel had
labored and wept, and against which the words of prophecy had gone
forth, was, after a sleep of twenty centuries, again brought to
light. The proofs of ancient splendor were again beheld by living
eyes, and by the skill of draftsmen and the pen of antiquarian
travelers made known and preserved to the world.
In the history of Jonah's visit, Nineveh is twice described as "that
great city," and again as an "exceedingly great city of three days'
journey."
The measurement assigned to Nineveh by the sacred writer applies,
without doubt, to its circuit, and gives a circumference of about
sixty miles.
None of the historical books of the Old Testament give any details
respecting Nineveh. The prophets, however, make frequent incidental
allusion to its magnificence, to the "fenced place," the "stronghold,"
the "valiant men and chariots," the "silver and gold," the "pleasant
furniture," "carved lintels and cedar work." Zephaniah, who wrote
about twenty-four years before the fall of Nineveh, says of it:
"This is the rejoicing city that dwelt carelessly;
That said in her heart, 'I am, and there is none beside me.'"
The ruins of Nineveh were virtually unknown to the ancient classical
writers, though we gather from all of them that it was one of the
oldest, most powerful and most splendid cities in the world; that it
perished utterly many hundred years before the Christian Era; and that
after its fall Babylon became the capital of the Assyrian empire,
which finally grew still greater and mightier. On examining their
details, we find names confounded, incidents transposed, and
chronology by turns confused, extended or inverted. Difficulties of
another and more peculiar kind beset this path of inquiry, of which it
will suffice to instance one illustration--proper names, those fixed
points in history around which the achievements or sufferings of its
heroes cluster, are constantly shifting in the Assyrian nomenclature;
both men and gods being designated, not by a word composed of certain
fixed sounds or signs, but by all the various expressions equivalent
to it in meaning, whether consisting of a synonym or a phrase. Hence
we find that the names furnished by classic authors generally have
little or no analogy with the Assyrian, as the Greeks generally
construed the proper names of other countries according to the genius
of their own language, and not unfrequently translated the original
name into it. Herodotus, however, though he mentions but one Assyrian
king, gives his true name, Sennacherib.
The immense mounds of brick and rubbish which marked the presumed
sites of Babylon and Nineveh had been used as quarries by the
inhabitants of the surrounding country, from time immemorial, without
disclosing to other eyes than those of the wild occupier of the soil
the monuments they must have served to support or cover. Though
carefully explored by Niebuhr and Claudius James Rich, no other traces
of buildings than a few portions of walls, of which they could not
understand the plan, had been presented; if, however, the
investigations of these travelers produced few immediate results, the
first-named certainly has the merit of being the first to break the
ground, and by his intelligence, to have awakened the enterprise of
others. Rich, who was the East India Company's resident at Baghdad,
employed his leisure in the investigation of the antiquities of
Assyria. He gave his first attention to Babylon, on which he wrote a
paper, originally published in Germany--his countrymen apparently
taking less interest in such matters than did the scholars of Vienna.
In a note to a second memoir on Babylon, printed in London in 1818, we
find Nineveh thus alluded to by Rich. He says: "Opposite the town of
Mosul is an enclosure of rectangular form, corresponding with the
cardinal points of the compass; the eastern and western sides being
the longest, the latter facing the river. The area, which is now
cultivated, and offers no vestiges of building, is too small to have
contained a town larger than Mosul, but it may be supposed to answer
to the palace of Nineveh. The boundary, which may be perfectly traced
all round, now looks like an embankment of earth or rubbish, of small
elevation; and has attached to it, and in its line, at several places,
mounds of greater size and solidity. The first of these forms the
southwest angle, and on it is built the village of Nebbi Younis, the
prophet's tomb (described and delineated by Niebuhr as Nurica), where
they show the tomb of the prophet Jonah, much revered by the
Mohammedans. The next, and largest of all, is the one which may be
supposed to be the monument of Ninus. It is situated near the centre
of the western face of the enclosure, and is joined like the others by
the boundary wall;--the natives call it Kouyunjik Tepe. Its form is
that of a truncated pyramid, with regular steep sides and a flat top;
it is composed, as I ascertained from some excavations, of stones and
earth, the latter predominating sufficiently to admit of the summit
being cultivated by the inhabitants of the village of Kouyunjik, which
is built on it at the northeast extremity. The only means I had, at
the time I visited it, of ascertaining its dimensions, was by a cord
which I procured from Mosul. This gave 178 feet for the greatest
height, 1,850 feet for the length of the summit east and west, and
1,147 for its breadth north and south.
This mound has revealed the grandest and most stupendous remains of
ancient Neneveh. Within the boundaries of ancient walls there are many
mounds and elevations. All of them are artificial and are caused by
the remains of the ancient structures. Mound Nimroud is about four
miles in circumference at its base, on the top of which is a great
pyramid mound 777 feet in circumference and 144-1/2 feet high.
M. Botta distinctly traced the walls of an enclosure forming nearly a
perfect square, two sides of which are 5,750 feet, the other 5,400, or
rather more than a mile each way, all the four angles being right
angles, which face the cardinal points. M. Botta commenced researches
in the mound of Kouyunjik in 1842, and, meeting with little success,
he abandoned his excavations in the following year.
[Illustration: PALACE OF SENNACHERIB.
_Discovered in a mound 1850 feet long, 1145 feet wide, and 178
feet high._]
Layard, in 1846, opened some trenches in the southern face of the
mound, but, at that time, without any important results. At a
subsequent period he made some inquiries respecting the bas-relief
described by Rich, and the spot where it was discovered having been
pointed out to him in the northern group of ruins, he opened trenches,
but, not finding any traces of sculptures, discontinued his
operations.
Upon completing his labors at Nimroud, in 1847, Layard determined on
making some farther researches at Kouyunjik. He commenced at the
southwestern corner, and not only discovered the remains of a palace,
which had been destroyed by fire, but, within the short space of a
month, had explored nine of its chambers. All the chambers were long
and narrow, and the walls lined with bas-reliefs of larger size than
most of those he had found at Nimroud. The slabs were not divided by
bands of inscription, but were covered with figures scattered
promiscuously over the entire surface, all the details being carefully
and delicately executed. The winged human-headed bulls at the
entrances resembled those found at Khorsabad and Persepolis in the
forms of the head-dress, and feathered cap; and the costumes of the
figures in general were also like those found at Khorsabad. The period
of the palace was conjectured to be between those of Khorsabad and
Nimroud. After Mr. Layard had left Mosul, Mr. Ross continued the
excavations, and discovered several additional bas-reliefs--an
entrance, which had been formed of four sphinxes, and a very large
square slab, which he conjectured to be a dais or altar, like that
found at Nimroud.
Here he found a chamber lined with sculptured slabs, divided, like
those of Khorsabad and Nimroud, by bands of inscription. He also
found, at the foot of the mound, a monument about three feet high, and
rounded at the top, containing a figure with a long cuneiform
inscription, and above it various sacred emblems. When discovered it
was supported by brickwork, and near it was a sarcophagus in baked
clay.
On the departure of Mr. Ross from Mosul the excavations were placed
under the charge of Mr. Rassam, the English consul, with power to
employ a small body of men, so as not to entirely abandon possession
of the spot.
Layard says: "During a short period several discoveries of the
greatest interest and importance were made, both at Kouyunjik and
Nimroud. I will first describe the results of the excavations in the
ruins opposite Mosul.
"Shortly before my departure for Europe, in 1848, the forepart of a
human-headed bull of colossal dimensions had been uncovered on the
east side of the Kouyunjik Palace. This sculpture then appeared to
form one side of an entrance or doorway. The excavations had, however,
been abandoned before any attempt could be made to ascertain the fact.
On my return a tunnel, nearly 100 feet in length, was opened at right
angles to the winged bull, but without coming upon any other remains
but a pavement of square limestone slabs, which continued as far as
the excavation was carried.
"On uncovering the bull, which was still partly buried in the rubbish,
it was found that adjoining it were other sculptures, and that it
formed part of an exterior facade. The upper half of the slab had been
destroyed; upon the lower was part of the figure of the Assyrian
Hercules strangling the lion, similar to that discovered between the
bulls in the propylæa of Khorsabad, and now in the Louvre. The hinder
part of the lion was still preserved. The legs, feet, and drapery of
the god were in the boldest relief, and designed with great truth and
vigor. Beyond this figure, in the same line, was a second bull. Then
came a wide portal, guarded by a pair of winged bulls twenty feet
long, and probably, when entire, more than twenty feet high, and two
gigantic winged figures in low relief. Flanking them were two smaller
figures, one above the other. Beyond this entrance the facade was
continued by a group similar to that on the opposite side by a smaller
entrance into the palace and by a wall of sculptured slabs; then all
traces of building and sculpture ceased near the edge of a water-worn
ravine.
"Thus, part of the facade of the southeast side of the palace, forming
apparently the grand entrance to the edifice, had been discovered. Ten
colossal bulls, with six human figures of gigantic proportions,
altogether 180 feet in length, were here grouped together. Although
the bas-reliefs to the right of the entrance had apparently been
purposely destroyed with a sharp instrument, enough remained to allow
me to trace their subject. They had represented the conquest of a
district, probably part of Babylonia, watered by a broad river and
wooded with palms, spearmen on foot in combat with Assyrian horsemen,
castles besieged, long lines of prisoners, and beasts of burden
carrying away the spoil. Amongst various animals brought as tribute to
the conquerors could be distinguished a lion led by a chain. There
were no remains whatever of the superstructure which once rose above
the colossi, guarding this magnificent entrance.
"Although the upper part of the winged bulls was destroyed,
fortunately the lower part, and, consequently, the inscriptions, had
been more or less preserved. To this fact we owe the recovery of some
of the most precious records of the ancient world.
"On the two great bulls forming the center entrance was one continuous
inscription, injured in parts, but still so far preserved as to be
legible almost throughout. It contained 152 lines. On the four bulls
of the facade were two inscriptions, one inscription being carried
over each pair, and the two being precisely of the same import. These
two different inscriptions complete the annals of six years of the
reign of Sennacherib, and contain numerous particulars connected with
the religion of the Assyrians, their gods, their temples, and the
erection of their palaces. We gather from them that, in the third year
of his reign, Sennacherib turned his arms against Merodach-Baladan,
king of Babylon, whom he entirely defeated, capturing his cities and a
large amount of spoil. The fourth year appears to have been chiefly
taken up with expeditions against the inhabitants of the mountainous
regions to the north and east of Assyria. In the fifth he crossed the
Euphrates into Syria, the inhabitants of which country are called by
their familiar Biblical name of Hittites. He first took possession of
Phœnicia, which was abandoned by its King Luliya (the Eululæus of the
Greeks). He then restored to his throne Padiya, or Padi, king of
Ekron, and a tributary of Assyria, who had been deposed by his
subjects and given over to Hezekiah, king of Jerusalem. The king of
Ethiopia and Egypt sent a powerful army to the assistance of the
people of Ekron, but it was entirely defeated by Sennacherib, who
afterwards marched against Hezekiah, probably to punish him for having
imprisoned Padiya. The inscriptions record this expedition, according
to the translation of the late Dr. Hincks, in the following
term:--'Hezekiah, king of Judah, who had not submitted to my
authority, forty-six of his principal cities, and fortresses and
villages depending upon them, of which I took no account, I captured
and carried away their spoil. I _shut up_ (?) himself within
Jerusalem, his capital city. The fortified towns, and the rest of his
towns, which I spoiled, I severed from his country, and gave to the
kings of Ascalon, Ekron, and Gaza, so as to make his country small. In
addition to the former tribute imposed upon their countries, I added a
tribute, the nature of which I fixed.' The next passage is somewhat
illegible, but the substance of it appears to be, that he took from
Hezekiah the treasure he had collected in Jerusalem, thirty talents of
gold and eight hundred talents of silver, the treasures of his
palace, besides his sons and his daughters, and his male and female
servants or slaves, and brought them all to Nineveh. This city itself,
however, he does not pretend to have taken.
"The translation of this passage by Sir H. Rawlinson varies in some
particulars from that given in the text. It is as follows: 'Because
Hezekiah, king of Judah, would not submit to my yoke I came up against
him, and by force of arms, and by the might of my power I took
forty-six of his fenced cities; and of the smaller towns which were
scattered about I took and plundered a countless number. And from
these places I captured and carried off, as spoil, 200,150 people, old
and young, male and female, together with horses and mares, asses and
camels, oxen and sheep, a countless multitude. And Hezekiah himself I
shut up in Jerusalem, his capital city, like a bird in a cage,
building towers around the city to hem him in, and raising banks of
earth against the gates, so as to prevent escape. * * * * Then upon
this Hezekiah there fell the fear of the power of my arms, and he sent
out to me the chiefs and the elders of Jerusalem with thirty talents
of gold and eight hundred talents of silver, and divers treasures, a
rich and immense booty. * * * * All these things were brought to me at
Nineveh, the seat of my government, Hezekiah having sent them by way
of tribute, and as a token of his submission to my power.'
"There can be no doubt that the campaign against the cities of
Palestine, recorded in the inscriptions of Sennacherib in this palace,
is that described in the Old Testament; and it is of great interest,
therefore, to compare the two accounts, which will be found to agree
in the principal incidents mentioned to a very remarkable extent. In
the Second Book of Kings it is said--'Now, in the fourteenth year of
king Hezekiah did Sennacherib, king of Assyria, come up against all
the fenced cities of Judah, and took them. And Hezekiah, king of
Judah, sent to the king of Assyria, to Lachish, saying, I have
offended; return from me; that which thou puttest on me will I bear.
And the king of Assyria appointed unto Hezekiah three hundred talents
of silver and thirty talents of gold. And Hezekiah gave him all the
silver that was found in the house of the Lord and in the treasures of
the king's house. At that time did Hezekiah cut off [_the gold from_]
the doors of the temple of the Lord, and [_from_] the pillars which
Hezekiah, king of Judah, had overlaid, and gave it to the king of
Assyria.'"
When Mr. Layard revisited Kouyunjik in 1849, there were no vestiges of
the sculptured walls discovered two years previously. The more recent
trenches, however, dug under the superintendence of Mr. Ross, were
still open; and the workmen employed by direction of the British
Museum had run tunnels along the walls within the mound, to save the
trouble of clearing away the soil, which had accumulated to a depth of
thirty feet above the ruins. Under the direction of Layard, the
excavations were resumed with great spirit, and before the lapse of
many weeks, several chambers had been entered, and numerous
bas-reliefs discovered. One hall, 124 feet by 90 feet, appears, says
Layard, "to have formed a center, around which the principal chambers
in this part of the palace were grouped. Its walls had been completely
covered with the most elaborate and highly-finished sculptures.
Unfortunately, all the bas-reliefs, as well as the gigantic monsters
at the entrances, had suffered more or less from the fire which had
destroyed the edifice; but enough of them still remained to show the
subject, and even to enable him, in many places, to restore it
entirely."
Continuing his discoveries in the mound, Layard "opened no less than
seventy-one halls and chambers, also passages, whose walls, almost
without an exception, had been paneled with slabs of sculptured
alabaster, recording the wars, the triumphs, and the great deeds of
the Assyrian king. By a rough calculation, about 9,880 feet, or
nearly two miles of bas-reliefs, with twenty-seven portals formed by
colossal winged bulls and lion sphinxes, were uncovered in that part
alone of the building explored during his researches. The cut on page
435 shows some of them. The greatest length of the excavations was
about 720 feet, the greatest breadth about 600 feet. The pavement of
the chambers was from twenty to thirty-five feet below the surface of
the mound. The measurements merely include that part of the palace
actually excavated."
[Illustration: DISCOVERED IN THE PALACE.
EXPLANATION OF CUT.
1.} Figures from the portal of the palace of Sennacherib, having
2.} the forms of winged bulls with human heads, bearing crowns.
3. King Sennacherib on his throne. A sculpture found at Nimroud,
dating from the 7th century Before Christ.
4. A king on the hunt.
5. The storming of a fortress. In the foreground are two
warriors clad in armor, helmeted and heavily armed with
swords and spears.
6.} Vases of glass and alabaster engraved with the word Sargon.
7.} From Nimroud.
8. Vessel of glazed earthenware--, found at Babel.
9. Bronze drinking cup ornamented with the head of an animal.
10. Lamp of earthenware.
11. Stuff woven in patterns of Assyrian style. From relief at
Nimroud.
12. Table formed of fragments of sculptures found at Nimroud.
13.}
14.} Swords.
15.}
16. Bent sword.
17. Double edged ax.
18. Spear.
19. Quiver filled with arrows and elaborately sculptured.
20. Bow.
21.}
22.} Daggers and knife in one case.
23.}
24. Helmet.
25. Round shield such as was borne by foot soldiers.
26. Breastplate of a knight of high degree.
27. Parasol found at Nimroud. (Now in British Museum.)
28. Ear-ring of gold.
29.}
30.}
31.} Bracelets of gold.
32.}
33.{
34.{ Diadems.
35. Wall painting representing lions.]
Most of the sculptures discovered in this hall and group of chambers
have been deposited in the British Museum.
For the more recent collection of sculptures which have been brought
to light, we are indebted to Mr. Hormuzd Rassam, a native of Mosul,
and a friend and colleague of Layard; and to Mr. William Kennet
Loftus, the agent of the Assyrian excavation fund. In 1852, Mr. Rassam
was appointed by the Trustees of the British Museum to take charge of
the excavations at Nineveh. For more than a year his researches were
nearly fruitless, when, at length, just as his appointment was about
to terminate, he turned again to a previously-abandoned trench in the
north side of the mound, and was almost immediately rewarded by the
discovery of numerous chambers and passages, covered with a variety of
bas-reliefs in an excellent state of preservation, having suffered
less injury from fire than those of the other palaces. In one room was
a lion hunt, in a continuous series of twenty-three slabs, with but
one interval. The other slabs represented exteriors of palaces,
gardens, battles, sieges, processions, etc., the whole forming the
decorations of what must have been a splendid palace.
Subsequently, in 1854, at the instance of Sir Henry Rawlinson, Mr.
Loftus and his coadjutor, Mr. Boutcher, transferred their operations
from South Babylonia to Nineveh. At first Mr. Loftus' excavations were
unsuccessful, but about the beginning of August he discovered the
remains of a building on a level twenty feet lower than the palace
that Mr. Rassam was exploring, and which proved to be a lower terrace
of the same building, even more highly elaborated and in better
preservation than those previously discovered in the ruins. At the
entrance of an ascending passage there was also found a "mass of
solid masonry--apparently the pier of an arch--the springing of which
is formed by projecting horizontal layers of limestone."
Mr. Loftus, in his Report of the 9th of October, observes: "The
excavations carried on at the western angle of the North Palace,
Kouyunjik, continue to reveal many interesting and important facts,
and to determine several points which were previously doubtful.
"1. The existence of an outer basement wall of roughly cut stone
blocks, supporting a mud wall, upon which white plaster still remains,
and from which painted bricks have fallen. 2. At the corner of the
palace, and at a considerable distance from the principal chambers, is
an entrance hall, with column bases, precisely as we see them
represented in the sculptures. 3. Above this entrance hall and its
adjoining chambers, there was formerly another story, the first upper
rooms yet discovered in Assyria. This, with its sculptured slabs, has
fallen into the rooms below. 4. The various sculptures here
disinterred are the works of four, if not five, different artists,
whose styles are distinctly visible. It is evident that this portion
of the edifice has been willfully destroyed, the woodwork burned, and
the slabs broken to pieces. The faces of all the principal figures are
slightly injured by blows of the ax."
This highly interesting series of bas-reliefs, which has now been
placed in a lower chamber in the British Museum, consequently
represents the siege and capture of Lachish, as described in the
Second Book of Kings, and in the inscriptions on the human-headed
bulls. Sennacherib himself is seen seated on his throne, and receiving
the submission of the inhabitants of the city, whilst he had sent his
generals to demand the tribute of payment from Hezekiah. The defenders
of the castle walls and the prisoners tortured and crouching at the
conqueror's feet are Jews, and the sculptor has evidently endeavored
to indicate the peculiar physiognomy of the race, and the dress of the
people.
The value of this discovery can scarcely be overrated. Whilst we have
thus the representations of an event recorded in the Old Testament, of
which consequently these bas-reliefs furnish a most interesting and
important illustration, they serve to a certain extent to test the
accuracy of the interpretation of the cuneiform inscriptions, and to
remove any doubt that might still exist as to the identification of
the King who built the palace on the mound of Kouyunjik with the
Sennacherib of Scripture. Had these bas-reliefs been the only remains
dug up from the ruins of Nineveh, the labor of the explorer would have
been amply rewarded, and the sum expended by the nation on the
excavations more than justified. They furnish, together with the
inscriptions which they illustrate, and which are also now deposited
in the national collection, the most valuable cotemporary historical
record possessed by any museum in the world. They may be said to be
the actual manuscript, caused to be written or carved by the principal
actor in the events which it relates. Who would have believed it
probable or possible, before these discoveries were made, that beneath
the heap of earth and rubbish which marked the site of Nineveh, there
would be found the history of the wars between Hezekiah and
Sennacherib, written at the very time when they took place by
Sennacherib himself and confirming even in minute details the Biblical
record? He who would have ventured to predict such a discovery would
have been treated as a dreamer or an impostor. Had it been known that
such a monument really existed, what sum would have been considered
too great for the precious record?
A few remarks are necessary on the architecture and architectural
decorations, external and internal of the Assyrian palaces. The
inscriptions on their walls, especially on those of Kouyunjik and
Khorsabad, appear to contain important and even minute details not
only as to their general plan and mode of construction, but even as to
the materials employed for their different parts, and for the objects
of sculpture and ornaments placed in them. (Capt. Jones calculated
that the mound of Kouyunjik contains 14,500,000 tons of earth, and
that its construction would have taken 10,000 men for twelve years.)
This fact furnishes another remarkable analogy between the records of
the Jewish and Assyrian kings. To the history of their monarchs and of
their nation, the Hebrew chroniclers have added a full account of the
building and ornaments of the temple and palaces of Solomon. In both
cases, from the use of technical words, we can scarcely hope to
understand, with any degree of certainty, all the details. It is
impossible to comprehend, by the help of the description alone, the
plan or appearance of the temple of Solomon. This arises not only from
our being unacquainted with the exact meaning of various Hebrew
architectural terms, but also from the difficulty experienced even in
ordinary cases, of restoring from mere description an edifice of any
kind. In the Assyrian inscriptions we labor, of course, under still
greater disadvantages. The language in which they were written is as
yet but very imperfectly known, and although we may be able to explain
with some confidence the general meaning of the historical paragraphs,
yet when we come to technical words relating to architecture, even
with a very intimate acquaintance with the Assyrian tongue, we could
scarcely hope to ascertain their precise signification. On the other
hand, the materials, and the general plan of the Assyrian palaces are
still preserved, whilst of the great edifices of the Jews, not a
fragment of masonry, nor the smallest traces, are probably left to
guide us. But, as Mr. Fergusson has shown, the architecture of the one
people may be illustrated by that of the other. With the help of the
sacred books, and of the ruins of the palaces of Nineveh, together
with those of cotemporary and after remains, as well as from customs
still existing in the East, we may, to a certain extent, ascertain the
principal architectural features of the buildings of both nations.
Before suggesting a general restoration of the royal edifices of
Nineveh, we shall endeavor to point out the analogies which appear to
exist between their actual remains and what is recorded of the temple
and palaces of Solomon. In the first place, as Sennacherib in his
inscriptions declares himself to have done, the Jewish king sent the
bearers of burdens and the hewers into the mountains to bring great
stones, costly stones, and hewed stones, to lay the foundations, which
were probably artificial platforms, resembling the Assyrian mounds,
though constructed of more solid materials. We have the remains of
such a terrace or stage of stone masonry, perhaps built by King
Solomon himself, at Baalbec. The enormous size of some of the hewn
stones in that structure, and of those still remaining in the
quarries, some of which are more than sixty feet long, has excited the
wonder of modern travelers. The dimensions of the temple of Jerusalem,
threescore cubits long, twenty broad, and thirty high, were much
smaller than those of the great edifices explored in Assyria.
Solomon's own palace, however, appears to have been considerably
larger, and to have more nearly approached in its proportions those of
the kings of Nineveh, for it was one hundred cubits long, fifty broad
and thirty high. "The porch before the temple," twenty cubits by ten,
may have been a propylæum, such as was discovered at Khorsabad in
front of the palace. The chambers, with the exception of the oracle,
were exceedingly small, the largest being only seven cubits broad,
"for without, _in the wall_ of the house, he made numerous rests round
about, that _the beams_ should not be fastened in the walls of the
house." The words in italics are inserted in our version to make good
the sense, and may consequently not convey the exact meaning, which
may be, that these apartments were thus narrow in order that the beams
might be supported without the use of pillars, a reason already
suggested for the narrowness of the greater number of chambers in the
Assyrian palaces. These smaller rooms appear to have been built round
a large central hall called the oracle, the whole arrangement thus
corresponding with the courts, halls, and surrounding rooms at
Nimroud, Khorsabad, and Kouyunjik. The oracle was twenty cubits
square, smaller far in dimensions than the Nineveh halls; but it was
twenty cubits _high_--an important fact, illustrative of Assyrian
architecture, for as the building itself was thirty cubits in height
the oracle must not only have been much loftier than the adjoining
chambers, but must have had an upper structure of ten cubits. Within
it were the two cherubim of olive wood ten cubits high, with wings
each five cubits long--"and he carved all the house around with carved
figures of cherubim and palm trees, and open flowers, within and
without." The cherubim have been described by Biblical commentators as
mythic figures, uniting the human head with the body of a lion, or an
ox, and the wings of an eagle. If for the palm trees we substitute the
sacred trees of the Nineveh sculptures, and for the open flowers the
Assyrian tulip-shaped ornament--objects most probably very nearly
resembling each other--we find that the oracle of the temple was
almost identical, in the general form of its ornaments, with some of
the chambers of Nimroud and Khorsabad. In the Assyrian halls, too, the
winged human-headed bulls were on the side of the wall, and their
wings, like those of the cherubim, "touched one another in the midst
of the house." The dimensions of these figures were in some cases
nearly the same in the Jewish and Assyrian temples, namely, fifteen
feet square. The doors were also carved with cherubim and palm trees,
and open flowers; and thus, with the other parts of the building,
corresponded with those of the Assyrian palaces. On the walls at
Nineveh the only addition appears to have been the introduction of the
human form and the image of the king, which were an abomination to the
Jews. The pomegranates and lilies of Solomon's temple must have been
nearly identical with the usual Assyrian ornament, in which, and
particularly at Khorsabad, the promegranate frequently takes the place
of the tulip and the cune.
But the description given by Josephus of the interior of one of
Solomon's houses still more completely corresponds with and
illustrates the chambers in the palaces of Nineveh. "Solomon built
some of these (houses) with stones of ten cubits, and wainscoted the
walls with other stones that were sawed, and were of great value, such
as were dug out of the bowels of the earth, for ornaments of temples,"
etc. The arrangement of the curious workmanship of these stones was in
three rows; but the fourth was pre-eminent for the beauty of its
sculpture, for on it were represented trees and all sorts of plants,
with the shadows caused by their branches and the leaves that hung
down from them. These trees and plants covered the stone that was
beneath them, and their leaves were wrought so wonderfully thin and
subtle that they appeared almost in motion; but the rest of the wall,
up to the roof, was plastered over, and, as it were, wrought over with
various colors and pictures.
To complete the analogy between the two edifices, it would appear that
Solomon was seven years building his temple, and Sennacherib about the
same time in erecting his great palace at Kouyunjik.
The ceiling, roof, and beams of the Jewish temple were of cedar wood.
The discoveries of the ruins at Nimroud show that the same precious
wood was used in Assyrian edifices; and the king of Nineveh, as we
learn from the inscriptions, sent men, precisely as Solomon had done,
to cut it in Mount Lebanon. Fir was also employed in the Jewish
buildings, and probably in those of Assyria.
In order to understand the proposed restoration of the palace at
Kouyunjik from the existing remains, the reader must refer to the cut,
on page 427, of the excavated ruins. It will be remembered that the
building does not face the cardinal points of the compass. We will,
however, assume, for convenience sake that it stands due north and
south. To the south, therefore, it immediately overlooked the Tigris;
and on that side rose one of the principal facades. The edifice must
have stood on the very edge of the platform, the foot of which was at
that time washed by the river, which had five massive staircases
leading to the river. Although from the fact of there having been a
grand entrance to the palace on the east side, it is highly probable
that some such approach once existed on the west side, yet no remains
whatever of it have been discovered. The northern facade, like the
southern, was formed by five pairs of human-headed bulls, and numerous
colossal figures, forming three distinct gateways.
The principal approach to the palace appears, however, to have been on
the eastern side, where the great bulls bearing the annals of
Sennacherib were discovered. In the cut we have been able, by the
assistance of Mr. Fergusson, to give a restoration of this magnificent
palace and entrances. Inclined ways, or broad flights of steps, appear
to have led up to it from the foot of the platform, and the remains of
them, consisting of huge squared stones, are still in the ravines,
which are but ancient ascents, deepened by the winter rains of
centuries. From this grand entrance direct access could be had to all
the principal halls and chambers in the palace; that on the western
face, as appears from the ruins, only opened into a set of eight
rooms.
The chambers hitherto explored appear to have been grouped round three
great courts or halls. It must be borne in mind, however, that the
palace extends considerably to the northeast of the grand entrance,
and that there may have been another hall, and similar dependent
chambers in that part of the edifice. Only a part of the palace has
been hitherto excavated, and we are not, consequently, in possession
of a perfect ground-plan of it.
The general arrangement of the chambers at Kouyunjik is similar to
that at Khorsabad, though the extent of the building is very much
greater. The Khorsabad mound falls gradually to the level of the
plain, and there are the remains of a succession of broad terraces or
stages. Parts of the palace, such as the propylæa, were actually
beneath the platform, and stood at some distance from it in the midst
of the walled enclosure. At Kouyunjik, however, the whole of the royal
edifice, with its dependent buildings, appears to have stood on the
summit of the artificial mound, whose lofty perpendicular sides could
only have been accessible by steps, or inclined ways. No propylæa, or
other edifices connected with the palace, have as yet been discovered
below the platform.
The inscriptions, it is said, refer to four distinct parts of the
palace, three of which, inhabited by the women, seem subsequently to
have been reduced to one. It is not clear whether they were all on the
ground-floor, or whether they formed different stories. Mr. Fergusson,
in his ingenious work on the restoration of the palaces of Nineveh, in
which he has, with great learning and research, fully examined the
subject of the architecture of the Assyrians and ancient Persians,
endeavors to divide the Khorsabad palace, after the manner of modern
Mussulman houses, into the Salamlik or apartments of the men, and the
Harem, or those of the women. The division he suggests must, of
course, depend upon analogy and conjecture; but it may, we think, be
accepted as highly probable, until fuller and more accurate
translations of the inscriptions than can yet be made may furnish us
with some positive data on the subject. In the ruins of Kouyunjik
there is nothing, as far as we are aware, to mark the distinction
between the male and female apartments. Of a temple no remains have as
yet been found at Kouyunjik, nor is there any high conical mound as at
Nimroud and Khorsabad.
[Illustration: VIEW OF A HALL.
(_Of which 71 were discovered in the Palace._)]
In all the Assyrian edifices hitherto explored we find the same
general plan. On the four sides of the great courts or halls are two
or three narrow parallel chambers opening one into the other. Most of
them have doorways at each end leading into smaller rooms, which have
no other outlet. It seems highly probable that this uniform plan was
adopted with reference to the peculiar architectural arrangements
required by the building, and we agree with Mr. Fergusson in
attributing it to the mode resorted to for lighting the apartments.
Early excavators expressed a belief that the chambers received light
from the top. Although this may have been the case in some instances,
yet recent discoveries now prove that the Assyrian palaces had more
than one story. Such being the case, it is evident that other means
must have been adopted to admit light to the inner rooms on the
ground-floor. Mr. Fergusson's suggestion, that the upper part of the
halls and principal chambers was formed by a row of pillars supporting
the ceiling and admitting a free circulation of light and air, appears
to us to meet, to a certain extent, the difficulty. It has, moreover,
been borne out by subsequent discoveries, and by the representation of
a large building, apparently a palace, on one side of the bas-reliefs
from Kouyunjik.
Although the larger halls may have been lighted in this manner, yet
the inner chambers must have remained in almost entire darkness. And
it is not improbable that such was the case, to judge from modern
Eastern houses, in which the rooms are purposely kept dark to mitigate
the great heat. The sculptures and decorations in them could then only
be properly seen by torchlight. The great courts were probably open to
the sky, like the courts of the modern houses of Mosul, whose walls
are also adorned with sculptured alabaster. The roofs of the large
halls must have been supported by pillars of wood or brick work. It
may be conjectured that there were two or three stories of chambers
opening into them, either by columns or by windows. Such appears to
have been the case in Solomon's temple; for Josephus tells us that the
great inner sanctuary was surrounded by small rooms, "over these rooms
were other rooms, and others above them, equal both in their measure
and numbers, and these reached to a height equal to the _lower part_
of the house, for the upper had no buildings about it." We have also a
similar arrangement of chambers in the modern houses of Persia, in
which a lofty central hall, called the Iwan, of the entire height of
the building, has small rooms in two or three separate stories opening
by windows into it, whilst the inner chambers have no windows at all,
and only receive light through the door. Sometimes these side chambers
open into a center court, as we have suggested may have been the case
in the Nineveh palaces, and then a projecting roof of woodwork
protects the carved and painted walls from injury by the weather.
Curtains and awnings were no doubt suspended above the windows and
entrances in the Assyrian palaces to ward off the rays of the sun.
Although the remains of pillars have hitherto been discovered in the
Assyrian ruins, we now think it highly probable, as suggested by Mr.
Fergusson, that they were used to support the roof. The modern Yezidi
house, in the Sinjar, is a good illustration not only of this mode of
supporting the ceiling, but of the manner in which light may have been
admitted into the side chambers. It is curious, however, that no stone
pedestals, upon which wooden columns may have rested, have been found
in the ruins; nor have marks of them been found on the pavement. We
can scarcely account for the entire absence of all such traces.
However, unless some support of this kind were resorted to, it is
impossible that the larger halls at Kouyunjik could have been covered
in. The great hall, or house, as it is rendered in the Bible, of the
forest of Lebanon was thirty cubits high, upon four rows of cedar
pillars with cedar beams upon the pillars. The Assyrian kings, as we
have seen, cut wood in the same forests as King Solomon; and probably
used it for the same purpose, namely, for pillars, beams and ceilings.
The dimensions of this hall, 100 cubits (about 150 feet) by 50 cubits
(75 feet), very much resemble those of the center halls of the palaces
of Nineveh. "The porch of pillars" was fifty cubits in length; equal,
therefore, to the breadth of the hall, of which, we presume, it was a
kind of inclosed space at the upper end, whilst "the porch for the
throne where he might judge, even the porch of judgment * * * *
covered with cedar wood from one side of the floor to the other," was
probably a raised place within it, corresponding with a similar
platform where the host and guests of honor are seated in a modern
Eastern house. Supposing the three parts of the building to have been
arranged as we have suggested, we should have an exact counterpart of
them in the hall of audience of the Persian palaces. The upper part of
the magnificent hall in which we have frequently seen the governor of
Isfahan, was divided from the lower part by columns, and his throne
was a raised place of carved headwork adorned with rich stuffs, ivory,
and other precious materials. Suppliants and attendants stood outside
the line of pillars, and the officers of the court within. Such also
may have been the interior arrangements of the great halls in the
Assyrian edifices.
We have already described the interior decorations of the Assyrian
palaces, and have little more to add upon the subject. The walls of
Kouyunjik were more elaborately decorated than those of Nimroud and
Khorsabad. Almost every chamber explored there, and they amounted to
about seventy, was paneled with alabaster slabs carved with numerous
figures and with the minutest details. Each room appears to have been
dedicated to some particular event, and in each, apparently, was the
image of the king himself. In fact, the walls recorded in sculpture
what the inscriptions did in writing--the great deeds of Sennacherib
in peace as well as in war. It will be remarked that, whilst in other
Assyrian edifices the king is frequently represented taking an active
part in war, slaying his enemies, and fighting beneath a besieged
city, Sennacherib is never represented at Kouyunjik otherwise than in
an attitude of triumph, in his chariot or on his throne, receiving the
captives and the spoil. Nor is he ever seen torturing his prisoners,
or putting them to death with his own hand.
There were chambers, however, in the palace of Sennacherib, as well as
in those at Nimroud and Khorsabad, whose walls were simply coated with
plaster, like the walls of Belshazzar's palace at Babylon. Some were
probably richly ornamented in color with figures of men and animals,
as well as with elegant designs; or others may have been paneled with
cedar wainscoting, as the chambers in the temple and palaces of
Solomon, and in the royal edifices of Babylon. Gilding, too, appears
to have been extensively used in decoration, and some of the great
sphinxes may have been overlaid with gold, like the cherubim in
Solomon's temple. The cut on page 445 gives a beautiful representation
of the interior of the palaces. It is taken from the halls of the
palace of Sennacherib.
At Kouyunjik, the pavement slabs were not inscribed as at Nimroud; but
those between the winged bulls, at some of the entrances, were carved
with an elaborate and very elegant pattern. The doors were probably of
wood, gilt, and adorned with precious materials, like the gates of the
temple of Jerusalem, and their hinges appear to have turned in stone
sockets, some of which were found in the ruins. To ward off the glare
of an Eastern sun, hangings or curtains, of gay colors and of rich
materials, were probably suspended to the pillars supporting the
ceiling, or to wooden poles raised for the purpose, as in the palaces
of Babylon and Shushan.
Layard's researches have satisfied him that a very considerable
period elapsed between the earliest and latest buildings discovered
among the mounds of Nimroud. We incline to this opinion, but differ
from the surmise that the ruins of Nimroud and the site of Nineveh
itself are identical. The dimensions of Nineveh, as given by Diodorus
Siculus, were 150 stadia on the two longest sides of the quadrangle,
and 90 on the opposite; the square being 480 stadia, 60 miles; or,
according to some, 74 miles. Layard thinks, that by taking the four
great mounds of Nimroud, Kouyunjik, Khorsabad and Karamles, as the
corners of a square, the four sides will correspond pretty accurately
with the 60 miles of the geographer, and the three days' journey of
the prophet Jonah.
The parallelogram, or line of boundary, being thus completed, we have
now to ascertain how far it accords with the localities of the
researches; and we find that it not only comprehends the principal
mounds which have already been examined, but many others, in which
ruins are either actually, or almost certainly, known to exist.
Another important object of remark connected with this subject, is the
thickness of the wall surrounding the palace of Khorsabad, which Botta
states to be fifteen metres, _i.e._, forty-eight feet, nine inches, a
very close approximation to the width of the wall of the city itself,
which was "so broad as that three chariots might be driven upon it
abreast." This is about half the thickness of the wall of Babylon,
upon which "six chariots could be driven together," and which
Herodotus tells were eighty-seven feet broad, or nearly double that of
Khorsabad. The extraordinary dimensions of the walls of cities is
supported by these remains at Khorsabad. The Median wall, still
existing, in part nearly entire, and which crosses obliquely the plain
of Mesopotamia from the Tigris to the banks of the Euphrates, a
distance of forty miles, is another example. The great wall of China,
also, of like antiquity, we are told, "traverses high mountains, deep
valleys, and, by means of arches, wide rivers, extending from the
province of Shen Si to Wanghay, or the Yellow Sea, a distance of 1,500
miles. In some places, to protect exposed passages, it is double and
treble. The foundation and corner stones are of granite, but the
principal part is of blue bricks, cemented with pure white mortar. At
distances of about 200 paces are distributed square towers or strong
bulwarks." In less ancient times, the Roman walls in our own country
supply additional proof of the universality of this mode of enclosing
a district or guarding a boundary before society was established on a
firm basis. It may be objected against the foregoing speculations on
the boundary of Nineveh, that the river runs within the walls instead
of on the outside. In reply, we submit that when the walls were
destroyed, as described by the historian, the flooded river would
force for itself another channel, which in process of time would
become more and more devious from the obstructions offered by the
accumulated ruins, until it eventually took the channel in which it
now flows.
Babylon was the most beautiful and the richest city in the world. Even
to our age, it stands as a marvel. It was built about 3,000 years ago,
but did not reach the summit of its magnificence until about 570 years
Before Christ, when Nebuchadnezzar lavished almost an endless amount
of wealth upon it.
Its magnitude was 480 furlongs, or sixty miles, in compass. It was
built in an exact square of fifteen miles on each side, and was
surrounded by a brick wall eighty-seven feet thick and 350 feet high,
on which were 250 towers, or, according to some writers, 316. The top
of the wall was wide enough to allow six chariots to drive abreast.
The materials for building the wall were dug from a vast ditch or
moat, which was also walled up with brickwork and then filled with
water from the River Euphrates. This moat was just outside of the
walls, and surrounded the city as another strong defence.
The city had 100 brass gates, one at the end of each of its fifty
streets. The streets were 150 feet wide and ran at right angles
through the city, thus forming 676 great squares. Herodotus says
besides this there was yet another wall which ran around within, not
much inferior to the other, yet narrower, and the city was divided
into two equal parts by the River Euphrates, over which was a bridge,
and at each end of the bridge was a palace. These palaces had
communication with each other by a subterranean passage.
To prevent the city from suffering from an overflow of the river
during the summer months, immense embankments were raised on either
side, with canals to turn the flood waters of the Tigris. On the
western side of the city an artificial lake was excavated forty miles
square, or 160 miles in circumference, and dug out, according to
Megasthenes, seventy-five feet deep, into which the river was turned
when any repairs were to be made, or for a surplus of water, in case
the river should be cut off from them.
Near to the old palace stood the Tower of Babel. This prodigious pile
consisted of eight towers, each seventy-five feet high, rising one
upon another, with an outside winding staircase to its summit, which,
with its chapel on the top, reached a height of 660 feet. On this
summit is where the chapel of Belus was erected, which contained
probably the most expensive furniture of any in the world. One golden
image forty feet high was valued at $17,500,000, and the whole of the
sacred utensils were reckoned to be worth $200,000,000. There are
still other wonderful things mentioned. One, the subterraneous
banqueting rooms, which were made under the River Euphrates and were
constructed entirely of brass; and then, as one of the seven wonders
of the world, were the famous hanging gardens; they were 400 feet
square and were raised 350 feet high, one terrace above the other, and
were ascended by a staircase ten feet wide. The terraces were
supported by large vaultings resting upon curb-shaped pillars and
were hollow and filled with earth, to allow trees of the largest size
to be planted, the whole being constructed of baked bricks and
asphalt. The entire structure was strengthened and bound together by a
wall twenty-two feet in thickness. The level of the terrace was
covered with large stones, over which was a bed of rushes, then a
thick layer of asphalt, next two courses of bricks likewise cemented
with asphalt, and finally plates of lead to prevent leakage, the earth
being heaped on the platform and terrace and large trees planted. The
whole had the appearance from a distance of woods overhanging
mountains.
The great work is affirmed to have been effected by Nebuchadnezzar to
gratify his wife, Anytis, daughter of Astyages, who retained strong
predilection for the hills and groves which abounded in her native
Media.
Babylon flourished for nearly 200 years in this scale of grandeur,
during which idolatry, pride, cruelty, and every abomination prevailed
among all ranks of the people, when God, by His prophet, pronounced
its utter ruin, which was accordingly accomplished, commencing with
Cyrus taking the city, after a siege of two years, in the year 588
Before Christ, to emancipate the Jews, as foretold by the prophets. By
successive overthrows this once "Glory of the Chaldees' Excellency,"
this "Lady of Kingdoms," has become a "desolation" without an
inhabitant, and its temple a vast heap of rubbish.
The ancient Tower of Babel is now a mound of oblong form, the total
circumference of which is 2,286 feet. At the eastern side it is cloven
by a deep furrow and is not more than fifty or sixty feet high, but on
the western side it rises in a conical figure to the elevation of 198
feet, and on its summit is a solid pile of brick thirty-seven feet in
height and twenty-eight in breadth, diminishing in thickness to the
top, which is broken and irregular and rent by large fissures
extending through a third of its height; it is perforated with small
holes.
The fire-burnt bricks of which it is built have inscriptions on them,
and so excellent is the cement, which appears to be lime mortar, that
it is nearly impossible to extract one whole. The other parts of the
summit of this hill are occupied by immense fragments of brickwork of
no determinate figure, tumbled together and converted into solid
vitrified masses, as if they had undergone the action of the fiercest
fire, or had been blown up by gunpowder, the layers of brick being
perfectly discernible. These ruins surely proclaim the divinity of the
Scriptures. Layard says the discoveries amongst the ruins of ancient
Babylon were far less numerous and important than could have been
anticipated. No sculptures or inscribed slabs, the paneling of the
walls of palaces, appear to exist beneath them, as in those of
Nineveh. Scarcely a detached figure in stone, or a solitary tablet,
has been dug out of the vast heaps of rubbish. "Babylon is fallen, is
fallen; and all the graven images of her gods he hath broken unto the
ground." (Isaiah xxi. 9.)
The complete absence of such remains is to be explained by the nature
of the materials used in the erection of even the most costly edifices
of Babylon. In the vicinity there were no quarries of alabaster, or of
limestone, such as existed near Nineveh. The city was built in the
midst of an alluvial country, far removed from the hills. The deposits
of the mighty rivers which have gradually formed the Mesopotamian
plains consist of a rich clay. Consequently stone for building
purposes could only be obtained from a distance. The black basalt, a
favorite material amongst the Babylonians for carving detached
figures, and for architectural ornaments, as appears from fragments
found amongst the ruins, came from the Kurdish Mountains, or from the
north of Mesopotamia.
The Babylonians were content to avail themselves of the building
materials which they found on the spot. With the tenacious mud of
their alluvial plains, mixed with chopped straw, they made bricks,
whilst bitumen and other substances collected from the immediate
neighborhood furnished them with an excellent cement. A knowledge of
the art of manufacturing glaze, and colors, enabled them to cover
their bricks with a rich enamel, thereby rendering them equally
ornamental for the exterior and interior of their edifices. The walls
of their palaces and temples were also coated, as we learn from
several passages in the Bible, with mortar and plaster, which, judging
from their cement, must have been of very fine quality. The fingers of
a man's hand wrote the words of condemnation of the Babylonian empire
"upon the plaster of the king's palace." Upon those walls were painted
historical and religious subjects, and various ornaments, and,
according to Diodorus Siculus, the bricks were enameled with the
figures of men and animals. Images of stone were no doubt introduced
into the buildings. We learn from the Bible that figures of the gods
in this material, as well as in metal, were kept in the Babylonian
temples. But such sculptures were not common, otherwise more remains
of them must have been discovered in the ruins. The great inscription
of Nebuchadnezzar, engraved on a black stone, and divided into ten
columns, in the museum formed by the East India Company, appears to
contain some interesting details as to the mode of construction and
architecture of the Babylonian palaces and temples.
It may be conjectured that, in their general plan, the Babylonian
palaces and temples resembled those of Assyria. We know that the arts,
the religion, the customs, and the laws of the two kindred people were
nearly identical. They spoke, also, the same language, and used, very
nearly, the same written characters. One appears to have borrowed from
the other; and, without attempting to decide the question of the
priority of the independent existence as a nation and of the
civilization of either people, it can be admitted that they had a
certain extent of common origin, and that they maintained for many
centuries an intimate connection. We find no remains of columns at
Babylon, as none have been found at Nineveh. If such architectural
ornaments were used, they must have been either of wood or of brick.
Although the building materials used in the great edifices of Babylon
may seem extremely mean when compared with those employed in the
stupendous palace-temples of Egypt, and even in the less massive
edifices of Assyria, yet the Babylonians appear to have raised, with
them alone, structures which excited the wonder and admiration of the
most famous travelers of antiquity. The profuse use of color, and the
taste displayed in its combination, and in the ornamental designs,
together with the solidity and vastness of the immense structure upon
which the buildings proudly stood, may have chiefly contributed to
produce this effect upon the minds of strangers. The palaces and
temples, like those of Nineveh, were erected upon lofty platforms of
brickwork. The bricks, as in Assyria, were either simply baked in the
sun, or were burned in the kiln. The latter are of more than one shape
and quality. Some are square, others are oblong. Those from the Birs
Nimroud are generally of a dark red color, while those from the
Mujelibe are mostly of a light yellow. A large number of them have
inscriptions in a complex cuneiform character peculiar to Babylon.
These superscriptions have been impressed upon them by a stamp, on
which the whole inscription was cut in relief. Each character was not
made singly, as on the Assyrian bricks, and this is the distinction
between them. Almost all the bricks brought from the ruins of Babylon
bear the same inscription, with the exception of one or two
unimportant words, and record the building of the city by
Nebuchadnezzar, the son of Nabubaluchun. We owe the interpretation of
these names to the late Dr. Hincks.
It may not be out of place to add a few remarks upon the history of
Babylon. The time of the foundation of this celebrated city is still a
question which does not admit of a satisfactory determination, and
into which we will not enter. Some believe it to have taken place at a
comparatively recent date; but if, as the Egyptian scholars assert,
the name of Babylon is found on monuments of the eighteenth Egyptian
dynasty, we have positive evidence of its existence at least in the
fifteenth century Before Christ. After the rise of the Assyrian
empire, it appears to have been sometimes under the direct rule of the
kings of Nineveh, and at other times to have been governed by its own
independent chiefs. Expeditions against Babylon are recorded in the
earliest inscriptions yet discovered in Assyria; and as it has been
seen, even in the time of Sennacherib and his immediate predecessors,
large armies were still frequently sent against its rebellious
inhabitants. The Babylonian kingdom was, however, almost absorbed in
that of Assyria, the dominant power of the East. When this great
empire began to decline Babylon rose for the last time. Media and
Persia were equally ready to throw off the Assyrian yoke, and at
length the allied armies of Cyaxares and the father of Nebuchadnezzar
captured and destroyed the capital of the Eastern world.
Babylon now rapidly succeeded to that proud position so long held by
Nineveh. Under Nebuchadnezzar she acquired the power forfeited by her
rival. The bounds of the city were extended; buildings of
extraordinary size and magnificence were erected; her victorious
armies conquered Syria and Palestine, and penetrated into Egypt. Her
commerce, too, had now spread far and wide, from the east to the west,
and she became "a land of traffic and a city of merchants."
But her greatness as an independent nation was short-lived. The
neighboring kingdoms of Media and Persia, united under one monarch,
had profited no less than Babylon, by the ruin of the Assyrian empire,
and were ready to dispute with her the dominion of Asia. Scarcely
half a century had elapsed from the fall of Nineveh, when "Belshazzar,
the king of the Chaldæans, was slain, and Darius, the Median, took the
kingdom." From that time Babylonia sank into a mere province of
Persia. It still, however, retained much of its former power and
trade, and as we learn from the inscriptions of Bisutun, as well as
from ancient authors, struggled more than once to regain its ancient
independence.
After the defeat of Darius and the overthrow of the Persian supremacy,
Babylon opened its gates to Alexander, who deemed the city not
unworthy to become the capital of his mighty empire. On his return
from India, he wished to rebuild the temple of Belus, which had fallen
into ruins, and in that great work he had intended to employ his army,
now no longer needed for war. The priests, however, who had
appropriated the revenues of this sacred shrine, and feared lest they
would have again to apply them to their rightful purposes, appear to
have prevented him from carrying out his design.
This last blow to the prosperity and even existence of Babylon was
given by Seleucus when he laid the foundation of his new capital on
the banks of the Tigris (B.C. 322). Already Patrocles, his general,
had compelled a large number of the inhabitants to abandon their
homes, and to take refuge in the desert, and in the province of
Susiana. The city, exhausted by the neighborhood of Seleucia, returned
to its ancient solitude. According to some authors, neither the walls
nor the temple of Belus existed any longer, and only a few of the
Chaldæans continued to dwell around the ruins of their sacred
edifices.
Still, however, a part of the population appear to have returned to
their former seats, for, in the early part of the second century of
the Christian era, we find the Parthian king, Evemerus, sending
numerous families from Babylon into Media to be sold as slaves, and
burning many great and beautiful edifices still standing in the city.
In the time of Augustus, the city is said to have been entirely
deserted, except by a few Jews who still lingered amongst the ruins.
St. Cyril, of Alexandria, declares, that in his day, about the
beginning of the fifth century, in consequence of the choking up of
the great canals derived from the Euphrates, Babylon had become a vast
marsh; and fifty years later the river is described as having changed
its course, leaving only a small channel to mark its ancient bed. Then
were verified the prophecies of Isaiah and Jeremiah, that the mighty
Babylon should be but "pools of water," that the sea should come upon
her, and that she should be covered with the multitude of the waves
thereof.
In the beginning of the seventh century, at the time of the Arab
invasion, the ancient cities of Babylonia were "a desolation, a dry
land and a wilderness." Amidst the heaps that alone marked the site of
Babylon there rose the small town of Hillah.
Long before Babylon had overcome her rival Nineveh, she was famous for
the extent and importance of her commerce. No position could have been
more favorable than hers for carrying on a trade with all the regions
of the known world. She stood upon a navigable stream that brought to
her quays the produce of the temperate highlands of Armenia,
approached in one part of its course within almost one hundred miles
of the Mediterranean Sea, and emptied its waters into a gulf of the
Indian Ocean. Parallel with this great river was one scarcely inferior
in size and importance. The Tigris, too, came from the Armenian hills,
flowed through the fertile districts of Assyria, and carried the
varied produce to the Babylonian cities. Moderate skill and enterprise
could scarcely fail to make Babylon, not only the emporium of the
Eastern world, but the main link of commercial intercourse between the
East and the West.
The inhabitants did not neglect the advantages bestowed upon them by
nature. A system of navigable canals that may excite the admiration
of even the modern engineer, connected together the Euphrates and
Tigris, those great arteries of her commerce.
The vast trade that rendered Babylon the gathering-place of men from
all parts of the known world, and supplied her with luxuries from the
remotest clime, had the effect of corrupting the manners of her
people, and producing that general profligacy and those effiminate
customs which mainly contributed to her fall. The description given by
Herodotus of the state of the population of the city when under the
dominion of the Persian kings, is sufficient to explain the cause of
her speedy decay and ultimate ruin. The account of the Greek historian
fully tallies with the denunciation of the Hebrew prophets against the
sin and wickedness of Babylon. Her inhabitants had gradually lost
their warlike character. When the Persian broke into their city they
were reveling in debauchery and lust; and when the Macedonian
conqueror appeared at their gates, they received with indifference the
yoke of a new master.
Such were the causes of the fall of Babylon. Her career was equally
short and splendid; and although she has thus perished from the face
of the earth, her ruins are still classic, indeed sacred, ground. The
traveler visits, with no common emotion, those shapeless heaps, the
scene of so many great and solemn events. In this plain, according to
tradition, the primitive families of our race first found a resting
place. Here Nebuchadnezzar boasted of the glories of his city, and was
punished for his pride. To these deserted halls were brought the
captives of Judæa. In them Daniel, undazzled by the glories around
him, remained steadfast to his faith, rose to be a governor amongst
his rulers, and prophesied the downfall of the kingdom. There was held
Belshazzar's feast, and was seen the writing on the wall. Between
those crumbling mounds Cyrus entered the neglected gates. Those
massive ruins cover the spot where Alexander died.
[Page Decoration]
KARNAC AND BAALBEC.
The city of Thebes is, perhaps, the most astonishing work executed by
the hand of man. Its ruins are the most unequivocal proof of the
ancient civilization of Egypt, and of the high degree of power which
the Egyptians had reached by the extent of their knowledge. Its origin
is lost in the obscurity of time, it being coeval with the nation
which first took possession of Egypt; and it is sufficient to give a
proper idea of its antiquity to say that the building of Memphis was
the first attempt made to rival the prosperity of Thebes.
Its extent was immense; it filled the whole valley which was permeated
by the Nile. D'Anville and Denon state its circumference to have been
thirty-six miles; its diameter not less than ten and a half. The
number of its inhabitants was in proportion to these vast dimensions.
Diodorus says that the houses were four and five stories high.
Although Thebes had greatly fallen off from its ancient splendor at
the time of Cambyses, yet it was the fury of this merciless conqueror
that gave the last blow to its grandeur. This prince pillaged the
temples, carried away all the ornaments of gold, silver, and ivory,
which decorated its magnificent buildings, and ruined both its temples
and its buildings. Before this unfortunate epoch, no city in the world
could be compared with it in extent, splendor, and riches; and,
according to the expression of Diodorus, the sun had never seen so
magnificent a city.
Previous to the establishment of the monarchical government, Thebes
was the residence of the principal college of the priesthood, who
ruled over the country. It is to this epoch that all writers refer the
elevation of its most ancient edifices. The enumeration of them all
would require more time than we have.
Here was the temple, or palace of Karnac, of Luxor; the Memnonium; and
the Medineh-Tabou, or, as some other travelers spell it,
Medinet-habou.
The temple, or the palace of Karnac was, without doubt, the most
considerable monument of ancient Thebes. It was not less than a mile
and a half in circumference, and enclosed about ten acres. M. Denon
employed nearly twenty minutes on horseback in going round it, at full
gallop. The principal entrance of the grand temple is on the northwest
side, or that facing the river. From a raised platform commences an
avenue of Crio-sphinxes leading to the front propyla, before which
stood two granite statues of a Pharaoh. One of these towers retains a
great part of its original height, but has lost its summit and
cornice. Passing through the pylon of these towers you arrive at a
large open court, or area, 275 feet by 329 feet, with a covered
corridor on either side, and a double line of columns down the centre.
Other propylæa terminate this area, with a small vestibule before the
pylon, and form the front of the grand hall of assembly, the lintel
stones of whose doorway were forty feet ten inches in length. The
grand hall, or hypostyle hall, measures 170 feet by 329 feet,
supported by a central avenue of twelve massive columns, 62 feet high
(without the plinth or abacus), and 36 feet in circumference; besides
122 of smaller, or, rather less gigantic dimensions, 42 feet 5 inches
in height, and 28 feet in circumference, distributed in seven lines,
on either side of the former. It had in front two immense courts,
adorned by ranges of columns, some of which were sixty feet high, and
others eighty; and at their respective entrances there were two
colossal statues on the same scale. In the middle of the second
court there were four obelisks of granite of a finished workmanship,
three of which are still standing. They stood before the sanctuary,
built all of granite, and covered with sculptures representing
symbolical attributes of the god to whom the temple was consecrated.
This was the Maker of the universe, the Creator of all things, the
Zeus of the Greeks, the Jupiter of the Latins, but the Ammon of the
Egyptians. By the side of the sanctuary there were smaller buildings,
probably the apartments of those attached to the service of the
temple; and behind it other habitations, adorned with columns and
porticos, which led into another immense court, having on each side
closed passages, or corridors, and at the top a covered portico, or
gallery, supported by a great number of columns and pilasters. In this
way the sanctuary was entirety surrounded by these vast and splendid
buildings, and the whole was enclosed by a wall, covered internally
and externally with symbols and hieroglyphics, which went round the
magnificent edifice.
[Illustration: COLUMNS OF KARNAC.]
Beyond this wall there were other buildings, and other courts, filled
with colossal statues of grey and white marble. These buildings, or
temples, communicated with each other by means of galleries and
passages, adorned with columns and statues. The most striking
circumstance, however, is, that attached to this palace are the
remains of a much more considerable edifice, of higher antiquity,
which had been introduced into the general plan when this magnificent
building was restored by the Pharaoh Amenophis, the third king of the
eighteenth dynasty, nearly 4,000 years ago. This more ancient edifice,
or rather its ruins, are considered to be more than 4,000 years old,
or 2,272 years Before Christ. A second wall enclosed the whole mass of
these immense and splendid buildings, the approach to which was by
means of avenues, having on their right and left colossal figures of
sphinxes. In one avenue they had the head of a bull; in another they
were represented with a human head; in a third with a ram's head. This
last was a mile and a half in length, began at the southern gate, and
led to the temple of Luxor.
Dr. Manning says: "We now enter the most stupendous pile of remains
(we can hardly call them ruins) in the world. Every writer who has
attempted to describe them avows his inability to convey any adequate
idea of their extent and grandeur. The long covered avenues of
sphinxes, the sculptured corridors, the columned aisles, the gates and
obelisks, and colossal statues, all silent in their desolation, fill
the beholder with awe." (See cut on page 463.)
There is no exaggeration in Champollion's words: "The imagination,
which, in Europe, rises far above our porticos, sinks abashed at the
foot of the 140 columns of the hypostyle hall at Karnac. The area of
this hall is 70,629 feet; the central columns are thirty-six feet in
circumference and sixty-two feet high, without reckoning the plinth
and abacus. They are covered with paintings and sculptures, the colors
of which are wonderfully fresh and vivid. If, as seems probable, the
great design of Egyptian architecture was to impress man with a
feeling of his own littleness, to inspire a sense of overwhelming awe
in the presence of the Deity, and at the same time to show that the
monarch was a being of superhuman greatness, these edifices were well
adapted to accomplish their purpose. The Egyptian beholder and
worshiper was not to be attracted and charmed, but overwhelmed. His
own nothingness and the terribleness of the power and the will of God
was what he was to feel. But, if the awfulness of Deity was thus
inculcated, the divine power of the Pharaoh was not less strikingly
set forth. He is seen seated amongst them, nourished from their
breasts, folded in their arms, admitted to familiar intercourse with
them. He is represented on the walls of the temple as of colossal
stature, while the noblest of his subjects are but pigmies in his
presence; with one hand he crushes hosts of his enemies, with the
other he grasps that of his patron deity.
"The Pharaoh was the earthly manifestation and avatar of the unseen
and mysterious power which oppressed the souls of man with terror. 'I
am Pharaoh,' 'By the life of Pharaoh,' 'Say unto Pharaoh whom art thou
like in thy greatness.' These familiar phrases of Scripture gain a new
emphasis of meaning as we remember them amongst these temple palaces."
Speaking of this magnificent temple, and of the avenue of sphinxes we
have just mentioned, Belzoni exclaims, that "on approaching it the
visitor is inspired with devotion and piety; their enormous size
strikes him with wonder and respect to the gods to whom they were
dedicated. The immense colossal statues, which are seated at each side
of the gate, seems guarding the entrance to the holy ground; still
farther on was the majestic temple, dedicated to the great God of the
creation." And a little after, "I was lost," says he, "in a mass of
colossal objects, every one of which was more than sufficient of
itself alone to attract my whole attention. I seemed alone in the
midst of all that is most sacred in the world; a forest of enormous
columns, adorned all round with beautiful figures and various
ornaments from top to bottom. The graceful shape of the lotus, which
forms their capitals, and is so well-proportioned to the columns, that
it gives to the view the most pleasing effect; the gates, the walls,
the pedestals, and the architraves also adorned in every part with
symbolical figures in _basso relievo_ and _intaglio_, representing
battles, processions, triumphs, feasts, offerings, and sacrifices, all
relating to the ancient history of the country; the sanctuary, wholly
formed of fine red granite, with the various obelisks standing before
it, proclaiming to the distant passenger, 'Here is the seat of
holiness;' the high portals, seen at a distance from the openings of
the vast labyrinth of edifices; the various groups of ruins of the
other temples within sight; these altogether had such an effect upon
my soul as to separate me, in imagination, from the rest of mortals,
exalt me on high over all, and cause me to forget entirely the trifles
and follies of life. I was happy for a whole day, which escaped like a
flash of lightning."
Such is the language of Belzoni in describing these majestic ruins,
and the effect they had upon him. Strong and enthusiastic as his
expressions may, perhaps, appear, they are perfectly similar, we
assure you, to those of other travelers. They all seem to have lost
the power of expressing their wonder and astonishment, and frequently
borrow the words and phrases of foreign nations to describe their
feelings at the sight of these venerable and gigantic efforts of the
old Egyptians.
We have said that this avenue of sphinxes led to the temple of Luxor.
This second temple, though not equal to that of Karnac in regard to
its colossal proportions, was its equal in magnificence, and much
superior to it in beauty and style of execution.
At its entrance there still stand two obelisks 100 feet high, and of
one single block covered with hieroglyphics executed in a masterly
style. It is at the feet of these obelisks that one may judge of the
high degree of perfection to which the Egyptians had carried their
knowledge in mechanics. We have seen that it costs fortunes to move
them from their place. They were followed by two colossal statues
forty feet high. After passing through three different large courts,
filled with columns of great dimensions, the traveler reached the
sanctuary, surrounded by spacious halls supported by columns, and
exhibiting the most beautiful mass of sculpture in the best style of
execution.
"It is absolutely impossible," again exclaims Belzoni, "to imagine the
scene displayed, without seeing it. The most sublime ideas that can
be formed from the most magnificent specimens of our present
architecture, would give a very incorrect picture of these ruins. It
appeared to me like entering a city of giants, who, after a long
conflict, were all destroyed, leaving ruins of their various temples,
as the only proofs of their former existence. The temple of Luxor," he
adds, "presents to the traveler at once one of the most splendid
groups of Egyptian grandeur. The extensive propylæon, with the two
obelisks, and colossal statues in the front; the thick groups of
enormous columns, the variety of apartments, and the sanctuary it
contains. The beautiful ornaments which adorn every part of the walls
and columns, cause in the astonished traveler an oblivion of all that
he has seen before."
So far Belzoni; and in this he is borne out by Champollion, who speaks
of Thebes in terms of equal admiration. "All that I had seen, all that
I had admired on the left bank," says this learned Frenchman,
"appeared miserable in comparison with the gigantic conceptions by
which I was surrounded at Karnac. I shall take care not to attempt to
describe any thing; for either my description would not express the
thousandth part of what ought to be said, or, if I drew a faint
sketch, I should be taken for an enthusiast, or, perhaps, for a
madman. It will suffice to add, that no people, either ancient or
modern, ever conceived the art of architecture on so sublime and so
grand a scale as the ancient Egyptians."
The Great Pyramid, which is yet an enigma, stands for our
astonishment. Herodotus tells us, when speaking of the Labyrinth of
Egypt, that it had 3,000 chambers, half of them above and half below
ground. He says, "The upper chambers I myself passed through and saw,
and what I say concerning them is from my own observation. Of the
underground chambers I can only speak from the report, for the keepers
of the building could not be got to show them, since they contained,
as they said, the sepulchres of the kings who built the labyrinth,
and also those of the sacred crocodiles; thus it is from hearsay only
that I can speak of the lower chambers. The upper chambers, however, I
saw with my own eyes, and found them to excel all other human
productions. The passage through the houses, and the various windings
of the path across the courts, excited in me infinite admiration, as I
passed from the courts into the chambers, and from chambers into
colonnades, and from colonnades into fresh houses, and again from
these into courts unseen before. The roof was throughout of stone like
the walls, and the walls were carved all over with figures. Every
court was surrounded with a colonnade, which was built of white stone
exquisitely fitted together. At the corner of the labyrinth stands a
pyramid forty fathoms high, with large figures engraved on it, which
is entered by a subterranean passage." No one who has read an account
of the Great Pyramid of Egypt, the building of Solomon's Temple, and
of the ruins of ancient stone buildings still remaining, will doubt
the ability of the ancients in the art of building with stones.
Baalbec has probably the largest stones ever used.
[Illustration: THE GREAT PYRAMID AND SPHINX.]
Baalbec is situated on a plain now called Bukaa, at the northern end
of a low range of black hills, about one mile from the base of
Anti-Lebanon.
It is unknown just how old it is, or by whom it was built. Dr. Kitto,
in his "History of the Bible," ascribes the building of it to Solomon.
But the present remains are mostly of a later period, probably about
3,000 years old. Some of the material and some of the original
foundations were used again for the second structures.
Baalbec has justly received a world-wide celebrity, owing to the
magnificence of its ruins, which have excited the wonder and
admiration of travelers who have enjoyed the privilege of seeing them.
Its temples are among the most magnificent of Grecian architecture.
The temples of Athens no doubt excel them in taste and purity of
style, but they are vastly inferior in dimensions.
While the edifices of Thebes exceed them in magnitude, they bear no
comparison with the symmetry of the columns, with the richness of the
doorways, and the friezes, which abound at Baalbec. The foundations of
the great temple are themselves entitled to rank with the pyramids
among the wonders of the world, being raised twenty feet above the
level of the ground, and have in them stones of one solid mass ninety
feet long, eighteen feet wide, and thirteen feet thick.
The main attractions, however, are the three temples or main chambers.
The first, which may be called the great temple, consists of a
peristyle, of which only six columns remain, two courts and a portico
are standing on an artificial platform, nearly thirty feet high, and
having vaults underneath. Beneath the whole platform is an immense
court of two hundred feet across; it is a hexagon or nearly round
shape. It is accessible by a vaulted passage, which leads to a triplet
gateway, with deep mouldings, which opens into the first court.
The great court is 440 feet long by 370 feet wide, and has on each of
its sides niches and columns, which, even in their ruins, are
magnificent.
The two sides exactly correspond with each other, but the south is in
better condition than the other. These niches have columns in front of
them in the style of the hexagon, with chambers at the angles of the
great court or square. The visitor entering through the portico,
and passing into the great court, has before him on the opposite side
(the west) of the court, the Great Temple originally dedicated to
Baal. This was a magnificent peristyle measuring 290 feet by 160 feet,
with nineteen huge columns on each side, and ten on each end, making
fifty-eight in all. The circumference of these columns at the base is
twenty-three feet and two inches, and at the top twenty feet; and
their height, including base and capital, was seventy-five feet, while
over this was the entablature fourteen feet more. In the walls of the
foundation are seen those enormous stones, some ninety feet in length;
others, sixty-four, sixty-three, sixty-two, etc., and all from
thirteen to eighteen feet wide, and very frequently thirteen feet
thick. These stones mark the extent of a platform of unknown
antiquity, but far older than the peristyle temple, and it is from
this that the temple took its early date and name. It is probable that
the great stones lying in the adjoining quarry were intended for it,
as the temple at that date seems to have been left unfinished.
[Illustration: Engraved & Printed by Illman Brothers
TEMPLE OF KARNAC.
FOR THE MUSEUM OF ANTIQUITY]
The second temple has not quite the dimensions that the first has, but
it is one of the grandest monuments of the ancient art in Syria. It is
227 feet by 117. Its peristyle is composed of forty-two columns,
fifteen on each side and eight on each end. At the portico was an
immense row of six fluted columns, and within these, and opposite to
the ends of the antæ, were two others. The height of these columns is
sixty-five feet, and their circumference nineteen feet and two inches,
while the entablature, richly ornamented above the columns, was about
twelve feet high.
The portico is destroyed, only a few pieces of the shafts remaining,
and the steps by which it was approached are also destroyed. The
columns of the peristyle have mostly fallen; but four remain with
their entablatures on the south side near the portico; on the west end
there are six remaining, and on the north there are nine. The cut on
page 473 gives somewhat of an idea of this temple.
In 1759 an earthquake threw down three columns of the great temple and
nine of the peristyle of the Temple of the Sun. It would appear as
though nothing but an earthquake could destroy these remains, and they
even seem to withstand this with wonderful resistance. At the western
end is the _cella_, or innermost sacred part of the edifice, it is 160
feet by 85. A modern wall was built across the vestibule and the only
entrance is through a low hole broken in the wall. Entering through
this aperture the spectator has before him the gem of the structure,
the _great portal_. It was twenty-one feet high and forty-two feet
long and gorgeously ornamented. The sides are each of a single stone,
and the lintels are composed of three huge blocks. Borders of fruit,
flowers and leaves are profuse on the architrave, and on the soffit of
the door is the celebrated figure of the eagle with a caduceus in his
talons, and in his beak strings of long twisted garlands, which are
extended on each side and have the opposite ends borne by flying
genii.
In 1751 the portal was perfect. When Wood sketched it, but eight years
afterwards, the shock of an earthquake rent the wall and permitted the
central stone to sink about two feet. Yet, even in this state, it is
one of the most striking and beautiful gateways in the world. The
first compartment measures ninety-eight feet by sixty-seven, having
fluted columns on each side, and the sanctum, or place for the altar
and statue, occupies a space of twenty-nine feet deep at the western
end and considerably raised above the floor of the nave. Such were the
arrangements of this vast magnificent edifice.
It may be well to mention here another building although not so old
nor large, but we wish to speak of it because it is so remarkable in
withstanding time.
[Illustration: RUINS OF BAALBEC.]
We are speaking of the Pantheon, the splendid building erected by M.
Agrippa, the friend of Augustus, in immediate connection with the
Thermæ, built and dedicated to Jupiter Ultor by him. This building,
which embodied, as it were, the highest aspirations of Roman national
pride and power, was completed, according to the original inscription
preserved on it, B.C. 25, in which year Agrippa was consul for the
third time. According to the statement of Pliny ("His. Nat.," 36, 24,
I), which however, has been disputed, it was originally dedicated to
Jupiter Ultor, whose statue, therefore, undoubtedly stood in the chief
niche opposite the entrance. The other six niches contained the
statues of as many gods; those of the chief deities of the Julian
family, Mars and Venus, and of the greatest son of that family, the
divine Cæsar, being the only ones amongst the number of which we have
certain knowledge. Was it that the statues of Mars and Venus showed
the attributes of the other principal gods, or that the statues of the
latter stood in the small chapels (_ædiculæ_) between the niches, or
that the unequaled enormous cupola was supposed to represent heaven,
that is, the house of all the gods? Certain it is that, together with
the old appellation the new name of the Pantheon, _i.e._, temple of
all the gods, was soon applied to the building. The latter name has
been unanimously adopted by posterity, and has even originated the
Christian destination of the edifice as church of all the martyrs (S.
Maria ad Martyres). Without entering into the consecutive changes the
building has undergone in the course of time, we will now attempt a
description of its principal features. The temple consists of two
parts, the round edifice and the portico. The former was 132 feet in
diameter, exclusive of the thickness of the wall, which amounts to 19
feet. The wall is perfectly circular, and contains eight apertures,
one of which serves as entrance, while the others form, in a certain
order, either semicircular or quadrangular niches; the former are
covered by semi-cupolas, the latter by barrel-vaults. Only the niche
opposite the entrance is, at the present time, uninterrupted, and
open up to its full height, thus corresponding with the formation of
the entrance section; in front of each of the others, two columns have
been erected, the beams of which close the opening of the semicircular
vault. To this chief portion of the building is attached the splendid
portico which, in the manner of the above-mentioned temples, projects
by three columns, besides a massive wall-structure. The frontage
shows eight columns. As a rule, the whole space of the pronaos was
without columns; contrary to the rule we here see it divided into
three naves by means of two pairs of columns. The center nave, which
was also the widest, led to the entrance-door, each of the two others
being terminated by an enormous niche. Not to mention æsthetical
considerations, these columns were required as props of the roof
covering the vast space (the portico is about 100 feet long).
[Illustration: INSIDE VIEW OF PANTHEON.]
The columns of the portico carried beams, on the frieze of which the
following inscription in large letters has been placed:
M·AGRIPPA·L·F·COS·TERTIUM·FECIT. Another inscription below this one,
in smaller characters, states the building to have been restored by
Septimius Severus and Caracalla. The beams carry a large pediment,
originally adorned with groups of statues representing Jupiter's
victories over the Gigantes. Behind and above this gable rises a
second one of the same proportions, serving as an ornament of the
projecting wall which connects the round building with the portico.
The roof of the portico was supported by beams made of brass.
According to the drawing of Serlio, these beams were not massive, but
consisted of brass plates riveted together into square pipes--a
principle frequently applied by modern engineers on a larger scale in
building bridges, etc. Unfortunately, the material of the roof,
barring some of the large rivets, has been used by Pope Urban VIII.
for guns and various ornaments of doubtful taste in St. Peter's
Cathedral. The large columns carrying the ugly tabernacle on the grave
of St. Peter are one of the results of this barbarous spoliation. The
old door, also made of brass, which leads from the portico into the
interior has, on the contrary, been preserved. The outer appearance of
the round building is simple and dignified. It most likely was
originally covered with stucco and terra-cotta ornaments, of which,
however, little remains at present; but the simple bricks,
particularly in the upper stripes, where the insertion of the vault
becomes visible, look, perhaps, quite as beautiful as the original
coating. The whole cylinder of masonry is divided into three stripes
by means of cornices, which break the heaviness of the outline, the
divisions of the inner space corresponding to those of the outer
surface. The first of these stripes is about forty feet high, and
rests on a base of Travertine freestone. It consists of simple
horizontal slabs of stone, broken only by doors which lead to chambers
built in the thickness of the wall between the niches. It corresponds
to the columns forming the first story of the interior, the two
cornices, in and outside, being on a level. The second stripe, about
thirty feet in height, answers to the second story of the interior,
where the semicircular arches of the niches are situated. The
horizontal stone layers outside are accordingly broken by large double
arches, destined to balance the vaults in the interior. They alternate
with smaller arches, thus forming a decoration of the exterior at once
dignified and in harmony with the general design of the building. The
two cornices in and outside are again on a level. The third stripe
corresponds to the cupola, the tension of which is equal to 140 feet.
The outer masonry reaches up to about a third of its height, from
which point the cupola proper begins to rise in seven mighty steps.
[Illustration: THE PANTHEON AT ROME.]
[Illustration: HALF-SECTION OF THE PANTHEON.]
The height of the dome is equal to the diameter of the cylindrical
building, 132 feet, which adds to the sober and harmonious impression
of the whole building. The lower of the above-mentioned interior
stories is adorned with columns and pilasters, the latter of which
enclosed the niches. Eight of these columns, over thirty-two feet in
height, are monoliths of _giallo antico_--a yellow kind of marble
beautifully veined, and belonging to the most valuable materials used
by ancient architects. Six other columns are made of a kind of marble
known as _pavonazzetto_; by an ingenious mode of coloring these
columns are made to harmonize with those consisting of the rarer
material. Above the first lies a second lower story, the architectural
arrangements of which may be recognized from Adler's ingenious attempt
at reconstruction. Its original decoration consisted of tablets of
colored marble, the effect being similar to that of a sequence of
narrow pilasters. This original decoration has later been changed for
another. Above the chief cornice which crowns this story, and at the
same time terminates the circular walls, rises the cupola, divided
into five stripes, each of which contains twenty-five "caskets"
beautifully worked and in excellent perspective. In the center at the
top is an opening, forty feet in diameter, through which the light
enters the building. Near this opening a fragment has been preserved
of the bronze ornamentation which once seems to have covered the whole
cupola. Even without these elegant decorations the building still
excites the spectator's admiration, as one of the masterpieces of
Roman genius.
Obelisks were in Egypt commemorative pillars recording the style and
the title of the king who erected them, his piety, and the proof he
gave of it in dedicating those monoliths to the deity whom he
especially wished to honor. They are made of a single block of stone,
cut into a quadrilateral form, the width diminishing gradually from
the base to the top of the shaft, which terminates in a small pyramid
(pyramidion). They were placed on a plain square pedestal, but larger
than the obelisk itself. Obelisks are of Egyptian origin. The Romans
and the moderns have imitated them, but they never equaled their
models.
Egyptian obelisks are generally made of red granite of Syene. There
are some, however, of smaller dimensions made of sandstone and basalt.
They were generally placed in pairs at the entrances of temples, on
each side of the propyla. The shaft was commonly ten diameters in
height, and a fourth narrower at the top than at the base. Of the two
which were before the palace of Luxor at Thebes, one is seventy-two
feet high, and six feet, two inches wide at the base; the other is
seventy-seven feet high, and seven feet, eight inches wide. Each face
is adorned with hieroglyphical inscriptions in _intaglio_, and the
summit is terminated by a pyramid, the four sides of which represent
religious scenes, also accompanied by inscriptions. The corners of the
obelisks are sharp and well cut, but their faces are not perfectly
plane, and their slight convexity is a proof of the attention the
Egyptians paid to the construction of their monuments. If their faces
were plane they would appear concave to the eye; the convexity
compensates for this optical illusion. The hieroglyphical inscriptions
are in a perpendicular line, sometimes there is but one in the middle
of the breadth of the face, and often there are three. The inscription
was a commemoration by the king who had the temple or palace built
before which the obelisk was placed. It contained a record stating the
houses and titles which the king who erected, enlarged, or gave rich
presents to a temple, had received in return from the priesthood, and
setting forth, for instance, that Rameses was the lord of an obedient
people, and the beloved of Ammon. Such is the subject of the
inscription which is in the middle of each face of the obelisks; and
though the name of the same king and the same events are repeated on
the four sides, there exists in the four texts, when compared, some
difference, either in the invocation to the particular divinities or
in the titles of the king. Every obelisk had, in its original form,
but a single inscription on each face, and of the same period of the
king who had erected it; but a king who came after him, adding a
court, a portico, or colonnade to the temple or palace, had another
inscription relative to his addition, with his name engraved on the
original obelisk; thus, every obelisk adorned with many inscriptions
is of several periods. The pyramidion which terminates them generally
represents in its sculptures the king who erected the obelisk making
different offerings to the principal deity of the temple, and to other
divinities. Sometimes also the offering is of the obelisk itself. The
short inscriptions of the pyramidion bear the oval of the king and the
name of the divinity. By these ovals can be known the names of the
kings who erected the obelisks still existing, whether in Egypt or
elsewhere. The largest obelisk known is that of St. John Lateran,
Rome. It was brought from Heliopolis to Alexandria by the emperor
Constantine, and was conveyed to Rome by Constantius, who erected it
in the Circus Maximus. The height of the shaft is 105 feet, 7 inches.
The sides are of unequal breadth at the base, two measure nine feet,
eight and one-half inches, the other two only nine feet. It bears the
name of Thohtmes III. in the central, and that of Thohtmes IV. in the
lateral lines, kings of the eighteenth dynasty, in the fifteenth
century B.C. The two obelisks at Luxor were erected by the king
Rameses II., of the nineteenth dynasty, 1311 B.C. (Wilkinson). One of
these has been taken to Paris. The obelisk of Heliopolis bears the
name of Osirtasen I., 2020 B.C. (Wilkinson), and is consequently the
most ancient. It is about sixty-seven feet high. The obelisks at
Alexandria were brought from Heliopolis about 2,000 years ago. The one
that was lying in the sand, and the smaller of the two, was removed to
London some years ago, and the other, which was still standing, was
presented to the United States by Ismail Pasha, father of the present
Khedive. This monument of antiquity is an inestimable treasure to our
country. It bears the name of Thohtmes III. In the lateral lines are
the ovals of Rameses the Great. It is of red granite of Syene. It
bears the name of Cleopatra's Needle, is about seventy feet high, with
a diameter at its base of seven feet, seven inches. We can hardly
appreciate that we should have standing in New York a relic so
ancient--a column upon which Moses and Aaron looked, and doubtless
read its hieroglyphic inscription; that Rameses the Great (Sesostris)
had his knightly banner carved upon it; that Darius, Cambyses,
Alexander the Great, the Ptolemies, Julius Cæsar, Cleopatra, Mark
Antony and Augustus knew it; that it was equally known and beheld of
Pythagoras, Herodotus and Strabo; that a long procession of the most
illustrious characters of the middle ages have passed before it, from
the days of Clement and Anastasius to those of Don John of Austria;
and, finally, that it was the first herald of Egypt to Napoleon and
Mohammed Ali. A monument like this will truly be cherished by every
citizen. The obelisk of the Piazza del Popolo claims great interest,
as it also stood before the Temple of the Sun at Heliopolis. Lepsius
attributes it to Meneptha. It was removed to Rome by Augustus, B.C.
19, to ornament the Circus Maximus. The obelisk in front of St.
Peter's was brought to Rome by Caligula, and placed on the Vatican in
the Circus of Caligula. It is about eighty-three feet high. There are
several other Egyptian obelisks in Rome. Nothing can afford a greater
idea of the skill of the Egyptians, and of their wonderful knowledge
of mechanism, than the erection of these monoliths.
[Illustration: OBELISK OF HELIOPOLIS. (_Over 4000 years old_).
The following is a translation of the hieroglyphic writing
which is set into it: "The Horus; the living from his birth;
the king of Upper and Lower Egypt; Ra Kheper Ka; Lord of the
two diadems; Son of the sun; Osirtasen; the loved of the God of
Heliopolis from his birth; Ever-living; The golden Horus; the
Good God; Ra Kheper Ka to the first celebration of the
panegyry. He (has) made (this obelisk) the eternal generator."]
The Greeks never made obelisks outside of Egypt. The Macedonian kings,
or Ptolemies, who reigned in that country, from Alexander to Augustus,
erected, terminated, or enlarged many monuments, but always according
to Egyptian rules. Egyptian artists executed obelisks for their Greek
princes, but they did not depart, any more than in the other
monuments, from their ancient customs. The Egyptian style and
proportions are always to be recognized, and the inscriptions are also
traced in hieroglyphics. The obelisk found at Philæ was erected in
honor of Ptolemy Evergetes II. and of Cleopatra, his sister, or
Cleopatra, his wife, and placed on a base bearing a Greek inscription
relating the reason and occasion of this monument. It was removed from
Philæ by Belzoni, and has been now erected at Kingston Hall, Dorset,
by Mr. Bankes. It is very far from equaling the Pharaonic obelisks in
dimensions, it being only twenty-two feet high.
After the Romans had made Egypt a Roman province they carried away
some of its obelisks. Augustus was the first who conceived the idea of
transporting these immense blocks to Rome; he was imitated by
Caligula, Constantine, and others. They were generally erected in some
circus. Thirteen remain at the present day at Rome, some of which are
of the time of the Roman domination in Egypt. The Romans had obelisks
made in honor of their princes, but the material and the workmanship
of the inscriptions cause them to be easily distinguished from the
more ancient obelisks. The Barberini obelisk, on the Monte Pincio, is
of this number; it bears the names of Adrian, of Sabina, his wife, and
of Antinous, his favorite. The obelisk of the Piazza Navona, from the
style of its hieroglyphics, is supposed to be a Roman work of the time
of Domitian. The name of Santus Rufus can be read on the Albani
obelisk, now at Munich, and as there are two Roman prefects of Egypt
known of that name, it was, therefore, one of those magistrates who
had executed in that country these monuments in honor of the reigning
emperors, and then had them sent to Rome. The Romans also attempted to
make obelisks at Rome; such is the obelisk of the Trinita de' Monti,
which formerly stood in the Circus of Sallust. It is a bad copy of
that of the Porta del Popolo. The Roman emperors in the east had also
some Egyptian obelisks transported to Constantinople. Fragments of two
of these monuments have been found in Sicily, at Catania; one of them
has eight sides, but it is probably not a genuine Egyptian work. The
use of the obelisk as a gnomon, and the erection of it on a high base
in the center of an open space, were only introduced on the removal of
single obelisks to Rome.
[Page Decoration]
[Page Decoration]
RELIGION OR MYTHOLOGY.
Mythology is from the word myth, meaning fable, it is therefore a
system of fabulous opinions and doctrines respecting the deities which
the heathen nations have supposed to preside over the world or to
influence its affairs.
They had twelve gods, Jupiter, Neptune, Pluto, Mercury, Mars, Vulcan,
Apollo, Diana, Minerva, Juno, Ceres and Vesta. Besides these there
were other lesser gods, Bacchus, Isis, Hebe, the Muses and the Fates,
etc.; also Sleep, Dreams and Death; and there were still others who
had free will and intelligence, and having mixed forms, such as the
Pegasus, or winged horse, the Centaur, half man and half horse, Hydra,
etc.
The Greek theory of the origin of things was that the beginning was
chaos laden with the seed of all nature, then came the Earth and the
Heavens, or Uranus; these two were married and from this union came a
numerous and powerful brood. First were the six Titans, all males, and
then the six females, and the Cyclops, three in number; these latter
were of gigantic size, having but one eye, and that in the center of
the forehead. They represented Thunder, Lightning and Fire, or the
rapid flame.
The Titans made war upon their father and wounded him, and from the
drops of blood which flowed from the wound and fell upon the earth
sprang the Furies, whose names signified "Unceasing," "Envier," and
"Blood-Avenger;" and the Giants and melian Nymphs, and from the blood
drops which fell into the sea sprang Venus, the goddess of love and
beauty.
The youngest and bravest son, Saturn, who wounded and dethroned his
father, was, by the consent of his brethren, permitted to reign with
an understanding that his male children should all be destroyed. But
his wife, Rhea, hid from him three of her sons, Jupiter, Neptune and
Pluto, who, waging a ten-year war against their father, finally
dethroned him and divided the kingdom among themselves. The oldest,
Jupiter, had the heavens, and reigned over all gods, Neptune over the
sea, and Pluto the lower regions.
Jupiter then built his courts on Mount Olympos, reigned supreme god
over heaven and earth; he was called the father of man and gods, and
is placed at the head of the entire creation.
He is generally represented as majestic in appearance, seated on a
throne with a sceptre in one hand and thunderbolts in the other.
Jupiter had a number of wives; he also married his sister Juno, who
was the queen goddess. Besides Jupiter, Juno, Neptune and Pluto the
other eight gods were the children of Jupiter.
Neptune was second to Jupiter in power. He is represented as carrying
a trident or three-tined fork, with which he strikes the earth and
shakes it; he is therefore often called the "earth-shaker." He is
usually represented like Jupiter, of a serene and majestic aspect,
seated in a chariot made of shells and drawn by dolphins and
sea-horses, while the Tritons and the Nymphs gambol about him.
Pluto is represented as the grim, stern ruler over hell. He is also
called Hades and Orcus. He has a throne of sulphur, from beneath which
flows the Rivers Lethe, or "Oblivion," Phlegethon, Cocytus and
Acheron. In one hand he holds his fork and in the other the keys of
hell, and beside him is the dog with three heads. He is described as
being well qualified for his position, being inexorable and deaf to
supplications, and an object of aversion and hatred to both gods and
men. From his realms there is no return, and all mankind, sooner or
later, are sure to be gathered into his kingdom.
As none of the goddesses would marry the stern and gloomy god, he
seized Proserpine, the daughter of Ceres, while she was gathering
flowers, and opened the earth and carried her through into his
dominion.
Mercury was the messenger and ambassador of the gods. He was
represented by wings on his hat, and sandals, and usually carrying a
wand, or staff, with two serpents twined around it. He himself was a
god of eloquence and the patron of orators, merchants, thieves,
robbers, travelers and shepherds.
Mars was the god of war. Sorrow and fear accompanied him, disorder and
discord in tattered garments go before him and anger and clamor
follow. He is of huge size and gigantic strength, and his voice was
louder than those of ten thousand mortals.
Vulcan was the forger, and is generally represented at an anvil in a
short tunic, with a hammer in his right hand. He was lame when he was
born, and his mother, Juno, was so shocked that she flung him headlong
from the Mt. Olympos.
Apollo was the god of archery, prophecy and music, and is usually seen
with a harp in his hand and of beautiful figure.
Diana was the goddess of chase, and appears with a bow in her hand and
a quiver of arrows at her back, and on her side is a hound. She
devoted herself to perpetual celibacy, and her chief joy was to speed
like a Dorian maid over the hills, followed by a train of nymphs in
pursuit of the flying game.
Minerva is the goddess of wisdom and skill, and the teacher in
warfare. She has a serious and thoughtful countenance, a spear in one
hand and a shield in the other, while a helmet covers her head. She is
said to have sprung from the brains of Jupiter.
Juno, the wife of Jupiter, was haughty, jealous and inexorable; a
goddess of dignified and matronly air, often found with a peacock at
her feet.
Ceres is the goddess of grain and harvest. She is represented riding
on a chariot drawn by dragons, and distributing grain to the different
regions of the earth. She holds in one hand corn and wheat, in the
other a lighted torch, and wears on her head a garland of wheat heads.
After Pluto stole her daughter, Proserpine, she searched for her
throughout the whole world.
Vesta, the goddess of the household and domestic hearths, is
represented in a long-flowing robe, with a veil on her head, a lamp in
one hand, and a spear or javelin in the other. In her temple at Rome,
the sacred fire was guarded by six priestesses, called the Vestal
Virgins.
Among the lesser gods there were many, but the most common was
Bacchus, who was the god of lust, wine, and the patron of drunkenness
and debauchery. He is represented as an effeminate young man, with
long flowing hair. In one hand he holds a goblet, in the other a bunch
of grapes and a short dagger.
The Muses were goddesses who presided over music and poetry, and all
the liberal arts and sciences. They were nine in number.
The Graces were three in number, and personified Splendor, Joy and
Pleasure. They were three beautiful sisters, standing with their arms
entwined.
The Fates were also three goddesses, who presided over the destiny of
mortals. The first was the staff of life, the second spun the cord,
and the third cut it off.
This is a brief outline of the origin and nature of the gods and
goddesses: and the legends are numerous, and some of them are of
exceeding interest and beauty, while others shock and disgust us by
the gross impossibilities and hideous deformities which they reveal.
We have concluded to give a direct translation of them from the Greek,
so that the reader may have them in the pure original form, and
thereby have not only the beauty and interest retained, but at the
same time an idea of the style of the ancient writings; only a few
stories have been modified to bring them nearer to the level of the
rest. We will, however, be obliged to use the Greek names instead of
the Latin in this translation, as it is from the Greek, and will
therefore give the names translated below:
_Greek._ _Latin._
ZEUS, JUPITER.
HERE, JUNO.
POSEIDON, NEPTUNE.
PLOUTON, PLUTO.
DEMETER, CERES.
APOLLO, APOLO.
ARTEMIS, DIANA.
HEPHAISTOS, VULCAN.
ATHENE, MINERVA.
ARES, MARS.
APHRODITE, VENUS.
HERMES, MERCURY.
HESTIA, VESTA.
The most of the Greek people appear to have believed that their
divinities were real persons, but their philosophers explained the
legends concerning them as allegorical representations of general
physical and moral truths. The Greeks, therefore, instead of favoring
nature, worshiped the powers of nature personified.
THE DELPHIAN APOLLO.
From land to land the lady Leto wandered in fear and sorrow, for no
city or country would give her a home where she might abide in peace.
From Crete to Athens, from Athens to Ægina, from Ægina to the heights
of Pelion and Athos, through all the islands of the wide Ægæan Sea,
Skyros and Imbros and Lemnos, and Chios the fairest of all, she
passed, seeking a home. But in vain she prayed each land to receive
her, until she came to the Island of Delos, and promised to raise it
to great glory if only there she might rest in peace. And she lifted
up her voice and said, "Listen to me, O island of the dark sea. If
thou wilt grant me a home, all nations shall come unto thee, and great
wealth shall flow in upon thee; for here shall Phœbus Apollo, the lord
of light and life, be born, and men shall come hither to know his will
and win his favor." Then answered Delos, and said, "Lady, thou
promisest great things; but they say that the power of Phœbus Apollo
will be such as nothing on the wide earth may withstand; and mine is
but a poor and stony soil, where there is little to please the eye of
those who look upon me. Wherefore I fear that he will despise my hard
and barren land, and go to some other country where he will build a
more glorious temple, and grant richer gifts to the people who come to
worship him." But Leto swore by the dark water of Styx, and the wide
heaven above, and the broad earth around her, that in Delos should be
the shrine of Phœbus, and that there should the rich offerings burn on
his altar the whole year round.
So Leto rested in the Island of Delos, and there was Phœbus Apollo
born. And there was joy among the undying gods who dwell in Olympos,
and the earth laughed beneath the smile of heaven. Then was his temple
built in Delos, and men came to it from all lands to learn his will
and offer rich sacrifices on his altar.
THE PYTHIAN APOLLO.
Long time Apollo abode in Delos; and every year all the children of
Ion were gathered to the feast which was held before his temple. But
at length it came to pass that Apollo went through many lands,
journeying towards Pytho. With harp in hand he drew nigh to the gates
of Olympos, where Zeus and the gods dwell in their glory; and
straightway all rejoiced for the sweetness of his harping. The Muses
sang the undying gifts of the gods, and the griefs and woes of mortal
men who can not flee from old age and death. The bright Horai joined
hands together with Hebe and Harmonia; and Ares stood by the side of
Aphrodite with Hermes the slayer of Argos, gazing on the face of
Phœbus Apollo, which glistened as with the light of the new-risen sun.
Then from Olympos he went down into the Pierian land, to Iolkos and
the Lelantian plain; but it pleased him not there to build himself a
home. Thence he wandered on to Mykalessos, and, traversing the grassy
plains of Teumessos, came to the sacred Thebes; but neither would he
dwell there, for no man had yet come hither, neither was there road
nor path, but only wild forests in all the land.
[Illustration: JUPITER. (_Zeus_)]
Further and further he roamed, across the stream of Kephisos and
beyond Okalea and Haliartos, until he came to Telphusa. There he
thought to build himself a temple, for the land was rich and fair, so
he said, "Beautiful Telphusa, here would I rest in thy happy vale, and
here shall men come to ask my will and seek for aid in the hour of
fear; and great glory shall come to thee while I abide in thy land."
But Telphusa was moved with anger as she saw Phœbus marking out the
place for his shrine and laying its foundations; and she spake
craftily to him, and said, "Listen to me, Phœbus Apollo. Thou seekest
here to have a home, but here thou canst never rest in peace; for my
broad plain will tempt men to the strife of battle, and the tramp of
war-horses shall vex the stillness of thy holy temple. Nay, even in
the time of peace, the lowing cattle shall come in crowds to my
fountain, and the tumult will grieve thine heart. But go thou to
Krisa, and make for thyself a home in the hidden clefts of Parnassos,
and thither shall men hasten with their gifts from the utmost bounds
of the earth." So Apollo believed her words, and he went on through
the land of the Phlegyes until he came to Krisa. There he laid the
foundations of his shrine in the deep cleft of Parnassos; and
Trophonios and Agamedes, the children of Erginos, raised the wall.
There also he found the mighty dragon who nursed Typhaon, the child of
Here, and he smote him, and said, "Rot there upon the ground, and vex
not more the children of men. The clays of thy life are ended, neither
can Typhoeus himself aid thee now, nor Chimæra of the evil name. But
the earth and the burning sun shall consume and scorch thy body." So
the dragon died, and his body rotted on the ground; wherefore the name
of the place is called Pytho, and they worship Phœbus Apollo as the
great Pythian king.
But Phœbus knew now that Telphusa had deceived him, because she said
nothing of the great dragon of Krisa, or of the roughness of the land.
So he hastened back in his anger and said, "Thou hast beguiled me,
Telphusa, with thy crafty words; but no more shall thy fountain send
forth its sweet water, and the glory shall be mine alone." Then Apollo
hurled great crags down and choked the stream near the beautiful
fountain, and the glory departed from Telphusa.
Then he thought within himself what men he should choose to be his
priests at Pytho; and far away, as he stood on the high hill, he saw a
ship sailing on the wine-faced sea, and the men who were in it were
Cretans, sailing from the land of King Minos to barter their goods
with the men of Pylos. So Phœbus leaped into the sea, and changed his
form to the form of a dolphin, and hastened to meet the ship. None
knew whence the great fish came which smote the side of their vessel
with its mighty fins; but all marveled at the sight, as the dolphin
guided the ship through the dark waters, and they sat trembling with
fear, as they sped on without a sail by the force of the strong south
wind. From the headland of Malea and the land of the Lakonians they
passed to Helos and to Tænaron where Helios dwells, in whom the sons
of men take delight, and where his cattle feed in the rich pastures.
There the sailors would have ended their wanderings; but they sought
in vain to land, for the ship would not obey its helm. Onward it went
along the coast of the Island of Pelops, for the mighty dolphin guided
it. So from Arene and Arguphea it came to the sandy Pylos, by Chalkis
and Dyme to the land of the Epeians, to Pheræ and to Ithaka. There the
men saw spread out before them the waters which wash the shores of
Krisa; and the strong west wind came with its fierce breath, and drove
them off to the east and towards the sunrising until they came to
Krisa.
Then Phœbus Apollo came forth from the sea, like a star, and the
brightness of his glory reached up to the high heaven. Into his shrine
he hastened, and on the altar he kindled the undying fire, and his
bright arrows were hurled abroad, till all Krisa was filled with the
blaze of his lightnings, so that fear came upon all, and the cries of
the women rose shrill on the sultry air. Then, swift as a thought of
the heart, he hastened back to the ship; but his form was now the form
of a man in his beauty, and his golden locks flowed over his broad
shoulders. From the shore he called out to the men in the Cretan ship,
and said "Who are ye, strangers? and do ye come as thieves and
robbers, bringing terror and sorrow whithersoever ye may go? Why stay
ye thus, tarrying in your ships, and seek not to come out on the land?
Surely ye must know that all who sail on the wide sea rejoice when
their ship comes to the shore, that they may come forth and feast with
the people of the land?" So spake Phœbus Apollo; and the leader of the
Cretans took courage and said, "Stranger, sure I am that thou art no
mortal man, but one of the bright heroes or the undying gods.
Wherefore tell us now the name of this land and of the people who
dwell in it. Hither we never sought to come, for we were sailing from
the land of Minos to barter our wares at Pylos; but some one of the
gods hath brought us hither against our will."
Then spake the mighty Apollo, and said to them, "O, strangers, who
have dwelt in Knossos of the Cretan land, think not to return to your
ancient home, to your wives or to your children. Here ye must guard
and keep my shrine, and ye shall be honored of all the children of
men. For I am the son of Zeus, and my name is Phœbus Apollo. It was I
who brought you hither across the wide sea, not in guile or anger, but
that in all time to come ye may have great power and glory, that ye
may learn the counsel of the undying gods and make known their will to
men. Hasten then to do my bidding; let down your sails, and bring your
ship to the shore. Then bring out your goods, and build an altar on
the beach, and kindle a fire, and offer white barley as an offering;
and because I led you hither under the form of a dolphin, so worship
me as the Delphian god. Then eat bread and drink wine, as much as your
soul may lust after; and after that come with me to the holy place,
where ye shall guard my temple."
So they obeyed the words of Phœbus; and when they had offered the
white barley, and feasted richly on the sea-shore, they arose to go,
and Apollo led them on their way. His harp was in his hand, and he
made sweet music, such as no mortal ear had heard before; and they
raised the chant Io Pæan, for a new power was breathed into their
hearts, as they went along. They thought not now of toil or sorrow;
but with feet unwearied they went up the hill until they reached the
clefts of Parnassos, where Phœbus would have them dwell.
Then out spake the leader of the Cretans, and said, boldly, "O king,
thou hast brought us far away from our homes to a strange land; whence
are we to get food here? No harvest will grow on these bare rocks, no
meadows are spread out before our eyes. The whole land is bare and
desolate." But the son of Zeus smiled and said, "O foolish men, and
easy to be cast down, if ye had your wish ye would gain nothing but
care and toil. But listen to me and ponder well my words. Stretch
forth your hands and slay each day the rich offerings, for they shall
come to you without stint and sparing, seeing that the sons of men
shall hasten hither from all lands, to learn my will and ask for aid
in the hour of fear. Only guard ye my temple well, and keep your hands
clean and your hearts pure; for if ye deal rightly no man shall take
away your glory; but if ye speak lies and do iniquity, if ye hurt the
people who come to my altar, and make them to go astray, then shall
other men rise up in your place, and ye yourselves shall be thrust out
forever, because ye would not obey my words."
[Illustration: APOLLO. (_From an ancient Sculpture._)]
NIOBE AND LETO.
In the little Island of Delos there lived a long time ago a lady who
was called Niobe. She had many sons and many daughters, and she was
very proud of them, for she thought that in all the Island of Delos,
and even in all the world, there were no children so beautiful as her
own. And as they walked, and leaped, and ran among the hills and
valleys of that rocky island, all the people looked at them, and said,
"Surely there are no other children like the children of the lady
Niobe." And Niobe was so pleased at hearing this, that she began to
boast to every one how strong and beautiful her sons and daughters
were.
Now in this Island of Delos there lived also the lady named Leto. She
had only two children, and their names were Artemis and Phœbus Apollo;
but they were very strong and fair, indeed. And whenever the lady
Niobe saw them, she tried to think that her own children were still
more beautiful, although she could hardly help feeling that she had
never seen any so glorious as Artemis and Apollo. So one day the lady
Leto and the lady Niobe were together, and their children were playing
before them; and Phœbus Apollo played on his golden harp, and then he
shot from his golden bow the arrows which never missed their mark. But
Niobe never thought of Apollo's bow, and the arrows which he had in
his quiver; and she began to boast to the lady Leto of the beauty of
her children, and said, "See, Leto; look at my seven sons and my seven
daughters, and see how strong and fair they are. Apollo and Artemis
are beautiful, I know, but my children are fairer still; and you have
only two children while I have seven sons and seven daughters." So
Niobe went on boasting, and never thought whether she should make Leto
angry. But Leto said nothing until Niobe and her children were gone,
and then she called Apollo, and said to him, "I do not love the lady
Niobe. She is always boasting that her sons and daughters are more
beautiful than you and your sister; and I wish you to show her that no
one else is so strong as my children, or so beautiful." Then Phœbus
Apollo was angry, and a dark frown came upon his fair young face, and
his eyes were like the flaming fire. But he said nothing, and he took
his golden bow in his hand, and put his quiver with his terrible
arrows across his shoulder, and went away to the hills where he knew
that the lady Niobe and her children were. And when he saw them he
went and stood on a bare high rock, and stretched the string of his
golden bow, and took an arrow from his quiver. Then he held out the
bow, and drew the string to his breast, until the point of the arrow
touched the bow; and then he let the arrow fly. Straight to its mark
it went, and one of the lady Niobe's sons fell dead. Then another
arrow flew swiftly from the bow, and another, and another, and
another, till all the sons and all the daughters of Niobe lay dead on
the hillside. Then Apollo called out to Niobe, and said, "Go and boast
now of your beautiful children!"
It had all passed so quickly that Niobe scarcely knew whether it was
not a dream. She could not believe that her children were really
gone--all her sons and all her daughters, whom she had just now seen
so happy and strong around her. But there they lay, still and cold,
upon the ground. Their eyes were closed as if they were asleep, and
their faces had still a happy smile, which made them look more
beautiful than ever. And Niobe went to them all one by one, and
touched their cold hands, and kissed their pale cheeks; and then she
knew that the arrows of Phœbus Apollo had killed them. Then she sat
down on a stone which was close to them, and the tears flowed from her
eyes, and they streamed down her face, as she sat there as still as
her children who lay dead before her. She never raised her head to
look at the blue sky--she never moved hand or foot, but she sat
weeping on the cold rock until she became as cold as the rock itself.
And still her tears flowed on, and still her body grew colder and
colder, until her heart beat no more, and the lady Niobe was dead. But
there she still seemed to sit and weep, for her great grief had turned
her into a stone; and all the people, whenever they came near that
place, said, "See, there sits the lady Niobe, who was turned into
stone, when Phœbus Apollo killed all her children because she boasted
that no one was so beautiful as they were." And long after, when the
stone was grown old and covered with moss, the people still thought
they could see the form of the lady Niobe; for the stone, which did
not look much like the form of a woman when they came near to it,
seemed at a distance just as though Niobe still sat there, weeping for
her beautiful children whom Phœbus Apollo slew.
DAPHNE.
In the vale of Tempe, where the stream of Peneios flows beneath the
heights of Olympos towards the sea, the beautiful Daphne passed the
days of her happy childhood. Fresh as the earliest morning, she
climbed the crags to greet the first rays of the rising sun; and when
he had driven his fiery horses over the sky, she watched his chariot
sink behind the western mountains. Over hill and dale she roamed, free
and light as the breeze of spring. Other maidens round her spoke each
of her love, but Daphne cared not to listen to the voice of man,
though many a one sought her to be his wife.
One day as she stood on the slopes of Ossa in the glow of early
morning, she saw before her a glorious form. The light of the
new-risen sun fell on his face with a golden splendor, and she knew
that it was Phœbus Apollo. Hastily he ran towards her, and said, "I
have found thee, Child of the Morning. Others thou hast cast aside,
but from me thou canst not escape. I have sought thee long, and now
will I make thee mine." But the heart of Daphne was bold and strong;
and her cheek flushed and her eye sparkled with anger, as she said, "I
know neither love nor bondage. I live free among the streams and
hills; and to none will I yield my freedom." Then the face of Apollo
grew dark with anger, and he drew near to seize the maiden; but swift
as the wind she fled away. Over hill and dale, over crag and river,
the feet of Daphne fell lightly as falling leaves in autumn; but
nearer yet came Phœbus Apollo, till at last the strength of the maiden
began to fail. Then she stretched out her hands, and cried for help to
the lady Demeter; but she came not to her aid. Her head was dizzy, and
her limbs trembled in utter feebleness as she drew near the broad
river which gladdens the plains of Thessaly, till she almost felt the
breath of Phœbus, and her robe was almost in his grasp. Then, with a
wild cry, she said, "Father Peneios, receive thy child," and she
rushed into the stream, whose waters closed gently over her.
She was gone; Apollo mourned for his madness in chasing thus the free
maiden. And he said, "I have punished myself by my folly; the light of
the morning is taken out of the day. I must go on alone till my
journey shall draw towards its end." Then he spake the word, and a
laurel came up on the bank where Daphne had plunged into the stream;
and the green bush with its thick clustering leaves keeps her name
forever.
KYRENE.
Among the valleys and hills of Thessaly, Kyrene, the fair-armed
daughter of Hypseus, wandered free as the deer upon the mountain side.
Of all the maidens of the land, there was none to vie her in beauty;
neither was there any that could be matched with her for strength of
arm and speed of foot. She touched not the loom or the spindle; she
cared not for banquets with those who revel under houses. Her feasts
were spread on the green grass, beneath the branching tree; and with
her spear and dagger she went fearless among the beasts of the field,
or sought them out in their dens.
One day she was roaming along the winding banks of Peneios, when a
lion sprang from a thicket across her path. Neither spear nor dagger
was in her hand, but the heart of Kyrene knew no fear, and she
grappled with him until the beast sank wearied at her feet. She had
conquered, but not unseen, for Phœbus Apollo had watched the maiden as
she battled with the angry lion; and straightway he called the wise
centaur Cheiron, who had taught him in the days of his youth. "Come
forth," he said, "from thy dark cave, and teach me once again, for I
have a question to ask thee. Look at yonder maiden, and the beast
which lies beaten at her feet; and tell me (for thou art wise) whence
she comes, and what name she bears. Who is she, that thus she wanders
in these lonely valleys without fear and without hurt? Tell me if she
may be wooed and won." Then Cheiron looked steadfastly at the face of
Phœbus, and a smile passed over his countenance as he answered, "There
are hidden keys to unlock the prison-house of love; but why askest
thou me of the maiden's name and race--thou who knowest the end of all
things, and all the paths along which the sons of men are journeying?
Thou hast counted the leaves which burst forth in the spring-time, and
the grains of sand which the wind tosses on the river bank, or by the
sea shore. But if I must needs match thee in suitable wisdom, then
listen to my words. The maiden is wooed and won already; and thou art
going to bear her as thy bride over the dark sea, and place her in
golden halls on the far-off Libyan land. There she shall have a home
rich in every fruit that may grow up from the earth; and there shall
thy son Aristaios be born, on whose lips the bright Horai shall shed
nectar and ambrosia, so that he may not come under the doom of mortal
men."
Then Phœbus Apollo smiled as he answered, "Of a truth, Cheiron, thou
deservest thy fame, for there are none to match with thee for wisdom;
and now I go with Kyrene to the land which shall be called by her
name, and where, in time to come, her children shall build great and
mighty cities, and their name shall be spread abroad throughout all
the earth for strength and wisdom."
So the maiden Kyrene came to the Libyan land, and there Aristaios, her
child, was born. And Hermes carried the babe to the bright Horai, who
granted him an endless life; and he dwelt in the broad Libyan plains,
tending his flocks, and bringing forth rich harvests from the earth.
For him the bees wrought their sweetest honey; for him the sheep gave
their softest wool; for him the cornfields waved with their fullest
grain. No blight touched the grapes which his hand had tended; no
sickness vexed the herds which fed in his pastures. And they who dwelt
in the land said, "Strife and war bring no such gifts as these to the
sons of men; therefore let us live in peace."
HERMES.
Early in the morning, long ago, in a cave of the great Kyllenian hill,
lay the new-born Hermes, the son of Zeus and Maia. The cradle-clothes
were scarcely stirred by his soft breathing, while he slept as
peacefully as the children of mortal mothers. But the sun had not
driven his fiery chariot half over the heaven, when the babe arose
from his sacred cradle and stepped forth from the dark cavern. Before
the threshold a tortoise fed lazily on the grass; and when the child
saw it he laughed merrily. "Ah! this is luck, indeed," he said;
"whence hast thou come, pretty creature, with thy bright speckled
shell? Thou art mine now, and I must take thee into my cave. It is
better to be under shelter than out of doors; and though there may be
some use in thee while thou livest, it will comfort thee to think that
thou wilt sing sweetly when thou art dead." So the child Hermes took
up his treasure in both arms, and carried it into the cavern. There he
took an iron probe, and pierced out the life of the tortoise; and
quick as thought, he drilled holes in its shell, and fixed in them
reed-canes. Then across the shell he fastened a piece of ox-hide, and
with seven sheep-gut cords he finished the making of his lyre.
Presently he struck it with the bow, and a wave of sweet music swelled
out upon the air. Like the merry songs of youths and maidens, as they
sport in village feasts, rose the song of the child Hermes; and his
eyes laughed slyly as he sang of the loves of Zeus and Maia, and how
he himself was born of the mighty race of the gods. Still he sang on,
telling of all that he saw around him in the home of the nymph, his
mother, but all the while, as he sang, his mind was pondering on other
things; and when the song was ended, he went forth from the cave, like
a thief in the night, on his wily errand.
The sun was hastening down the slope of heaven, with his chariot and
horses to the slow-rolling stream of Ocean, as Hermes came to the
shadowy hills of Pieria, where the cattle of the gods fed in their
large pastures. There he took fifty from the herd, and made ready to
drive them to the Kyllenian hill. But before him lay vast plains of
sand; and, therefore, lest the track of the cattle should tell the
tale of his thieving, he drove the beasts round about by crooked
paths, until it seemed as though they had gone to the place from
whence he had stolen them. He had taken good care that his own
footsteps should not betray him, for with branches of tamarisk and
myrtle, well twisted with their leaves, he hastily made sandals, and
sped away from Pieria. One man alone saw him, a very old man, who was
working in his vineyard on the sunny plain of Onchestos. To him Hermes
went quickly, and said, "Old man, thou wilt have plenty of wine when
these roots come all into bearing trim. Meanwhile keep a wise head on
thy crumpled shoulders, and take heed not to remember more than may be
convenient."
[Illustration: PLUTO AND HIS WIFE.]
Onwards, over dark hills, and through sounding dells, and across
flowery plains, hastened the child Hermes, driving his flock before
him. The night waxed and waned, and the moon had climbed to her
watchtower in the heaven, when, in the flush of early morning, Hermes
reached the banks of the great Alpheian stream. Then he turned his
herd to feed on the grassy plain, while he gathered logs of wood, and,
rubbing two sticks together, kindled the first flame that burned upon
the earth where dwell the sons of men. The smoke went up to the
heaven, and the flame crackled fiercely beneath it, as Hermes brought
forth two of the herd, and, tumbling them on their back, pierced out
the life of both. Their hides he placed on the hard rock; their flesh
he cut up into twelve portions; and so Hermes hath the right of
ordering all sacrifices which the children of men offer to the undying
gods. But he ate not of the flesh or fat, although hunger sorely
pressed him; and he burnt the bones in the fire, and tossed his
tamarisk sandals into the swift stream of Alpheios. Then he quenched
the fire, and with all his might trampled down the ashes, until the
pale moon rose up again in the sky. So he sped on his way to Kyllene.
Neither god nor man saw him as he went, nor did the dogs bark. Early
in the morning he reached his mother's cave, and darted through the
keyhole of the door, softly as a summer breeze. Without a sound his
little feet paced the stony floor, till he reached his cradle and lay
down, playing like a babe among the clothes with his left hand, while
the right held the tortoise-lyre hidden underneath them.
But, wily as he was, he could not cheat his mother. To his cradle she
came, and said, "Whither hast thou wandered in the dark night? Crafty
rogue, mischief will be thy ruin. The son of Leto will soon be here,
and bear thee away bound in chains not easily shaken off. Out of my
sight, little wretch, born to worry the blessed gods and plague the
race of men!" "Mother," said Hermes, gently, "why talk thus to me, as
though I were like mortal babes, a poor cowering thing, to cry for a
little scolding? I know thy interest and mine: why should we stay here
in this wretched cave, with never a gift nor a feast to cheer our
hearts? I shall not stay. It is pleasanter to banquet with the gods
than to dwell in a cavern in draughts of whistling wind. I shall try
my luck against Apollo, for I mean to be his peer; and if he will not
suffer me, and if Zeus, my father, take not up my cause, I will see
what I can do for myself, by going to the shrine of Pytho and stealing
thence the tripods and caldrons, the iron vessels and glittering
robes. If I may not have honor in Olympos, I can at least be the
prince of thieves."
Meanwhile, as they talked together, Eos rose up from the deep ocean
stream, and her tender light flushed across the sky, while Apollo
hastened to Onchestos and the holy grove of Poseidon. There the old
man was at work in his vineyard, and to him Phœbus went quickly, and
said, "Friend hedger, I am come from Pieria looking for my cows. Fifty
of them have been driven away, and the bull has been left behind with
the four dogs who guarded them. Tell me, old man, hast thou seen any
one with these cows, on the road?" But the old man said that it would
be a hard matter to tell of all that he might chance to see. "Many
travelers journey on this road, some with evil thoughts, some with
good; I can not well remember all. This only I know, that yesterday,
from the rising of the sun to its setting, I was digging in my
vineyard, and I think, but I am not sure, that I saw a child with a
herd of cattle. A babe he was, and he held a staff in his hand, and,
as he went, he wandered strangely from the path on either side."
Then Phœbus stayed not to hear more, for now he knew of a surety that
the new-born son of Zeus had done him the mischief. Wrapped in a
purple mist, he hastened to beautiful Pylos, and came on the track of
the cattle. "O Zeus!" he cried, "this is indeed a marvel. I see the
footprints of cattle, but they are marked as though the cattle were
going to the asphodel meadow, not away from it. Of man or woman, of
wolf, bear, or lion, I spy not a single trace. Only here and there I
behold the footprints of some strange monster, who has left his mark
at random on either side of the road." So on he sped to the woody
heights of Kyllene, and stood on the doorstep of Maia's cave.
Straightway the child Hermes nestled under the cradle-clothes in fear,
like a new-born babe asleep. But, seeing through all his craft, Phœbus
looked steadily through all the cave and opened three secret places
full of the food and drink of the gods, and full also of gold and
silver and raiment; but not a cow was in any of them. At last he fixed
his eyes sternly on the child, and said, "Wily babe, where are my
cows? If thou wilt not tell me, there will be strife between us; and
then I will hurl thee down to the gloomy Tartaros, to the land of
darkness, whence neither thy father nor thy mother can bring thee
back, and where thy kingdom shall be only over the ghosts of men."
"Ah!" said Hermes, "these are dreadful words, indeed; but why dost
thou chide me thus, or come here to look for cows? I have not seen or
heard of them, nor has any one told me of them. I can not tell where
they are, or get the reward, if any were promised, for discovering
them. This is no work of mine; what do I care for but for sleeping and
sucking, and playing with my cradle-clothes, and being washed in warm
water? My friend, it will be much better that no one should hear of
such a silly quarrel. The undying gods would laugh at the very thought
of a little babe leaving its cradle to run after cows. I was born but
yesterday. My feet are soft, and the ground is hard. But if it be any
comfort to thee, I will swear by my father's head (and that is a very
great oath) that I have not done this deed, nor seen any one else
steal your cows, and that I do not know what cows are."
As he spoke he looked stealthily from one side to the other, while his
eyes winked slyly, and he made a long soft whistling sound, as if the
words of Phœbus had amused him mightily. "Well, friend," said Apollo,
with a smile, "thou wilt break into many a house, I see, and thy
followers after thee; and thy fancy for beef will set many a herdsman
grieving. But come down from the cradle, or this sleep will be thy
last. Only this honor can I promise thee, to be called the prince of
thieves forever." So without more ado Phœbus caught up the babe in his
arms; but Hermes gave so mighty a sneeze that he quickly let him fall,
and Phœbus said to him, gravely, "This is the sign that I shall find
my cows; show me, then, the way." In great fear Hermes started up and
pulled the cradle-clothes over his ears, as he said, "Cruel god, what
dost thou seek to do with me? Why worry me thus about cows? I would
there were not a cow in all the earth. I stole them not, nor have I
seen any one steal the cows, whatever things cows may be. I know
nothing but their name. But come; Zeus must decide the quarrel between
us."
Thus each with his own purpose spake to the other, and their minds
grew all the darker, for Phœbus sought only to know where his cows
might be, while Hermes strove only to cheat him. So they went quickly
and sulkily on, the babe first, and Phœbus following after him, till
they came to the heights of Olympos and the home of the mighty Zeus.
There Zeus sat on the throne of judgment, and all the undying gods
stood around him. Before them in the midst stood Phœbus and the child
Hermes, and Zeus said, "Thou hast brought a fine booty after thy hunt
to-day, Phœbus--a child of a day old. A fine matter is this to put
before the gods."
"My father," said Apollo, quickly, "I have a tale to tell which will
show that I am not the only plunderer. After a weary search I found
this babe in the cave of Kyllene; and a thief he is such as I have
never seen whether among gods or men. Yester eve he stole my cattle
from the meadow, and drove them straight towards Pylos to the shore of
the sounding sea. The tracks left were such that gods and men might
well marvel at them. The footprints of the cows on the sand were as
though they were going to my meadows, and not away from them; his own
footmarks beggar all words, as if he had gone neither on his feet nor
on his hands, and as if the oak tops had suddenly taken to walking. So
was it on the sandy soil; and after this was passed, there remained no
marks at all. But an old man saw him driving them on the road to
Pylos. There he shut up the cattle at his leisure, and, going to his
mother's cave, lay down in his cradle like a spark in a mass of
cinders, which an eagle could scarcely spy out. When I taxed him with
the theft he boldly denied it, and told me that he had not seen the
cows or heard naught of them, and could not get the reward if one were
offered for restoring them."
So the words of Phœbus were ended, and the child Hermes made obeisance
to Zeus, the lord of all the gods, and said, "Father Zeus, I shall
tell thee the truth, for I am a very truthful being, and I know not
how to tell a lie. This morning, when the sun was but newly risen,
Phœbus came to my mother's cave, looking for cows. He brought no
witnesses; but urged me by force to confess; he threatened to hurl me
into the abyss of Tartaros. Yet he has all the strength of early
manhood, while I, as he knows, was born but yesterday, and am not in
the least like a cattle-reiver. Believe me (by thy love for me, thy
child) that I have not brought these cows home, or passed beyond my
mother's threshold. This is strict truth. Nay, by Helios and the other
gods, I swear that I love thee and have respect for Phœbus. Thou
knowest that I am guiltless, and, if thou wilt, I will also swear it.
But, spite of all his strength, I will avenge myself some day on
Phœbus for his unkindness; and then help thou the weaker."
So spake Hermes, winking his eyes and holding the clothes to his
shoulders; and Zeus laughed aloud at the wiliness of the babe, and
bade Phœbus and the child be friends. Then he bowed his head and
charged Hermes to show the spot where he had hidden the cattle, and
the child obeyed, for none may despise that sign and live. To Pylos
they hastened and to the broad stream of Alpheios, and from the fold
Hermes drove forth the cattle. But as he stood apart, Apollo beheld
the hides flung on the rock, and he asked Hermes, "How wast thou able,
cunning rogue, to flay two cows, thou a child but one day old? I fear
thy might in time to come, and I can not let thee live." Again he
seized the child, and bound him fast with willow bands; but the child
tore them from his body like flax, so that Phœbus marveled greatly. In
vain Hermes sought a place wherein to hide himself, and great fear
came upon him till he thought of his tortoise-lyre. With his bow he
touched the strings, and the wave of song swelled out upon the air
more full and sweet than ever. He sang of the undying gods and the
dark earth, how it was made at the first, and how to each of the gods
his own appointed portion was given, till the heart of Apollo was
filled with a mighty longing, and he spake to Hermes, and said,
"Cattle-reiver, wily rogue, thy song is worth fifty head of cattle.
We will settle our strife by and by. Meanwhile, tell me, was this
wondrous gift of song born with thee, or hast thou it as a gift from
any god or mortal man? Never on Olympos, from those who can not die,
have I heard such strains as these. They who hear thee may have what
they will, be it mirth, or love, or sleep. Great is thy power, and
great shall be thy renown, and by my cornel staff I swear that I will
not stand in the way of thy honor or deceive thee in anywise."
Then said Hermes, "I grudge thee not my skill, son of Leto, for I seek
but thy friendship. Yet thy gifts from Zeus are great. Thou knowest
his mind, thou canst declare his will, and reveal what is stored up in
time to come for undying gods or mortal men. This knowledge I fain
would have. But my power of song shall this day be thine. Take my
lyre, the soother of the wearied, the sweet companion in hours of
sorrow or of feasting. To those who come skilled in its language, it
can discourse sweetly of all things, and drive away all thoughts that
annoy and cares that vex the soul. To those who touch it, not knowing
how to draw forth its speech, it will babble strange nonsense, and
rave with uncertain moanings. But thy knowledge is born with thee, and
so my lyre is thine. Wherefore now let us feed the herds together, and
with our care they shall thrive and multiply. There is no more cause
for anger."
So saying the babe held out the lyre, and Phœbus Apollo took it. In
his turn he gave to the child Hermes a glittering scourge, with charge
over his flocks and herds. Then, touching the chords of the lyre, he
filled the air with sweet music, and they both took their way to
Olympos, and Zeus was glad at heart to see that the wrath of Apollo
had passed away. But Phœbus dreaded yet the wiles of Hermes, and said,
"I fear me much, child of Maia, that in time to come thou mayest steal
both my harp and my bow, and take away my honor among men. Come now,
and swear to me by the dark water of Styx that thou wilt never do me
wrong." Then Hermes bowed his head, and swore never to steal anything
from Apollo, and never to lay hands on his holy shrine; and Phœbus
swore that of all the undying gods there should be none so dear to him
as Hermes. "And of this love," he said, "I will give thee a pledge. My
golden rod shall guard thee, and teach thee all that Zeus may say to
me for the well or ill-doing of gods or men. But the higher knowledge
for which thou didst pray may not be thine; for that is hidden in the
mind of Zeus, and I have sworn a great oath that none shall learn it
from me. But the man who comes to me with true signs, I will never
deceive; and he who puts trust in false omens and then comes to
inquire at my shrine, shall be answered according to his folly, but
his offering shall go into my treasure-house. Yet further, son of
Maia, in the clefts of Parnassos far away dwell the winged Thriai, who
taught me long ago the secret things of times to come. Go thou, then,
to the three sisters, and thus shalt thou test them. If they have
eaten of the honeycomb before they speak, they will answer thee truly;
but if they lack the sweet food of the gods, they will seek to lead
astray those who come to them. These I give thee for thy counselors;
only follow them warily; and have thou dominion over all flocks and
herds, and over all living things that feed on the wide earth; and be
thou the guide to lead the souls of mortal men to the dark kingdom of
Hades."
So was the love of Apollo for Hermes made sure; and Hermes hath his
place amongst all the deathless gods and dying men. Nevertheless, the
sons of men have from him no great gain, for all night long he vexes
them with his treacherous wiles.
THE SORROW OF DEMETER.
In the fields of Enna, in the happy Island of Sicily, the beautiful
Persephone was playing with the girls who lived there with her. She
was the daughter of the lady Demeter, and every one loved them both,
for Demeter was good and kind to all, and no one could be more gentle
and merry than Persephone. She and her companions were gathering
flowers from the field, to make crowns for their long flowing hair.
They had picked many roses and lilies and hyacinths, which grew in
clusters around them, when Persephone thought she saw a splendid
flower far off; and away she ran, as fast as she could, to get it. It
was a beautiful narcissus, with a hundred heads springing from one
stem; and the perfume which came from its flowers gladdened the broad
heaven above, and the earth and sea around it. Eagerly Persephone
stretched out her hand to take this splendid prize, when the earth
opened, and a chariot stood before her, drawn by four coal-black
horses; and in the chariot there was a man with a dark and solemn
face, which looked as though he could never smile, and as though he
had never been happy. In a moment he got out of his chariot, seized
Persephone round the waist, and put her on the seat by his side. Then
he touched the horses with his whip, and they drew the chariot down
into the great gulf, and the earth closed over them again.
Presently the girls who had been playing with Persephone came up to
the place where the beautiful narcissus was growing; but they could
not see her anywhere. And they said, "Here is the very flower which
she ran to pick, and there is no place here where she can be hiding."
Still for a long time they searched through the fields of Enna; and
when the evening was come they went home to tell the lady Demeter that
they could not tell what had become of Persephone.
Very terrible was the sorrow of Demeter when she was told that her
child was lost. She put a dark robe on her shoulders, and took a
flaming torch in her hand, and went over land and sea to look for
Persephone. But no one could tell her where she was gone. When ten
days were passed she met Hekate, and asked her about her child; but
Hekate said, "I heard her voice, as she cried out when some one seized
her; but I did not see it with my eyes, and so I know not where she is
gone." Then she went to Helios, and said to him, "O Helios, tell me
about my child. Thou seest everything on the earth, sitting in the
bright sun." Then Helios said to Demeter, "I pity thee for thy great
sorrow, and I will tell thee the truth. It is Hades who has taken
away Persephone to be his wife in the dark and gloomy land which lies
beneath the earth."
[Illustration: CERES. (_or Demeter, from Pompeii Wall
Painting_)]
Then the rage of Demeter was more terrible than her sorrow had been;
and she would not stay in the palace of Zeus, on the great Thessalian
hill, because it was Zeus who had allowed Hades to take away
Persephone. So she went down from Olympos, and wandered on a long way
until she came to Eleusis, just as the sun was going down into his
golden cup behind the dark blue hills. There Demeter sat down close to
a fountain, where the water bubbled out from the green turf and fell
into a clear basin, over which some dark olive trees spread their
branches. Just then the daughters of Keleos, the king of Eleusis, came
to the fountain with pitchers on their heads to draw water; and when
they saw Demeter, they knew from her face that she must have some
great grief; and they spoke kindly to her, and asked if they could do
anything to help her. Then she told them how she had lost and was
searching for her child; and they said, "Come home and live with us;
and our father and mother will give you everything that you can want,
and do all that they can to soothe your sorrow." So Demeter went down
to the house of Keleos, and she stayed there for a whole year. And all
this time, although the daughters of Keleos were very gentle and kind
to her, she went on mourning and weeping for Persephone. She never
laughed or smiled, and scarcely ever did she speak to any one, because
of her great grief. And even the earth, and the things which grow on
the earth, mourned for the sorrow which had come upon Demeter. There
was no fruit upon the trees, no corn came up in the fields, and no
flowers blossomed in the gardens. And Zeus looked down from his high
Thessalian hill, and saw that everything must die unless he could
soothe the grief and anger of Demeter. So he sent Hermes down to
Hades, the dark and stern king, to bid him send Persephone to see her
mother, Demeter. But before Hades let her go he gave her a
pomegranate to eat, because he did not wish her to stay away from him
always, and he knew that she must come back if she tasted but one of
his pomegranate seeds. Then the great chariot was brought before the
door of the palace, and Hermes touched with his whip the coal-black
horses, and away they went as swiftly as the wind, until they came
close to Eleusis. Then Hermes left Persephone, and the coal-black
horses drew the chariot away again to the dark home of King Hades.
The sun was sinking down in the sky when Hermes left Persephone, and
as she came near to the fountain she saw some one sitting near it in a
long black robe, and she knew that it must be her mother who still
wept and mourned for her child. And as Demeter heard the rustling of
her dress, she lifted up her face, and Persephone stood before her.
Then the joy of Demeter was greater, as she clasped her daughter to
her breast, than her grief and her sorrow had been. Again and again
she held Persephone in her arms, and asked her about all that had
happened to her. And she said, "Now that you are come back to me, I
shall never let you go away again; Hades shall not have my child to
live with him in his dreary kingdom," But Persephone said, "It may not
be so, my mother; I can not stay with you always; for before Hermes
brought me away to see you, Hades gave me a pomegranate, and I have
eaten some of the seeds; and after tasting the seed I must go back to
him again when six months have passed by. And, indeed, I am not afraid
to go, for although Hades never smiles or laughs, and everything in
his palace is dark and gloomy, still he is very kind to me, and I
think that he feels almost happy since I have been his wife. But do
not be sorry, my mother, for he has promised to let me come up and
stay with you for six months in every year, and the other six months I
must spend with him in the land which lies beneath the earth."
So Demeter was comforted for her daughter Persephone, and the earth
and all the things that grew in it felt that her anger and sorrow had
passed away. Once more the trees bore their fruits, the flowers spread
out their sweet blossoms in the garden, and the golden corn waved like
the sea under the soft summer breeze. So the six months passed happily
away, and then Hermes came with his coal-black horses to take
Persephone to the dark land. And she said to her mother, "Do not weep
much; the gloomy king whose wife I am is so kind to me that I can not
be really unhappy, and in six months more he will let me come to you
again." But still, whenever the time came round for Persephone to go
back to Hades, Demeter thought of the happy days when her child was a
merry girl playing with her companions and gathering the bright
flowers in the beautiful plains of Enna.
THE SLEEP OF ENDYMION.
One beautiful evening, when the sun was sinking down in the West,
Selene was wandering on the banks of the River Meander; and she
thought that of all the places which she had ever seen there was none
more lovely than the quiet valley through which that gentle river was
flowing. On her right hand rose a hill, whose sides were covered with
trees and flowers, where the vine clambered over the elm, and the
purple grapes shone out from amongst the dark leaves. Then Selene
asked some people who were passing by to tell her the name of the
hill, and they told her that it was called the hill of Latmos. On she
went, under the tall trees, whose branches waved over her in the clear
evening light, till at last she reached the top, and looked down on
the valley which lay beneath her. Then Selene was indeed astonished,
for she had never seen anything so beautiful before, even in a dream.
She had fancied that nothing could be more lovely than the vale of the
Meander, and now she saw something far more beautiful than the rocks
and stones and clear bright water of that winding river. It was a
small valley, at the bottom of which a lake shone like silver in the
light of the setting sun. All around it beautiful trees covered the
sloping banks; and their long branches drooped down over the water.
Not a breath of wind was stirring the dark leaves--not a bird was
flying in the air. Only the large green dragon-fly floated lazily on
the lake, while the swan lay half asleep on the silvery waters. On one
side, in the loveliest corner of the valley, there was a marble
temple, whose pillars shone like the white snow; and, leading down to
the lake, there were steps of marble, over which the palm trees spread
their branches, and everywhere were clusters of all beautiful flowers,
amongst which mosses, and ferns, and the green ivy were tangled. There
was the white narcissus and the purple tulip--the dark hyacinth and
the soft red rose. But more beautiful than all the trees and flowers,
a man lay sleeping on the marble steps of the temple. It was Endymion,
who lived in this quiet valley, where the storms never came, and where
the dark rain-clouds never covered the sides of the mountain. There he
lay in the still evening hour; and at first Selene thought that it
could scarcely be a living man whom she saw, for he lay as still as
if he were made of marble himself. And as she looked upon him, Selene
drew in her breath for wonder; and she went gently down the valley
till she came to the steps where Endymion lay asleep. Presently the
sun sank behind the hill, and the rich glow of the evening made the
silvery lake gleam like gold; and Endymion awoke and saw Selene
standing near him. Then Selene said, "I am wandering over the earth;
and I may not stay here. Come away, and I will show you larger lakes
and more glorious valleys than these." But Endymion said, "Lady, I can
not go. There may be lakes which are larger, and valleys more splendid
than this, but I love this still and quiet place, where the storms
never come, and the sky is never black with clouds. You must not ask
me to leave the cool shade of these sleeping trees, and the myrtles
and roses which twine under the tall elms, and these waters, where the
swans rest in the hot hours of the day and the dragon-fly spreads his
green and golden wings to the sun."
[Illustration: JUNO (_or Here_).]
Many times did Selene ask him, but Endymion would not leave his
pleasant home; and at last she said, "I can stay no more, but if you
will not come with me, then you shall sleep on these marble steps and
never wake up again." So Selene left him, and presently a deep sleep
came over Endymion, and his hands dropped down by his side, and he lay
without moving on the steps of the temple, while the evening breeze
began to stir gently the broad leaves of the palm trees, and the
lilies which bowed their heads over the calm water. There he lay all
through the still and happy night; and there he lay when the sun rose
up from the sea, and mounted up with its fiery horses into the sky.
There was a charm now on this beautiful valley, which made the breeze
more gentle and the lake more still than ever. The green dragon-flies
came floating lazily in the air near Endymion, but he never opened his
eyes; and the swans looked up from the lake, to see if he was coming
to feed them; but he stirred not in his deep and dreamless sleep.
There he lay day and night, for weeks, and months, and years; and many
times, when the sun went down into the sea, Selene came and stood on
the Latmian hill, and watched Endymion as he lay asleep on the marble
steps beneath the drooping palm trees; and she said, "I have punished
him because he would not leave his home; and Endymion sleeps forever
in the land of Latmos."
PHAETHON.
In the golden house which Hephaistos had wrought for him with his
wondrous skill, Helios saw nothing fairer than his son Phaethon; and
he said to his mother, Klymene, that no mortal child might be matched
with him for beauty. And Phaethon heard the words, and his heart was
filled with an evil pride. So he stood before the throne of Helios,
and said, "O father, who dwellest in the dazzling light, they say that
I am thy child; but how shall I know it while I live in thy house
without name and glory? Give me a token, that men may know me to be
thy son." Then Helios bade him speak, and swear to grant his prayer;
and Phaethon said, "I will guide thy chariot for one day through the
high heaven; bid the Horai make ready the horses for me, when Eos
spreads her quivering light in the sky." But the heart of Helios was
filled with fear, and he besought his son with many tears to call back
his words. "O Phaethon, bright child of Klymene, for all thy beauty
thou art mortal still; and the horses of Helios obey no earthly
master." But Phaethon harkened not to his words, and hastened away to
the dwelling of the Horai, who guard the fiery horses. "Make ready for
me," he said, "the chariot of Helios, for this day I go through the
high heaven in the stead of my father."
The fair-haired Eos spread her faint light in the pale sky, and
Lampetie was driving the cattle of Helios to their bright pastures,
when the Horai brought forth his horses and harnessed them to the
fiery chariot. With eager hand Phaethon seized the reins, and the
horses sped upon their way up the heights of the blue heaven, until
the heart of Phaethon was full of fear and the reins quivered in his
grasp. Wildly and more madly sped the steeds, till at last they
hurried from the track which led to the Hesperian land. Down from
their path they plunged, and drew near to the broad plains of earth.
Fiercer and fiercer flashed the scorching flames; the trees bowed down
their withered heads; the green grass shriveled on the hillsides; the
rivers vanished from their slimy beds, and the black vapors rose with
smoke and fire from the hidden depths of the mighty hills. Then in
every land the sons of men lay dying on the scorched and gaping
ground. They looked up to the yellow sky, but the clouds came not;
they sought the rivers and fountains, but no water glistened on their
seething beds; and young and old, all lay down in madness of heart to
sleep the sleep of death.
So sped the horses of Helios on their fiery wanderings, and Zeus
looked down from his Thessalian hill and saw that all living things on
the earth must die unless Phaethon should be smitten down from his
father's chariot. Then the mighty thunders woke in the hot sky which
mourned for the clouds that were dead; and the streams of lightning
rushed forth upon Phaethon, and bore him from the blazing heaven far
down beneath the waters of the green sea.
But his sisters wept sore for the death of the bright Phaethon, and
the daughters of Hesperos built his tomb on the sea-shore, that all
men might remember the name of the son of Helios and say, "Phaethon
fell from his father's chariot, but he lost not his glory, for his
heart was set upon great things."
BRIAREOS.
There was strife in the halls of Olympos, for Zeus had conquered the
ancient gods, and sat on the throne of his father Kronos. In his hand
he held the thunderbolts; the lightning slumbered at his feet, and
around him all the gods trembled for the greatness of his power. For
he laid hard tasks on all, and spoke hard words, and he thought to
rule harshly over the gods who dwell on the earth and in the broad
sea. All the day long Hermes toiled on weary errands to do his will;
for Zeus sought to crush all alike, and remembered not the time when
he, too, was weak and powerless.
[Illustration: DIANA (_or Artemis_).]
Then were there secret whisperings, as the gods of earth and sea took
counsel together; and Poseidon, the lord of the dark waters, spoke in
fierce anger, and said, "Hearken to me, Here and Athene, and let us
rise up against Zeus, and teach him that he has not power over all.
See how he bears himself in his new majesty--how he thinks not of the
aid which we gave him in the war with his father Kronos--how he has
smitten down even the mightiest of his friends. For Prometheus, who
gave fire to mortal men and saved them from biting cold and gnawing
hunger, lies chained on the crags of Caucasus; and if he shrink not to
bind the Titan, see that he smite not thee also in his wrath, O lady
Here." And Athene said, "The wisdom of Zeus is departed from him, and
all his deeds are done now in craft and falsehood; let us bind him
fast, lest all the heaven and earth be filled with strife and war." So
they vowed a vow that they would no more bear the tyranny of Zeus; and
Hephaistos forged strong chains at their bidding to cast around him
when sleep lay heavy on his eyelids.
But Thetis heard the words of Poseidon and Athene, as she sat beneath
the waters in her coral cave, and she rose up like a white mist from
the sea, and knelt before the throne of Zeus. Then she clasped her
arms round his knees, and said, "O Zeus, the gods tremble at thy
might, but they love not thy hard words, and they say that thy wisdom
hath departed from thee, and that thou doest all things in craft and
falsehood. Hearken to me, O Zeus, for Hephaistos hath forged the chain
and the lady Here, and Poseidon, the lord of the sea, and the pure
Athene have vowed a vow to bind thee fast when sleep lies heavy on
thine eyes. Let me therefore go, that I may bring Briareos to aid thee
with his hundred hands, and when he sits by thy side, then shalt thou
need no more to fear the wrath of Here and Poseidon. And when the
peril is past, then, O Zeus, remember that thou must rule gently and
justly, for that power shall not stand which fights with truth and
love; and forget not those who aid thee, nor reward them as thou hast
rewarded Prometheus on the crags of Caucasus, for it may be that, in
time to come, I may ask a boon from thee for Achilleus, my child, who
dwells now in the house of his father, Peleus; and when that hour
shall come, then call to mind how in time past I saved thee from the
chains of Hephaistos."
Then Zeus spoke gently, and said, "Hasten, Thetis, and bring hither
the mighty Briareos, that he may guard me with his hundred hands, and
fear not for the words that thou hast spoken, for Zeus will not cast
aside good counsel, and the gods shall hate me no more for hard and
unkindly words."
So from the depths of the inmost earth Thetis summoned Briareos to the
aid of Zeus, and presently his giant form was seen in the hall of
Olympos; and the gods trembled as he sat down by the side of Zeus,
exulting in the greatness of his strength. And Zeus spoke, and said,
"Hearken to me, O lady Here, and Poseidon, and Athene. I know your
counsels, and how ye purposed to bind me for my evil deeds; but fear
not. Only do my bidding in time to come, and ye shall no more have
cause to say that Zeus is a hard and cruel master."
DIONYSOS.
In the dark land beneath the earth, where wander the ghosts of men,
lay Semele, the daughter of Kadmos, while her child Dionysos grew up
full of strength and beauty on the flowery plain of Orchomenos. But
the wrath of the lady Here still burned alike against the mother and
the child. No pity felt she for the helpless maiden whom the fiery
lightning of Zeus had slain; and so in the prison-house of Hades
Semele mourned for the love which she had lost, waiting till her child
should lead her forth to the banquet of the gods. But for him the
wiles of Here boded long toil and grievous peril. On the land and on
the sea strange things befel him; but from all dangers his own strong
arm and the love of Zeus, his father, rescued him. Thus throughout the
land men spake of his beauty and his strength, and said that he was
worthy to be the child of the maiden who had dared to look on the
majesty of Zeus. At length the days of his youth were ended, and a
great yearning filled his heart to wander through the earth and
behold the cities and the ways of men. So from Orchomenos Dionysos
journeyed to the sea-shore, and he stood on a jutting rock to gaze on
the tumbling waters. The glad music of the waves fell upon his ear and
filled his soul with a wild joy. His dark locks streamed gloriously
over his shoulders, and his purple robe rustled in the soft summer
breeze. Before him on the blue waters the ships danced merrily in the
sparkling sunlight, as they hastened from shore to shore on the
errands of war and peace. Presently a ship drew near to the beach. Her
white sail was lowered hastily to the deck, and five of her crew
leaped out and plunged through the sea-foam to the shore, near the
rock on which stood Dionysos. "Come with us," they said, with rough
voices, as they seized him in their brawny arms; "it is not every day
that Tyrrhenian mariners fall in with youths like thee." With rude
jests they dragged him into the ship, and there made ready to bind
him. "A brave youth and fair he is," they said; "we shall not lack
bidders when we put forth our goods for sale." So round his limbs they
fastened stout withy bands, but they fell from off him as withered
leaves fall from off trees in autumn, and a careless smile played on
his face as he sat down and looked calmly on the robbers who stood
before him. Then on a sudden the voice of the helmsman was heard, as
he shouted, "Fools, what do ye? The wrath of Zeus is hurrying you to
your doom. This youth is not of mortal race; and who can tell which of
the undying gods has put on this beautiful form? Send him straightway
from the ship in peace, if ye fear not a deadly storm as we cross the
open sea." Loud laughed the crew, as their chief answered, jeeringly,
"Look out for the breeze, wise helmsman, and draw up the sail to the
wind. That is more thy task than to busy thyself with our doings. Fear
not for the boy. The withy bands were but weak; it is no great marvel
that he shook them off. He shall go with us, and before we reach Egypt
or Cyprus or the land of the Hyperboreans, doubtless he will tell us
his name and the name of his father and mother. Fear not, we have
found a godsend."
So the sail was drawn up to the mast, and it swelled proudly before
the breeze as the ship dashed through the crested waves. And still the
sun shone brightly down on the water, and the soft white clouds
floated lazily in the heavens, as the mighty Dionysos began to show
signs and wonders before the robbers who had seized him. Over the deck
ran a stream of purple wine, and a fragrance as of a heavenly banquet
filled the air. Over mast and sailyard clambered the clustering vine,
and dark masses of grapes hung from the branches. The ivy twined in
tangled masses round the tackling, and bright garlands shone, like
jeweled crowns, on every oar-pin. Then a great terror fell on all, as
they cried to the old helmsman, "Quick, turn the ship to the shore;
there is no hope for us here." But there followed a mightier wonder
still. A loud roar broke upon the air, and a tawny lion stood before
them, with a grim and grizzly bear by his side. Cowering like pitiful
slaves, the Tyrrhenians crowded to the stern, and crouched round the
good helmsman. Then the lion sprang and seized the chief, and the men
leaped in their agony over the ship's side. But the power of Dionysos
followed them still; and a change came over their bodies as they heard
a voice, which said, "In the form of dolphins shall ye wander through
the sea for many generations. No rest shall ye have by night or by
day, while ye fly from the ravenous sharks that shall chase you
through the seas."
But before the old helmsman again stood Dionysos, the young and fair,
in all the glory of undying beauty. Again his dark locks flowed gently
over his shoulders, and the purple robe rustled softly in the breeze.
"Fear not," he said, "good friend and true, because thou hast aided
one who is sprung from the deathless race of the gods. I am Dionysos,
the child of Zeus, the lord of the wine-cup and the revel. Thou hast
stood by me in the hour of peril; wherefore my power shall shield thee
from the violence of evil men and soothe thee in a green old age, till
thine eyes close in the sleep of death and thou goest forth to dwell
among brave heroes and good men in the asphodel meadows of Elysium."
Then at the bidding of Dionysos, the north wind came and wafted the
ship to the land of Egypt, where Proteus was King. And so began the
long wanderings of the son of Semele, through the regions of the
Ethiopians and the Indians, towards the rising of the sun.
Whithersoever he went, the women of the land gathered round him with
wild cries and songs, and he showed them of his secret things,
punishing grievously all who set at naught the laws which he ordained.
So, at his word, Lykurgos, the Edonian chieftain, was slain by his
people, and none dared any more to speak against Dionysos, until he
came back to the city where Semele, his mother, had been smitten by
the lightnings of Zeus.
PENTHEUS.
For many years Dionysos wandered far away from the land of his birth;
and wherever he went he taught the people of the country to worship
him as a god, and showed them strange rites. Far away he roamed, to
the regions where the Ganges rolls his mighty stream into the Indian
Sea, and where the Nile brings every year rich gifts from the southern
mountains. And in all the lands to which he came he made the women
gather round him and honor him with wild cries and screams and
marvelous customs such as they had never known before. As he went
onwards the face of the land was changed. The women grouped themselves
in companies far away from the sight of men, and, high up on the
barren hills or down in the narrow valleys, with wild movements and
fierce shoutings, paid honor to Dionysos, the lord of the wine-cup and
the feast. At length, through the Thracian highlands and the soft
plains of Thessaly, Dionysos came back to Thebes, where he had been
born amid the roar of the thunder and the blaze of the fiery
lightning. Kadmos, the King, who had built the city, was now old and
weak, and he had made Pentheus, the child of his daughter Agave, King
in his stead. So Pentheus sought to rule the people well, as his
father Kadmos had done, and to train them in the old laws, that they
might be quiet in the days of peace, and orderly and brave in war.
[Illustration: VULCAN (_or Hephaistos_).]
Thus it came to pass that when Dionysos came near to Thebes, and
commanded all the people to receive the new rites, which he sought to
teach them, it grieved Pentheus at the heart; and when he saw how the
women seemed smitten with madness, and that they wandered away in
groups to desert places, where they lurked for many days and nights,
far from the sight of men, he mourned for the evils which his kinsman,
Dionysos, was bringing upon the land. So King Pentheus made a law that
none should follow these new customs, and that the women should stay
quietly doing their own work in their homes. But when they heard this,
they were all full of fury, for Dionysos had deceived them by his
treacherous words, and even Kadmos himself, in his weakness and old
age, had been led astray by them. In crowds they thronged around the
house of Pentheus, raising loud shouts in honor of Dionysos, and
besought him to follow the new way, but he would not hearken to them.
Thus it was for many days; and when all the city was shaken by the
madness of the new worship, Pentheus thought that he would see with
his own eyes the strange rites by which the women, in their
lurking-places, did honor to Dionysos. So he went secretly to some
hidden dells, whither he knew that the women had gone; but Dionysos
saw him and laid his hands upon him, and straightway the mind of King
Pentheus himself was darkened, and the madness of the worshipers was
upon him, also. Then in his folly he climbed a tall pine-tree, to see
what the women did in their revelry; but on a sudden one of them saw
him, and they shrieked wildly and rooted up the tree in their fury.
With one accord they seized Pentheus and tore him in pieces; and his
own mother, Agave, was among the first to lay hands on her son. So
Dionysos, the wine god, triumphed; and this was the way in which the
new worship was set up in the Hellenic land.
ASKLEPIOS.
On the shores of the Lake Boibeis, the golden-haired Apollo saw and
loved Koronis, the beautiful daughter of Phlegyas. Many a time they
wandered beneath the branching elms while the dew-drops glistened like
jewels on the leaves, or sat beneath the ivy bowers as the light of
evening faded from the sky and the blue veil of mist fell upon the
sleeping hills. But at length the day came when Apollo must journey to
the western land, and as he held Koronis in his arms, his voice fell
softly and sadly on her ear. "I go," he said, "to a land that is very
far off, but surely I will return. More precious to me than aught else
on the wide earth is thy love, Koronis. Let not its flower fade, but
keep it fresh and pure as now, till I come to thee again. The dancing
Horai trip quickly by, Koronis, and when they bring the day on which I
may clasp thee in mine arms once more, it may be that I shall find
thee watching proudly over the child of our love."
He was gone, and for Koronis it seemed as though the sun had ceased to
shine in the heaven. For many a day she cared not to wander by the
winding shore in the light of early morning, or to rest in the myrtle
bowers as the flush of evening faded from the sky. Her thoughts went
back to the days that were passed, when Apollo, the golden-haired,
made her glad with the music of his voice. But at length a stranger
came to the Boibean land, and dwelt in the house of Phlegyas, and the
spell of his glorious beauty fell upon Koronis, and dimmed the love
which she had borne for Apollo, who was far away. Again for her the
sun shone brightly in the heaven, and the birds filled the air with a
joyous music, but the tale went swiftly through the land, and Apollo
heard the evil tidings as he journeyed back with his sister, Artemis,
to the house of Phlegyas. A look of sorrow that may not be told passed
over his fair face; but Artemis stretched forth her hand towards the
flashing sun and swore that the maiden should rue her fickleness.
Soon, on the shore of the Lake Boibeis, Koronis lay smitten by the
spear which may never miss its mark, and her child, Asklepios, lay a
helpless babe by her side. Then the voice of Apollo was heard saying,
"Slay not the child with the mother, he is born to do great things,
but bear him to the wise centaur, Cheiron, and bid him train the boy
in all his wisdom, and teach him to do brave deeds, that men may
praise his name in the generations that shall be hereafter."
So in the deep glens of Pelion the child, Asklepios, grew up to
manhood under the teaching of Cheiron, the wise and good. In all the
land there was none that might vie with him in strength of body; but
the people marveled yet more at his wisdom, which passed the wisdom of
the sons of men, for he had learned the power of every herb and leaf
to stay the pangs of sickness and bring back health to the wasted
form. Day by day the fame of his doings was spread abroad more widely
through the land, so that all who were sick hastened to Asklepios and
besought his help. But soon there went forth a rumor that the strength
of death had been conquered by him, and that Athene, the mighty
daughter of Zeus, had taught Asklepios how to bring back the dead from
the dark kingdom of Hades. Then, as the number of those whom he
brought from the gloomy Stygian land increased more and more, Hades
went in hot anger to Olympos, and spoke bitter words against the son
of Koronis, so that the heart of Zeus was stirred with a great fear
lest the children of men should be delivered from death and defy the
power of the gods. Then Zeus bowed his head, and the lightnings
flashed from heaven, and Asklepios was smitten down by the scathing
thunderbolt.
Mighty and terrible was the grief that stirred the soul of the
golden-haired Apollo when his son was slain. The sun shone dimly from
the heaven; the birds were silent in the darkened groves; the trees
bowed down their heads in sorrow, and the hearts of all the sons of
men fainted within them, because the healer of their pains and
sickness lived no more upon the earth. But the wrath of Apollo was
mightier than his grief, and he smote the giant Cyclopes, who shaped
the fiery lightnings far down in the depths of the burning mountain.
Then the anger of Zeus was kindled against his own child, the
golden-haired Apollo, and he spake the word that he should be banished
from the home of the gods to the dark Stygian land. But the lady Leto
fell at his knees and besought him for her child, and the doom was
given that a whole year long he should serve as a bondsman in the
house of Admetos, who ruled in Pherai.
IXION.
Fair as the blushing clouds which float in early morning across the
blue heaven, the beautiful Dia gladdened the hearts of all who dwelt
in the house of her father Hesioneus. There was no guile in her soft
clear eye, for the light of Eos was not more pure than the light of
the maiden's countenance. There was no craft in her smile, for on her
rested the love and the wisdom of Athene. Many a chieftain sought to
win her for his bride; but her heart beat with love only for Ixion the
beautiful and mighty, who came to the halls of Hesioneus with horses
which can not grow old or die. The golden hair flashed a glory from
his head dazzling as the rays which stream from Helios when he drives
his chariot up the heights of heaven, and his flowing robe glistened
as he moved like the vesture which the sun-god gave to the wise maiden
Medeia, who dwelt in Kolchis.
[Illustration: MINERVA, OR PALLAS ATHENE. (_Found in
Pompeii._)]
Long time Ixion abode in the house of Hesioneus, for Hesioneus was
loth to part with his child. But at the last Ixion sware to give for
her a ransom precious as the golden fruits which Helios wins from the
teeming earth. So the word was spoken, and Dia the fair became the
wife of the son of Amythaon, and the undying horses bare her away in
his gleaming chariot. Many a day and month and year the fiery steeds
of Helios sped on their burning path, and sank down hot and wearied in
the western sea; but no gifts came from Ixion, and Hesioneus waited in
vain for the wealth which had tempted him to barter away his child.
Messenger after messenger went and came, and always the tidings were
that Ixion had better things to do than to waste his wealth on the
mean and greedy. "Tell him," he said, "that every day I journey across
the wide earth, gladdening the hearts of the children of men, and that
his child has now a more glorious home than that of the mighty gods
who dwell on the high Olympos. What would he have more?" Then day by
day Hesioneus held converse with himself, and his people heard the
words which came sadly from his lips. "What would I more?" he said; "I
would have the love of my child. I let her depart, when not the wealth
of Phœbus himself could recompense me for her loss. I bartered her for
gifts, and Ixion withholds the wealth which he sware to give. Yet were
all the riches of his treasure-house lying now before me, one loving
glance from the eyes of Dia would be more than worth them all."
But when his messengers went yet again to plead with Ixion, and their
words were all spoken in vain, Hesioneus resolved to deal craftily,
and he sent his servants by night and stole the undying horses which
bare his gleaming chariot. Then the heart of Ixion was humbled within
him, for he said, "My people look for me daily throughout the wide
earth. If they see not my face their souls will faint with fear; they
will not care to sow their fields, and the golden harvests of Demeter
will wave no more in the summer breeze." So there came messengers
from Ixion, who said, "If thou wouldst have the wealth which thou
seekest, come to the house of Ixion, and the gifts shall be thine, and
thine eyes shall once more look upon thy child." In haste Hesioneus
went forth from his home, like a dark and lonely cloud stealing across
the broad heaven. All night long he sped upon his way, and, as the
light of Eos flushed the eastern sky he saw afar off the form of a
fair woman who beckoned to him with her long white arms. Then the
heart of the old man revived, and he said, "It is Dia, my child. It is
enough if I can but hear her voice and clasp her in mine arms and
die." But his limbs trembled for joy, and he waited until presently
his daughter came and stood beside him. On her face there rested a
softer beauty than in former days, and the sound of her voice was more
tender and loving, as she said, "My father, Zeus has made clear to me
many dark things, for he has given me power to search out the secret
treasures of the earth, and to learn from the wise beings who lurk in
its hidden places the things that shall be hereafter. And now I see
that thy life is well-nigh done, if thou seekest to look upon the
treasures of Ixion, for no man may gaze upon them and live. Go back,
then, to thy home if thou wouldst not die. I would that I might come
with thee, but so it may not be. Each day I must welcome Ixion when
his fiery horses come back from their long journey, and every morning
I must harness them to his gleaming chariot before he speeds upon his
way. Yet thou hast seen my face and thou knowest that I love thee now
even as in the days of my childhood." But the old greed filled again
the heart of Hesioneus, and he said, "The faith of Ixion is pledged.
If he withhold still the treasures which he sware to give, he shall
never more see the deathless horses. I will go myself into his
treasure-house, and see whether in very truth he has the wealth of
which he makes such proud boasting." Then Dia clasped her arms once
again around her father, and she kissed his face, and said, sadly,
"Farewell, then, my father; I go to my home, for even the eyes of Dia
may not gaze on the secret treasures of Ixion." So Dia left him, and
when the old man turned to look on her departing form it faded from
his sight as the clouds melt away before the sun at noon-day. Yet,
once again he toiled on his way, until before his glorious home he saw
Ixion, radiant as Phœbus Apollo in his beauty; but there was anger in
his kindling eye, for he was wroth for the theft of his undying
horses. Then the voice of Ixion smote the ear of Hesioneus, harsh as
the flapping of the wings of Erinys when she wanders through the air.
"So thou wilt see my secret treasures. Take heed that thy sight be
strong." But Hesioneus spake in haste, and said, "Thy faith is
pledged, not only to let me see them, but to bestow them on me as my
own, for therefore didst thou win Dia my child to be thy wife." Then
Ixion opened the door of his treasure-house and thrust in Hesioneus,
and the everlasting fire devoured him.
But far above, in the pure heaven, Zeus beheld the deed of Ixion, and
the tidings were sent abroad to all the gods of Olympos, and to all
the sons of men, that Ixion had slain Hesioneus by craft and guile. A
horror of great blackness fell on the heaven above and the earth
beneath for the sin of which Zeus alone can purge away the guilt. Once
more Dia made ready her husband's chariot, and once more he sped on
his fiery journey; but all men turned away their faces, and the trees
bowed their scorched and withered heads to the ground. The flowers
drooped sick on their stalks and died, the corn was kindled like dried
stubble on the earth, and Ixion said within himself, "My sin is great;
men will not look upon my face as in the old time, and the gods of
Olympos will not cleanse my hands from the guilt of my treacherous
deed." So he went straightway and fell down humbly before the throne
of Zeus, and said, "O thou that dwellest in the pure æther far above
the dark cloud, my hands are foul with blood, and thou alone canst
cleanse them; therefore purge mine iniquity, lest all living things
die throughout the wide earth."
Then the undying gods were summoned to the judgment seat of Zeus. By
the side of the son of Kronos stood Hermes, ever bright and fair, the
messenger who flies on his golden sandals more swiftly than a dream;
but fairer and more glorious than all who stood near his throne was
the lady Here, the queen of the blue heaven. On her brow rested the
majesty of Zeus and the glory of a boundless love which sheds gladness
on the teeming earth and the broad sea. And even as he stood before
the judgment-seat, the eyes of Ixion rested with a strange yearning on
her undying beauty, and he scarce heard the words which cleansed him
from blood-guiltiness.
So Ixion tarried in the house of Zeus, far above in the pure æther,
where only the light clouds weave a fairy net-work at the rising and
setting of the sun. Day by day his glance rested more warm and loving
on the countenance of the lady Here, and Zeus saw that her heart, too,
was kindled by a strange love, so that a fierce wrath was stirred
within him.
Presently he called Hermes, the messenger, and said, "Bring up from
among the children of Nephele one who shall wear the semblance of the
lady Here, and place her in the path of Ixion when he wanders forth on
the morrow." So Hermes sped away on his errand, and on that day Ixion
spake secretly with Here, and tempted her to fly from the house of
Zeus. "Come with me," he said; "the winds of heaven can not vie in
speed with my deathless horses, and the palace of Zeus is but as the
house of the dead by the side of my glorious home." Then the heart of
Ixion bounded with a mighty delight, as he heard the words of Here.
"To-morrow I will meet thee in the land of the children of Nephele."
So on the morrow when the light clouds had spread their fairy net-work
over the heaven, Ixion stole away from the house of Zeus to meet the
lady Here. As he went, the fairy web faded from the sky, and it seemed
to him that the lady Here stood before him in all her beauty. "Here,
great queen of the unstained heaven," he said, "come with me, for I am
worthy of thy love, and I quail not for all the majesty of Zeus." But
even as he stretched forth his arms, the bright form vanished away.
The crashing thunder rolled through the sky, and he heard the voice of
Zeus saying, "I cleansed thee from thy guilt, I sheltered thee in my
home, and thou hast dealt with me treacherously, as thou didst before
with Hesioneus. Thou hast sought the love of Here, but the maiden
which stood before thee was but a child of Nephele, whom Hermes
brought hither to cheat thee with the semblance of the wife of Zeus.
Wherefore hear thy doom. No more shall thy deathless horses speed with
thy glistening chariot over the earth, but high in the heaven a
blazing wheel shall bear thee through the rolling years, and the doom
shall be on thee for ever and ever."
So was Ixion bound on the fiery wheel, and the sons of men see the
flashing spokes day by day as it whirls in the high heaven.
TANTALOS.
Beneath the mighty rocks of Sipylos stood the palace of Tantalos, the
Phrygian King, gleaming with the blaze of gold and jewels. Its
burnished roofs glistened from afar like the rays which dance on
ruffled waters. Its marble columns flashed with hues rich as the hues
of purple clouds which gather round the sun as he sinks down in the
sky. And far and wide was known the name of the mighty chieftain, who
was wiser than all the sons of mortal men; for his wife, Euryanassa,
they said, came of the race of the undying gods, and to Tantalos Zeus
had given the power of Helios, that he might know his secret counsels
and see into the hidden things of earth and air and sea. Many a time,
so the people said, he held converse with Zeus himself in his home, on
the high Olympos, and day by day his wealth increased, his flocks and
herds multiplied exceedingly, and in his fields the golden corn waved
like a sunlit sea.
But, as the years rolled round, there were dark sayings spread abroad,
that the wisdom of Tantalos was turned to craft, and that his wealth
and power were used for evil ends. Men said that he had sinned like
Prometheus, the Titan, and had stolen from the banquet-hall of Zeus
the food and drink of the gods, and given them to mortal men. And
tales yet more strange were told, how that Panderos brought to him the
hound which Rhea placed in the cave of Dikte to guard the child, Zeus,
and how, when Hermes bade him yield up the dog, Tantalos laughed him
to scorn, and said, "Dost thou ask me for the hound which guarded Zeus
in the days of his childhood? It were as well to ask me for the unseen
breeze which sounds through the groves of Sipylos."
Then, last of all, men spake in whispers of a sin yet more fearful,
which Tantalos had sinned, and the tale was told that Zeus and all the
gods came down from Olympos to feast in his banquet-hall, and how,
when the red wine sparkled in the golden goblets, Tantalos placed
savory meat before Zeus, and bade him eat of a costly food, and, when
the feast was ended, told him that in the dish had lain the limbs of
the child Pelops, whose sunny smile had gladdened the hearts of mortal
men. Then came the day of vengeance, for Zeus bade Hermes bring back
Pelops again from the kingdom of Hades to the land of living men, and
on Tantalos was passed a doom which should torment him for ever and
ever. In the shadowy region where wander the ghosts of men, Tantalos,
they said, lay prisoned in a beautiful garden, gazing on bright
flowers and glistening fruits and laughing waters, but for all that
his tongue was parched, and his limbs were faint with hunger. No drop
of water might cool his lips, no luscious fruit might soothe his
agony. If he bowed his head to drink, the water fled away; if he
stretched forth his hand to pluck the golden apples, they would vanish
like mists before the face of the rising sun, and in place of ripe
fruits glistening among green leaves, a mighty rock beetled above his
head, as though it must fall and grind him to powder. Wherefore men
say, when the cup of pleasure is dashed from the lips of those who
would drink of it, that on them has fallen the doom of the Phrygian
Tantalos.
[Illustration: ANCIENT SCULPTURING ON TANTALOS.]
THE TOILS OF HERAKLES.
By the doom of his father Zeus, Herakles served in Argos the false and
cruel Eurystheus. For so it was that Zeus spake of the birth of
Herakles to Here, the Queen, and said, "This day shall a child be born
of the race of Perseus, who shall be the mightiest of the sons of
men." Even so he spake, because Ate had deceived him by her evil
counsel. And Here asked whether this should be so in very deed, and
Zeus bowed his head, and the word went forth which could not be
recalled. Then Here went to the mighty Eileithyiai, and by their aid
she brought it about that Eurystheus was born before Herakles the son
of Zeus.
[Illustration: URANIA (_Muse of Astronomy_).]
So the lot was fixed that all his life long Herakles should toil at
the will of a weak and crafty master. Brave in heart and stout of
body, so that no man might be matched with him for strength or beauty,
yet was he to have no profit of all his labor till he should come to
the land of the undying gods. But it grieved Zeus that the craft of
Here, the Queen, had brought grievous wrong on his child, and he cast
forth Ate from the halls of Olympos, that she might no more dwell
among the gods. Then he spake the word that Herakles should dwell with
the gods in Olympos, as soon as the days of his toil on earth should
be ended.
Thus the child grew in the house of Amphitryon, full of beauty and
might, so that men marveled at his great strength; for as he lay one
day sleeping, there came two serpents into the chamber, and twisted
their long coils round the cradle, and peered upon him with their
cold glassy eyes, till the sound of their hissing woke him from his
slumber. But Herakles trembled not for fear, but he stretched forth
his arms and placed his hands on the serpents' necks, and tightened
his grasp more and more till they fell dead on the ground. Then all
knew by this sign that Herakles must do great things and suffer many
sorrows, but that in the end he should win the victory. So the child
waxed great and strong, and none could be matched with him for
strength of arm and swiftness of foot and in taming of horses and in
wrestling. The best men in Argos were his teachers, and the wise
centaur Cheiron was his friend, and taught him ever to help the weak
and take their part against any who oppressed them. So, for all his
great strength, none were more gentle than Herakles, none more full of
pity for those who were bowed down by pain and labor.
But it was a sore grief to Herakles that all his life long he must
toil for Eurystheus, while others were full of joy and pleasure and
feasted at tables laden with good things. And so it came to pass that
one day, as he thought of these things, he sat down by the wayside,
where two paths met, in a lonely valley far away from the dwellings of
men. Suddenly, as he lifted up his eyes, he saw two women coming
towards him, each from a different road. They were both fair to look
upon; but the one had a soft and gentle face, and she was clad in a
seemly robe of pure white. The other looked boldly at Herakles, and
her face was more ruddy, and her eyes shone with a hot and restless
glare. From her shoulders streamed the long folds of her soft
embroidered robe, which scantily hid the beauty of her form beneath.
With a quick and eager step she hastened to Herakles, that she might
be the first to speak. And she said, "I know, O man of much toil and
sorrow, that thy heart is sad within thee, and that thou knowest not
which way thou shalt turn. Come then with me, and I will lead thee on
a soft and pleasant road, where no storms shall vex thee and no
sorrows shall trouble thee. Thou shalt never hear of wars and battles,
and sickness and pain shall not come nigh to thee; but all day long
shalt thou feast at rich banquets and listen to the songs of
minstrels. Thou shalt not want for sparkling wine, and soft robes, and
pleasant couches; thou shalt not lack the delights of love, for the
bright eyes of maidens shall look gently upon thee, and their songs
shall lull thee to sleep in the soft evening hour, when the stars come
out in the sky." And Herakles said, "Thou promisest to me pleasant
things, lady, and I am sorely pressed down by a hard master. What is
thy name?" "My friends," said she, "call me the happy and joyous one;
and they who look not upon me with love have given me an evil name,
but they speak falsely."
Then the other spake, and said, "O Herakles, I, too, know whence thou
art, and the doom which is laid upon thee, and how thou hast lived and
toiled even from the days of thy childhood; and therefore I think that
thou wilt give me thy love, and if thou dost, then men shall speak of
thy good deeds in time to come, and my name shall be yet more exalted.
But I have no fair words wherewith to cheat thee. Nothing good is ever
reached without labor; nothing great is ever won without toil. If thou
seek for fruit from the earth thou must tend and till it; if thou
wouldst have the favor of the undying gods thou must come before them
with prayers and offerings; if thou longest for the love of men thou
must do them good." Then the other brake in upon her words, and said,
"Thou seest, Herakles, that Arete seeks to lead thee on a long and
weary path, but my broad and easy road leads thee quickly to
happiness." Then Arete answered her (and her eye flashed with anger),
"O wretched one, what good thing hast thou to give, and what pleasure
canst thou feel, who knowest not what it is to toil? Thy lusts are
pampered, thy taste is dull. Thou quaffest the rich wine before thou
art thirsty, and fillest thyself with dainties before thou art
hungry. Though thou art numbered amongst the undying ones the gods
have cast thee forth out of heaven, and good men scorn thee. The
sweetest of all sounds, when a man's heart praises him, thou hast
never heard; the sweetest of all sights, when a man looks on his good
deeds, thou has never seen. They who bow down to thee are weak and
feeble in youth, and wretched and loathsome in old age. But I dwell
with the gods in heaven and with good men on earth; and without me
nothing good and pure may be thought and done. More than all others am
I honored by the gods, more than all others am I cherished by the men
who love me. In peace and in war, in health and in sickness, I am the
aid of all who seek me; and my help never fails. My children know the
purest of all pleasures, when the hour of rest comes after the toil of
day. In youth they are strong, and their limbs are quick with health;
in old age they look back upon a happy life; and when they lie down to
the sleep of death their name is cherished among men for their brave
and good deeds. Love me, therefore, Herakles, and obey my words, and
thou shalt dwell with me, when thy toil is ended, in the home of the
undying gods."
Then Herakles bowed down his head and sware to follow her counsels;
and when the two maidens passed away from his sight he went forth with
a good courage to his labor and suffering. In many a land he sojourned
and toiled to do the will of the false Eurystheus. Good deeds he did
for the sons of men; but he had no profit of all his labor, save the
love of the gentle Iole. Far away in Œchalia, where the sun rises from
the eastern sea, he saw the maiden in the halls of Eurytos, and sought
to win her love. But the word which Zeus spake to Here, the Queen,
gave him no rest; and Eurystheus sent him forth to other lands, and he
saw the maiden no more.
But Herakles toiled on with a good heart, and soon the glory of his
great deeds were spread abroad throughout all the earth. Minstrels
sang how he slew the monsters and savage beasts who vexed the sons of
men, how he smote the Hydra in the land of Lernai, and the wild boar,
which haunted the groves of Erymanthos, and the Harpies, who lurked in
the swamps of Stymphalos. They told how he wandered far away to the
land of the setting sun, when Eurystheus bade him pluck the golden
apples from the garden of the Hesperides--how, over hill and dale,
across marsh and river, through thicket and forest, he came to the
western sea, and crossed to the African land, where Atlas lifts up his
white head to the high heaven--how he smote the dragon which guarded
the brazen gates, and brought the apples to King Eurystheus. They sang
of his weary journey, when he roamed through the land of the
Ethiopians and came to the wild and desolate heights of Caucasus--how
he saw a giant form high on the naked rock, and the vulture which
gnawed the Titan's heart with its beak. They told how he slew the
bird, and smote off the cruel chains, and set Prometheus free. They
sang how Eurystheus laid on him a fruitless task, and sent him down to
the dark land of King Hades to bring up the monster, Kerberos; how,
upon the shore of the gloomy Acheron, he found the mighty hound who
guards the home of Hades and Persephone; how he seized him in his
strong right hand and bore him to King Eurystheus. They sang of the
days when he toiled in the land of Queen Omphale, beneath the Libyan
sun; how he destroyed the walls of Ilion when Laomedon was King, and
how he went to Kalydon and wooed and won Deianeira, the daughter of
the chieftain, Oineus.
Long time he abode in Kalydon, and the people of the land loved him
for his kindly deeds. But one day his spear smote the boy, Eunomos,
and his father was not angry, because he knew that Herakles sought not
to slay him. Yet Herakles would go forth from the land, for his heart
was grieved for the death of the child. So he journeyed to the banks
of the Evenos, where he smote the centaur, Nessos, because he sought
to lay hands on Deianeira. Swiftly the poison from the barb of the
spear ran through the centaur's veins; but Nessos knew how to avenge
himself on Herakles, and with a faint voice he besought Deianeira to
fill a shell with his blood, so that, if ever she lost the love of
Herakles, she might win it again by spreading it on a robe for him to
wear.
So Nessos died, and Herakles went to the land of Trachis, and there
Deianeira abode while he journeyed to the eastern sea. Many times the
moon waxed and waned in the heaven, and the corn sprang up from the
ground and gave its golden harvest, but Herakles came not back. At
last the tidings came how he had done great deeds in distant lands,
how Eurytos, the King of Œchalia, was slain, and how, among the
captives, was the daughter of the King, the fairest of all the maidens
of the land.
Then the words of Nessos came back to Deianeira, and she hastened to
anoint a broidered robe, for she thought only that the love of
Herakles had passed away from her, and that she must win it to herself
again. So with words of love and honor, she sent the gift for Herakles
to put on, and the messenger found him on the Keneian shore, where he
was offering rich sacrifice to Zeus, his father, and gave him the
broidered robe in token of the love of Deianeira. Then Herakles wrapt
it closely round him, and he stood by the altar while the dark smoke
went up in a thick cloud to the heaven. Presently the vengeance of
Nessos was accomplished. Through the veins of Herakles the poison
spread like devouring fire. Fiercer and fiercer grew the burning pain,
and Herakles vainly strove to tear the robe and cast it from him. It
ate into the flesh, and as he struggled in his agony, the dark blood
gushed from his body in streams. Then came the maiden Iole to his
side. With her gentle hands she sought to soothe his pain, and with
pitying words to cheer him in his woe. Then once more the face of
Herakles flushed with a deep joy, and his eye glanced with a pure
light, as in the days of his might and strength, and he said, "Ah,
Iole, brightest of maidens, thy voice shall cheer me as I sink down in
the sleep of death. I loved thee in the bright morning time, when my
hand was strong and my foot swift, but Zeus willed not that thou
shouldst be with me in my long wanderings. Yet I grieve not now, for
again thou hast come, fair as the soft clouds which gather round the
dying sun." Then Herakles bade them bear him to the high crest of Oita
and gather wood. So when all was ready, he lay down to rest, and they
kindled the great pile. The black mists were spreading over the sky,
but still Herakles sought to gaze on the fair face of Iole and to
comfort her in her sorrow. "Weep not, Iole," he said, "my toil is
done, and now is the time for rest. I shall see thee again in the
bright land which is never trodden by the feet of night."
[Illustration: JUPITER (_or Zeus with his Thunderbolt_).]
Blacker and blacker grew the evening shades, and only the long line of
light broke the darkness which gathered round the blazing pile. Then
from the high heaven came down the thick cloud, and the din of its
thunder crashed through the air. So Zeus carried his child home, and
the halls of Olympos were opened to welcome the bright hero who rested
from his mighty toil. There the fair maiden, Arete, placed a crown
upon his head, and Hebe clothed him in a white robe for the banquet of
the gods.
ADMETOS.
There was high feasting in the halls of Pheres, because Admetos, his
son, had brought home Alkestis, the fairest of all the daughters of
Pelias, to be his bride. The minstrels sang of the glories of the
house of Pherai, and of the brave deeds of Admetos--how, by the aid of
the golden-haired Apollo, he had yoked the lion and the boar, and made
them drag his chariot to Iolkos, for Pelias had said that only to one
who came thus would he give his daughter, Alkestis, to be his wife. So
the sound of mirth and revelry echoed through the hall, and the red
wine was poured forth in honor of Zeus and all the gods, each by his
name, but the name of Artemis was forgotten, and her wrath burned sore
against the house of Admetos.
But one, mightier yet than Artemis, was nigh at hand to aid him, for
Apollo, the son of Leto, served as a bondman in the house of Pheres,
because he had slain the Cyclopes, who forged the thunderbolts of
Zeus. No mortal blood flowed in his veins, but, though he could
neither grow old nor die, nor could any of the sons of men do him
hurt, yet all loved him for his gentle dealing, for all things had
prospered in the land from the day when he came to the house of
Admetos. And so it came to pass that when the sacrifice of the
marriage feast was ended, he spake to Admetos, and said, "The anger of
Artemis, my sister, is kindled against thee, and it may be that she
will smite thee with her spear, which can never miss its mark. But
thou hast been to me a kind task-master, and though I am here as thy
bond-servant, yet have I power still with my father, Zeus, and I have
obtained for thee this boon, that, if thou art smitten by the spear of
Artemis, thou shalt not die, if thou canst find one who in thy stead
will go down to the dark kingdom of Hades."
Many a time the sun rose up into the heaven and sank down to sleep
beneath the western waters, and still the hours went by full of deep
joy to Admetos and his wife, Alkestis, for their hearts were knit
together in a pure love, and no cloud of strife spread its dark shadow
over their souls. Once only Admetos spake to her of the words of
Apollo, and Alkestis answered with a smile, "Where is the pain of
death, my husband, for those who love truly? Without thee I care not
to live; wherefore, to die for thee will be a boon."
Once again there was high feasting in the house of Admetos, for
Herakles, the mighty son of Alkmene, had come thither as he journeyed
through many lands, doing the will of the false Eurystheus. But, even
as the minstrels sang the praises of the chieftains of Pherai, the
flush of life faded from the face of Admetos, and he felt that the
hour of which Apollo had warned him was come. But soon the blood came
back tingling through his veins, when he thought of the sacrifice
which alone could save him from the sleep of death. Yet what will not
a man do for his life? and how shall he withstand when the voice of
love pleads on his side? So once again the fair Alkestis looked
lovingly upon him, as she said, "There is no darkness for me in the
land of Hades, if only I die for thee," and even as she spake the
spell passed from Admetos, and the strength of the daughter of Pelias
ebbed slowly away.
The sound of mirth and feasting was hushed. The harps of the minstrels
hung silent on the wall, and men spake in whispering voices, for the
awful Moirai were at hand to bear Alkestis to the shadowy kingdom. On
the couch lay her fair form, pale as the white lily which floats on
the blue water, and beautiful as Eos when her light dies out of the
sky in the evening. Yet a little while, and the strife was ended, and
Admetos mourned in bitterness and shame for the love which he had
lost.
Then the soul of the brave Herakles was stirred within him, and he
sware that the Moirai should not win the victory. So he departed in
haste, and far away in the unseen land he did battle with the powers
of death, and rescued Alkestis from Hades, the stern and rugged King.
So once more she stood before Admetos, more radiant in her beauty than
in former days, and once more in the halls of Pherai echoed the sound
of high rejoicing, and the minstrels sang of the mighty deeds of the
good and brave Herakles, as he went on his way from the home of
Admetos to do in other lands the bidding of the fair mean Eurystheus.
EPIMETHEUS AND PANDORA.
There was strife between Zeus and men, for Prometheus stood forth on
their side and taught them how they might withstand the new god who
sat on the throne of Kronos; and he said, "O men, Zeus is greedy of
riches and honor, and your flocks and herds will be wasted with
burnt-offerings if ye offer up to Zeus the whole victim. Come and let
us make a covenant with him, that there may be a fair portion for him
and for men." So Prometheus chose out a large ox, and slew him and
divided the body. Under the skin he placed the entrails and the
flesh, and under the fat he placed the bones. Then he said, "Choose
thy portion, O Zeus, and let that on which thou layest thine hands be
thy share forever." So Zeus stretched forth his hand in haste, and
placed it upon the fat, and fierce was his wrath when he found only
the bare bones underneath it. Wherefore men offer up to the undying
gods only the bones and fat of the victims that are slain.
Then in his anger Zeus sought how he might avenge himself on the race
of men, and he took away from them the gift of fire, so that they were
vexed by cold and darkness and hunger, until Prometheus brought them
down fire which he had stolen from heaven. Then was the rage of Zeus
still more cruel, and he smote Prometheus with his thunderbolts, and
at his bidding Hermes bare him to the crags of Caucasus, and bound him
with iron chains to the hard rock, where the vulture gnawed his heart
with its beak.
But the wrath of Zeus was not appeased, and he sought how he might yet
more vex the race of men; and he remembered how the Titan Prometheus
had warned them to accept no gift from the gods, and how he left his
brother Epimetheus to guard them against the wiles of the son of
Kronos. And he said within himself, "The race of men knows neither
sickness nor pain, strife or war, theft or falsehood; for all these
evil things are sealed up in the great cask which is guarded by
Epimetheus. I will let loose the evils, and the whole earth shall be
filled with woe and misery."
So he called Hephaistos, the lord of fire, and he said, "Make ready a
gift which all the undying gods shall give to the race of men. Take
the earth, and fashion it into the shape of woman. Very fair let it be
to look upon, but give her an evil nature, that the race of men may
suffer for all the deeds that they have done to me." Then Hephaistos
took the clay and moulded from it the image of a fair woman, and
Athene clothed her in a beautiful robe, and placed a crown upon her
head, from which a veil fell over her snowy shoulders. And Hermes, the
messenger of Zeus, gave her the power of words, and a greedy mind, to
cheat and deceive the race of men. Then Hephaistos brought her before
the assembly of the gods, and they marveled at the greatness of her
beauty; and Zeus took her by the hand and gave her to Epimetheus, and
said, "Ye toil hard, ye children of men; behold one who shall soothe
and cheer you when the hours of toil are ended. The undying gods have
taken pity on you, because ye have none to comfort you; and woman is
their gift to men, therefore is her name called Pandora."
Then Epimetheus forgot the warning of his brother, and the race of men
did obeisance to Zeus, and received Pandora at his hands, for the
greatness of her beauty enslaved the hearts of all who looked upon
her. But they rejoiced not long in the gift of the gods, for Pandora
saw a great cask on the threshold of the house of Epimetheus, and she
lifted the lid, and from it came strife and war, plague and sickness,
theft and violence, grief and sorrow. Then in her terror she set down
the lid again upon the cask, and Hope was shut up within it, so that
she could not comfort the race of men for the grievous evil which
Pandora had brought upon them.
IO AND PROMETHEUS.
In the halls of Inachos, King of Argos, Zeus beheld and loved the fair
maiden Io, but when Here, the Queen, knew it, she was very wroth, and
sought to slay her. Then Zeus changed the maiden into a heifer, to
save her from the anger of Here, but presently Here learned that the
heifer was the maiden whom she hated, and she went to Zeus, and said,
"Give me that which I shall desire," and Zeus answered, "Say on." Then
Here said, "Give me the beautiful heifer which I see feeding in the
pastures of King Inachos." So Zeus granted her prayer, for he liked
not to confess what he had done to Io to save her from the wrath of
Here, and Here took the heifer and bade Argos, with the hundred eyes,
watch over it by night and by day.
[Illustration: THALIA.]
Long time Zeus sought how he might deliver the maiden from the
vengeance of Here, but he strove in vain, for Argos never slept, and
his hundred eyes saw everything around him, and none could approach
without being seen and slain. At the last Zeus sent Hermes, the bright
messenger of the gods, who stole gently towards Argos, playing soft
music on his lute. Soothingly the sweet sounds fell upon his ear, and
a deep sleep began to weigh down his eyelids, until Argos, with the
hundred eyes, lay powerless before Hermes. Then Hermes drew his sharp
sword, and with a single stroke he smote off his head, wherefore men
call him the slayer of Argos, with the hundred eyes. But the wrath of
Here was fiercer than ever when she learned that her watchman was
slain, and she sware that the heifer should have no rest, but wander
in terror and pain from land to land. So she sent a gad-fly to goad
the heifer with its fiery sting over hill and valley, across sea and
river, to torment her if she lay down to rest, and madden her with
pain when she sought to sleep. In grief and madness she fled from the
pastures of Inachos, past the city of Erechtheus into the land of
Kadmos, the Theban. On and on still she went, resting not by night or
day, through the Dorian and Thessalian plains, until at last she came
to the wild Thrakian land. Her feet bled on the sharp stones, her body
was torn by the thorns and brambles, and tortured by the stings of the
fearful gad-fly. Still she fled on and on, while the tears streamed
often down her cheeks, and her moaning showed the greatness of her
agony. "O Zeus," she said, "dost thou not see me in my misery? Thou
didst tell me once of thy love, and dost thou suffer me now to be
driven thus wildly from land to land, without hope of comfort or rest?
Slay me at once, I pray thee, or suffer me to sink into the deep sea,
that so I may put off the sore burden of my woe."
But Io knew not that, while she spake, one heard her who had suffered
even harder things from Zeus. Far above her head, towards the desolate
crags of Caucasus, the wild eagle soared shrieking in the sky, and the
vulture hovered near, as though waiting close to some dying man till
death should leave him for its prey. Dark snow-clouds brooded heavily
on the mountain, the icy wind crept lazily through the frozen air, and
Io thought that the hour of her death was come. Then, as she raised
her head, she saw far off a giant form, which seemed fastened by nails
to the naked rock, and a low groan reached her ear, as of one in
mortal pain, and she heard a voice which said, "Whence comest thou,
daughter of Inachos, into this savage wilderness? Hath the love of
Zeus driven thee thus to the icy corners of the earth?" Then Io gazed
at him in wonder and awe, and said, "How dost thou know my name and my
sorrows? and what is thine own wrong? Tell me (if it is given to thee
to know) what awaits thee and me in the time to come, for sure I am
that thou art no mortal man. Thy giant form is as the form of gods or
heroes, who come down sometimes to mingle with the sons of men, and
great must be the wrath of Zeus, that thou shouldst be thus tormented
here." Then he said, "Maiden, thou seest the Titan Prometheus, who
brought down fire for the children of men, and taught them how to
build themselves houses and till the earth, and how to win for
themselves food and clothing. I gave them wise thoughts and good laws
and prudent counsel, and raised them from the life of beasts to a life
which was fit for speaking men. But the son of Kronos was afraid at
my doings, lest, with the aid of men, I might hurl him from his place
and set up new gods upon his throne. So he forgot all my good deeds in
times past, how I had aided him when the earth-born giants sought to
destroy his power and heaped rock on rock and crag on crag to smite
him on his throne, and he caught me by craft, telling me in smooth
words how that he was my friend, and that my honor should not fail in
the halls of Olympos. So he took me unawares and bound me with iron
chains, and bade Hephaistos take and fasten me to this mountain-side,
where the frost and wind and heat scorch and torment me by day and
night, and the vulture gnaws my heart with its merciless beak. But my
spirit is not wholly cast down, for I know that I have done good to
the sons of men, and that they honor the Titan Prometheus, who has
saved them from cold and hunger and sickness. And well I know, also,
that the reign of Zeus shall one day come to an end, and that another
shall sit at length upon his throne, even as now he sits on the throne
of his father, Kronos. Hither come, also, those who seek to comfort
me, and thou seest before thee the daughters of Okeanos, who have but
now left the green halls of their father to talk with me. Listen,
then, to me, daughter of Inachos, and I will tell thee what shall
befall thee in time to come. Hence from the ice-bound chain of
Caucasus thou shalt roam into the Scythian land and the regions of
Chalybes. Thence thou shalt come to the dwelling-place of the Amazons,
on the banks of the river Thermodon; these shall guide thee on thy
way, until at length thou shalt come to a strait, which thou wilt
cross, and which shall tell by its name forever where the heifer
passed from Europe into Asia. But the end of thy wanderings is not
yet."
Then Io could no longer repress her grief, and her tears burst forth
afresh; and Prometheus said, "Daughter of Inachos, if thou sorrowest
thus at what I have told thee, how wilt thou bear to hear what beyond
these things there remains for thee to do?" But Io said, "Of what use
is it, O Titan, to tell me of these woeful wanderings? Better were it
now to die and be at rest from all this misery and sorrow." "Nay, not
so, O maiden of Argos," said Prometheus, "for if thou livest, the days
will come when Zeus shall be cast down from his throne, and the end of
his reign shall also be the end of my sufferings. For when thou hast
passed by the Thrakian Bosporos into the land of Asia, thou wilt
wander on through many regions, where the Gorgons dwell, and the
Arimaspians and Ethiopians, until at last thou shalt come to the
three-cornered land where the mighty Nile goes out by its many arms
into the sea. There shall be thy resting-place, and there shall
Epaphos, thy son, be born, from whom, in times yet far away, shall
spring the great Herakles, who shall break my chain and set me free
from my long torments. And if in this thou doubtest my words, I can
tell thee of every land through which thou hast passed on thy journey
hither; but it is enough if I tell thee how the speaking oaks of
Dodona hailed thee as one day to be the wife of Zeus and the mother of
the mighty Epaphos. Hasten, then, on thy way, daughter of Inachos.
Long years of pain and sorrow await thee still, but my griefs shall
endure for many generations. It avails not now to weep, but this
comfort thou hast, that thy lot is happier than mine, and for both of
us remains the surety that the right shall at last conquer, and the
power of Zeus shall be brought low, even as the power of Kronos, whom
he hurled from his ancient throne. Depart hence quickly, for I see
Hermes, the messenger, drawing nigh, and perchance he comes with fresh
torments for thee and me."
So Io went on her weary road, and Hermes drew nigh to Prometheus, and
bade him once again yield himself to the will of the mighty Zeus. But
Prometheus laughed him to scorn, and as Hermes turned to go away, the
icy wind came shrieking through the air, and the dark cloud sank
lower and lower down the hillside, until it covered the rock on which
the body of the Titan was nailed, and the great mountain heaved with
the earthquake, and the blazing thunderbolts darted fearfully through
the sky. Brighter and brighter flashed the lightning, and louder
pealed the thunder in the ears of Prometheus, but he quailed not for
all the fiery majesty of Zeus, and still, as the storm grew fiercer
and the curls of fire were wreathed around his form, his voice was
heard amid the din and roar, and it spake of the day when the good
shall triumph and unjust power shall be crushed and destroyed forever.
DEUKALION.
From his throne on the high Olympos, Zeus looked down on the children
of men, and saw that everywhere they followed only their lusts, and
cared nothing for right or for law. And ever, as their hearts waxed
grosser in their wickedness, they devised for themselves new rites to
appease the anger of the gods, till the whole earth was filled with
blood. Far away in the hidden glens of the Arcadian hills the sons of
Lykaon feasted and spake proud words against the majesty of Zeus, and
Zeus himself came down from his throne to see their way and their
doings.
The sun was sinking down in the sky when an old man drew nigh to the
gate of Lykosoura. His gray locks streamed in the breeze, and his
beard fell in tangled masses over his tattered mantle. With staff in
hand he plodded wearily on his way, listening to the sound of revelry
which struck upon his ear. At last he came to the Agora, and the sons
of Lykaon crowded round him. "So the wise seer is come," they said;
"what tale hast thou to tell us, old man? Canst thou sing of the days
when the earth came forth from Chaos? Thou art old enough to have been
there to see." Then with rude jeering they seized him and placed him
on the ground near the place where they were feasting. "We have done
a great sacrifice to Zeus this day, and thy coming is timely, for thou
shalt share the banquet." So they placed before him a dish, and the
food that was in it was the flesh of man, for with the blood of men
they thought to turn aside the anger of the gods. But the old man
thrust aside the dish, and, as he rose up, the weariness of age passed
away from his face, and the sons of Lykaon were scorched by the glory
of his countenance, for Zeus stood before them and scathed them all
with his lightnings, and their ashes cumbered the ground.
[Illustration: LAOCOON, THE FALSE PRIEST. (_Sculptured 3000
years ago._)]
Then Zeus returned to his home on Olympos, and he gave the word that a
flood of waters should be let loose upon the earth, that the sons of
men might die for their great wickedness. So the west wind rose in his
might, and the dark rain-clouds veiled the whole heaven, for the winds
of the north which drive away the mists and vapors were shut up in
their prison-house. On the hill and valley burst the merciless rain,
and the rivers, loosened from their courses, rushed over the wide
plains and up the mountain-side. From his home on the highlands of
Phthia, Deukalion looked forth on the angry sky, and, when he saw the
waters swelling in the valleys beneath, he called Pyrrha, his wife,
the daughter of Epimetheus, and said to her, "The time is come of
which my father, the wise Prometheus, forewarned me. Make ready,
therefore, the ark which I have built, and place in it all that we may
need for food while the flood of waters is out upon the earth. Far
away on the crags of Caucasus the iron nails rend the flesh of
Prometheus, and the vulture gnaws his heart, but the words which he
spake are being fulfilled, that for the wickedness of men the flood of
waters would come upon the earth, for Zeus himself is but the servant
of one that is mightier than he, and must do his bidding."
Then Pyrrha hastened to make all things ready, and they waited until
the waters rose up to the highlands of Phthia and floated away the ark
of Deukalion. The fishes swam amidst the old elm groves, and twined
amongst the gnarled boughs of the oaks, while on the face of the
waters were tossed the bodies of men, and Deukalion looked on the dead
faces of stalwart warriors, of maidens, and of babes, as they rose and
fell upon the heaving waves. Eight days the ark was borne on the
flood, while the waters covered the hills, and all the children of men
died save a few who found a place of shelter on the summit of the
mountains. On the ninth day the ark rested on the heights of
Parnassos, and Deukalion, with his wife Pyrrha, stepped forth upon the
desolate earth. Hour by hour the waters fled down the valleys, and
dead fishes and sea-monsters lay caught in the tangled branches of the
forest. But, far as the eye could reach, there was no sign of living
thing, save of the vultures who wheeled in circles through the heaven
to swoop upon their prey, and Deukalion looked on Pyrrha, and their
hearts were filled with a grief which can not be told. "We know not,"
he said, "whether there live any one of all the sons of men, or in
what hour the sleep of death may fall upon us. But the mighty being
who sent the flood has saved us from its waters; to him let us build
an altar and bring our thankoffering." So the altar was built and Zeus
had respect to the prayer of Deukalion, and presently Hermes, the
messenger, stood before him. "Ask what thou wilt," he said, "and it
shall be granted thee, for in thee alone of all the sons of men hath
Zeus found a clean hand and a pure heart." Then Deukalion bowed
himself before Hermes, and said, "The whole earth lies desolate; I
pray thee, let men be seen upon it once more." "Even so shall it come
to pass," said Hermes, "if ye will cover your faces with your mantles
and cast the bones of your mother behind you as ye go upon your way."
So Hermes departed to the home of Zeus, and Deukalion pondered his
words, till the wisdom of his father, Prometheus, showed him that his
mother was the earth, and that they were to cast the stones behind
them as they went down from Parnassos. Then they did each as they were
bidden, and the stones which Deukalion threw were turned into men, but
those which were thrown by Pyrrha became women, and the people which
knew neither father nor mother went forth to their toil throughout the
wide earth. The sun shone brightly in the heaven and dried up the
slime beneath them; yet was their toil but a weary labor, and so hath
it been until this day--a struggle hard as the stones from which they
have been taken.
But as the years passed on, there were children born to Pyrrha and
Deukalion, and the old race of men still lived on the heights of
Phthia. From Helen their son, sprang the mighty tribes of the
Hellenes, and from Protogeneia, their daughter, was born Aethlios, the
man of toil and suffering, the father of Endymion, the fair, who
sleeps on the hill of Latmos.
POSEIDON AND ATHENE.
Near the banks of the stream Kephisos, Erechtheus had built a city in
a rocky and thin-soiled land. He was the father of a free and brave
people, and though his city was small and humble, yet Zeus, by his
wisdom, foresaw that one day it would become the noblest of all cities
throughout the wide earth. And there was a strife between Poseidon,
the lord of the sea, and Athene, the virgin child of Zeus, to see by
whose name the city of Erechtheus should be called. So Zeus appointed
a day in which he would judge between them in presence of the great
gods who dwell on high Olympos.
When the day was come, the gods sat each on his golden throne, on the
banks of the stream Kephisos. High above all was the throne of Zeus,
the great father of gods and men, and by his side sat Here, the
Queen. This day even the sons of men might gaze upon them, for Zeus
had laid aside his lightnings, and all the gods had come down in peace
to listen to his judgment between Poseidon and Athene. There sat
Phœbus Apollo with his golden harp in his hand. His face glistened for
the brightness of his beauty, but there was no anger in his gleaming
eye, and idle by his side lay the unerring spear, with which he smites
all who deal falsely and speak lies. There, beside him, sat Artemis,
his sister, whose days were spent in chasing the beasts of the earth
and in sporting with the nymphs on the reedy banks of Eurotas. There,
by the side of Zeus, sat Hermes, ever bright and youthful, the
spokesman of the gods, with staff in hand, to do the will of the great
father. There sat Hephaistos, the lord of fire, and Hestia, who guards
the hearth. There, too, was Ares, who delights in war, and Dionysos,
who loves the banquet and the wine-cup, and Aphrodite, who rose from
the sea-foam, to fill the earth with laughter and woe.
Before them all stood the great rivals, awaiting the judgment of Zeus.
High in her left hand, Athene held the invincible spear, and on her
ægis, hidden from mortal sight, was the face on which no man may gaze
and live. Close beside her, proud in the greatness of his power,
Poseidon waited the issue of the contest. In his right hand gleamed
the trident, with which he shakes the earth and cleaves the waters of
the sea.
Then, from his golden seat, rose the spokesman, Hermes, and his clear
voice sounded over all the great council. "Listen," he said, "to the
will of Zeus, who judges now between Poseidon and Athene. The city of
Erechtheus shall bear the name of that god who shall bring forth out
of the earth the best gift for the sons of men. If Poseidon do this,
the city shall be called Poseidonia, but if Athene brings the higher
gift it shall be called Athens."
Then King Poseidon rose up in the greatness of his majesty, and with
his trident he smote the earth where he stood. Straightway the hill
was shaken to its depths, and the earth clave asunder, and forth from
the chasm leaped a horse, such as never shall be seen again for
strength and beauty. His body shone white all over as the driven snow,
his mane streamed proudly in the wind as he stamped on the ground and
scoured in very wantonness over hill and valley. "Behold my gift,"
said Poseidon, "and call the city after my name. Who shall give aught
better than the horse to the sons of men?"
But Athene looked steadfastly at the gods with her keen gray eye, and
she stooped slowly down to the ground, and planted in it a little
seed, which she held in her right hand. She spoke no word, but still
gazed calmly on that great council. Presently they saw springing from
the earth a little germ, which grew up and threw out its boughs and
leaves. Higher and higher it rose, with all its thick green foliage,
and put forth fruit on its clustering branches. "My gift is better, O
Zeus," she said, "than that of King Poseidon. The horse which he has
given shall bring war and strife and anguish to the children of men;
my olive-tree is the sign of peace and plenty, of health and strength,
and the pledge of happiness and freedom. Shall not, then, the city of
Erechtheus be called after my name?"
Then with one accord rose the voices of the gods in the air, as they
cried out, "The gift of Athene is the best which may be given to the
sons of men; it is the token that the city of Erechtheus shall be
greater in peace than in war, and nobler in its freedom than its
power. Let the city be called Athens."
Then Zeus, the mighty son of Kronos, bowed his head in sign of
judgment that the city should be called by the name of Athene. From
his head the immortal locks streamed down, and the earth trembled
beneath his feet as he rose from his golden throne to return to the
halls of Olympos. But still Athene stood gazing over the land which
was now her own; and she stretched out her spear towards the city of
Erechtheus, and said: "I have won the victory, and here shall be my
home. Here shall my children grow up in happiness and freedom, and
hither shall the sons of men come to learn of law and order. Here
shall they see what great things may be done by mortal hands when
aided by the gods who dwell on Olympos, and when the torch of freedom
has gone out at Athens, its light shall be handed on to other lands,
and men shall learn that my gift is still the best, and they shall say
that reverence for law and freedom of thought and deed has come to
them from the city of Erechtheus, which bears the name of Athene."
MEDUSA.
In the far western land, where the Hesperides guard the golden apples
which Gaia gave to the lady Here, dwelt the maiden Medusa, with her
sisters Stheino and Euryale, in their lonely and dismal home. Between
them and the land of living men flowed the gentle stream of ocean, so
that only the name of the Gorgon sisters was known to the sons of men,
and the heart of Medusa yearned in vain to see some face which might
look on her with love and pity, for on her lay the doom of death, but
her sisters could neither grow old nor die. For them there was nothing
fearful in the stillness of their gloomy home, as they sat with stern,
unpitying faces, gazing on the silent land beyond the ocean stream.
But Medusa wandered to and fro, longing to see something new in a home
to which no change ever came, and her heart pined for lack of those
things which gladden the souls of mortal men. For where she dwelt
there was neither day nor night. She never saw the bright children of
Helios driving his flocks to their pastures in the morning. She never
beheld the stars as they look out from the sky, when the sun sinks
down into his golden cup in the evening. There no clouds ever passed
across the heaven, no breeze ever whispered in the air, but a pale
yellow light brooded on the land everlastingly. So there rested on the
face of Medusa a sadness such as the children of men may never feel;
and the look of hopeless pain was the more terrible because of the
greatness of her beauty. She spake not to any of her awful grief, for
her sisters knew not of any such thing as gentleness and love, and
there was no comfort for her from the fearful Graiai who were her
kinsfolk. Sometimes she sought them out in their dark caves, for it
was something to see even the faint glimmer of the light of day which
reached the dwelling of the Graiai, but they spake not to her a word
of hope when she told them of her misery, and she wandered back to the
land which the light of Helios might never enter. Her brow was knit
with pain, but no tear wetted her cheek, for her grief was too great
for weeping.
But harder things yet were in store for Medusa, for Athene, the
daughter of Zeus, came from the Libyan land to the dwelling of the
Gorgon sisters, and she charged Medusa to go with her to the gardens
where the children of Hesperos guard the golden apples of the lady
Here. Then Medusa bowed herself down at the feet of Athene, and
besought her to have pity on her changeless sorrow, and she said,
"Child of Zeus, thou dwellest with thy happy kinsfolk, where Helios
gladdens all with his light and the Horai lead the glad dance when
Phœbus touches the strings of his golden harp. Here there is neither
night nor day, nor cloud or breeze or storm. Let me go forth from this
horrible land and look on the face of mortal men, for I, too, must
die, and my heart yearns for the love which my sisters scorn." Then
Athene looked on her sternly, and said, "What hast thou to do with
love? and what is the love of men for one who is of kin to the beings
who may not die? Tarry here till thy doom is accomplished, and then it
may be that Zeus will grant thee a place among those who dwell in his
glorious home." But Medusa said, "Lady, let me go forth now. I can not
tell how many ages may pass before I die, and thou knowest not the
yearning which fills the heart of mortal things for tenderness and
love." Then a look of anger came over the fair face of Athene, and she
said, "Trouble me not. Thy prayer is vain, and the sons of men would
shrink from thee, if thou couldst go among them, for hardly could they
look on the woeful sorrow of thy countenance." But Medusa answered,
gently, "Lady, hope has a wondrous power to kill the deepest grief,
and in the pure light of Helios my face may be as fair as thine."
[Illustration: GRECIAN ALTAR. (_3000 years old._)]
Then the anger of Athene became fiercer still, and she said, "Dost
thou dare to vie with me? I stand by the side of Zeus, to do his
will, and the splendor of his glory rests upon me, and what art thou,
that thou shouldst speak to me such words as these? Therefore, hear
thy doom. Henceforth, if mortal man ever look upon thee, one glance of
thy face shall turn him to stone. Thy beauty shall still remain, but
it shall be to thee the blackness of death. The hair which streams in
golden tresses over thy fair shoulders shall be changed into hissing
snakes, which shall curl and cluster round thy neck. On thy
countenance shall be seen only fear and dread, that so all mortal
things which look on thee may die." So Athene departed from her, and
the blackness of the great horror rested on the face of Medusa, and
the hiss of the snakes was heard as they twined around her head and
their coils were wreathed about her neck. Yet the will of Athene was
not wholly accomplished, for the heart of Medusa was not changed by
the doom which gave to her face its deadly power, and she said,
"Daughter of Zeus, there is hope yet, for thou hast left me mortal
still, and, one day, I shall die."
DANAE.
From the home of Phœbus Apollo, at Delphi, came words of warning to
Akrisios, the King of Argos, when he sent to ask what should befall
him in the after days, and the warning was that he should be slain by
the son of his daughter, Danae. So the love of Akrisios was changed
towards his child, who was growing up fair as the flowers of spring,
in her father's house, and he shut her up in a dungeon, caring nothing
for her wretchedness. But the power of Zeus was greater than the power
of Akrisios, and Danae became the mother of Perseus, and they called
her child the Son of the Bright Morning, because Zeus had scattered
the darkness of her prison-house. Then Akrisios feared exceedingly,
and he spake the word that Danae and her child should die.
The first streak of day was spreading its faint light in the eastern
sky when they led Danae to the sea-shore, and put her in a chest, with
a loaf of bread and a flask of water. Her child slept in her arms, and
the rocking of the waves, as they bore the chest over the heaving sea,
made him slumber yet more sweetly, and the tears of Danae fell on him
as she thought of the days that were past and the death which she must
die in the dark waters. And she prayed to Zeus, and said, "O Zeus, who
hast given me my child, canst thou hear me still and save me from this
terrible doom?" Then a deep sleep came over Danae, and, as she slept
with the babe in her arms, the winds carried the chest at the bidding
of Poseidon, and cast it forth on the shore of the island of Seriphos.
Now it so chanced that Diktys, the brother of Polydektes, the King of
the Island, was casting a net into the sea, when he saw something
thrown up by the waves on the dry land, and he went hastily and took
Danae with her child out of the chest, and said, "Fear not, lady, no
harm shall happen to thee here, and they who have dealt hardly with
thee shall not come nigh to hurt thee in this land." So he led her to
the house of King Polydektes, who welcomed her to his home, and Danae
had rest after all her troubles.
[Illustration: THEMIS (_Goddess of Law_).]
Thus the time went on, and the child Perseus grew up brave and strong,
and all who saw him marveled at his beauty. The light of early morning
is not more pure than was the color on his fair cheeks, and the golden
locks streamed brightly over his shoulders, like the rays of the sun
when they rest on the hills at midday. And Danae said, "My child, in
the land where thou wast born, they called thee the Son of the Bright
Morning. Keep thy faith, and deal justly with all men; so shalt thou
deserve the name which they gave thee." Thus Perseus grew up, hating
all things that were mean and wrong, and all who looked on him knew
that his hands were clean and his heart pure.
But there were evil days in store for Danae--for King Polydektes
sought to win her love against her will. Long time he besought her to
hearken to his prayer, but her heart was far away in the land of
Argos, where her child was born, and she said, "O King, my life is sad
and weary; what is there in me that thou shouldst seek my love? There
are maidens in thy kingdom fairer far than I; leave me, then, to take
care of my child while we dwell in a strange land." Then Polydektes
said, hastily, "Think not, lady, to escape me thus. If thou wilt not
hearken to my words, thy child shall not remain with thee, but I will
send him forth far away into the western land, that he may bring me
the head of the Gorgon Medusa."
So Danae sat weeping when Polydektes had left her, and when Perseus
came he asked her why she mourned and wept, and he said, "Tell me, my
mother, if the people of this land have done thee wrong, and I will
take a sword in my hand and smite them." Then Danae answered, "Many
toils await thee in time to come, but here thou canst do nothing. Only
be of good courage, and deal truly, and one day thou shalt be able to
save me from my enemies."
Still, as the months went on, Polydektes sought to gain the love of
Danae, until at last he began to hate her because she would not listen
to his prayer. And he spake the word, that Perseus must go forth to
slay Medusa, and that Danae must be shut up in a dungeon until the boy
should return from the land of the Graiai and the Gorgons.
So once more Danae lay within a prison, and the boy Perseus came to
bid her farewell before he set out on his weary journey. Then Danae
folded her arms around him, and looked sadly into his eyes, and said,
"My child, whatever a mortal man can do for his mother, that, I know,
thou wilt do for me, but I can not tell whither thy long toils shall
lead thee, save that the land of the Gorgons lies beyond the
slow-rolling stream of Ocean. Nor can I tell how thou canst do the
bidding of Polydektes, for Medusa alone of the Gorgon sisters may grow
old and die, and the deadly snakes will slay those who come near, and
one glance of her woeful eye can turn all mortal things to stone.
Once, they say, she was fair to look upon, but the lady Athene has
laid on her a dark doom, so that all who see the Gorgon's face must
die. It may be, Perseus, that the heart of Medusa is full rather of
grief than hatred, and that not of her own will the woeful glare of
her eye changes all mortal things into stone, and, if so it be, then
the deed which thou art charged to do shall set her free from a
hateful life, and bring to her some of those good things for which now
she yearns in vain. Go, then, my child, and prosper. Thou hast a great
warfare before thee, and though I know not how thou canst win the
victory, yet I know that true and fair dealing gives a wondrous might
to the children of men, and Zeus will strengthen the arm of those who
hate treachery and lies."
Then Perseus bade his mother take courage, and vowed a vow that he
would not trust in craft and falsehood, and he said, "I know not, my
mother, the dangers and the foes which await me, but be sure that I
will not meet them with any weapons which thou wouldst scorn. Only, as
the days and months roll on, think not that evil has befallen me, for
there is hope within me that I shall be able to do the bidding of
Polydektes and to bear thee hence to our Argive land." So Perseus went
forth with a good courage to seek out the Gorgon Medusa.
PERSEUS.
The east wind crested with a silvery foam the waves of the sea of
Helle, when Perseus went into the ship which was to bear him away from
Seriphos. The white sail was spread to the breeze, and the ship sped
gaily over the heaving waters. Soon the blue hills rose before them,
and as the sun sank down in the west, Perseus trod once more the
Argive land.
But there was no rest for him now in his ancient home. On and on,
through Argos and other lands, he must wander in search of the Gorgon,
with nothing but his strong heart and his stout arm to help him. Yet
for himself he feared not, and if his eyes filled with tears, it was
only because he thought of his mother, Danae; and he said within
himself, "O, my mother, I would that thou wert here. I see the towers
of the fair city where Akrisios still is King. I see the home which
thou longest to behold, and which now I may not enter, but one day I
shall bring thee hither in triumph, when I come to win back my
birthright."
Brightly before his mind rose the vision of the time to come, as he
lay down to rest beneath the blue sky, but when his eyes were closed
in sleep, there stood before him a vision yet more glorious, for the
lady Athene was come from the home of Zeus, to aid the young hero as
he set forth on his weary labor. Her face gleamed with a beauty such
as is not given to the daughters of men. But Perseus feared not
because of her majesty, for the soft spell of sleep lay on him, and he
heard her words as she said, "I am come down from Olympos, where
dwells my father, Zeus, to help thee in thy mighty toil. Thou art
brave of heart and strong of hand, but thou knowest not the way which
thou shouldst go, and thou hast no weapons with which to slay the
Gorgon Medusa. Many things thou needest, but only against the freezing
stare of the Gorgon's face can I guard thee now. On her countenance
thou canst not look and live, and even when she is dead, one glance of
that fearful face will still turn all mortal things to stone. So, when
thou drawest nigh to slay her, thine eye must not rest upon her. Take
good heed, then, to thyself, for while they are awake the Gorgon
sisters dread no danger, for the snakes which curl around their heads
warn them of every peril. Only while they sleep canst thou approach
them, and the face of Medusa, in life or in death, thou must never
see. Take, then, this mirror, into which thou canst look, and when
thou beholdest her image there, then nerve thy heart and take thine
aim, and carry away with thee the head of the mortal maiden. Linger
not in thy flight, for her sisters will pursue after thee, and they
can neither grow old nor die."
So Athene departed from him, and early in the morning he saw by his
side the mirror which she had given to him, and he said, "Now I know
that my toil is not in vain, and the help of Athene is a pledge of yet
more aid in time to come." So he journeyed on with a good heart over
hill and dale, across rivers and forests, towards the setting of the
sun. Manfully he toiled on, till sleep weighed heavy on his eyes, and
he lay down to rest on a broad stone in the evening. Once more before
him stood a glorious form. A burnished helmet glistened on his head, a
golden staff was in his hand, and on his feet were the golden sandals,
which bore him through the air with a flight more swift than the
eagle's. And Perseus heard a voice which said, "I am Hermes, the
messenger of Zeus, and I come to arm thee against thine enemies. Take
this sword, which slays all mortal things on which it may fall, and go
on thy way with a cheerful heart. A weary road yet lies before thee,
and for many a long day must thou wander on before thou canst have
other help in thy mighty toil. Far away, towards the setting of the
sun, lies the Tartessian land, whence thou shalt see the white-crested
mountains where Atlas holds up the pillars of the heaven. There must
thou cross the dark waters, and then thou wilt find thyself in the
land of the Graiai, who are of kin to the Gorgon sisters, and thou
wilt see no more the glory of Helios, who gladdens the homes of living
men. Only a faint light from the far-off sun comes dimly to the
desolate land where, hidden in the gloomy cave, lurk the hapless
Graiai. These thou must seek out, and when thou hast found them, fear
them not. Over their worn and wrinkled faces stream tangled masses of
long gray hair, their voice comes hollow from their toothless gums,
and a single eye is passed from one to the other when they wish to
look forth from their dismal dwelling. Seek them out, for these alone
can tell thee what more remaineth yet for thee to do."
When Perseus woke in the morning, the sword of Hermes lay beside him,
and he rose up with great joy, and said, "The help of Zeus fails me
not; if more is needed will he not grant it to me?" So onward he went
to the Tartessian land, and thence across the dark sea towards the
country of the Graiai, till he saw the pillars of Atlas rise afar off
into the sky. Then, as he drew nigh to the hills which lay beneath
them, he came to a dark cave, and as he stooped to look into it, he
fancied that he saw the gray hair which streamed over the shoulders of
the Graiai. Long time he rested on the rocks without the cave, till he
knew by their heavy breathing that the sisters were asleep. Then he
crept in stealthily, and took the eye which lay beside them, and
waited till they should wake. At last, as the faint light from the
far-off sun, who shines on mortal men, reached the cave, he saw them
groping for the eye which he had taken, and presently, from their
toothless jaws, came a hollow voice, which said, "There is some one
near us who is sprung from the children of men, for of old time we
have known that one should come and leave us blind until we did his
bidding." Then Perseus came forth boldly and stood before them, and
said, "Daughters of Phorkos and of Keto, I know that ye are of kin to
the Gorgon sisters, and to these ye must now guide me. Think not to
escape my craft or guile, for in my hands is the sword of Hermes, and
it slays all living things on which it may fall." And they answered,
quickly, "Slay us not, child of man, for we will deal truly by thee,
and will tell thee of the things which must be done before thou canst
reach the dwelling of the Gorgon sisters. Go hence along the plain
which stretches before thee, then over hill and vale, and forest and
desert, till thou comest to the slow-rolling Ocean stream; there call
on the nymphs who dwell beneath the waters, and they shall rise at thy
bidding and tell thee many things which it is not given to us to
know."
Onwards again he went, across the plain, and over hill and vale till
he came to the Ocean which flows lazily round the world of living men.
No ray of the pure sunshine pierced the murky air, but the pale yellow
light, which broods on the land of the Gorgons, showed to him the dark
stream, as he stood on the banks and summoned the nymphs to do his
bidding. Presently they stood before him, and greeted him by his name,
and they said, "O Perseus, thou art the first of living men whose feet
have trodden this desolate shore. Long time have we known that the
will of Zeus would bring thee hither to accomplish the doom of the
mortal Medusa. We know the things of which thou art in need, and
without us thy toil would in very truth be vain. Thou hast to come
near to beings who can see all around them, for the snakes which twist
about their heads are their eyes, and here is the helmet of Hades,
which will enable thee to draw nigh to them unseen. Thou hast the
sword which never falls in vain; but without this bag which we give
thee, thou canst not bear away the head, the sight of which changes
all mortal things to stone. And when thy work of death is done on the
mortal maiden, thou must fly from her sisters who can not die, and who
will follow thee more swiftly than eagles, and here are the sandals
which shall waft thee through the air more quickly than a dream.
Hasten, then, child of Danae, for we are ready to bear thee in our
hands across the Ocean stream."
So they bare Perseus to the Gorgon land, and he journeyed on in the
pale yellow light which rests upon it everlastingly.
On that night, in the darkness of their lonesome dwelling, Medusa
spake to her sisters of the doom which should one day be accomplished,
and she said, "Sisters, ye care little for the grief whose image on my
face turns all mortal things to stone. Ye who know not old age or
death, know not the awful weight of my agony, and can not feel the
signs of the change that is coming. But I know them. The snakes which
twine around my head warn me not in vain; but they warn me against
perils which I care not now to shun. The wrath of Athene, who crushed
the faint hopes which lingered in my heart, left me mortal still, and
I am weary with the woe of the ages that are past. O sisters, ye know
not what it is to pity, but something more, ye know what it is to
love, for even in this living tomb we have dwelt together in peace,
and peace is of kin to love. But hearken to me now. Mine eyes are
heavy with sleep, and my heart tells me that the doom is coming, for I
am but a mortal maiden, and I care not if the slumber which is
stealing on me be the sleep of those whose life is done. Sisters, my
lot is happier at the least than yours, for he who slays me is my
friend. I am weary of my woe, and it may be that better things await
me when I am dead."
But even as Medusa spake, the faces of Stheino and Euryale remained
unchanged, and it seemed as though for them the words of Medusa were
but an empty sound. Presently the Gorgon sisters were all asleep. The
deadly snakes lay still and quiet, and only the breath which hissed
from their mouths was heard throughout the cave.
Then Perseus drew nigh, with the helmet of Hades on his head, and the
sandals of the nymphs on his feet. In his right hand was the sword of
Hermes, and in his left the mirror of Athene. Long time he gazed on
the image of Medusa's face, which still showed the wreck of her
ancient beauty, and he said within himself, "Mortal maiden, well may
it be that more than mortal woe should give to thy countenance its
deadly power. The hour of thy doom is come, but death to thee must be
a boon." Then the sword of Hermes fell, and the great agony of Medusa
was ended. So Perseus cast a veil over the dead face, and bare it away
from the cave in the bag which the nymphs gave him on the banks of the
slow-rolling Ocean.
ANDROMEDA.
Terrible was the rage of the Gorgon sisters when they woke up from
their sleep and saw that the doom of Medusa had been accomplished. The
snakes hissed as they rose in knotted clusters round their heads, and
the Gorgons gnashed their teeth in fury, not for any love of the
mortal maiden whose woes were ended, but because a child of weak and
toiling men had dared to approach the daughters of Phorkos and Keto.
Swifter than the eagles they sped from their gloomy cave, but they
sought in vain to find Perseus, for the helmet of Hades was on his
head, and the sandals of the nymphs were bearing him through the air
like a dream. Onwards he went, not knowing whither he was borne, for
he saw but dimly through the pale yellow light which brooded on the
Gorgon land everlastingly; but presently he heard a groan as from one
in mortal pain, and before him he beheld a giant form, on whose head
rested the pillars of the heaven, and he heard a voice, which said,
"Hast thou slain the Gorgon Medusa, child of man, and art thou come to
rid me of my long woe? Look on me, for I am Atlas, who rose up with
the Titans against the power of Zeus, when Prometheus fought on his
side; and of old time have I known that for me is no hope of rest till
a mortal man should bring hither the Gorgon head which can turn all
living things to stone. For so was it shown to me from Zeus, when he
made me bow down beneath the weight of the brazen heaven. Yet, if thou
hast slain Medusa, Zeus hath been more merciful to me than to
Prometheus who was his friend, for he lies nailed on the rugged crags
of Caucasus, and only thy child in the third generation shall scare
away the vulture which gnaws his heart, and set the Titan free. But
hasten now, Perseus, and let me look on the Gorgon's face, for the
agony of my labor is well nigh greater than I can bear." So Perseus
hearkened to the words of Atlas, and he unveiled before him the dead
face of Medusa. Eagerly he gazed for a moment on the changeless
countenance, as though beneath the blackness of great horror he could
yet see the wreck of her ancient beauty and pitied her for her
hopeless woe. But in an instant the straining eyes were closed, the
heaving breast was still, the limbs which trembled with the weight of
heaven were still and cold, and it seemed to Perseus, as he rose again
into the pale yellow air, that the gray hairs which streamed from the
giant's head were like the snow which rests on the peaks of the great
mountain, and that in place of the trembling limbs he saw only the
rents and clefts on a rough hill-side.
Onward yet and higher he sped, he knew not whither, on the golden
sandals, till from the murky glare of the Gorgon land he passed into a
soft and tender light, in which all things wore the colors of a dream.
It was not the light of sun or moon, for in that land was neither day
nor night. No breeze wafted the light clouds of morning through the
sky, or stirred the leaves of the forest trees where the golden fruits
glistened the whole year round, but from beneath rose the echoes of
sweet music, as he glided gently down to the earth. Then he took the
helmet of Hades from off his head, and asked the people whom he met
the name of this happy land, and they said, "We dwell where the icy
breath of Boreas can not chill the air or wither our fruits, therefore
is our land called the garden of the Hyperboreans." There, for a
while, Perseus rested from his toil, and all day long he saw the
dances of happy maidens fair as Hebe and Harmonia, and he shared the
rich banquets at which the people of the land feasted with wreaths of
laurel twined around their head. There he rested in a deep peace, for
no sound of strife or war can ever break it, and they know nothing of
malice and hatred, of sickness or old age.
But presently Perseus remembered his mother, Danae, as she lay in her
prison-house, at Seriphos, and he left the garden of the Hyperboreans
to return to the world of toiling men, but the people of the land knew
only that it lay beyond the slow-rolling Ocean stream, and Perseus saw
not whither he went as he rose on his golden sandals into the soft and
dreamy air. Onwards he flew, until far beneath he beheld the Ocean
river, and once more he saw the light of Helios, as he drove his fiery
chariot through the heaven. Far away stretched the mighty Libyan
plain, and further yet, beyond the hills which shut it in, he saw the
waters of the dark sea, and the white line of foam, where the breakers
were dashed upon the shore. As he came nearer, he saw the huge rocks
which rose out of the heaving waters, and on one of them he beheld a
maiden, whose limbs were fastened with chains to a stone. The folds of
her white robe fluttered in the breeze, and her fair face was worn and
wasted with the heat by day and the cold by night. Then Perseus
hastened to her, and stood a long time before her, but she saw him
not, for the helmet of Hades was on his head, and he watched her there
till the tears started to his eyes for pity. Her hands were clasped
upon her breast, and only the moving of her lips showed the greatness
of her misery. Higher and higher rose the foaming waters, till at last
the maiden said, "O Zeus, is there none whom thou canst send to help
me?" Then Perseus took the helmet in his hand, and stood before her in
all his glorious beauty, and the maiden knew that she had nothing to
fear when he said, "Lady, I see that thou art in great sorrow; tell me
who it is that has wronged thee, and I will avenge thee mightily." And
she answered, "Stranger, whoever thou art, I will trust thee, for thy
face tells me that thou art not one of those who deal falsely. My name
is Andromeda, and my father, Kepheus, is King of the rich Libyan land,
but there is strife between him and the old man, Nereus, who dwells
with his daughters in the coral caves, beneath the sea, for, as I grew
up in my father's house, my mother made a vain boast of my beauty, and
said that among all the children of Nereus there was none so fair as
I." So Nereus rose from his coral caves, and went to the King
Poseidon, and said, "King of the broad sea, Kassiopeia, hath done a
grievous wrong to me and to my children. I pray thee let not her
people escape for her evil words.
Then Poseidon let loose the waters of the sea, and they rushed in over
the Libyan plains till only the hills which shut it in remained above
them, and a mighty monster came forth and devoured all the fruits of
the land. In grief and terror the people fell down before my father,
Kepheus, and he sent to the home of Ammon to ask what he should do for
the plague of waters and for the savage beast who vexed them; and soon
the answer came that he must chain up his daughter on a rock, till the
beast came and took her for his prey. So they fastened me here to this
desolate crag, and each day the monster comes nearer as the waters
rise; and soon, I think, they will place me within his reach." Then
Perseus cheered her with kindly words, and said, "Maiden, I am
Perseus, to whom Zeus has given the power to do great things. I hold
in my hand the sword of Hermes, which has slain the Gorgon Medusa,
and I am bearing to Polydektes, who rules in Seriphos, the head which
turns all who look on it into stone. Fear not, then, Andromeda. I will
do battle with the monster, and, when thy foes are vanquished, I will
sue for the boon of thy love." A soft blush as of great gladness came
over the pale cheek of Andromeda, as she answered, "O Perseus, why
should I hide from thee my joy? Thou hast come to me like the light of
the morning when it breaks on a woeful night." But, even as she spake,
the rage of the waves waxed greater, and the waters rose higher and
higher, lashing the rocks in their fury, and the hollow roar of the
monster was heard as he hastened to seize his prey. Presently by the
maiden's side he saw a glorious form with the flashing sword in his
hand, and he lashed the waters in fiercer anger. Then Perseus went
forth to meet him, and he held aloft the sword which Hermes gave to
him, and said, "Sword of Phœbus, let thy stroke be sure, for thou
smitest the enemy of the helpless." So the sword fell, and the blood
of the mighty beast reddened the waters of the green sea.
[Illustration: EUTERPE (_Muse of Pleasure_).]
In gladness of heart Perseus led the maiden to the halls of Kepheus,
and said, "O King, I have slain the monster to whom thou didst give
thy child for a prey; let her go with me now to other lands, if she
gainsay me not." But Kepheus answered, "Tarry with us yet a while, and
the marriage feast shall be made ready, if indeed thou must hasten
away from the Libyan land." So, at the banquet, by the side of Perseus
sate the beautiful Andromeda; but there arose a fierce strife, for
Phineus had come to the feast, and it angered him that another should
have for his wife the maiden whom he had sought to make his bride.
Deeper and fiercer grew his rage, as he looked on the face of Perseus,
till at last he spake evil words of the stranger who had taken away
the prize which should have been his own. But Perseus said, calmly,
"Why, then, didst thou not slay the monster thyself and set the maiden
free?" When Phineus heard these words his rage almost choked him, and
he charged his people to draw their swords and slay Perseus. Wildly
rose the din in the banquet hall, but Perseus unveiled the Gorgon's
face, and Phineus and all his people were frozen into stone.
Then, in the still silence, Perseus bare away Andromeda from her
father's home, and when they had wandered through many lands they came
at length to Seriphos. Once more Danae looked on the face of her son,
and said, "My child, the months have rolled wearily since I bade thee
farewell; but sure I am that my prayer has been heard, for thy face is
as the face of one who comes back a conqueror from battle." Then
Perseus said, "Yes, my mother, the help of Zeus has never failed me.
When the eastern breeze carried me hence to the Argive land, my heart
was full of sorrow, because I saw the city which thou didst yearn to
see, and the home which thou couldst not enter, and I vowed a vow to
bring thee back in triumph when I came to claim my birthright.
That evening, as I slept, the lady Athene came to me from the home of
Zeus, and gave me a mirror so that I might take the Gorgon's head
without looking on the face which turns everything into stone, and yet
another night, Hermes stood before me, and gave me the sword whose
stroke never fails, and the Graiai told me where I should find the
nymphs who gave me the helmet of Hades, and the bag which has borne
hither the Gorgon's head, and the golden sandals which have carried me
like a dream over land and sea. O, my mother, I have done wondrous
things by the aid of Zeus. By me the doom of Medusa has been
accomplished, and I think that the words which thou didst speak were
true, for the image of the Gorgon's face, which I saw in Athene's
mirror, was as the countenance of one whose beauty has been marred by
a woeful agony, and whenever I have looked since on that image, it has
seemed to me as though it wore the look of one who rested in death
from a mighty pain. So, as the giant Atlas looked on that
grief-stricken brow, he felt no more the weight of the heaven as it
rested on him, and the gray hair which streamed from his head seemed
to me, when I left him, like the snow which clothes the mountain-tops
in winter. So, when from the happy gardens of the Hyperboreans I came
to the rich Libyan plain, and had killed the monster who sought to
slay Andromeda, the Gorgon's face turned Phineus and his people into
stone, when they sought to slay me because I had won her love." Then
Danae answered the questions of Perseus, and told him how Polydektes
had vexed her with his evil words, and how Diktys alone had shielded
her from his brother. And Perseus bade Danae be of good cheer, because
the recompense of Polydektes was nigh at hand.
There was joy and feasting in Seriphos when the news was spread abroad
that Perseus had brought back for the King the head of the Gorgon
Medusa, and Polydektes made a great feast, and the wine sparkled in
the goblets as the minstrels sang of the great deeds of the son of
Danae. Then Perseus told him of all that Hermes and Athene had done
for him. He showed them the helmet of Hades, and the golden sandals,
and the unerring sword, and then he unveiled the face of Medusa before
Polydektes and the men who had aided him against his mother, Danae. So
Perseus looked upon them, as they sat at the rich banquet, stiff and
cold as a stone, and he felt that his mighty work was ended. Then, at
his prayer, came Hermes, the messenger of Zeus, and Perseus gave him
back the helmet of Hades, and the sword which had slain the Gorgon,
and the sandals which had borne him through the air like a dream. And
Hermes gave the helmet again to Hades, and the sandals to the Ocean
nymphs, but Athene took the Gorgon's head, and it was placed upon her
shield.
Then Perseus spake to Danae, and said, "My mother, it is time for thee
to go home. The Gorgon's face has turned Polydektes and his people
into stone, and Diktys rules in Seriphos." So once more the white
sails were filled with the eastern breeze, and Danae saw once more the
Argive land. From city to city spread the tidings that Perseus was
come, who had slain the Gorgon, and the youths and maidens sang "Io
Paian," as they led the conqueror to the halls of Akrisios.
AKRISIOS.
The shouts of "Io Paian" reached the ear of Akrisios, as he sat in his
lonely hall, marveling at the strange things which must have happened
to waken the sounds of joy and triumph; for, since the day when Danae
was cast forth with her babe on the raging waters, the glory of war
had departed from Argos, and it seemed as though all the chieftains
had lost their ancient strength and courage. But the wonder of
Akrisios was changed to a great fear when they told him that his
child, Danae, was coming home, and that the hero, Perseus, had rescued
her from Polydektes, the King of Seriphos. The memory of all the wrong
which he had done to his daughter tormented him, and still in his mind
dwelt the words of warning which came from Phœbus Apollo that he
should one day be slain by the hands of her son; so that, as he looked
forth on the sky, it seemed to him as though he should see the sun
again no more.
In haste and terror Akrisios fled from his home. He tarried not to
hear the voice of Danae, he stayed not to look on the face of Perseus,
nor to see that the hero who had slain the Gorgon bore him no malice
for the wrongs of the former days. Quickly he sped over hill and dale,
across river and forest, till he came to the house of Teutamidas, the
great chieftain who ruled in Larissa.
The feast was spread in the banquet-hall, and the Thessalian minstrels
sang of the brave deeds of Perseus, for even thither had his fame
reached already. They told how from the land of toiling men he had
passed to the country of the Graiai and the Gorgons, how he had slain
the mortal Medusa and stiffened the giant Atlas into stone, and then
they sang how, with the sword of Hermes, he smote the mighty beast
which ravaged the Libyan land, and won Andromeda to be his bride. Then
Teutamidas spake, and said, "My friend, I envy thee for thy happy lot,
for not often in the world of men may fathers reap such glory from
their children as thou hast won from Perseus. In the ages to come men
shall love to tell of his great and good deeds, and from him shall
spring mighty chieftains, who shall be stirred up to a purer courage
when they remember how Perseus toiled and triumphed before them. And
now tell me, friend, wherefore thou hast come hither. Thy cheek is
pale, and thy hand trembles, but I think not that it can be from the
weight of years, for thy old age is yet but green, and thou mayest
hope still to see the children of Perseus clustering around thy
knees."
But Akrisios could scarcely answer for shame and fear; for he cared
not to tell Teutamidas of the wrongs which he had done to Danae. So he
said, hastily, that he had fled from a great danger, for the warning
of Phœbus was that he should be slain by his daughter's son. And
Teutamidas said, "Has thy daughter yet another son?" And then Akrisios
was forced to own that he had fled from the hero, Perseus. But the
face of Teutamidas flushed with anger as he said, "O shame, that thou
shouldst flee from him who ought to be thy glory and thy pride!
Everywhere men speak of the goodness and the truth of Perseus, and I
will not believe that he bears thee a grudge for anything that thou
hast done to him. Nay, thou doest to him a more grievous wrong in
shunning him now than when thou didst cast him forth in his mother's
arms upon the angry sea." So he pleaded with Akrisios for Perseus,
until he spoke the word that Danae and her child might come to the
great games which were to be held on the plain before Larissa.
With shouts of "Io Paian" the youths and maidens went out before
Perseus as he passed from the city of Akrisios to go to Larissa, and
everywhere as he journeyed the people came forth from town and village
to greet the bright hero and the beautiful Andromeda, whom he had
saved from the Libyan dragon. Onwards they went, spreading gladness
everywhere, till the cold heart of Akrisios himself was touched with a
feeling of strange joy, as he saw the band of youths and maidens who
came before them to the house of Teutamidas. So once more his child
Danae stood before him, beautiful still, although the sorrows of
twenty years had dimmed the brightness of her eye, and the merry laugh
of her youth was gone. Once more he looked on the face of Perseus, and
he listened to the kindly greeting of the hero whom he had wronged in
the days of his helpless childhood. But he marveled yet more at the
beauty of Andromeda, and he thought within himself that throughout the
wide earth were none so fair as Perseus and the wife whom he had won
with the sword of Hermes.
Then, as they looked on the chiefs who strove together in the games,
the shouting of the crowd told at the end of each that Perseus was the
conqueror. At last they stood forth to see which should have most
strength of arm in hurling the quoit; and, when Perseus aimed at the
mark, the quoit swerved aside and smote Akrisios on the head, and the
warning of Phœbus Apollo was accomplished.
Great was the sorrow of Teutamidas and his people as the chieftain of
Argos lay dead before them; but deeper still and more bitter was the
grief of Perseus for the deed which he had unwittingly done, and he
said, "O Zeus, I have striven to keep my hands clean and to deal
truly, and a hard recompense hast thou given me."
So they went back mourning to Argos, but although he strove heartily
to rule his people well, the grief of Perseus could not be lessened
while he remained in the house of Akrisios. So he sent a messenger to
his kinsman, Megapenthes, who ruled at Tiryns, and said, "Come thou
and rule in Argos, and I will go and dwell among thy people." So
Perseus dwelt at Tiryns, and the men of the city rejoiced that he had
come to rule over them. Thus the months and years went quickly by, as
Perseus strove with all his might to make his people happy and to
guard them against their enemies. At his bidding, the Cyclopes came
from the far-off Lykian land, and built the mighty walls which gird
the city round about; and they helped him to build yet another city,
which grew in after-times to be even greater and mightier than Tiryns.
So rose the walls of Mykenæ, and there, too, the people loved and
honored Perseus for his just dealing more than for all the deeds which
he had done with the sword of Hermes. At last the time came when the
hero must rest from his long toil, but as they looked on his face,
bright and beautiful even in death, the minstrels said, "We shall hear
his voice no more, but the name of Perseus shall never die."
KEPHALOS AND PROKRIS.
Of all the maidens in the land of Attica none was so beautiful as
Prokris, the daughter of King Erechtheus. She was the delight of her
father's heart, not so much for her beauty as for her goodness and
her gentleness. The sight of her fair face and the sound of her happy
voice brought gladness to all who saw and heard her. Every one stopped
to listen to the songs which she sang as she sat working busily at the
loom, and the maidens who dwelt with her were glad when the hour came
to go with Prokris and wash their clothes or draw water from the
fountain. Then, when all her tasks were ended, she would roam over
hill and valley, into every nook and dell. There was no spot in all
the land where Prokris had not been. She lay down to rest in the top
of the highest hills, or by the side of the stream where it murmured
among the rocks far down in the woody glen. So passed her days away;
and while all loved her and rejoiced to see her face, only Prokris
knew not of her own beauty, and thought not of her own goodness. But
they amongst whom she lived, the old and the young, the sorrowful and
happy, all said that Prokris, the child of Herse, was always as fair
and bright as the dew of early morning.
[Illustration: THALIA (_Muse of Comedy_).]
Once in her many wanderings she had climbed the heights of Mount
Hymettos, almost before the first streak of dawn was seen in the sky.
Far away, as she looked over the blue sea, her eyes rested on the
glittering cliffs of Eubœa, and she looked and saw that a ship was
sailing towards the shore beneath the hill of Hymettos. Presently it
reached the shore, and she could see that a man stepped out of the
ship, and began to climb the hill, while the rest remained on the
beach. As he came nearer to her, Prokris knew that his face was very
fair, and she thought that she had never seen such beauty in mortal
man before. She had heard that sometimes the gods come down from their
home on Olympos to mingle among the children of men, and that
sometimes the bright heroes were seen in the places where they had
lived on the earth before they were taken to dwell in the halls of
Zeus. As the stranger came near to her the sun rose brightly and
without a cloud from the dark sea, and its light fell on his face, and
made it gleam with more than mortal beauty. Gently he came towards
her, and said, "Lady, I am come from the far-off eastern land, and as
I drew near to this shore I saw that some one was resting here upon
the hill. So I hastened to leave the ship that I might learn the name
of the country which I have reached. My name is Kephalos, and my
father, Helios, lives in a beautiful home beyond the sea, but I am
traveling over the earth, till I shall have gone over every land and
seen all the cities which men have built. Tell me now thy name, and
the name of this fair land." Then she said, "Stranger, my name is
Prokris, and I am the daughter of King Erechtheus, who dwells at
Athens yonder, where thou seest the bright line of Kephisos flowing
gently into the sea." So Prokris guided the stranger to her father's
house, and Erechtheus received him kindly, and spread a banquet before
him. But as they feasted and drank the dark red wine, he thought
almost that Kephalos must be one of the bright heroes come back to his
own land, so fair and beautiful was he to look upon, and that none
save only his own child, Prokris, might be compared to him for beauty.
Long time Kephalos abode in the house of Erechtheus, and, each day, he
loved more and more the bright and happy Prokris; and Prokris became
brighter and happier, as the eye of Kephalos rested gently and
lovingly upon her. At last Kephalos told her of his love, and
Erechtheus gave him his child to be his wife, and there were none in
all the land who dwelt together in a love so deep and pure as that of
Kephalos and Prokris.
But among the maidens of that land there was one who was named Eos.
She, too, was fair and beautiful, but she had not the gentle spirit
and the guileless heart of Prokris. Whenever Kephalos wandered forth
with his young wife, then Eos would seek to follow them stealthily,
or, if she met them by chance, she would suffer her eyes to rest long
on the fair face of Kephalos, till she began to envy the happiness of
Prokris. And so one day, when there was a feast of the people of the
land, and the maidens danced on the soft grass around the fountain,
Kephalos and Eos talked together, and Eos suffered herself to be
carried away by her evil love. From that day she sought more and more
to talk with Kephalos, till at last she bowed her head before him and
told him softly of her love. But Kephalos said to her, gently,
"Maiden, thou art fair to look upon, and there are others who may love
thee well, and thou deservest the love of any. But I may not leave
Prokris, whom Erechtheus has given to me to be my wife. Forgive me,
maiden, if Prokris appear to me even fairer than thou art; but I prize
her gentleness more than her beauty, and Prokris, with her pure love
and guileless heart, shall be always dearer to me than any other in
all the wide earth." Then Eos answered him craftily, "O Kephalos, thou
hast suffered thyself to be deceived. Prokris loves thee not as I do;
prove her love and thou shalt see that I have spoken truly."
Thus Eos spoke to him for many days, and the great happiness of his
life was marred, for the words of Eos would come back to his mind, as
he looked on the happy and guileless Prokris. He had begun to doubt
whether she were in very deed so pure and good as she seemed to be,
and at last he said to Eos that he would prove her love. Then Eos told
him how to do so, and said that if he came before his wife as a
stranger and brought to her rich gifts, as from a distant land, she
would forget her love for Kephalos.
With a heavy heart he went away, for he foreboded evil days from the
subtle words of Eos, and he departed and dwelt in another land. So the
time passed on, until many weeks and months had gone by, and Prokris
mourned and wept in the house of Erechtheus, until the brightness of
her eye was dimmed and her voice had lost its gladness. Day after day
she sought throughout all the land for Kephalos, day after day she
went up the hill of Hymettos, and as she looked towards the sea, she
said, "Surely he will come back again; ah, Kephalos, thou knowest not
the love which thou hast forsaken." Thus she pined away in her sorrow,
although to all who were around her she was as gentle and as loving as
ever. Her father was now old and weak, and he knew that he must soon
die, but it grieved him most of all that he must leave his child in a
grief more bitter than if Kephalos had remained to comfort her. So
Erechtheus died, and the people honored him as one of the heroes of
the land, but Prokris remained in his house desolate, and all who saw
her pitied her for her true love and her deep sorrow. At last she felt
that Kephalos would return no more, and that she could no more be
happy until she went to her father in the bright home of the heroes
and the gods.
Then a look of peace and loving patience came over her fair face, and
she roamed with a strange gladness through every place where Kephalos
had wandered with her; and so it came to pass that one day Prokris sat
resting in the early morning on the eastern slopes of Mount Hymettos,
when suddenly she beheld a man coming near to her. The dress was
strange, but she half thought she knew his tall form and the light
step as he came up the hill. Presently he came close to her, and she
felt as if she were in a strange dream. The sight of his face and the
glance of his eye carried her back to the days that were past, and she
started up and ran towards him, saying, "O Kephalos, thou art come
back at last; how couldst thou forsake me so long?" But the stranger
answered, in a low and gentle voice (for he saw that she was in great
sorrow), "Lady, thou art deceived. I am a stranger come from a far
country, and I seek to know the name of this land." Then Prokris sat
down again on the grass, and clasped her hands, and said, slowly, "It
is changed and I can not tell how; yet surely it is the voice of
Kephalos." Then she turned to the stranger, and said, "O stranger, I
am mourning for Kephalos, whom I have loved and lost; he, too, came
from a far land across the sea. Dost thou know him, and canst thou
tell me where I may find him?" And the stranger answered, "I know him,
lady; he is again in his own home, far away, whither thou canst not
go; yet think not of him, for he has forgotten his love." Then the
stranger spoke to her in gentle and soothing words, until her grief
became less bitter. Long time he abode in the land, and it pleased
Prokris to hear his voice while his eye rested kindly on her, until
she almost fancied that she was with Kephalos once more. And she
thought to herself, "What must that land be, from which there can come
two who are beautiful as the bright heroes?"
So at last, when with soft and gentle words he had soothed her sorrow,
the stranger spoke to her of his love, and Prokris felt that she, too,
could love him, for had not Kephalos despised her love and forsaken
her long ago? So he said, "Canst thou love me, Prokris, instead of
Kephalos?" and when she gently answered "Yes," then a change came over
the face of the stranger, and she saw that it was Kephalos himself who
clasped her in his arms. With a wild cry she broke from him, and as
bitter tears ran down her cheek, she said, "O Kephalos, Kephalos, why
hast thou done thus? all my love was thine, and _thou_ hast drawn me
into evil deeds." Then, without tarrying for his answer, with all her
strength she fled away, and she hastened to the sea shore and bade
them make ready a ship to take her from her father's land. Sorrowfully
they did as she besought them, and they took her to the Island of
Crete, far away in the eastern sea.
When Prokris was gone, the maiden Eos came and stood before Kephalos,
and she said to him, "My words are true, and now must thou keep the
vow by which thou didst swear to love me, if Prokris should yield
herself to a stranger." So Kephalos dwelt with Eos, but for all her
fond words he could not love her as still he loved Prokris.
Meanwhile Prokris wandered, in deep and bitter sorrow, among the hills
and valleys of Crete. She cared not to look on the fair morning as it
broke on the pale path of night; she cared not to watch the bright sun
as he rose from the dark sea, or when he sank to rest behind the
western waters. For the earth had lost all its gladness, and she felt
that she could die. But one day as she sat on a hill-side and looked
on the broad plains which lay stretched beneath, suddenly a woman
stood before her, brighter and more glorious than the daughters of
men, and Prokris knew, from the spear which she held in her hand and
the hound which crouched before her, that it was Artemis, the mighty
child of Zeus and Leto. Then Prokris fell at her feet, and said, "O
lady Artemis, pity me in my great sorrow;" and Artemis answered, "Fear
not, Prokris, I know thy grief. Kephalos hath done thee a great wrong,
but he shall fall by the same device wherewith he requited thy pure
and trusting love." Then she gave to Prokris her hound and her spear,
and said, "Hasten now to thine own land, and go stand before Kephalos,
and I will put a spell upon him that he may not know thee. Follow him
in the chase, and at whatsoever thou mayest cast this spear, it shall
fall, and from this hound no prey which thou mayest seek for shall
ever escape."
So Prokris sailed back to the land of Erechtheus with the gifts of
Artemis. And when Kephalos went to the chase, Prokris followed him,
and all the glory of the hunt fell to her portion, for the hound
struck down whatever it seized, and her spear never missed its aim.
And Kephalos marveled greatly, and said to the maiden, "Give me thy
hound and thy spear," and he besought the stranger many times for the
gift, till at last Prokris said, "I will not give them but for thy
love, thou must forsake Eos and come to dwell with me." Then Kephalos
said, "I care not for Eos; so only I have thy gifts, thou shalt have
my love." But even as he spoke these words, a change came over the
face of the stranger, and he saw that it was Prokris herself who stood
before him. And Prokris said, "Ah, Kephalos, once more thou hast
promised to love me, and now may I keep thy love, and remain with thee
always. Almost I may say that I never loved any one but thee, but thou
art changed, Kephalos, although still the same, else wouldst thou not
have promised to love me for the gift of a hound and a spear." Then
Kephalos besought Prokris to forgive him, and he said, "I am caught in
the trap which I laid for thee, but I have fallen deeper. When thou
gavest thy love to me as to a stranger, it pleased thee yet to think
that I was like Kephalos, and my vow to thee has been given for the
mere gifts which I coveted." But Prokris only said, "My joy is come
back to me again, and now I will leave thee no more."
So once more in the land of Erechtheus Prokris and Kephalos dwelt
together in a true and deep love. Once more they wandered over hill
and dale as in the times that were past, and looked out from the
heights of Hymettos to the white shore of Eubœa, as it glistened in
the light of early day. But whenever he went to the chase with the
hound and the spear of Artemis, Prokris saw that Eos still watched if
haply she might talk with Kephalos alone, and win him again for
herself. Once more she was happy, but her happiness was not what it
had been when Kephalos first gave her his love, while her father,
Erechtheus, was yet alive. She knew that Eos still envied her, and she
sought to guard Kephalos from the danger of her treacherous look and
her enticing words. She kept ever near him in the chase, although he
saw her not, and thus it came to pass that one day, as Prokris
watched him from a thicket, the folds of her dress rustled against the
branches, so that Kephalos thought it was some beast moving from his
den, and hurled at her the spear of Artemis that never missed its
mark. Then he heard the cry as of one who has received a deadly blow,
and when he hastened into the thicket, Prokris lay smitten down to the
earth before him. The coldness of death was on her face, and her
bright eye was dim, but her voice was as loving as ever, while she
said, "O Kephalos, it grieves me not that thy arm hath struck me down.
I have thy love, and having it, I go to the land of the bright heroes,
where my father, Erechtheus, is waiting for his child, and where thou,
too, shalt one day meet me, to dwell with me forever." One loving look
she gave to Kephalos, and the smile of parting vanished in the
stillness of death.
[Illustration: NUMA POMPILIUS VISITING THE NYMPH EGERIA.]
Then over the body of Prokris Kephalos wept tears of bitter sorrow,
and he said, "Ah, Eos, Eos, well hast thou rewarded me for doubting
once a love such as thou couldst never feel." Many days and many weeks
he mourned for his lost love, and daily he sat on the slopes of
Hymettos, and thought with a calm and almost happy grief how Prokris
there had rested by his side. All this time the spear of Artemis was
idle, and the hound went not forth to the chase, until chieftains came
from other lands to ask his aid against savage beasts or men. Among
them came Amphitryon, the lord of Thebes, to ask for help, and
Kephalos said, "I will do as thou wouldst have me. It is time that I
should begin to journey to the bright land where Prokris dwells,
beyond the western sea."
So he went with Amphitryon into the Theban land, and hunted out the
savage beasts which wasted his harvests, and then he journeyed on till
he came to the home of Phœbus Apollo, at Delphi. There the god bade
him hasten to the western sea, where he should once again find
Prokris. Onward he went, across the heights and vales of Ætolia, until
he stood on the Leukadian cape and looked out on the blue water. The
sun was sinking low down in the sky, and the golden clouds of evening
were gathered round him as he hastened to his rest. And Kephalos said,
"Here must I rest, also, for my journey is done, and Prokris is
waiting for me in the brighter land." There on the white cliff he
stood, and just as the sun touched the waters, the strength of
Kephalos failed him, and he sank gently into the sea.
So again, in the homes of the bright heroes, Kephalos found the wife
whom he had loved and slain.
SKYLLA.
From the turret of her father's house, Skylla, the daughter of Nisos,
watched the ships of King Minos, as they drew near from the Island of
Crete. Their white sails and the spears of the Cretan warriors
sparkled in the sunshine, as the crested waves rose and fell, carrying
the long billows to the shore. As she watched the goodly sight, Skylla
thought sadly of the days that were gone, when her father had
sojourned as a guest in the halls of King Minos, and she had looked on
his face as on the face of a friend. But now there was strife between
the chieftains of Crete and Megara, for Androgeos, the son of Minos,
had been slain by evil men as he journeyed from Megara to Athens, and
Minos was come hither with his warriors to demand the price of his
blood. But when the herald came with the message of Minos, the face of
Nisos, the King, flushed with anger, as he said, "Go thy way to him
that sent thee, and tell him that he who is guarded by the undying
gods cares not for the wrath of men whose spears shall be snapped like
bulrushes." Then said the herald, "I can not read thy riddle,
chieftain of Megara, but the blood of the gods runs in the veins of
Minos, and it can not be that the son of Europa shall fall under the
hands of thee or of thy people."
The sun went down in a flood of golden glory behind the purple
heights of Geraneia, and as the mists of evening fell upon the land,
the warriors of Minos made ready for the onset on the morrow. But when
the light of Eos flushed the eastern sky, and the men of Crete went
forth to the battle, their strength and their brave deeds availed them
nothing, for the arms of the mightiest became weak as the hands of a
little child, because the secret spell, in which lay the strength of
the undying gods, guarded the city of Nisos. And so it came to pass
that, as day by day they fought in vain against the walls of Megara,
the spirit of the men of Crete waxed feeble, and many said that they
came not thither to fight against the deathless gods.
But each day as Minos led his men against the city, the daughter of
Nisos had looked forth from her turret, and she saw his face,
beautiful as in the days when she had sojourned in his house at
Gnossos, and flushed with the pride and eagerness of the war. Then the
heart of Skylla was filled with a strange love, and she spake musingly
within herself, "To what end is this strife of armed men? Love is
beyond all treasures, and brighter for me than the love of others
would be one kindly look from the bright son of Europa. I know the
spell which keeps the city of the Megarians, and where is the evil of
the deed, if I take the purple lock of hair which the gods have given
to my father as a pledge that so long as it remains untouched, no harm
shall befall his people? If I give it to Minos the struggle is ended,
and it may be that I shall win his love."
So when the darkness of night fell again upon the earth, and all the
sons of men were buried in a deep sleep, Skylla entered stealthily
into her father's chamber, and shore off the purple lock in which lay
his strength and the strength of his people. Then, as the tints of
early morning stole across the dark heavens, the watchmen of the
Cretans beheld the form of a woman as she drew nigh to them and bade
them lead her to the tent of King Minos. When she was brought before
him, with downcast face she bowed herself to the earth, and said, "I
have sojourned in thy halls in the days that are gone, when there was
peace between thee and the house of my father, Nisos. O Minos, peace
is better than war, and of all treasures the most precious is love.
Look on me, then, gently as in former days, for at a great price do I
seek thy kindness. In this purple lock is the strength of my father
and his people." Then a strange smile passed over the face of Minos,
as he said, "The gifts of fair maidens must not be lightly cast aside;
the requital shall be made when the turmoil of strife is ended."
With a mighty shout the Cretan warriors went forth to the onset as the
fiery horses of Helios rose up with his chariot into the kindled
heaven. Straightway the walls of Megara fell, and the men of Crete
burst into the house of Nisos. So the city was taken, and Minos made
ready to go against the men of Athens, for on them also he sought to
take vengeance for the death of his son, Androgeos. But even as he
hastened to his ship, Skylla stood before him on the sea-shore. "Thy
victory is from me," she said, "where is the requital of my gift?"
Then Minos answered, "She who cares not for the father that has
cherished her has her own reward, and the gift which thou didst bring
me is beyond human recompense." The light southern breeze swelled the
outspread sail, and the ship of Minos danced gaily over the rippling
waters. For a moment the daughter of Nisos stood musing on the shore.
Then she stretched forth her arms, as with a low cry of bitter anguish
she said, "O Love, thy sting is cruel, and my life dies poisoned by
the smile of Aphrodite!" So the waters closed over the daughter of
Nisos, as she plunged in the blue depths; but the strife which vexes
the sons of men follows her still, when the eagle swoops down from the
clouds for his prey in the salt sea.
PHRIXOS AND HELLE.
Many, many years ago, there was a man called Athamas, and he had a
wife whose name was Nephele. They had two children--a boy and a girl.
The name of the boy was Phrixos, and his sister was called Helle. They
were good and happy children, and played about merrily in the fields,
and their mother, Nephele, loved them dearly. But by and by their
mother was taken away from them, and their father, Athamas, forgot all
about her, for he had not loved her as he ought to do. And very soon
he married another wife whose name was Ino, but she was harsh and
unkind to Phrixos and Helle, and they began to be very unhappy. Their
cheeks were no more rosy, and their faces no longer looked bright and
cheerful, as they used to do when they could go home to their mother,
Nephele, and so they played less and less, until none would have
thought that they were the same children who were so happy before
Nephele was taken away. But Ino hated these poor children, for she was
a cruel woman, and she longed to get rid of Phrixos and Helle, and she
thought how she might do so. So she said that Phrixos spoiled all the
corn, and prevented it from growing, and that they would not be able
to make any bread till he was killed. At last she persuaded Athamas
that he ought to kill Phrixos. But although Athamas cared nothing
about Phrixos and Helle, still their mother, Nephele, saw what was
going on, although they could not see her, because there was a cloud
between them; and Nephele was determined that Athamas should not hurt
Phrixos. So she sent a ram which had a golden fleece to carry her
children away, and one day, when they were sitting down on the grass
(for they were too sad and unhappy to play), they saw a beautiful ram
come into the field. And Phrixos said to Helle, "Sister, look at this
sheep that is coming to us; see, he shines all over like gold--his
horns are made of gold, and all the hair on his body is golden, too."
So the ram came nearer and nearer, and at last he lay down quite close
to them, and looked so quiet that Phrixos and Helle were not at all
afraid of him. Then they played with the sheep, and they took him by
the horns, and stroked his golden fleece, and patted him on the head,
and the ram looked so pleased that they thought they would like to
have a ride on his back. So Phrixos got up first, and put his arms
round the ram's neck, and little Helle got up behind her brother and
put her arms round his waist, and then they called to the ram to stand
up and carry them about. And the ram knew what they wanted, and began
to walk first, and then to run. By and by it rose up from the ground
and began to fly. And when it first left the earth, Phrixos and Helle
became frightened, and they begged the ram to go down again and put
them upon the ground, but the ram turned his head round, and looked so
gently at them, that they were not afraid any more. So Phrixos told
Helle to hold on tight round his waist, and he said, "Dear Helle, do
not be afraid, for I do not think the ram means to do us any harm, and
I almost fancy that he must have been sent by our dear mother,
Nephele, and that he will carry us to some better country, where the
people will be kind to us, as our mother used to be."
Now it so happened that, just as the ram began to fly away with the
two children on its back, Ino and Athamas came into the field,
thinking how they might kill Phrixos, but they could not see him
anywhere; and when they looked up, then, high up in the air over their
heads, they saw the ram flying away with the children on its back. So
they cried out and made a great noise, and threw stones up into the
air, thinking that the ram would get frightened and come down to the
earth again; but the ram did not care how much noise they made or how
many stones they threw up. On and on he flew, higher and higher, till
at last he looked only like a little yellow speck in the blue sky; and
then Ino and Athamas saw him no more.
So these wicked people sat down, very angry and unhappy. They were
sorry because Phrixos and Helle had got away all safe, when they
wanted to kill them. But they were much more sorry because they had
gone away on the back of a ram whose fleece was made of gold. So Ino
said to Athamas, "What a pity that we did not come into the field a
little sooner, for then we might have caught this ram and killed him
and stripped off his golden fleece, and we should have been rich for
the rest of our days."
All this time the ram was flying on and on, higher and higher, with
Phrixos and Helle on his back. And Helle began to be very tired, and
she said to her brother that she could not hold on much longer, and
Phrixos said, "Dear Helle, try and hold on as long as you possibly
can; I dare say the ram will soon reach the place to which he wants to
carry us, and then you shall lie down on the soft grass, and have such
pleasant sleep that you will not feel tired any more." But Helle said,
"Dearest Phrixos, I will indeed try and hold fast as long as I can,
but my arms are becoming so weak that I am afraid that I shall not be
able to hold on long." And by and by, when she grew weaker, she said,
"Dear Phrixos, if I fall off, you will not see Helle any more, but you
must not forget her, you must always love her as she loved you, and
then some day or other we shall see each other again, and live with
our dear mother, Nephele." Then Phrixos said, "Try and hold fast a
little longer still, Helle. I can never love any one so much as I love
you; but I want you to live with me on earth, and I can not bear to
think of living without you."
But it was of no use that he talked so kindly and tried to encourage
his sister, because he was not able to make her arms and her body
stronger; so by and by poor Helle fell off, just as they were flying
over a narrow part of the sea, and she fell into it and was drowned.
And the people called the part of the sea where she fell in, the
Hellespont, which means the sea of little Helle.
So Phrixos was left alone on the ram's back; and the ram flew on and
on a long way, till it came to the palace of Aietes, the King of
Kolchis. And King Aietes was walking about in his garden, when he
looked up into the sky, and saw something which looked very like a
yellow sheep with a little boy on its back. And King Aietes was
greatly amazed, for he had never seen so strange a thing before, and
he called his wife and his children, and everyone else that was in his
house, to come and see this wonderful sight. And they looked, and saw
the ram coming nearer and nearer, and then they knew that it really
was a boy on its back; and by and by the ram came down upon the earth
near their feet, and Phrixos got off its back. Then King Aietes went
up to him, and took him by the hand, and asked him who he was, and he
said, "Tell me, little boy, how it is that you come here, riding in
this strange way on the back of a ram." Then Phrixos told him the ram
had come into the field where he and Helle were playing, and had
carried them away from Ino and Athamas, who were very unkind to them,
and how little Helle had grown tired, and fallen off his back, and had
been drowned in the sea. Then King Aietes took Phrixos up in his arms,
and said, "Do not be afraid; I will take care of you and give you all
that you want, and no one shall hurt you here; and the ram which has
carried you through the air shall stay in this beautiful place, where
he will have as much grass to eat as he can possibly want, and a
stream to drink out of and to bathe in whenever he likes."
So Phrixos was taken into the palace of King Aietes, and everybody
loved him, because he was good and kind, and never hurt anyone. And he
grew up healthy and strong, and he learned to ride about the country
and to leap and run over the hills and valleys, and swim about in the
clear rivers. He had not forgotten his sister Helle, for he loved her
still as much as ever, and very often he wished that she could come
and live with him again, but he knew that she was with his mother,
Nephele, in the happy land to which good people go after they are
dead. And therefore he was never unhappy when he thought of his
sister, for he said, "One day I, too, shall be taken to that bright
land, and live with my mother and my sister again, if I try always to
do what is right." And very often he used to go and see the beautiful
ram with the golden fleece feeding in the garden, and stroke its
golden locks.
But the ram was not so strong now as he was when he flew through the
air with Phrixos and Helle on his hack, for he was growing old and
weak, and at last the ram died, and Phrixos was very sorry. And King
Aietes had the golden fleece taken off from the body, and they nailed
it up upon the wall, and every one came to look at the fleece which
was made of gold, and to hear the story of Phrixos and Helle.
But all this while Athamas and Ino had been hunting about everywhere,
to see if they could find out where the ram had gone with the children
on his back; and they asked every one whom they met, if they had seen
a sheep with a fleece of gold carrying away two children. But no one
could tell anything about it, till at last they came to the house of
Aietes, the King of Kolchis. And they came to the door, and asked
Aietes if he had seen Phrixos and Helle, and the sheep with the golden
fleece. Then Aietes said to them, "I have never seen little Helle, for
she fell off from the ram's back, and was drowned in the sea, but
Phrixos is with me still, and as for the ram, see here is his golden
fleece nailed up upon the wall." And just then Phrixos happened to
come in, and Aietes asked them, "Look, now, and tell me if this is the
Phrixos whom you are seeking." And when they saw him, they said, "It
is indeed the same Phrixos who went away on the ram's back, but he is
grown into a great man;" and they began to be afraid, because they
thought they could not now ill-treat Phrixos, as they used to do when
he was a little boy. So they tried to entice him away by pretending to
be glad to see him, and they said, "Come away with us, and we shall
live happily together." But Phrixos saw from the look of their faces
that they were not telling the truth, and that they hated him still,
and he said to them, "I will not go with you; King Aietes has been
very good to me, and you were always unkind to me and to my sister,
and therefore I will never leave King Aietes to go away with you."
Then they said to Aietes, "Phrixos may stay here, but give us the
golden fleece which came from the ram that carried away the children."
But the King said, "I will not--I know that you only ask for it
because you wish to sell it, and therefore you shall not have it."
Then Ino and Athamas turned away in a rage, and went to their own
country again, wretched and unhappy because they could not get the
golden fleece. And they told every one that the fleece of the ram was
in the palace of the King of Kolchis, and they tried to persuade every
one to go in a great ship and take away the fleece by force. So a
great many people came, and they all got into a large ship called the
Argo, and they sailed and sailed, until at last they came to Kolchis.
Then they sent some one to ask Aietes to give them the golden fleece,
but he would not, and they would never have found the fleece again, if
the wise maiden, Medeia, had not shown Iason how he might outdo the
bidding of King Aietes. But when Iason had won the prize and they had
sailed back again to their own land, the fleece was not given to
Athamas and Ino. The other people took it, for they said, "It is quite
right that we should have it, to make up for all our trouble in
helping to get it." So, with all their greediness, these wretched
people remained as poor and as miserable as ever.
MEDEIA.
Far away in the Kolchian land, where her father, Aietes, was King, the
wise maiden, Medeia, saw and loved Iason, who had come in the ship,
Argo, to search for the golden fleece. To her Zeus had given a wise
and cunning heart, and she had power over the hidden things of the
earth, and nothing in the broad sea could withstand her might. She had
spells to tame the monsters which vex the children of men, and to
bring back youth to the wrinkled face and the tottering limbs of the
old. But the spells of Eros were mightier still, and the wise maiden
forgot her cunning as she looked on the fair countenance of Iason, and
she said within herself that she would make him conqueror in his
struggle for the golden fleece, and go with him to be his wife in the
far-off western land. So King Aietes brought up in vain the
fire-breathing bulls that they might scorch Iason as he plowed the
land with the dragon's teeth, and in vain from these teeth sprang up
the harvest of armed men ready for strife and bloodshed. For Medeia
had anointed the body of Iason with ointment, so that the fiery breath
of the bulls hurt him not; and by her bidding he cast a stone among
the armed men, and they fought with one another for the stone till all
lay dead upon the ground. Still King Aietes would not give to him the
golden fleece, and the heart of Iason was cast down till Medeia came
to him and bade him follow her. Then she led him to a hidden dell
where the dragon guarded the fleece, and she laid her spells on the
monster and brought a heavy sleep upon his eye, while Iason took the
fleece and hastened to carry it on board the ship Argo.
So Medeia left her father's house, and wandered with Iason into many
lands--to Iolkos, to Athens, and to Argos. And wherever she went, men
marveled at her for her wisdom and her beauty, but as they looked on
her fair face and listened to her gentle voice, they knew not the
power of the maiden's wrath if any one should do her wrong. So she
dwelt at Iolkos, in the house of Pelias, who had sent forth Iason to
look for the golden fleece, that he might not be King in his stead,
and the daughters of Pelias loved the beautiful Medeia, for they
dreamed not that she had sworn to avenge on Pelias the wrong which he
had done to Iason. Craftily she told the daughters of Pelias of the
power of her spells, which could tame the fire-breathing bulls, and
lull the dragon to sleep, and bring back the brightness of youth to
the withered cheeks of the old. And the daughters of Pelias said to
her, "Our father is old, and his limbs are weak and tottering, show us
how once more he can be made young." Then Medeia took a ram and cut it
up, and put its limbs into a caldron, and when she had boiled them on
the hearth there came forth a lamb, and she said, "So shall your
father be brought back again to youth and strength, if ye will do to
him as I have done to the ram, and when the time is come, I will speak
the words of my spell, and the change shall be accomplished." So the
daughters of Pelias followed her counsel, and put the body of their
father into the caldron, and, as it boiled on the hearth, Medeia said,
"I must go up to the house-top and look forth on the broad heaven,
that I may know the time to speak the words of my charm." And the fire
waxed fiercer and fiercer, but Medeia gazed on at the bright stars,
and came not down from the house-top till the limbs of Pelias were
consumed away.
[Illustration: POLYHYMNIA (_Muse Of Rhetoric and Eloquence_).]
Then a look of fierce hatred passed over her face, and she said,
"Daughters of Pelias, ye have slain your father, and I go with Iason
to the land of Argos." So thither she sped with him in her dragon
chariot, which bore them to the house of King Kreon.
Long time she abode in Argos, rejoicing in the love of Iason and at
the sight of her children, who were growing up in strength and beauty.
But Iason cared less and less for the wise and cunning Medeia, and he
loved more to look on Glauke, the daughter of the King, till at last
he longed to be free from the love and the power of Medeia.
Then men talked in Argos of the love of Iason for the beautiful
Glauke, and Medeia heard how he was going to wed another wife. Once
more her face grew dark with anger, as when she left the daughters of
Pelias mourning for their father, and she vowed a vow that Iason
should repent of his great treachery. But she hid her anger within her
heart, and her eye was bright and her voice was soft and gentle as she
spake to Iason and said, "They tell me that thou art to wed the
daughter of Kreon; I had not thought thus to lose the love for which I
left my father's house and came with thee to the land of strangers.
Yet do I chide thee not, for it may be that thou canst not love the
wise Kolchian maid like the soft daughters of the Argive land, and yet
thou knowest not altogether how I have loved thee. Go, then, and dwell
with Glauke, and I will send her a bright gift, so that thou mayest
not forget the days that are past."
So Iason went away, well pleased that Medeia had spoken to him gently
and upbraided him not, and presently his children came after him to
the house of Kreon, and said, "Father, we have brought a wreath for
Glauke, and a robe which Helios gave to our mother, Medeia, before she
came away with thee from the house of her father." Then Glauke came
forth eagerly to take the gifts, and she placed the glittering wreath
on her head, and wrapped the robe round her slender form. Like a
happy child, she looked into a mirror to watch the sparkling of the
jewels on her fair forehead, and sat down on the couch playing with
the folds of the robe of Helios. But soon a look of pain passed over
her face, and her eyes shone with a fiery light as she lifted her hand
to take the wreath away, but the will of Medeia was accomplished, for
the poison had eaten into her veins, and the robe clung with a deadly
grasp to her scorched and wasted limbs. Through the wide halls rang
the screams of her agony, as Kreon clasped his child in his arms. Then
sped the poison through his veins also, and Kreon died with Glauke.
Then Medeia went with her children to the house-top, and looked up to
the blue heaven, and stretching forth her arms, she said, "O Helios,
who didst give to me the wise and cunning heart, I have avenged me on
Iason, even as once I avenged him on Pelias. Thou hast given me thy
power; yet, it may be, I would rather have the life-long love of the
helpless daughters of men."
Presently her dragon chariot rose into the sky, and the people of
Argos saw the mighty Medeia no more.
THESEUS.
Many a long year ago a little child was playing on the white sand of
the Bay of Troizen. His golden locks streamed in the breeze as he ran
amongst the rippling waves which flung themselves lazily on the beach.
Sometimes he clapped his hands in glee as the water washed over his
feet, and he stopped again to look with wondering eyes at the strange
things which were basking on the sunny shore, or gazed on the mighty
waters which stretched away bright as a sapphire stone into the far
distance. But presently some sadder thoughts troubled the child, for
the look of gladness passed away from his face, and he went slowly to
his mother, who sat among the weed-grown rocks, watching her child
play.
"Mother," said the boy, "I am very happy here, but may I not know
to-day why I never see my father as other children do? I am not now so
very young, and I think that you feel sometimes lonely, for your face
looks sad and sorrowful, as if you were grieving for some one who is
gone away."
Fondly and proudly the mother looked on her boy, and smoothed the
golden locks on his forehead, as she said, "My child, there is much to
make us happy, and it may be that many days of gladness are in store
for us both. But there is labor and toil for all, and many a hard task
awaits thee, my son. Only have a brave heart, and turn away from all
things mean and foul, and strength will be given thee to conquer the
strongest enemy. Sit down, then, here by my side, and I will tell thee
a tale which may make thee sad, but which must not make thee unhappy,
for none can do good to others who waste their lives in weeping. Many
summers have come and gone since the day when a stranger drew nigh to
the house of my father, Pittheus. The pale light of evening was fading
from the sky, but we could see, by his countenance and the strength of
his stalwart form, that he was come of a noble race and could do brave
deeds. When Pittheus went forth from the threshold to meet him, the
stranger grasped his hand, and said, 'I come to claim the rights of
our ancient friendship, for our enemies have grown too mighty for us,
and Pandion, my father, rules no more in Athens. Here, then, let me
tarry till I can find a way to punish the men who have driven away
their King and made his children wanderers on the earth.' So Aigeus
sojourned in my father's house, and soon he won my love, and I became
his wife. Swiftly and happily the days went by, and one thing only
troubled me, and this was the thought that one day he must leave me,
to fight with his enemies and place his father again upon his throne.
But even this thought was forgotten for awhile, when Aigeus looked on
thee for the first time, and, stretching forth his hands towards
heaven, said, 'O Zeus, that dwellest in the dark cloud, look down on
my child, and give him strength that he may be a better man than his
father, and if thou orderest that his life shall be one of toil, still
let him have the joy which is the lot of all who do their work with a
cheerful heart and keep their hands from all defiling things.' Then
the days passed by more quickly and happily than ever, but at last
there came the messengers from Athens, to tell him that the enemies of
Pandion were at strife among themselves, and that the time was come
that Aigeus should fight for his father's house. Not many days after
this we sat here, watching thee at play among the weeds and flowers
that climb among the rocks, when thy father put his arms gently round
me, and said, 'Aithra, best gift of all that the gods have ever given
to me, I leave thee to go to my own land, and I know not what things
may befall me there, nor whether I may return hither to take thee to
dwell with me at Athens. But forget not the days that are gone, and
faint not for lack of hope that we may meet again in the days that are
coming. Be a brave mother to our child, that so he, too, may grow up
brave and pure, and when he is old enough to know what he must do,
tell him that he is born of a noble race, and that he must one day
fight stoutly to win the heritage of his fathers.' And now, my son,
thou seest yonder rock, over which the wild briars have clambered. No
hands have moved it since the day when thy father lifted it up and
placed beneath it his sword and his sandals. Then he put back the
stone as it was before, and said to me, 'When thou thinkest fit, tell
our child that he must wait until he is able to lift this stone. Then
must he put my sandals on his feet, and gird my sword on his side, and
journey to the city of his forefathers.' From that day, my child, I
have never seen thy father's face, and the time is often weary,
although the memory of the old days is sweet and my child is by my
side to cheer me with his love. So now thou knowest something of the
task that lies before thee. Think of thy father's words, and make
thyself ready for the toil and danger that may fall to thy lot in time
to come."
[Illustration: SPHINX OF EGYPT.]
The boy looked wistfully into his mother's face, and a strange
feeling of love and hope and strength filled his heart, as he saw the
tears start to her eyes when the tale was ended. His arms were clasped
around her neck, but he said only, "Mother, I will wait patiently till
I am strong enough to lift the stone, but before that time comes,
perhaps my father may come back from Athens."
So for many a year more the days went by, and the boy, Theseus, grew
up brave, truthful, and strong. None who looked upon him grudged him
his beauty, for his gentleness left no room for envy, and his mother
listened with a proud and glad heart to the words with which the
people of the land told of his kindly deeds. At length the days of his
youth were ended, but Aigeus came not back, and Theseus went to
Aithra, and said, "The time is come, my mother; I must see this day
whether I am strong enough to lift the stone." And Aithra answered,
gently, "Be it as thou wilt, and as the undying gods will it, my son."
Then he went up to the rock, and nerved himself for a mighty effort,
and the stone yielded slowly to his strength, and the sword and
sandals lay before him. Presently he stood before Aithra, and to her
it seemed that the face of Theseus was as the face of one of the
bright heroes who dwell in the halls of Zeus. A flush of glorious
beauty lit up his countenance, as she girt the sword to his side and
said, "The gods prosper thee, my son, and they will prosper thee, if
thou livest in time to come as thou hast lived in the days that are
gone."
So Theseus bade his mother farewell, there on the white sea-shore,
where long ago he had asked her first to tell him of his name and
kindred. Sadly, yet with a good hope, he set out on his journey. The
blue sea lay before him, and the white sails of ships glistened as
they danced on the heaving waters. But Theseus had vowed a vow that he
would do battle with the evil-doers who filled the land with blood,
and for terror of whom the travelers walked in by-ways. So at
Epidauros he fought with the cruel Periphetes, and smote him with his
own club, and at the Megarian isthmus he seized the robber, Sinis, and
tore him to pieces between the trunks of pines, even as he had been
wont to do with the wayfarers who fell into his hands. Then, in the
thickets of Krommyon, he slew the huge sow that ravaged the fair
corn-fields, and on the borderland he fought a sore fight with Skiron,
who plundered all who came in his path, and, making them wash his
feet, hurled them, as they stooped, down the cliffs which hung over
the surging sea. Even so did Theseus to him, and journeying on to the
banks of Kephisos, stretched the robber, Prokroustes, on the bed on
which he had twisted and tortured the limbs of his victims till they
died.
Thus, amid the joyous shoutings of the people whom he had set free,
Theseus entered into the city of his fathers, and the rumor of him was
brought to Aigeus, the King. Then the memory of the days that were
gone came back to Aigeus, and his heart smote him as he thought within
himself that this must be the child of Aithra, whom he had left
mourning on the shore of Troizen. But soon there was a strife in the
city, for among the mightiest of the people were many who mocked at
Theseus, and said, "Who is this stranger that men should exalt him
thus, as though he came of the race of heroes? Let him show that he is
the child of Aigeus, if he would win the heritage which he claims." So
was Theseus brought before the King, and a blush of shame passed over
the old man's face when he saw the sword and sandals which he had left
beneath the great stone, near the Troizenian shore. Few words only he
spake of welcome, and none of love or kindness for his child or for
the wife who still yearned for the love of the former days. Then, at
his father's bidding, Theseus made ready to go forth once again on his
path of toil, and he chafed not against the hard lot which had fallen
to his portion. Only he said, "The love of a father would sweeten my
labor, but my mother's love is with me still, and the battle is for
right and for law."
So in after-times the minstrels sang of the glorious deeds of Theseus
the brave and fair. They told how at last at the bidding of his father
he went forth from the gates of Athens and smote the bull which
ravaged the broad plains of Marathon, and how in the secret maze of
the labyrinth he smote the Minotauros. They sang of his exploits in
the day when the Amazons did battle with the men of Athens--how he
went with Meleagros and his chieftains to the chase of the boar in
Kalydon--how with the heroes in the ship Argo he brought back the
golden fleece from Kolchis. They told how at last he went down with
Peirithoos, his comrade, into the gloomy kingdom of Hades and seized
on the daughter of Demeter, to bring her to the land of living men.
They sang of the fierce wrath of Hades when his lightnings burst forth
and smote Peirithoos--of the dark prison-house where Theseus lay while
many a rolling year went round, until at last the mighty Herakles
passed the borders of the shadowy land and set the captive free.
And so it was that, when the heroes had passed to the home of Zeus and
the banquet of the gods, the glory of Theseus was as the glory of the
brave son of Alkmene who toiled for the false Eurystheus; and ever in
the days of feasting, the minstrels linked together the names of
Herakles and Theseus.
ARIADNE.
The soft western breeze was bearing a ship from the Athenian land to
the fair haven of Gnossos, and the waters played merrily round the
ship as it sped along the paths of the sea. But on board there were
mournful hearts and weeping eyes, for the youths and maidens which
that ship was bearing to Crete were to be the prey of the savage
Minotauros. As they came near the harbor gates, they saw the people
of King Minos crowded on the shore, and they wept aloud because they
should no more look on the earth and on the sun as he journeyed
through the heaven.
In that throng stood Ariadne, the daughter of the King, and as she
gazed on the youths and maidens who came out of the tribute ship,
there passed before her one taller and fairer than all, and she saw
that his eye alone was bright and his step firm, as he moved from the
shore to go to the house of Minos. Presently they all stood before the
King, and he saw that one alone gazed steadfastly upon him, while the
eyes of the rest were dim with many tears. Then he said, "What is thy
name?" The young man answered, "I am Theseus, the son of King Aigeus,
and I have come as one of the tribute children, but I part not with my
life till I have battled for it with all my strength. Wherefore send
me first, I pray thee, that I may fight with Minotauros; for if I be
the conqueror, then shall all these go back with me in peace to our
own land." Then Minos said, "Thou shalt indeed go first to meet
Minotauros; but think not to conquer him in the fight, for the flame
from his mouth will scorch thee, and no mortal man may withstand his
strength." And Theseus answered, "It is for man to do what best he
may; the gods know for whom remains the victory."
But the gentle heart of Ariadne was moved with love and pity as she
looked on his fair face and his bright and fearless eye, and she said
within herself, "I can not kill the Minotauros or rob him of his
strength, but I will guide Theseus so that he may reach the monster
while sleep lies heavy upon him."
On the next day Theseus, the Athenian, was to meet the dreadful
Minotauros, who dwelt in the labyrinth of Gnossos. Far within its
thousand twisted alleys was his den, where he waited for his prey, as
they were brought each along the winding paths. But Ariadne talked in
secret with Theseus in the still evening time, and she gave him a
clue of thread, so that he might know how to come back out of the
mazes of the labyrinth after he had slain the Minotauros; and when the
moon looked down from heaven, she led him to a hidden gate, and bade
him go forth boldly, for he should come to the monster's den while
sleep lay heavy on his eyes. So when the morning came, the Minotauros
lay lifeless on the ground, and there was joy and gladness in the
great city of Gnossos, and Minos himself rejoiced that the youths and
maidens might go back with Theseus in peace to Athens.
So once again they went into the ship, and the breeze blew softly to
carry them to the homes which they had not thought to see again. But
Theseus talked with Ariadne, in the house of Minos, and the maiden
wept as though some great grief lay heavy upon her, and Theseus twined
his arm gently round her, and said, "Fairest of maidens, thy aid hath
saved me from death, but I care not now to live if I may not be with
thee. Come with me, and I will lead thee to the happier land, where my
father, Aigeus, is King. Come with me, that my people may see and love
the maiden who rescued the tribute children from the savage
Minotauros."
Then Ariadne went with him joyfully, for her own love made her think
that Theseus loved her not less dearly. So she wept not as she saw the
towers of Gnossos growing fainter and fainter while the ship sped over
the dancing waters, and she thought only of the happy days which she
should spend in the bright Athens where Theseus should one day be
King. Gaily the ship sped upon her way, and there was laughter and
mirth among the youths and maidens who were going back to their home.
And Theseus sat by the side of Ariadne, speaking the words of a deeper
love than in truth he felt, and fancying that he loved the maiden even
as the maiden loved him. But while yet he gazed on the beautiful
Ariadne, the image of Aigle came back to his mind, and the old love
was wakened again in his heart. Onward sailed the ship, cleaving its
way through the foaming waters, by the Islands of Thera and Amorgos,
till the high cliffs of Naxos broke upon their sight.
The sun was sinking down into the sea when they came to its winding
shores, and the seamen moored the ship to the land, and came forth to
rest until the morning. There they feasted gaily on the beach, and
Theseus talked with Ariadne until the moon was high up in the sky. So
they slept through the still hours of night, but when the sun was
risen, Ariadne was alone upon the sea-shore. In doubt and fear, she
roamed along the beach, but she saw no one, and there was no ship
sailing on the blue sea. In many a bay and nook she sought him, and
she cried in bitter sorrow, "Ah, Theseus, Theseus, hast thou forsaken
me?" Her feet were wounded by the sharp flints, her limbs were faint
from very weariness, and her eyes were dim with tears. Above her rose
the high cliffs like a wall, before her was spread the bright and
laughing sea, and her heart sank within her, for she felt that she
must die. "Ah, Theseus," she cried, "have I done thee wrong? I pitied
thee in the time of thy sorrow and saved thee from thy doom, and then
I listened to thy fair words, and trusted them as a maiden trusts when
love is first awakened within her. Yet hast thou dealt me a hard
requital. Thou art gone to happy Athens, and it may be thou thinkest
already of some bright maiden who there has crossed thy path, and thou
hast left me here to die for weariness and hunger. So would I not
requite thee for a deed of love and pity."
[Illustration: CALLIOPE. (_Muse of Heroic Verse._)]
Wearied and sad of heart, she sank down on the rock, and her long
hair streamed over her fair shoulders. Her hands were clasped around
her knees, and the hot tears ran down her cheeks, and she knew not
that there stood before her one fairer and brighter than the sons of
men, until she heard a voice which said, "Listen to me, daughter of
Minos. I am Dionysos, the lord of the feast and revel. I wander with
light heart and the sweet sounds of laughter and song over land and
sea; I saw thee aid Theseus when he went into the labyrinth to slay
the Minotauros. I heard his fair words when he prayed thee to leave
thy home and go with him to Athens. I saw him this morning, while yet
the stars twinkled in the sky, arouse his men and sail away in his
ship to the land of Aigeus; but I sought not to stay him, for,
Ariadne, thou must dwell with me. Thy love and beauty are a gift too
great for Theseus; but thou shalt be the bride of Dionysos. Thy days
shall be passed amid feasts and banquets, and when thy life is ended
here, thou shalt go with me to the homes of the undying gods, and men
shall see the crown of Ariadne in the heavens when the stars look
forth at night from the dark sky. Nay, weep not, Ariadne, thy love for
Theseus hath been but the love of a day, and I have loved thee long
before the black-sailed ship brought him from poor and rugged Athens."
Then Ariadne wept no more, and in the arms of Dionysos she forgot the
false and cruel Theseus; so that among the matrons who thronged round
the joyous wine-god the fairest and the most joyous was Ariadne, the
daughter of Minos.
ARETHUSA.
On the heights of Mænalos the hunter Alpheios saw the maiden Arethusa
as she wandered joyously with her companions over the green swelling
downs where the heather spread out its pink blossoms to the sky.
Onward she came, the fairest of all the band, until she drew nigh to
the spot where Alpheios stood marveling at the brightness of her
beauty. Then, as she followed the winding path on the hill-side, she
saw his eye resting upon her, and her heart was filled with fear, for
his dark face was flushed by the toil of the long chase and his torn
raiment waved wildly in the breeze. And yet more was she afraid when
she heard the sound of his rough voice, as he prayed her to tarry by
his side. She lingered not to listen to his words, but with light foot
she sped over hill and dale and along the bank of the river where it
leaps down the mountain cliffs and winds along the narrow valleys.
Then Alpheios vowed a vow that the maiden should not escape him. "I
will follow thee," he said, "over hill and dale; I will seek thee
through rivers and seas, and where thou shalt rest, there will I rest,
also." Onward they sped, across the dark heights of Erymanthos and
over the broad plains of Pisa, till the waters of the western sea lay
spread out before them, dancing in the light of the midday sun.
Then with arms outstretched, and with wearied limbs, Arethusa cried
aloud, and said, "O daughters of the gentle Okeanos, I have played
with you on the white shore in the days of mirth and gladness, and now
I come to your green depths. Save me from the hand of the wild
huntsman." So she plunged beneath the waves of the laughing sea, and
the daughters of Okeanos bore her gently downwards till she came to
the coral caves, where they sat listening to the sweet song of the
waters. But there they suffered her not to rest, for they said, "Yet
further must thou flee, Arethusa, for Alpheios comes behind thee."
Then in their arms they bore her gently beneath the depths of the sea,
till they laid her down at last on the Ortygian shore of the
Thrinakian land, as the sun was sinking down in the sky. Dimly she saw
spread before her the blue hills, and she felt the soft breath of the
summer breeze, as her eyes closed for weariness. Then suddenly she
heard the harsh voice which scared her on the heights of Mænalos, and
she tarried not to listen to his prayer. "Flee not away, Arethusa,"
said the huntsman, Alpheios, "I mean not to harm thee; let me rest in
thy love, and let me die for the beauty of thy fair face." But the
maiden fled with a wild cry along the winding shore, and the light
step of her foot left no print on the glistening sand. "Not thus shalt
thou escape from my arms," said the huntsman, and he stretched forth
his hand to seize the maiden, as she drew nigh to a fountain whose
waters flashed clear and bright in the light of the sinking sun. Then
once again Arethusa called aloud on the daughters of Okeanos, and she
said, "O friends, once more I come to your coral caves, for on earth
there is for me no resting-place." So the waters closed over the
maiden, and the image of heaven came down again on the bright
fountain. Then a flush of anger passed over the face of Alpheios, as
he said, "On earth thou hast scorned my love, O maiden, but my form
shall be fairer in thy sight when I rest beside thee beneath the
laughing waters." So over the huntsman, Alpheios, flowed the Ortygian
stream, and the love of Arethusa was given to him in the coral caves,
where they dwell with the daughters of Okeanos.
[Illustration: THE ORIGIN OF MAN. (_From an antique
Sculpture._)]
TYRO.
On the banks of the fairest stream in all the land of Thessaly, the
golden-haired Enipeus wooed the maiden Tyro; with her he wandered in
gladness of heart, following the path of the winding river, and
talking with her of his love. And Tyro listened to his tender words,
as day by day she stole away from the house of her father, Salmoneus,
to spend the livelong day on the banks of his beautiful stream.
But Salmoneus was full of rage when he knew that Tyro loved Enipeus,
and how she had become the mother of two fair babes. There was none to
plead for Tyro and her helpless children, for her mother, Alkidike,
was dead, and Salmoneus had taken the iron-hearted Sidero to be his
wife. So he followed her evil counsels, and he said to Tyro, "Thy
children must die, and thou must wed Kretheus, the son of the mighty
Aiolos."
Then Tyro hastened in bitter sorrow to the banks of the stream, and
her babes slept in her arms, and she stretched out her hands with a
loud cry for aid, but Enipeus heard her not, for he lay in his green
dwelling far down beneath the happy waters. So she placed the babes
amidst the thick rushes which grew along the banks, and she said, "O
Enipeus, my father says that I may no more see thy face; but to thee I
give our children; guard them from the anger of Salmoneus, and it may
be that in time to come they will avenge my wrongs."
There, nestled amid the tall reeds, the children slept, till a
herdsman saw them as he followed his cattle along the shore. And Tyro
went back in anguish of heart to the house of Salmoneus, but she would
not have the love of Kretheus or listen to his words. Then Sidero
whispered again her evil counsels into the ear of Salmoneus, and he
shut up Tyro, so that she might not see the light of the sun or hear
the voice of man. He cut off the golden locks that clustered on her
fair cheeks, he clothed her in rough raiment, and bound her in fetters
which gave her no rest by night or by day. So in her misery she pined
away, and her body was wasted by hunger and thirst, because she would
not become the wife of Kretheus. Then more and more she thought of the
days when she listened to the words of Enipeus as she wandered with
him by the side of the sounding waters, and she said within herself,
"He heard me not when I called to him for help, but I gave him my
children, and it may be that he has saved them from death; and if ever
they see my face again, they shall know that I never loved any save
Enipeus, who dwells beneath the stream."
So the years passed on, and Pelias and Neleus dwelt with the herdsman,
and they grew up strong in body and brave of soul. But Enipeus had not
forgotten the wrongs of Tyro, and he put it into the heart of her
children to punish Sidero for her evil counsels. So Sidero died, and
they brought out their mother from her dreary dungeon, and led her to
the banks of the stream where she had heard the words of Enipeus in
the former days. But her eyes were dim with long weeping, and the
words of her children sounded strangely in her ears, and she said, "O
my children, let me sink to sleep while I hear your voices, which
sound to me like the voice of Enipeus." So she fell asleep and died,
and they laid her body in the ground by the river's bank, where the
waters of Enipeus made their soft music near her grave.
NARKISSOS.
On the banks of Kephisos, Echo saw and loved the beautiful Narkissos,
but the youth cared not for the maiden of the hills, and his heart was
cold to the words of her love, for he mourned for his sister, whom
Hermes had taken away beyond the Stygian River. Day by day he sat
alone by the streamside, sorrowing for the bright maiden whose life
was bound up with his own, because they had seen the light of the sun
in the self-same day, and thither came Echo and sat down by his side,
and sought in vain to win his love. "Look on me and see," she said, "I
am fairer than the sister for whom thou dost mourn." But Narkissos
answered her not, for he knew that the maiden would ever have
something to say against his words. So he sat silent and looked down
into the stream, and there he saw his own face in the clear water, and
it was to him as the face of his sister for whom he pined away in
sorrow, and his grief became less bitter as he seemed to see again her
soft blue eye, and almost to hear the words which came from her lips.
But the grief of Narkissos was too deep for tears, and it dried up
slowly the fountain of his life. In vain the words of Echo fell upon
his ears, as she prayed him to hearken to her prayer: "Ah, Narkissos,
thou mournest for one who can not heed thy sorrow, and thou carest not
for her who longs to see thy face and hear thy voice forever." But
Narkissos saw still in the waters of Kephisos the face of his twin
sister, and still gazing at it he fell asleep and died. Then the
voice of Echo was heard no more, for she sat in silence by his grave,
and a beautiful flower came up close to it. Its white blossoms drooped
over the banks of Kephisos where Narkissos had sat and looked down
into its clear water, and the people of the land called the plant
after his name.
ORPHEUS AND EURYDIKE.
In the pleasant valleys of a country which was called Thessaly there
lived a man whose name was Orpheus. Every day he made soft music with
his golden harp, and sang beautiful songs such as no one had ever
heard before. And whenever Orpheus sang, then everything came to
listen to him, and the trees bowed down their heads to hear, and even
the clouds sailed along more gently and brightly in the sky when he
sang, and the stream which ran close to his feet made a softer noise,
to show how glad his music made it.
Now, Orpheus had a wife who was called Eurydike, whom he loved very
dearly. All through the winter, when the snow was on the hills, and
all through the summer, when the sunshine made everything beautiful,
Orpheus used to sing to her, and Eurydike sat on the grass by his side
while the beasts came round to listen, and the trees bowed down their
heads to hear him.
But one day when Eurydike was playing with some children on the bank
of the river, she trod upon a snake in the long grass, and the snake
bit her. And by and by she began to be very sick, and Eurydike knew
that she must die. So she told the children to go to Orpheus (for he
was far away) and say how sorry she was to leave him, and that she
loved him always very dearly, and then she put her head down upon the
grass and fell asleep and died. Sad indeed was Orpheus when the
children came to tell him that Eurydike was dead. He felt so wretched
that he never played upon his golden harp, and he never opened his
lips to sing, and the beasts that used to listen to him wondered why
Orpheus sat all alone on the green bank where Eurydike used to sit
with him, and why it was that he never made any more of his beautiful
music. All day long he sat there, and his cheeks were often wet with
tears. At last he said, "I can not stay here any more, I must go and
look for Eurydike. I can not bear to be without her, and perhaps the
king of the land where people go after they are dead will let her come
back and live with me again."
So he took his harp in his hand, and went to look for Eurydike in the
land which is far away, where the sun goes down into his golden cup
before the night comes on. And he went on and on a very long way, till
at last he came to a high and dark gateway. It was barred across with
iron bars, and it was bolted and locked so that nobody could open it.
It was a wretched and gloomy place, because the sunshine never came
there, and it was covered with clouds and mist. In front of this great
gateway there sat a monstrous dog, with three heads, and six eyes, and
three tongues, and everything was dark around, except his eyes, which
shone like fire, and which saw every one that dared to come near. Now,
when Orpheus came looking for Eurydike, the dog raised his three
heads, and opened his three mouths, and gnashed his teeth at him, and
roared terribly, but when Orpheus came nearer, the dog jumped up upon
his feet and got himself ready to fly at him and tear him to pieces.
Then Orpheus took down his harp and began to play upon its golden
strings. And the dog, Kerberos (for that was his name), growled and
snarled and showed the great white teeth which were in his three
mouths, but he could not help hearing the sweet music, and he wondered
why it was that he did not wish any more to tear Orpheus in pieces.
Very soon the music made him quiet and still, and at last it lulled
him to sleep, and only his heavy breathing told that there was any dog
there. So when Kerberos had gone to sleep, Orpheus passed by him and
came up to the gate, and he found it wide open, for it had come open
of its own accord while he was singing. And he was glad when he saw
this, for he thought that now he should see Eurydike.
So he went on and on a long way, until he came to the palace of the
King, and there were guards placed before the door who tried to keep
him from going in, but Orpheus played upon his harp, and then they
could not help letting him go.
[Illustration: ERATE (_Muse of the Lute_).]
So he went into the great hall, where he saw the King and Queen
sitting on a throne, and as Orpheus came near, the King called out to
him with a loud and terrible voice, "Who are you, and how dare you to
come here? Do you not know that no one is allowed to come here till
after they are dead? I will have you chained and placed in a dungeon,
from which you will never be able to get out." Then Orpheus said
nothing, but he took his golden harp in his hand and began to sing
more sweetly and gently than ever, because he knew that, if he liked
to do so, the King could let him see Eurydike again. And as he sang,
the face of the King began to look almost glad, and his anger passed
away, and he began to feel how much happier it must be to be gentle
and loving than to be angry and cruel. Then the King said, "You have
made me feel happy with your sweet music, although I have never felt
happy before; and now tell me why you have come, because you must want
something or other, for, otherwise, no one would come, before he was
dead, to this sad and gloomy land of which I am the King." Then
Orpheus said, "O King, give me back my dear Eurydike, and let her go
from this gloomy place and live with me on the bright earth again." So
the King said that she should go. And the King said to Orpheus, "I
have given you what you wanted, because you sang so sweetly, and when
you go back to the earth from this place, your wife whom you love
shall go up after you, but remember that you must never look back
until she has reached the earth, for if you do, Eurydike will be
brought back here, and I shall not be able to give her to you again,
even if you should sing more sweetly and gently than ever."
Now, Orpheus was longing to see Eurydike, and he hoped that the King
would let him see her at once, but when the King said that he must not
try to see her till she had reached the earth, he was quite content,
for he said, "Shall I not wait patiently a little while, that Eurydike
may come and live with me again?" So he promised the King that he
would go up to the earth without stopping to look behind and see
whether Eurydike was coming after him.
Then Orpheus went away from the palace of the King, and he passed
through the dark gateway, and the dog, Kerberos, did not bark or
growl, for he knew that Orpheus would not have been allowed to come
back if the King had not wished it. So he went on and on a long way,
and he became impatient, and longed more and more to see Eurydike. At
last he came near to the land of living men, and he saw just a little
streak of light, where the sun was going to rise from the sea, and
presently the sky became brighter, and he saw everything before him so
clearly that he could not help turning round to look at Eurydike. But,
ah! she had not yet quite reached the earth, and so now he lost her
again. He just saw something pale and white, which looked like his own
dear wife, and he just heard a soft and gentle voice, which sounded
like the voice of Eurydike, and then it all melted away. And still he
thought that he saw that pale white face, and heard that soft and
gentle voice, which said, "O Orpheus, Orpheus, why did you look back?
How dearly I love you, and how glad I should have been to live with
you again, but now I must go back, because you have broken your
promise to the King, and I must not even kiss you, and say how much I
love you."
[Illustration: TERPSICHORE. (_Muse of Dancing._)]
And Orpheus sat down at the place where Eurydike was taken away from
him, and he could not go on any further, because he felt so miserable.
There he stayed day after day, and his cheek became more pale, and his
body weaker and weaker, till at last he knew that he must die. And
Orpheus was not sorry, for although he loved the bright earth, with
all its flowers and soft grass and sunny streams, he knew that he
could not be with Eurydike again until he left it. So at last he laid
his head upon the earth, and fell asleep, and died; and then he and
Eurydike saw each other in the land which is far away, where the sun
goes down at night into his golden cup, and were never parted again.
KADMOS AND EUROPA.
In a beautiful valley in Phœnicia, a long time ago, two children,
named Kadmos and Europa, lived with their mother, Telephassa. They
were good and happy children, and full of fun and merriment. It was a
very lovely place in which they lived, where there were all sorts of
beautiful trees with fruits and flowers. The oranges shone like gold
among the dark leaves, and great bunches of dates hung from the tall
palm trees which bowed their heads as if they were asleep, and there
was a delicious smell from the lime groves, and from many fruits and
flowers which are never seen in America, but which blossom and ripen
under the hot sun in Syria.
So the years went; and one day, as they were playing about by the side
of the river, there came into the field a beautiful white bull. He was
quite white all over--as white as the whitest snow; there was not a
single spot or speck on any part of his body. And he came and lay down
on the green grass, and remained still and quiet. So they went nearer
and nearer to the bull, and the bull did not move, but looked at them
with his large eyes as if he wished to ask them to come and play with
him, and at last they came to the place where the bull was. Then
Kadmos thought that he would be very brave, so he put out his hand,
and began to pat the bull on his side, and the bull only made a soft
sound to show how glad he was. Then Europa put out her hand, and
stroked him on the face, and laid hold of his white horn, and the bull
rubbed his face gently against her dress.
So by and by Kadmos thought that it would be pleasant to have a ride
on the back of the bull, and he got on, and the bull rose up from the
ground, and went slowly round the field with Kadmos on his back, and
just for a minute or two Kadmos felt frightened, but when he saw how
well and safely the bull carried him, he was not afraid any more. So
they played with the bull until the sun sank down behind the hills,
and then they hastened home.
When they reached the house, they ran quickly to Telephassa, and said
to her, "Only think, we have been playing in the field with a
beautiful white bull." And Telephassa was glad that they had been so
happy, but she would not have been so glad if she had known what the
bull was going to do.
Now, the next day while Europa was on its back, the bull began to trot
quickly away, but Kadmos thought he was only trotting away for fun.
So he ran after him, and cried out to make him stop. But the faster
that Kadmos ran, the bull ran faster still, and then Kadmos saw that
the bull was running away with his sister, Europa. Away the bull flew,
all along the bank of the river, and up the steep hill and down into
the valley on the other side, and then he scoured along the plain
beneath. And Kadmos watched his white body, which shone like silver as
he dashed through the small bushes and the long waving grass and the
creeping plants which were trailing about all over the ground, till at
last the white body of the bull looked only like a little speck, and
then Kadmos could see it no more.
Very wretched was Kadmos when his sister was taken away from him in
this strange way. His eyes were full of tears so that he could
scarcely see, but still he kept on looking and looking in the way the
bull had gone, and hoping that he would bring his sister back by and
by. But the sun sank lower and lower in the sky, and then Kadmos saw
him go down behind the hills, and he knew now that the bull would not
come again, and then he began to weep bitterly. He hardly dared to go
home and tell Telephassa what had happened, and yet he knew that he
ought to tell her. So he went home slowly and sadly, and Telephassa
saw him coming alone, and she began to be afraid that something had
happened to Europa, and when she came up to him Kadmos could scarcely
speak. At last he said, "The bull has run away with Europa." Then
Telephassa asked him where he had gone, and Kadmos said that he did
not know. But Telephassa said, "Which way did he go?" and then Kadmos
told her that the bull had run away towards the land of the West,
where the sun goes down into his golden cup. Then Telephassa said that
they, too, must get up early in the morning and go towards the land of
the West, and see if they could find Europa again.
That night they hardly slept at all, and their cheeks were pale and
wet with their tears. And before the sun rose, and while the stars
still glimmered in the pale light of the morning, they got up and went
on their journey to look for Europa. Far away they went, along the
valleys and over the hills, across the rivers and through the woods,
and they asked every one whom they met if they had seen a white bull
with a girl upon its back. But no one had seen anything of the kind,
and many people thought that Kadmos and Telephassa were silly to ask
such a question, for they said, "Girls do not ride on the backs of
bulls; you can not be telling the truth." So they went on and on,
asking every one, but hearing nothing about her; and as they
journeyed, sometimes they saw the great mountains rising up high into
the sky, with their tops covered with snow, and shining like gold in
the light of the setting sun; sometimes they rested on the bank of a
great broad river, where the large white leaves lay floating and
sleeping on the water, and where the palm trees waved their long
branches above their heads. Sometimes they came to a water-fall, where
the water sparkled brightly as it rushed over the great stones. And
whenever they came to these beautiful places, Kadmos would say to
Telephassa, "How we should have enjoyed staying here if Europa were
with us; but we do not care to stay here now, we must go on looking
for her everywhere." So they went on and on till they came to the sea,
and they wondered how they could get across it, for it was a great
deal wider than any river which they had seen. At last they found a
place where the sea was narrow, and here a boatman took them across in
his boat, just where little Helle had been drowned when she fell off
the back of the ram that was carrying her and her brother away to
Kolchis. So Telephassa and Kadmos crossed over Hellespontos, which
means the Sea of Helle, and they went on and on, over mountains and
hills and rocks, and wild gloomy places, till they came to the sunny
plains of Thessaly. And still they asked every one about Europa, but
they found no one who had seen her. And Kadmos saw that his mother was
getting weak and thin, and that she could not walk now as far and as
quickly as she had done when they had set out from home to look for
his sister. So he asked her to rest for a little while. But Telephassa
said, "We must go on, Kadmos, for if we do, perhaps we may still find
Europa." So they went on, until at last Telephassa felt that she could
not go any further. And she said to Kadmos, "I am very tired, and I do
not think I shall be able to walk any more with you; I must lie down
and go to sleep here, and perhaps, Kadmos, I may not wake again. But
if I die while I am asleep, then you must go on by yourself and look
for Europa, for I am quite sure that you will find her some day,
although I shall not be with you. And when you see your sister, tell
her how I longed to find her again, and how much I loved her always.
And now, my child, I must go to sleep, and if I do not wake up any
more, then I trust that we shall all see each other again one day, in
a land which is brighter and happier than even the land in which we
used to live before your sister was taken away from us."
So when she had said this, Telephassa fell asleep, just as the
daylight was going away from the sky, and when the bright round moon
rose up slowly from behind the dark hill. All night long Kadmos
watched by her side, and when the morning came, he saw that Telephassa
had died while she was asleep. Her face was quite still, and Kadmos
knew by the happy smile which was on it, that she had gone to the
bright land to which good people go when they are dead. Kadmos was
very sorry to be parted from his mother, but he was not sorry that now
she could not feel tired or sorrowful any more. So Kadmos placed his
mother's body in the ground, and very soon all kinds of flowers grew
up upon her grave.
But Kadmos had gone on to look for his sister, Europa, and presently
he met a shepherd who was leading his flock of sheep. He was very
beautiful to look at. His face shone as bright almost as the sun. He
had a golden harp, and a golden bow, and arrows in a golden quiver,
and his name was Phœbus Apollo. And Kadmos went up to him and said,
"Have you seen my sister, Europa? a white bull ran away with her on
his back. Can you tell me where I can find her?" And Phœbus Apollo
said, "I have seen your sister, Europa, but I can not tell you yet
where she is, you must go on a great way further still, till you come
to a town which is called Delphi, under a great mountain named
Parnassos, and there perhaps you may be able to find out something
about her. But when you have seen her you must not stay there, because
I wish you to build a city, and become a King, and be wise and strong
and good. You and Europa must follow a beautiful cow that I shall
send, till it lies down upon the ground to rest, and the place where
the cow shall lie down shall be the place where I wish you to build
the city."
So Kadmos went on and on till he came to the town of Delphi, which lay
beneath the great mountain, called Parnassos. And there he saw a
beautiful temple with white marble pillars, which shone brightly in
the light of the early morning. And Kadmos went into the temple, and
there he saw his dear sister, Europa. And Kadmos said, "Europa, is it
you, indeed? How glad I am to find you." Then Europa told Kadmos how
the bull had brought her and left her there a long time ago, and how
sorry she had been that she could not tell Telephassa where she was.
Then she said to Kadmos, "How pale and thin and weak you look; tell me
how it is you are come alone, and when shall I see our dear mother?"
Then his eyes became full of tears, and Kadmos said, "We shall never
see our mother again in this world. She has gone to the happy land
where good people go when they are dead. She was so tired with seeking
after you that at last she could not come any further, and she lay
down and fell asleep, and never waked up again. But she said that
when I saw you I must tell you how she longed to see you, and how she
hoped that we should all live together one day in the land to which
she has gone before us. And now, Europa, we must not stay here, for I
met a shepherd whose name is Phœbus Apollo. He had a golden harp and a
golden bow, and his face shone like the sun, and he told me that we
must follow a beautiful cow which he would send, and build a city in
that place where the cow shall lie down to rest."
[Illustration: ANCIENT SACRIFICE. (_From Wall Painting of
Pompeii._)]
So Europa left Delphi with her brother, Kadmos, and when they had gone
a little way, they saw a cow lying down on the grass. But when they
came near, the cow got up, and began to walk in front of them, and
then they knew that this was the cow which Phœbus Apollo had sent. So
they followed the cow, and it went on and on, a long way, and at last
it lay down to rest on a large plain, and Kadmos knew then that this
was the place where he must build the city. And there he built a great
many houses, and the city was called Thebes. And Kadmos became the
King of Thebes, and his sister, Europa, lived there with him. He was a
wise and good King, and ruled his people justly and kindly. And by and
by Kadmos and Europa both fell asleep and died, and then they saw
their mother, Telephassa, in the happy land to which good people go
when they are dead, and were never parted from her any more.
BELLEROPHON.
The minstrels sang of the beauty and the great deeds of Bellerophon
through all the lands of Argos. His arm was strong in the battle, his
feet were swift in the chase, and his heart was pure as the pure heart
of Artemis and Athene. None that were poor and weak and wretched
feared the might of Bellerophon. To them the sight of his beautiful
form brought only joy and gladness, but the proud and boastful, the
slanderer and the robber, dreaded the glance of his keen eye. But the
hand of Zeus lay heavy upon Bellerophon. He dwelt in the halls of King
Prœtos, and served him even as Herakles served the mean and crafty
Eurystheus. For many long years Bellerophon knew that he must obey the
bidding of a man weaker than himself, but his soul failed him not, and
he went forth to his long toil with a heart strong as the sun when he
rises in his strength, and pure as the heart of a little child.
But Anteia, the wife of King Prœtos, saw day by day the beauty of
Bellerophon, and she would not turn away her eye from his fair face.
Every day he seemed to her to be more and more like to the bright
heroes who feast with the gods in the halls of high Olympos, and her
heart became filled with love, and she sought to beguile Bellerophon
by her enticing words. But he hearkened not to her evil prayer, and
heeded not her tears and sighs; so her love was turned to wrath, and
she vowed a vow that Bellerophon should suffer a sore vengeance,
because he would not hear her prayer. Then, in her rage, she went to
King Prœtos, and said, "Bellerophon, thy slave, hath sought to do me
wrong, and to lead me astray by his crafty words. Long time he strove
with me to win my love, but I would not hearken to him. Therefore, let
thine hand lie more heavy upon him than in time past, for the evil
that he hath done, and slay him before my face." Then was Prœtos also
full of anger, but he feared to slay Bellerophon, lest he should bring
on himself the wrath of Zeus, his father. So he took a tablet of wood,
and on it he drew grievous signs of toil and war, of battles and
death, and gave it to Bellerophon to carry to the far-off Lykian land,
where the father of Anteia was King, and as he bade him farewell, he
said, "Show this tablet to the King of Lykia, and he will recompense
thee for all thy good deeds which thou hast done for me, and for the
people of Argos."
So Bellerophon went forth on his long wandering, and dreamed not of
the evil that was to befall him by the wicked craft of Anteia. On and
on he journeyed towards the rising of the sun, till he came to the
country of the Lykians. Then he went to the house of the King, who
welcomed him with rich banquets, and feasted him for nine days, and on
the tenth day he sought to know wherefore Bellerophon had come to the
Lykian land. Then Bellerophon took the tablet of Prœtos and gave it to
the King, who saw on it grievous signs of toil and woe, of battles and
death. Presently the King spake, and said, "There are great things
which remain for thee to do, Bellerophon, but when thy toil is over,
high honor awaits thee here and in the homes of the bright heroes." So
the King sent him forth to slay the terrible Chimæra, which had the
face of a lion with a goat's body and a dragon's tail. Then
Bellerophon journeyed yet further towards the rising of the sun, till
he came to the pastures where the winged horse, Pegasos, the child of
Gorgo, with the snaky hair, was feeding, and he knew that if he could
tame the steed he should then be able to conquer the fierce Chimæra.
Long time he sought to seize on Pegasos, but the horse snorted wildly
and tore up the ground in his fury, till Bellerophon sank wearied on
the earth and a deep sleep weighed down his eyelids. Then, as he
slept, Pallas Athene came and stood by his side, and cheered him with
her brave words, and gave him a philtre which should tame the wild
Pegasos. When Bellerophon awoke, the philtre was in his hand, and he
knew now that he should accomplish the task which the Lykian King had
given him to do. So, by the help of Athene, he mounted the winged
Pegasos and smote the Chimæra, and struck off his head, and with it he
went back, and told the King of all that had befallen him. But the
King was filled with rage, for he thought not to see the face of
Bellerophon again, and he charged him to go forth and do battle with
the mighty Solymi and the fair Amazons. Then Bellerophon went forth
again, for he dreamed not of guile and falsehood, and he dreaded
neither man nor beast that might meet him in open battle. Long time he
fought with the Solymi and the Amazons, until all his enemies shrank
from the stroke of his mighty arm, and sought for mercy. Glad of
heart, Bellerophon departed to carry his spoils to the home of the
Lykian King, but as he drew nigh to it and was passing through a
narrow dell where the thick brushwood covered the ground, fifty of the
mightiest Lykians rushed upon him with fierce shoutings, and sought to
slay him. At the first, Bellerophon withheld his hands, and said,
"Lykian friends, I have feasted in the halls of your King, and eaten
of his bread; surely ye are not come hither to slay me." But they
shouted the more fiercely, and they hurled spears at Bellerophon; so
he stretched forth his hand in the greatness of his strength, and did
battle for his life until all the Lykians lay dead before him.
Weary in body and sad of heart, Bellerophon entered the hall where the
King was feasting with his chieftains. And the King knew that
Bellerophon could not have come thither unless he had first slain all
the warriors whom he had sent forth to lie in wait for him. But he
dissembled his wrath, and said, "Welcome, Bellerophon, bravest and
mightiest of the sons of men. Thy toils are done, and the time of rest
is come for thee. Thou shalt wed my daughter, and share with me my
kingly power."
Then the minstrels praised the deeds of Bellerophon, and there was
feasting for many days when he wedded the daughter of the King. But
not yet was his doom accomplished; and once again the dark cloud
gathered around him, laden with woe and suffering. Far away from his
Lykian home, the wrath of Zeus drove him to the western land where the
sun goes down into the sea. His heart was brave and guileless still,
as in the days of his early youth, but the strength of his arm was
weakened, and the light of his eye was now dim. Sometimes the might
was given back to his limbs, and his face shone with its ancient
beauty; and then, again, he wandered on in sadness and sorrow, as a
man wanders in a strange path through the dark hours of night, when
the moon is down. And so it was that when Bellerophon reached the
western sea, he fell asleep and died, and the last sight which he saw
before his eyes were closed was the red glare of the dying sun, as he
broke through the barred clouds and plunged beneath the sea.
ALTHAIA AND THE BURNING BRAND.
There was feasting in the halls of Oineus, the chieftain of Kalydon,
in the Ætolian land, and all prayed for wealth and glory for the
chief, and for his wife, Althaia, and for the child who had on that
day been born to them. And Oineus besought the King of gods and men
with rich offerings, that his son, Meleagros, might win a name greater
than his own, that he might grow up stout of heart and strong of arm,
and that in time to come men might say, "Meleagros wrought mighty
works and did good deeds to the people of the land."
But the mighty Moirai, whose word even Zeus himself may not turn
aside, had fixed the doom of Meleagros. The child lay sleeping in his
mother's arms, and Althaia prayed that her son might grow up brave and
gentle, and be to her a comforter in the time of age and the hour of
death. Suddenly, as she yet spake, the Moirai stood before her. There
was no love or pity in their cold, grey eyes, and they looked down
with stern, unchanging faces on the mother and her child, and one of
them said, "The brand burns on the hearth, when it is burnt wholly,
thy child shall die." But love is swifter than thought, and the mother
snatched the burning brand from the fire, and quenched its flame in
water, and she placed it in a secret place where no hand but her own
might reach it.
So the child grew, brave of heart and sturdy of limb, and ever ready
to hunt the wild beasts or to go against the cities of men. Many great
deeds he did in the far-off Kolchian land, when the chieftains sailed
with Athamas and Ino to take away the golden fleece from King Aietes.
But there were greater things for him to do when he came again to
Kalydon, for his father, Oineus, had roused the wrath of the mighty
Artemis. There was rich banqueting in his great hall when his harvest
was ingathered, and Zeus and all the other gods feasted on the fat
burnt-offerings, but no gift was set apart for the virgin child of
Leto. Soon she requited the wrong to Oineus, and a savage boar was
seen in the land, which tore up the fruit-trees, and destroyed the
seed in the ground, and trampled on the green corn as it came up. None
dared to approach it, for its mighty tusks tore everything that
crossed its path. Long time the chieftains took counsel what they
should do, until Meleagros said, "I will go forth; who will follow
me?" Then from Kalydon and from the cities and lands round about came
mighty chieftains and brave youths, even as they had hastened to the
ship, Argo, when they sought to win the golden fleece from Kolchis.
With them came the Kouretes, who live in Pleuron, and among them were
seen Kastor and Polydeukes, the twin brethren, and Theseus, with his
comrade, Peirithoos, and Iason and Admetos. But more beautiful than
all was Atalante, the daughter of Schoineus, a stranger from the
Arcadian land. Much the chieftains sought to keep her from the chase,
for the maiden's arm was strong, and her feet swift, and her aim sure,
and they liked not that she should come from a far country to share
their glory or take away their name. But Meleagros loved the fair and
brave maiden, and said, "If she go not to the chase, neither will I go
with you." So they suffered her, and the chase began. At first the
boar fled, trampling down those whom he chanced to meet, and rending
them with his tusks, but at last he stood fiercely at bay, and fought
furiously, and many of the hunters fell, until at length the spear of
Atalante pierced his side, and then Meleagros slew him.
Then was there great gladness as they dragged the body of the boar to
Kalydon, and made ready to divide the spoil. But the anger of Artemis
was not yet soothed, and she roused a strife between the men of
Pleuron and the men of Kalydon. For Meleagros sought to have the head,
and the Kouretes of Pleuron cared not to take the hide only for their
portion. So the strife grew hot between them, until Meleagros slew the
chieftain of the Kouretes, who was the brother of Althaia, his mother.
Then he seized the head of the boar, and bare it to Atalante, and
said, "Take, maiden, the spoils are rightly thine. From thy spear came
the first wound which smote down the boar; and well hast thou earned
the prize for the fleetness of thy foot and the sureness of thy aim."
So Atalante took the spoils and carried them to her home in the
Arcadian land, but the men of Pleuron were full of wrath, and they
made war on the men of Kalydon. Many times they fought, but in every
battle the strong arm of Meleagros and his stout heart won the victory
for the men of his own city, and the Kouretes began to grow faint in
spirit, so that they quailed before the spear and sword of Meleagros.
But presently Meleagros was seen no more with his people, and his
voice was no longer heard cheering them on to the battle. No more
would he take lance in hand or lift up his shield for the strife, but
he tarried in his own house by the side of the beautiful Kleopatra,
whom Idas, her father, gave to him to be his wife.
For the heart of his mother was filled with grief and rage when she
heard the story of the deadly strife, and that Meleagros, her child,
had slain her brother. In heavy wrath and sorrow she sat down upon the
earth, and she cast the dust from the ground into the air, and with
wild words called on Hades, the unseen King, and Persephone, who
shares his dark throne: "Lord of the lands beneath the earth, stretch
forth thy hand against Meleagros, my child. He has quenched the love
of a mother in my brother's blood, and I will that he should die." And
even as she prayed, the awful Erinys, who wanders through the air,
heard her words and swore to accomplish the doom. But Meleagros was
yet more wrathful when he knew that his mother had laid her curse upon
him, and therefore he would not go forth out of his chamber to the
aid of his people in the war.
So the Kouretes grew more and more mighty, and their warriors came up
against the City of Kalydon, and would no longer suffer the people to
come without the walls. And everywhere there was faintness of heart
and grief of spirit, for the enemy had wasted their fields and slain
the bravest of the men, and little store remained to them of food. Day
by day Oineus besought his son, and the great men of the city fell at
the knees of Meleagros and prayed him to come out to their help, but
he would not hearken. Still he tarried in his chamber with his wife,
Kleopatra, by his side, and heeded not the hunger and the wailings of
the people. Fiercer and fiercer waxed the roar of war; the loosened
stones rolled from the tottering wall, and the battered gates were
scarce able to keep out the enemy. Then Kleopatra fell at her
husband's knee, and she took him by the hand, and called him gently by
his name, and said, "O Meleagros, if thou wilt think of thy wrath,
think also of the evils which war brings with it--how when a city is
taken, the men are slain, and the mother with her child, the old and
the young are borne away into slavery. If the men of Pleuron win the
day, thy mother may repent her of the curse which she has laid upon
thee; but thou wilt see thy children slain and me a slave."
[Illustration: MELPOMENE. (_Muse of Tragedy._)]
Then Meleagros started from his couch and seized his spear and shield.
He spake no word, but hastened to the walls, and soon the Kouretes
fell back before the spear which never missed its mark. Then he
gathered the warriors of his city, and bade them open the gates, and
went forth against the enemy. Long and dreadful was the battle, but at
length the Kouretes turned and fled, and the danger passed away from
the men of Kalydon.
But the Moirai still remembered the doom of the burning brand, and the
unpitying Erinys had not forgotten the curse of Althaia, and they
moved the men of Kalydon to withhold the prize of his good deeds from
the chieftain, Meleagros. "He came not forth," they said, "save at the
prayer of his wife. He hearkened not when we besought him, he heeded
not our misery and tears; why should we give him that which he did not
win from any love for us?" So his people were angry with Meleagros,
and his spirit grew yet more bitter within him. Once again he lay
within his chamber, and his spear and shield hung idle on the wall,
and it pleased him more to listen the whole day long to the soft words
of Kleopatra than to be doing brave and good deeds for the people of
his land.
Then the heart of his mother, Althaia, was more and more turned away
from him, so that she said in bitterness of spirit, "What good shall
his life now do to me?" and she brought forth the half-burnt brand
from its secret place, and cast it on the hearth. Suddenly it burst
into a flame, and suddenly the strength of Meleagros began to fail as
he lay in the arms of Kleopatra. "My life is wasting within me," he
said; "clasp me closer in thine arms; let others lay a curse upon me,
so only I die rejoicing in thy love." Weaker and weaker grew his
failing breath, but still he looked with loving eyes on the face of
Kleopatra, and his spirit went forth with a sigh of gladness, as the
last spark of the brand flickered out upon the hearth.
Then was there grief and sorrow in the house of Oineus and through all
the City of Kalydon, but they wept and mourned in vain. They thought
now of his good deeds, his wise counsels, and his mighty arm, but in
vain they bewailed the death of their chieftain in the glory of his
age. Yet deeper and more bitter was the sorrow of Althaia, for the
love of a mother came back to her heart when the Moirai had
accomplished the doom of her child. And yet more bitterly sorrowed his
wife, Kleopatra, and yearned for the love which had been torn away
from her. There was no more joy within the halls of Oineus, for the
Erinys had done their task well. Soon Althaia followed her child to
the unknown land, and Kleopatra went forth with joy to meet Meleagros
in the dark kingdom of Hades and Persephone.
IAMOS.
On the banks of Alpheios, Evadne watched over her new-born babe, till
she fled away because she feared the wrath of Aipytos, who ruled in
Phaisana. The tears streamed down her cheeks as she prayed to Phœbus
Apollo, who dwells at Delphi, and said, "Lord of the bright day, look
on thy child, and guard him when he lies forsaken, for I may no longer
tarry near him."
So Evadne fled away, and Phœbus sent two serpents, who fed the babe
with honey as he lay amid the flowers which clustered round him. And
ever more and more through all the land went forth the saying of
Phœbus, that the child of Evadne should grow up mighty in wisdom and
in the power of telling the things that should happen in the time to
come. Then Aipytos asked of all who dwelt in his house to tell him
where he might find the son of Evadne. But they knew not where the
child lay, for the serpents had hidden him far away in the thicket,
where the wild flowers sheltered him from wind and heat. Long time
they searched amid the tall reeds which clothe the banks of Alpheios,
until at last they found the babe lying in a bed of violets. So
Aipytos took the child and called his name Iamos, and he grew up brave
and wise of heart, pondering well the signs of coming grief and joy,
and the tokens of hidden things which he saw in the heaven above him
or the wide earth beneath. He spake but little to the youths and
maidens who dwelt in the house of Aipytos, but he wandered on the bare
hills or by the stream side, musing on many things. And so it came to
pass that one night, when the stars glimmered softly in the sky, Iamos
plunged beneath the waters of Alpheios, and prayed to Phœbus who
dwells at Delphi, and to Poseidon, the lord of the broad sea; and he
besought them to open his eyes, that he might reveal to the sons of
men the things which of themselves they could not see. Then they led
him away to the high rocks which look down on the plain of Pisa, and
they said, "Look yonder, child of Evadne, where the white stream of
Alpheios winds its way gently to the sea. Here, in the days which are
to come, Herakles, the son of the mighty Zeus, shall gather together
the sons of Helen, and give them in the solemn games the mightiest of
all bonds; hither shall they come to know the will of Zeus, and here
shall it be thy work and the work of thy children to read to them the
signs which of themselves they can not understand." Then Phœbus Apollo
touched his ears, and straightway the voices of the birds spake to him
clearly of the things which were to come and he heard their words as a
man listens to the speech of his friend. So Iamos prospered
exceedingly, for the men of all the Argive land sought aid from his
wisdom, and laid rich gifts at his feet. And he taught his children
after him to speak the truth and to deal justly, so that none envied
their great wealth, and all men spake well of the wise children of
Iamos.
[Illustration: CLIO (_Muse of History_).]
[Page Decoration]
FINE ARTS.
The artistic instinct is one of the earliest developed in man; the
love of representation is evolved at the earliest period; we see it in
the child, we see it in the savage, we find traces of it among
primitive men. The child in his earliest years loves to trace the
forms of objects familiar to his eyes. The savage takes a pleasure in
depicting and rudely giving shape to objects which constantly meet his
view. The artistic instinct is of all ages and of all climes; it
springs up naturally in all countries, and takes its origin alike
everywhere in the imitative faculty of man. Evidences of this instinct
at the earliest period have been discovered among the relics of
primitive men; rough sketches on slate and on stone of the mammoth,
the deer, and of man, have been found in the caves of France; the
American savage traces rude hunting scenes, or the forms of animals on
the covering of his tents, and on his buffalo robes; the savage
Australian covers the side of caverns, and the faces of rocks with
coarse drawings of animals. We thus find an independent evolution of
the art of design, and distinct and separate cycles of its development
through the stages of rise, progress, maturity, decline and decay, in
many countries the most remote and unconnected with one another. The
earliest mode of representing men, animals and objects was in outline
and in profile. It is evidently the most primitive style, and
characteristic of the commencement of the art, as the first attempts
made by children and uncivilized people are solely confined to it;
the most inexperienced perceive the object intended to be represented,
and no effort is required to comprehend it. Outline figures were thus
in all countries the earliest style of painting, and we find this mode
practiced at a remote period in Egypt and in Greece. In Egypt we meet
paintings in this earliest stage of the art of design in the tombs of
Beni Hassan, dating from over 2000 B.C. They are illustrative of the
manners and customs of that age. Tradition tells us that the origin of
the art of design in Greece was in tracing in outline and in profile
the shadow of a human head on the wall and afterwards filling it in so
as to present the appearance of a kind of silhouette. The Greek
painted vases of the earliest epoch exhibit examples of this style.
From this humble beginning the art of design in Greece rose in
gradually successive stages, until it reached its highest degree of
perfection under the hands of Zeuxis and Apelles.
The interest that attaches to Egyptian art is from its great
antiquity. We see it in the first attempts to represent what in after
times, and in some other countries, gradually arrived, under better
auspices, at the greatest perfection; and we even trace in it the germ
of much that was improved upon by those who had a higher appreciation
of, and feeling for, the beautiful. For, both in ornamental art, as
well as in architecture, Egypt exercised in early times considerable
influence over other people less advanced than itself, or only just
emerging from barbarism; and the various conventional devices, the
lotus flowers, the sphinxes, and other fabulous animals, as well as
the early Medusa's head, with a protruding tongue, of the oldest Greek
pottery and sculptures, and the ibex, leopard, and above all the
(Nile) "goose and sun," on the vases, show them to be connected with,
and frequently directly borrowed from, Egyptian fancy. It was, as it
still is, the custom of people to borrow from those who have attained
to a greater degree of refinement and civilization than themselves;
the nation most advanced in art led the taste, and though some had
sufficient invention to alter what they adopted, and to render it
their own, the original idea may still be traced whenever it has been
derived from a foreign source. Egypt was long the dominant nation, and
the intercourse established at a very remote period with other
countries, through commerce of war, carried abroad the taste of this
the most advanced people of the time; and so general seems to have
been the fashion of their ornaments, that even the Nineveh marbles
present the winged globe, and other well-known Egyptian emblems, as
established elements of Assyrian decorative art.
[Illustration: ANCIENT ART AND LITERATURE.]
While Greece was still in its infancy, Egypt had long been the leading
nation of the world; she was noted for her magnificence, her wealth,
and power, and all acknowledged her pre-eminence in wisdom and
civilization. It is not, therefore, surprising that the Greeks should
have admitted into their early art some of the forms then most in
vogue, and though the wonderful taste of that gifted people speedily
raised them to a point of excellence never attained by the Egyptians
or any others, the rise and first germs of art and architecture must
be sought in the Valley of the Nile. In the oldest monuments of
Greece, the sloping or pyramidal line constantly predominates; the
columns in the oldest Greek order are almost purely Egyptian, in the
proportions of the shaft, and in the form of its shallow flutes
without fillets; and it is a remarkable fact that the oldest Egyptian
columns are those which bear the closest resemblance to the Greek
Doric.
Though great variety was permitted in objects of luxury, as furniture,
vases, and other things depending on caprice, the Egyptians were
forbidden to introduce any material innovations into the human figure,
such as would alter its general character, and all subjects connected
with religion retained to the last the same conventional type. A god
in the latest temple was of the same form as when represented on
monuments of the earliest date; and King Menes would have recognized
Amun, or Osiris, in a Ptolemaic or a Roman sanctuary. In sacred
subjects the law was inflexible, and religion, which has frequently
done so much for the development and direction of taste in sculpture,
had the effect of fettering the genius of Egyptian artists. No
improvements, resulting from experience and observation, were admitted
in the mode of drawing the human figure; to copy nature was not
allowed; it was therefore useless to study it, and no attempt was made
to give the proper action to the limbs. Certain rules, certain models,
had been established by the priesthood, and the faulty conceptions of
ignorant times were copied and perpetuated by every successive artist.
For, as Plato and Synesius say, the Egyptian sculptors were not
suffered to attempt anything contrary to the regulations laid down
regarding the figures of the gods; they were forbidden to introduce
any change, or to invent new subjects and habits, and thus the art,
and the rules which bound it, always remained the same.
Egyptian bas-relief appears to have been, in its origin, a mere copy
of painting, its predecessor. The first attempt to represent the
figures of gods, sacred emblems, and other subjects, consisted in
drawing or painting simple outlines of them on a flat surface, the
details being afterwards put in with color; but in process of time
these forms were traced on stone with a tool, and the intermediate
space between the various figures being afterwards cut away, the once
level surface assumed the appearance of a bas-relief. It was, in fact,
a pictorial representation on stone, which is evidently the character
of all the bas-reliefs on Egyptian monuments, and which readily
accounts for the imperfect arrangement of their figures.
Deficient in conception, and above all in a proper knowledge of
grouping, they were unable to form those combinations which give true
expression; every picture was made up of isolated parts, put together
according to some general notions, but without harmony, or
preconceived effect. The human face, the whole body, and everything
they introduced, were composed in the same manner, of separate members
placed together one by one according to their relative situations: the
eye, the nose, and other features composed a face, but the expression
of feelings and passions was entirely wanting; and the countenance of
the King, whether charging an enemy's phalanx in the heat of battle,
or peaceably offering incense in a sombre temple, presented the same
outline and the same inanimate look. The peculiarity of the front view
of an eye, introduced in a profile, is thus accounted for: it was the
ordinary representation of that feature added to a profile, and no
allowance was made for any change in the position of the head.
It was the same with drapery: the figure was first drawn, and the
drapery then added, not as part of the whole, but as an accessory;
they had no general conception, no previous idea of the effect
required to distinguish the warrior or the priest, beyond the
impressions received from costume, or from the subject of which they
formed a part, and the same figure was dressed according to the
character it was intended to perform. Every portion of a picture was
conceived by itself, and inserted as it was wanted to complete the
scene; and when the walls of the building, where a subject was to be
drawn, had been accurately ruled with squares, the figures were
introduced, and fitted to this mechanical arrangement. The members
were appended to the body, and these squares regulated their form and
distribution, in whatever posture they might be placed.
As long as this conventional system continued, no great change could
take place, beyond a slight variation in the proportions, which at one
period became more elongated, particularly in the reign of the second
Remeses; but still the general form and character of the figures
continued the same, which led to the remark of Plato, "that the
pictures and statues made ten thousand years ago, are in no one
particular better or worse than what they now make." And taken in this
limited sense--that no nearer approach to the beau ideal of the human
figure, or its real character, was made at one period than
another--his remark is true, since they were always bound by the same
regulations, which prohibited any change in these matters, even to the
latest times, as is evident from the sculptures of the monuments
erected after Egypt had long been a Roman province. All was still
Egyptian, though of bad style; and if they then attempted to finish
the details with more precision, it was only substituting ornament for
simplicity; and the endeavor to bring the proportions of the human
figure nearer to nature, with the retention of its conventional type,
only made its deformity greater, and showed how incompatible the
Egyptian was with any other style.
In the composition of modern paintings three objects are required: one
main action, one point of view, and one instant of time, and the
proportions and harmony of the parts are regulated by perspective, but
in Egyptian sculpture these essentials were disregarded; every thing
was sacrificed to the principal figure; its colossal dimensions
pointed it out as a center to which all the rest was a mere accessory,
and, if any other was made equally conspicuous, or of equal size, it
was still in a subordinate station, and only intended to illustrate
the scene connected with the hero of the piece.
In the paintings of the tombs greater license was allowed in the
representation of subjects relating to private life, the trades, or
the manners and occupations of the people, and some indication of
perspective in the position of the figures may occasionally be
observed; but the attempt was imperfect, and, probably, to an Egyptian
eye, unpleasing, for such is the force of habit, that even where
nature is copied, a conventional style is sometimes preferred to a
more accurate representation.
In the battle scenes on the temples of Thebes, some of the figures
representing the monarch pursuing the flying enemy, despatching a
hostile chief with his sword, and drawing his bow, as his horses carry
his car over the prostrate bodies of the slain, are drawn with much
spirit, and the position of the arms gives a perfect idea of the
action which the artist intended to portray; still, the same
imperfections of style, and want of truth, are observed; there is
action, but no sentiment, expression of the passions, nor life in the
features; it is a figure ready formed, and mechanically _varied_ into
movement, and whatever position it is made to assume, the point of
view is the same: the identical profile of the human body with the
anomaly of the shoulders seen in front. It is a description rather
than a representation.
But in their mode of portraying a large crowd of persons they often
show great cleverness, and, as their habit was to avoid uniformity,
the varied positions of the heads give a truth to the subject without
fatiguing the eye. Nor have they any symmetrical arrangement of
figures, on opposite sides of a picture, such as we find in some of
the very early paintings in Europe.
As their skill increased, the mere figurative representation was
extended to that of a descriptive kind, and some resemblance of the
hero's person was attempted; his car, the army he commanded, and the
flying enemies, were introduced, and what was at first scarcely more
than a symbol, aspired to the more exalted form and character of a
picture. Of a similar nature were all their historical records, and
these pictorial illustrations were a substitute for written documents.
Rude drawing and sculpture, indeed, long preceded letters, and we find
that even in Greece, to describe, draw, engrave, and write, were
expressed by the same word.
Of the quality of the pencils used by the Egyptians for drawing and
painting, it is difficult to form any opinion. Those generally
employed for writing were a reed or rush, many of which have been
found with the tablets or inkstands belonging to the scribes; and with
these, too, they probably sketched the figures in red and black upon
the stone or stucco of the walls. To put in the color, we may suppose
that brushes of some kind were used, but the minute scale on which the
painters are represented in the sculptures prevents our deciding the
question.
Habits among men of similar occupations are frequently alike, even in
the most distant countries, and we find it was not unusual for an
Egyptian artist, or scribe, to put his reed pencil behind his ear,
when engaged in examining the effect of his painting, or listening to
a person on business, like a clerk in the counting-house.
The Etruscans, it is said, cultivated painting before the Greeks, and
Pliny attributes to the former a certain degree of perfection before
the Greeks had emerged from the infancy of the art. Ancient paintings
at Ardea, in Etruria, and at Lanuvium still retained, in the time of
Pliny, all their primitive freshness. According to Pliny, paintings of
a still earlier date were to be seen at Cære, another Etruscan city.
Those paintings mentioned by Pliny were commonly believed to be
earlier than the foundation of Rome. At the present day the tombs of
Etruria afford examples of Etruscan painting in every stage of its
development, from the rudeness and conventionality of early art in the
tomb of Veii to the correctness and ease of design, and the more
perfect development of the art exhibited in the painted scenes in the
tombs of Tarquinii. In one of these tombs the pilasters are profusely
adorned with arabesques, and a frieze which runs round the side of the
tomb is composed of painted figures draped, winged, armed, fighting,
or borne in chariots. The subjects of these paintings are various; in
them we find the ideas of the Etruscans on the state of the soul after
death, combats of warriors, banquets, funeral scenes. The Etruscans
painted also bas-reliefs and statues.
The Greeks carried painting to the highest degree of perfection; their
first attempts were long posterior to those of the Egyptians; they do
not even date as far back as the epoch of the siege of Troy; and Pliny
remarks that Homer does not mention painting. The Greeks always
cultivated sculpture in preference. Pausanias enumerates only
eighty-eight paintings, and forty-three portraits; he describes, on
the other hand, 2,827 statues. These were, in fact, more suitable
ornaments to public places, and the gods were always represented in
the temple by sculpture. In Greece painting followed the invariable
law of development. Its cycle was run through. Painting passed through
the successive stages of rise, progress, maturity, decline, and decay.
The art of design in Greece is said to have had its origin in Corinth.
The legend is: the daughter of Dibutades, a potter of Corinth, struck
by the shadow of her lover's head cast by the lamp on the wall, drew
its outline, filling it in with a dark shadow. Hence, the earliest
mode of representing the human figure was a silhouette. The simplest
form of design or drawing was mere outline, or monogrammon, and was
invented by Cleanthes, of Corinth. After this the outlines were filled
in, and light and shade introduced of one color, and hence were styled
mono-chromes. Telephanes, of Sicyon, further improved the art by
indicating the principal details of anatomy; Euphantes, of Corinth, or
Craton, of Sicyon, by the introduction of color. Cimon, of Cleonæ, is
the first who is mentioned as having advanced the art of painting in
Greece, and as having emancipated it from its archaic rigidity, by
exchanging the conventional manner of rendering the human form for an
approach to truthfulness to nature. He also first made muscular
articulations, indicated the veins, and gave natural folds to
draperies. He is also supposed to have been the first who used a
variety of colors, and to have introduced foreshortening. The first
painter of great renown was Polygnotus. Accurate drawing, and a noble
and distinct manner of characterizing the most different mythological
forms was his great merit; his female figures also possessed charms
and grace. His large tabular pictures were conceived with great
knowledge of legends, and in an earnest religious spirit. At Athens he
painted, according to Pausanias, a series of paintings of mythological
subjects in the Pinakotheke in the Propylæa on the Acropolis, and
pictorial decorations for the temple of Theseus, and the Pœcile. He
executed a series of paintings at Delphi on the long walls of the
Lesche. The wall to the right on entering the Lesche bore scenes
illustrative of the epic myth of the taking of Troy; the left, the
visit of Ulysses to the lower world, as described in the Odyssey.
Pliny remarks that in place of the old severity and rigidity of the
features he introduced a great variety of expression, and was the
first to paint figures with the lips open. Lucian attributes to him
great improvements in the rendering of drapery so as to show the forms
underneath. Apollodorus, of Athens, was the first great master of
light and shade. According to Pliny he was the first to paint men and
things as they really appear. A more advanced stage of improved
painting began with Zeuxis, in which art aimed at illusion of the
senses and the rendering of external charms. He appears to have been
equally distinguished in the representation of female charms, and of
the sublime majesty of Zeus on his throne. His masterpiece was his
picture of Helen, in painting which he had as his models the five most
beautiful virgins of Croton.
Neither the place nor date of the birth of Zeuxis can be accurately
ascertained, though he was probably born about 455 B.C., since thirty
years after that date we find him practicing his art with great
success at Athens. He was patronized by Archelaus, King of Macedonia,
and spent some time at his court. He must also have visited Magna
Græcia, as he painted his celebrated picture of Helen for the City of
Croton. He acquired great wealth by his pencil, and was very
ostentatious in displaying it. He appeared at Olympia in a magnificent
robe, having his name embroidered in letters of gold, and the same
vanity is also displayed in the anecdote that, after he had reached
the summit of his fame, he no longer sold, but gave away, his
pictures, as being above all price. With regard to his style of art,
single figures were his favorite subjects. He could depict gods or
heroes with sufficient majesty, but he particularly excelled in
painting the softer graces of female beauty. In one important respect
he appears to have degenerated from the style of Polygnotus, his
idealism being rather that of _form_ than of _character_ and
_expression_. Thus his style is analogous to that of Euripides in
tragedy. He was a great master of color, and his paintings were
sometimes so accurate and life-like as to amount to illusion. This is
exemplified in the story told of him and Parrhasius. As a trial of
skill, these artists painted two pictures. That of Zeuxis represented
a bunch of grapes, and was so naturally executed that the birds came
and pecked at it. After this proof, Zeuxis, confident of success,
called upon his rival to draw aside the curtain which concealed his
picture. But the painting of Parrhasius was the curtain itself, and
Zeuxis was now obliged to acknowledge himself vanquished, for, though
he had deceived birds, Parrhasius had deceived the author of the
deception. But many of the pictures of Zeuxis also displayed great
dramatic power. He worked very slowly and carefully, and he is said to
have replied to somebody who blamed him for his slowness, "It is true
I take a long time to paint, but then I paint works to last a long
time." His master-piece was the picture of Helen, already mentioned.
Parrhasius was a native of Ephesus, but his art was chiefly exercised
at Athens, where he was presented with the right of citizenship. His
date can not be accurately ascertained, but he was probably rather
younger than his contemporary, Zeuxis, and it is certain that he
enjoyed a high reputation before the death of Socrates. The style and
degree of excellence attained by Parrhasius appear to have been much
the same as those of Zeuxis. He was particularly celebrated for the
accuracy of his drawing, and the excellent proportions of his figures.
For these he established a canon, as Phidias had done in sculpture for
gods, and Polycletus for the human figure, whence Quintilian calls him
the legislator of his art. His vanity seems to have been as remarkable
as that of Zeuxis. Among the most celebrated of his works was a
portrait of the personified Athenian _Demos_, which is said to have
miraculously expressed even the most contradictory qualities of that
many-headed personage.
[Illustration: PAINTING. (_2600 years old._)]
Parrhasius excelled in giving a roundness and a beautiful contour to
his figures, and was remarkable for the richness and variety of his
creations. His numerous pictures of gods and heroes attained the
highest consideration in art. He was overcome, however, in a pictorial
contest, in which the subject was the contest of Ulysses and Ajax for
the arms of Achilles, by the ingenious Timanthes, in whose sacrifice
of Iphigenia the ancients admired the expression of grief carried to
that pitch of intensity at which art had only dared to hint. The most
striking feature in the picture was the concealment of the face of
Agamemnon in his mantle. (The concealment of the face of Agamemnon in
this picture has been generally considered as a "trick" or ingenious
invention of Timanthes, when it was the result of a fundamental law in
Greek art--to represent alone what was beautiful, and never to present
to the eye anything repulsive or disagreeable; the features of a
father convulsed with grief would not have been a pleasing object to
gaze on; hence the painter, fully conscious of the laws of his art,
concealed the countenance of Agamemnon.) Timanthes was distinguished
for his invention and expression. Before all, however, ranks the great
Apelles, who united the advantages of his native Ionia--grace, sensual
charms, and rich coloring--with the scientific accuracy of the
Sicyonian school. The most prominent characteristic of his style was
grace (charis), a quality which he himself avowed as peculiarly his,
and which serves to unite all the other gifts and faculties which the
painter requires; perhaps in none of his pictures was it exhibited in
such perfection as in his famous Anadyomene, in which Aphrodite is
represented rising out of the sea, and wringing the wet out of her
hair. But heroic subjects were likewise adapted to his genius,
especially grandly-conceived portraits, such as the numerous
likenesses of Alexander, by whom he was warmly patronized. He not
only represented Alexander with the thunderbolt in his hand, but he
even attempted, as the master in light and shade, to paint
thunderstorms, probably at the same time as natural scenes and
mythological personifications. The Anadyomene, originally painted for
the temple of Æsculapius, at Cos, was transferred by Augustus to the
temple of D. Julius, at Rome, where, however, it was in a decayed
state even at the time of Nero. Contemporaneously with him flourished
Protogenes and Nicias. Protogenes was both a painter and a statuary,
and was celebrated for the high finish of his works. His master-piece
was the picture of Ialysus, the tutelary hero of Rhodes, where he
lived. He is said to have spent seven years on it. Nicias, of Athens,
was celebrated for the delicacy with which he painted females. He was
also famous as an encaustic painter, and was employed by Praxiteles to
apply his art to his statues. The glorious art of these masters, as
far as regards light, tone, and local colors, is lost to us, and we
know nothing of it except from obscure notices and later imitations.
It is not thus necessary to speak at length of the various schools of
painting in Greece, their works being all lost, the knowledge of the
characteristics peculiar to each school would be at the present day
perfectly useless. Painting had to follow the invariable law of all
development; having reached a period of maturity, it followed, as a
necessary consequence, that the period of decline should begin. The
art of this period of refinement, Mr. Wornum writes, which has been
termed the Alexandrian, because the most celebrated artist of this
period lived about the time of Alexander the Great, was the last of
progression, or acquisition, but it only added variety of effect to
the tones it could not improve, and was principally characterized by
the diversity of the styles of so many contemporary artists. The
decadence of the arts immediately succeeded, the necessary
consequence, when, instead of excellence, variety and originality
became the end of the artist. The tendencies which are peculiar to
this period gave birth sometimes to pictures which ministered to a low
sensuality; sometimes to works which attracted by their effects of
light, and also to caricatures and travesties of mythological
subjects. The artists of this period were under the necessity of
attracting attention by novelty and variety; thus rhyparography, and
the lower classes of art, attained the ascendency, and became the
characteristic styles of the period. In these Pyreieus was
pre-eminent; he was termed rhyparographos, on account of the mean
quality of his subjects. After the destruction of Corinth by Mummius
and the spoliation of Athens by Sylla the art of painting experienced
a rapid and total decay.
[Illustration: Engraved & Printed by Illman Brothers
THE PHILÆ ISLANDS.
FOR THE MUSEUM OF ANTIQUITY]
We shall now make a few extracts from Mr. Wornum's excellent article
on the vehicles, materials, colors, and methods of painting used by
the Greeks.
The Greeks painted with wax, resins, and in water-colors, to which
they gave a proper consistency, according to the material upon which
they painted, with gum, glue, and the white of egg; gum and glue were
the most common.
They painted upon wood, clay, plaster, stone, parchment, and canvas.
They generally painted upon panels or tables, and very rarely upon
walls; and an easel, similar to what is now used, was common among the
ancients. These panels, when finished, were fixed into frames of
various descriptions and materials, and encased in walls. The ancients
used also a palette very similar to that used by the moderns, as is
sufficiently attested by a fresco painting from Pompeii, which
represents a female painting a copy of Hermes, for a votive tablet,
with a palette in her left hand.
The earlier Grecian masters used only four colors: the earth of Melos
for white; Attic ochre for yellow; Sinopis, an earth from Pontus, for
red; and lamp-black; and it was with these simple elements that
Zeuxis, Polygnotus, and others of that age, executed their celebrated
works. By degrees new coloring substances were found, such as were
used by Apelles and Protogenes.
So great, indeed, is the number of pigments mentioned by ancient
authors, and such the beauty of them, that it is very doubtful
whether, with all the help of modern science, modern artists possess
any advantage in this respect over their predecessors.
We now give the following list of colors, known to be generally used
by ancient painters:
_Red._--The ancient reds were very numerous, cinnabar, vermilion,
bisulphuret of mercury, called also by Pliny and Vitruvius, minium.
The cinnabaris indica, mentioned by Pliny and Dioscorides, was what is
vulgarly called dragon's blood, the resin obtained from various
species of the calamus palm. Miltos seems to have had various
significations; it was used for cinnabaris, minium, red lead, and
rubrica, red ochre. There were various kinds of rubricæ; all were,
however, red oxides, of which the best were the Lemnian, from the Isle
of Lemnos, and the Cappadocian, called by the Romans rubrica sinopica,
from Sinope in Paphlagonia. Minium, red oxide of lead, red lead, was
called by the Romans cerussa usta, and, according to Vitruvius,
sandaracha.
The Roman sandaracha seems to have had various significations. Pliny
speaks of the different shades of sandaracha; there was also a
compound color of equal parts of sandaracha and rubrica calcined,
called sandyx, which Sir H. Davy supposed to approach our crimson in
tint; in painting it was frequently glazed with purple, to give it
additional lustre.
_Yellow._--Yellow-ochre, hydrated peroxide of iron, the _sil_ of the
Romans, formed the base of many other yellows, mixed with various
colors and carbonate of lime. Ochre was procured from different
parts--the Attic was considered the best; sometimes the paler sort of
sandaracha was used for yellow.
_Green._--Chrysocolla, which appears to have been green carbonate of
copper, or malachite (green verditer), was the green most approved of
by the ancients; there was also an artificial kind which was made from
clay impregnated with sulphate of copper (blue vitriol) rendered green
by a yellow dye. The commonest and cheapest colors were the Appianum,
which was a clay, and the creta viridis, the common green earth of
Verona.
_Blue._--The ancient blues were very numerous; the principal of these
was cœruleum, azure, a species of verditer, or blue carbonate of
copper, of which there were many varieties. The Alexandrian was the
most valued, as approaching the nearest to ultramarine. It was also
manufactured at Pozzuoli. This imitation was called cœlon. Armenium
was a metallic color, and was prepared by being ground to an
impalpable powder. It was of a light blue color. It has been
conjectured that ultramarine (lapis lazuli) was known to the ancients
under the name of Armenium, from Armenia, whence it was procured. It
is evident, however, from Pliny's description, that the "sapphirus" of
the ancients was the lapis lazuli of the present day. It came from
Media.
Indigo, indicum, was well known to the ancients.
_Purple._--The ancients had several kinds of purple, purpurissimum,
ostrum, hysginum, and various compound colors. Purpurissimum was made
from creta argentaria, a fine chalk or clay, steeped in a purple dye,
obtained from the murex. In color it ranged between minium and blue,
and included every degree in the scale of purple shades. The best sort
came from Pozzuoli. Purpurissimum indicum was brought from India. It
was of a deep blue, and probably was the same as indigo. Ostrum was a
liquid color, to which the proper consistence was given by adding
honey. It was produced from the secretion of a fish called ostrum, and
differed in tint according to the country from whence it came; being
deeper and more violet when brought from the northern, redder when
from the southern coasts of the Mediterranean. The Roman ostrum was a
compound of red ochre and blue oxide of copper. Hysginum, according to
Vitruvius, is a color between scarlet and purple. The celebrated
Tyrian dye was a dark, rich purple, of the color of coagulated blood,
but, when held against the light, showed a crimson hue. It was
produced by a combination of the secretions of the murex and buccinum.
In preparing the dye the buccinum was used last, the dye of the murex
being necessary to render the colors fast, while the buccinum
enlivened by its tint of red the dark hue of the murex. Sir H. Davy,
on examining a rose-colored substance, found in the baths of Titus,
which in its interior had a lustre approaching to that of carmine,
considered it a specimen of the best Tyrian purple. The purpura, as
mentioned in Pliny, was an amethyst or violet color.
_Brown._--Ochra usta, burnt ochre.--The browns were ochres calcined,
oxides of iron and manganese, and compounds of ochres and blacks.
_Black._--Atramentum, or black, was of two sorts, natural and
artificial. The natural was made from a black earth, or from the
secretion of the cuttle-fish, sepia. The artificial was made of the
dregs of wine carbonized, calcined ivory, or lamp-black. The
atramentum indicum, mentioned by Pliny, was probably the Chinese
Indian ink.
_White._--The ordinary Greek white was melinum, an earth from the Isle
of Melos; for fresco-painting the best was the African parœtonium.
There was also a white earth of Eretria and the annularian white.
Carbonate of lead, or white lead, cerussa, was apparently not much
used by the ancient painters. It has not been found in any of the
remains of painting in Roman ruins.
_Methods of Painting._--There were two distinct classes of painting
practiced by the ancients--in water colors and in wax, both of which
were practiced in various ways. Of the former the principal were
fresco, al fresco; and the various kinds of distemper (a tempera),
with glue, with the white of egg, or with gums (a guazzo); and with
wax or resins when these were rendered by any means vehicles that
could be worked with water. Of the latter the principal was through
fire, termed encaustic.
Fresco was probably little employed by the ancients for works of
imitative art, but it appears to have been the ordinary method of
simply coloring walls, especially amongst the Romans. Coloring al
fresco, in which the colors were mixed simply in water, as the term
implies, was applied when the composition of the stucco on the walls
was still wet (udo tectorio), and on that account was limited to
certain colors, for no colors except earths can be employed in this
way.
The fresco walls, when painted, were covered with an encaustic
varnish, both to heighten the colors and to preserve them from the
injurious effects of the sun or the weather. Vitruvius describes the
process as a Greek practice. When the wall was colored and dry, Punic
wax, melted and tempered with a little oil, was rubbed over it with a
hard brush (seta); this was made smooth and even by applying a
_cauterium_ or an iron pan, filled with live coals, over the surface,
as near to it as was just necessary to melt the wax; it was then
rubbed with a candle (wax) and a clean cloth. In encaustic painting
the wax colors were _burnt into_ the ground by means of a hot iron
(called cauterium) or pan of hot coals being held near the surface of
the picture. The mere process of burning in constitutes the whole
difference between encaustic and the ordinary method of painting with
wax colors.
We shall now say a few words with regard to the much canvassed
question of painting or coloring statues. Its antiquity and
universality admit of no doubt. Indeed, the practice of painting
statues is a characteristic of a primitive and workmanship of clay or
wood. It was a survival of the old religious practices of daubing the
early statues of the gods with vermilion, and was done to meet the
superstitious tastes of the uneducated. Statues for religious purposes
may have been painted in obedience to a formula prescribed by
religion, but statues as objects of art, on which the sculptor
exhibited all his genius and taste, were unquestionably executed in
the pure and uncolored marble alone. In the chryselephantine, or ivory
statues of Jove and Minerva, by Phidias, art was made a handmaid to
religion. Phidias himself would have preferred to have executed them
in marble.
We may further remark that form, in its purest ideal, being the chief
aim of sculpture, any application of color, which would detract from
the purity and ideality of this purest of the arts, could never be
agreeable to refined taste. Coloring sculpture and giving it a
life-like reality is manifestly trenching on the province of painting,
and so departing from the true principle of sculpture, which is to
give form in its most perfect and idealized development. We must also
consider that sculpture in marble, by its whiteness, is calculated for
the display of light and shade. For this reason statues and
bas-reliefs were placed either in the open light to receive the direct
rays of the sun, or in underground places, or thermæ, where they
received their light either from an upper window, or, by night, from
the strong light of a lamp, the sculptor having for that purpose
studied the effects of the shadows. It must also be remembered that
the statues in Greek and Roman temples received their light from the
upper part of the building, many of the temples being hypæthral, thus
having the benefit of a top light, the sculptor's chief aim. Color in
these statues or bas-reliefs would have tended to mar the contrasts of
light and shade, and blended them too much; for example, color a
photograph of a statue, which exhibits a marked contrast of light and
shade, and it will tend to confuse and blend the two. The taste for
polychrome sculpture in the period of the decline of art was obviously
but a returning to the primitive imperfection of art, when an attempt
was made to produce illusion in order to please the uneducated taste
of the vulgar.
The Romans derived their knowledge of painting from the Etruscans,
their ancestors and neighbors; the first Grecian painters who came to
Italy are said to have been brought over by Demaratus, the father of
Tarquinius Priscus, King of Rome; at all events Etruria appears to
have exercised extensive influence over the arts of Rome during the
reign of the Tarquins. Tradition attributes to them the first works
which were used to adorn the temples of Rome, and, according to Pliny,
not much consideration was bestowed either on the arts or on the
artists. Fabius, the first among the Romans, had some painting
executed in the temple of Salus, from which he received the name of
Pictor. The works of art brought from Corinth by Mummius, from Athens
by Sulla, and from Syracuse by Marcellus, introduced a taste for
paintings and statues in their public buildings, which eventually
became an absorbing passion with many distinguished Romans. Towards
the end of the republic Rome was full of painters. Julius Cæsar,
Agrippa, Augustus, were among the earliest great patrons of artists.
Suetonius informs us that Cæsar expended great sums in the purchase of
pictures by the old masters. Under Augustus, Marcus Ludius painted
marine subjects, landscape decorations, and historic landscape as
ornamentation for the apartments of villas and country houses. He
invented that style of decoration which we now call arabesque or
grotesque. It spread rapidly, insomuch that the baths of Titus and
Livia, the remains discovered at Cumæ, Pozzuoli, Herculaneum, Stabiæ,
Pompeii, in short, whatever buildings about that date have been found
in good preservation, afford numerous and beautiful examples of it. At
this time, also, a passion for portrait painting prevailed; an art
which flattered their vanity was more suited to the tastes of the
Romans than the art which could produce beautiful and refined works
similar to those of Greece. Portraits must have been exceedingly
numerous; Varro made a collection of the portraits of 700 eminent men.
Portraits, decorative and scene painting, seem to have engrossed the
art. The example, or rather the pretensions, of Nero must also have
contributed to encourage painting in Rome; but Roman artists were,
however, but few in number; the victories of the consuls, and the
rapine of the prætors, were sufficient to adorn Rome with all the
master-pieces of Greece and Italy. They introduced the fashion of
having a taste for the beautiful works of Greek art. At a later
period, such was the corrupt state of taste, that painting was almost
left to be practiced by slaves, and the painter was estimated by the
quantity of work that he could do in a day.
The remains of painting found at Pompeii, Herculaneum, and in the
baths of Titus, at Rome, are the only paintings which can give us any
idea of the coloring and painting of the ancients, which, though they
exhibit many beauties, particularly in composition, are evidently the
works of inferior artists in a period of decline. At Pompeii there is
scarcely a house the walls of which are not decorated with fresco
paintings. The smallest apartments were lined with stucco, painted in
the most brilliant and endless variety of colors, in compartments
simply tinted with a light ground, surrounded by an ornamental margin,
and sometimes embellished with a single figure or subject in the
center, or at equal distances. These paintings are very frequently
historical or mythological, but embrace every variety of subject, some
of the most exquisite beauty. Landscape painting was never a favorite
with the ancients, and if ever introduced in a painting, was
subordinate. The end and aim of painting among the ancients was to
represent and illustrate the myths of the gods, the deeds of heroes,
and important historical events, hence giving all prominence to the
delineation of the human form. Landscape, on the other hand,
illustrated nothing, represented no important event deserving of
record, and was thus totally without significance in a Grecian temple
or pinacotheca. In an age of decline, as at Pompeii, it was employed
for mere decorative purposes. Many architectural subjects are
continually found in which it is easy to trace the true principles of
perspective, but they are rather indicated than minutely expressed or
accurately displayed; whereas in most instances a total want of the
knowledge of this art is but too evident. Greek artists seem to have
been employed; indeed, native painters were few, while the former
everywhere abounded, and their superiority in design must have always
insured them the preference.
The subjects of Roman mural paintings are usually Greek myths; in the
composition and style we see Greek conception, modified by Roman
influence. The style of drawing is rather dexterous than masterly;
rapidity of execution seems to be more prized than faithful,
conscientious representation of the truth of nature; the drawing is
generally careless, and effects are sometimes produced by tricks and
expedients, which belong rather to scene-painting than to the higher
branches of art. It must not, however, be forgotten that the majority
of these pictures were architectural decorations, not meant to be
regarded as independent compositions, but as parts of larger
compositions, in which they were inserted as in a frame. As examples
of ancient coloring they are of the highest interest, and much may be
learnt from them in reference to the technical materials and processes
employed by ancient artists.
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SCULPTURING.
We do not intend to enter here on the history of sculpture in all its
phases, but to give the distinctive features which characterize the
different styles of Egyptian, Greek, and Roman sculpture, as they are
visible in statues of the natural or colossal size, in statues of
lesser proportion, and lastly in busts and bas-reliefs.
We shall give also the styles of each separate nation which prevailed
at each distinct age or epoch, styles which mark the stages of the
development of the art of sculpture in all countries. Sculpture, like
architecture and painting, indeed all art, had an indigenous and
independent evolution in all countries, all these arts springing up
naturally, and taking their origin alike everywhere in the imitative
faculty of man. They had their stages of development in the ascending
and descending scales, their rise, progress, culminating point,
decline and decay, their cycle of development; the sequence of these
stages being necessarily developed wherever the spirit of art has
arisen, and has had growth and progress. The first and most important
step in examining a work of ancient sculpture is to distinguish with
certainty whether it is of Egyptian, Etruscan, Greek, or Roman
workmanship; and this distinction rests entirely on a profound
knowledge of the style peculiar to each of those nations. The next
step is, from its characteristic features, to distinguish what period,
epoch, or stage of the development of the art of that particular
nation it belongs to. We shall further give the various attributes and
characteristics of the gods, goddesses, and other mythological
personages which distinguish the various statues visible in Egyptian,
Etruscan, Greek, and Roman sculpture.
This enumeration will be found of use in the many sculpture galleries
of the various museums both at home and abroad.
Man _attempted_ sculpture long before he _studied_ architecture; a
simple hut, or a rude house, answered every purpose as a place of
abode, and a long time elapsed before he sought to invent what was not
demanded by necessity.
Architecture is a creation of the mind; it has no model in nature, and
it requires great imaginative powers to conceive its ideal beauties,
to make a proper combination of parts, and to judge of the harmony of
forms altogether new and beyond the reach of experience. But the
desire in man to imitate and to record what has passed before his
eyes, in short, to transfer the impression from his own mind to
another, is natural in every stage of society; and however imperfectly
he may succeed in representing the objects themselves, his attempts to
indicate their relative position, and to embody the expression of his
own ideas, are a source of the highest satisfaction.
As the wish to record events gave the first, religion gave the second
impulse to sculpture. The simple pillar of wood or stone, which was
originally chosen to represent the deity, afterwards assumed the human
form, the noblest image of the power that created it; though the
_Hermæ_ of Greece were not, as some have thought, the origin of
statues, but were borrowed from the mummy-shaped gods of Egypt.
Pausanias thinks that "all statues were in ancient times of wood,
particularly those made in Egypt;" but this must have been at a period
so remote as to be far beyond the known history of that country;
though it is probable that when the arts were in their infancy the
Egyptians were confined to statues of that kind; and they occasionally
erected wooden figures in their temples, even till the times of the
latter Pharaohs.
Long after men had attempted to make out the parts of the figure,
statues continued to be very rude; the arms were placed directly down
the side of the thighs, and the legs were united together; nor did
they pass beyond this imperfect state in Greece, until the age of
Dædalus. Fortunately for themselves and for the world, the Greeks were
allowed to free themselves from old habits, while the Egyptians, at
the latest periods, continued to follow the imperfect models of their
early artists, and were forever prevented from arriving at excellence
in sculpture; and though they made great progress in other branches of
art, though they evinced considerable taste in the forms of their
vases, their furniture, and even in some architectural details, they
were forever deficient in ideal beauty, and in the mode of
representing the natural positions of the human figure.
In Egypt the prescribed automaton character of the figures effectually
prevented all advancement in the statuary's art; the limbs being
straight, without any attempt at action, or, indeed, any indication of
life; they were really _statues_ of the person they represented, not
the person "living in marble," in which they differed entirely from
those of Greece. No statue of a warrior was sculptured in the varied
attitudes of attack and defence; no wrestler, no _discobolus_, no
pugilist exhibited the grace, the vigor, or the muscular action of a
man; nor were the beauties, the feeling, and the elegance of female
forms displayed in stone: all was made to conform to the same
invariable model, which confined the human figure to a few
conventional postures.
A sitting statue, whether of a man or woman, was represented with the
hands placed upon the knees, or held across the breast; a kneeling
figure sometimes supported a small shrine or sacred emblem; and when
standing the arms were placed directly down the sides of the thighs,
one foot (and that always the left) being advanced beyond the other,
as if in the attitude of walking, but without any attempt to separate
the legs.
The oldest Egyptian sculptures on all large monuments were in low
relief, and, as usual at every period, painted (obelisks and
everything carved in hard stone, some funeral tablets, and other small
objects, being in intaglio); and this style continued in vogue until
the time of Remeses II., who introduced intaglio very generally on
large monuments; and even his battle scenes at Karnac and the
Memnonium are executed in this manner. The reliefs were little raised
above the level of the wall; they had generally a flat surface with
the edges softly rounded off, far surpassing the intaglio in effect;
and it is to be regretted that the best epoch of art, when design and
execution were in their zenith, should have abandoned a style so
superior; which, too, would have improved in proportion to the
advancement of that period.
After the accession of the twenty-sixth dynasty some attempt was made
to revive the arts, which had been long neglected; and, independent of
the patronage of government, the wealth of private individuals was
liberally employed in their encouragement. Public buildings were
erected in many parts of Egypt, and beautified with rich sculpture;
the City of Sais, the royal residence of the Pharaohs of that dynasty,
was adorned with the utmost magnificence, and extensive additions were
made to the temples of Memphis, and even to those of the distant
Thebes.
The fresh impulse thus given to art was not without effect; the
sculptures of that period exhibit an elegance and beauty which might
even induce some to consider them equal to the productions of an
earlier age, and in the tombs of the Assaseef, at Thebes, are many
admirable specimens of Egyptian art. To those, however, who understand
the true feeling of this peculiar school, it is evident, that though
in minuteness and finish they are deserving of the highest
commendation, yet in grandeur of conception and in boldness of
execution they fall far short of the sculptures of Sethos and the
second Remeses.
The skill of the Egyptian artists in drawing bold and clear outlines
is, perhaps, more worthy of admiration than anything connected with
this branch of art, and in no place is the freedom of their drawing
more conspicuous than in the figures in the unfinished part of
Belzoni's tomb, at Thebes. It was in the drawing alone that they
excelled, being totally ignorant of the correct mode of coloring a
figure, and their painting was not an imitation of nature, but merely
the harmonious combination of certain hues, which they well
understood. Indeed, to this day the harmony of positive colors is
thoroughly felt in Egypt and the East, and it is strange to find the
little perception of it in Northern Europe, where theories take upon
themselves to explain to the mind what the eye has not yet learned, as
if a grammar could be written before the language is understood.
A remarkable feature of Egyptian sculpture is the frequent
representation of their Kings in a colossal form. The two most famous
colossi are the seated figures in the plain of Thebes. One is
recognized to be the vocal Memnon (Amunoph III.) mentioned by Strabo.
They are forty-seven feet high, and measure about eighteen feet three
inches across the shoulders. But the grandest and largest colossal
statue was the stupendous statue of King Remeses II., a Syenite
granite, in the Memnonium, at Thebes. It represented the King seated
on a throne, in the usual attitude of Kings, the hands resting on his
knees. It is now in fragments. It measured twenty-two feet four inches
across the shoulders. According to Sir G. Wilkinson, the whole mass,
when entire, must have weighed about 887 tons. A colossal statue of
Remeses II. lies with his face upon the ground on the site of Memphis;
it was placed before the temple of Pthah. Its total height is
estimated at forty-two feet eight inches, without the pedestal. It is
of white siliceous limestone. Another well-known colossus is the
statue of the so-called Memnon, now in the British Museum. It is
supposed to be the statue of Remeses II. It was brought by Belzoni
from the Memnonium, at Thebes.
In the different epochs of Egyptian sculpture, the Egyptian artists
were bound by certain fixed canons or rules of proportion to guide
them in their labors, and which they were obliged to adhere to
rigidly. The following are the canons of three distinct epochs: 1. The
canon of the time of the pyramids, the height was reckoned at six feet
from the sole of the foot to the crown of the head, and subdivisions
obtained by one-half or one-third of a foot. 2. The canon from the
twelfth to the twenty-second dynasty is only an extension of the
first. The whole figure was contained in a number of squares of half a
foot, and the whole height divided into eighteen parts. In these two
canons the height above the sixth foot is not reckoned. 3. The canon
of the age of Psammetici, which is mentioned by Diodorus, reckoning
the entire height at twenty-one and one-fourth feet from the sole to
the crown of the head, taken to the upper part. The proportions are
different, but without any introduction of the Greek canon. The canon
and the leading lines were originally traced in red, subsequently
corrected by the principal artist in black, and the design then
executed. In Egypt, almost every object of sculpture and architecture
was painted. The colossal Egyptian statues are generally of granite,
basalt, porphyry, or sandstone. The two colossi on the plain of Thebes
are, of course, hard gritstone. The Egyptians also worked in dark and
red granites, breccias, serpentines, arragonite, limestones, jaspers,
feldspar, cornelian, glass, gold, silver, bronze, lead, iron, the hard
woods, fir or cedar, sycamore, ebony, acacia, porcelain and ivory, and
terra cotta. All objects, from the most gigantic obelisk to the minute
articles of private life, are found decorated with hieroglyphics.
Egyptian sculptors were also remarkable for the correct and excellent
representation of animals. They may, indeed, be noticed in their
representation a freedom of hand, a choice and variety of forms, a
truthfulness, and even what deserves to be called imitation, which
contrast with the uniformity, the rigidity, the absence of nature and
life, which human figures present. Plato mentions a law which forbade
the artists to depart, in the slightest degree, in the execution of
statues of the human form from the type consecrated by priestly
authority. The artist, therefore, not being restricted in his study of
the animal form, could thus give to his image greater variety of
motion, and by imitating animals in nature, indemnify himself for the
constraint he experienced when he represented Kings and priests. The
two colossal lions in red granite, brought to England by the late Duke
of Northumberland, may be considered as remarkably good specimens of
Egyptian art, as applied to the delineation of animal forms. They
evince a considerable knowledge of anatomy in the strongly-marked
delineation of the muscular development. The form also is natural and
easy, thus admirably expressing the idea of strength in a state of
repose. They were sculptured in the reign of Amunoph III. The
representations of the sacred animals, the cynocephalus, the lion, the
jackal, the ram, etc., are frequently to be met with in Egyptian
sculpture.
_Greek._--The stages of the cycle of development of the art of
sculpture in Greece may be given in five distinct periods or epochs,
naming these, for greater convenience, chiefly from the name of the
principal artist whose style prevailed at that period.
I. The Dædalean, or early ( -580 B.C.)
II. The Æginetan, or archaic (580-480 B.C.)
III. The Phidian, or the grand (480-400 B.C.)
IV. The Praxitelean, or the beautiful (400-250 B.C.)
V. The Decline (250- )
Prior to the age of Dædalus, there was an earlier stage in the
development of art, in which the want of art, which is peculiar to
that early stage, was exhibited in rude attempts at the
representation of the human figure, for similar and almost identical
rude representations are attempted in the early stages of art in all
countries; as the early attempts of children are nearly identical in
all ages. The presence of a god was indicated in a manner akin to the
Fetichism of the African, by the simplest and most shapeless objects,
such as unhewn blocks of stone and by simple pillars or pieces of
wood. The first attempt at representation consisted in fashioning a
block of stone or wood into some semblance of the human form, and this
rude attempt constituted a divinity. Of this primitive form was the
Venus of Cyprus, the Cupid of Thespiæ; the Juno of Argos was fashioned
in a similar rude manner from the trunk of a wild pear tree. These
attempts were thus nothing more than shapeless blocks, the head, arms,
and legs scarcely defined. Some of these wooden blocks are supposed to
have been, in a coarse attempt at imitation, furnished with real hair,
and to have been clothed with real draperies in order to conceal the
imperfection of the form. The next step was to give these shapeless
blocks a human form. The upper part assumed the likeness of a head,
and by degrees arms and legs were marked out; but in these early
imitations of the human figure the arms were, doubtless, represented
closely attached to the sides; and the legs, though to a certain
extent defined, were still connected and united in a common pillar.
The age of Dædalus marks an improvement in the modeling of the human
figure, and in giving it life and action. This improvement in the art
consisted in representing the human figure with the arms isolated from
the body, the legs detached, and the eyes open; in fine, giving it an
appearance of nature as well as of life, and thus introducing a
principle of imitation. This important progress in the practice of the
art is the characteristic feature of the school of Dædalus, for under
the name of Dædalus we must understand the art of sculpture itself in
its primitive form, and in its first stage of development. According
to Flaxman, the rude efforts of this age were intended to represent
divinities and heroes only--Jupiter, Neptune, Hercules, and several
heroic characters, had the self-same face, figure, and action; the
same narrow eyes, thin lips, with the corners of the mouth turned
upwards; the pointed chin, narrow loins, turgid muscles; the same
advancing position of the lower limbs; the right hand raised beside
the head, and the left extended. Their only distinctions were that
Jupiter held the thunderbolt, Neptune the trident, and Hercules a palm
branch or bow. The female divinities were clothed in draperies divided
into few and perpendicular folds, their attitudes advancing like those
of the male figures. The hair of both male and female statues of this
period is arranged with great care, collected in a club behind,
sometimes entirely curled.
Between the rudeness of the Dædalean and the hard and severe style of
the Æginetan there was a transitional style, to which period the
artists Dipœnus and Scyllis are assigned by Pliny. The metopes of the
temple of Selinus in Sicily, the bas-reliefs representing Agamemnon,
Epeus, and Talthybius, in the Louvre, the Harpy monument in the
British Museum, and the Apollo of Tenea, afford examples of this
style.
_Æginetan._--In the Æginetan period of sculpture there was still
retained in the character of the heads, in the details of the costume,
and in the manner in which the beard and the hair are treated,
something archaic and conventional, undoubtedly derived from the
habits and teachings of the primitive school. But there prevails at
the same time, in the execution of the human form, and the manner in
which the nude is treated, a knowledge of anatomy, and an excellence
of imitation carried to so high a degree of truth as to give
convincing proofs of an advanced step and higher stage in the
development of the art. The following are the principal
characteristics of the Æginetan style, as derived from a careful
examination of the statues found in Ægina, which were the undoubted
productions of the school of the Æginetan period. The style in which
they are executed is called Hieratic, or Archaic.
The heads, either totally destitute of expression, or all reduced to a
general and conventional expression, present, in the oblique position
of the eyes and mouth, that forced smile which seems to have been the
characteristic feature common to all productions of this archaic
style; for we find it also on the most ancient medals, and on
bas-reliefs of the primitive period.
The hair, treated likewise in a systematic manner in small curls or
plaits, worked with wonderful industry, imitates not real hair, but
genuine wigs, a peculiarity which may be remarked on other works in
the ancient style, and of Etruscan origin. The beard is indicated on
the cheek by a deep mark, and is rarely worked in relief, but, in the
latter case, so as to imitate a false beard, and consequently in the
same system as the hair. The costume partakes of the same conventional
and hieratic taste; it consists of drapery, with straight and regular
folds, falling in symmetrical and parallel masses, so as to imitate
the real draperies in which the ancient statues in wood were draped.
These conventional forms of the drapery and hair may, therefore, be
considered as deriving their origin from an imitation of the early
statues in wood, the first objects of worship and of art among the
Greeks, which were frequently covered with false hair, and clothed
with real draperies. The muscular development observable in these
figures is somewhat exaggerated, but, considering the period, is
wonderfully accurate and true to nature. The genius for imitation
exhibited in this style, carried as far as it is possible in the
expression of the forms of the body, although still accompanied by a
little meagreness and dryness, the truth of detail, the exquisite care
in the execution, evince so profound a knowledge of the structure of
the human body, so great a readiness of hand--in a word, an imitation
of nature so skillful, and, at the same time, so simple, that one can
not but recognize in them the productions of an art which had arrived
at a point which required only a few steps more to reach perfection.
To the latter part of this period belong the sculptors Canachus,
Calamis, and Pythagoras. Canachus was the sculptor of a famous statue
of a nude Apollo in bronze, termed Philesius, at Didymi, near Miletus,
and was considered as very hard in his style.
_Phidian._--"This period (we here adopt Mr. Vaux's words) is the
golden age of Greek art. During this period arose a spirit of
sculpture which combined grace and majesty in the happiest manner, and
by emancipating the plastic art from the fetters of antique stiffness,
attained, under the direction of Pericles, and by the hand of Phidias,
its culminating point. It is curious to remark the gradual progress of
the arts; for it is clear that it was slowly and not _per saltum_ that
the gravity of the elder school was changed to the perfect style of
the age of Phidias." In this phase of the art, the ideal had reached
its zenith, and we behold a beauty and perfection which has never been
equaled. In this age alone sculpture, by the grandeur and sublimity it
had attained to in its style, was qualified to give a form to the
sublime conceptions of the deity evolved by the mind of Phidias. He
alone was considered able to embody and to render manifest to the eye
the sublime images of Homer. Hence, he was called "the sculptor of the
gods." It is well known that in the conception of his Jupiter Olympus,
Phidias wished to render manifest, and that he succeeded in realizing,
the sublime image under which Homer represents the master of the gods.
The sculptor embodied that image in the following manner, according to
Pausanias: "The god, made of ivory and gold, is seated on a throne,
his head crowned with a branch of olive, his right hand presented a
Victory of ivory and gold, with a crown and fillet; his left hand
held a sceptre, studded with all kinds of metals, on which an eagle
sat; the sandals of the god were gold, so was his drapery, on which
were various animals, with flowers of all kinds, especially lilies;
his throne was richly wrought with gold and precious stones. There
were also statues; four Victories, alighting, were at each foot of the
throne; those in front rested each on a sphinx that had seized a
Theban youth; below the sphinxes the children of Niobe were slain by
the arrows of Apollo and Artemis." This statue, Flaxman observes,
sixty feet in height, was the most renowned work of ancient sculpture,
not for stupendous magnitude alone, but more for careful majesty and
sublime beauty. His Minerva in the Parthenon was of gold and ivory.
The goddess was represented standing robed in a tunic, and her head
covered with the formidable ægis; with her right hand she held a
lance; in the left she held a statue of Victory about five feet high;
her helmet was surmounted by a sphinx and two griffins, and over the
visor eight horses in front in full gallop. The shield erected at the
feet of the goddess was adorned on both sides with bas-reliefs. At the
base of the statue were a sphinx and a serpent. This colossus was
thirty-seven feet high. The gem of Aspasus and the silver tetra-drachm
of Athens are said to be copies of the head of this Minerva.
Another remarkable statue of Phidias was the Athene Promachus, in the
Acropolis. It represented the tutelary goddess of the Athenians, fully
armed and in the attitude of battle, with one arm raised and holding
spear in her hand. This work was of colossal dimensions and stood in
the open air, nearly opposite the Propylæa. It towered above the roof
of the Parthenon and it is said the crest of the helmet and the point
of the spear could be seen far off by ships approaching Athens from
Sunium. Its height is supposed to have been, with its pedestal, about
seventy feet, the material was bronze. There are two marble statues
which have come down to us, and which give some idea of the Minervas
of Phidias. One is the Pallas of Velletri, which is supposed to be a
copy of the Minerva Promachus (cut is on p. 530). The Farnese Minerva,
at Naples, may afford some idea of the chryselephantine statue of the
Parthenon. It does not, however, present the accessories of the
Athenian figure. The Sphinx, the serpent and the shield are not
represented. The sculptures of the Parthenon, now in the British
Museum, can lead us to appreciate the manner of Phidias, and the
character of his school, so observed by Flaxman. The statues of the
pediments, the metopes, and bas-reliefs, are remarkable for the
grandeur of style, simplicity, truth, beauty, which are the
characteristics of this school. On the eastern pediment was
represented the birth of Minerva, and on the western the contest
between Minerva and Neptune for the guardianship of the soil of
Attica. Of the figures still preserved to us of the eastern pediment,
it has been generally supposed that the reclining figure may be
identified as Theseus, that another is Ceres, a third Iris, the
messenger, about to announce to mortals the great event of the birth
of Minerva, which has just taken place, while the group of three
female figures are considered to represent the three Fates. Of the
western pediment, the remaining figures are Cecrops, the first King
and founder of Athens, and Aglaura, his wife, and the river god,
Ilissus, or Cephisus. The metopes, which generally represent single
contests between the Athenians and the Centaurs, are in strong high
relief, full of bold action and passionate exertion--though this is
for the most part softened by great beauty of form and a masterly
style of composition which knows how to adapt itself with the utmost
freedom to the strict conditions of the space. These reliefs were
placed high, as they were calculated for the full light of the sun,
and to throw deeper shadows.
The frieze may be considered as the chief glory of the art of
Phidias. The artists here expressed with the utmost beauty the
signification of the temple by depicting a festive procession, which
was celebrated every fifth year at Athens, in honor of Minerva,
conveying in solemn pomp to the temple of the Parthenon the peplos, or
sacred veil, which was to be suspended before the statue of the
goddess. The end of the procession has just reached the temple, the
archons and heralds await, quietly conversing together, the end of the
ceremony. They are followed by a train of Athenian maidens, singly or
in groups, many of them with cans and other vessels in their hands.
Then follow men and women, then bearers of sacrificial gifts, then
flute-players and musicians, followed by combatants in chariots, with
four splendid horses. The whole is concluded by prancing horsemen, the
prime of the manly youth of Athens. This frieze was within the
colonnade of the Parthenon, on the upper part of the wall of the
cella, and was continued round the building. By its position it only
obtained a secondary light. Being placed immediately below the soffit,
it received all its light from between the columns, and by reflection
from the pavement below. Mr. Westmacott remarks that these works are
unquestionably the finest specimens of the art that exist, and they
illustrate fully and admirably the progress and, as it may be said,
the consummation of sculpture. They exhibit in a remarkable degree all
the qualities that constitute fine art--truth, beauty, and perfect
execution. In the forms, the most perfect, the most appropriate and
the most graceful have been selected. All that is coarse or vulgar is
omitted, and that only is represented which unites the two essential
qualities of truth and beauty. The result of this happy combination is
what has been termed ideal beauty. These sculptures, however, which
emanated from the mind of Phidias, and were most certainly executed
under his eyes, and in his school, are not the works of his hands.
Phidias himself disdained or worked but little in marble. They were,
doubtless, the works of his pupils, Alcamenes, Agoracritus, Colotes,
Pæonios, and some other artists of his time. For, as Flaxman remarks,
the styles of different hands are sufficiently evident in the alto and
basso rilievo. To the age of Phidias belong the sculptors Alcamenes,
Agoracritus, and Pæonios. The greatest work of Alcamenes was a statue
of Venus in the Gardens, a work to which it is said Phidias himself
put the finishing touch. He also executed a bronze statue of a
conqueror in the games, which Pliny says was known as the
"Encrinomenos, the highly approved." Agoracritus, who, Pliny says, was
such a favorite of Phidias that he gave his own name to many of that
artist's works, entered into a contest with Alcamenes, the subject
being a statue of Venus. Alcamenes was successful, Pliny tells us, not
that his work was superior, but because his fellow-citizens chose to
give their suffrages in his favor, in preference to a stranger. It was
for this reason that Agoracritus, indignant at his treatment, sold his
statue on the express condition that it should never be taken to
Athens, and changed its name to Nemesis. It was accordingly erected at
Rhamnus.
A marble statue of Victory, a beautiful Nike in excellent
preservation, has been lately discovered at Olympia, bearing the name
of Pæonios. This statue is mentioned by Pausanius as a votive offering
set up by the Messenians in the Altis, the sacred grove of Zeus at
Olympia. The statues in the eastern pediment of the temple of Jupiter
at Olympia were by Pæonios, and those in the western by Alcamenes. The
first represented the equestrian contest of Pelops against Oenomaus,
and in the second the Lapithæ were represented fighting with the
centaurs at the marriage of Pirithous.
The frieze of the temple of Apollo at Bassæ, near Phigaleia, in
Arcadia, belongs to this period. It was the work of Ictinus, the
architect of the Parthenon. Contests with the Amazons and battles with
the centaurs form the subject of the whole. The most animated and
boldest compositions are sculptured in these reliefs. They exhibit,
however, exaggeration, and are wanting in that repose and beauty which
are the characteristics of the works of Phidias.
In the half draped Venus of Milo now in the Louvre, we have a genuine
Greek work, which represents an intermediate style between that of
Phidias and Praxiteles. "Grandly serious," Professor Lubke writes,
"and almost severe, stands the goddess of Love, not yet conceived as
in later representations, as a love requiring woman. The simple
drapery, resting on the hips, displays uncovered the grand forms of
the upper part of the body, which, with all her beauty, have that
mysteriously unapproachable feeling which is the genuine expression of
the divine."
_Praxitilean._ This period is characterized by a more rich and flowing
style of execution, as well as by the choice of softer and more
delicate subjects than had usually been selected for representation.
In this the beautiful was sought, after rather than the sublime.
Praxiteles may be considered the first sculptor who introduced this
more sensual, if it may be so called, style of art, for he was the
first who, in the unrobed Venus, combined the utmost luxuriance of
personal charms with a spiritual expression in which the queen of love
herself appeared as a woman needful of love, and filled with inward
longing. He first gave a prominence to corporeal attractions, with
which the deity was invested. His favorite subjects were of youthful
and feminine beauty. In his Venus of Cnidos he exhibited the goddess
in the most exquisite form of woman. His Cupid represented the beauty
and grace of that age in boys which seemed to the Greeks the most
attractive. His Apollo Sauroctonos presented the form of a youth of
exquisite beauty and proportion. The Venus of Cnidos stands foremost
as one of the celebrated art creations of antiquity. This artist
represented the goddess completely undraped; but this bold innovation
was justified by the fact that she was taking up her garment with her
left hand, as if she were just coming from her bath, while with her
right she modestly covered her figure. Many as are the subsequent
copies preserved of this famous statue, we can only conceive the
outward idea of the attitude, but none of the pure grandeur of the
work of Praxiteles. In the Vatican (Chiaramonte gallery, No. 112)
there is one of very inferior execution, but perhaps the only one
which gives a correct idea of this Venus, as it corresponds as nearly
as possible with the pose of the statue on the coin of Cnidos and with
the description of Lucan.
His Cupid is represented as a slender, undeveloped boy, full of
liveliness and activity, earnestly endeavoring to fasten the strings
to his bow. A Roman copy of this statue is in the British Museum.
He also executed in bronze a Faun, which was known as "Periboetos, the
much famed;" the finest of the many copies of this celebrated statue
that have come down to us, is in the Capitol; and a youthful Apollo,
styled Sauroctonos, because he is aiming an arrow at a lizard which is
stealing towards him; a copy of this statue in marble is in the
Vatican, and one in bronze in the Villa Albani.
Contemporary with Praxiteles was Scopas. His works exhibit powerful
expression, grandeur, combined with beauty and grace. The group of
Niobe and her children, at Florence, has been attributed to him.
Another very celebrated work of Scopas was the statue of the Pythian
Apollo playing on the lyre, which Augustus placed in the temple which
he built to Apollo, on the Palatine, in thanksgiving for his victory
at Actium. An inferior Roman copy of this statue is in the Vatican. He
was also celebrated for his heads of Apollo. Of these many excellent
copies are still extant, the finest being that formerly in the
Giustiniani collection, and now in the British Museum.
The late discoveries at Halicarnassus have yielded genuine works of
Scopas in the sculptures of the bas-reliefs of Mausoleum, erected by
Artemisia in memory of her husband, Mausolus, King of Caria, the east
side of which is known to have proceeded from his hands; the other
sides by his contemporaries, Bryaxis, Timotheus and Leochares. Parts
of these are now in the British Museum.
The bas-reliefs of the temple of Nike Apteros have been associated
with the peculiarities which characterize the productions of Scopas. A
figure of Victory, stooping to loose her sandal, in bas-relief from
this temple, is remarkable for its admirably arranged drapery.
The sculptural decorations of the temple of Artemis, at Ephesus, the
foundations of which have been lately discovered by Mr. Wood, there is
every reason to believe were contributed by Praxiteles and Scopas. The
drum of a column, with figures in bas-relief from this temple, has
been lately added to the British Museum.
The beautiful figure of a Bacchante in bas-relief in the British
Museum is generally referred to Scopas.
The following are some of the more particular characteristics of the
human form, adopted by the Grecian sculptors of this age:
In the profile, the forehead and lips touch a perpendicular line drawn
between them. In young persons, the brow and nose nearly form a
straight line, which gives an expression of grandeur and delicacy to
the face. The forehead was low, the eyes large, but not prominent. A
depth was given to the eye to give to the eyebrow a finer arch, and,
by a deeper shadow, a bolder relief. To the eyes a living play of
light was communicated by a sharp projection of the upper eyelid, and
a deep depression of the pupil. The eye was so differently shaped in
the heads of divinities and ideal heads that it is itself a
characteristic by which they can be distinguished. In Jupiter, Apollo,
and Juno the opening of the eye is large, and roundly arched; it has
also less length than usual, that the curve which it makes may be more
spherical. Pallas likewise has large eyes, but the upper lid falls
over them more than in the three divinities just mentioned, for the
purpose of giving her a modest maiden look. Small eyes were reserved
for Venuses and voluptuous beauties, which gave them a languishing
air. The upper lip was short, the lower lip fuller than the upper, as
this tended to give a roundness to the chin; the short upper lip, and
the round and grandly-formed chin, being the most essential signs of
genuine Greek formation. The lips were generally closed; they slightly
open in the statues of the gods, especially in the case of Venus, but
the teeth were never seen. The ear was carefully modeled and finished.
The beauty, and especially the execution of them, is, according to
Winkelman, the surest sign by which to discriminate the antique from
additions and restorations. The hair was curly, abundant, and disposed
in floating locks, and executed with the utmost imaginable care; in
females it was tied in a knot behind the head. The frontal hair was
represented as growing in a curve over the temples in order to give
the face an oval shape. The face was always oval, and a cross drawn in
the oval indicated the design of the face. The perpendicular line
marked the position of the brow, the nose, the mouth, and the chin;
the horizontal line passed through the eyes, and was parallel to the
mouth. The hands of youth were beautifully rounded, and the dimples
given; the fingers were tapered, but the articulations were not
generally indicated. In the male form the chest was high, arched, and
prominent. In the female form, especially in that of goddesses and
virgins, the form of the breasts is virginal in the extreme, since
their beauty was generally made to consist in the moderateness of
their size. They were generally a little higher than nature. The
abdomen was without prominence. The legs and knees of youthful
figures are rounded with softness and smoothness, and unmarked by
muscular movements. The proportion of the limbs was longer than in the
preceding period. In male and female figures the foot was rounded in
its form; in the female the toes are delicate, and have dimples over
their first joints gently marked.
It is evident that this type of beauty of form, adopted by the Grecian
sculptors, is in unison with, and exhibits a marked analogy to the
type of face and form of the Greeks themselves, for, as Sir Charles
Bell observes, the Greek face is a fine oval, the forehead full and
carried forward, the eyes large, the nose straight, the lips and chin
finely formed; in short, the forms of the head and face have been the
type of the antique, and of all which we most admire.
The sculptors of this age, instead of aiming at an abstract,
unattainable ideal, studied nature in its choicest forms, and attained
the beautiful by selecting and concentrating in one those charms which
are found diffused over all. They avoided the representation of all
violent motions and perturbations of the passions, which would have
completely marred that expression of serene repose which is a
prominent characteristic of the beautiful period of Greek sculpture.
Indeed, the chief object of the Greek sculptor was the representation
of the beautiful alone, and to this principle he made character,
expression, costume, and everything else subordinate.
Lysippus, the successor of Praxiteles and Scopas, was a contemporary
of Alexander the Great. He contributed to advance their style by the
peculiar fullness, roundness, and harmonious general effect by which
it appears that his works were characterized. His school exhibited a
strong naturalistic tendency, a closer imitation of nature, leading to
many refinements in detail. It was unquestionably greater in portrait
than in ideal works. Pliny thus speaks of his style: "He is considered
to have contributed very greatly to the art of the statuary by
expressing the details of the hair, and by making the head smaller
than had been done by the ancients, and the body more graceful and
less bulky, a method by which his statues were made to appear taller."
The portrait statues of Alexander the Great by Lysippus were very
numerous. The great King would only allow himself to be modeled by
Lysippus. The head of Alexander, as the young Ammon on the coins of
Lysimachus, is said to have been designed by him. An athlete, scraping
his body with a strigil, was the most famous of the bronze statues of
Lysippus. The statue of an athlete in the Vatican, in a similar
position, is supposed to be a marble copy of the original bronze of
Lysippus; though an inferior work, it illustrates the statements of
Pliny regarding the proportions adopted by Lysippus--a small head and
the body long and slim. The bas-reliefs also on the monument of
Lysicrates, representing the story of Dionysus and the Tyrrhenian
pirates, presented all the characteristic features of the school of
Lysippus. It was erected in the archonship of Euænetus, B.C. 335.
The canon of Polycletus began to be generally adopted at this period.
It was followed by Lysippus, who called the Doryphoros of that artist
his master. In his practice of dealing with the heads and limbs of his
figures, Lysippus was followed by Silanion and Euphranor, and his
authority may be said to have governed the school of Greece to a late
period of the art.
Pliny tells us that Euphranor was the first who represented heroes
with becoming dignity, and who paid particular attention to
proportion. He made, however, in the generality of instances, the
bodies somewhat more slender and the heads larger. His most celebrated
statue was a Paris, which expressed alike the judge of the goddesses,
the lover of Helen, and the slayer of Achilles. The very beautiful
sitting figure of Paris, in marble, in the Vatican, is, no doubt, a
copy of this work.
Subsequently to these sculptors we have Chares, the Rhodian, who
constructed the famous colossus of Helios at the entrance of the
harbor of Rhodes, which was 105 feet high. It appears there is no
authority for the common statement that its legs extended over the
mouth of the harbor.
Of the later Asiatic or Rhodian schools we have the famous groups of
the Laocoon, on page 555, and of Dirce tied to a bull, commonly called
the Toro Farnese. In both of these the dramatic element is
predominant, and the tragic interest is not appreciated. In the
Laocoon consummate skill is shown in the mastery of execution; but if
the object of the artist was to create pity or awe, he has drawn too
much attention to his power of carving marble. The Laocoon was
executed, according to Pliny, by Agesander, Polydorus and Athenodorus,
natives of Rhodes. This group, now in the Vatican, was found in the
baths of Titus. From the evidence of an antique gem, on which is
engraved a representation of this group, we find the right arm of the
Laocoon has been wrongly restored. In the gem the hand of Laocoon is
in contact with his head, and not, as restored by Giovanni da
Montorsoli, raised high.
The Farnese Bull, a work in which we possess the most colossal group
of antiquity, was executed by Apollonius and Tauriscus, of Tralles. To
the same school belongs the Dying Gladiator, who unquestionably
represents, as usually supposed, a combatant who died in the
amphitheatre. It is remarkable for the entire absence of ideal
representation, and for its complete individuality and close imitation
of nature. This statue is probably one of the masterpieces of the
celebrated Pyromachus, who executed several groups, and large
compositions of battle scenes for Attalus, King of Pergamus, to
celebrate his decisive victory over the Gauls (B.C. 240).
To the later Athenian school belong probably the Belvidere Torso, so
much admired by Michael Angelo, the Farnese Hercules, the Venus
de'Medici, and the Fighting Gladiator. The Belvidere Torso is now
considered to be a copy by Apollonius, the son of Nestor, of the
Hercules of Lysippus, and probably executed in the Macedonian period.
The Farnese Hercules is so exaggerated in its style as to have been
deemed a work as late as the Roman empire. According to Flaxman, the
Venus de'Medici is a deteriorated variety or repetition of a Venus of
Praxiteles. It is now generally admitted that it is a work of the
latest Macedonian period, probably by Cleomenes, whose name appears on
its base. The Fighting Gladiator bears the name of Agasias of Ephesus.
From the attitude of the figure it is clear that the statue represents
not a gladiator, but a warrior contending with a mounted combatant,
probably an Athenian, warding off a blow from a centaur.
[Illustration: DYING GLADIATOR.]
The Macedonian age, to which most of these statues belonged, commenced
with Alexander the Great, and terminated with the absorption of Greek
art by the Romans.
Art having, in the two previous periods, reached its culminating point
of perfection, as is the law of all development, when a culminating
point is reached, a downward tendency and a period of decline begins,
for the cycle of development must be completed and the stages of
rise, progress, maturity, decline and decay run through.
No exact date, however, can be assigned to the beginning of the stage
of decline; no sharp line of demarcation can be pointed out dividing
one stage from the other. The decline was so gradual that there was an
inevitable blending of the two. We perceive evident signs of decline
in the fourth stage, while, in the fifth, or stage of decline, we
sometimes meet some noble works of art partaking of the perfect style
of the earlier periods. A period of decline inevitably and invariably
follows an age of maturity and perfection. As Mr. Lecky observes, "The
sculptor and the painter of the age of Praxiteles precipitated art
into sensuality; both of them destroyed its religious character, both
of them raised it to high æsthetic perfection, but in both cases that
perfection was followed by a speedy decline." Muller remarks, "The
creative activity, the real central point of the entire activity of
art, which fashions peculiar forms for peculiar ideas, must have
flagged in its exertions when the natural circle of ideas among the
Greeks had received complete plastic embodiment, or it must have been
morbidly driven to abnormal inventions. We find, therefore, that art,
during this period, with greater or less degrees of skill in
execution, delighted now in fantastical, now in effeminate
productions, calculated merely to charm the senses. And even in the
better and nobler works of the time there was still on the whole
something--not, indeed, very striking to the eye, but which could be
felt by the natural sense, something which distinguished them from the
earlier works--the _striving after effect_." The spirit of imitation
marked the later portion of this period of decline. The sculptors of
this age, despairing of equaling the productions of the former age,
gave themselves up completely to servile imitation. The imitation was
naturally inferior to the original, and each succeeding attempt at
imitation was but a step lower in degradation of the art. When they
ceased to study nature they thought to repair the deterioration of the
beauty of form by the finish of the parts, and in a still later period
they gave, instead of a grandeur of style, an exaggeration of form.
Lastly, being utterly unable to cope with their predecessors in the
sculpture of statues, they had recourse to the manufacture of busts
and portraits, which they executed in countless numbers. The art
reached its lowest ebb, and thus the cycle of the development of Greek
sculpture terminated in its last stage--utter decay and degradation.
_Roman._--In the very early periods the Romans imitated the Etruscans,
for, generally speaking, all the works of the first periods of Rome
were executed by Etruscan artists. Their earliest statues of gods were
in clay. Etruscan art exercised the greatest influence in Rome, for
Rome was adorned with monuments of Etruscan art, in its very infancy;
it was a Tuscan called Veturius Mamurius who made the shields
(ancilia) of the temple of Numa, and who made, in bronze, the statue
of Vertumna, a Tuscan deity, in the suburb of Rome. The Romans owed
all their culture to the Etruscans, from whom they learned the arts of
architecture, terra-cotta work, and painting; calling in artists of
that more tasteful race when anything of that sort was required for
the decoration of their simple edifices. The most ancient monuments of
Rome thus corresponded with the contemporaneous style of Etruscan art;
there is thus a similarity in the figures; the attributes alone can
lead one to distinguish them, as these attributes tell if the statue
was connected with the creed or modes of belief of Etruria or Rome.
There was not, therefore, any Roman style, properly so called; the
only distinction to be remarked is that the statues of the early
periods, executed by the Romans, are characterized, like the Romans
themselves of the same period, by a beard and long hair. At a late
period all the architecture, all the sculpture of the public edifices
at Rome, were in the Tuscan style, according to the testimony of
Pliny.
After the second Punic war, Greek artists took the place of Etruscan
artists at Rome; the taking of Syracuse gave the Romans a knowledge of
the beautiful works of Greece, and the treasures of art brought from
Corinth chiefly contributed to awaken a taste among them, and they
soon turned into ridicule their ancient statues in clay; Greek art was
gradually transferred to Rome; Greek artists began to abound there,
and the history of Roman art was thenceforward confounded with that of
the vicissitudes of Greek art. The style of the works of sculpture
under the first Emperors may be considered as a continuation and
sequel of the development of Greek sculpture. These works, more
particularly the portrait statues, which were the prevailing works of
this period, exhibit a great deal of force and character, though a
want of care is visible in some parts, especially in the hair. The
characters of the heads always bear out the descriptions which
historians have given of the person they belong to, the Roman head
differing essentially from the Greek, in having a more arched
forehead, a nose more aquiline, and features altogether of a more
decided character. It may be observed, however, as a general remark,
that the Roman statues are of a thicker and more robust form, with
less ease and grace, more stern, and of a less ideal expression than
Greek statues, though equally made by Greek artists. Under Augustus,
and the following Roman Emperors, to meet the demand for Greek statues
to embellish their houses and villas, several copies and imitations of
celebrated Greek works were manufactured by the sculptors of the age.
The Apollo Belvidere, the Venus of the Capitol, and several copies of
celebrated Greek works, in various Museums, such as the Faun, Cupid,
Apollo Sauroctonos, and Venus of Praxiteles, the Discobolos of Myron,
and several works of Scopas and Lysippus, are supposed to be of this
age. Archæologists are now generally agreed in thinking that the
Apollo Belvidere is only a copy of a Roman period of a very fine Greek
statue of about the beginning of the third century B.C., and that the
original was in bronze. Another copy has been identified in a bronze
statuette now in St. Petersburg, known as the Stroganoff Apollo. From
this statuette it is found that the Apollo Belvidere held forward in
his left hand, not a bow as was thought, but the _ægis_, in the
attitude of spreading consternation among an enemy. The production of
this statue is generally assigned to the period after the invasion of
the Gauls, whom, in 278 B.C., the god drove in alarm from his
sanctuary, at Delphi. (A cut of Apollo Belvidere is seen on page 495.)
Of the Faun of Praxiteles there are two copies in the Vatican, but
both are inferior to that in the Capitol. A copy of the Cupid of
Praxiteles is in the British Museum. Of the Apollo Sauroctonos there
are two copies, one in the Vatican, and another in bronze in the Villa
Albani. Of the Venus of Cnidos of Praxiteles there are several copies
in the Vatican; one in particular, in the Chiaramonte Gallery, No.
112, though very inferior as a work of art, gives the exact pose of
the original statue as it appears on the coin of Cnidos. The Venus of
the Capitol is a Roman version of the Praxitelean statue; it differs
in attitude. Several copies of the Discobolos of Myron are still in
existence: one in the British Museum, one in the Vatican, and a third,
much finer than either of the others, in the possession of Prince
Massimo. A very fine marble copy of the celebrated bronze of Lysippus
is in the Vatican. A copy of the Pythian Apollo by Scopas is in the
same museum.
The noble statue of Augustus, discovered in 1863, and now in the
Vatican, is a grand example of the portrait statues of this period. It
is full of life and individuality. The pose is simple and majestic, as
befitting the portrait of an Emperor. The bust of the young Augustus
in the Vatican for depth of expression, individuality, truth to
nature, and delicacy of finish and treatment, is a marvel in
portraiture.
Under Tiberius and Claudius a limit was placed to the right of having
statues exposed in public; consequently a lesser number of statues
were made, and less attention was paid to the perfection of the
portrait. However, some excellent works were produced in this period.
The style became purer and more refined under Hadrian, for a partial
revival of Greek art is attributed to this Emperor. The hair was
carefully worked, the eyebrows were raised, the pupils were indicated
by a deep cavity--an essential characteristic of this age, rare before
this period, and frequently introduced afterwards; the heads required
greater strength, without, however, increasing in character. Of the
most remarkable productions of the age of Hadrian are the numerous
repetitions of the statue of Antinous, an ideal portrait of Hadrian's
favorite, exhibiting much artistic perfection. That in the Capitol is
remarkable, not only for its exceeding beauty, but also for its
correct anatomy. Of the Emperor Hadrian there is a fine portrait
statue in the British Museum. Under the Antonines, the decay of the
art was still more manifest, displaying a want of simplicity, and an
attention in trivial and meretricious accessories. Thus, in the busts,
the hair and the beard luxuriate in an exaggerated profusion of curls,
the careful expression of features of the countenance being at the
same time frequently neglected. This age was remarkable also for its
recurrence to the style of a primitive and imperfect art in the
reproduction of Egyptian statues.
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MOSAIC.
Mosaic, opus musivum, is a kind of painting made with minute pieces of
colored substances, generally either marble or natural stones, or else
glass, more or less opaque, and of every variety of hue which the
subject may require, set in very fine cement, and which thus form
pictures of different kinds, rivaling in color and hue those painted
by the brush.
Early nations knew the art of mosaic, and it is supposed to derive its
origin from Asia, where paintings of this kind were composed, in
imitation of the beautiful carpets manufactured at all periods in
those countries. The Egyptians employed it very probably for different
purposes; no traces of it have, however, been found in the temples or
palaces the ruins of which remain. There is in the Egyptian collection
at Turin a fragment of a mummy case, the paintings of which are
executed in mosaic with wonderful precision and truth. The material is
enamel, the colors are of different hues, and their variety renders
with perfect truth the plumage of birds. It is believed to be the only
example of Egyptian mosaic.
The Greeks carried the art of mosaic to the highest perfection,
assuming after the time of Alexander an importance which entitled it
to be ranked as an independent art. Skillfully managing the hues, and
giving to the figures in their compositions an exquisite harmony, they
resembled at a slight distance real paintings. Different names were
given to the mosaics, according as they were executed in pieces of
marble of a certain size; it was then _lithostroton_, opus sectile; or
in small cubes, in this case it was called _opus tessellatum_, or
_vermiculatum_. The name of _asaroton_ was given to a mosaic destined
to adorn the pavement of a dining hall. It was supposed to represent
an unswept hall, on the pavement of which the crumbs and remains of
the repast which fell from the table still remained. It was said to be
introduced by Sosus of Pergamus, the first mosaic artist of
consequence of whom we hear.
[Illustration: MOSAIC FLOOR.]
Mosaic was used to adorn the pavements, walls, and ceilings of public
and private edifices. The Greeks in general preferred marble to every
other material. A bed of mortar was prepared, which served as a base,
which was covered with a very fine cement. The artist, having before
him the colored design which he was to execute, fixed the colored
cubes in the cement, and polished the entire surface when it had
hardened, taking care, however, that too great a polish, by its
reflection, might not mar the general effect of his work. The great
advantage of mosaic is that it resists humidity, and all which could
change the colors and the beauty of painting. Painting could not be
employed in the pavement of buildings, and mosaics gave them an
appearance of great elegance. The mosaic of the Capitol, found in
Hadrian's Villa, may give an idea of the perfection which the Greeks
attained to in that art. It represents a vase full of water, on the
sides of which are four doves, one of which is in the act of drinking.
It is supposed by some to be the mosaic of Pergamus mentioned by
Pliny. It is entirely composed of cubes of marble, without any
admixture of colored glass. Mosaic of this kind may be considered as
the most ancient; it was only by degrees that the art of coloring
marble, enamel, and glass multiplied the materials suited for mosaics,
and rendered their execution much more easy. It was then carried to a
very high degree of perfection. The mosaic found at Pompeii, which
represents three masked figures playing on different instruments, with
a child near them, is of the most exquisite workmanship. It is formed
of very small pieces of glass, of the most beautiful colors, and of
various shades. The hair, the small leaves which ornament the masks,
and the eyebrows, are most delicately expressed. What enhances the
value of this mosaic is the name of the artist who worked in
it--Dioscorides of Samos. Another mosaic found at Pompeii is the
beautiful one of Acratus on a Panther. The subjects represented in
mosaics are in endless variety, and generally are derived from
mythology or heroic myths. Landscapes and ornaments in borders, in
frets, in compartments, intermingled with tritons, nereides, centaurs,
are to be found on them. The principal subject is in the center, the
rest serves as a bordering or framework. In the Greek tessellated
pavement found at Halicarnassus, the mosaic is of very fine
workmanship, being composed of small cubes of white, black and red
marble.
[Illustration: MOSAIC DOVES.]
Another and a still more remarkable mosaic was discovered in the House
of the Faun, and is perhaps the most beautiful and magnificent
specimen of the art that has yet been found. This mosaic, which is now
preserved in the museum at Naples, is about eighteen feet long by nine
broad. The subject represents a battle between Greeks and barbarians,
the latter apparently of eastern race; but a variety of conjectures
have been hazarded as to what battle is actually depicted. Some have
seen in it the combat between Patroclus and Sarpedon, and the death of
the latter; others have recognized in it the battles of the Granicus,
of Arbela, of Platæa, of Marathon, etc. But the opinion most commonly
adopted is that of Professor Quaranta, who refers the picture to the
battle of Issus. The Grecian leader, supposed to represent Alexander
the Great, is drawn with great beauty and vigor. Charging, bareheaded,
in the midst of the fight, he has transfixed with his lance one of
the Persian leaders, whose horse, wounded in the shoulder, had already
fallen. The expression of physical agony in the countenance of the
wounded man is admirably depicted. Another horse, which an attendant
had brought for him, has arrived too late. The death of the Persian
general has evidently decided the fortune of the day. In the
background, the Persian spears are still directed against the
advancing Greeks. But at the sight of the fallen general, another
Persian leader in a quadriga, who, from the richness of his dress and
accoutrements, the height of his tiara, and his red chlamys, is
probably Darius himself, stretches forth his right hand in an attitude
of alarm and despair, while the charioteer urges his horses to
precipitate flight. Nothing can exceed the vigor with which both men
and animals are depicted in this unequaled mosaic. If the Grecian hero
really represents Alexander the Great, the mosaic may probably be a
copy of a picture by Appelles, the only artist privileged to paint the
Macedonian conqueror. It is unfortunate that the work has suffered
much damage on the left side, or that which contains the Grecian host.
It was, however, in this mutilated state when discovered, and seems to
have been under a process of reparation. The border represents a
river, apparently the Nile, with a crocodile, hippopotamus, ichneumon,
ibises, etc.; whence some have been led to think that the mosaic is a
copy of a picture on the same subject known to have been painted by a
female Egyptian artist named Helena, and brought to Rome by Vespasian.
Painted floors were first used by the Greeks, who made and colored
them with much care, until they were driven out by the mosaic floors
called _lithostrota_. The most famous workman in this kind was Sosus,
who wrought at Pergamus the pavement which is called _asarotus oikos_,
the unswept hall, made of quarrels or square tesseræ of different
colors, in such a way as to resemble the crumbs and scraps that fell
from the table, and such-like things as usually are swept away, as if
they were still left by negligence upon the pavement. There also is
admirably represented a dove drinking, in such a way that the shadow
of her head is cast on the water. Other doves are seen sitting on the
rim of the vessel preening themselves and basking in the sun. The
first paved floors which came into use were those called barbarica and
subtegulanea, which were beaten down with rammers, as may be known by
the name pavimentum, from pavire, to ram. The pavements called
scalpturata were first introduced into Italy in the Temple of Jupiter
Capitolinus, after the beginning of the third Punic war. But ere the
Cimbric wars began, such pavements were in common use at Rome, and men
took great delight and pleasure therein.
For galleries and terraces open to the sky, they were devised by the
Greeks, who, enjoying a warm climate, used to cover their houses with
them; but where the rain waters freeze, pavements of this sort are not
to be trusted. To make a terrace of this sort, it is necessary to lay
two courses of boards, one athwart the other, the ends of which ought
to be nailed, that they should not twist nor warp; which done take two
parts of new rubbish, and one of tiles stamped to powder; then with
other three parts of old rubbish mix two parts of lime, and herewith
lay a bed of a foot thickness, taking care to ram it hard together.
Over this must be laid a bed of mortar, six fingers thick, and upon
this middle couch, large paving-tiles, at least two fingers deep. This
sort of pavement is to be made to rise to the center in the proportion
of one inch and a-half to ten feet. Being thus laid, it is to be
planed and polished diligently with some hard stone; but, above all,
regard is to be had that the boarded floor be made of oak. As for such
as do start or warp any way, they be thought naught. Moreover, it were
better to lay a course of flint or chaff between it and the lime, to
the end that the lime may not have so much force to hurt the board
underneath it. It were also well to put at the bottom a bed of round
pebbles.
[Illustration: APOLLO CHARMING NATURE.]
And here we must not forget another kind of these pavements which are
called Græcanica, the manner of which is this: Upon a floor well
beaten with rammers, is laid a bed of rubbish, or else broken
tile-shards, and then upon it a couch of charcoal, well beaten, and
driven close together, with sand, and lime, and small cinders, well
mixed together, to the thickness of half a foot, well leveled; and
this has the appearance of an earthen floor; but, if it be polished
with a hard smooth stone, the whole pavement will seem all black. As
for those pavements called lithostrota, which are made of divers
colored squares or dice, they came into use in Sylla's time, who made
one at Præneste, in the temple of Fortune, which pavement remains to
be seen at this day.
It may be remarked here, that the Roman villa at Northleigh, in
Oxfordshire, examined and described by Mr. Hakewill, abounded with
beautiful pavements. The substratum of one of these, which had been
broken, was investigated, when it was found that the natural soil had
been removed to a depth of near seven feet, and the space filled up
with materials which bear a near resemblance to those which Pliny
recommends.
A specimen of the coarser sort of mosaic pavement is to be seen in the
Townley Gallery, in the British Museum.
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LITERATURE.
The perfection which the Greeks attained in literature and art is one
of the most striking features in the history of the people. Their
intellectual activity and their keen appreciation of the beautiful
constantly gave birth to new forms of creative genius. There was an
uninterrupted progress in the development of the Grecian mind from the
earliest dawn of the history of the people to the downfall of their
political independence, and each succeeding age saw the production of
some of those master works of genius which have been the models and
admiration of all subsequent time.
The poets were the popular writers of ancient Greece; prose writers
appear no earlier than the sixth century before the Christian era, at
which time the first literary prose essay was produced, for which
three contemporary authors claim the honor. The Greeks had arrived at
a high degree of civilization before they can be said to have
possessed a history of their own. Nations far behind them in
intellectual development have infinitely excelled them in this
respect. The imagination seems to have been entirely dazzled and
fascinated with the glories of the heroic ages, and to have taken but
little interest in the events which were daily passing around them.
Poetry constitutes the chief part of early Greek literature. We give
specimens of both Greek poetry and prose. We will not attempt to give
specimens of all, but only such as are considered, by common consent,
the best.
HOMER.
Seven cities have contested for the honor of the birth-place of Homer.
It is now generally agreed that he was born about 950 B.C., in the
City of Melesigenes.
It is not a little strange that nothing should be known with certainty
of the parentage or of the birth-place, or even of the era of the
greatest poet of antiquity, of him who, next to Milton, ranks as the
greatest epic poet of the world. In two respects, all the accounts
concerning him agree--that he had traveled much, and that he was
afflicted with blindness. From the first circumstance, it has been
inferred that he was either rich or enjoyed the patronage of the
wealthy; but this will not appear necessary when it is considered
that, in his time, journeys were usually performed on foot, and that
he probably traveled, with a view to his support, as an itinerant
musician or reciter. From most of the traditions respecting him, it
appears that he was poor, and it is to be feared that necessity,
rather than the mere desire of gratifying curiosity, prompted his
wanderings. All that has been advanced respecting the occasion of his
blindness is mere conjecture. Certain it is, that this misfortune
arose from accident or disease, and not from the operation of nature
at his birth; for the character of his compositions seems rather to
suppose him all eye, than destitute of sight; and if they were even
framed during his blindness, they form a glorious proof of the vivid
power of the imagination more than supplying the want of the bodily
organs, and not merely throwing a variety of its own tints over the
objects of nature, but presenting them to the mind in a clearer light
than could be shed over them by one whose powers of immediate vision
were perfectly free from blemish.
Of the incidents in the life of Homer, almost as little is known as
of his parentage and birth-place. However, the general account is that
he was for many years a school-master in Smyrna; that, being visited
by one Mentes, the commander of a Leucadian ship, he was induced by
him to leave his occupation and travel; that, in company with this
captain, he visited the various countries around the shores of the
Mediterranean, and at last was left at Ithaca, in consequence of a
weakness in his eyes. While in this island, he was entertained by a
man of fortune named Mentor, who narrated to him the stories upon
which afterwards the Odyssey was founded. On the return of Mentes, he
accompanied him to Colophon, where he became totally blind. He then
returned to Smyrna, and afterwards removed to Cyme (called also Cuma),
in Æolis, where he received great applause in the recitations of his
poems, but no pecuniary reward; the people alleging that they could
not maintain all the Homeroi, or _blind men_, and hence he obtained
the name of _Homer_. Thence he went about from place to place,
acquiring much wealth by his recitations, and died at the Island of
Ios, one of the Cyclades, where he was buried.
The works attributed to Homer consist of the two epic poems, the
_Iliad_ and the _Odyssey_, of twenty-four books each, the
_Batrachomyomachia_, or "Battle of the Frogs and Mice," a humorous,
mock-heroic poem, and somewhat of a parody on the _Iliad_; the
_Margites_, a satirical, personal satire, and about thirty _Hymns_.
All of these but the two great epics are now, however, considered as
spurious.
But it was left to modern skepticism (which seems to think that to
doubt shows a higher order of intellect than to believe on evidence)
to maintain the bold position that the "Iliad" and the "Odyssey" were
a collection of separate lays by different authors, arranged and put
together for the first time during the tyranny and by the order of
Pisistratus, at Athens, about 550 B.C. The chief supporters of this
theory are the celebrated German scholars, Wolf and Heyne, who
flourished about the year 1800.
Those who may desire to go into the subject fully will read Wolf's
"Prolegomena," and the strictures of his great opponent, G.W. Nitzsch;
but a succinct account of the argument may be found in Browne's
"Classical Literature," and in the "History of Greek Literature," by
Sir Thomas Noon Talfourd.
Even Wolf himself candidly declares that when he reads the "Iliad" he
finds such unity of design, such harmony of coloring, and such
consistency of character, that he is ready to give up his theories,
and to be angry with himself for doubting the common faith in the
personality of Homer.
Professor Felton, in his excellent edition of the "Iliad," thus
remarks in the preface: "For my part, I prefer to consider it, as we
have received it from ancient editors, as one poem, the work of one
author, and that author Homer--the first and greatest of minstrels. As
I understand the 'Iliad,' there is a unity of plan, a harmony of
parts, a consistency among the different situations of the same
character, which mark it as the production of one mind; but of a mind
as versatile as the forms of nature, the aspects of life, and the
combinations of powers, propensities and passions in man are various."
In these views, the literary world now very generally concurs.
"The hypothesis to which the antagonists of Homer's personality must
resort implies something more wonderful than the theory which they
impugn. They profess to cherish the deepest veneration for the genius
displayed in the poems. They agree, also, in the antiquity usually
assigned to them; and they make this genius and this antiquity the
arguments to prove that one man could not have composed them. They
suppose, then, that in a barbarous age, instead of one being
marvelously gifted, there were many; a mighty race of bards, such as
the world has never since seen--a number of miracles instead of one.
All experience is against this opinion. In various periods of the
world great men have arisen, under very different circumstances, to
astonish and delight it; but that the intuitive power should be so
strangely diffused, at any one period, among a great number, who
should leave no successors behind them, is unworthy of credit. And we
are requested to believe this to have occurred in an age which those
who maintain the theory regard as unfavorable to the poetic art! The
common theory, independent of other proofs, is _prima facie_ the most
probable. Since the early existence of the works can not be doubted,
it is easier to believe in one than in twenty Homers."--_Talfourd._
OPENING ARGUMENT OF THE ILIAD.
(_By Homer._)
Achilles' wrath, to Greece the direful spring
Of woes unnumbered, heavenly goddess sing!
That wrath which hurl'd to Pluto's gloomy reign
The souls of mighty chiefs untimely slain;
Whose limbs, unburied on the naked shore,
Devouring dogs and hungry vultures tore;
Since great Achilles and Atrides strove.
Such was the sov'reign doom, and such the will of Jove.
_Pope._
MINERVA ARMING HERSELF FOR BATTLE.
(_By Homer._)
Minerva wrapt her in the robe that curiously she wove
With glorious colors, as she sate on th' azure floor of Jove;
And wore the arms that he puts on, bent to the tearful field.
About her broad-spread shoulders hung his huge and horrid shield,
Fring'd round with ever-fighting snakes; though it was drawn to life
The miseries and deaths of fight; in it frown'd bloody Strife;
In it shin'd sacred Fortitude; in it fell Pursuit flew;
In it the monster Gorgon's head, in which held out to view
Were all the dire ostents of Jove; on her big head she plac'd
His four-plum'd glittering casque of gold, so admirably vast,
It would an hundred garrisons of soldiers comprehend.
Then to her shining chariot her vigorous feet ascend;
And in her violent hand she takes his grave, huge, solid lance,
With which the conquests of her wrath she useth to advance,
And overturn whole fields of men; to show she was the seed
Of him that thunders. Then heaven's queen, to urge her horses' speed,
Takes up the scourge, and forth they fly; the ample gates of heaven
Rung, and flew open of themselves; the charge whereof is given,
With all Olympus and the sky, to the distinguish'd Hours;
That clear or hide it all in clouds, or pour it down in showers.
This way their scourge-obeying horse made haste, and soon they won
The top of all the topful heavens, where aged Saturn's son
Sate severed from the other gods.
_Chapman's translation_, v.
PARTING OF HECTOR AND ANDROMACHE.
(_By Homer._)
Hector now pass'd, with sad presaging heart,
To seek his spouse, his soul's far dearer part;
At home he sought her, but he sought in vain:
She, with one maid of all her menial train,
Had thence retired; and with her second joy,
The young Astyanax, the hope of Troy:
Pensive she stood on Ilion's towery height,
Beheld the war, and sicken'd at the sight;
There her sad eyes in vain her lord explore,
Or weep the wounds her bleeding country bore.
Hector this heard, return'd without delay;
Swift through the town he trod his former way,
Through streets of palaces and walks of state,
And met the mourner at the Scæan gate.
With haste to meet him sprung the joyful fair,
His blameless wife, Aetion's wealthy heir.
[Illustration: ANCIENT AUTHORS.]
The nurse stood near, in whose embraces press'd,
His only hope hung smiling at her breast;
Whom each soft charm and early grace adorn,
Fair as the new-born star that gilds the morn.
Silent the warrior smiled, and pleased resign'd
To tender passions all his mighty mind:
His beauteous princess cast a mournful look,
Hung on his hand, and then dejected spoke;
Her bosom labor'd with a boding sigh,
And the big tear stood trembling in her eye.
"Too darling prince! ah, whither dost thou run?
Ah, too forgetful of thy wife and son!
And think'st thou not how wretched we shall be,
A widow I, a helpless orphan he!
For sure such courage length of life denies,
And thou must fall, thy virtues sacrifice.
Greece in her single heroes strove in vain;
Now hosts oppose thee, and thou must be slain!
Oh grant me, gods! ere Hector meets his doom,
All I can ask of heaven, an early tomb!
So shall my days in one sad tenor run,
And end with sorrows as they first begun.
No parent now remains my griefs to share,
No father's aid, no mother's tender care.
The fierce Achilles wrapp'd our walls in fire,
Laid Thebe waste, and slew my warlike sire!
By the same arm my seven brave brothers fell,
In one sad day beheld the gates of hell.
My mother lived to bear the victor's bands,
The queen of Hippoplacia's sylvan lands.
Yet, while my Hector still survives, I see
My father, mother, brethren, all in thee:
Alas! my parents, brothers, kindred, all
Once more will perish, if my Hector fall.
Thy wife, thy infant, in thy danger share:
O, prove a husband's and a father's care!
That quarter most the skillful Greeks annoy
Where yon wild fig-trees join the walls of Troy;
Thou from this tower defend the important post;
There Agamemnon points his dreadful host,
That pass Tydides, Ajax, strive to gain.
And there the vengeful Spartan fires his train.
Thrice our bold foes the fierce attack have given,
Or led by hopes, or dictated from heaven.
Let others in the field their arms employ,
But stay my Hector here, and guard his Troy."
The chief replied: "That post shall be my care,
Nor that alone, but all the works of war.
How would the sons of Troy, in arms renown'd,
And Troy's proud dames, whose garments sweep the ground,
Attaint the lustre of my former name,
Should Hector basely quit the field of fame?
My early youth was bred to martial pains,
My soul impels me to the embattled plains;
Let me be foremost to defend the throne,
And guard my father's glories and my own.
Yet come it will, the day decreed by fates;
(How my heart trembles while my tongue relates!)
The day when thou, imperial Troy! must bend,
Must see thy warriors fall, thy glories end.
And yet no dire presage so wounds my mind,
My mother's death, the ruin of my kind,
Not Priam's hoary hairs defiled with gore,
Not all my brothers gasping on the shore,
As thine, Andromache! thy griefs I dread;
I see the trembling, weeping, captive led!
In Argive looms our battles to design,
And woes of which so large a part was thine!
To bear the victor's hard commands, or bring
The weight of waters from Hyperia's spring.
There, while you groan beneath the load of life,
They cry, 'Behold the mighty Hector's wife!'
Some haughty Greek, who lives thy tears to see,
Embitters all thy woes by naming me.
The thoughts of glory past, and present shame,
A thousand griefs shall waken at the name!
May I lie cold before that dreadful day,
Press'd with a load of monumental clay!
Thy Hector, wrapt in everlasting sleep,
Shall neither hear thee sigh, nor see thee weep."
Thus having spoke, the illustrious chief of Troy
Stretch'd his fond arms to clasp the lovely boy.
The babe clung crying to his nurse's breast,
Scared at the dazzling helm and nodding crest.
With secret pleasure each fond parent smiled,
And Hector hasted to relieve his child;
The glittering terrors from his brows unbound,
And placed the gleaming helmet on the ground.
Then kiss'd the child, and, lifting high in air,
Thus to the gods preferr'd a father's prayer:--
"O, thou whose glory fills the ethereal throne!
And all ye deathless powers, protect my son!
Grant him, like me, to purchase just renown,
To guard the Trojans, to defend the crown;
Against his country's foes the war to wage,
And rise the Hector of the future age!
So when, triumphant from successful toils
Of heroes slain, he bears the reeking spoils,
Whole hosts may hail him with deserved acclaim,
And say, 'This chief transcends his father's fame;'
While pleased, amidst the general shouts of Troy,
His mother's conscious heart o'erflows with joy."
He spoke, and fondly gazing on her charms,
Restored the pleasing burden to her arms;
Soft on her fragrant breast the babe he laid,
Hush'd to repose, and with a smile survey'd.
The troubled pleasure soon chastised by fear.
She mingled with the smile a tender tear.
The soften'd chief with kind compassion view'd,
And dried the falling drops, and thus pursued:--
"Andromache, my soul's far better part,
Why with untimely sorrows heaves thy heart?
No hostile hand can antedate my doom,
Till fate condemns me to the silent tomb.
Fix'd is the term to all the race of earth;
And such the hard condition of our birth,
No force can then resist, no flight can save,
All sink alike, the fearful and the brave.
No more--but hasten to thy tasks at home,
There guide the spindle, and direct the loom:
Me glory summons to the martial scene,
The field of combat is the sphere for men;
Where heroes war, the foremost place I claim,
The first in danger, as the first in fame."
Thus having said, the glorious chief resumes
His towery helmet black with shading plumes.
His princess parts, with a prophetic sigh,
Unwilling parts, and oft reverts her eye,
That stream'd at every look; then, moving slow,
Sought her own palace, and indulged her woe.
There, while her tears deplored the god-like man,
Through all her train the soft infection ran.
The pious maids their mingled sorrows shed,
And mourn the living Hector as the dead.
_Pope_, _Iliad_, vi.
THE RACE OF MAN.
(_By Homer._)
Like leaves on trees the race of man is found,
Now green in youth, now withering on the ground;
Another race the following spring supplies;
They fall successive, and successive rise:
So generations in their course decay;
So flourish these when those are past away.
_Pope_, _Iliad_, vi.
COUNCIL OF THE GODS.
(_By Homer._)
Aurora now, fair daughter of the dawn,
Sprinkled with rosy light the dewy lawn;
When Jove convened the senate of the skies,
Where high Olympus' cloudly tops arise.
The Sire of Gods his awful silence broke,
The heavens attentive trembled as he spoke:--
"Celestial states, immortal gods, give ear!
Hear our decree, and reverence what ye hear;
The fix'd decree, which not all heaven can move;
Thou, Fate, fulfill it; and ye, Powers, approve!
What god but enters yon forbidden field,
Who yields assistance, or but wills to yield,
Back to the skies with shame he shall be driven,
Gash'd with dishonest wounds, the scorn of heaven:
Or far, oh far, from steep Olympus thrown,
Low in the dark Tartarean gulf shall groan,
With burning chains fix'd to the brazen floors,
And lock'd by hell's inexorable doors;
As deep beneath the infernal center hurl'd,
As from that center to the ethereal world.
Let him who tempts me dread those dire abodes,
And know the Almighty is the god of gods.
League all your forces, then, ye powers above,
Join all, and try the omnipotence of Jove:
Let down our golden everlasting chain,
Whose strong embrace holds heaven, and earth, and main;
Strive all, of mortal and immortal birth,
To drag, by this, the Thunderer down to earth:
Ye strive in vain! If I but stretch this hand,
I heave the gods, the ocean, and the land;
I fix the chain to great Olympus' height,
And the vast world hangs trembling in my sight!
For such I reign, unbounded and above;
And such are men and gods, compared to Jove."
_Pope_, _Iliad_, viii.
NIGHT-SCENE.
(_By Homer._)
The troops exulting sat in order round,
And beaming fires illumined all the ground.
As when the moon, refulgent lamp of night!
O'er heaven's clear azure spreads her sacred light,
When not a breath disturbs the deep serene,
And not a cloud o'ercasts the solemn scene;
Around her throne the vivid planets roll,
And stars unnumber'd gild the glowing pole,
O'er the dark trees a yellower verdure shed,
And tip with silver every mountain's head;
Then shine the vales, the rocks in prospect rise,
A flood of glory bursts from all the skies:
The conscious swains, rejoicing in the sight,
Eye the blue vault, and bless the useful light.
So many flames before proud Ilion blaze,
And lighten glimmering Xanthus with their rays:
The long reflections of the distant fires
Gleam on the walls, and tremble on the spires.
_Pope_, _Iliad_, viii.
HATEFULNESS OF WAR.
(_By Homer._)
Cursed is the man, and void of law and right,
Unworthy property, unworthy light,
Unfit for public rule, or private care;
That wretch, that monster, who delights in war:
Whose lust is murder, and whose horrid joy
To tear his country, and his kind destroy!
_Pope_, _Iliad_, ix.
FALSEHOOD.
(_By Homer._)
Who dares think one thing, and another tell,
My heart detests him as the gates of hell.
_Pope_, _Iliad_, ix.
SHOWERS OF ARROWS.
(_By Homer._)
As the feathery snows
Fall frequent on some wintry day, when Jove
Hath risen to shed them on the race of man,
And show his arrowy stores; he lulls the wind
Then shakes them down continual, covering thick
Mountain tops, promontories, flowery meads,
And cultured valleys rich, and ports and shores
Along the margined deep; but there the wave
Their further progress stays; while all besides
Lies whelm'd beneath Jove's fast-descending shower;
So thick, from side to side, by Trojans hurled
Against the Greeks, and by the Greeks returned,
The stony volleys flew.
_Cowper_, _Iliad_, xii.
PRIAM BEGGING THE BODY OF HECTOR.
(_By Homer._)
"Think, O Achilles, semblance of the gods,
On thine own father, full of days like me.
And trembling on the gloomy verge of life.
Some neighbor chief, it may be, even now
Oppresses him, and there is none at hand,
No friend to succor him in his distress.
Yet, doubtless, hearing that Achilles lives,
He still rejoices, hoping day by day,
That one day he shall see the face again
Of his own son, from distant Troy returned.
But me no comfort cheers, whose bravest sons,
So late the flowers of Ilium, are all slain.
When Greece came hither, I had fifty sons;
But fiery Mars hath thinn'd them. One I had,
One, more than all my sons, the strength of Troy,
Whom, standing for his country, thou hast slain--
Hector. His body to redeem I come
Into Achaia's fleet, bringing myself,
Ransom inestimable to thy tent.
Rev'rence the gods, Achilles! recollect
Thy father; for his sake compassion show
To me, more pitiable still, who draw
Home to my lips (humiliation yet
Unseen on earth) his hand who slew my son!"
So saying, he waken'd in his soul regret
Of his own sire; softly he placed his hand
On Priam's hand, and pushed him gently away,
Remembrance melted both. Rolling before
Achilles' feet, Priam his son deplored,
Wide-slaughtering Hector, and Achilles wept
By turns his father, and by turns his friend
Patroclus: sounds of sorrow fill'd the tent.
_Cowper_, _Iliad_, xxiv.
HELEN'S LAMENTATION OVER HECTOR.
(_By Homer._)
Grief fell on all around;
Then Helen thus breathed forth her plaintive sound:--
"Hector, to Helen's soul more lov'd than all
Whom I in Ilion's walls dare brother call,
Since Paris here to Troy his consort led,
Who in the grave had found a happier bed.
'Tis now, since here I came, the twentieth year,
Since left my land, and all I once held dear:
But never from that hour has Helen heard
From thee a harsh reproach or painful word;
But if thy kindred blam'd me, if unkind
The queen e'er glanc'd at Helen's fickle mind--
(For Priam, still benevolently mild,
Look'd on me as a father views his child)--
Thy gentle speech, thy gentleness of soul,
Would by thine own, their harsher minds control.
Hence, with a heart by torturing misery rent,
Thee and my hapless self I thus lament;
For no kind eye in Troy on Helen rests,
But who beholds me shudders and detests."
_Sotheby_, _Iliad_, xxi.
We will here give a few pages of the history of the Trojan war, giving
some of the characters, subjects, etc., referred to in the preceding
poems in a prose story.
PARIS.
There was sorrow, instead of gladness, in the halls of Priam, because
a son was born unto him, and because the lady Hecuba had dreamed a
dream, from which the seers knew that the child should bring ruin on
the Ilion land. So his mother looked with cold, unloving eyes on the
babe as he lay weak and helpless in his cradle, and Priam bade them
take the child and leave him on rugged Ida, for the fountain of his
love was closed against him.
For five days the dew fell on the babe by night, and the sun shone
fiercely on him by day, as he lay on the desolate hill-side, and the
shepherd who placed him there to sleep the sleep of death looked upon
the child and said, "He sleeps as babes may slumber on silken couches;
the gods will it not that he should die." So he took him to his home,
and the child grew up with ruddy cheek and nimble feet, brave and
hardy, so that none might be matched with him for strength and beauty.
The fierce wolves came not near the flocks while Paris kept guard near
the fold, the robber lurked not near the homestead when Paris sat by
the hearth. So all sang of his strength and his great deeds, and they
called him Alexandros, the helper of men.
Many years he tended the flocks on woody Ida, but Priam, his father,
dwelt in Ilion, and thought not to see his face again, and he said
within himself, "Surely my child is long since dead, and no feast has
been given to the gods that Paris may dwell in peace in the dark
kingdom of Hades." Then he charged his servants to fetch him a bull
from the herd, which might be given to the man who should conquer in
the games, and they chose out one which Paris loved above all others
that he drove out to pasture. So he followed the servants of Priam in
grief and anger, and he stood forth and strove with his brethren in
the games, and in all of them Paris was the conqueror. Then one of his
brothers was moved with wrath, and lifted up his sword against him,
but Paris fled to the altar of Zeus, and the voice of Cassandra, his
sister, was heard saying, "O blind of eye and heart, see ye not that
this is Paris, whom ye sent to sleep the sleep of death on woody Ida?"
But Paris would not dwell in the sacred Ilion, for he loved not those
who sought to slay him while he was yet a helpless child, and again he
tended the flocks on the wide plains and up the rough hillsides.
Strong he was of limb and stout of heart, and his face shone with a
marvelous beauty, so that they who saw it thought him fair as the
bright heroes. There, as he wandered in the woody dells of Ida, he saw
and wooed the beautiful Œnone, the child of the river-god, Kebren.
Many a time he sat with the maiden by the side of the stream, and the
sound of their voices was mingled with the soft murmur of the waters.
He talked to her of love, and Œnone looked up with a wondrous joy into
his beautiful face, when the morning dew glistened white upon the
grass and when the evening star looked out upon the pale sky.
So was Paris wedded to Œnone, and the heart of the maiden was full of
happiness, for none was braver or more gentle--none so stout of heart,
so lithe of limb, so tender and loving as Paris. Thus passed the days
away in a swift dream of joy, for Œnone thought not of the change that
was coming.
There was feasting and mirth among the gods and men, for the brave
Peleus had won Thetis, the maiden of the sea, for his bride; and she
rose from the depths of her coral caves to go to his home in Phthia.
The banquet was spread in his ancient hall, and the goblets sparkled
with the dark wine, for all the gods had come down from Olympus to
share the feast in the house of Peleus. Only Eris was not bidden, for
she was the child of War and Hatred, and they feared to see her face
in the hours of laughter and mirth; but her evil heart rested not till
she found a way to avenge herself for the wrong which they had done to
her.
The gods were listening to the song of Phœbus Apollo as he made sweet
music on the strings of his harp, when a golden apple was cast upon
the table before them. They knew not whence it came, only they saw
that it was to be a gift for the fairest in that great throng, for so
was it written on the apple. Then the joy of the feast was gone, and
the music of the song ceased, for there was a strife which should have
the golden prize; and Here, the Queen, said, "The gods themselves do
obeisance to me when I enter the halls of Olympus, and men sing of the
glory of my majesty; therefore must the gift be mine." But Athene
answered, and said, "Knowledge and goodness are better things than
power; mine is the worthier title." Then the fair Aphrodite lifted her
white arm, and a smile of triumph passed over her face as she said, "I
am the child of love and beauty, and the stars danced in the heaven
for joy as I sprang from the sea foam; I dread not the contest, for to
me alone must the golden gift be given."
So the strife waxed hot in the banquet hall, till Zeus spake with a
loud voice, and said, "It needs not to strive now. Amid the pine
forest of Ida dwells Paris, the fairest of the sons of men; let him
be judge, and the apple shall be hers to whom he shall give it." Then
Hermes rose and led them quickly over land and sea, to go to the rough
hillside where Paris wooed and won Œnone.
Presently the messenger of Zeus stood before Paris, and said, "Fairest
of the sons of men, there is strife among the undying gods, for Here
and Aphrodite and Athene seek each to have the golden apple which must
be given to her who is most fair. Judge thou, therefore, between them
when they come, and give peace again to the halls of Zeus."
In a dream of joy and love Œnone sate by the river-side, and she
looked on her own fair face, which was shown to her in a still calm
pool where the power of the stream came not, and she said to herself,
"The gods are kind, for they have given to me a better gift than that
of beauty, for the love of Paris sheds for me a wondrous beauty over
the heaven above and the broad earth beneath." Then came Paris, and
said, "See, Œnone, dearest child of the bright waters, Zeus hath
called me to be judge in a weighty matter. Hither are coming Here, the
Queen, and Aphrodite and Athene, seeking each the golden apple which
must be given to her alone who is the fairest. Yet go not away, Œnone;
the broad vine leaves have covered our summer bower; there tarry and
listen to the judgment, where none may see thee."
So Paris sat in judgment, and Here spake to him, and said, "I know I
am the fairest, for none other has beauty and majesty like mine.
Hearken, then, to me, and I will give thee power to do great deeds
among the sons of men, and a name which the minstrels shall sing of
among those who shall be born in long time to come." But Athene
answered, "Heed not her words, O Paris. Thy hand is strong and thy
heart is pure, and the men among whom thou dwellest honor thee even
now because thou hast done them good. There are better things than
power and high renown; and if thou wilt hearken to me, I will give
thee wisdom and strength; and pure love shall be thine, and the memory
of happy days when thou drawest near to the dark land of Hades."
Then Paris thought that he heard the voice of Œnone, and it seemed to
whisper to him, "Wisdom and right are better than power, give it to
Athene." But Aphrodite gazed upon him with laughing eyes, as she came
up closer to his side. Her dark curls fell waving over his shoulder,
and he felt the breath from her rosy lips, as she laid her hand on his
arm and whispered softly in his ear, "I talk not to thee of my beauty,
for it may be thou seest that I am very fair, but hearken to me, and I
will give thee for thy wife the fairest of all the daughters of men."
But Paris answered, "I need not thy gift, O child of the bright sea
foam, for fairer wife than Œnone no mortal man may hope to have. Yet
art thou the fairest of all the daughters of the undying gods, and the
gift of the fairest is thine."
So he placed the golden apple in the palm of her snow-white hand, and
the touch of her slender fingers thrilled through the heart of Paris
as she parted from him with smiling lip and laughing eye. But Here,
the Queen, and Athene, the virgin child of Zeus, went away displeased,
and evermore their wrath lay heavy on the city and land of Ilion.
Then went Paris to Œnone, and he twined his arms around her and said,
"Didst thou see the dark countenance of the lady Here when I gave to
the fairest the gift which the fairest alone may have? Yet what care I
for the wrath of Here and Athene? One smile from the lips of Aphrodite
is better than their favor for a whole life long." But Œnone answered
sadly, "I would that thou mayest speak truly, Paris; yet in my eyes
the lady Athene is fairer far, and Aphrodite is ever false as fair."
Then Paris clasped her closer in his arms and kissed her pale cheek,
and said nothing.
[Illustration: LIBRARY OF HERCULANEUM.]
But the fierce wrath of Eris was not ended yet. Far away in the
western land, there was sore famine in the kingdom of the mighty
Menelaus, the people died by the wayside, and the warriors had no
strength to go forth to the battle or the huntsmen to the chase. Many
times they sought to know the will of the gods, but they heard only
dark words for answers, till Phœbus Apollo said that the famine should
never cease from the land until they brought from Ilion the bones of
the children of Prometheus, whom Zeus bound on the desolate crags of
Caucasus. So Menelaus, the King, departed from his home and went to
the city of Priam. There he saw the beautiful Paris, and took him to
the Spartan land, for he said that Paris should return home rich and
wealthy. So Paris believed his words, and sailed with him over the
wide sea. Long time he abode in Sparta, and day by day he saw the lady
Helen in the halls of Menelaus. At the first he thought within
himself, "I would that Œnone were here to see the wife of Menelaus,
for surely she is fairer than aught else on the earth." But soon he
thought less and less of Œnone, who was sorrowing for his long sojourn
in the strange land, as she wandered amid the pine forests of woody
Ida.
Quickly sped the days for Paris, for his heart was filled with a
strange love, and the will of Eris was being accomplished within him.
He thought not of Œnone and her lonely wanderings on heathy Ida; he
cared not for the kindly deeds of Menelaus; and so it came to pass
that, when Menelaus was far away, Paris spoke words of evil love to
Helen and beguiled her to leave her home. Stealthily they fled away,
and sailed over the sea till they came to the Ilion land; and Helen
dwelt with Paris in the house of his father, Priam.
But Œnone mourned for the love which she had lost, and her tears fell
into the gentle stream of Kebren as she sat on its grassy banks. "Ah
me," she said, "my love hath been stung by Aphrodite. O Paris, Paris!
hast thou forgotten all thy words? Here thine arms were clasped around
me, and here, as thy lips were pressed to mine, thou didst say that
the wide earth had for thee no living thing so fair as Œnone. Sure am
I that Helen hath brought to thee only a false joy; for her heart is
not thine as the heart of a maiden when it is given to her first
love; and sure am I, too, that Helen is not a fairer wife than I, for
my heart is all thine, and the beauty of woman is marred when she
yields herself to a lawless love. But the cloud is gathering round
thee; and I am sprung from the race of the gods, and mine eyes are
opened to behold the things that willingly I would not see. I see the
waters black with ships, and the hosts of the Achaians gathered round
the walls of Ilion. I see the moons roll round, while thy people
strive in vain against the wrath of Here and the might of the son of
Peleus; and far away I see the flames that shall burn the sacred
Ilion. I see thy father smitten down in his own hall, and the spear
that shall drink thy life-blood. Ah me! for the doom that is coming,
and for the pleasant days when we loved and wandered among the dells
of Ida."
So Paris dwelt with Helen in the house of Priam; but men said, "This
is no more the brave Alexandros," for he lay at ease on silken
couches, and his spear and shield hung idle on the wall. For him the
wine sparkled in the goblet while the sun rose high in the heavens,
and he cared only to listen to the voice of Helen, or the minstrels
who sang of the love and the bowers of laughter-loving Aphrodite. And
Helen sat by his side in sullen mood, for she thought of the former
days and of the evil which she had done to the good King Menelaus.
Then there came into her heart a deep hatred for Paris, and she
loathed him for his false words and his fond looks, as he lay quaffing
the wine and taking his rest by day and by night upon the silken
couches.
But throughout the streets of Ilion there was hurrying and shouting of
armed men, and terror and cries of women and children; for the hosts
of the Achaians were come to take vengeance for the wrongs of
Menelaus. Yet Paris heeded not the prayers of his brethren, that he
should send back Helen; so she tarried by his side in his gilded
chambers, and he went not forth to the battle, till all men reviled
him for his evil love, because he had forsaken the fair Œnone.
So for Paris fell the mighty Hector; for him died the brave Sarpedon;
and the women of Ilion mourned for their husbands who were smitten
down by the Achaian warriors. Fiercer and fiercer grew the strife, for
Here and Athene fought against the men of Troy, and no help came from
the laughter-loving Aphrodite.
Many times the years went round, while yet the Achaians strove to take
the city of Priam, till at last for very shame Paris took from the
wall his spear and shield, and went forth to the battle, but the
strength of his heart and of his arm was gone, and he trembled at the
fierce war-cries, as a child trembles at the roaring of the storm.
Then before the walls of Ilion there was fiercer strife, and the
bodies of the slain lay in heaps upon the battle plain. Faint and
weary, the people of Priam were shut up within the walls, until the
Achaians burst into the gates and gave the city to sword and flame.
Then the cry of men and women went up to the high heaven, and the
blood ran in streams upon the ground. With a mighty blaze rose up the
flames of the burning city, and the dream of Paris was ended.
Fast he fled from the wrath of Menelaus, and he cared not to look back
on the Argive Helen or the slaughter of his kinsfolk and his people.
But the arrow of Philoctetes came hissing through the air, and the
barb was fixed in the side of Paris. Hastily he drew it from the
wound, but the weapons of Herakles failed not to do their work, and
the poison sped through his burning veins. Onwards he hastened to the
pine forests of Ida, but his limbs trembled beneath him, and he sank
down as he drew nigh to the grassy bank where he had tended his flocks
in the former days. "Ah, Œnone," he said, "the evil dream is over, and
thy voice comes back to mine ear, soft and loving as when I wooed and
won thee among the dells of Ida. Thou hearest me not, Œnone, or else
I know that, forgiving all the wrong, thou wouldst hasten to help me."
And even as he spoke Œnone stood before him, fair and beautiful as in
the days that were past. The glory as of the pure evening time was
shed upon her face, and her eye glistened with the light of an undying
love. Then she laid her hand upon him and said, gently, "Dost thou
know me, Paris? I am the same Œnone whom thou didst woo in the dells
of woody Ida. My grief hath not changed me, but thou art not the same,
O Paris, for thy love hath wandered far away, and thou hast yielded
thyself long to an evil dream." But Paris said, "I have wronged thee,
Œnone, fairest and sweetest, and what may atone for the wrong? The
fire burns in my veins, my head reels, and mine eye is dim; look but
upon me once, that thinking on our ancient love, I may fall asleep and
die."
Then Œnone knelt by the side of Paris, and saw the wound which the
arrow of Philoctetes had made; but soon she knew that neither gods nor
men could stay the poison with which Herakles had steeped his mighty
weapons. There she knelt, but Paris spoke not more. The coldness of
death passed over him as Œnone looked down upon his face and thought
of the days when they lived and loved amid the dells of Ida.
Long time she knelt by his side, until the stars looked forth in the
sky. Then Œnone said, "O Eris, well hast thou worked thy will, and
well hath Aphrodite done thy bidding. O Paris, we have loved and
suffered, but I never did thee wrong, and now I follow thee to the
dark land of Hades."
Presently the flame shot up to heaven from the funeral pile of Paris,
and Œnone lay down to rest on the fiery couch by his side.
ACHILLES.
Nine years the Achaians had fought against Ilion to avenge the wrongs
and woes of Helen, and still the war went on, and only the words of
Kalchas, which he spoke long ago in Aulis, cheered them with the hope
that the day of vengeance was near at hand. For strife had arisen
between the King, Agamemnon, and the mighty son of Peleus, and it
seemed to the men of Argos that all their toil must be for naught. In
fierce anger Achilles vowed a vow that he would go forth no more to
the battle, and he sat in sullen silence within his tent, or wandered
gloomily along the sea-shore. With fresh courage the hosts of the
Trojans poured out from their walls when they knew that Achilles
fought no more on the side of the Achaians, and the chieftains sought
in vain for his help when the battle went against them. Then the face
of the war was changed, for the men of Ilion came forth from their
city, and shut up the Achaians within their camp, and fought fiercely
to take the ships. Many a chief and warrior was smitten down, and
still Achilles sat within his tent, nursing his great wrath, and
reviling all who came before him with gifts and prayers.
But dearer than all others to the child of the sea-nymph, Thetis, was
Patroclus, the son of Menœtius, and the heart of Achilles was touched
with pity when he saw the tears stream down his face, and he said,
"Dear friend, tell me thy grief, and hide nothing from me. Hast thou
evil tidings from our home at Phthia, or weepest thou for the troubles
which vex us here?" Then Patroclus spoke out boldly, and said, "Be not
angry at my words, Achilles. The strength of the Argives is wasted
away, and the mightiest of their chieftains lie wounded or dead around
their ships. They call thee the child of Peleus and of Thetis, but men
will say that thou art sprung from the rugged rocks and the barren
sea, if thou seest thy people undone and liftest not an arm to help
them." Then Achilles answered, "My friend, the vow is on me, and I can
not go, but put thou on my armor and go forth to the battle. Only take
heed to my words, and go not in my chariot against the City of Ilion.
Drive our enemies from the ships, and let them fight in the plain, and
then do thou come back to my tent."
Then the hearts of the Achaians were cheered, for next to Achilles
there was not in all the host a warrior more brave and mighty than
Patroclus. At his word the Myrmidons started up from their long rest,
and hastily snatched their arms to follow him to the battle. Presently
Patroclus came forth. The glistening helmet of Achilles was on his
head, and his armor was girt around his body. Only he bore not his
mighty spear, for no mortal man might wield that spear in battle but
Achilles. Before the tent stood the chariot, and harnessed to it were
the horses, Xanthos and Balios, who grow not old nor die.
So Patroclus departed for the fight, and Achilles went into his tent,
and as he poured out the dark wine from a golden goblet, he prayed to
Zeus, and said, "O thou that dwellest far away in Dodona, where the
Selloi do thy bidding and proclaim thy will, give strength and victory
to Patroclus, my friend. Let him drive the men of Ilion from the ships
and come back safe to me after the battle." But Zeus heard the prayer
in part only, for the doom was that Achilles should see Patroclus
alive no more.
Then the hosts of the Trojans trembled as Patroclus drew nigh on the
chariot of Achilles, and none dared to go forth against him. Onward
sped the undying horses, and wherever they went the ground was red
with the blood of the Trojans who were smitten down by his spear. Then
Sarpedon, the great chief of the Lykians, spake to Glaucus, and said,
"O friend, I must go forth and do battle with Patroclus. The people
fall beneath his sword, and it is not fit that the chieftains should
be backward in the strife." But the doom of Sarpedon was sealed, and
presently his body lay lifeless on the ground, while the men of Argos
and of Ilion fought for his glittering arms.
Then the doom came on Patroclus also, for Phœbus Apollo fought against
him in the battle, and in the dust was rolled the helmet which no
enemy had touched when it rested on the head of Achilles. Before him
flashed the spear of Hector, as he said, "The hour of thy death is
come, Patroclus, and the aid of Achilles can not reach thee now." But
Patroclus said only, "It is thy time for boasting now; wait yet a
little while, and the sword of Achilles shall drink thy life-blood."
So Patroclus died, and there was a fierce fight over his body, and
many fell on both sides, until there was a great heap of dead around
it. But away from the fight, the horses Xanthos and Balios wept for
their charioteer, and they would not stir with the chariot, but stood
fixed firm as pillars on the ground, till Zeus looked down in pity on
them, and said, "Was it for this that I gave you to Peleus, the
chieftain of Phthia--horses who can not grow old or die, to a mortal
man, the most wretched thing that crawls upon the earth? But fear not;
no enemy shall lay hands on the chariot of Achilles, or on the
immortal horses which bear it. Your limbs shall be filled with new
strength, and ye shall fly like birds across the battle-field till ye
come to the tent of your master." Then the horses wept no more, but
swift as eagles they bore Automedon through the fight, while Hector
and his people strove fiercely to seize them. At last the battle was
over, and, while the Achaians bore the body of Patroclus to the ships,
Antilochus, the son of Nestor, went to the tent of Achilles, and said,
"Thy friend is slain, and Hector has his armor."
Then the dark cloud of woe fell on the soul of Achilles. In a fierce
grief he threw earth with both hands into the air, and rent his
clothes, and lay down weeping in the dust. Far away in her coral caves
beneath the sea Thetis heard the deep groans of her child, and, like a
white mist, she rose from the waters and went to comfort him; and she
said, "Why weepest thou, my son? When Agamemnon did thee wrong, thou
didst pray that the Achaians might sorely need thy aid in the battle,
and thy wish has been accomplished. So may it be again." But Achilles
answered, "Of what profit is it to me, my mother, that my prayer has
been heard, since Patroclus, my friend, is slain, and Hector has my
armor? One thing only remains to me now. I will slay Hector and avenge
the slaughter of Patroclus." Then the tears ran down the cheeks of
Thetis as she said, "Then is thine own doom accomplished, for when
thou slayest Hector, thou hast not many days to live," "So then let it
be," said Achilles; "the mighty Herakles tasted of death; therefore
let me die also, so only Hector dies before me."
Then Thetis sought no more to turn him from his purpose, but she went
to the house of Hephaistos to get armor for her child in place of that
which Hector had taken from Patroclus. And Achilles vowed a vow that
twelve sons of the Trojans should be slain at the grave of his friend,
and that Hector should die before the funeral rites were done. Then
Agamemnon sent him gifts, and spake kindly words, so that the strife
between them might end, and Achilles now go forth to fight for the
Achaians. So, in the armor which Hephaistos had wrought at the prayer
of Thetis, he mounted his chariot, and bade his horses bring him back
safe from the battle-field. Then the horse Xanthos bowed his head, and
the long tresses of his mane flowed down to the earth as he made
answer, "We will in very truth save thee, O mighty Achilles; but thy
doom is near at hand, and the fault rests not with us now, or when we
left Patroclus dead on the battle-field, for Phœbus Apollo slew him
and gave the glory and the arms to Hector." And Achilles said, "Why
speak to me of evil omens? I know that I shall see my father and my
mother again no more; but if I must die in a strange land, I will
first take my fill of vengeance."
Then the war-cry of Achilles was heard again, and a mighty life was
poured into the hearts of the Achaians, as they seized their arms at
the sound. Thick as withering leaves in autumn fell the Trojans
beneath his unerring spear. Chief after chief was smitten down, until
their hosts fell in terror within the walls of Ilion. Only Hector
awaited his coming, but the shadow of death was stealing over him, for
Phœbus Apollo had forsaken the great champion of Troy because Zeus so
willed it. So in the strife the strength of Hector failed, and he sank
down on the earth. The foot of Achilles rested on his breast, and the
spear's point was on his neck, while Hector said, "Slay me if thou
wilt, but give back my body to my people. Let not the beasts of the
field devour it, and rich gifts shall be thine from my father and my
mother for this kindly deed." But the eyes of Achilles flashed with a
deadly hatred, as he answered, "Were Priam to give me thy weight in
gold, it should not save thy carcass from the birds and dogs." And
Hector said, "I thought not to persuade thee, for thy heart is made of
iron, but see that thou pay not the penalty for thy deed on the day
when Paris and Phœbus Apollo shall slay thee at the Scæan gates of
Ilion." Then the life-blood of Hector reddened the ground as Achilles
said, "Die, wretch! My fate I will meet in the hour when it may please
the undying gods to send it."
But not yet was the vengeance of Achilles accomplished. At his feet
lay Hector dead, but the rage in his heart was fierce as ever, and he
tied the body to his chariot and dragged it furiously, till none who
looked on it could say, "This was the brave and noble Hector." But
things more fearful still came afterwards, for the funeral rites were
done to Patroclus, and twelve sons of the Trojans were slain in the
mighty sacrifice. Still the body of Hector lay on the ground, and the
men of Ilion sought in vain to redeem it from Achilles. But Phœbus
Apollo came down to guard it, and he spread over it his golden shield
to keep away all unseemly things. At last the King, Priam, mounted his
chariot, for he said, "Surely he will not scorn the prayer of a father
when he begs the body of his son." Then Zeus sent Hermes to guide the
old man to the tent of Achilles, so that none others of the Achaians
might see him. Then he stood before the man who had slain his son, and
he kissed his hands, and said, "Hear my prayer, Achilles. Thy father
is an old man like me, but he hopes one day to see thee come back with
great glory from Ilion. My sons are dead, and none had braver sons in
Troy than I; and Hector, the flower and pride of all, has been smitten
by thy spear. Fear the gods, Achilles, and pity me for the remembrance
of thy father, for none has ever dared like me to kiss the hand of the
man who has slain his son." So Priam wept for his dear child, Hector,
and the tears flowed down the cheeks of Achilles as he thought of his
father, Peleus, and his friend, Patroclus, and the cry of their
mourning went up together.
So the body of Hector was borne back to Ilion, and a great sacrifice
was done to the gods beneath the earth, that Hector might be welcomed
in the kingdom of Hades and Persephone. But the time drew nigh that
the doom of Achilles must be accomplished, and the spear of Phœbus
Apollo pierced his heart as they fought near the Scæan gates of Ilion.
In the dust lay the body of Achilles, while the Achaians fought the
whole day around it, till a mighty storm burst forth from the heaven.
Then they carried it away to the ships, and placed it on a couch, and
washed it in pure water. And once more from her coral caves beneath
the sea rose the silver-footed Thetis, and the cry of the nymphs who
followed her filled the air, so that the Achaians who heard it
trembled, and would have fled to the ships, but Nestor, the wise chief
of the Pylians, said, "Flee not, ye Argives, for those come to mourn
for the dead Achilles." So Thetis stood weeping by the body of her
child, and the nymphs wrapped it in shining robes. Many days and
nights they wept and watched around it, until at last they raised a
great pile of wood on the sea-shore, and the flame went up to heaven.
Then they gathered up the ashes, and placed them, with the ashes of
Patroclus, in a golden urn which Hephaistos wrought and gave to
Dionysus, and over it they raised a great cairn on the shore of the
Sea of Helle, that men might see it afar off as they sailed on the
broad waters.
THE VENGEANCE OF ODYSSEUS.
A fair breeze filled the sail of the Phæakian ship in which Odysseus
lay asleep as in the dreamless slumber of the dead. The wild music of
the waves rose on the air as the bark sped on its glistening pathway,
but their murmur reached not the ear of the wanderer, for the spell of
Athene was upon him, and all his cares and griefs were for a little
while forgotten.
The dawn light was stealing across the eastern sky when the good ship
rode into the haven of the sea-god, Phorkys, and rested without anchor
or cable beneath the rocks which keep off the breath of the harsh
winds. At the head of the little bay a broad-leaved olive tree spread
its branches in front of a cave where the sea nymphs wove their
beautiful purple robes. Gently the sailors raised Odysseus in their
arms; gently they bore him from the ship, and placed him on the land
with the gifts which Alkinous and Arete and Naosikaa had given to him
when he set off to go to Ithaka. So the Phæakians went away, and
Odysseus rested once more in his own land. But when he awoke from his
sleep, he knew not where he was, for Athene had spread a mist on land
and sea. The haven, the rocks, the trees, the pathways wore a strange
look in the dim and gloomy light; but while Odysseus yet pondered
where he should stow away the gifts lest thieves should find them,
there stood before him a glorious form, and he heard a voice, which
said, "Dost thou not know me, Odysseus? I am Pallas Athene, who have
stood by thy side to guard thee in all thy wanderings and deliver thee
from all thy enemies. And now that thou standest again on thine own
land of Ithaka, I have come to thee once more, to bid thee make ready
for the great vengeance, and to bear with patience all that may befall
thee until the hour be come." But Odysseus could scarcely believe that
he was in Ithaka, even though it was Athene who spake to him, until
she scattered the mist and showed him the fair haven with its
broad-spreading olive trees, and the home of the sea nymphs, and the
old hill of Neritos with its wooded sides.
[Illustration: _Menelaus. Paris. Diomedes. Odysseus. Nestor.
Achilles. Agamemnon._
HEROES OF THE TROJAN WAR.]
Then they placed the gifts of the Phæakians in the cave hard by the
stream of living waters which flowed through it to the sea, and Athene
touched him with a staff, and all the beauty of his form was gone. His
face became seamed with wrinkles, his flashing eyes grew dim, and the
golden locks vanished from his shoulders. His glistening raiment
turned to noisome rags, as Athene put a beggar's wallet on his
shoulder and placed a walking staff in his hand, and showed him the
path which led to the house of the swineherd Eumaius.
So Odysseus went his way, but when he entered the court-yard of
Eumaius in his tattered raiment, the dogs flew at him with loud
barkings, until the swineherd drove them away, and led the stranger
into his dwelling, where he placed a shaggy goat-skin for him to lie
on. "Thou hast welcomed me kindly," said Odysseus, "the gods grant
thee in return thy heart's desire." Then Eumaius answered sadly, "My
friend, I may not despise a stranger though he be even poorer and
meaner than myself, for it is Zeus who sends to us the poor man and
the beggar. Little indeed have I to give, for so it is with bondmen
when the young chiefs lord it in the land. But he is far away who
loved me well and gave me all my substance. I would that the whole
kindred of Helen had been uprooted from the earth, for it was for her
sake that my master went to fight with the Trojans at Ilion."
Then Eumaius placed meat and wine before him. "It is but a homely
meal," he said, "and a poor draught, but the chiefs who throng about
my master's wife eat all the fat of the land. A brave life they have
of it, for rich were the treasures which my master left in his house
when he went to take vengeance for the wrongs of Helen." "Tell me thy
master's name, friend," said the stranger. "If he was indeed so rich
and great, I may perhaps be able to tell you something about him, for
I have been a wanderer in many lands." "Why, what would be the use?"
answered the swineherd. "Many a vagabond comes here with trumped-up
tales to my master's wife, who listens to them greedily, hoping
against hope. No, he must long ago have died; but we love Odysseus
still, and we call him our friend, though he is very far away." "Nay,
but thou art wrong this time," said the stranger, "for I do know
Odysseus, and I swear to thee that the sun shall not finish his
journey through the heavens before thy lord returns." But Eumaius
shook his head. "I have nothing to give you for your news. Sure I am
that Odysseus will not come back. Say no more about him, for my heart
is pained when any make me call to mind the friend whom I have lost.
But what is your name, friend, and whence do you come?"
Then Odysseus was afraid to reveal himself, so he told him a long
story how he had come from Crete, and been made a slave in Egypt, how
after many years Phoinix had led him to the purple land, how Pheidon,
the chief of the Thesprotians, had showed him the treasures of
Odysseus, and how at last he had fallen into the hands of robbers, who
had clothed him in beggarly rags and left him on the shore of Ithaka.
But still Eumaius would not believe. "I can not trust your tale, my
friend, when you tell me that Odysseus has sojourned in the
Thesprotian land. I have had enough of such news since an Æolian came
and told me that he had seen him in Crete with Idomeneus, mending the
ships which had been hurt by a storm, and that he would come again to
his home before that summer was ended. Many a year has passed since,
and if I welcome you still, it is not for your false tidings about my
master." "Well," said Odysseus, "I will make a covenant with you. If
he returns this year, you shall clothe me in sound garments and send
me home to Doulichion, if he does not, bid thy men hurl me from the
cliffs, that beggars may learn not to tell lies." "Nay, how can I do
that," said Eumaius, "when you have eaten bread in my house? Would
Zeus ever hear my prayer again? Tell me no more false tales, and let
us talk together as friends."
Meanwhile Telemachus was far away in Sparta, whither he had gone to
seek his father, Odysseus, if haply he might find him; and one night
as he lay sleepless on his couch, Athene stood before him and warned
him to hasten home. "The suitors are eating up thy substance, and they
lie in wait that they may slay thee before the ship reaches Ithaka;
but the gods who guard thee will deliver thee from them, and when thou
comest to the land, go straightway to the house of Eumaius."
Then in the morning Telemachus bade farewell to Menelaus, and the
fair-haired Helen placed in his hands a beautiful robe which her own
fingers had wrought. "Take it," she said, "as a memorial of Helen, and
give it to thy bride when thy marriage day has come." So they set off
from Sparta, and came to Pylos, and there, as Telemachus offered
sacrifice, the wise seer Theoklymenus stood by his side, and asked him
of his name and race, and when he knew that he was the son of Odysseus
he besought Telemachus to take him with him to the ship, for he had
slain a man in Argos and he was flying from the avenger of blood. So
Theoklymenus, the seer, came with Telemachus to Ithaka.
Then again Odysseus made trial of the friendship of Eumaius, and when
the meal was over, he said, "To-morrow, early in the morning, I must
go to the house of Odysseus. Therefore, let some one guide me thither.
It may be that Penelope will listen to my tidings, and that the
suitors will give alms to the old man. For I can serve well, my
friends, and none can light a fire and heap on wood, or hand a
winecup, more deftly than myself." But Eumaius was angry, and said
sharply, "Why not tarry here? You annoy neither me nor my friends, and
when Odysseus comes home, be sure he will give you coat and cloak and
all else that you may need." And the beggar said, "God reward thee,
good friend, for succoring the stranger," and he asked him if the
father and mother of Odysseus were yet alive. Then Eumaius told him
how his mother had pined away and died after Odysseus went to Ilion,
and how Laertes lingered on in a wretched and squalid old age.
But the ship of Telemachus had now reached the land, and he sent some
of his men to tell Penelope that her son was come back, while he
himself went to the house of Eumaius. Glad indeed was the swineherd to
see him, for he had not thought to look upon his face again. And
Telemachus said, "Is my mother yet in her home, or has she wedded
another, and is the bridal couch of Odysseus covered with the webs of
spiders?" "Nay, she is still in her home," said Eumaius; "but night
and day she sheds bitter tears in her grievous sorrow." Then
Telemachus spied the beggar; and when he learned his story from
Eumaius, he was troubled. "What can we do with him? Shall I give him a
cloak and a sword and send him away? I am afraid to take him to my
father's house, for the suitors may flout and jeer him." Then the
beggar put in his word: "Truly these suitors meet us at every turn.
How comes it all about? Do you yield to them of your own free will, or
do the people hate you, or have you a quarrel with your kinsfolk? If
these withered arms of mine had but the strength of their youth, soon
should some of these suitors smart for their misdeeds; and if their
numbers were too great for me to deal with, better so to die than see
them thus devour the land." "Nay, friend, your guesses are wrong,"
said Telemachus. "The people do not hate me, and I have no feud with
my kindred; but these suitors have swarmed in upon us like bees from
all the country round about."
Presently Eumaius rose up to go with tidings to Penelope, and when he
was gone a glorious form stood before the door, but the eyes only of
Odysseus saw her, and he knew that it was Pallas Athene. "The time is
come," she said; "show thyself to Telemachus and make ready with him
for the great vengeance." Then Athene passed her golden staff over his
body, and straightway his tattered raiment became a white and
glistening robe. Once more the hue of youth came back to his cheek and
the golden locks flowed down over his shoulders, so that Telemachus
marveled, and said, "Who art thou, stranger, that thou lookest like
one of the bright gods? But now thy garment was torn, and thy hands
shook with age." "Nay, I am no god," answered the man of many toils
and sorrows, "I am thy father." Then Odysseus kissed his son, and the
tears ran down his cheek, but Telemachus would not believe. "Men
change not thus," he said, "from age to youth, from squalor and
weakness to strength and splendor." "It is the work of Athene," said
the stranger, "who can make all things fresh and fair, and if I be not
Odysseus, none other will ever come to Ithaka." Then Telemachus put
his arms around his father and wept, and the cry of their weeping went
up together, and Odysseus said, "The time for vengeance draws nigh.
How many are these suitors?" "They may be told by scores," said
Telemachus, "and what are two against so many?" "They are enough,"
answered Odysseus, "if only Zeus and Athene be on their side."
Then Telemachus went to the house of Odysseus, where the suitors were
greatly cast down because their messengers had not been able to kill
him. And Penelope came forth from her chamber, beautiful as Artemis
and Aphrodite, and she kissed her son, who told her how he had
journeyed to Sparta, seeking in vain for his father. But Theoklymenus,
the seer, put in a word, and said, "Odysseus is now in Ithaka, and is
making ready for the day of the great vengeance."
Presently Eumaius went back to his house, and there he found the
beggar, for Odysseus had laid aside his glistening robe and the glory
of youth had faded away again from his face. So they went to the city
together, and sat by the beautiful fountain, whither the people came
to draw water, and Melanthius, the goatherd, as he drove the flock for
the suitors, spied them out and reviled them. "Thieves love thieves,
they say; where hast thou found this vagabond, friend swineherd?" and
he pushed Odysseus with his heel. Then Odysseus was wroth, and would
have slain him, but he restrained himself, and Eumaius prayed aloud to
the nymphs that they would bring his master home. And Melanthius said,
"Pray on, as thou wilt, but Telemachus shall soon lie low, for
Odysseus shall see Ithaka no more." Then he drove the goats onwards to
the house of Odysseus, and Eumaius and the beggar followed him, and as
they communed by the way, the swineherd bade him go first into the
house, lest any finding him without might jeer or hurt him. But the
beggar would not. "Many a hard buffet have I had by land and by sea,"
he said, "and I am not soon cast down." Soon they stood before the
door, and a dog worn with age strove to rise and welcome him, but his
strength was gone, and Odysseus wept when he saw his hound, Argos, in
such evil plight. Then, turning to Eumaius, he said, "The hound is
comely in shape. Was he swift and strong in his youth?" "Never
anything escaped him in the chase; but there are none to care for him
now." It mattered not, for the twenty long years had come to an end,
and when Argos had once more seen his master, he sank down upon the
straw and died.
Then Odysseus passed into his house, and he stood a beggar in his own
hall, and asked an alms from Antinous. "Give," said he, "for thou
lookest like a King, and I will spread abroad thy name through the
wide earth. For I, too, was rich once, and had a glorious home, and
often I succored the wanderer; but Zeus took away all my wealth, and
drove me forth to Cyprus and to Egypt." But Antinous thrust him aside.
"What pest is this?" he said. "Stand off, old man, or thou shalt go
again to an Egypt and a Cyprus which shall not be much to thy
liking." Then Antinous struck him on the back; but Odysseus stood firm
as a rock, and he shook his head for the vengeance that was coming.
But the others were angry, and said, "Thou hast done an evil deed, if
indeed there be a god in heaven; nay, often in the guise of strangers
the gods themselves go through the earth, watching the evil and the
good."
When the tidings were brought to Penelope, she said to Eumaius, "Go
call me this stranger hither, for he may have something to tell me of
Odysseus." But the beggar would not go then. "Tell her," he said,
"that I know her husband well, and that I have shared his troubles;
but I can not talk with her before the sun goes down. At eventide she
shall see me."
Then, as Odysseus sate in the hall, there came up to him the beggar
Arnaius, whom the suitors called Iros because he was their messenger,
and he said, "Get up, old man, and go, for the chiefs have bidden me
to cast thee out; yet I would rather see thee depart of thy own will."
But Odysseus said, "Nay, friend, there is room enough here for both of
us. You are a beggar like me, and let us pray the gods to help us; but
lay not thine hand upon me, lest I be angry and smite thee; for if I
do, thou wilt not, I take it, care to come again to the house of
Odysseus, the son of Laertes." But Iros looked scornfully at him, and
said, "Hear how the vagabond talks, just like an old furnace woman.
Come now, and gird up thyself, and let us see which is the stronger."
Then Antinous, who had heard them quarreling, smiled pleasantly and
called to the other suitors: "See here, the stranger and Iros are
challenging each other. Let us bring them together and look on." But
Iros shrank back in fear as the beggar arose, and only one feeble blow
had he given, when Odysseus dashed him to the ground. Then all the
suitors held up their hands and almost died with laughter, as the
stranger dragged Iros from the hall, and said, "Meddle not more with
other men's matters, lest a worse thing befall thee." Then Odysseus
gathered up his tattered garment and went and sat down again upon the
threshold, while the suitors praised him with loud cheers for his
exploit, and Amphinomus held out to him a goblet of rosy wine: "Drink,
stranger, and mayest thou have good luck in time to come, for now thy
lot is hard and gloomy enough." The kindly words stirred the beggar's
heart, and he said, "Hear my counsel, Amphinomus, and trust me who
have borne many griefs and sorrows and wandered in many lands since
Zeus drove me from my home. Depart from these evil men who are wasting
another's substance and heed not the woes that are coming, when
Odysseus shall once more stand in his father's house." But Amphinomus
would not hear, for so had Athene doomed that he should fall on the
day of the great vengeance.
So, laughing at the beggar as he sat quietly on the threshold, the
suitors feasted at the banquet table of Odysseus, till the stars
looked forth in the sky. But when they were gone away to sleep,
Odysseus bade Telemachus gather up their arms and place them in the
inner chamber. And they carried in the spears and shields and helmets,
while Athene went before with a golden lamp in her hand to light the
way. And Telemachus said, "Surely some one of the blessed gods must be
here, my father, for walls, beams and pillars all gleam as though they
were full of eyes of blazing fire." But Odysseus bade him be silent
and sleep, and Telemachus went his way, and Odysseus tarried to take
counsel with Athene for the work of the coming vengeance.
Then, as he sat alone in the hall, Penelope came forth from her
chamber, to hear what the stranger might tell her of Odysseus. But
before she spake, Melantho reviled him as her father, Melanthius, had
reviled him by the fountain, and Odysseus said, "Dost thou scorn me
because my garments are torn and my face is seamed with age and
sorrow? Well, I, too, have been young and strong. See, then, that the
change come not on thee when Odysseus returns to his home." Then
Penelope asked him straightly, "Who art thou, stranger, and whence
hast thou come?" And the beggar said, "Ask me not, for I have had
grievous troubles, and the thought of all my woes will force the tears
into my eyes, so that ye may think I am mad with misery." But Penelope
urged him: "Listen to me, old man. My beauty faded away when Odysseus
left me to go to Ilion, and my life has been full of woe since the
suitors came thronging round me, because my husband, as they said,
lived no more upon the earth. So I prayed them to let me weave a
shroud for Laertes, and every night I undid the web which I had woven
in the day time. Thus three years passed away, but in the fourth the
suitors found out my trick, and I know not how to avoid longer the
marriage which I hate. Wherefore tell me who thou art, for thou didst
not spring forth a full-grown man from a tree or a stone." Then
Odysseus recounted to her the tale which he had told to the swineherd,
Eumaius, and the eyes of Penelope were filled with tears as the
stranger spoke of the exploits of Odysseus. "Good friend," she said,
"thy kindly words fall soothingly on my ear. Here shalt thou sojourn,
and I will give thee a robe which I had meant for him who will come
back to me no more." But Odysseus would not take it, and he strove to
comfort her, till at the last he swore to her that before the year's
end her husband should stand before her.
And now, at the bidding of Penelope, his old nurse, Eurykleia, came
with water to wash his feet, and looking hard at him she said, "Many a
stranger has come to this house, but never one so like in form and
voice to my child, Odysseus," and the stranger answered, smiling,
"Most folk who have seen us both have marked the likeness." So she
knelt down to wash his feet, but Odysseus turned himself as much as he
could from the fire, for he feared that she might see the mark of the
wound which the boar's tusk had made long ago when he went to
Parnassus. But he strove in vain. For presently she saw the scar, and
she let go his feet, and the water was spilt upon the ground, as she
cried out, "It is Odysseus, and I knew him not until I saw the print
of the deadly wound which Autolykus healed by his wondrous power."
Then Odysseus bade her be silent, for Athene had dulled the ear of
Penelope that she might not hear, and he would not that any should
know that the chieftain had come back to his home.
[Illustration: ANCIENT METAL ENGRAVING.]
So all were gone, and Odysseus alone remained in the hall through the
still hours of night. But when the morning came, the suitors again
feasted at the banquet board, and many a time they reviled the beggar
and Telemachus, until Penelope brought forth the bow which Iphitus,
the son of Eurytus, had given to Odysseus. Then she stood before the
chiefs and said, "Whoever of you can bend this bow, that man shall be
my husband, and with him I will leave the home which I have loved, and
which I shall still see in my dreams." But when Antinous saw it, his
heart failed him, for he knew that none had ever bent the bow save
Odysseus only, and he warned the suitors that it would sorely tax
their strength. Then Telemachus would have made trial of the bow, but
his father suffered him not. So Leiodes took it in his hand, and tried
in vain to stretch it, till at last he threw it down in a rage, and
said, "Penelope must find some other husband; for I am not the man."
But Antinous reviled him for his faintheartedness, and made Melanthius
bring fat to anoint the bow and make it supple; yet even thus they
strove in vain to stretch it.
Then Odysseus went out into the courtyard, whither the cowherd and the
swineherd had gone before him, and he said to them, "Friends, are ye
minded to aid Odysseus if he should suddenly come to his home, or will
ye take part with the men who devour his substance?" And they sware
both of them that they would fight for their master to the death. Then
Odysseus said, "I am that man, who after grievous woes has come back
in the twentieth year to his own land; and if ye doubt, see here is
the scar of the wound where the boar's tusk pierced my flesh, when I
went to Parnassus in the days of my youth." When they saw the scar,
they threw their arms round Odysseus, and they kissed him on his head
and his shoulders and wept, until he said, "Stay, friends, lest any
see us and tell the suitors in the house. And now hearken to me. These
men will not let me take the bow; so do thou, Eumaius, place it in my
hands, and let Philoitius bar the gates of the court-yard." But within
the hall Eurymachus groaned with vexation because he could not stretch
the bow; and he said, "It is not that I care for Penelope, for there
are many Achaian women as fair as she; but that we are all so weak in
comparison of Odysseus." Then the beggar besought them that he, too,
might try, and see whether the strength of his youth still remained to
him, or whether his long wanderings had taken away the force of his
arm. But Antinous said, "Old man, wine hath done thee harm; still it
is well to drink yet more than to strive with men who are thy
betters." Then said Penelope, "What dost thou fear, Antinous? Vex not
thyself with the thought that the beggar will lead me away as his
bride, even if he should be able to stretch the bow of Odysseus."
"Nay, lady," he answered, "it is not that; but I dread lest the
Achaians should say, 'The suitors could not stretch the bow, but there
came a wandering beggar, who did what they strove to do in vain.'"
Then the swineherd took up the bow, but the suitors bade him lay it
down again, until at last Telemachus told Eumaius to bear it to
Odysseus; and as the swineherd placed it in the beggar's hands,
Eurykleia shut the doors of the hall and made them fast with the
tackling of a ship. Then, as Odysseus raised the bow, the thunder
pealed in the heaven, and his heart rejoiced because Zeus had given
him a sign of his great victory. Presently the arrow sped from the
string, and Antinous lay dead upon the floor.
Then the others spake in great wrath, and said, "The vultures shall
tear thy flesh this day, because thou hast slain the greatest chief
in Ithaka." But they knew not, as they spake thus, that the day of the
great vengeance was come; and the voice of Odysseus was heard above
the uproar, as he said, "Wretches, did ye fancy that I should never
stand again in my own hall? Ye have wasted my substance, ye have
sought to steal my wife from me, ye have feared neither gods nor men,
and this is the day of your doom." The cheeks of the suitors turned
ghastly pale through fear; but Eurymachus alone took courage and told
Odysseus that Antinous only had done the mischief, because he wished
to slay Telemachus and become King in Ithaka in the stead of Odysseus.
"Spare, then, the rest, for they are thy people, and we will pay thee
a large ransom." But Odysseus looked sternly at him, and said, "Not
this house full of silver and gold shall stay my hand in the day of my
great vengeance."
Then Eurymachus drew his sword and bade his comrades fight bravely for
their lives; but again the clang of the bow was heard, and Eurymachus
was stretched lifeless on the earth. So they fell, one after the
other, until the floor of the hall was slippery with blood. But
presently the arrows in the quiver of Odysseus were all spent, and
laying his bow against the wall, he raised a great shield on his
shoulder and placed a helmet on his head, and took two spears in his
hand. Then Agelaus called to Melanthius, "Go up to the stair-door and
shout to the people, that they may break into the hall and save us."
But Melanthius said, "It can not be, for it is near the gate of the
hall, and one man may guard it against a hundred. But I will bring you
arms, for I know that Odysseus and his son have stowed them away in
the inner chamber." Hastily he ran thither and brought forth shields
and spears and helmets, and the heart of Odysseus failed him for fear
as he saw the suitors donning their armor and brandishing the lances.
"Who has done this?" he asked, and Telemachus answered, "It is my
fault, my father. I left the door ajar, but Eumaius shall go and see
whether some of the women have given this help to the suitors, or
whether, as I think, it be Melanthius." So Eumaius and the cowherd
placed themselves on one side of the chamber door, and when Melanthius
came forth with more arms for the chieftains, they caught him, and
binding him with stout cords they hoisted him up to the beams and left
him dangling in the air. "Keep guard there, Melanthius, all night long
in thy airy hammock, and when the golden Morning comes back from the
stream of Ocean you will not fail to see her."
But in the hall the troop of suitors stood facing Odysseus and
Telemachus in deadly rage, and presently Athene stood before them in
the likeness of Mentor. Then all besought her help, and the suitors
threatened her, and said, "Be not led astray, Mentor, by the words of
Odysseus, for if you side with him, we will leave you neither house
nor lands, wife nor children, when we have taken vengeance for the
evil deeds of the son of Laertes." But the wrath of Athene was kindled
more fiercely, and she said, "Where is thy strength, Odysseus? Many a
year the Trojans fell beneath the stroke of thy sword, and by thy
wisdom it was that the Achaians stormed the walls of breezy Ilion. And
now dost thou stand trembling in thine own hall?" Then the form of
Mentor vanished, and they saw a swallow fly away above the roof-tree.
In great fear the suitors took council together, and six of them stood
forth and hurled their spears at Odysseus and Telemachus. But all
missed their mark except Amphimedon and Ktesippus, and these wounded
Telemachus on the wrist and Eumaius on the shoulder.
But once again Athene came, and this time she held aloft her awful
Ægis before the eyes of the suitors, and the hearts of all fainted for
fear, so that they huddled together like cattle which have heard the
lion's roar, and like cattle were they slain, and the floor of the
hall was floated with blood.
So was the slaughter ended, and the house of Odysseus was hushed in a
stillness more fearful than the din of battle, for the work of the
great vengeance was accomplished.
But Penelope lay on her couch in a sweet slumber which Athene had sent
to soothe her grief, and she heard not the footsteps of Eurykleia as
she hastened joyously into the chamber. "Rise up, dear child, rise up.
Thy heart's desire is come. Odysseus stands once more in his own home,
the suitors are dead, and none are left to vex thee." But Penelope
could not believe for joy and fear, even when Eurykleia told her of
the mark of the boar's bite which Autolykus and his sons had healed.
"Let us go, dear nurse," she said, "and see the bodies of the
chieftains and the man who has slain them." So she went down into the
hall, and sate down opposite to Odysseus, but she spake no word, and
Odysseus also sat silent. And Telemachus said to his mother, "Hast
thou no welcome for my father who has borne so many griefs since Zeus
took him from his home twenty long years ago?"
And Penelope said, "My child, I can not speak, for my heart is as a
stone within me; yet if it be indeed Odysseus, there are secret signs
by which we shall know each other." But when she bade Eurykleia make
ready the couch which lay outside the bridal chamber, Odysseus asked,
hastily, "Who has moved the couch which I wrought with my own hands,
when I made the chamber round the olive tree which stood in the
courtyard? Scarcely could a mortal man move it, for it was heavy with
gold and ivory and silver, and on it I spread a bull's hide gleaming
with a purple dye."
Then Penelope wept for joy, as she sprang into his arms; for now she
knew that it was indeed Odysseus who had come back in the twentieth
year. Long time they wept in each other's arms; but the keen-eyed
Athene kept back the bright and glistening horses of the morning, that
the day might not return too soon.
Then the fair Eurynome anointed Odysseus, and clothed him in a royal
robe; and Athene brought back all his ancient beauty as when he went
forth in his youth to Ilion. So they sat together in the light of the
blazing torches, and Penelope heard from Odysseus the story of his
griefs and wanderings, and she told him of her own sorrows, while he
was far away in Ilion avenging the wrongs and woes of Helen. But for
all his deep joy and his calm peace, Odysseus knew that here was not
the place of his rest.
"The time must come," he said, "when I must go to the land where there
is no sea; but the seer who told me of the things that are to be, said
that my last hour should be full of light, and that I should leave my
people happy."
And Penelope said, "Yet we may rejoice, my husband, that the hateful
chiefs are gone who darkened thy house and devoured thy substance, and
that once again I hold thee in my arms. Twenty years has Zeus grudged
me this deep happiness; but never has my heart swerved from thee, nor
could aught stay thee from coming again to gladden my heart as in the
morning of our life and joy."
SOLON.
(636 B.C.)
REMEMBRANCE AFTER DEATH.
Let not a death unwept, unhonor'd, be
The melancholy fate allotted me!
But those who loved me living, when I die
Still fondly keep some cherish'd memory.
TRUE HAPPINESS.
(_By Solon._)
The man that boasts of golden stores,
Of grain, that loads his groaning floors,
Of fields with freshening herbage green,
Where bounding steeds and herds are seen,
I call not happier than the swain,
Whose limbs are sound, whose food is plain,
Whose joys a blooming wife endears,
Whose hours a smiling offspring cheers.
SOPHOCLES.
Sophocles was born at Athens B.C. 495. His father, though a poor
mechanic, had the discrimination as well as generosity to bestow an
excellent education upon his son, whose great powers began early to
unfold themselves, and to attract the notice of the first citizens of
Athens. Before he had attained his twenty-fifth year he carried off
the prize in a dramatic contest against his senior, Æschylus, and his
subsequent career corresponded to this splendid beginning. He is said
to have composed one hundred and twenty tragedies, to have gained the
first prize twenty-four times, and on other occasions to have ranked
second in the list of competing poets. So excellent was his conduct,
so majestic his wisdom, so exquisite his poetical capacities, so rare
his skill in all the fine arts, and so uninterrupted his prosperity,
that the Greeks regarded him as the peculiar favorite of heaven. He
lived in the first city of Greece, and throughout her best times,
commanding an admiration and love amounting to reverence. He died in
extreme old age, without disease and without suffering, and was
mourned with such a sincerity and depth of grief as were manifested
at the death of no other citizen of Athens.
HERODOTUS.
Scarcely more is known of the celebrated historian, Herodotus, than of
the illustrious poet, Homer. He was born in Asia Minor about 484 B.C.
After being well educated he commenced that course of patient and
observant travel which was to render his name illustrious as a
philosophic tourist and historian. The shores of the Hellespont,
Scythia, and the Euxine Sea; the Isles of the Ægæan; Syria, Egypt,
Palestine, Colchis, the northern parts of Africa, Ecbatana, and even
Babylon were the objects of his unwearied research. On his return from
his travels, after about twenty years, he settled for some time at
Samos, where he wrote the nine books of his travels in those
countries.
The charm of Herodotus' writings consists in the earnestness of a man
who describes countries as an eye-witness, and events as one
accustomed to participate in them. The life, the raciness, the vigor
of an adventurer and a wanderer, glow in every page. He has none of
the defining disquisitions that are born of the closet. He paints
history, rather than descants on it; he throws the colorings of a
mind, unconsciously poetic, over all he describes. Now a soldier--now
a priest--now a patriot--he is always a poet, if rarely a philosopher.
He narrates like a witness, unlike Thucydides, who sums up like a
judge. No writer ever made so beautiful an application of
superstitions to truths. His very credulities have a philosophy of
their own; and modern historians have acted unwisely in disdaining the
occasional repetition even of his fables. For if his truths record
the events--his fables paint the manners and the opinions of the time;
and the last fill up the history, of which events are only the
skeleton.
To account for his frequent use of dialogue, and his dramatic effects
of narrative, we must remember the tribunal to which the work of
Herodotus was subjected. Every author, unconsciously to himself,
consults the tastes of those he addresses. No small coteries of
scholars, no scrupulous and critical inquirers, made the ordeal
Herodotus underwent. His chronicles were not dissertations to be
coldly pondered over, and skeptically conned; they were read aloud at
solemn festivals to listening thousands: they were to arrest the
curiosity--to amuse the impatience--to stir the wonder of a lively and
motley crowd. Thus the historian imbibed naturally the spirit of the
tale-teller, as he was driven to embellish his history with the
romantic legend--the awful superstition--the gossipy anecdote--which
yet characterize the stories of the popular and oral fictionist in the
bazaars of the Mussulman, or on the sea-sands of Sicily. Still it has
been rightly said, that a judicious reader is not easily led astray by
Herodotus in important particulars. His descriptions of localities, of
manners and of customs, are singularly correct; and travelers can yet
trace the vestiges of his fidelity.
Few enlightened tourists are there who can visit Egypt, Greece, and
the regions of the East, without being struck by the accuracy, with
the industry, with the patience of Herodotus. To record all the facts
substantiated by travelers, illustrated by artists, and amplified by
learned research, would be almost impossible; so abundant, so rich,
has this golden mine been found, that the more its native treasures
are explored, the more valuable do they appear. The oasis of Siwah,
visited by Browne, Hornemann, Edmonstone, and Minutuoli; the
engravings of the latter, demonstrating the co-identity of the god
Ammon and the god of Thebes; the Egyptian mode of weaving, confirmed
by the drawings of Wilkinson and Minutuoli; the fountain of the sun,
visited by Belzoni; one of the stelæ or pillars of Sesostris, seen by
Herodotus in Syria, and recognized on the road to Beyrout with the
hieroglyphic of Remeses still legible; the kneading of dough, drawn
from a sculpture in Thebes, by Wilkinson; the dress of the lower
classes, by the same author; the prodigies of Egyptian architecture at
Edfou; Caillaud's discovery of Meroe in the depths of Æthiopia; these,
and a host of brilliant evidences, center their once divergent rays in
one flood of light upon the temple of genius reared by Herodotus, and
display the goddess of Truth enshrined within.
The following are the main subjects of his nine books, which were
named after the nine muses:--
Book I. CLIO.--Transfer of the Lydian Kingdom from Gyges to
Crœsus--minority of Cyrus--his overthrow of the Lydian power--rising
greatness of Athens and Lacedæmon.
Book II. EUTERPE.--Dissertation on Egypt--Egyptian customs, and the
regal succession of that Empire.
Book III. THALIA.--Achievements of Cambyses--his total subjugation of
Egypt--election of Darius Hystaspes to the Persian throne, then vacant
by the assassination of Smerdis, the impostor.
Book IV. MELPOMENE.--Full narrative of the calamitous expeditions of
the Persians against the Scythians in the reign of Darius Hystaspes.
Book V. TERPSICHORE.--The political progress of Lacedæmon, Athens and
Corinth--view of their relative resources during the time of
Darius--expulsion of Hippias from Athens.
Book VI. ERATE.--Origin of the Kings of Lacedæmon--causes of Darius'
hostility to Greece--first Persian invasion of Hellas--battle of
Marathon.
Book VII. POLYHYMNIA.--Preparations and grand expedition of Xerxes
into Greece--battle at Thermopylæ.
Book VIII. URANIA.--Further progress of the Persian arms--Athens
captured and burned--defeat of the Persians at the sea-fight of
Salamis.
Book IX. CALLIOPE.--Defeat of the Persians at Platæa--defeat at the
promontory of Mycale, and their complete retreat within their own
territories.
THE CROCODILE.
(_By Herodotus._)
The following are the peculiarities of the crocodile: During the
winter months they eat nothing; they are four-footed, and live
indifferently on land or in the water. The female lays and hatches her
eggs ashore, passing the greater portion of the day on dry land, but
at night retiring to the river, the water of which is warmer than the
night-air and the dew. Of all known animals this is the one which from
the smallest size grows to be the greatest, for the egg of the
crocodile is but little bigger than that of the goose, and the young
crocodile is in proportion to the egg, yet when it is full grown, the
animal measures frequently seventeen cubits, and even more. It has the
eyes of a pig, teeth large and tusk-like, of a size proportioned to
its frame; unlike any other animal, it is without a tongue; it can not
move its under-jaw, and in this respect, too, it is singular, being
the only animal in the world which moves the upper-jaw but not the
under. It has strong claws and a scaly skin, impenetrable upon the
back. In the water it is blind, but on land it is very keen of sight.
As it lives chiefly in the river, it has the inside of its mouth
constantly covered with leeches, hence it happens that, while all the
other birds and beasts avoid it, with the trochilus it lives at peace,
since it owes much to that bird, for the crocodile, when he leaves the
water and comes out upon the land, is in the habit of lying with his
mouth wide open, facing the western breeze; at such times the
trochilus goes into his mouth and devours the leeches. This benefits
the crocodile, who is pleased, and takes care not to hurt the
trochilus.
The crocodile is esteemed sacred by some of the Egyptians, by others
he is treated as an enemy. Those who live near Thebes, and those who
dwell around Lake Mœris, regard them with especial veneration. In each
of these places they keep one crocodile in particular, who is taught
to be tame and tractable. They adorn his ears with ear-rings of molten
stone or gold, and put bracelets on his fore-paws, giving him daily a
set portion of bread, with a certain number of victims; and, after
having thus treated him with the greatest possible attention while
alive, they embalm him when he dies and bury him in a sacred
repository. The people of Elephantine, on the other hand, are so far
from considering these animals as sacred that they even eat their
flesh.
The modes of catching the crocodile are many and various. I shall only
describe the one which seems to me most worthy of mention. They bait a
hook with a chine of pork and let the meat be carried out into the
middle of the stream, while the hunter upon the bank holds a living
pig, which he belabors. The crocodile hears its cries and, making for
the sound, encounters the pork, which he instantly swallows down. The
men on the shore haul, and when they have got him to land, the first
thing the hunter does is to plaster his eyes with mud. This once
accomplished, the animal is dispatched with ease, otherwise he gives
great trouble.
ARTABANUS DISSUADES XERXES.
(_By Herodotus._)
The other Persians were silent, for all feared to raise their voice
against the plan proposed to them. But Artabanus, the son of
Hystaspes, and uncle of Xerxes, trusting to his relationship, was bold
to speak: "O King," he said, "it is impossible, if no more than one
opinion is uttered, to make choice of the best; a man is forced then
to follow whatever advice may have been given him, but if opposite
speeches are delivered, then choice can be exercised. In like manner
pure gold is not recognized by itself, but when we test it along with
baser ore, we perceive which is the better. I counseled thy father,
Darius, who was my own brother, not to attack the Scyths, a race of
people who had no town in their own land. He thought, however, to
subdue those wandering tribes, and would not listen to me, but marched
an army against them, and ere he returned home lost many of his
bravest warriors. Thou art about, O King, to attack a people far
superior to the Scyths, a people distinguished above others both by
land and sea. 'Tis fit, therefore, that I should tell thee what danger
thou incurrest hereby. Thou sayest that thou wilt bridge the
Hellespont, and lead thy troops through Europe against Greece.
"Now, suppose some disaster befall thee by land or sea, or by both. It
may be even so, for the men are reputed valiant. Indeed one may
measure their prowess from what they have already done; for when Datis
and Artaphernes led their huge army against Attica, the Athenians
singly defeated them. But grant they are not successful on both
elements. Still, if they man their ships, and, defeating us by sea,
sail to the Hellespont, and there destroy our bridge--that, sire, were
a fearful hazard. And here 'tis not by my own mother wit alone that I
conjecture what will happen, but I remember how narrowly we escaped
disaster once, when thy father, after throwing bridges over the
Thracian Bosphorus and the Ister, marched against the Scythians, and
they tried every sort of prayer to induce the Ionians, who had charge
of the bridge over the Ister, to break the passage. On that day, if
Histiæus, the King of Miletus, had sided with the other princes, and
not set himself to oppose their views, the empire of the Persians
would have come to naught. Surely a dreadful thing is this even to
hear said, that the King's fortunes depended wholly on one man.
"Think, then, no more of incurring so great a danger when no need
presses, but follow the advice I tender. Break up this meeting, and
when thou hast well considered the matter with thyself, and settled
what thou wilt do, declare to us thy resolve. I know not of aught in
the world that so profits a man as taking good counsel with himself;
for even if things fall out against one's hopes, still one has
counseled well, though fortune has made the counsel of no effect:
whereas, if a man counsels ill and luck follows, he has gotten a
windfall, but his counsel is none the less silly. Seest thou how God
with His lightning smites alway the bigger animals, and will not
suffer them to wax insolent, while those of lesser bulk chafe Him not?
How likewise His bolts fall ever on the highest houses and the tallest
trees? So plainly does He love to bring down everything that exalts
itself. Thus oft-times a mighty host is discomfitted by a few men,
when God in His jealousy sends fear or storm from heaven, and they
perish in a way unworthy of them. For God allows no one to have high
thoughts but Himself. Again, hurry always brings about disasters, from
which huge sufferings are wont to arise; but in delay lie many
advantages, not apparent (it may be) at first sight, but such as in
the course of time are seen of all. Such, then, is my counsel to thee,
O King.
"And thou, Mardonius, son of Gobryas, forbear to speak foolishly
concerning the Greeks, who are men that ought not to be lightly
esteemed by us. For while thou revilest the Greeks, thou dost
encourage the King to lead his own troops against them; and this, as
it seems to me, is what thou art specially striving to accomplish.
Heaven send thou succeed not to thy wish! For slander is of all evils
the most terrible. In it two men do wrong, and one man has wrong done
to him. The slanderer does wrong, forasmuch as he abuses a man behind
his back; and the hearer, forasmuch as he believes what he has not
searched into thoroughly. The man slandered in his absence suffers
wrong at the hands of both; for one brings against him a false charge,
and the other thinks him an evil-doer. If, however, it must needs be
that we go to war with this people, at least allow the King to abide
at home in Persia. Then let thee and me both stake our children on the
issue, and do thou choose out thy men, and taking with thee whatever
number of troops thou likest, lead forth our armies to battle. If
things go well for the King, as thou sayest they will, let me and my
children be put to death; but if they fall out as I prophesy, let thy
children suffer, and thou, too, if thou shalt come back alive. But
shouldst thou refuse this wager, and still resolve to march an army
against Greece, sure I am that some of those whom thou leavest behind
thee will one day receive the sad tidings that Mardonius has brought a
great disaster upon the Persian people, and lies a prey to dogs and
birds somewhere in the land of the Athenians, or else in that of the
Lacedæmonians; unless, indeed, thou shalt have perished sooner by the
way, experiencing in thy own person the might of those men on whom
thou wouldst fain induce the King to make war."
SOCRATES.
Socrates was born at Athens about the middle or latter part of April,
469 B.C. He commanded more admiration and reverence than any other
individual of ancient or modern times. By his ability and purity he
emerged from a barbaric sophistry into the purest form of religion
that was ever invented by man, it was nearer like that of Christ than
was ever reached by mortal before. The object of his entire philosophy
was the attainment of correct ideas concerning moral and religious
obligations.
Although Socrates was the son of a sculptor of limited means, he was
educated according to the manner of the times. Music and poetry and
gymnastic exercises formed the principal part of the education of an
Athenian youth, and in these Socrates was instructed.
Through the influence of Crito, a wealthy Athenian who subsequently
became an intimate friend and disciple of our philosopher, he was
induced to rise into a higher sphere. He then began the study of
physics, mathematics, astronomy, natural philosophy, etc.
Socrates, however, was unable to obtain any satisfactory knowledge
from the philosophers and teachers of his time. Dissatisfied with the
pretended wisdom of the Cosmologists and Sophists he entirely
abandoned all speculative subjects and devoted his entire attention to
human affairs, and his earnestness as a social reformer brought upon
him increasing odium from the "Conservatives" of the day, as well as
from that still larger class whose feelings of malice and revenge
towards those who expose their follies and their vices, their wicked
private customs and public institutions, can never be appeased but
with the death of their victim. Accordingly, prejudice, unpopularity
and hate finally prevailed, and two charges were brought against him,
one of not believing in the national deities and the other of
corrupting the youth. That he did not believe in the idols that most
of his contemporaries worshiped, is true; but that he corrupted the
youth was as absurd as false, for all his teachings tended ever to
purify them, and lead them in the paths of virtue and truth. He
defended himself, and his defense is a perfect whole, neither more nor
less than what it ought to have been. Proudly conscious of his
innocence, he sought not to move the pity of his judges, for he cared
not for acquittal, and "exhibited that union of humility and
high-mindedness which is observable in none, perhaps, with the
exception of St. Paul." His speech availed not, and he was condemned
to drink the hemlock. He continued in prison thirty days before the
sentence was executed, and to this interval we are indebted for that
sublime conversation on the immortality of the soul which Plato has
embodied in his Phædo.
[Illustration: SOCRATES DRINKING THE POISON (_From ancient Wall
Painting._)]
At length the fatal day arrived, when he had reached his full three
score years and ten. Refusing all means of escape to which his friends
continually and importunely urged him, he took the poisoned cup from
the hands of the boy who brought it to him in his prison-chamber,
drank it off calmly amid the tears and sobs of surrounding friends,
walked about till the draught had begun to take effect upon his
system, and then laid himself down upon his bed, and soon breathed his
last. Such was the life and such the death of this great man. It has
been felt as the greatest of all human examples, not only by his own
countrymen, but by the whole civilized world.
SOCRATES AND ARISTODEMUS.
(_By Socrates._)
We will now relate the manner in which Socrates discoursed with
Aristodemus, surnamed _the Little_, concerning the Deity. For,
observing that he neither prayed nor sacrificed to the gods nor yet
consulted any oracle, but, on the contrary, ridiculed and laughed at
those who did, he said to him:
"Tell me, Aristodemus, is there any man whom you admire on account of
his merit?"
Aristodemus having answered, "_Many._"--"Name some of them, I pray
you."
"I admire," said Aristodemus, "Homer for his epic poetry, Melanippides
for his dithyrambics, Sophocles for tragedy, Polycletes for statuary,
and Xeuxis for painting."
"But which seems to you most worthy of admiration, Aristodemus--the
artist who forms images void of motion and intelligence, or one who
hath the skill to produce animals that are endued, not only with
activity, but understanding."
"The _latter_, there can be no doubt," replied Aristodemus, "provided
the production was not the effect of _chance_, but of wisdom and
contrivance."
"But since there are many things, some of which we can easily see the
_use_ of, while we can not say of others to what purpose they were
produced, which of these, Aristodemus, do you suppose the work of
wisdom?"
"It should seem the most reasonable to affirm it of those whose
fitness and utility is so evidently apparent."
"But it is evidently apparent, that He, who at the beginning made man,
endued him with senses _because_ they were _good_ for him; eyes,
wherewith to behold whatever was visible; and ears, to hear whatever
was to be heard. For say, Aristodemus, to what purpose should odors be
prepared, if the sense of smelling had been denied? Or why the
distinctions of bitter and sweet, of savory and unsavory, unless a
palate had been likewise given, conveniently placed, to arbitrate
between them, and declare the difference? Is not that Providence,
Aristodemus, in a most eminent manner conspicuous, which, because the
eye of man is so delicate in its contexture, hath therefore prepared
eyelids like doors, whereby to secure it; which extend of themselves
whenever it is needful, and again close when sleep approaches? Are not
these eyelids provided, as it were, with a fence on the edge of them,
to keep off the wind and guard the eye? Even the eyebrow itself is not
without office, but, as a penthouse, is prepared to turn off the
sweat, which, falling from the forehead, might enter and annoy that no
less _tender_ than _astonishing_ part of us! Is it not to be admired
that the ears should take in sounds of every sort, and yet are not too
much filled by them? That the fore-teeth of the animal should be
formed in such a manner as evidently best suited for the cutting of
its food, and those on the side for grinding it in pieces? That the
mouth, through which this food is conveyed, should be placed so near
the nose and the eyes, as to prevent the passing, _unnoticed_,
whatever is unfit for nourishment; while Nature, on the contrary, hath
set at a distance, and concealed from the senses, all that might
disgust them? And canst thou still doubt, Aristodemus! whether a
disposition of parts like _this_ should be the work of chance, or of
wisdom and contrivance?"
"I have no longer any doubt," replied Aristodemus; "and, indeed, the
more I consider it, the more evident it appears to me, that man must
be the _masterpiece_ of some great Artificer, carrying along with it
infinite marks of love and favor of Him who hath thus formed it."
"And what thinkest thou, Aristodemus, of that _desire_ in the
individual which leads to the continuance of the species? Of that
tenderness and affection in the female towards her young, so necessary
for its preservation? Of that unremitted love of life, and dread of
dissolution, which take such strong possession of us from the moment
we begin to be?"
"I think of them," answered Aristodemus, "as so many regular
operations of the same great and wise Artist, deliberately determining
to _preserve_ what He hath once made."
"But, farther (unless thou desirest to ask me questions), seeing,
Aristodemus, thou thyself art conscious of reason and intelligence,
supposest thou there is no intelligence elsewhere? Thou knowest thy
body to be a small part of that wide-extended earth which thou
everywhere beholdest; the moisture contained in it, thou also knowest
to be a small portion of that mighty mass of waters whereof seas
themselves are but a part, while the rest of the elements contribute,
out of their abundance, to thy formation. It is the soul, then, alone,
that intellectual part of us, which is come to _thee_ by some lucky
chance, from I know not where. If so be, there is indeed no
intelligence elsewhere; and we must be forced to confess, that this
stupendous universe, with all the various bodies contained
therein--equally amazing, whether we consider their magnitude or
number, whatever their use, whatever their order--_all_ have been
produced, not by _intelligence_, but _chance_!"
"It is with difficulty that I can suppose otherwise," returned
Aristodemus, "for I behold none of those gods, whom you speak of as
_making_ and _governing_ all things, whereas I see the artists when at
their work here among us."
"Neither yet seest thou thy soul, Aristodemus, which, however, most
assuredly _governs_ thy body: although it may well seem, by thy manner
of talking, that it is _chance_, and not _reason_, which governs
thee."
"I do not despise the gods," said Aristodemus; "on the contrary, I
conceive so highly of their excellence, as to suppose they stand in no
need of either me or of my services."
"Thou mistakest the matter, Aristodemus; the greater magnificence they
have shown in their care of _thee_, so much the more honor and service
thou owest them."
"Be assured," said Aristodemus, "if I once could be persuaded the gods
took care of man, I should want no monitor to remind me of my duty."
"And canst thou doubt, Aristodemus, if the gods take care of man? Hath
not the glorious privilege of walking upright been _alone_ bestowed on
him, whereby he may, with the better advantage, survey what is around
him, contemplate, with more ease, those splendid objects which are
above, and avoid the numerous ills and inconveniences which would
otherwise befall him? Other animals, indeed, they have provided with
feet, by which they may remove from one place to another; but to _man_
they have also given _hands_, with which he can form many things for
his use, and make himself happier than creatures of any other kind. A
tongue hath been bestowed on every other animal, but what animal,
except man, hath the power of forming words with it, whereby to
explain his thoughts, and make them intelligible to others? And to
show that the gods have had regard to his very _pleasures_, they have
not limited them, like those of other animals, to _times_ and seasons,
but man is left to indulge in them whenever not hurtful to him.
"But it is not with respect to the body alone that the gods have shown
themselves thus bountiful to man! Their most excellent gift is that
_soul_ they have infused into him, which so far surpasses what is
elsewhere to be found. For, by what animal, except man, is even the
_existence_ of those gods discovered, who have _produced_, and still
_uphold_, in such regular order, this beautiful and stupendous frame
of the universe? What other species of creatures are to be found that
can serve, that can adore them? What other animal is able, like man,
to provide against the assaults of heat and cold, of thirst and
hunger? That can lay up remedies for the time of sickness and improve
the strength nature hath given by a well-proportioned exercise? That
can receive, like him, information and instruction, or so happily keep
in memory what he hath seen, and heard, and learnt? These things being
so, who seeth not that man is, as it were, _a god_ in the midst of
this visible creation; so far doth he surpass, whether in the
endowments of soul or body, all animals whatsoever that have been
produced therein! For, if the _body_ of the _ox_ had been joined to
the _mind_ of _man_, the acuteness of the latter would have stood him
in small stead, while unable to execute the well-designed plan; nor
would the _human_ form have been of more use to the brute, so long as
it remained destitute of understanding! But in thee, Aristodemus, hath
been joined to a wonderful _soul_, a body no less wonderful, and
sayest thou, after _this_, 'the gods take no thought for me!' What
wouldst thou, then, more to convince thee of their care?"
"I would they should send, and inform me," said Aristodemus, "what
things I _ought_ or _ought not_ to do in like manner as thou sayest
they frequently do to thee."
"And what then, Aristodemus! Supposest thou, that when the gods give
out some oracle to _all_ the Athenians, they mean it not for _thee_?
If, by their prodigies, they declare aloud to all Greece--to _all_
mankind--the things which shall befall them, are they dumb to _thee_
alone? And art _thou_ the only person whom they have placed beyond
their care? Believest thou they would have wrought into the mind of
man a persuasion of their being _able_ to make him happy or miserable,
if so be they had no such _power_? or would not even man himself, long
ere this, have seen through the gross delusion? How is it,
Aristodemus, thou rememberest, or remarkest not, that the kingdoms and
commonwealths most renowned as well for their _wisdom_ as antiquity,
are those whose piety and devotion hath been the most observable? And
why thinkest thou that the providence of God may not easily extend
itself throughout the whole universe? As, therefore, among men, we
make best trial of the affection and gratitude of our neighbor, by
showing him kindness, and discover his wisdom, by consulting him in
our distress; do thou, in like manner, behave towards the gods, and,
if thou wouldst experience what their wisdom, and what their love,
render thyself deserving the communication of some of those divine
secrets which may not be perpetrated by man, and are imparted to those
alone who consult, who adore, who obey the Deity. Then shalt thou, my
Aristodemus, understand there is a Being whose eye pierceth throughout
all nature, and whose ear is open to every sound; _extended_ to all
places; _extending_ through all time, and whose bounty and care can
know no other bounds than those fixed by his own creation!"
By this discourse, and others of the like nature, Socrates taught his
friends that they were not only to forbear whatever was impious,
unjust, or unbecoming before _men;_ but even, when alone, they ought
to have a regard to their actions; since the gods have their eyes
continually upon us, and none of our designs can be concealed from
them.
EURIPIDES.
Euripides flourished about 450 B.C.; was born 480 B.C. He spent his
youth in the highest mental and physical training. He was a native of
Athens, and enjoyed the most glorious days of her annals, being
brought in direct connection with Æschylus and Sophocles, and in his
older days was a pupil of Socrates.
In comparing Euripides and the other two masters in Grecian tragedy,
it may be said that he ranks first in tragic representation and
effect; Sophocles first in dramatic symmetry and ornament; Æschylus
first in poetic vigor and grandeur. Æschylus was the most sublime;
Sophocles the most beautiful; Euripides the most pathetic. The first
displays the lofty intellect; the second exercises the cultivated
taste; the third indulges the feeling heart. Each, as it were, shows a
fine piece of sculpture. In Æschylus, it is a naked hero, with all the
strength, boldness, and dignity of olden time. In Sophocles and
Euripides, it may be perhaps the same hero; but with the former, he
has put on the flowing robes, the elegant address, and the soft
urbanity of a polished age; with the latter, he is yielding to some
melancholy emotion, ever heedless of his posture or gait, and casting
his unvalued drapery negligently about him. They have been compared by
an illustration from another art: "The sublime and daring Æschylus
resembles some strong and impregnable castle situated on a rock, whose
martial grandeur awes the beholder--its battlements defended by
heroes, and its gates proudly hung with trophies." Sophocles appears
with splendid dignity, like some imperial palace of richest
architecture; the symmetry of the parts and the chaste magnificence of
the whole delight the eye and command the approbation of the judgment.
The pathetic and moral Euripides has the solemnity of a Gothic temple,
whose storied windows admit a dim religious light, enough to show its
high embowed roof, and the monuments of the dead which rise in every
part, impressing our minds with pity and terror as emblems of the
uncertain and short duration of human greatness, and with an awful
sense of our own mortality.
ARISTOPHANES.
Very little is known about the life of Aristophanes. He was born about
444 B.C., and devoted himself to comic poetry. He wrote fifty-four
plays, of which eleven are extant.
The comedies of Aristophanes are universally regarded as the standard
of Attic writing in its greatest purity. His genius was vast,
versatile, and original, and his knowledge of human nature surpassed
by Homer and Shakspeare alone.
The noble tone of morals, the elevated taste, the sound political
wisdom, the boldness and acuteness of the satire, the grand object,
which is seen throughout, of correcting the follies of the day, and
improving the condition of his country--all these are features in
Aristophanes, which, however disguised, as they intentionally are, by
coarseness and buffoonery, entitle him to the highest respect from
every reader of antiquity. He condescended, indeed, to play the part
of jester to the Athenian tyrant. But his jests were the vehicles for
telling to them the soundest truths. They were never without a far
higher aim than to raise a momentary laugh. He was no farce writer,
but a deep philosophical politician; grieved and ashamed at the
condition of his country, and through the stage, the favorite
amusement of Athenians, aiding to carry on the one great common work,
which Plato proposed in his dialogues, and in which all the better and
nobler spirits of the time seem to have concurred as by a
confederacy--the reformation of an atrocious democracy. There is as
much system in the comedies of Aristophanes as in the dialogues of
Plato. Every part of a vitiated public mind is exposed in its turn.
Its demagogues in the Knights, its courts of justice in the Wasps, its
foreign policy in the Acharnians, its tyranny over the allies in the
Birds, the state of female society in the Sysistrate and the
Ecclesiazusæ, and its corrupt poetical taste in the Frogs. No one play
is without its definite object; and the state of national education,
as the greatest cause of all, is laid open in the Clouds. Whatever
light is thrown, by that admirable play, upon the character of
Socrates, and the position which he occupies in the Platonic
Dialogues--a point, it may be remarked, on which the greatest mistakes
are daily made--it is chiefly valuable as exhibiting, in a short but
very complete analysis, and by a number of fine Rembrandt-like
strokes, not any of which must be overlooked, all the features of that
frightful school of sophistry, which at that time was engaged
systematically in corrupting the Athenian youth, and against which the
whole battery of Plato was pointedly directed.
PLATO.
Plato was born in the year 429 B.C., and died when he was eighty-two
years old, on his birthday. He was a pupil of Socrates, the first and
purest of moral philosophers. By the rare union of a brilliant
imagination with a fondness for severe mathematical studies and
profound metaphysical investigations; by extensive foreign travel; by
familiar intercourse with the most enlightened men of his time,
particularly Socrates, whose instructive conversations he attended for
eight years, as well as by the correspondence which he maintained with
the Pythagoreans of Magna Græcia, this great philosopher came to
surpass all others in the vastness and profoundness of his views, and
in the correctness and eloquence with which he expressed them; while
his pure moral character entitled him to take his place by the side of
Socrates. Socrates once said, "For what higher reward could a teacher
ask than to have such pupils as Xenophon and Plato?"
The object of Plato was evidently the noble one of placing before man
a high intellectual, and consequently, by implication, a high moral
standard as the end and object of his aspirations; to encourage his
efforts after the true, the pure, the beautiful, and the virtuous,
knowing that the character would be purified in the endeavor, and that
the consciousness of the progress made, step by step, would be of
itself a reward. The object of science was, as he taught, the true,
the eternal, the immutable, that which is; in one alone could these
attributes be found united--that is God. Man's duty, then, according
to the Platonic system is to know God and His attributes, and to aim
at being under the practical influence of this knowledge. This the
Christian is taught, but much more simply and plainly, to know God,
and Jesus Christ whom He hath sent, and to propose to himself a
perfect standard, to be perfect even as his Father in heaven is
perfect, and to look forward, by that help which Plato had no warrant
to look for, to attain the perfect measure of the fulness of Christ.
Although Plato believed and taught that man ought to strive after and
devote himself to the contemplation of the One, the Eternal, the
Infinite, he was humbly conscious that no one could attain to the
perfection of such knowledge; that it is too wonderful and excellent
for human powers. Man's incapacity for apprehending this knowledge he
attributed to the soul, during his present state of existence, being
cramped and confined by its earthly tabernacle.
Plato defined virtue to be the imitation of God, or the free effort of
man to attain to a resemblance to his original, or, in other terms, a
unison and harmony of all our principles and actions according to
reason, whence results the highest degree of happiness. Evil is
opposed to this harmony as a disease of the soul. Virtue is _one_,
indeed, but compounded of four elements--_wisdom_, _courage_,
_temperance_, and _justice_. In his practical philosophy he blended a
rigid principle of moral obligation with a spirit of gentleness and
humanity; and education he described as a liberal cultivation and
moral discipline of the mind. Politics he defined to be the
application, on a great scale, of the laws of morality; for a society,
being composed of individuals, is under similar moral obligations, and
the end of politics to be liberty and concord. Beauty he considered to
be the sensible representation of moral and physical perfection;
consequently it is one with truth and goodness, and inspires love,
which leads to virtue.
Would that many so-called Christian legislators and Christian people
would go to this "heathen" philosopher and learn of him--learn that to
do right is always and ever the highest safety, the highest
expediency, the highest "conservatism," the highest good!
How beautifully Akenside expresses this:--
"Thus was beauty sent from heaven,
The lovely ministress of truth and good,
In this dark world: for TRUTH AND GOOD ARE ONE,
AND BEAUTY DWELLS IN THEM, AND THEY IN HER,
WITH LIKE PARTICIPATION. Wherefore, then,
O sons of earth! would ye dissolve the tie?
O wherefore, with a rash, impetuous aim,
Seek ye those flowery joys with which the hand
Of lavish fancy paints each flattering scene
Where beauty _seems_ to dwell, nor once inquire
Where is the sanction of eternal truth,
Or where the seal of undeceitful good,
To save your search from folly! wanting these,
Lo! beauty withers in your void embrace,
And with the glittering of an idiot's toy
Did fancy mock your vows."
THE PERFECT BEAUTY.
(_By Plato._)
"He who aspires to love rightly, ought from his earliest youth to seek
an intercourse with beautiful forms, and first to make a single form
the object of his love, and therein to generate intellectual
excellencies. He ought, then, to consider that beauty in whatever form
it resides is the brother of that beauty which subsists in another
form; and if he ought to pursue that which is beautiful in form, it
would be absurd to imagine that beauty is not one and the same thing
in all forms, and would therefore remit much of his ardent preference
towards one, through his perception of the multitude of claims upon
his love. In addition, he would consider the beauty which is in souls
more excellent than that which is in form. So that one endowed with an
admirable soul, even though the flower of the form were withered,
would suffice him as the object of his love and care, and the
companion with whom he might seek and produce such conclusions as tend
to the improvement of youth; so that it might be led to observe the
beauty and the conformity which there is in the observation of its
duties and the laws, and to esteem little the mere beauty of the
outward form. He would then conduct his pupil to science, so that he
might look upon the loveliness of wisdom; and that contemplating thus
the universal beauty, no longer would he unworthily and meanly enslave
himself to the attractions of one form in love, nor one subject of
discipline or science, but would turn towards the wide ocean of
intellectual beauty, and from the sight of the lovely and majestic
forms which it contains, would abundantly bring forth his conceptions
in philosophy; until, strengthened and confirmed, he should at length
steadily contemplate one science which is the science of this
universal beauty.
[Illustration: FROM ANCIENT SCULPTURING.]
"Attempt, I entreat you, to mark what I say with as keen an
observation as you can. He who has been disciplined to this point in
love, by contemplating beautiful objects gradually, and in their
order, now arriving at the end of all that concerns love, on a sudden
beholds a beauty wonderful in its nature. This is it, O Socrates, for
the sake of which all the former labors were endured. It is eternal,
unproduced, indestructible; neither subject to increase nor decay;
not, like other things, partly beautiful and partly deformed; not at
one time beautiful and at another time not; not beautiful in relation
to one thing and deformed in relation to another; not here beautiful
and there deformed; not beautiful in the estimation of one person and
deformed in that of another; nor can this supreme beauty be figured to
the imagination like a beautiful face, or beautiful hands, or any
portion of the body, nor like any discourse, nor any science. Nor does
it subsist in any other that lives or is, either in earth, or in
heaven, or in any other place; but it is eternally uniform and
consistent, and monoeidic with itself. All other things are beautiful
through a participation of it, with this condition, that although they
are subject to production and decay, it never becomes more or less, or
endures any change. When any one, ascending from a correct system of
love, begins to contemplate this supreme beauty, he already touches
the consummation of his labor. For such as discipline themselves upon
this system, or are conducted by another beginning to ascend through
these transitory objects which are beautiful, towards that which is
beauty itself, proceeding as on steps from the love of one form to
that of two, and from that of two, to that of all forms which are
beautiful; and from beautiful forms to beautiful habits and
institutions, and from institutions to beautiful doctrines; until,
from the meditation of many doctrines, they arrive at that which is
nothing else than the doctrine of the supreme beauty itself, in the
knowledge and contemplation of which at length they repose.
"Such a life as this, my dear Socrates," exclaimed the stranger
Prophetess, "spent in the contemplation of the beautiful, is the life
for men to live; which, if you chance ever to experience, you will
esteem far beyond gold and rich garments, and even those lovely
persons whom you and many others now gaze on with astonishment, and
are prepared neither to eat nor drink so that you may behold and live
forever with these objects of your love! What, then, shall we imagine
to be the aspect of the supreme beauty itself, simple, pure,
uncontaminated with the intermixture of human flesh and colors, and
all other idle and unreal shapes attendant on mortality; the divine,
the original, the supreme, the monoeidic beautiful itself? What must
be the life of him who dwells with and gazes on that which it becomes
us all to seek? Think you not that to him alone is accorded the
prerogative of bringing forth, not images and shadows of virtue, for
he is in contact not with a shadow but with reality; with virtue
itself, in the production and nourishment of which he becomes dear to
the gods, and if such a privilege is conceded to any human being,
himself immortal?"--_From the Banquet, translated by the poet
Shelley._
THE LAST HOURS OF SOCRATES.
(_By Plato._)
"When the dead arrive at the place to which their demon leads them
severally, first of all they are judged, as well those who have lived
well and piously, as those who have not. And those who appear to have
passed a middle kind of life, proceeding to Acheron, and embarking in
the vessels they have, on these arrive at the lake, and there dwell,
and when they are purified, and have suffered punishment for the
iniquities they may have committed, they are set free, and each
receives the reward of his good deeds, according to his deserts; but
those who appear to be incurable, through the magnitude of their
offences, either from having committed many and great sacrileges, or
many unjust and lawless murders, or other similar crimes, these a
suitable destiny hurls into Tartarus, whence they never come forth.
But those who appear to have been guilty of curable, yet great
offences, such as those who through anger have committed any violence
against father or mother, and have lived the remainder of their life
in a state of penitence, or they who have become homicides in a
similar manner, these must fall into Tartarus, but after they have
fallen, and have been there for a year, the wave casts them forth, the
homicides into Cocytus, but the parricides and matricides into
Pyriphlegethon; but when, being borne along, they arrive at the
Acherusian lake, there they cry out to and invoke, some those whom
they slew, others those whom they injured, and invoking them, they
entreat and implore them to suffer them to go out into the lake, and
to receive them, and if they persuade them, they go out, and are freed
from their sufferings, but if not, they are borne back to Tartarus,
and thence again into the rivers, and they do not cease from suffering
this until they have persuaded those whom they have injured; for this
sentence was imposed upon them by the judges. But those who are found
to have lived an eminently holy life, these are they, who, being freed
and set at large from these regions in the earth, as from prison,
arrive at the pure abode above, and dwell on the upper parts of the
earth. And among these, they who have sufficiently purified themselves
by philosophy shall live without bodies, throughout all future time,
and shall arrive at habitations yet more beautiful than these, which
it is neither easy to describe, nor at present is there sufficient
time for the purpose.
"But for the sake of these things which we have described, we should
use every endeavor, Simmias, so as to acquire virtue and wisdom in
this life; for the reward is noble, and the hope great.
"To affirm positively, indeed, that these things are exactly as I have
described them, does not become a man of sense; that however either
this, or something of the kind, takes place with respect to our souls
and their habitations--since our soul is certainly immortal--this
appears to me most fitting to be believed, and worthy the hazard for
one who trusts in its reality; for the hazard is noble, and it is
right to allure ourselves with such things, as with enchantments; for
which reason I have prolonged my story to such a length. On account of
these things, then, a man ought to be confident about his soul, who
during this life has disregarded all the pleasures and ornaments of
the body as foreign from his nature, and who, having thought that they
do more harm than good, has zealously applied himself to the
acquirement of knowledge, and who having adorned his soul not with a
foreign but its own proper ornament, temperance, justice, fortitude,
freedom, and truth, thus waits for his passage to Hades, as one who is
ready to depart whenever destiny shall summon him. You then," he
continued, "Simmias and Cebes, and the rest, will each of you depart
at some future time; but now destiny summons me, as a tragic writer
would say, and it is nearly time for me to betake myself to the bath;
for it appears to me to be better to drink the poison after I have
bathed myself, and not to trouble the women with washing my dead
body."
When he had thus spoken, Crito said, "So be it, Socrates; but what
commands have you to give to these or to me, either respecting your
children, or any other matter, in attending to which we can most
oblige you?"
"What I always say, Crito," he replied, "nothing new; that by taking
care of yourselves you will oblige both me and mine and yourselves,
whatever you do, though you should not now promise it; but if you
neglect yourselves, and will not live as it were in the footprints of
what has been now and formerly said, even though you should promise
much at present, and that earnestly, you will do no good at all."
"We will endeavor then so to do," he said; "but how shall we bury
you?"
"Just as you please," he said, "if only you can catch me, and I do not
escape from you." And at the same time smiling gently, and looking
round on us, he said, "I can not persuade Crito, my friends, that I am
that Socrates who is now conversing with you, and who methodizes each
part of the discourse; but he thinks that I am he whom he will shortly
behold dead, and asks how he should bury me. But that which I some
time since argued at length, that when I have drunk the poison I shall
no longer remain with you, but shall depart to some happy state of the
blessed, this I seem to have urged to him in vain, though I meant at
the same time to console both you and myself. Be ye, then, my sureties
to Crito," he said, "in an obligation contrary to that which he made
to the judges; for he undertook that I should remain; but do you be
sureties that, when I die, I shall not remain, but shall depart, that
Crito may more easily bear it, and when he sees my body either burned
or buried, may not be afflicted for me, as if I suffered some dreadful
thing, nor say at my interment that Socrates is laid out, or is
carried out, or is buried. For be well assured," he said, "most
excellent Crito, that to speak improperly is not only culpable as to
the thing itself, but likewise occasions some injury to our souls. You
must have a good courage, then, and say that you bury my body, and
bury it in such a manner as is pleasing to you, and as you think is
most agreeable to our laws."
When he had said this, he rose, and went into a chamber to bathe, and
Crito followed him, but he directed us to wait for him. We waited,
therefore, conversing among ourselves about what had been said, and
considering it again, and sometimes speaking about our calamity, how
severe it would be to us, sincerely thinking that, like those who are
deprived of a father, we should pass the rest of our lives as orphans.
When he had bathed, and his children were brought to him, for he had
two little sons and one grown up, and the women belonging to his
family were come, having conversed with them in the presence of Crito,
and giving them such injunctions as he wished, he directed the women
and children to go away, and then returned to us. And it was now near
sunset; for he spent a considerable time within. But when he came from
bathing he sat down, and did not speak much afterwards. Then the
officer of the Eleven came in, and, standing near him, said,
"Socrates, I shall not have to find that fault with you that I do with
others, that they are angry with me, and curse me, when, by order of
the archons, I bid them drink the poison. But you, on all other
occasions during the time you have been here, I have found to be the
most noble, meek, and excellent man of all that ever came into this
place; and, therefore, I am now well convinced that you will not be
angry with me, for you know who are to blame, but with them. Now,
then, for you know what I came to announce to you, farewell, and
endeavor to bear what is inevitable as easily as possible." And at the
same time, bursting into tears he turned away and withdrew.
And Socrates, looking after him, said, "And thou, too, farewell; we
will do as you direct." At the same time turning to us, he said, "How
courteous this man is; during the whole time I have been here he has
visited me, and conversed with me sometimes, and proved the worthiest
of men; and now how generously he weeps for me. But come, Crito, let
us obey him, and let some one bring the poison, if it is ready
pounded, but if not, let the man pound it."
Then Crito said, "But I think, Socrates, that the sun is still on the
mountains, and has not yet set. Besides, I know that others have drank
the poison very late, after it had been announced to them, and have
supped and drank freely. Do not hasten, then, for there is yet time."
Upon this Socrates replied, "These men whom you mention, Crito, do
these things with good reason, for they think they shall gain by so
doing, and I, too, with good reason shall not do so; for I think I
shall gain nothing by drinking a little later, except to become
ridiculous to myself, in being so fond of life, and sparing of it when
none any longer remains. Go, then," he said, "obey, and do not
resist."
Crito having heard this, nodded to the boy that stood near. And the
boy having gone out, and stayed for some time, came, bringing with him
the man that was to administer the poison, who brought it ready
pounded in a cup. And Socrates, on seeing the man, said, "Well, my
good friend, as you are skilled in these matters, what must I do?"
"Nothing else," he replied, "than, when you have drank it, walk about
until there is a heaviness in your legs, then lie down: thus it will
do its purpose." And at the same time he held out the cup to Socrates.
And he having received it very cheerfully, neither trembling, nor
changing at all in color or countenance, but, as he was wont, looking
steadfastly at the man, said, "What say you of this potion, with
respect to making a libation to any one, is it lawful or not?"
"We only pound so much, Socrates," he said, "as we think sufficient to
drink."
"I understand you," he said, "but it is certainly both lawful and
right to pray to the gods that my departure hence thither may be
happy; which therefore I pray, and so may it be." And as he said this
he drank it off readily and calmly. Thus far, most of us were with
difficulty able to restrain ourselves from weeping; but when we saw
him drinking, and having finished the draught, we could do so no
longer; but in spite of myself the tears came in full torrent, so
that, covering my face, I wept for myself, for I did not weep for him,
but for my own fortune, in being deprived of such a friend. But Crito,
even before me, when he could not restrain his tears, had risen up.
But Apollodorus even before this had not ceased weeping, and then
bursting into an agony of grief, weeping and lamenting, he pierced the
heart of every one present, except Socrates himself. But he said,
"What are you doing, my admirable friends? I indeed for this reason
chiefly, sent away the women, that they might not commit any folly of
this kind. For I have heard that it is right to die with good omens.
Be quiet, therefore, and bear up."
When we heard this we were ashamed, and restrained our tears. But he,
having walked about, when he said that his legs were growing heavy,
laid down on his back; for the man so directed him. And at the same
time he who gave him the poison, taking hold of him, after a short
interval examined his feet and legs; and then having pressed his foot
hard, he asked if he felt it; he said that he did not. And after this
he pressed his thighs; and thus going higher, he showed us that he was
growing cold and stiff. Then Socrates touched himself, and said that
when the poison reached his heart he should then depart. But now the
parts around the lower belly were almost cold; when, uncovering
himself, for he had been covered over, he said, and they were his last
words, "Crito, we owe a cock to Æsculapius; pay it, therefore, and do
not neglect it."
"It shall be done," said Crito, "but consider whether you have any
thing else to say."
To this question he gave no reply, but shortly after he gave a
convulsive movement, and the man covered him, and his eyes were fixed,
and Crito, perceiving it, closed his mouth and eyes.
This, Echecrates, was the end of our friend, a man, as we may say, the
best of all of his time that we have known, and, moreover, the most
wise and just.
DEMOSTHENES.
Demosthenes was born 382 B.C. and died 322 B.C., at the age of sixty.
His father died when he was but seven years old and left his son a
large estate, which was squandered by his guardians.
Demosthenes, most happily, was forced to depend upon the resources of
his own intellect, and determined to devote his life to oratory. He
chose Isæus for his master, and though having a weakly constitution,
and an impediment in his speech, yet by steady, persevering effort,
and daily practice, he brought himself to address without
embarrassment, and with complete success, the assembled multitudes of
the Athenian people. His first attempts at oratory were made to
vindicate his own claims, and recover the property which his guardians
had appropriated to themselves. In this he proved entirely successful.
After this, he displayed his ability as an orator on several public
occasions, and succeeded by the power of his eloquence in preventing
the Athenians from engaging in a war with Persia.
[Illustration: KING PHILIP (_of Macedon_).]
But most of the oratorical efforts of Demosthenes were directed to
rouse the Athenians from indolence, and to arm them against the
insidious designs and ambitious schemes of Philip, who, in the year
358 B.C., began the attack upon the northern maritime allies of
Athens.
In modern times, Lord Chatham's speech on American affairs, delivered
in the House of Lords, November 18, 1877; Edmund Burke's, on the
"Nabob of Arcot's Debts," delivered in the House of Commons, February
28, 1785; Fisher Ames', on the "British Treaty," delivered in our
House of Representatives, April 28, 1796; Daniel Webster's, on the
"Public Lands," delivered in the United States Senate, 1830, and
Charles Sumner's, on the infamous "Fugitive Slave Bill," delivered in
the Senate in 1852, will, for effective, brilliant, and logical
eloquence, rank side by side with the masterly efforts of Demosthenes.
PHILIP AND THE ATHENIANS.
(_Oration of Demosthenes._)
If any one of you, Athenians, think that Philip is hard to struggle
with, considering both the magnitude of the power already to his hand
and the fact that all the strong places are lost to our state--he
thinks rightly enough. But let him take this into account: that we
ourselves, Athenians, once held Pydna, and Potidæa, and Methone, and
all that country--as it were in our own home-circle; and many of the
states now under his sway were beginning to be self-ruled and free,
and preferred to hold friendly relations with us rather than with him.
Now, then, if Philip had harbored at that time the idea that it was
hard to struggle with the Athenians when they had such strongholds in
his country, while he was destitute of allies--he would have effected
none of those things which he has accomplished, nor would he have ever
acquired so great power. But he at least knew this well enough,
Athenians--that all these strongholds are prizes of war open to each
contestant, and that naturally the possessions of the absent fall to
those who are on the spot, and the opportunities of the careless are
seized by those willing to work and to risk. It has been so in his
case, for, possessed by such sentiments, he has thoroughly subdued and
now holds all places; some, as one might hold them in his grasp by
custom of war; others, by having made them allies and friends. No
wonder; for all are ready to give their heartfelt adherence to those
whom they see prepared and ready to do what necessity demands.
In like manner, if you, also, Athenians, are now ready to adopt the
same principle (since, alas! you were not before), and each one of
you, throwing away all dissimulation, is ready to show himself useful
to the state, as far as its necessity and his power extend; if each is
ready to _do_--the rich to contribute, those of serviceable age to
take the field; in a word, if you choose to be your own masters, and
each individual ceases to do nothing, hoping that his neighbor will do
all for him--you will both regain your possessions (with heaven's
permission) and recover your opportunities recklessly squandered; you
will take vengeance on HIM.
Do not suppose his present happy fortune immutable--immortal, like a
god's; on the other hand, some hate him, others fear him, Athenians,
and envy him, and that, too, in the number of those who seem on
intimate terms with him; for all those passions that rage in other
men, we may assume to be hidden in the bosoms of those also that
surround him. Now, however, all these passions have crouched before
him, having no escape on account of your laziness and indifference,
which, I repeat, you ought immediately to abandon. For you see the
state of things, Athenians, to what a pitch of arrogance he has
come--this man who gives you no choice to act or to remain quiet, but
brags about and talks words of overwhelming insolence, as they tell
us. He is not such a character as to rest with the possessions which
he has conquered, but is always compassing something else, and at
every point hedging us, dallying and supine, in narrower and narrower
circles. When, then, Athenians, when will you do what you ought? As
soon as something happens? As soon, great Jove! as necessity compels
you? Why, what does necessity compel you to think now of your deeds?
In my opinion, the most urgent necessity to freemen is the disgrace
attendant upon their public policy.
Or do you prefer--tell me, do you prefer to wander about here and
there, asking in the market-place, "What news? what news?" What can be
newer than that a Macedonian should crush Athenians in war and lord it
over all Greece? "Is Philip dead?" "No, by Jove, but he's sick." What
difference is it to you? what difference? For if anything should
happen to him, you would quickly raise up another Philip, if you
manage your public affairs as you now do. For not so much to his own
strength as to your laziness does he owe his present aggrandizement.
Yet even if anything should happen to him, and fortune begin to favor
us (for she has always cared for us more kindly than we for
ourselves); you know that by being nearer to them you could assert
_your_ power over all these disordered possessions, and could dictate
what terms you might choose; but as you now act, if some chance should
give you Amphipolis, you could not take it, so lacking are you in your
preparations and zeal.
MEASURES TO RESIST PHILIP.
(_Oration of Demosthenes._)
Let any one now come forward and tell me by whose contrivance but ours
Philip has grown strong. Well, sir, this looks bad, but things at home
are better. What proof can be adduced? The parapets that are
whitewashed? The roads that are repaired? fountains and fooleries?
Look at the men of whose statesmanship these are the fruits. They have
risen from beggary to opulence, or from obscurity to honor; some have
made their private houses more splendid than the public buildings, and
in proportion as the state has declined, their fortunes have been
exalted.
What has produced these results? How is it that all went prosperously
then, and now goes wrong? Because anciently the people, having the
courage to be soldiers, controlled the statesmen, and disposed of all
emoluments; any of the rest was happy to receive from the people his
share of honor, office, or advantage. Now, contrariwise, the statesmen
dispose of emoluments; through them everything is done; you, the
people, enervated, stripped of treasure and allies, are become as
underlings and hangers-on, happy if these persons dole you out
show-money or send you paltry beeves; and, the unmanliest part of all,
you are grateful for receiving your own. They, cooping you in the
city, lead you to your pleasures, and make you tame and submissive to
their hands. It is impossible, I say, to have a high and noble spirit,
while you are engaged in petty and mean employments; whatever be the
pursuits of men, their characters must be similar. By Ceres, I should
not wonder if I, for mentioning these things, suffered more from your
resentment than the men who have brought them to pass. For even
liberty of speech you allow not on all subjects; I marvel indeed you
have allowed it here.
Would you but even now, renouncing these practices, perform military
service and act worthily of yourselves; would you employ these
domestic superfluities as a means to gain advantage abroad; perhaps,
Athenians, perhaps you might gain some solid and important advantage,
and be rid of these perquisites, which are like the diet ordered by
physicians for the sick. As that neither imparts strength, nor
suffers the patient to die, so your allowances are not enough to be of
substantial benefit, nor yet permit you to reject them and turn to
something else. Thus do they increase the general apathy. What? I
shall be asked, mean you stipendiary service? Yes, and forthwith the
same arrangement for all, Athenians, that each, taking his dividend
from the public, may be what the state requires. Is peace to be had?
You are better at home, under no compulsion to act dishonorably from
indigence. Is there such an emergency as the present? Better to be a
soldier, as you ought, in your country's cause, maintained by those
very allowances. Is any one of you beyond the military age? What he
now irregularly takes without doing service, let him take by just
regulation, superintending and transacting needful business. Thus,
without derogating from or adding to our political system, only
removing some irregularity, I bring it into order, establishing a
uniform rule for receiving money, for serving in war, for sitting on
juries, for doing what each, according to his age, can do, and what
occasion requires. I never advise we should give to idlers the wages
of the diligent, or sit at leisure, passive and helpless, to hear that
such a one's mercenaries are victorious, as we now do. Not that I
blame any one who does you a service; I only call upon you, Athenians,
to perform upon your own account those duties for which you honor
strangers, and not to surrender that post of dignity which, won
through many glorious dangers, your ancestors have bequeathed.
I have said nearly all that I think necessary. I trust you will adopt
that course which is best for the country and yourselves.
FORMER ATHENIANS DESCRIBED.
(_By Demosthenes._)
I ask you, Athenians, to see how it was in the time of your ancestors;
for by domestic (not foreign) examples you may learn your lesson of
duty. Themistocles who commanded in the sea-fight at Salamis, and
Miltiades who led at Marathon, and many others, who performed services
unlike the generals of the present day--assuredly they were not set up
in brass nor overvalued by our forefathers, who honored them, but only
as persons on a level with themselves. Your forefathers, O my
countrymen, surrendered not their part to any of those glories. There
is no man who will attribute the victory of Salamis to Themistocles,
but to the Athenians; nor the battle of Marathon to Miltiades, but to
the republic. But now people say that Timotheus took Corcyra, and
Iphicrates cut off the Spartan division, and Chabrias won the naval
victory at Naxos; for you seem to resign the merit of these actions,
by the extravagance of the honors which you have bestowed on their
account upon each of the commanders.
So wisely did the Athenians of that day confer political rewards; so
improperly do you. But how the rewards of foreigners? To Menon the
Pharsalian, who gave twelve talents in money for the war at Eion by
Amphipolis, and assisted them with two hundred horsemen of his own
retainers, the Athenians then voted not the freedom of their city, but
only granted immunity from imposts. And in earlier times to Perdiccas,
who reigned in Macedonia during the invasion of the Barbarian--when he
had destroyed the Persians who retreated from Platæa after their
defeat, and completed the disaster of the King--they voted not the
freedom of their city, but only granted immunity from imposts;
doubtless esteeming their country to be of high value, honor, and
dignity, surpassing all possible obligation. But now, ye men of
Athens, ye adopt the vilest of mankind, menials and the sons of
menials, to be your citizens, receiving a price as for any other
salable commodity. And you have fallen into such a practice, not
because your natures are inferior to your ancestors, but because they
were in a condition to think highly of themselves, while from you, men
of Athens, this power is taken away. It can never be, methinks, that
your spirit is generous and noble, while you are engaged in petty and
mean employments; no more than you can be abject and mean-spirited,
while your actions are honorable and glorious. Whatever be the
pursuits of men their sentiments must necessarily be similar.
Mark what a summary view may be taken of the deeds performed by your
ancestors and by you. Possibly from such comparison you may rise
superior to yourselves. They for a period of five and forty years took
the lead of the Greeks by general consent, and carried up more than
ten thousand talents into the citadel; and many glorious trophies they
erected for victories by land and sea, wherein even yet we take a
pride. And remember, they erected these, not merely that we may survey
them with admiration, but, also, that we may emulate the virtues of
the dedicators. Such was their conduct; but for ours--fallen as we
have on a solitude manifest to you all--look if it bears any
resemblance. Have not more than fifteen hundred talents been lavished
ineffectually on the distressed people of Greece? Have not all private
fortunes, the revenues of the state, the contributions from our
allies, been squandered? Have not the allies, whom we gained in the
war, been lost recently in the peace? But forsooth, in these respects
only was it better anciently than now, in other respects worse. Very
far from that! Let us examine what instances you please. The edifices
which they left, the ornaments of the city in temples, harbors, and
the like, were so magnificent and beautiful, that room is not left
for any succeeding generation to surpass them; yonder gateway, the
Parthenon, docks, porticos, and others structures, which they adorned
the city withal and bequeathed to us. The private houses of the men in
power were so modest and in accordance with the name of the
constitution, that if any one knows the style of house which
Themistocles occupied, or Cimon, or Aristides, or Miltiades, and the
illustrious of that day, he perceives it to be no grander than that of
the neighbors. But now, ye men of Athens--as regards public
measures--our government is content to furnish roads, fountains,
whitewashing, and trumpery; not that I blame the authors of these
works; far otherwise; I blame you, if you suppose that such measures
are all you have to execute. As regards individual conduct--your men
in office have (some of them) made their private houses, not only more
ostentatious than the multitude, but more splendid than the public
buildings; others are farming land which they have purchased of such
an extent as once they never hoped for in a dream.
The cause of this difference is, that formerly the people were lords
and masters of all; any individual citizen was glad to receive from
them his share of honor, office, or profit. Now, on the contrary,
these persons are the disposers of emoluments; everything is done by
their agency; the people are treated as underlings and dependents, and
you are happy to take what these men allow you for your portion.
ORATION ON THE CROWN.
(_By Demosthenes._)
Let me begin, men of Athens, by imploring, of all the Heavenly Powers,
that the same kindly sentiments which I have, throughout my public
life, cherished towards this country and each one of you, may now by
you be shown towards me in the present contest! In two respects my
adversary plainly has the advantage of me. First, we have not the same
interests at stake; it is by no means the same thing for me to forfeit
your esteem, and for Æschines, an unprovoked volunteer, to fail in his
impeachment. My other disadvantage is, the natural proneness of men to
lend a pleased attention to invective and accusation, but to give
little heed to him whose theme is his own vindication. To my
adversary, therefore, falls the part which ministers to your
gratification, while to me there is only left that which, I may almost
say, is distasteful to all. And yet, if I do not speak of myself and
my own conduct, I shall appear defenseless against his charges, and
without proof that my honors were well earned. This, therefore, I must
do; but it shall be with moderation. And bear in mind that the blame
of my dwelling on personal topics must justly rest upon him who has
instituted this personal impeachment.
At least, my judges, you will admit that this question concerns me as
much as Ctesiphon, and justifies on my part an equal anxiety. To be
stripped of any possession, and more especially by an enemy, is
grievous to bear, but to be robbed of your confidence and esteem--of
all possessions the most precious--is indeed intolerable. Such, then,
being my stake in this cause, I conjure you all to give ear to my
defense against these charges, with that impartiality which the laws
enjoin--those laws first given by Solon, and which he fixed, not only
by engraving them on brazen tables, but by the sanction of the oaths
you take when sitting in judgment; because he perceived that, the
accuser being armed with the advantage of speaking first, the accused
can have no chance of resisting his charges, unless you, his judges,
keeping the oath sworn before Heaven, shall receive with favor the
defense which comes last, and, lending an equal ear to both parties,
shall thus make up your minds upon the whole of the case.
CICERO.
Cicero, taken all in all, for his eloquence, for his learning, for his
true patriotism, for the profound and ennobling views he has left us
in his critical, oratorical and philosophical writings, as well as for
his purity in all the domestic relations of life, in the midst of
almost universal profligacy, stands forth upon the page of history as
one of the very brightest names the ancients have left us. He was
probably distinguished most as an orator, in which character he is
most generally known, though as a general scholar and statesman he was
almost without a peer. He was born on the third of January, 106 B.C.
His father was a member of the Equestrian order, and lived in easy
circumstances near Arpinum, but afterwards removed to Rome for the
purpose of educating his sons, Marcus and Quintus. The very best
teachers were procured for them. Almost immediately after his
schooling he was promoted, and rose from one station of honor and
distinction to another.
It may be doubted whether any individual ever rose to power by more
virtuous and truly honorable conduct, and the integrity of his public
life was only equaled by the purity of his private morals. But as his
history is taught to our school boys and his orations read in their
original language, we will not lengthen our remarks. The following are
his works. They are numerous and diversified, but may be arranged
under five separate heads: 1. _Philosophical Works._ 2. _Speeches._ 3.
_Correspondence._ 4. _Poems._ 5. _Historical and Miscellaneous Works._
The following are the most important:
First, his _Philosophical Works_, 1. _De Inventione Rhetorica_, "On
the Rhetorical Art;" intended to exhibit, in a compendious form, all
that are most valuable in the works of the Grecian rhetoricians. 2.
_De Partitione Oratorio Dialogus_, "A Dialogue on the several
Divisions of Rhetoric," a sort of catechism of rhetoric. 3. _De
Oratore_, "On the True Orator," a systematic work on the art of
oratory. This is one of his most brilliant efforts, and so accurately
finished in its minute parts, that it may be regarded as a masterpiece
of skill in all that relates to the graces of style and composition.
4. _Brutus: de claris Oratoribus._ This is in the form of a dialogue,
and contains a complete critical history of Roman eloquence. 5.
_Orator_, "The Orator," addressed to Marcus Brutus, giving his views
as to what constitutes a perfect orator. 6. _De Republica_, "On the
Republic," in six books, designed to show the best form of government
and the duty of the citizen; but a considerable portion of this is
lost. 7. _De Officiis_; a treatise on moral obligations, viewed not so
much with reference to a metaphysical investigation of the basis on
which they rest, as to the practical business of the world, and the
intercourse of social and political life. This is one of his most
precious legacies. 8. _De Finibus Bonorum et Malorum_, "On the Ends of
Good and Evil," a series of dialogues dedicated to M. Brutus, in which
the opinions of the Grecian schools, especially of the Epicureans, the
Stoics, and the Peripatetics, on the Supreme Good, the _Summum Bonum_,
that is, the _finis_, "the end."
[Illustration: AUGUSTUS CÆSAR. (_Found at Pompeii._)]
INVECTIVE AGAINST CATILINE.
(_By Cicero._)
How long, O Catiline, wilt thou abuse our patience? How long shalt
thou baffle justice in thy mad career? To what extreme wilt thou carry
thy audacity? Art thou nothing daunted by the nightly watch, posted to
secure the Palatium? Nothing, by the city guards! Nothing, by the
rally of all good citizens? Nothing, by the assembling of the senate
in this fortified place? Nothing, by the averted looks of all here
present? Seest thou not that all thy plots are exposed?--that thy
wretched conspiracy is laid bare to every man's knowledge, here in the
senate?--that we are well aware of thy proceedings of last night; of
the night before; the place, of meeting, the company convoked, the
measures concerted? Alas, the times! Alas, the public morals! The
senate understands all this. The Consul sees it. Yet the traitor
lives! Lives? Ay, truly, and confronts us here in council; takes part
in our deliberations; and, with his measuring eye, marks out each man
of us for slaughter! And we, all this while, strenuous that we are,
think we have amply discharged our duty to the state, if we but _shun_
this madman's sword and fury!
Long since, O Catiline, ought the Consul to have ordered thee to
execution, and brought upon thy own head the ruin thou hast been
meditating against others! There was that virtue once in Rome, that a
wicked citizen was held more execrable than the deadliest foe. We have
a law still, Catiline, for thee. Think not that we are powerless
because forbearing. We have a decree--though it rests among our
archives like a sword in its scabbard--a decree by which thy life
would be made to pay the forfeit of thy crimes. And, should I order
thee to be instantly seized and put to death, I make just doubt
whether all good men would not think it done rather too late, than any
man too cruelly. But, for good reasons, I will yet defer the blow,
long since deserved. _Then_ will I doom thee, when no man is found so
lost, so wicked, nay, so like thyself, but shall confess that it was
justly dealt. While there is one man that dares defend thee, live! But
thou shalt live so beset, so surrounded, so scrutinized, by the
vigilant guards that I have placed around thee, that thou shalt not
stir a foot against the Republic without my knowledge. There shall be
eyes to detect thy slightest movement, and ears to catch thy wariest
whisper, of which thou shalt not dream. The darkness of night shall
not cover thy treason--the walls of privacy shall not stifle its
voice. Baffled on all sides, thy most secret counsels clear as
noon-day, what canst thou now have in view? Proceed, plot, conspire,
as thou wilt; there is nothing you can contrive, nothing you can
propose, nothing you can attempt which I shall not know, hear, and
promptly understand. Thou shalt soon be made aware that I am even more
active in providing for the preservation of the state than thou in
plotting its destruction!--_First Oration._
EXPULSION OF CATILINE FROM ROME.
(_By Cicero._)
At length, Romans, we are rid of Catiline! We have driven him forth,
drunk with fury, breathing mischief, threatening to revisit us with
fire and sword. He is gone; he is fled; he has escaped; he has broken
away. No longer, within the very walls of the city, shall he plot her
ruin. We have forced him from secret plots into open rebellion. The
bad citizen is now the avowed traitor. His flight is the confession of
his treason! Would that his attendants had not been so few! Be speedy,
ye companions of his dissolute pleasures; be speedy, and you may
overtake him before night, on the Aurelian road. Let him not languish,
deprived of your society. Haste to join the congenial crew that
compose his army; _his_ army, I say--for who doubts that the army
under Manlius expect Catiline for their leader? And such an army!
Outcasts from honor, and fugitives from debt; gamblers and felons;
miscreants, whose dreams are of rapine, murder, and conflagration!
Against these gallant troops of your adversary, prepare, O Romans,
your garrisons and armies; and first to that maimed and battered
gladiator oppose your consuls and generals; next, against that
miserable, outcast horde, lead forth the strength and flower of all
Italy! On the one side, chastity contends; on the other wantonness;
here purity, there pollution; here integrity, there treachery; here
piety, there profaneness; here constancy, there rage; here honesty,
there baseness; here continence, there lust; in short, equity,
temperance, fortitude, prudence, struggle with iniquity, luxury,
cowardice, rashness; every virtue with every vice; and, lastly, the
contest lies between well-grounded hope and absolute despair. In such
a conflict, were even human aid to fail, would not the immortal gods
empower such conspicuous virtue to triumph over such complicated
vice?--_Second Oration._
THE TYRANT PRÆTOR DENOUNCED.
(_By Cicero._)
An opinion has long prevailed, fathers, that, in public prosecutions,
men of wealth, however clearly convicted, are always safe. This
opinion, so injurious to your order, so detrimental to the state, is
now in your power to refute. A man is on trial before you who is rich,
and who hopes his riches will compass his acquittal, but whose life
and actions are sufficient condemnation in the eyes of all candid men.
I speak of Caius Verres, who, if he now receive not the sentence his
crimes deserve, it shall not be through the lack of a criminal or of a
prosecutor, but through the failure of the ministers of justice to do
their duty. Passing over the shameful irregularities of his youth,
what does the quæstorship of Verres exhibit but one continued scene of
villainies? The public treasure squandered, a Consul stripped and
betrayed, an army deserted and reduced to want, a province robbed, the
civil and religious rights of a people trampled on! But his
praætorship in Sicily has crowned his career of wickedness, and
completed the lasting monument of his infamy. His decisions have
violated all law, all precedent, all right. His extortions from the
industrious poor have been beyond computation. Our most faithful
allies have been treated as enemies. Roman citizens have, like slaves,
been put to death with tortures. Men the most worthy have been
condemned and banished without a hearing, while the most atrocious
criminals have, with money, purchased exemption from the punishment
due to their guilt.
I ask now, Verres, what have you to advance against these charges? Art
thou not the tyrant prætor, who, at no greater distance than Sicily,
within sight of the Italian coast, dared to put to an infamous death,
on the cross, that ill-fated and innocent citizen, Publius Gavius
Cosanus? And what was his offense? He had declared his intention of
appealing to the justice of his country against your brutal
persecutions! For this, when about to embark for home, he was seized,
brought before you, charged with being a spy, scourged and tortured.
In vain did he exclaim: "I am a Roman citizen! I have served under
Lucius Pretius, who is now at Panormus, and who will attest my
innocence!" Deaf to all remonstrance, remorseless, thirsting for
innocent blood, you ordered the savage punishment to be inflicted!
While the sacred words, "I am a Roman citizen," were on his
lips--words which, in the remotest regions, are a passport to
protection--you ordered him to death, to a death upon the cross!
O liberty! O sound once delightful to every Roman ear! O sacred
privilege of Roman citizenship! once sacred--now trampled on! Is it
come to this? Shall an inferior magistrate--a governor, who holds his
whole power of the Roman people--in a Roman province, within sight of
Italy, bind, scourge, torture, and put to an infamous death, a Roman
citizen? Shall neither the cries of innocence expiring in agony, the
tears of pitying spectators, the majesty of the Roman commonwealth,
nor the fear of the justice of this country, restrain the merciless
monster, who, in the confidence of his riches, strikes at the very
root of liberty, and sets mankind at defiance? And shall this man
escape? Fathers, it must not be! It must not be, unless you would
undermine the very foundations of social safety, strangle justice, and
call down anarchy, massacre and ruin on the commonwealth.--_Oration
against Verres._
ADVANTAGES OF AGE.
(_By Cicero._)
Indeed, old age is so far from being necessarily a state of languor
and inactivity, that it generally continues to exert itself in that
sort of occupation which was the favorite object of its pursuit in
more vigorous years. I will add, that instances might be produced of
men who, in this period of life, have successfully applied themselves
even to the acquisition of some art of science to which they were
before entirely strangers. Thus Solon in one of his poems, written
when he was advanced in years, glories that "he learned something
every day he lived." And old as I myself am, it is but lately that I
acquired a knowledge of the Greek language; to which I applied with
the more zeal and diligence, as I had long entertained an earnest
desire of becoming acquainted with the writings and characters of
those excellent men, to whose examples I have occasionally appealed in
the course of our present conversation. Thus, Socrates, too, in his
old age, learned to play upon the lyre, an art which the ancients did
not deem unworthy of their application. If I have not followed the
philosopher's example in this instance (which, indeed, I very much
regret), I have spared, however, no pains to make myself master of the
Greek language and learning.
Inestimable, too, are the advantages of old age, if we contemplate it
in another point of view; if we consider it as delivering us from the
tyranny of lust and ambition; from the angry and contentious passions;
from every inordinate and irrational desire; in a word, as teaching us
to retire within ourselves, and look for happiness in our own bosoms.
If to these moral benefits naturally resulting from length of days be
added that sweet food of the mind which is gathered in the fields of
science, I know not any season of life that is passed more agreeably
than the learned leisure of a virtuous old age.
IMMORTALITY OF THE SOUL.
(_By Cicero._)
And now, among the different sentiments of the philosophers concerning
the consequences of our final dissolution, may I not venture to
declare my own? and the rather, as the nearer death advances towards
me, the more clearly I seem to discern its real nature.
I am well convinced, then, that my dear departed friends, your two
illustrious fathers, are so far from having ceased to live, that the
state they now enjoy can alone with propriety be called _life_. The
soul, during her confinement within this prison of the body, is doomed
by fate to undergo a severe penance; for her native seat is in heaven,
and it is with reluctance that she is forced down from those celestial
mansions into these lower regions, where all is foreign and repugnant
to her divine nature. But the gods, I am persuaded, have thus widely
disseminated immortal spirits, and clothed them with human bodies,
that there might be a race of intelligent creatures, not only to have
dominion over this, our earth, but to contemplate the host of heaven,
and imitate in their moral conduct the same beautiful order and
uniformity so conspicuous in those splendid orbs. This opinion I am
induced to embrace, not only as agreeable to the best deductions of
reason, but in just deference, also, to the authority of the noblest
and most distinguished philosophers. And I am further confirmed in my
belief of the soul's immortality by the discourse which Socrates--whom
the oracle of Apollo pronounced to be the wisest of men--held upon
this subject just before his death. In a word, when I consider the
faculties with which the human mind is endued; its amazing celerity;
its wonderful power in recollecting past events, and sagacity in
discerning future; together with its numberless discoveries in the
several arts and sciences, I feel a conscious conviction that this
active, comprehensive principle can not possibly be of a mortal
nature. And as this unceasing activity of the soul derives its energy
from its own intrinsic and essential powers, without receiving it from
any foreign or external impulse, it necessarily follows (as it is
absurd to suppose the soul would desert itself) that this activity
must continue forever. But farther; as the soul is evidently a simple,
uncompounded substance, without any dissimilar parts or heterogeneous
mixture, it can not, therefore, be divided; consequently, it can not
perish. I might add, that the facility and expedition with which youth
are taught to acquire numberless very difficult arts, is a strong
presumption that the soul possessed a considerable portion of
knowledge before it entered into the human form, and that what seems
to be received from instruction is, in fact, no other than a
reminiscence or recollection of its former ideas. This, at least, is
the opinion of Plato.
JULIUS CAESAR.
Julius Cæsar was born on the 12th of July, 100 B.C. As to his
intellectual character, Cæsar was gifted by nature with the most
varied talents, and was distinguished by an extraordinary genius, and
by attainments in very diversified pursuits. He was, at one and the
same time, a general, a statesman, a lawgiver, a jurist, an orator, a
poet, an historian, a philologer, a mathematician, and an architect.
He seemed equally fitted to excel in all, and has given proofs that he
would surpass most men in any subject to which he should devote the
energies of his great mind; and Middleton says he was the only man in
Rome capable of rivaling Cicero as an orator. During his whole busy
life he found time for literary pursuits, and always took pleasure in
the society and conversation of men of learning.
Cæsar wrote many works on different subjects, but they are now all
lost but his "Commentaries." These relate the history of the first
seven years of the Gallic War in seven books, and the Civil War down
to the commencement of the Alexandrine in three books. The purity of
his Latin, and the clearness and beauty of his style have rendered his
"Commentaries" a most popular and desirable text book for students of
the Latin language.
A most important change was introduced by him in the reformation of
the calendar, which was not only of vast importance to his country and
to the civilized world, but its benefits have extended to the present
day. What consummate folly, then, to say nothing of the wickedness,
was displayed by the conspirators who put him to death; for instead of
the wise, the noble, the magnanimous, they exalted to supreme power
one of the basest men in all Rome--Augustus, who, as one of the
second Triumvirate, consented to the murder of his intimate and noble
friend, Cicero.
[Illustration: JULIUS CÆSAR. (_From an Ancient Sculpturing._)]
THE GERMANS.
(_By Julius Cæsar._)
The Germans differ much from these usages, for they have neither
Druids to preside over sacred offices, nor do they pay great regard to
sacrifices. They rank in the number of the gods those alone whom they
behold, and by whose instrumentality they are obviously benefited,
namely, the sun, fire, and the moon; they have not heard of the other
deities even by report. Their whole life is occupied in hunting and
in the pursuits of the military art; from childhood they devote
themselves to fatigue and hardships. Those who have remained chaste
for the longest time receive the greatest commendation among their
people; they think that by this the growth is promoted, by this the
physical powers are increased and the sinews are strengthened.
They do not pay much attention to agriculture, and a large portion of
their food consists in milk, cheese, and flesh; nor has any one a
fixed quantity of land or his own individual limits; but the
magistrates and the leading men each year apportion to the tribes and
families, who have united together, as much land as, and in the place
which, they think proper, and the year after compel them to remove
elsewhere. For this enactment they advance many reasons--lest seduced
by long-continued custom, they may exchange their ardor in the waging
of war for agriculture; lest they may be anxious to acquire extensive
estates, and the more powerful drive the weaker from their
possessions; lest they construct their houses with too great a desire
to avoid cold and heat; lest the desire of wealth spring up, from
which cause divisions and discords arise; and that they may keep the
common people in a contented state of mind, when each sees his own
means placed on an equality with those of the most powerful.
It is the greatest glory to the several states to have as wide deserts
as possible around them, their frontiers having been laid waste. They
consider this the real evidence of their prowess, that their neighbors
shall be driven out of their lands and abandon them, and that no one
dare settle near them; at the same time they think that they shall be
on that account the more secure, because they have removed the
apprehension of a sudden incursion. When a state either repels war
waged against it, or wages it against another, magistrates are chosen
to preside over that war with such authority that they have power of
life and death. In peace there is no common magistrate, but the
chiefs of provinces and cantons administer justice and determine
controversies among their own people. Robberies which are committed
beyond the boundaries of each state bear no infamy, and they avow that
these are committed for the purpose of disciplining their youth and of
preventing sloth. And when any of their chiefs has said in an assembly
"that he will be their leader, let those who are willing to follow
give in their names," they who approve of both the enterprise and the
man arise and promise their assistance and are applauded by the
people; such of them as have not followed him are accounted in the
number of deserters and traitors, and confidence in all matters is
afterwards refused them. To injure guests they regard as impious; they
defend from wrong those who have come to them for any purpose
whatever, and esteem them inviolable; to them the houses of all are
open and maintenance is freely supplied.
BATTLE OF PHARSALIA.
(_By Julius Cæsar._)
There was so much space left between the two lines as sufficed for the
onset of the hostile armies; but Pompey had ordered his soldiers to
await Cæsar's attack, and not to advance from their position, or
suffer their line to be put into disorder. And he is said to have done
this by the advice of Caius Triarius, that the impetuosity of the
charge of Cæsar's soldiers might be checked, and their line broken,
and that Pompey's troops, remaining in their ranks, might attack them
while in disorder; and he thought that the javelins would fall with
less force if the soldiers were kept in their ground, than if they met
them in their course; at the same time he trusted that Cæsar's
soldiers, after running over double the usual ground, would become
weary and exhausted by the fatigue. But to me Pompey seems to have
acted without sufficient reason; for there is a certain impetuosity of
spirit and an alacrity implanted by nature in the hearts of all men,
which is inflamed by a desire to meet the foe. This a general should
endeavor not to repress, but to increase; nor was it a vain
institution of our ancestors that the trumpets should sound on all
sides, and a general shout be raised; by which they imagined that the
enemy were struck with terror, and their own army inspired with
courage.
But our men, when the signal was given, rushed forward with their
javelins ready to be launched, but perceiving that Pompey's men did
not run to meet their charge, having acquired experience by custom,
and being practiced in former battles, they of their own accord
repressed their speed, and halted almost midway, that they might not
come up with the enemy when their strength was exhausted, and after a
short respite they again renewed their course, and threw their
javelins, and instantly drew their swords, as Cæsar had ordered them.
Nor did Pompey's men fail in this crisis, for they received our
javelins, stood our charge, and maintained their ranks; and having
launched their javelins, had recourse to their swords. At the same
time Pompey's horse, according to their orders, rushed out at once
from his left wing, and his whole host of archers poured after them.
Our cavalry did not withstand their charge, but gave ground a little,
upon which Pompey's horse pressed them more vigorously, and began to
file off in troops, and flank our army. When Cæsar perceived this, he
gave the signal to his fourth line, which he had formed of the six
cohorts. They instantly rushed forward and charged Pompey's horse with
such fury that not a man of them stood; but all wheeling about, not
only quitted their post, but galloped forward to seek a refuge in the
highest mountains. By their retreat the archers and slingers, being
left destitute and defenseless, were all cut to pieces. The cohorts,
pursuing their success, wheeled about upon Pompey's left wing, whilst
his infantry still continued to make battle, and attacked them in the
rear.
At the same time Cæsar ordered his third line to advance, which till
then had not been engaged, but had kept their post. Thus, new and
fresh troops having come to the assistance of the fatigued, and others
having made an attack on their rear, Pompey's men were not able to
maintain their ground, but all fled, nor was Cæsar deceived in his
opinion that the victory, as he had declared in his speech to his
soldiers, must have its beginning from those six cohorts, which he had
placed as a fourth line to oppose the horse. For by them the cavalry
were routed; by them the archers and slingers were cut to pieces; by
them the left wing of Pompey's army was surrounded, and obliged to be
the first to flee. But when Pompey saw his cavalry routed, and that
part of his army on which he reposed his greatest hopes thrown into
confusion, despairing of the rest, he quitted the field, and retreated
straightway on horseback to his camp, and calling to the centurions,
whom he had placed to guard the prætorian gate, with a loud voice,
that the soldiers might hear: "Secure the camp," says he; "defend it
with diligence, if any danger should threaten it; I will visit the
other gates, and encourage the guards of the camp." Having thus said,
he retired into his tent in utter despair, yet anxiously waiting the
issue.
Cæsar having forced the Pompeians to flee into their entrenchment, and
thinking that he ought not to allow them any respite to recover from
their fright, exhorted his soldiers to take advantage of fortune's
kindness, and to attack the camp. Though they were fatigued by the
intense heat, for the battle had continued till mid-day, yet, being
prepared to undergo any labor, they cheerfully obeyed his command. The
camp was bravely defended by the cohorts which had been left to guard
it, but with much more spirit by the Thracians and foreign
auxiliaries. For the soldiers who had fled for refuge to it from the
field of battle, affrighted and exhausted by fatigue, having thrown
away their arms and military standards, had their thoughts more
engaged on their further escape than on the defense of the camp. Nor
could the troops who were posted on the battlements long withstand the
immense number of our darts, but fainting under their wounds, quitted
the place, and under the conduct of their centurions and tribunes,
fled, without stopping, to the high mountains which joined the camp.
In Pompey's camp you might see arbors in which tables were laid; a
large quantity of plate set out; the floors of the tents covered with
fresh sods; the tents of Lucius Lentulus and others shaded with ivy;
and many other things which were proofs of excessive luxury, and a
confidence of victory; so that it might readily be inferred, that they
had no apprehensions of the issue of the day, as they indulged
themselves in unnecessary pleasures, and yet upbraided with luxury
Cæsar's army, distressed and suffering troops, who had always been in
want of common necessaries. Pompey, as soon as our men had forced the
trenches, mounting his horse, and stripping off his general's habit,
went hastily out of the back gate of the camp, and galloped with all
speed to Larissa. Nor did he stop there, but with the same dispatch,
collecting a few of his flying troops, and halting neither day nor
night, he arrived at the sea-side, attended by only thirty horses, and
went on board a victualing barque, often complaining, as we have been
told, that he had been so deceived in his expectation, that he was
almost persuaded that he had been betrayed by those from whom he had
expected victory, as they began the flight.
VIRGIL.
Virgil was born October 15, 70 B.C., and died 19 B.C. His father was
an opulent farmer, and gave his son a liberal Greek and Latin
education. His principal works were the _Georgica_ and the _Æneid_.
The _Georgica_ (Georgics), or "Agricultural Poems," is a didactic poem
in four books, dedicated to Mæcenas. In the first book he treats of
the cultivation of the soil; in the second, of fruit trees; in the
third, of horses and other cattle, and in the fourth, of bees. It
gives us the most finished specimen of the Latin hexameter which we
have. It is acknowledged by scholars to stand at the head of all
Virgil's works, and is certainly the most elaborate and extraordinary
instance of power in embellishing a most barren subject which human
genius has ever afforded. The commonest precepts of farming are
delivered with an elegance which could scarcely be attained by a poet
who should endeavor to clothe in verse the sublimest maxims of
philosophy.
At what time Virgil projected the _Æneid_ is uncertain, but from a
very early age he appears to have had a strong desire of composing an
epic poem which would be an enduring monument of his fame. And he has
succeeded, for this poem is ranked as one of the great epics of the
world. It is divided into twelve books, and originates from an old
Roman tradition that Æneas and his company of Trojans settled in
Italy, and founded the Roman nation.
PRAISE OF RURAL LIFE.
(_By Virgil._)
Thrice happy swains! whom genuine pleasures bless,
If they but knew and felt their happiness!
From wars and discord far, and public strife,
Earth with salubrious fruits supports their life;
Tho' high-arch'd domes, tho' marble halls they want,
And columns cased in gold and elephant,
In awful ranks where brazen statues stand,
The polish'd works of Grecia's skillful hand;
Nor dazzling palace view, whose portals proud
Each morning vomit out the cringing crowd;
Nor wear the tissu'd garment's cumb'rous pride,
Nor seek soft wool in Syrian purple dy'd,
Nor with fantastic luxury defile
The native sweetness of the liquid oil;
Yet calm content, secure from guilty cares,
Yet home-felt pleasure, peace, and rest, are theirs;
Leisure and ease, in groves, and cooling vales,
Grottoes, and bubbling brooks, and darksome dales;
The lowing oxen, and the bleating sheep,
And under branching trees delicious sleep!
There forests, lawns, and haunts of beasts abound,
There youth is temperate, and laborious found;
There altars and the righteous gods are fear'd,
And aged sires by duteous sons rever'd.
There Justice linger'd ere she fled mankind,
And left some traces of her reign behind!
_Georgics II. Warton._
EMPLOYMENTS OF THE BEE.
(_By Virgil._)
If all things with great we may compare,
Such are the bees, and such their busy care:
Studious of honey, each in his degree,
The youthful swain, the grave, experienced bee;
That in the field; this in affairs of state,
Employed at home, abides within the gate,
To fortify the combs, to build the wall,
To prop the ruins, lest the fabric fall:
But late at night, with weary pinions come
The laboring youth, and heavy laden home.
Plains, meads, and orchards, all the day he plies,
The gleans of yellow thyme distend his thighs:
He spoils the saffron flowers, he sips the blues
Of violets, wilding blooms, and willow dews.
Their toil is common, common is their sleep;
They shake their wings when morn begins to peep;
Rush through the city gates without delay,
Nor ends their work but with declining day:
Then, having spent the last remains of light,
They give their bodies due repose at night;
When hollow murmurs of their evening bells
Dismiss the sleepy swains, and toll them to their cells.
_Georgics IV. Dryden._
[Illustration: VIRGIL AND HORACE.]
PUNISHMENTS IN HELL.
(_By Virgil._)
Now to the left, Æneas darts his eyes,
Where lofty walls with tripple ramparts rise.
There rolls swift Phlegethon, with thund'ring sound,
His broken rocks, and whirls his surges round.
On mighty columns rais'd, sublime are hung
The massy gates, impenetrably strong.
In vain would men, in vain would gods essay,
To hew the beams of adamant away.
Here rose an iron tow'r; before the gate,
By night and day, a wakeful fury sate,
The pale Tisiphone; a robe she wore,
With all the pomp of horror, dy'd in gore.
Here the loud scourge and louder voice of pain,
The crashing fetter, and the ratt'ling chain.
Strike the great hero with the frightful sound,
The hoarse, rough, mingled din, that thunders round:
Oh! whence that peal of groans? what pains are those?
What crimes could merit such stupendous woes?
Thus she--brave guardian of the Trojan state,
None that are pure must pass that dreadful gate.
When plac'd by Hecat o'er Avernus' woods,
I learnt the secrets of those dire abodes,
With all the tortures of the vengeful gods.
Here Rhadamanthus holds his awful reign,
Hears and condemns the trembling impious train.
Those hidden crimes the wretch till death supprest,
With mingled joy and horror in his breast,
The stern dread judge commands him to display,
And lays the guilty secrets bare to-day;
Her lash Tisiphone that moment shakes;
The ghost she scourges with a thousand snakes;
Then to her aid, with many a thund'ring yell,
Calls her dire sisters from the gulfs of hell.
Near by the mighty Tityus I beheld,
Earth's mighty giant son, stretch'd o'er the infernal field;
He cover'd nine large acres as he lay,
While with fierce screams a vulture tore away
His liver for her food, and scoop'd the smoking prey;
Plunged deep her bloody beak, nor plung'd in vain,
For still the fruitful fibres spring again,
Swell, and renew th' enormous monster's pain,
She dwells forever in his roomy breast,
Nor gives the roaring fiend a moment's rest;
But still th' immortal prey supplies th' immortal feast.
Need I the Lapiths' horrid pains relate,
Ixion's torments, or Perithous' fate?
On high a tottering rocky fragment spreads,
Projects in air, and trembles o'er their heads.
Stretch'd on the couch, they see with longing eyes
In regal pomp successive banquets rise,
While lucid columns, glorious to behold,
Support th' imperial canopies of gold.
The queen of furies, a tremendous guest,
Sits by their side, and guards the tempting feast,
Which if they touch, her dreadful torch she rears,
Flames in their eyes, and thunders in their ears
They that on earth had low pursuits in view,
Their brethren hated, or their parents slew,
And, still more numerous, those who swelled their store,
But ne'er reliev'd their kindred or the poor;
Or in a cause unrighteous fought and bled;
Or perish'd in the foul adulterous bed;
Or broke the ties of faith with base deceit;
Imprison'd deep their destin'd torments wait.
But what their torments, seek not thou to know,
Or the dire sentence of their endless wo.
Some roll a stone, rebounding down the hill,
Some hang suspended on the whirling wheel;
There Theseus groans in pain that ne'er expire,
Chain'd down forever in a chair of fire.
There Phlegyas feels unutterable wo,
And roars incessant thro' the shades below;
Be just, ye mortals! by these torments aw'd,
These dreadful torments, not to scorn a god.
This wretch his country to a tyrant sold,
And barter'd glorious liberty for gold.
Laws for a bribe he past, but past in vain,
For those same laws a bribe repeal'd again.
To some enormous crimes they all aspir'd;
All feel the torments that those crimes requir'd!
Had I a hundred mouths, a hundred tongues,
A voice of brass, and adamantine lungs,
Not half the mighty scene could I disclose,
Repeat their crimes, or count their dreadful woes!
_Æneid VI. Pitt._
HORACE.
Horace was born 65 B.C. and died 8 B.C. His father gave him a good
education. About the age of seventeen he lost his father, and
afterwards his property was confiscated. He had to write for
bread--_Paupertas impulit audax ut versus facerem_--and in so doing
gained much reputation, and sufficient means to purchase the place of
scribe in the Quæstor's office. He now made his acquaintance with
Virgil and Varius, and by them was introduced to that munificent
patron of scholars, Mæcenas, who gave to our poet a place next to his
heart, while he, in return, is never weary of acknowledging how much
he owes to his illustrious friend.
The following happy remarks on the Roman Satirists are by Professor
Sanborn, formerly Professor of Latin in Dartmouth College, and now in
the University of St. Louis: "The principal Roman Satirists were
Horace, Juvenal and Persius. Horace is merry; Persius serious; Juvenal
indignant. Thus, wit, philosophy and lofty scorn mark their respective
pages. The satire of Horace was playful and good natured. His arrows
were always dipped in oil. He was a fine specimen of an accomplished
gentleman. His sentiments were evidently modified by his associates.
He was an Epicurean and a stoic by turns. He commended and ridiculed
both sects. He practiced economy and praised liberality. He lived
temperate, and sang the praises of festivity. He was the favorite of
the court and paid for its patronage in compliments and panegyrics,
unsurpassed in delicacy of sentiment and beauty of expression. Horace
is every man's companion. He has a word of advice and admonition for
all. His criticisms constitute most approved canons of the
rhetorician; his sage reflections adorn the page of the moralist; his
humor and wit give point and force to the satirist, and his graver
maxims are not despised by the Christian philosopher. Juvenal is
fierce and denunciatory. His characteristics are energy, force, and
indignation; his weapons are irony, wit and sarcasm; he is a decided
character, and you must yield and submit, or resist. His denunciations
of vice are startling. He hated the Greeks, the aristocracy and woman
with intense hatred. No author has written with such terrible
bitterness of the sex. Unlike other satirists, he never relents. His
arrow is ever on the string, and whatever wears the guise of woman is
his game. The most celebrated of the modern imitators of Horace and
Juvenal are Swift and Pope."
The Odes, Satires and Epistles are his chief productions.
TO LICINIUS.
(_By Horace._)
Receive, dear friend, the truths I teach
So shalt thou live beyond the reach
Of adverse Fortune's power;
Not always tempt the distant deep,
Nor always timorously creep
Along the treacherous shore.
He that holds fast the golden mean,
And lives contentedly between
The little and the great,
Feels not the wants that pinch the poor,
Nor plagues that haunt the rich man's door,
Embittering all his state.
The tallest pines feel most the power
Of wintry blasts; the loftiest tower
Comes heaviest to the ground;
The bolts that spare the mountain's side,
His cloud-capt eminence divide,
And spread the ruin round.
The well-inform'd philosopher
Rejoices with an wholesome fear,
And hopes, in spite of pain;
If Winter bellow from the north,
Soon the sweet Spring comes dancing forth,
And Nature laughs again.
What if thine heaven be overcast?
The dark appearance will not last;
Expect a brighter sky;
The god that strings the silver bow,
Awakes sometimes the Muses, too,
And lays his arrows by.
If hindrances obstruct thy way,
Thy magnanimity display,
And let thy strength be seen;
But oh! if Fortune fill thy sail
With more than a propitious gale,
Take half thy canvas in.
_Cowper._
TO PYRRHA.
(_By Horace._)
What youth, O Pyrrha! blooming fair,
With rose-twined wreath and perfumed hair,
Woos thee beneath yon grotto's shade,
Urgent in prayer and amorous glance?
For whom dost thou thy tresses braid,
Simple in thine elegance?
Alas! full soon shall he deplore
Thy broken faith, thy altered mien:
Like one astonished at the roar
Of breakers on a leeward shore,
Whom gentle airs and skies serene
Had tempted on the treacherous deep,
So he thy perfidy shall weep
Who now enjoys thee fair and kind,
But dreams not of the shifting wind.
Thrice wretched they, deluded and betrayed,
Who trust thy glittering smile and Siren tongue!
I have escaped the shipwreck, and have hung
In Neptune's fane my dripping vest displayed
With votive tablet on his altar laid,
Thanking the sea-god for his timely aid.
_Lord Ravensworth._
SENECA.
Seneca was born 7 B.C. and died 65 A.D. His writings were of a
philosophical nature. His character was much doubted. His great
misfortune was to have known Nero, who ordered him to be put to death,
to which he merely replied that he who had murdered his brother and
his mother could not be expected to spare his teacher. He had been
absent from Rome some time, and when he returned to visit his mother
in the country, he was spied, and Nero sent a squad of armed men to
the house to ask him to choose the manner of his death. His fame rests
on his numerous writings, which, with all their faults, have great
merits. His principal works, which are of a philosophical character,
are essays "On Anger," "On Consolation," "On Providence," "On
Tranquillity of Mind," "On the Firmness of the Wise Man," "On
Clemency," "On the Brevity of Human Life," "On a Happy Life," etc.,
together with "Epistles of Lucilius," one hundred and twenty-four in
number. Besides these, there are extant ten tragedies attributed to
him, entitled, _Hercules Furens_, _Thyestes_, _Thebais_ or _Phœnissæ_,
_Hippolytus_ or _Phædra_, _Œdipus_, _Troades_ or _Hecuba_, _Medea_,
_Agamemnon_, _Hercules Œtæus_ and _Octavia_. These were never intended
for the stage, but were designed for reading or recitation, after the
Roman fashion. They contain many striking passages, and have some
merits as poems.
HAPPINESS FOUNDED ON WISDOM.
(_By Seneca._)
Taking it for granted that _human happiness_ is founded upon _wisdom_
and _virtue_, we shall treat of these two points in order as they lie,
and _first_ of _wisdom_; not in the latitude of its various
operations, but only as it has a regard to good life and the happiness
of mankind.
Wisdom is a right understanding; a faculty of discerning good from
evil; what is to be chosen, and what rejected; a judgment grounded
upon the value of things, and not the common opinion of them; an
equality of force and strength of resolution. It sets a watch over our
words and deeds, it takes us up with the contemplation of the works of
nature, and makes us invincible by either good or evil fortune. It is
large and spacious, and requires a great deal of room to work in; it
ransacks heaven and earth; it has for its object things past and to
come, transitory and eternal. It examines all the circumstances of
time; "what it is, when it began, and how long it will continue;" and
so for the mind; "whence it came; what it is; when it begins; how long
it lasts; whether or no it passes from one form to another, or serves
only one, and wanders when it leaves us; where it abides in the state
of separation, and what the action of it; what use it makes of its
liberty; whether or no it retains the memory of things past, and comes
to the knowledge of itself." It is the habit of a perfect mind and the
perfection of humanity, raised as high as nature can carry it. It
differs from _philosophy_, as avarice and money; the one desires, and
the other is desired; the one is the effect and the reward of the
other. To be wise is the use of wisdom, as seeing is the use of eyes
and well-speaking the use of eloquence. He that is perfectly wise is
perfectly happy; nay, the very beginning of wisdom makes life easy to
us. Neither is it enough to know this, unless we print it in our
minds by daily meditation, and so bring a _good will_ to a good habit.
And we must practice what we preach, for _philosophy_ is not a subject
for popular ostentation, nor does it rest in words, but in things. It
is not an entertainment taken up for delight, or to give a taste to
leisure, but it fashions the mind, governs our actions, tells us what
we are to do, and what not. It sits at the helm, and guides us through
all hazards; nay, we can not be safe without it, for every hour gives
us occasion to make use of it. It informs us in all the duties of
life, piety to our parents, faith to our friends, charity to the
miserable, judgment in counsel; it gives us _peace_, by _fearing_
nothing, and _riches_, by _coveting nothing_.
There is no condition of life that excludes a wise man from
discharging his duty. If his fortune be good, he _tempers_ it; if bad,
he _masters_ it; if he has an estate, he will exercise his virtue in
plenty, if none, in poverty; if he can not do it in his country, he
will do it in banishment; if he has no command, he will do the office
of a common soldier. Some people have the skill of reclaiming the
fiercest of beasts: they will make a lion embrace his keeper, a tiger
kiss him, and an elephant kneel to him. This is the case of a wise man
in the extremest difficulties; let them be never so terrible in
themselves, when they come to him once, they are perfectly tame. They
that ascribe the invention of tillage, architecture, navigation, etc.,
to wise men, may perchance be in the right, that they were invented by
wise men; but they were not invented by wise men, as _wise men_; for
wisdom does not teach our fingers, but our minds: fiddling and
dancing, arms and fortifications, were the works of luxury and
discord; but wisdom instructs us in the way of nature, and in the arts
of unity and concord; not in the instruments, but in the government of
life; nor to make us live only, but to live happily. She teaches us
what things are good, what evil, and what only appear so; and to
distinguish betwixt true greatness and tumor. She clears our minds of
dross and vanity; she raises up our thoughts to heaven, and carries
them down to hell; she discourses on the nature of the soul, the
powers and faculties of it; the first principles of things; the order
of providence: she exalts us from things corporeal to things
incorporeal; and retrieves the truth of all: she searches nature,
gives laws to life; and tells us, "that it is not enough to know God
unless we obey Him." She looks upon all accidents as acts of
providence; sets a true value upon things; delivers us from false
opinions, and condemns all pleasures that are attended with
repentance. She allows nothing to be good that will not be so forever;
no man to be happy but he that needs no other happiness than what he
has within himself; no man to be great or powerful, that is not master
of himself;--and this is the felicity of human life; a felicity that
can neither be corrupted nor extinguished.
AGAINST RASH JUDGMENT.
(_By Seneca._)
It is good for every man to fortify himself on his weak side; and if
he loves his peace, he must not be inquisitive and harken to
tale-bearers; for the man that is over-curious to hear and see
everything, multiplies troubles to himself; for a man does not feel
what he does not know. He that is listening after private discourse,
and what people say of him, shall never be at peace. How many things
that are innocent in themselves, are made injurious yet by
misconstruction? Wherefore some things we are to pause upon, others to
laugh at, and others again to pardon. Or if we can not avoid the sense
of indignities, let us, however, shun the open profession of it; which
may be easily done, as appears by many examples of those who have
suppressed their anger, under the awe of a greater fear. It is a good
caution not to believe anything until you are very certain of it; for
many probable things prove false, and a short time will make evidence
of the undoubted truth. We are prone to believe many things which we
are unwilling to hear, and so we conclude, and take up a prejudice
before we can judge. Never condemn a friend unheard; or without
letting him know his accuser, or his crime. It is a common thing to
say, "Do not tell that you had it from me; for if you do, I will deny
it; and never tell you anything again." By which means friends are set
together by the ears, and the informer slips his neck out of the
collar. Admit no stories, upon these terms; for it is an unjust thing
to believe in private, and be angry openly. He that delivers himself
up to guess and conjecture, runs a great hazard; for there can be no
suspicion without some probable grounds; so that without much candor
and simplicity, and making the best of everything, there is no living
in society with mankind. Some things that offend us we have by report;
others we see or hear. In the first case, let us not be too credulous;
some people frame stories that may deceive us; others only tell us
what they hear, and are deceived themselves; some make it their sport
to do ill offices; others do them only to receive thanks; there are
some that would part the dearest friends in the world; others love to
do mischief, and stand off aloof to see what comes of it. If it be a
small matter, I would have witnesses; but if it be a greater, I would
have it upon oath, and allow time to the accused, and counsel, too,
and hear it over and over again.
[Illustration: EUCLID.]
THE EQUALITY OF MAN.
(_By Seneca._)
It is not well done to be still murmuring against nature and fortune,
as if it were their unkindness that makes you inconsiderable, when it
is only by your own weakness that you make yourself so; for it is
virtue, not pedigree, that renders a man either valuable or happy.
Philosophy does not either reject or choose any man for his quality.
Socrates was no _patrician_, Cleanthes but an _under-gardener_;
neither did Plato dignify philosophy by his birth, but by his
goodness. All these worthy men are our _progenitors_, if we will but
do ourselves the honor to become their _disciples_. The original of
all mankind was the same, and it is only a clear conscience that makes
any man noble, for that derives even from heaven itself. It is the
saying of a great man, that if we could trace our descents we should
find all slaves to come from princes and all princes from slaves. But
fortune has turned all things topsy-turvy, in a long story of
revolutions. It is most certain that our beginning had nothing before
it, and our ancestors were some of them splendid, others sordid, as it
happened. We have lost the memorials of our extraction; and, in truth,
it matters not whence we come, but whither we go. Nor is it any more
to our honor the glory of our predecessors, than it is to their shame
the wickedness of their posterity. We are all of us composed of the
same elements; why should we, then, value ourselves upon our nobility
of blood, as if we were not all of us equal, if we could but recover
our evidence? But when we can carry it no farther, the _herald_
provides us some _hero_ to supply the place of an illustrious
original, and there is the rise of arms and families. For a man to
spend his life in pursuit of a title, that serves only when he dies,
to furnish out an _epitaph_, is below a wise man's business.
ALL THINGS ORDERED BY GOD.
(_By Seneca._)
Every man knows without telling, that this wonderful fabric of the
universe is not without a Governor, and that a constant order can not
be the work of chance, for the parts would then fall foul one upon
another. The motions of the stars, and their influences, are acted by
the command of an eternal decree. It is by the dictate of an Almighty
Power, that the heavy body of the earth hangs in balance. Whence come
the revolutions of the seasons and the flux of the rivers? the
wonderful virtue of the smallest seeds? as an _oak_ to arise from an
_acorn_. To say nothing of those things that seem to be most irregular
and uncertain; as clouds, rain, thunder, the eruptions of fire out of
mountains, earthquakes, and those tumultuary motions in the lower
region of the air, which have their ordinate causes, and so have those
things, too, which appear to us more admirable because less frequent;
as scalding fountains and new islands started out of the sea; or what
shall we say of the ebbing and flowing out of the ocean, the constant
times and measures of the tides, according to the changes of the moon
that influences most bodies; but this needs not, for it is not that we
doubt of providence, but complain of it. And it were a good office to
reconcile mankind to the gods, who are undoubtedly best to the best.
It is against nature that good should hurt good. A good man is not
only the friend of God, but the very image, the disciple, and the
imitator of Him, and a true child of his heavenly Father. He is true
to himself, and acts with constancy and resolution.
PLUTARCH.
Plutarch was born A.D. 90, in Chæronea, a city of Bœotia. To him we
are indebted for so many of the lives of the philosophers, poets,
orators and generals of antiquity. No book has been more generally
sought after or read with greater avidity than "Plutarch's Lives."
However ancient, either Greek or Latin, none has received such a
universal popularity. But the character of Plutarch himself, not less
than his method of writing biography, explains his universal
popularity, and gives its special charm and value to his book. He was
a man of large and generous nature, of strong feeling, of refined
tastes, of quick perceptions. His mind had been cultivated in the
acquisition of the best learning of his times, and was disciplined by
the study of books as well as of men. He deserves the title of
philosopher; but his philosophy was of a practical rather than a
speculative character--though he was versed in the wisest doctrines of
the great masters of ancient thought, and in some of his moral works
shows himself their not unworthy follower. Above all, he was a man of
cheerful and genial temper. A lover of justice and of liberty, his
sympathies are always on the side of what is right, noble and
honorable.
He was educated at Delphi and improved himself by the advantages of
foreign travel. On his return he was employed by his country on an
embassy to Rome, where he opened a school for youth, employing all his
leisure time at that capital of the world and chief seat of erudition
in acquiring those vast stores of learning which he afterwards read
for the delight and instruction of mankind. "It must be borne in
mind," he says, "that my design is not to write histories, but lives.
And the most glorious exploits do not always furnish us with the
clearest discoveries of virtue or vice in men; sometimes a matter of
less moment, an expression or a jest, informs us better of their
characters and inclinations than the most famous sieges, the greatest
armaments, or the bloodiest battles whatsoever. Therefore, as
portrait-painters are more exact in the lines and features of the
face, in which the character is seen, than in the other parts of the
body, so I must be allowed to give my more particular attention to the
marks and indications of the souls of men; and, while I endeavor by
these to portray their lives, may be free to leave more weighty
matters and great battles to be treated by others."
THE HORRIBLE PROSCRIPTIONS OF SYLLA.
(_By Plutarch._)
Sylla being thus wholly bent upon slaughter, and filling the city with
executions without number or limit, many wholly uninterested persons
falling a sacrifice to private enmity, through his permission and
indulgence to his friends, Caius Metellus, one of the younger men,
made bold in the senate to ask him what end there was of these evils,
and at what point he might be expected to stop? "We do not ask you,"
said he, "to pardon any whom you have resolved to destroy, but to free
from doubt those whom you are pleased to save." Sylla answering, that
he knew not as yet whom to spare, "Why, then," said he, "tell us whom
you will punish." This Sylla said he would do. These last words, some
authors say, were spoken not by Metellus, but by Afidus, one of
Sylla's fawning companions. Immediately upon this, without
communicating with any of the magistrates, Sylla proscribed eighty
persons, and notwithstanding the general indignation, after one day's
respite he posted two hundred and twenty more, and on the third,
again, as many. In an address to the people on this occasion, he told
them he had put up as many names as he could think of; those that had
escaped his memory he would publish at a future time. He issued an
edict likewise, making death the punishment of humanity, proscribing
any who should dare to receive and cherish a proscribed person,
without exception to brother, son, or parents. And to him who should
slay any one proscribed person, he ordained two talents reward, even
were it a slave who had killed his master, or a son his father. And
what was thought most unjust of all, he caused the attainder to pass
upon their sons, and son's sons, and made open sale of all their
property. Nor did the proscription prevail only at Rome, but
throughout all the cities of Italy the effusion of blood was such,
that neither sanctuary of the gods, nor hearth of hospitality, nor
ancestral home escaped. Men were butchered in the embraces of their
wives, children in the arms of their mothers. Those who perished
through public animosity, or private enmity, were nothing in
comparison of the numbers of those who suffered for their riches. Even
the murderers began to say, that "his fine house killed this man, a
garden that, a third, his hot baths." Quintus Aurelius, a quiet,
peaceable man, and one who thought all his part in the common calamity
consisted in condoling with the misfortunes of others, coming into the
forum to read the list, and finding himself among the proscribed,
cried out, "Woe is me, my Alban farm has informed against me." He had
not gone far, before he was dispatched by a ruffian, sent on that
errand.
DEMOSTHENES AND CICERO COMPARED.
(_By Plutarch._)
Omitting an exact comparison of the respective faculties in speaking
of Demosthenes and Cicero, yet this much seems fit to be said; that
Demosthenes, to make himself a master in rhetoric, applied all the
faculties he had, natural or acquired, wholly that way; that he far
surpassed in force and strength of eloquence all his cotemporaries in
political and judicial speaking, in grandeur and majesty all the
panegyrical orators, and in accuracy and science all the logicians and
rhetoricans of his day; that Cicero was highly educated, and by his
diligent study became a most accomplished general scholar in all these
branches, having left behind him numerous philosophical treatises of
his own on Academic principles; as, indeed, even in his written
speeches, both political and judicial, we see him continually trying
to show his learning by the way. And one may discover the different
temper of each of them in their speeches. For Demosthenes' oratory was
without all embellishment and jesting, wholly composed for real effect
and seriousness; not smelling of the lamp, as Pytheas scoffingly said,
but of the temperance, thoughtfulness, austerity, and grave
earnestness of his temper. Whereas Cicero's love for mockery often ran
him into scurrility; and in his love of laughing away serious
arguments in judicial cases by jests and facetious remarks, with a
view to the advantage of his clients, he paid too little regard to
what was decent. Indeed, Cicero was by natural temper very much
disposed to mirth and pleasantry, and always appeared with a smiling
and serene countenance. But Demosthenes had constant care and
thoughtfulness in his look, and a serious anxiety, which he seldom, if
ever, set aside, and, therefore, was accounted by his enemies, as he
himself confessed, morose and ill-mannered.
Also, it is very evident, out of their several writings, that
Demosthenes never touched upon his own praises but decently and
without offense when there was need of it, and for some weightier end;
but, upon other occasions, modestly and sparingly. But Cicero's
immeasurable boasting of himself in his orations argues him guilty of
an uncontrollable appetite for distinction, his cry being evermore
that arms should give place to the gown, and the soldier's laurel to
the tongue. And at last we find him extolling not only his deeds and
actions, but his orations, also, as well those that were only spoken,
as those that were published. * *
[Illustration: ALEXANDER SEVERUS.]
The power of persuading and governing the people did, indeed, equally
belong to both, so that those who had armies and camps at command
stood in need of their assistance. But what are thought and commonly
said most to demonstrate and try the tempers of men, namely, authority
and place, by moving every passion, and discovering every frailty,
these are things which Demosthenes never received; nor was he ever in
a position to give such proof of himself, having never obtained any
eminent office, nor led any of those armies into the field against
Philip which he raised by his eloquence. Cicero, on the other hand,
was sent quæstor into Sicily, and proconsul into Cilicia and
Cappadocia, at a time when avarice was at the height, and the
commanders and governors who were employed abroad, as though they
thought it a mean thing to steal, set themselves to seize by open
force; so that it seemed no heinous matter to take bribes, but he that
did it most moderately was in good esteem. And yet he, at this time,
gave the most abundant proofs alike of his contempt of riches and of
his humanity and good nature. And at Rome, when he was created consul
in name, but indeed received sovereign and dictatorial authority
against Catiline and his conspirators, he attested the truth of
Plato's prediction, that then the miseries of states would be at an
end, when by a happy fortune supreme power, wisdom and justice should
be united in one. * *
Finally, Cicero's death excites our pity; for an old man to be
miserably carried up and down by his servants, flying and hiding
himself from that death which was, in the course of nature, so near at
hand, and yet at last to be murdered. Demosthenes, though he seemed at
first a little to supplicate, yet, by his preparing and keeping the
poison by him, demands our admiration; and still more admirable was
his using it. When the temple of the god no longer afforded him a
sanctuary, he took refuge, as it were, at a mightier altar, freeing
himself from arms and soldiers, and laughing to scorn the cruelty of
Antipater.
[This seems to have been Plutarch's views of suicide, and, in fact,
the spirit of the age in which he lived. From the standpoint of the
philosophy of our day, suicide manifests nothing but a weakness and
very generally insanity.]
[Page Decoration]
[Illustration: Engraved & Printed by Illman Brothers.
SCHOOL OF THE VESTAL VIRGINS.
(WALL-PAINTING POMPEII)
FOR THE MUSEUM OF ANTIQUITY]
[Page Decoration]
TOMBS AND CATACOMBS.
TOMBS.
Respect for the dead, and a considerate regard for the due performance
of the rites of burial, have been distinctive features in man in all
ages and countries. Among the Greeks and Romans great importance was
attached to the burial of the dead, as, if a corpse remained unburied,
it was believed that the spirit of the departed wandered for a hundred
years on the hither side of the Styx. Hence it became a religious duty
to scatter earth over any unburied body which any one might chance to
meet. This was considered sufficient to appease the infernal gods. The
earliest tomb was the tumulus or mound of earth, heaped over the dead.
It is a form naturally suggested to man in the early stages of his
development. There are two classes of primitive tombs, which are
evidently of the highest antiquity. The _hypergæan_, or raised mounds,
or tumuli, and _hypogæan_, which are subterranean or excavated. The
tumulus may be considered as the most simple and the most ancient form
of sepulture. Its adoption was universal among all primitive nations.
Such was the memorial raised by the Greeks over the bodies of their
heroes. These raised mounds are to be met with in all countries. The
Etruscans improved upon this form by surrounding the base with a
podium, or supporting wall of masonry, as at the Cocumella at Vulci,
and in the Regulini-Galassi tomb. The Lydians adopted a similar
improvement in the tomb of Alyattes, near Sardis. The pyramid, which
is but a further development in stone of this form of sepulture, is
not peculiar to Egypt alone, it has been adopted in several other
countries. Examples of subterranean tombs are to be found in Egypt,
Etruria, Greece. Those of Egypt and Etruria afford instances of
extraordinary labor bestowed in excavating and constructing these
subterranean abodes of the dead. The great reverence paid by the
Egyptians to the bodies of their ancestors, and their careful
preservation of them by embalmment, necessitated a great number and
vast extent of tombs. The Egyptians called their earthly dwellings
inns, because men stay there but a brief while; the tombs of the
departed they called everlasting mansions, because the dead dwelt in
them forever.
The pyramids were tombs. These monuments were the last abode of the
Kings of the early dynasties. They are to be met with in Lower Egypt
alone. The Theban Kings and their subjects erected no pyramids, and
none of their tombs are structural. In Upper Egypt numerous
excavations from the living rock in the mountains of the Thebaid
received their mortal remains. Nothing can exceed the magnificence and
care with which these tombs of the Kings were excavated and decorated.
It appears to have been the custom with their Kings, so soon as they
ascended the throne, to begin preparing their final resting place. The
excavation seems to have gone on uninterruptedly, year by year, the
painting and adornment being finished as it progressed, till the hand
of death ended the King's reign, and simultaneously the works of his
tomb. The tomb thus became an index of the length of a King's reign as
well as of his magnificence. Their entrance, carefully closed, was
frequently indicated by a facade cut on the side of the hill. A number
of passages, sometimes intersected by deep wells and large halls,
finally led, frequently by concealed entrances, to the large chamber
where was the sarcophagus, generally of granite, basalt, or alabaster.
The sides of the entire excavation, as well as the roof, were covered
with paintings, colored sculptures, and hieroglyphic inscriptions in
which the name of the deceased King was frequently repeated. We
generally find represented in them the funeral ceremonies, the
procession, the visit of the soul of the deceased to the principal
divinities, its offerings to each of them, lastly, its presentation by
the god who protected it to the supreme god of the Amenti, the
under-world or Hades. The splendor of these works, and the richness
and variety of their ornamentation, exceed all conception; the
figures, though in great number, are sometimes of colossal size;
frequently scenes of civil life are mingled with funeral
representations; the labors of agriculture, domestic occupations,
musicians, dances, and furniture of wonderful richness and elegance,
are also figured on them; on the ceiling are generally astronomical or
astrological subjects. Several tombs of the Kings of the eighteenth
dynasty and subsequent dynasties have been found in the valley of
Biban-el-Molouk on the western side of the plain of Thebes. One of the
most splendid of these is that opened by Belzoni, and now known as
that of Osirei Menepthah, of the nineteenth dynasty. A sloping passage
leads to a chamber which has been called "The Hall of Beauty."
[Illustration: EGYPTIAN TOMB.]
Forcing his way farther on, Belzoni found as a termination to a series
of chambers a large vaulted hall which contained the sarcophagus which
held the body of the monarch, now in Sir John Soane's Museum. The
entire extent of this succession of chambers and passages is hollowed
to a length of 320 feet into the heart of the rock, and they are
profusely covered with the paintings and hieroglyphics usually found
in those sepulchral chambers. The tombs of the other Kings, Remeses
III. and Remeses Miamun, exhibit similar series of passages and
chambers, covered with paintings and sculptures, in endless variety,
some representing the deepest mysteries of the Egyptian religion; but,
as Mr. Fergusson says, like all the tombs, they depend for their
magnificence more on the paintings that adorn the walls than on
anything which can strictly be called architecture. One of the tombs
at _Biban-el Molouk_ is 862 feet in length without reckoning the
lateral chambers; the total area of excavation is 23,809, occupying an
acre and a quarter of space for one chamber.
Private individuals were buried according to their rank and fortune.
Their tombs, also excavated from the living rock, consisted of one or
of several chambers ornamented with paintings and sculptures; the last
contained the sarcophagus and the mummy. According to Sir G.
Wilkinson, the tombs were the property of the priests, and a
sufficient number being always kept ready, the purchase was made at
the shortest notice, nothing being requisite to complete even the
sculptures or inscriptions but the insertion of the deceased's name
and a few statements respecting his family and profession. The
numerous subjects representing agricultural scenes, the trades of the
people, in short, the various occupations of the Egyptians, varying
only in their details and the mode of their execution, were figured in
these tombs, and were intended as a short epitome of human life, which
suited equally every future occupant. The tombs at Beni Hassan are
even of an earlier date than those of Thebes. Among these the tomb of
a monarch or provincial governor is of the age of Osirtasen I. The
walls of this tomb are covered with a series of representations,
setting forth the ordinary occupations and daily avocations of the
deceased, thus illustrating the manners and customs of the Egyptians
of that age. These representations are a sort of epitome of life, or
the career of man, previous to his admission to the mansions of the
dead. They were therefore intended to show that the deceased had
carefully and duly fulfilled and performed all the duties and
avocations which his situation in life and the reverence due to the
gods required. In the cemeteries of Gizeh and Sakkara are tombs of the
time of Nephercheres, sixth King of the second dynasty, probably the
most ancient in Egypt. Around the great pyramid are numerous tombs of
different periods; among them are the tombs of the princes, and other
members of the family or time of Khufu. One of the most interesting is
that known as Campbell's tomb, of the supposed date of about 660 B.C.
It contained a tomb built up in its center, covered by three stones as
struts, over which was a semicircular arch of brick. Near it, also,
are several tombs of private individuals, who were mostly priests of
Memphis. Many of these have false entrances, and several have pits
with their mouths at the top of the tomb. The walls are covered with
the usual paintings representing the ordinary occupations of the
deceased.
_Mummies._--The origin of the process of embalming has been variously
accounted for. The real origin appears to be this: it was a part of
the religious belief of the Egyptians that, as a reward of a
well-spent and virtuous life, their bodies after death should exist
and remain undecayed forever in their tombs, for we find in the "Book
of the Dead" the following inscription placed over the spirits who
have found favor in the eyes of the Great God: "The bodies which they
have forsaken shall _sleep forever_ in their sepulchres, while they
rejoice in the presence of God most high." This inscription evidently
shows a belief in a separate eternity for soul and body; of an eternal
existence of the body in the tomb, and of the soul in the presence of
God. The soul was supposed to exist as long as the body existed. Hence
the necessity of embalming the body as a means to insure its eternal
existence. Some have considered that the want of ground for
cemeteries, and also the excavations made in the mountains for the
extraction of materials employed in the immense buildings of Egypt,
compelled them to have recourse to the expedient of mummification.
Others consider the custom arose rather from a sanitary regulation for
the benefit of the living. According to Mr. Gliddon, mummification
preceded, in all probability, the building of the pyramids and tombs,
because vestiges of mummies have been found in the oldest of these,
and, in fact, the first mummies were buried in the sand before the
Egyptians possessed the necessary tools for excavating sepulchres in
the rock. The earliest mode of mummification was extremely simple; the
bodies were prepared with natron, or dried in ovens, and wrapped in
woolen cloth. At a later period every provincial temple was provided
with an establishment for the purpose of mummification. The bodies
were delivered to the priests to be embalmed, and after seventy days
restored to their friends, to be carried to the place of deposit. The
mode of embalming depended on the rank and position of the deceased.
There were three modes of embalming; the first is said to have cost a
talent of silver (about $1,250); the second, 22 minæ ($300); the third
was extremely cheap. The process is thus described by Herodotus;--"In
Egypt certain persons are appointed by law to exercise this art as
their peculiar business, and when a dead body is brought them they
produce patterns of mummies in wood, imitated in painting. In
preparing the body according to the most expensive mode, they commence
by extracting the brain from the nostrils by a curved hook, partly
cleansing the head by these means, and partly by pouring in certain
drugs; then making an incision in the side with a sharp Ethiopian
stone (black flint), they draw out the intestines through the
aperture. Having cleansed and washed them with palm wine, they cover
them with pounded aromatics, and afterwards filling the cavity with
powder of pure myrrh, cassia, and other fragrant substances,
frankincense excepted, they sew it up again. This being done, they
salt the body, keeping it in natron during seventy days, to which
period they are strictly confined. When the seventy days are over,
they wash the body, and wrap it up entirely in bands of fine linen
smeared on the inner side with gum. The relatives then take away the
body, and have a wooden case made in the form of a man, in which they
deposit it; and when fastened up they keep it in a room in their
house, placing it upright against the wall. (This style of mummy was
supposed to represent the deceased in the form of Osiris.) This is the
most costly mode of embalming.
"For those who choose the middle kind, on account of the expense, they
prepare the body as follows:--They fill syringes with oil of cedar,
and inject this into the abdomen without making any incision or
removing the bowels; and, taking care that the liquid shall not
escape, they keep it in salt during the specified number of days. The
cedar-oil is then taken out, and such is its strength that it brings
with it the bowels and all the inside in a state of dissolution. The
natron also dissolves the flesh, so that nothing remains but the skin
and bones. This process being over, they restore the body without any
further operation.
"The third kind of embalming is only adapted for the poor. In this
they merely cleanse the body by an injection of syrmæa, and salt it
during seventy days, after which it is returned to the friends who
brought it."
Sir G. Wilkinson gives some further information with regard to the
more expensive mode of embalming. The body, having been prepared with
the proper spices and drugs, was enveloped in linen bandages sometimes
1,000 yards in length. It was then enclosed in a cartonage fitting
close to the mummied body, which was richly painted and covered in
front with a network of beads and bugles arranged in a tasteful form,
the face being laid over with a thick gold leaf, and the eyes made of
enamel. The three or four cases which successively covered the
cartonage were ornamented in like manner with painting and gilding,
and the whole was enclosed in a sarcophagus of wood or stone,
profusely charged with painting or sculpture. These cases, as well as
the cartonage, varied in style and richness, according to the expense
incurred by the friends of the deceased. The bodies thus embalmed were
generally of priests of various grades. Sometimes the skin itself was
covered with gold leaf; sometimes the whole body, the face, or
eyelids; sometimes the nails alone. In many instances the body or the
cartonage was beautified in an expensive manner, and the outer cases
were little ornamented; but some preferred the external show of rich
cases and sarcophagi. Some mummies have been found with the face
covered by a mask of cloth fitting closely to it, and overlaid with a
coating of composition, so painted as to resemble the deceased, and to
have the appearance of flesh. These, according to Sir G. Wilkinson,
are probably of a Greek epoch. Greek mummies usually differed from
those of the Egyptians in the manner of disposing the bandages of the
arms and legs. No Egyptian is found with the limbs bandaged
separately, as those of Greek mummies. On the breast was frequently
placed a scarabæus in immediate contact with the flesh. These
scarabæi, when of stone, had their extended wings made of lead or
silver. On the cartonage and case, in a corresponding situation above,
the same emblem was also placed, to indicate the protecting influence
of the Deity. The subjects painted upon the cartonage were the four
genii of Amenti, and various emblems belonging to deities connected
with the dead. A long line of hieroglyphics extending down the front
usually contained the name and quality of the deceased, and the
offerings presented by him to the gods; and transverse bands
frequently repeated the former, with similar donations to other
deities. On the breast was placed the figure of Netpe, with expanded
wings, protecting the deceased; sacred arks, boats, and other things
were arranged in different compartments, and Osiris, Isis, Anubis, and
other deities, were frequently introduced. In some instances Isis was
represented throwing her arms round the feet of the mummy, with this
appropriate legend: "I embrace thy feet." A plaited beard was attached
to the chin when the mummy was that of a man; the absence of this
appendage indicated the mummy of a woman.
[Illustration: SARCOPHAGUS, OR COFFIN. (_With Noah's Ark cut in
relief on the outside._)]
_Mummy Cases and Sarcophagi._--The outer case of the mummy was either
of wood--sycamore or cedar--or of stone. When of wood it had a flat or
circular summit, sometimes with a stout square pillar rising at each
angle. The whole was richly painted, and some of an older age
frequently had a door represented near one of the corners. At one end
was the figure of Isis, at the other Nepthys, and the top was painted
with bands or fancy devices. In others, the lid represented the
curving top of the ordinary Egyptian canopy. The stone coffins,
usually called sarcophagi, were of oblong shape, having flat straight
sides, like a box, with a curved or pointed lid. Sometimes the figure
of the deceased was represented upon the latter in relief, like that
of the Queen of Amasis in the British Museum; and some were in the
form of a King's name or oval. Others were made in the shape of the
mummied body, whether of basalt, granite, slate, or limestone,
specimens of which are met with in the British Museum. These cases
were deposited in the sepulchral chambers. Various offerings were
placed near them, and sometimes the instruments of the profession of
the deceased. Near them were also placed vases and small figures of
the deceased, of wood or vitrified earthenware. In Sir John Soane's
museum is the sarcophagus of Seti I. (Menephtha) B.C. 1322, cut out of
a single block of Oriental alabaster. It is profusely covered with
hieroglyphics, and scenes on it depict the passage of the sun through
the hours of the night. It was found by Belzoni in his tomb in the
Biban-el-molouk. The sarcophagus now in the British Museum was
formerly supposed to have been the identical sarcophagus which
contained the body of Alexander the Great. The hieroglyphic name,
which has been read upon the monument, proves it to be that of
Nectanebo I., of the thirtieth dynasty, who reigned from B.C. 381 to
363. Its material is a breccia from a quarry near Thebes, and is
remarkable for its hardness. A remarkable rectangular-shaped coffin of
whinstone was that of Menkare, the Mycerinus of the Greeks, and the
builder of the third pyramid; this interesting relic was found by
Colonel Vyse in the sepulchral chambers of the third pyramid, but was
unfortunately lost at sea while on its way to England. The remains of
the cedar-coffin of this monarch are in the British Museum. Many
beautiful sarcophagi are in the Vatican at Rome.
[Illustration: COFFIN OF ALABASTER. (_Features of the deceased
Sculptured._)]
The vases, generally named canopi, from their resemblance to certain
vases made by the Romans to imitate the Egyptian taste, but
inadmissible in its application to any Egyptian vase, were four in
number, of different materials, according to the rank of the deceased,
and were placed near his coffin in the tomb. Some were of common
limestone, the most costly were of Oriental alabaster. These four
vases form a complete series; the principal intestines of the mummy
were placed in them, embalmed in spices and various substances, and
rolled up in linen, each containing a separate portion. They were
supposed to belong to the four genii of Amenti, whose heads and names
they bore. The vase with a cover, representing the human head of
Amset, held the stomach and large intestines; that with the
cynocephalus head of Hapi contained the small intestines; in that
belonging to the jackal-headed Tuautmutf were the lungs and heart; and
for the vase of the hawk-headed Kabhsenuf were reserved the
gall-bladder and liver. On the sides of the vases were several columns
of hieroglyphics, which expressed the adoration of the deceased to
each of the four deities whose symbols adorned the covers, and which
gave the name of the deceased.
Small figures, called _shabti_, offered through respect for the dead,
are to be found in great numbers in the tombs. They were images of
Osiris, whose form the deceased was supposed to assume, and who thence
was called the Osirian. They are in several shapes, sometimes in that
of the deceased, standing in the dress of the period, but more
generally in the shape of a mummy, the body swathed in bandages, from
which the hands come out, holding a hoe, _hab_, and pick-ax, and the
cord of a square basket, slung on the left shoulder, or nape of the
neck. The head attire of the deceased is either that of the period or
dignity, and in the case of monarchs accompanied by the uræus, emblem
of royalty. Some figures hold the emblem of life, _ankh_, and of
stability, _tat_, or a whip, _khu_. They are generally of wood, or
vitrified earthenware. The name and quality of the deceased are found
on all those in the same tomb, and thrown on the ground round the
sarcophagus. They usually bear in hieroglyphics the sixth chapter of
the funeral ritual. Some are found with a blank space left for the
name of the deceased, which leads one to think that the relations and
friends procured these figures from dealers; the funeral formula, with
a list of the customary presentations of offerings for his soul to
Osiris were already on them; nothing was wanting but the name of the
deceased; this being added, they were then evidently offered as
testimonies of respect by the relations and friends of the deceased,
perhaps at the funeral, and then collected and placed in the tomb.
Sometimes these small figures were placed in painted cases divided
into compartments. These cases were about two feet long and one foot
high.
Manuscripts on papyrus, of various lengths, have been found on some
mummies. These rolls of papyrus are found in the coffins, or under the
swathings of the mummies, between the legs, on the breast, or under
the arms. Some are enclosed in a cylindrical case. The papyrus of the
Museum of Turin is sixty-six feet long, that at Paris is twenty-two
feet long; others are of different lengths, down to two or three
feet. That of Turin may be considered as complete. On all, the upper
part of the page is occupied by a line of figures of the divinities
which the soul visits in succession; the rest is filled with
perpendicular columns of hieroglyphics, which are prayers which the
soul addresses to each divinity; towards the end of the manuscript is
painted the judgment scene; the great god Osiris is on his throne; at
his feet is an enormous female crocodile, its mouth open; behind is
the divine balance, surmounted by a cynocephalus emblem of universal
justice; the good and bad actions of the soul are weighed in his
presence. Horus examines the plummet, and Thoth records the sentence;
standing close by is the soul of the deceased in its corporeal form,
conducted by the two goddesses, Truth and Justice, before the great
judge of the dead. The name of Ritual of the Dead has been given by
Egyptologists to these papyri, but in reality they bear the title of
"The Book of the Manifestation to Light." A copy of this, more or less
complete, according to the fortune of the deceased, was deposited in
the case of every mummy. The book was revised under the twenty-sixth
dynasty, and then assumed its final definite form. But many parts of
it are of the highest antiquity. The whole series of pilgrimages which
the soul, separated from the body, was believed to accomplish in the
various divisions of the lower regions, are related in this book. It
contained also a collection of prayers for the use of the deceased in
the other world, and of magical formulæ intended to secure the
preservation of the mummy from decay, and to prevent its possession by
an evil spirit, till the ultimate return of the soul of the deceased.
Many of these rituals are also found written, not in hieroglyphics,
but in hieratic characters, which are an abbreviated form of
hieroglyphic signs. Papyri with hieroglyphics are nearly always
divided by ruled lines into narrow vertical columns of an inch or less
in breadth, in which the hieroglyphic signs are arranged one under
the other. Sometimes the papyri are found written in the enchorial
character. Several manuscripts in Greek on papyrus have been also
discovered in Egypt; they are, however, of a late date, and relate to
the sale of lands; many have been discovered referring to lands and
possessions about Thebes, one of which has been given in full on page
245.
[Illustration: DISCOVERED TOMB WITH ITS TREASURES. (_At
Pompeii._)]
_Roman Tombs._--Before commencing our description of the tombs which
line the way as the visitor approaches Pompeii, and seem to prepare
him for that funeral silence which reigns in the long-lost city, the
more remarkable for its contrast with the gay and festive style of
decoration which still characterizes the remains which surround him,
it is our intention, as we have done in other instances, to give some
general information upon the subject which we are about to treat in
detail, for the benefit of those among our readers to whom the forms
of Roman burial and the expressions of Roman sorrow are unfamiliar.
Great, absurdly great among the uneducated, as is the importance
attached to a due performance of the rites of burial in the present
day, it is as nothing compared to the interest which was felt on this
subject by the Romans; and not by them only, but by other nations of
antiquity, with whose manners we have nothing to do here. The Romans
indeed had a good reason for this anxiety, for they believed, in
common with the Greeks, that if the body remained unentombed, the soul
wandered for a hundred years on the hither side of the Styx, alone and
desponding, unable to gain admission to its final resting-place,
whether among the happy or the miserable. If, therefore, any person
perished at sea, or otherwise under such circumstances that his body
could not be found, a _cenotaph_, or empty tomb, was erected by his
surviving friends, which served as well for his passport over the
Stygian ferry as if his body had been burnt or committed to the earth
with due ceremonies. Hence it became a religious duty, not rashly to
be neglected, to scatter earth over any unburied body which men
chanced to see, for even so slight a sepulchre as this was held
sufficient to appease the scruples of the infernal gods. The reader,
if there be any readers of Latin to whom these superstitions are
unfamiliar, may refer to the sixth book of the Æneid, line 325, and to
a remarkable ode of Horace, the 28th of the first book, which turns
entirely upon this subject. Burial, therefore, was a matter of
considerable importance.
When death approached, the nearest relative hung over the dying
person, endeavoring to inhale his last breath, in a fond belief that
the _anima_, the living principle, departed at that moment, and by
that passage from the body. Hence the phrases, _animam in primo ore
tenere, spiritum excipere_, and the like. It is curious to observe how
an established form of expression holds its ground. Here are we, after
the lapse of eighteen hundred years, still talking of receiving a
dying friend's last breath, as if we really meant what we say. After
death the body was washed and anointed by persons called
_pollinctores_; then laid out on a bier, the feet to the door, to
typify its approaching departure, dressed in the best attire which it
had formerly owned. The bier was often decked with leaves and flowers,
a simple and touching tribute of affection, which is of the heart, and
speaks to it, and therefore has maintained its ground in every age and
region, unaffected by the constant changes in customs merely arbitrary
and conventional.
[Illustration]
In the early ages of Rome the rites of burial and burning seem to have
been alike in use. Afterwards the former seems (for the matter is not
very clear) to have prevailed, until towards the close of the seventh
century of the city, after the death of Sylla, who is said to have
been the first of the patrician Cornelii who was burnt. Thenceforward
corpses were almost universally consumed by fire until the
establishment of Christianity, when the old fashion was brought up
again, burning being violently opposed by the fathers of the church,
probably on account of its intimate connection with Pagan associations
and superstitions. Seven days, we are told, elapsed between death and
the funeral; on the eighth the corpse was committed to the flames; on
the ninth the ashes were deposited in the sepulchre. This probably
refers only to the funerals of the great, where much splendor and
extent of preparation was required, and especially those public
funerals (_funera indictiva_) to which the whole people were bidden by
voice of crier, the ceremony being often closed by theatrical and
gladiatorial exhibitions, and a sumptuous banquet. But we have no
intention to narrate the pomp which accompanied the princely nobles of
Rome to the tomb: it is enough for our purpose to explain the usages
of private life, to which the Street of Tombs owes its origin and its
interest.
In the older times funerals were celebrated at night because the rites
of religion were celebrated by day; and it was pollution for the
ministers, or for anything connected with worship of the deities of
the upper world, even to see, much more to touch, anything connected
with death. From this nightly solemnization many of the words
connected with this subject are derived. Those who bore the bier were
called originally _Vesperones_, thence _Vespillones_, from _Vespera_,
evening; and the very term _funus_ is derived by grammarians, _a
funalibus_, from the rope torches coated with wax or tallow which
continued to be used long after the necessity for using them ceased.
This practice, now far more than two thousand years old, is still
retained in the Roman Church, with many other ceremonies borrowed from
heathen rites. St. Chrysostom assures us that it is not of modern
revival, and gives a beautiful reason for its being retained. "Tell
me," he says, "what mean those brilliant lamps? Do we not go forth
with the dead on their way rejoicing, as with men who have fought
their fight?"
The corpse being placed upon a litter or bier, the former being used
by the wealthy, the latter by the poor, was carried out preceded by
instrumental musicians, and female singers, who chanted the dirge.
These hired attendants, whose noisy sorrow was as genuine as the dumb
grief of our mutes, were succeeded, if the deceased were noble, or
distinguished by personal exploits, by numerous couches containing the
family effigies of his ancestors, each by itself, that the length of
his lineage might be the more conspicuous; by the images of such
nations as he had conquered, such cities as he had taken; by the
spoils which he had won; by the ensigns of the magistracies which he
had filled; but if the fasces were among them these were borne
reversed. Then came the slaves whom he had emancipated (and often with
a view to this post-mortem magnificence, a master emancipated great
numbers of them), wearing hats in token of their manumission. Behind
the corpse came the nearest relations, profuse in the display of grief
as far as it can be shown by weeping, howling, beating the breasts and
cheeks, and tearing the hair, which was laid, as a last tribute of
affection, on the breast of the deceased, to be consumed with him. To
shave the head was also a sign of mourning. It is a curious inversion
of the ordinary customs of life, that the sons of the deceased mourned
with the head covered, the daughters with it bare.
With this attendance the body was borne to the place of burial, being
usually carried through the Forum, where, if the deceased had been a
person of any eminence, a funeral oration was spoken from the rostra
in his honor. The place of burial was without the city, in almost
every instance. By the twelve tables it was enacted that no one should
be burned or buried within the city; and as this wholesome law fell
into disuse, it was from time to time revived and enforced. The
reasons for its establishment were twofold, religious and civil. To
the former head belongs the reason, already assigned for a different
observance, that the very sight of things connected with death brought
pollution on things consecrated to the gods of the upper world. So far
was this carried that the priest of Jupiter might not even enter any
place where there was a tomb, or so much as hear the funeral pipes;
nay, his wife, the Flaminica, might not wear shoes made of the hide of
an ox which had died a natural death, because all things which had
died spontaneously were of ill omen. Besides, it was an ill omen to
any one to come upon a tomb unawares. Another reason was that the
public convenience might not be interrupted by private rites, since
no tombs could be removed without sacrilege when once established,
unless by the state, upon sufficient cause. The civil reasons are to
be sought in the unwholesome exhalations of large burying-grounds, and
the danger of fire from burning funeral piles in the neighborhood of
houses. It is not meant, however, that there were no tombs within the
city. Some appear to have been included by the gradual extension of
the walls; others were established in those intervals when the law of
the twelve tables fell, as we have said, into desuetude; nor does it
appear that these were destroyed, nor their contents removed. Thus
both the Claudian and the Cincian clans had sepulchres in Rome, the
former under the Capitol.
[Illustration: ARTICLES FOUND IN A TOMB.]
If the family were of sufficient consequence to have a patrimonial
tomb the deceased was laid in it; if he had none such, and was
wealthy, he usually constructed a tomb upon his property during life,
or bought a piece of ground for the purpose. If possible the tomb was
always placed near a road. Hence the usual form of inscription,
_Siste, Viator_ (Stay, Traveler), continually used in churches by
those small wits who thought that nothing could be good English which
was not half Latin, and forgot that in our country the traveler must
have stayed already to visit the sexton before he can possibly do so
in compliance with the advice of the monument. For the poor there were
public burial-grounds, called _puticuli, a puteis_, from the trenches
ready dug to receive bodies. Such was the ground at the Esquiline
gate, which Augustus gave Mæcenas for his gardens. Public tombs were
also granted by the state to eminent men, an honor in early times
conferred on few. These grants were usually made in the Campus
Martius, where no one could legally be buried without a decree of the
senate in his favor. It appears from the inscriptions found in the
Street of Tombs, at Pompeii, that much, if not the whole of the ground
on which those tombs are built, was public property, the property of
the corporation, as we should now say; and that the sites of many,
perhaps of all, were either purchased or granted by the decurions, or
municipal senate, in gratitude for obligations received.
Sometimes the body was burned at the place where it was to be
entombed, which, when the pile and sepulchre were thus joined, was
called _bustum_; sometimes the sepulchre was at a distance from the
place of burning, which was then called _ustrina_. The words _bustum_
and _sepulchrum_, therefore, though often loosely used as synonymous,
are not in fact so, the latter being involved in, but by no means
comprehending the former. The pile was ordered to be built of rough
wood, unpolished by the ax. Pitch was added to quicken the flames, and
cypress, the aromatic scent of which was useful to overpower the
stench of the burning body. The funeral piles of great men were of
immense size and splendidly adorned; and all classes appear to have
indulged their vanity in this respect to the utmost of their means, so
that a small and unattended pyre is mentioned as the mark of an
insignificant or friendless person. The body was placed on it in the
litter or bier; the nearest relation present then opened the eyes,
which it had been the duty of the same person to close immediately
after death, and set fire to the wood with averted face, in testimony
that he performed that office not of good will, but of necessity. As
the combustion proceeded, various offerings were cast into the flames.
The manes were believed to love blood; animals, therefore, especially
those which they had loved while alive, were killed and thrown upon
the pile, as horses, dogs and doves, besides the beasts commonly used
in sacrifice, as sheep and oxen. Human beings, especially prisoners of
war, were sometimes put to death, though not in the later times of the
republic. The most costly robes and arms of the deceased, especially
trophies taken in warfare, were also devoted in his honor, and the
blaze was fed by the costly oils and gums of the East. The body being
reduced to ashes, these were then quenched with wine, and collected by
the nearest relation; after which, if the grief were real, they were
again bedewed with tears; if not, wine or unguents answered the
purpose equally well. The whole ceremony is described in a few lines
by Tibullus:
There, while the fire lies smouldering on the ground,
My bones, the all of me, can then be found.
Arrayed in mourning robes, the sorrowing pair
Shall gather all around with pious care;
With ruddy wine the relics sprinkle o'er,
And snowy milk on them collected pour.
Then with fair linen cloths the moisture dry,
Inurned in some cold marble tomb to lie.
With them enclose the spices, sweets and gums,
And all that from the rich Arabia comes,
And what Assyria's wealthy confines send,
And tears, sad offering, to my memory lend.
_Eleg. iii._ 2-17.
The ashes thus collected were then finally deposited in the urn, which
was made of different materials, according to the quality of the dead;
usually of clay or glass, but sometimes of marble, bronze, and even
the precious metals. The ceremony thus over, the præfica gave the
word, _Ilicet_ (the contracted form of _Ire licet_, It is lawful to
go), and the bystanders departed, having been thrice sprinkled with a
branch of olive or laurel dipped in water, to purify them from the
pollution which they had contracted, and repeating thrice the words,
_Vale_, or _Salve_, words of frequent occurrence in monumental
inscriptions, as in one of beautiful simplicity which we quote:
"Farewell, most happy soul of Caia Oppia. We shall follow thee in such
order as may be appointed by nature. Farewell, sweetest mother."
The distinction between cenotaphs and tombs has been already
explained. Cenotaphs, however, were of two sorts: those erected to
persons already duly buried, which were merely honorary, and those
erected to the unburied dead, which had a religious end and efficacy.
This evasion of the penal laws against lying unburied was chiefly
serviceable to persons shipwrecked or slain in war; but all came in
for the benefit of it whose bodies could not be found or identified.
When a cenotaph of the latter class was erected sacrifices were
offered, the names of the deceased were thrice invoked with a loud
voice, as if to summon them to their new abode, and the cenotaph was
hallowed with the same privileges as if the ashes of the deceased
reposed within it.
The heir, however, had not discharged his last duty when he had laid
the body of his predecessor in the tomb; there were still due solemn
rites, and those of an expensive character. The Romans loved to keep
alive the memory of their dead, showing therein a constancy of
affection which does them honor; and not only immediately after the
funeral, but at stated periods from time to time, they celebrated
feasts and offered sacrifices and libations to them. The month of
February was especially set apart for doing honor to the manes, having
obtained that distinction in virtue of being, in old times, the last
month of the year. Private funeral feasts were also celebrated on the
ninth day after death, and indeed at any time, except on those days
which were marked as unlucky, because some great public calamity had
befallen upon them. Besides these feasts, the dead were honored with
sacrifices, which were offered to the manes, and with games; but the
latter belong more to those splendid public funerals which we have
professed not to describe. The inferiæ consisted principally of
libations, for which were used water, milk, wine, but especially
blood, the smell of which was thought peculiarly palatable to the
ghosts. Perfumes and flowers were also thrown upon the tomb; and the
inexpediency of wasting rich wines and precious oils on a cold stone
and dead body, when they might be employed in comforting the living,
was a favorite subject with the _bons vivans_ of the age. It was with
the same design to crown it with garlands, and to honor it with
libations, that Electra and Orestes met and recognized each other at
their father's tomb. Roses were in especial request for this service,
and lilies also:
Full canisters of fragrant lilies bring,
Mixed with the purple roses of the Spring;
Let me with funeral flowers his body strow,
This gift which parents to their children owe,
This unavailing gift at least I may bestow.
_Dryden, Æn, vi. 883._
_Inscriptions._--Before entering upon a description of the catacombs,
we will speak of the inscriptions of the ancients. Most of the tombs
are really Egyptian, and no nation has left so many inscriptions as
the Egyptian. All its monuments are covered with them. Its temples,
palaces, tombs, isolated monuments, present an infinite number of
inscriptions in hieroglyphic, hieratic, and demotic characters. The
Egyptians rarely executed a statue, or figured representation, without
inscribing by its side its name or subject. This name is invariably
found by the side of each divinity, personage, or individual. In each
painted scene, on each sculptured figure, an inscription, more or less
extensive, explains its subject.
The characters used by the Egyptians were of three
kinds--hieroglyphic, hieratic, and demotic. The latter has been also
termed _enchorial_, or popular. The first was doubtless a system of
representational signs, or picture writing--the earliest form of
writing, in the first stage of its development; the hieratic is an
abbreviated form of the hieroglyphic; the demotic, a simplified form
of the hieratic, and a near approach towards the alphabetic system.
[Illustration: HIEROGLYPHICS.]
Hieroglyphics (styled by the Egyptians _skhai en neter tur_--writing
of sacred words) are composed of signs representing objects of the
physical world, as animals, plants, stars, man and his different
members, and various objects. They are pure or linear, the latter
being a reduction of the former. The pure were always sculptured or
painted. The linear were generally used in the earlier papyri,
containing funeral rituals.
They have been divided into four classes:--1, Representational or
ikonographic; 2, Symbolic or tropical; 3, Enigmatic; 4, Phonetic. From
the examination of hieroglyphic inscriptions of different ages, it is
evident that these four classes of symbols were used promiscuously,
according to the pleasure and convenience of the artist.
1. Ikonographic, representational, or imitative hieroglyphics, are
those that present the images of the things expressed, as the sun's
disk to signify the sun, the crescent to signify the moon. These may
be styled pure hieroglyphics.
2. The symbolical, or tropical (by Bunsen termed ideographic),
substituted one object for another, to which it bore an analogy, as
heaven and a star expressed night; a leg in a trap, deceit; two arms
stretched towards heaven expressed the word offering; a censer with
some grains of incense, adoration; a bee was made to signify Lower
Egypt; the fore-quarters of a lion, strength; a crocodile, darkness.
The following hieroglyphics were on the triumph Hall Thothmes III.,
and mean, after translating:
[Illustration]
"I went: I order that you reduce and crush all the high officers of
Tsahi. I cast them together with all their possessions at thy feet."
This kind of character appears to have been particularly invented for
the expression of abstract ideas, especially belonging to religion or
the royal power. These are the characters generally alluded to by the
ancients when they speak of hieroglyphics, and are the most difficult
of interpretation.
3. Enigmatic are those in which an emblematic figure is put in lieu of
the one intended to be represented, as a hawk for the sun; a seated
figure with a curved beard, for a god. These three kinds were either
used _alone_, or _in company_ with the phonetically written word they
represented. Thus: 1. The word Ra, sun, might be written in letters
only, or be also followed by the ikonograph, the _solar disk_ (which
if alone would still have the same meaning--Ra, the sun). So, too, the
word "moon," Aah, was followed by the crescent. In these cases the
sign so following the phonetic word has been called a _terminative_,
from its serving to determine the meaning of what preceded it. We give
here a few words translated:
[Illustration]
"In your transformation as golden sperbe you have accomplished it."
2. In the same manner, the _tropical_ hieroglyphics might be alone or
in company with the word written phonetically; and the expression "to
write," _skhai_, might be followed or not by its tropical
hieroglyphic, the "pen and inkstand," as its determinative sign. 3.
The emblematic figure, a _hawk-headed_ god, bearing the disk,
signifying the "sun," might also be alone, or after the name "Ra"
written phonetically, as a determinative sign; and as a general rule
the determinative followed, instead of preceding the names.
Determinatives are of two kinds--ideograms, and generic
determinatives: the first were the pictures of the object spoken of;
the second, conventional symbols of the class of notions expressed by
the word.
[Illustration]
4. Phonetic. Phonetic characters or signs were those expressive of
sounds. They are either purely _alphabetic_ or _syllabic_. All the
other Egyptian phonetic signs have _syllabic_ values, which are
resolvable into combinations of the letters of the alphabet. This
phonetic principle being admitted, the numbers of figures used to
represent a sound might have been increased almost without limit, and
any hieroglyphic might stand for the first letter of its name. So
copious an alphabet would have been a continual source of error. The
characters, therefore, thus applied, were soon fixed, and the
Egyptians practically confined themselves to particular hieroglyphics
in writing certain words.
[Illustration]
"Out of bad comes good."
Hieroglyphic writing was employed on monuments of all kinds, on
temples as well as on the smallest figures, and on bricks used for
building purposes. On the most ancient monuments this writing is
absolutely the same as on the most recent Egyptian work. Out of Egypt
there is scarcely a single example of a graphic system identically the
same during a period of over two thousand years. The hieroglyphic
characters were either engraved in relief, or sunk below the surface
on the public monuments, and objects of hard materials suited for the
glyptic art. The hieroglyphics on the monuments are either sculptured
and plain, or decorated with colors. The colored are divided into two
distinct classes, the monochromatic of one simple tone, and the
polychromatic, or those which rendered with more or less fidelity the
color of the object they were intended to depict. The hieroglyphic
figures were arranged in vertical columns or horizontal lines, and
grouped together as circumstances required, so as to leave no spaces
unnecessarily vacant. They were written from right to left, or from
left to right. The order in which the characters were to be read, was
shown by the direction in which the figures are placed, as their heads
are invariably turned towards the reader. A single line of
hieroglyphics--the dedication of a temple or of any other monument,
for example--proceeds sometimes one half from left to right, and the
other half from right to left; but in this case a sign, such as the
sacred tau, or an obelisk, which has no particular direction, is
placed in the middle of the inscription, and it is from that sign that
the two halves of the inscription take each an opposite direction.
The period when hieroglyphics--the oldest Egyptian characters--were
first used, is uncertain. They are found in the Great Pyramid of the
time of the fourth dynasty, and had evidently been invented long
before, having already assumed a cursive style.[23] This shows them to
be far older than any other known writing; and the written documents
of the ancient languages of Asia, the Sanskrit and the Zend, are of a
recent time compared with those of Egypt, even if the date of the
Rig-Veda in the fifteenth century B.C. be proved. Manetho shows that
the invention of writing was known in the reign of Athoth (the son
and successor of Menes), the second King of Egypt, when he ascribes to
him the writing of the anatomical books, and tradition assigned to it
a still earlier origin. At all events, hieroglyphics, and the use of
the papyrus, with the usual reed pen, are shown to have been common
when the pyramids were built, and their style in the sculptures proves
that they were then a very old invention. In hieroglyphics of the
earliest periods there were fewer phonetic characters than in after
ages, these periods being nearer to the original picture-writing. The
number of signs also varied at different times; but they may be
reckoned at from 900 to 1,000. Various new characters were added at
subsequent periods, and a still greater number were introduced under
the Ptolemies and Cæsars, which are not found in the early monuments;
some, again, of the older times, fell into disuse.
Hieratic is an abbreviated form of the hieroglyphic; thus each
hieroglyphic sign--ikonographic, symbolic, or phonetic--has its
abridged hieratic form, and this abridged form has the same import as
the sign itself of which it is a reduced copy. It was written from
right to left, and was the character used by the priests and sacred
scribes, whence its name. It was invented at least as early as the
ninth dynasty (4,240 years ago), and fell into disuse when the demotic
had been introduced. The hieratic writing was generally used for
manuscripts, and is also found on the cases of mummies, and on
isolated stones and tablets. Long inscriptions have been written on
them with a brush. Inscriptions of this kind are also found on
buildings, written or engraved by ancient travelers. But its most
important use was in the historical papyri, and the registers of the
temples. Most valuable information respecting the chronology and
numeric systems of the Egyptians has been derived from them.
Demotic, or enchorial, is composed of signs derived from the hieratic,
and is a simplified form of it, but from which figurative or
ikonographic signs are generally excluded, and but few symbolical
signs, relative to religion alone, are retained; signs nearly
approaching the alphabetic are chiefly met with in this third kind of
writing. It was invariably written, like the hieratic, from right to
left. It is thus evident that the Egyptians, strictly speaking, had
but one system of writing, composed of three kinds of signs, the
second and third being regularly deduced from the first, and all three
governed by the same fundamental principles. The demotic was reserved
for general use among the Egyptians: decrees and other public acts,
contracts, some funeral stelæ, and private transactions, were written
in demotic. The intermediate text of the Rosetta inscription is of
this kind. It is not quite certain when the demotic first came into
use, but it was at least as early as the reign of Psammetichus II., of
the twenty-sixth dynasty (B.C. 604); and it had therefore long been
employed when Herodotus visited Egypt. Soon after its invention it was
adopted for all ordinary purposes.
The chief objects of interest in the study of an Egyptian inscription
are its historical indications. These are found in the names of Kings
or of chief officers, and in the dates they contain. The names of
Kings are always enclosed in an oval called _cartouche_. An oval
contains either the royal title or prænomen, or the proper name or
nomen of the King.
[Illustration: EGYPTIAN PILLAR.]
The dates which are found with these royal legends are also of great
importance in an historical point of view, and monuments which bear
any numerical indications are exceedingly rare. These numerical
indications are either the age of the deceased on a funeral tablet, or
the number of different consecrated objects which he has offered to
the gods, or the date of an event mentioned in the inscription.
Dates, properly so called, are the most interesting to collect; they
are expressed in hieroglyphic cyphers, single lines expressing the
number of units up to nine, when an arbitrary sign represents 10,
another 100, and another 10,000.
The most celebrated Egyptian inscriptions are those of the Rosetta
stone. This stone, a tablet of black basalt, contains three
inscriptions, one in hieroglyphics, another in demotic or enchorial,
and a third in the Greek language. The inscriptions are to the same
purport in each, and are a decree of the priesthood of Memphis, in
honor of Ptolemy Epiphanes, about the year B.C. 196. "Ptolemy is there
styled King of Upper and Lower Egypt, Son of the gods Philopatores,
approved by Pthah, to whom Ra has given victory, a living image of
Amun, son of Ra, Ptolemy Immortal, beloved by Pthah, God Epiphanes,
most gracious. In the date of the decree we are told the names of the
priests of Alexander, of the gods Soteres, of the gods Adelphi, of the
gods Euergetæ, of the gods Philopatores, of the god Epiphanes himself,
of Berenice Euergetis, of Arsinoe Philadelphus, and of Arsinoe
Philopator. The preamble mentions with gratitude the services of the
King, or rather of his wise minister, Aristomenes, and the enactment
orders that the statue of the King shall be worshipped in every temple
of Egypt, and be carried out in the processions with those of the gods
of the country, and lastly that the decree is to be carved at the foot
of every statue of the King in sacred, in common and in Greek writing"
(Sharpe). It is now in the British Museum. This stone is remarkable
for having led to the discovery of the system pursued by the Egyptians
in their monumental writing, and for having furnished a key to its
interpretation, Dr. Young giving the first hints by establishing the
phonetic value of the hieroglyphic signs, which were followed up and
carried out by Champollion.
Another important and much more ancient inscription is the tablet of
Abydos in the British Museum. It was discovered by Mr. Banks in a
chamber of the temple of Abydos, in 1818. It is now greatly
disfigured, but when perfect it represented an offering made by
Remeses II., of the nineteenth dynasty, to his predecessors on the
throne of Egypt. The tablet is of fine limestone, and originally
contained the names of fifty-two Kings disposed in the two upper
lines, twenty-six in each line, and a third or lower line with the
name and prænomen of Remeses II. or III. repeated twenty-six times. On
the upper line, beginning from the right hand, are the names of
monarchs anterior to the twelfth dynasty. The names in the second line
are those of monarchs of the twelfth and the eighteenth or nineteenth
dynasties. The King Remeses II. probably stood on the right hand of
the tablet, and on the other is the lower part of a figure of Osiris.
The lateral inscription is the speech of the deceased King to "their
son" Remeses II.
The tablet of Karnac, now in one of the halls of the Bibliotheque at
Paris, was discovered by Burton in a chamber situated in the southeast
angle of the temple-palace of Thebes, and was published by its
discoverer in his "Excerpta Hieroglyphica." The chamber itself was
fully described by Rosellini in his "Monumenti Storici." The Kings are
in two rows, overlooked each of them by a large figure of Thothmes
III., the fifth King of the eighteenth dynasty. In the row to the left
of the entrance are thirty-one names, and in that to the right are
thirty, all of them predecessors of Thothmes. The Theban Kings who
ruled in Upper Egypt during the usurpation of the Hyksos invaders are
also exhibited among the lists. Over the head of each King is his
oval, containing his royal titles.
A most valuable tablet of Kings has been lately discovered by M.
Mariette in a tomb near Memphis, that of a priest who lived under
Remeses II., and was called Tunar-i. It contains two rows of Kings'
names, each twenty-nine in number. Six have been wholly obliterated
out of the upper row, and five out of the lower row. The upper row
contains the names of Remeses II. and his predecessors, who seem all
meant for Kings of Upper Egypt, or Kings of Memphis who ruled over
Upper Egypt, while the names in the lower row seem meant for
contemporaneous High Priests of Memphis, some or all of whom may have
called themselves Kings of Lower Egypt. The result of the comparison
of this tablet with other authorities, namely, Manetho, Eratosthenes,
and the tablet of Abydos, is supposed by some to contradict the longer
views of chronology held by Bunsen, Lepsius and others. Thus, reading
the list of names backwards from Remeses II. to Amosis, the first of
the eighteenth dynasty, this tablet, like the tablet of Abydos,
immediately jumps to the Kings of Manetho's twelfth dynasty; thus
arguing that the intermediate five dynasties mentioned by Manetho must
have been reigning contemporaneously with the others, and add no
length of time to a table of chronology. There is also a further
omission in this tablet of four more dynasties. This tablet would thus
seem to confirm the views of the opponents of the longer chronology of
Bunsen and others, by striking out from the long chronology two
periods amounting together to 1,536 years. But a complete counterpart
of the tablet of Memphis has been recently found at Abydos by M.
Mariette, fully confirming the chronology of Manetho, and bearing out
the views of Bunsen and Lepsius. The _Moniteur_ publishes a letter
from M. Mariette, containing the following statement:--"At Abydos I
have discovered a magnificent counterpart of the tablet of Sakharah.
Seti I., accompanied by his son, subsequently Remeses II. (Sesostris),
presents an offering to seventy-six Kings drawn up in line before him.
Menes (the first King of the first dynasty on Manetho's list) is at
their head. From Menes to Seti I., this formidable list passes through
nearly all the dynasties. The first six are represented therein. We
are next introduced to sovereigns still unknown to us, belonging to
the obscure period which extends from the end of the sixth to the
beginning of the eleventh. From the eleventh to the eighteenth the new
table follows the beaten track, which it does not quit again during
the reign of Thothmes, Amenophis, and the first Remeses. If in this
new list everything is not absolutely new, we at least find in it a
valuable confirmation of Manetho's list, and in the present state of
science we can hardly expect more. Whatever confirms Manetho gives us
confidence in our own efforts, even as whatever contradicts it weakens
the results we obtain. The new tablet of Abydos is, moreover, the
completest and best preserved monument we possess in this respect. Its
style is splendid, and there is not a single cartouche or oval
wanting. It has been found engraved on one of the walls of a small
chamber in the large temple of Abydos."
An important stone bearing a Greek inscription with equivalent
Egyptian hieroglyphics has been discovered by Professor Lepsius, at
San, the former Tanis, the chief scene of the grand architectural
undertakings of Remeses II. The Greek inscription consists of
seventy-six lines, in the most perfect preservation, dating from the
time of Ptolemy Euergetes I. (B.C. 238). The hieroglyphical
inscription has thirty-seven lines. It was also found that a demotic
inscription was ordered to be added by the priests, on a stone or
brass stele, in the sacred writing of the Egyptians and in Greek
characters; this is unfortunately wanting. The contents of the
inscription are of great interest. It is dated the ninth year the
seventh Apellæus--seventeen Tybi, of the reign of Euergetes I. The
priests of Egypt came together in Canopus to celebrate the birthday of
Euergetes, on the fifth Dios, and his assumption of the royal honor on
the twenty-eighth of the same month, when they passed the decree here
published. They enumerate all the good deeds of the King, amongst them
the merit of having recovered in a military expedition the sacred
images carried off in former times by the Persians, and order great
honors to be paid in reward for his services. This tablet of
calcareous stone with a rounded top, is about seven feet high, and is
completely covered by the inscription. The discovery of this stone is
of the greatest importance for hieroglyphical studies.
We may mention here another inscribed tablet, the celebrated Isiac
table in the Museum at Turin. It is a tablet in bronze, covered with
Egyptian figures or hieroglyphics engraved or sunk, the outlines being
filled with silvering, forming a kind of niello. It was one of the
first objects that excited an interest in the interpretation of
hieroglyphics, and elicited learned solutions from Kircher and others.
It is now considered to be one of those pseudo-Egyptian productions so
extensively fabricated during the reign of Hadrian.
[Illustration: EGYPTIAN COLUMN.]
The Egyptian obelisks also present important inscriptions. Of these
the most ancient is that of Heliopolis.
We have selected these few examples of Egyptian inscriptions for their
celebrity. Almost every Egyptian monument, of whatever period,
temples, statues, tablets, small statues, were inscribed with
hieroglyphic inscriptions, all generally executed with great care and
finish. The Egyptian edifices were also covered with religious or
historical tableaux, sculptured and painted on all the walls; it has
been estimated that in one single temple there existed no less than
30,000 square feet of sculpture, and at the sides of these tableaux
were innumerable inscriptions, equally composed of ingeniously grouped
figurative signs, in explanation of the subjects, and combining with
them far more happily than if they had been the finest alphabetical
characters in the world.
Their study would require more than a lifetime, and we have only space
to give a few general hints.
We have a much more accurate knowledge of Greek inscriptions than we
have of Egyptian palæography. The Greek alphabet, and all its
variations, as well as the language, customs, and history of that
illustrious people, are better known to us. Greek inscriptions lead us
back to those glorious periods of the Greek people when their heroes
and writers made themselves immortal by their illustrious deeds and
writings. What emotions must arise in the breast of the archæologist
who finds in a marble worn by time the funereal monument placed by
Athens, twenty-three centuries ago, over the grave of its warriors who
died before Potidæa.
"Their souls high heaven received; their bodies gained,
In Potidæa's plains, this hallowed tomb.
Their foes unnumbered fell: a few remained
Saved by their ramparts from the general doom.
The victor city mourns her heroes slain,
Foremost in fight, they for her glory died."
The most important monumental inscription which presents Greek
records, illustrating and establishing the chronology of Greek
history, is the Parian chronicle, now preserved among the Arundelian
marbles at Oxford. It was so called from the supposition of its having
been made in the Island of Paros, B.C. 263. In its perfect state it
was a square tablet, of coarse marble, five inches thick; and when
Selden first inspected it it measured three feet seven inches by two
feet seven inches. On this stone were engraved some of the principal
events in the history of ancient Greece, forming a compendium of
chronology during a series of 1,318 years, which commenced with the
reign of Cecrops, the first King of Athens, B.C. 1582, and ended with
the archonship of Diognetus. It was deciphered and published by the
learned Selden in 1628. It makes no mention of Olympiads, and reckons
backwards from the time then present by years.
Particular attention should be paid, in the interpretation of Greek
inscriptions, to distinguish the numerous titles of magistrates of
every order, of public officers of different ranks, the names of gods
and of nations, those of towns, and the tribes of a city; the
prescribed formulas for different kinds of monuments; the text of
decrees, letters, etc., which are given or cited in analogous texts;
the names of monuments, such as stelæ, tablets, cippi, etc., the
indication of places, or parts belonging to those places, where they
ought to be set up or deposited, such as a temple or vestibule, a
court or peristyle, public square, etc.; those at whose cost it was
set up, the entire city or a curia, the public treasure, or a private
fund, the names and surnames of public or private individuals;
prerogatives or favors granted, such as the right of asylum, of
hospitality, of citizenship; the punishments pronounced against those
who should destroy or mutilate the monument; the conditions of
treaties and alliances; the indications of weights, moneys and
measures.
Another early example of a commemorative inscription of which the date
can also be positively fixed is that lately discovered by Dr. Frick on
the bronze serpent with the three heads, now at Constantinople, which
supported the golden tripod which was dedicated, as Herodotus states,
to Apollo by the allied Greeks as a tenth of the Persian spoils at
Platæa, and which was placed near the altar at Delphi. On this
monument, as we learn from Thucydides, Pausanias, regent of Sparta,
inscribed an arrogant distich, in which he commemorates the victory in
his own name as general in chief, hardly mentioning the allied forces
who gained it. This epigram was subsequently erased by the
Lacedæmonians, who substituted it for an inscription enumerating the
various Hellenic states who had taken a part in repulsing the Persian
invaders. The inscription contains exactly what the statements of
Thucydides and Herodotus would lead us to expect; the names of those
Greek states which took an active part in the defeat of the Persians.
Thirty-one names have been deciphered, and there seem to be traces of
three more. The first three names in the list are the Lacedæmonians,
Athenians, Corinthians. The remainder are nearly identical with those
inscribed on the statue of Zeus at Olympia, as they are given by
Pausanias. The names of the several states seem to be arranged on the
serpent generally according to their relative importance, and also
with some regard to their geographical distribution. The states of
continental Greece are enumerated first; then the islanders and
outlying colonies in the north and west. It is supposed the present
inscription was placed on the serpent B.C. 476.
The dedicatory inscriptions on the statues at Branchidæ probably range
from B.C. 580-520. The famous Sigean inscription, brought from the
Troad to England in the last century, is now admitted to be not a
pseudo-archaic imitation, as Bockh maintained, but a genuine specimen
of Greek writing in Asia Minor, contemporary, or nearly so, with the
Branchidæ inscriptions. Kirchhoff considers it not later than Olympiad
69 (B.C. 504-500).
A most interesting inscription of the archaic period is the celebrated
bronze tablet, which Sir William Gell obtained from Olympia, and on
which is engraved a treaty between the Eleans and Heræans. The terms
of this specimen of ancient diplomacy are singularly concise.
Kirchhoff places this inscription before Olympiad 75 (B.C. 480); Bockh
assigns it to a much earlier date. In any case, we may regard this as
the oldest extant treaty in the Greek language. It must have been
originally fixed on the wall of some temple at Olympia.
A series of Athenian records on marble has been found inscribed on the
wall of the Parthenon, while others have been put together out of many
fragments extracted from the ruins on the Acropolis and from
excavations at Athens. Of the public records preserved in these
inscriptions, the following are the most important classes: the
tribute lists, the treasure lists, and the public accounts.
An interesting inscription has been lately brought to light in the
diggings on the Athenian Acropolis. It is the treaty-stone between
Athens and Chalcis. The inscription is of the days of Pericles, and
records the terms on which Chalcis in Eubœa was again received as an
Athenian dependency or subject ally after its revolt and recovery in
B.C. 445. The event is recorded in Thucydides. The inscription is in
Attic Greek, but the spelling is archaic.
Funeral monuments usually bear an inscription which gives the names
and titles of the deceased, his country, his age, the names of his
father and of his mother, his titles and his services, his
distinguished qualities and his virtues. Frequently a funereal
inscription contains only the names of the deceased, that of his
country, and acclamations and votive formulæ generally terminate it.
The Sigean marble is one of the most celebrated palæographical
monuments in existence. It is written in the most ancient Greek
characters, and in the Boustrophedon manner. The purport of the
inscription, which in sense is twice repeated, on the upper and lower
part of the stone, is to record the presentation of three vessels for
the use of the Prytaneum, or Town Hall of the Sigeans. The upper and
lower inscriptions, in common letters, read thus:
The first inscription is thus translated: "I am the gift of
Phanodicus, the son of Hermocrates, of Proconnesus; he gave a vase (a
crater), a stand or support for it, and a strainer, to the Sigeans for
the Prytaneum." The second, which says, "I also am the gift of
Phanodicus," repeating the substance of the former inscription, adds,
"if any mischance happens to me, the Sigeans are to mend me. Æsop and
his brethren made me." The lower inscription is the more ancient. It
is now nearly obliterated. Kirchhoff considers it to be not later than
Olympiad 69 B.C. (504-500).
_The Athenian People erects this Statue of Socrates, the Son of
Socrates of Thoricus._
"The Sons of Athens, Socrates, from thee
Imbibed the lessons of the Muse divine;
Hence this thy meed of wisdom: prompt are we
To render grace for grace, our love for thine."
_Wordsworth's Athens._
To Perpenna the Roman,
of Consular dignity, the Senate and People of Syracuse.
A man by whose wise counsels this city of Syracuse hath breathed from
its labors, and seen the hour of repose. For these services the best
of its citizens have erected to him an image of marble, but they
preserve that of his wisdom in their breasts.
_Museum of Syracuse._
_On a Gateway at Nicæa_ (_Translation_):
"The very splendid, and large, and good city of the Nicæans [erects]
this wall for the autocrat Cæsar Marcus Aurelius Claudius, the pious,
the fortunate, august, of Tribunitial authority, second time
Proconsul, father of his country, and for the Sacred Senate, and the
people of the Romans, in the time of the illustrious Consular Velleius
Macrinus, Legate and Lieutenant of the august Cæsar Antoninus, the
splendid orator." A.D. 269.
[Page Decoration]
THE CATACOMBS.
The catacombs, or under-ground cemeteries, are among the most
stupendous wonders of antiquity, and have ever since their discovery
excited the keenest interest of archæologists.
The cut on page 875 is a plan of the catacombs of Rome. These alone
were years ago computed to be 590 miles in length, while Mr. Marchi,
in the light of more recent investigations and new discoveries has
calculated their length to be between 800 and 900 miles, and, that in
the sepulchral enclosures of their vast hollows between 6,000,000 and
7,000,000 of the human race have been entombed. Most of the catacombs
are situated from fifty to seventy-five feet below the surface of the
earth, not a ray of natural light can penetrate the dense blackness of
night which everywhere abounds. Woe to the man whose boldness leads
him to venture alone into these dark depths! So extensive and so
intricate are the corridors and passages that he must be irrevocably
lost and miserably perish in this endless labyrinth. Even the most
experienced guides, with burning torches in hand, would rather follow
only thoroughly explored passages, and care not to leave well-beaten
tracks.
The passages are from six to twelve feet high and have an average
width of from three to six feet. In the tufa rock of which their walls
are composed niches are hollowed out, one above the other, in which
the dead were laid, from three to six persons having been placed on
each side. All the passages and galleries have these ghastly linings,
and most of them end their long and dreary course in a chamber, as the
reader may observe on examining the cuts below.
These chambers are often of large dimensions, and were originally
adorned with great splendor and high art. They were the tombs of
wealthy and noble families, who spared neither labor nor money in
beautifying their final habitations. The walls and ceilings were
exquisitely sculptured and painted by the most gifted artists of the
age. Sarcophagi or coffins of bronze, of porphyry and other rare
marbles contained the bodies of the dead. On their massive lids and
sides were carved the forms and features of those lying within, so
that even to-day we are in possession of fine and accurate portraits
of ancient people. Around the sarcophagi were placed rich vases of
gold, drinking cups of silver, and many other valuable treasures dear
to the departed when alive. Statues of bronze and marble were ranged
about in lavish array and gleamed under the soft light which fell from
quaint lamps of precious metals, curious in shape and wrought with
elaborate skill.
[Illustration: SECTIONS OF CATACOMBS WITH CHAMBERS.]
In the Roman Campagna there were forty-three catacombs, whose names
are recorded in inscriptions, in martyrologies, and in the Pontifical
Registers used by Anastasius, since republished, with additions, in
various forms, and repeated in substance by Baronius in his Annals,
and Panvinius in his treatise on the Cemeteries. Aringhi reckons on
the number at fifty-six, and from the account of Signor de Rossi it
appears that the number is now reckoned at about sixty. The number of
_general_ cemeteries is not so large.
[Illustration: PLAN OF CATACOMBS AT ROME. (_Estimated to be
between 800 and 900 miles in length._)]
The original entrances to the catacombs were in many instances by
subterranean roads or corridors, sometimes called streets. These
corridors, which served as entrances to and passages in the
burial-places, were originally old sand-pit roads, from which the
Pozzolana sand had been extracted; when this bed of sand is extracted,
the entrance is usually closed. The soft bed of Pozzolana sand was,
however, not generally used for interments, but the harder bed under
it, called "tufa granulare." The different horizontal layers or beds
of tufa vary very much in hardness and also in thickness.
Although these catacombs may not be the finest cemeteries, yet the use
of these would be infinitely preferable to the recent Roman practice
of throwing the bodies of all persons, whose families can not afford
to buy a piece of land in perpetuity, into a pit, in the same manner
as the ancient Romans did the bodies of their slaves.
There are three hundred and eighty pits provided in the burial ground
of S. Lorenzo, one of which was opened every night. All the bodies
brought for interment that day or night were thrown into it, after
being first stripped to the skin by the officials; and then hot lime
was thrown upon them, that they might be thoroughly decayed before the
year came round. The mouth of the pit was closed with lime grouting,
so that no effluvium could escape, and this covering was not broken
until the pit was wanted to be used again.
These corridors or passages of the sand-pits from which the Pozzolana
sand had been excavated are large enough to admit a horse and cart;
these were frequently the entrances to the catacombs, the corridors of
which are usually by the side of or under those of the _arenariæ_, or
sand-pits, and are only just large enough for a man, or two men with
a body, to pass along; the height varies from five to seven or eight
feet, or more, according to the thickness of the bed of tufa. In the
catacomb of S. Hermes, part of the wide sand-pit road has been reduced
to one-third of its width, by building up brick walls on each side
with _loculi_ in them.
There is in general, at present, no communication between one catacomb
and another; each occupies a separate hill or rising ground in the
Campagna, and is separated from the others by the intervening valleys.
When the first tier of tombs extended to the edges of the hill, a
second was made under it, and then sometimes a third, or more. The
manner in which the rock is excavated in a number of corridors
twisting in all directions, in order to make room for the largest
possible number of bodies, is thus accounted for. The plan of the
catacomb of S. Priscilla is a good illustration of this. It would have
been hardly safe to have excavated the rock to any greater extent. The
lowest corridors are frequently below the level of the valleys, and
there may have been originally passages from one to the other, so that
one entrance to S. Calixtus may have been through S. Sebastian's. The
peculiarly dry and drying nature of the sandstone, or tufa rock, in
which these tombs are excavated, made them admirably calculated for
the purpose. These catacombs were the public cemeteries of Christian
Rome for several centuries, and it would have been well for the health
of the city if they could always have continued so. Unfortunately
after the siege of Rome by the Goths, in the time of Justinian, when
some of the catacombs were rifled of their contents, the use of these
excellent burying places was discontinued.
That the _arenaria_ were considered as burying places in the time of
Nero is evident from his exclamations of horror at the idea of being
taken there alive for the purpose of concealment. The sand-pits are
also mentioned by Cicero in his Oration for Cluentius, where he says
that the young Asinius, a citizen of noble family, was inveigled into
one of them and murdered.
[Illustration: STONE COFFIN.]
This shows they were in use before the Christian era, and there is
every reason to believe that they have been in use ever since
lime-mortar came into use, which is believed to have been many
centuries before that period. The celebrated Pozzolana sand makes the
best mortar in the world, from its gritty nature. This valuable sand
is found to any extent nearly all over the Campagna of Rome, in
horizontal beds or layers between the beds of tufa; some of the tufa
itself, which is sandstone, may be scraped into this sand, but it is
easier to take it as ready provided by nature. People once accustomed
to the use of this sand can not do without it, and hundreds of carts
filled with it may be seen daily traversing the Campagna, conveying it
either to Rome, or to Ostia, or to Porto, for exportation. The
horizontal layers or beds of this sand are not usually more than six
feet thick, although they extend at a certain level over the whole
surface of the country. It is therefore excavated in horizontal
corridors, with various branches, extending for many miles,
undermining the whole surface of the soil, but not in large or deep
pits, so that the name of sand-pit is rather deceitful to American
people, who commonly imagine it to be always a large and deep pit to
which these roads lead only; this is not always the case, the roads
themselves being excavated in the layer of sand, and frequently
themselves the sand-pits. Sometimes there are different layers of sand
at different levels, and in some cases there may be two sand-pit roads
one over the other, with the bed of hard tufa between them.
We are told in the _Acta Sanctorum_ that one of the punishments
inflicted on the Christians by the Emperor Maximinus in the sixth
persecution, A.D. 35, was digging sand and stone. The martyrs,
Ciriacus and Sisinnus are especially mentioned as ordered to be
strictly guarded, and compelled to dig sand and to carry it on their
own shoulders.
Some of the catacombs were evidently made under tombs by the side of
the road, and in that of S. Calixtus there are remains of the tomb on
the surface of the ground. The burial-chapels of the fourth century
commonly found over a catacomb probably replace earlier tombs. The
church of S. Urban is now considered to have been a family tomb of the
first century, made into a church long afterwards.
[Illustration: STONE COFFIN WITH OPEN SIDE.]
Many inscriptions are preserved relating to the preservation of a tomb
with the land belonging to it in perpetuity, and they frequently
mention the number of feet along the road and in the field. Their size
varies enormously. Horace mentions one that was 1,000 feet by 300
feet. The inscription of one dug up in the Via Labicana gives 1,800
feet by 500 feet; another was only twenty-four feet by fifteen feet,
and another sixteen feet square. In the case of one of the larger
tombs belonging to a family that became Christian, it was easy for
them to make a catacomb under it and allow their fellow-Christians to
be buried there, or to sell portions of the large space for separate
vaults. Many vaults of sixteen feet square might be made in the space
of 1,800 feet long by 500 feet wide, as the one on the Via Labicana.
If the adjoining field belonged to the same family, the catacomb might
be extended as far as the family property itself extended. This is the
most probable explanation of the _prædium_ of the Lady Lucina and
other Christian martyrs. They were heiresses to whom such a tomb and
meadow belonged. When the space was limited, three or four stories
were excavated in succession, one under the other, as we see in many
instances.
The measurements of Michele de Rossi coincide with this in a
remarkable manner. He finds the _area_ of each separate catacomb to be
respectively 100, 125, 150, 180 and 250 feet. None of these spaces are
at all too large for the area commonly left round a tomb of
importance, and the family property of this area would extend to any
depth. Each cemetery was complete in itself, but sometimes connected
with others by subterranean roads.
These tombs were protected by special laws, and the _area_ in which
the tomb stood was included with it. The area was often of
considerable extent, and was intended for the burial-place of
succeeding generations of the family to whom it belonged. The tombs of
the period of the early empire were by no means exclusively for the
_columbaria_ for cinerary urns. The instances in which there are both
places for bodies and urns are perhaps more numerous than those for
urns only. The fine sarcophagi now found in museums, or applied to all
sorts of uses, as water-troughs, vases for flowers, and various other
purposes, were all originally in tombs, and generally in tombs in
which there were also _columbaria_ for cinerary urns. Some Pagan tombs
on the Via Latina have catacombs for the interment of bodies under
them, and often bodies were put in them.
The custom of burning the bodies was never universal, and lasted only
for a certain period; the custom of burying bodies came in again soon
after the Christian era, and probably was influenced by the strong
feeling which sprung up among the Christians on this subject. The
sumptuous painted chambers in the upper part of the tombs of the first
and second centuries on the Via Latina were evidently imitated by the
poor in the catacombs in the fourth and fifth centuries and later;
but there is no evidence of any Scriptural or religious subjects for
paintings before the time of Constantine. The character of the
paintings is almost universally later, and the few that are early are
not Christian nor Scriptural.
[Illustration: INSIDE VIEW OF CATACOMBS.]
It might very well happen that some members of the family were
Christians and others were not, and this would account for the mixture
of Pagan tombs with Christian ones in the same catacombs. The
subterranean sand-pit roads frequently run parallel to the high roads
at a little distance from them, and such a road passing at the back of
the subterranean cemetery or catacomb would be very convenient to
Christians in time of persecution. The part of these roads which came
within the limits of the cemetery would naturally be used for burial
places, also, as we see that they were distinctly in the case of S.
Hermes, and nearly with equal certainty in other cases. In ordinary
times, there was no necessity for secrecy. The bodies of Christian
martyrs were given up for the purpose of burial to those who applied
for them.
The catacombs of SS. Saturnius and Thraso, the entrance to which is in
the gardens of the Villa Gangalani, about a mile from Rome, on the Via
Salaria, are stated to have formed part of the great catacomb of S.
Priscilla, the entrance to which is about a quarter of a mile farther
from Rome, on the same road. On descending into that of S. Saturninus
by a steep flight of steps of modern appearance, but perhaps restored
only, we soon pass under the road and hear carriages passing overhead;
we then continue to descend to the depth of about fifty feet, divided
into five corridors, only four of which can at present be seen; but we
pass the entrance to the fifth on one of the stair-cases, and see the
opening to it. The two lower corridors of this catacomb have tombs or
_cubicula_ on the sides; a few of these are painted, and the vault of
the corridor in front of them, also.
The sandstone in which this catacomb is made is more than usually
hard, for which reason apparently there are only three of the side
chapels for family burying places, and few of the arched tombs; most
of the recesses for graves are merely parallelograms just large enough
to contain the body, or two bodies side by side, one behind the other,
the recess being excavated to a sufficient depth for that purpose, and
some of these have the slabs covering the openings left in their
places. The skeletons are allowed to remain in several of the tombs
where the slab has been removed and left open. One of the chapels has
remains of paintings of the fourth century in a very decayed state.
The other two chapels are connected by a short passage; they have
evidently been family burying places, a second added when the first
was full. The passage is made through the principal tomb of the first
chapel, the body previously interred there was probably removed to the
inner chapel when that was made. The painted chapel is in the upper
corridor, the double one in the lowest.
In descending from the garden, the two upper corridors have tombs on
the sides, and are regular catacombs; the third is an _arenarium_, or
sand-pit, without tombs, and large enough for a horse and cart to pass
along, as in the ordinary sand-pits. There must have been another
entrance to this, and it is said to have been half a mile off, which
is not improbable, judging by other sand-pits, both those now in use
and others that are closed, some of which are known to be more than a
mile long, and with the different branch galleries, the corridors
altogether often extend several miles. These galleries are large and
wide enough for a horse and cart, but not for two to pass, sidings
being made at intervals for that purpose. The passages in the
catacombs vary much both in height and in width, but are seldom more
than three feet wide. The chapels also vary in size, but none of them
would hold more than fifty people; those in the present catacomb are
small.
[Illustration: LAMPS FOUND IN THE CATACOMBS.]
That each of these chapels was the burial-place of a family, and was
considered as private property, is evident from the remains of a door
at the entrance of several of them, as in the catacomb of S.
Priscilla. In one of these, the stone corbel, with the hole for the
pivot to work in, remains in its place; the lower stone, with the
corresponding hole, has been moved, but is lying on the floor in an
adjoining chapel. Another door has been made to slide up and down like
a portcullis or a modern sash-window, as we see by the groove
remaining on both sides. This is close to a _luminaria_, or well for
admitting light and air, and it seems quite possible that it really
was a window, or that the upper part was made to slide down to admit
the light and air from the _luminaria_. If this was the burial-place
of Priscilla, the paintings were probably renewed in the restoration
by John I., A.D. 523. The lower part of the wall is faced with stucco
paneled with oblong panels, colored in imitation of different kinds of
marble; the stucco is about an inch thick, like slabs of marble, and
the divisions between the panels are sunk to that depth, as if each
panel had been painted before it was placed and fixed to the walls
like marble slabs. There are some long narrow slips of white stucco
lying about, which seem to have been fitted into the hollow grooves
between the slabs. The vaults in this catacomb are in many parts
supported by brick arches; in one place, at a crossing, are four small
low brick arches, the character of which agrees with the period of the
restoration in the sixth century; the mortar between the bricks or
tiles is about the same thickness as the tiles themselves, which are
rather more than an inch thick, so that there are five tiles to a
foot, including the mortar between them. These brick arches are not
subsequent repairs, but part of the original construction to carry the
vault. The _arenarium_, or sand-pit gallery, through which the present
entrance is made, has evidently been used as a subterranean road. A
branch of an aqueduct running along the side of this is part of an
extensive system of irrigation carried on throughout all this
district, the water having been brought from the Aqua Virgo, which
passed in this direction. It was probably part of the original line of
the Aqueduct, which has been altered in the portion near to Rome; this
has not been traced out to any considerable extent, but Signor de
Rossi has found many remains and indications of it. The sand-pit
roads, or _arenaria_, ran for miles parallel to the high roads, and
were probably used by the carters in preference to the open roads in
hot weather, as they are always cool.
_Christian Inscriptions_ are all funereal, and are for the most part
found in the catacombs, or subterranean cemeteries. The word cemetery
is derived from a Greek word, meaning "a sleeping place," hence the
frequent formulæ in the Christian epitaphs, "dormit in pace," he
sleeps in peace; "dormitio Elpidis," the sleeping place of Elpis;
"cubiculum Aureliæ," the sleeping chamber of Aurelia. The term
catacomb was applied to these subterranean cemeteries at a much later
period. The practice of subterranean burial among the early Christians
was evidently derived from the Jewish custom of burying the dead in
excavated sepulchres, and thus may have been adopted by the early
Jewish converts. The Roman Jews had a very early catacomb of their
own, in the Monte Verde, contiguous to their place of abode, in the
Trasteverine quarter of Rome. This subterranean mode of sepulture is
undoubtedly of Egyptian origin. It is generally supposed that the
early Christians used for their burial places the excavations made by
the Romans for procuring stone and cement for building purposes. This
is an erroneous view. Recent geological observations on the soil of
the Agro Romano have shown that the surface of the Campagna consists
of volcanic rocks of different natures and ages. The earliest of the
series, the tufa lithoide, was constantly employed from the earliest
ages in the buildings of the city, as attested by the massive blocks
of the Cloaca Maxima, the tabularium of the Capitol, and the walls of
Romulus; the second, or tufa granolare, which though it has just
consistency enough to retain the form given to it by the excavator,
can not be hewn or extracted in blocks; and the pozzolana, which has
been extensively used in all ages for mortar or Roman cement. The tufa
lithoide and the pozzolana were thus alone used for building purposes
by the Romans, and the catacombs are never found excavated in these.
The catacombs were hewn only in the tufa granolare, and were
consequently excavated expressly for burials by the early Christians.
The Christian architects carefully avoided the massive strata of the
tufa lithoide, and we believe it is ascertained that all the known
catacombs are driven exclusively along the courses of the tufa
granolare. With equal care these subterranean engineers avoided the
layers of pozzolana, which would have rendered their work insecure,
and in which no permanent rock tomb could have been constructed. Thus
we arrive at the curious fact, that in making the catacombs the
excavators carefully avoided the strata of hard stone and the strata
of soft stone, used respectively for building and for mortar, and
selected that course of medium hardness which was best adapted to
their peculiar purpose. The early Christian tomb inscriptions are
characterized by symbols and formulæ peculiar to the Christian creed;
the idea of another life, a life beyond the grave, usually prevails in
them.
The symbols found in connection with the funereal inscriptions are of
three kinds; the larger proportion of these refer to the profession of
Christianity, its doctrines and its graces. A second class, of a
partly secular description, only indicate the trades of the deceased,
and the remainder represent proper names: thus a lion must be read as
a proper name, _Leo_; an ass, _Onager_; a dragon, _Dracontius_. Of the
first kind the most usually met with is the monogram of Christ. The
other symbols generally in use are the ship, the emblem of the church;
the fish, the emblem of Christ, the palm, the symbol of martyrdom. The
anchor represented hope in immortality; the dove, peace; the stag
reminded the faithful of the pious aspiration of the Psalmist; the
horse was the emblem of strength in the faith; the hunted hare, of
persecution; the peacock and the phœnix stood for signs of the
resurrection. Christ, as the good pastor, was also introduced in the
epitaph. Even personages of the Pagan mythology were introduced, which
the Christians employed in a concealed sense, as Orpheus, enchanting
the wild beasts with the music (see page 701) of his lyre, was the
secret symbol of Christ as the civilizer of men leading all nations to
the faith. Ulysses, fastened to the mast of his ship, was supposed to
present some faint resemblance to the crucifixion.
In classifying the Roman inscriptions, M. de Rossi has adopted the
following divisions. The first comprises those inscriptions only which
contain some express note of time, and are therefore susceptible of
exact chronological arrangement. The second comprises the select
inscriptions, viz.: first, sacred and historical ones, and next those
which, either by testimony, by forms, or by symbols, illustrate the
doctrines, the worship, or the morals of the Christians. The third,
the purely topographical, assigns each inscription its proper place
among the ancient localities of Rome. This comprises also inscriptions
of unknown or uncertain locality, as well as inscriptions of spurious
origin or doubtful authenticity.
In considering the chronological arrangements of Christian
inscriptions, it is important to keep in view that in the earlier
centuries the Christians kept note of time either by the years of the
bishop, or by some of the civil forms which prevailed in the various
countries in which they resided. In Rome the common date was that of
the consular year. The common use of the Christian era as a note of
time began, as is well known, later than the sixth century, at which
M. de Rossi's series terminates. In M. de Rossi's collection one
inscription bears date from the year A.D. 107, and another from 111.
Of the period from the year 204, in which the next inscription with a
date occurs, till the peace of the church in 312, twenty-eight dated
inscriptions have been found; after the peace of the church the number
of dated inscriptions increases rapidly. Between the accession of
Constantine and the close of the fourth century, his collection
contains 450 dated inscriptions, and the fifth century presents about
the same number; but in the sixth, the number again declines, that
century producing little more than 200.
In those cases where no note of time is marked, M. de Rossi has
availed himself of other chronological indications and tests, founded
on the language, on the style, on the names, and on the material
execution of the inscription, in determining the date. Out of the
11,000 extant Roman inscriptions anterior to the seventh century, M.
de Rossi finds chronological evidence of the date of no fewer than
1374.
There are also varieties in inflection, such as "spiritu sancta" for
"spiritu sancto," "pauperorum," for "pauperum," "vocitus" for
"vocatus," "requiescent" for "requiescunt," etc.
There are also new or unusual terms, or new familiar words in new or
unusual meanings, such as "pausavit, rested, bisomus, trisomus,
quadrisomus," holding two, three, four bodies; compar and conpar
(husband and wife); fecit for egit, _passed_; "percepit," received,
_scil._ baptism, as also "consecutus est," in the same sense, etc.
Sometimes Latin is written in Greek characters and sometimes Greek in
Latin.
The age is expressed by "vixit," or "vixit in sæculo," "annos" (or
"annis") "menses," "dies" (or "diebus") ----, with the number of hours
sometimes stated. Sometimes "qui fuit" stands for "vixit;" sometimes
neither is expressed, and we have the form in the genitive, "sal.
annorum," etc.
Frequently the time passed in married life is mentioned, and we find
such phrases as "vixit mecum, duravit mecum, vixit in conjugio, fecit
mecum, fecit in conjugio, fecit cum compare," with a precise statement
of the number of years, etc., and often with some expression marking
the happiness of the couple's married life.
The epithets applied to the deceased indicate strong affection, and
the eulogies are sometimes extravagant.
The occupation or position in life is stated, with the proper titles,
in many dated Christian epitaphs. But they are all, it is supposed,
later than the time of Constantine.
The same designations of the place of burial and of the tomb are found
in both Christian and Pagan epitaphs.
Acclamations or expressions of good wishes or prayers to or for the
deceased frequently occur in the inscriptions.
The letters also of these inscriptions are usually very irregular.
They are from half an inch to four inches in height, colored in the
incision with a pigment resembling Venetian red. The sense, too, of
the inscriptions is not always very obvious. An extreme simplicity of
language and sentiment is the prevailing characteristic of the earlier
inscriptions. But, on the other hand, exaggerated examples of the
opposite style are occasionally met with.
Another peculiarity in these Christian inscriptions is the disuse of
the three names usually assumed by the Romans. M. de Rossi has given
twenty inscriptions with the names complete, prior to Constantine. Of
these, no fewer than seventeen have prænomina, whereas after
Constantine prænomina may be said entirely to disappear.
The year is usually indicated by the names of the consuls. The
abbreviation COS for "consulibus" was in use up to the middle of the
third century, when COSS, CONS, and CONSS began to be adopted; COS is
very seldom found during the fourth century, and almost never in the
fifth or sixth; COSS fell into disuse about the first quarter of the
fifth century, and after that CONS was used; in the time of Diocletian
with S for one consul and SS for two. At the same time CC. SS. CS were
introduced, but they were very rarely used in the fifth, and there is
scarcely an example of them in the sixth. From about the middle of the
fourth century CONS began to be placed before instead of after the
names, and this usage became the prevalent custom in the fifth and
sixth.
At the date of the discovery of the Roman catacombs, the whole body of
known Christian inscriptions collected from all parts of Italy fell
far short of a thousand in number. Of these, too, not a single one was
of subterranean origin, and not dated earlier than A.D. 553. At
present the Christian inscriptions of Rome on catacombs alone, and
anterior to the sixth century, considerably exceed 11,000. They have
been carefully removed from the cemeteries, and are now systematically
arranged by M. de Rossi, on the walls of the Christian museum,
recently formed by order of Pius IX., in the Lateran Palace. A large
number of these inscriptions are also inserted in the walls of the
Galleria Lapidaria in the Vatican.
EARLY INSCRIPTIONS.
VG. VESPASIANO III COS
IAN A.D. 71.
This fragment has been received as a part of a Christian epitaph by
Reggi, Marini and de Rossi. It is the most ancient of all such as bear
dates.
SERVILIA. ANNORVM. XIII
PIS. ET BOL. COSS.
Servilia, aged thirteen, died in the consulate of Piso and
Bolanus. A.D. 111.
TEMPORE. ADRIANI. IMPERATORIS. MARVIS. ADOLESCENS DVX.
MILITVM QVI SATIS. VIXIT DVM VITAM PRO CHO CVM. SANGVINE
CONSVNSIT. IN. PACE. TANDEM QUIEVIT. BENE MERENTES CVM.
LACRIMIS. ET. METV. POSVERVNT. I.D. VI.
"In the time of the Emperor Adrian, Marius, a young military
officer who had lived long enough, when with blood he gave up
his life for Christ. At length he rested in peace. The
well-deserving set up this with tears and in fear, on the 6th
before the ides." A.D. 130.
ALEXANDER MORTVVS NON EST SED VIVIT SVPER ASTRA ET CORPVS
IN HOC TVMVLO QVIESCIT VITAM EXPLEVIT SVS ANTONINO IMP^o
QVIVBI MVLTVM BENE FITII ANTEVENIRE PRAEVIDERET PROGRATIA
ODIVM REDDIDIT GENVA ENIM FLECTENS VERO DEO SACRIFICATVRVS
AD SVPPLICIA DVCITVRO TEMPORA INFAVSTA QVIBVS INTER SACRA
ET VOTA NE IN CAVERNIS QVIDEM SALVARI POSSIMVS QVID MISERIVS
VITA SED QVID MISERIVS IN MORTE CVM AB AMICIS ET PARENTIBVS
SEPELIRI NEQVEANT TANDEM IN COELO CORVSCANT PARVM VIXIT
QVI
VIXIT IV. X. TEM.
"In Christ. Alexander is not dead, but lives beyond the stars,
and his body rests in this tomb. He lived under the Emperor
Antoninus, who, foreseeing that great benefit would result from
his services, returned evil for good. For, while on his knees,
and about to sacrifice to the true God, he was led away to
execution. O, sad times! in which sacred rites and prayers,
even in caverns, afford no protection to us. What can be more
wretched than such a life? and what than such a death? when
they could not be buried by their friends and relations. At
length they sparkle in heaven. He has scarcely lived who has
lived in Christian times." A.D. 160.
_From the Cemetery of St. Callisto._
AVRELIA DULCISSIMA FILIA QVAE
DE. SAECVLO RECESSIT VIXIT ANN. XV. M. IIII.
SEVERO ET QVINTIN COSS.
"Aurelia; our sweetest daughter, who departed from the world.
She lived fifteen years and four months. Severus and Quintinus
being consuls." A.D. 325.
Consule Claudio et Paterno, nonis Novembribus, die Veneris,
luna XXIV, Leuces filiæ Severæ carissimæ posuit et spiritui
sancto tuo. Mortua annorum LV et mensium XI dierum X.
"In the consulship of Claudius and Paternus, on the nones of
November, on Friday, the 24th day of the moon, Leuce erected
(this memorial) to her very dear daughter, and to thy holy
spirit. She (died at the age) of fifty-five years, and eleven
months, (and) ten days." A.D. 269.
D. M.
P. LIBERIO VICXIT
ANN N. V MENSES N. III
DIES N. VIII R. ANICIO
FAVSTO ET VIRIO GALLO
COSS
"Publius Liberio lived five years, three months, and eight
days. He retired (from this world) in the consulship of Anicius
Faustus and Virius Gallus." A.D. 298.
B.M.
CVBICVLVM. AVRELIAE. MARTINAE. CASTISSIMAE ADQVE. PVDI.
CISSIMAE FEMINAE QVE FECIT. IN. COIVGIO. ANN. XXIII. D. XIIII.
BENE MERENTI. QVE VIXIT. ANN. XL. M. XI. D. XIII. DEPOSITIO EIS
DIE. III. NONAS. OCT. NEPOTIANO. ET FACVNDO. CONNS. IN PACE
"To the well-deserving.
The chamber of Aurelia Martina, my wife, most chaste and
modest, who lived in wedlock twenty-three years and fourteen
days. To the well-deserving one, who lived forty years, eleven
months, and thirteen days. Her burial was on the third nones of
October. Nepotianus and Facundus being consuls." In peace. A.D.
336.
_Galleria Lapidaria. Vatican._
Another in Greek characters:
"Here lies Euterpe, the companion of the Muses, having lived
simply and piously, and irreproachably for fifteen years,
twenty-two days, and three months. She died on the fifth day
before the calends of December, in consulship of our lords, for
the tenth time, and for the third time (_i.e._, in the
Consulship of Constantine, for the tenth time, and Julian for
the third time)." A.D. 360.
ROMANO. NEOFITO
BENEMERENTI QVI VI
XIT. ANNOS. VIII. DXV.
REQVIESCIT IN PACE DN
FL. GRATIANO. AVG. II. ET.
PETRONIO PROBO. CS.
"To Romanus, the neophyte, the well-deserving, who lived eight
years, fifteen days. He rests in the peace of the Lord. Flavius
and Gratianus and Petronius Probus being consuls."
HIC QVIESCIT ANCILLA DEI QVE DE
SVA OMNIO POSSIDIT DOMVM ISTA
QVEM AMICE DEFLEN SOLACIVMQ REQVIRVNT.
PRO HVNC VNVM ORA SVBOLEM QVEM SVPERIS.
TITEM REQVISTI ETERNA REQVIEM FELICITA.
S. CAVSA MANBIS IIIIX. KALENDAS OTOBRIS
CVCVRBITINVS ET ABVMDANTIVS HIC SIMVL QVIESCIT
DD. NN. GRATIANO V. ET TEODOSIO. AAGG.
Hic quiescit ancilla Dei, quæ de suis omnibus possidet domum
istam, quam amicæ deflent solaciumque requirunt. Pro hac una
ora subole, quam superstitem reliquisti. Æterna in requie
felicitatis causa manebis, XIV. kalendis Octobris, Cucurbitinus
et Abumdantius hic simul quiescunti. DDNN Gratiano v et
Theodosio Augustis (Consulibus).
"Here rests a handmaid of God, who out of all her riches now
possesses but this one house, whom her friends bewail, and seek
in vain for consolation. Oh pray for this one remaining
daughter, whom thou hast left behind! Thou wilt remain in the
eternal repose of happiness. On the 14 of the Calends of
October. Curcurbitinus and Abumdantius rest here together. In
the consulship of our Lords Gratian (V.) and Theodosius
Emperors." A.D. 380.
HIC POSITA EST ANIMA DVLCES
INNOCA SAPIENS ET PVLCHRA NOMINE
QUIRIACE QVE VIXIT. ANNOS. III. M III. DVIII.
DP IN PACE IIII. ID IAN. CONSS. DN. TEVDOSIO.
AVG. II ET MEROBAVDE. VC. III
Hic posita est anima dulces (dulcis) innoca (innocua), sapiens
et pulchra, nomine Quiriace, quæ vixit annos III., menses III.,
dies VIII. Deposita in pace, IV. Idus Januarias, Consulibus
Domino nostro Teudosio (Theodoric) Augusto II. et Merobaude
Vire Clarissimo III.
"Here has been laid a sweet spirit, guileless, wise and
beautiful, by name Quiriace, who lived three years, three
months, and eight days. Buried in peace, in the fourth day
before the Ides of January, in the consulship of our Lord
Theodorius Augustus, for the second time, and Merobaudes, a
most distinguished man, for the third time." A.D. 388.
PERPETVAM SEDEM NVTRITOR POSSIDES IPSE
HIC MERITVS FINEM MAGNIS DEFVNCTE PERICLIS
HIC REQVIEM FELIX SVMIS COGENTIBVS ANNIS
HIC POSITVS PAPAS ANTIMIOO VIXIT ANNIS LXX
DEPOSITVS DOMINO NOSTRO ARCADIO II ET FL. RVFINO VVCCSS NONAS
NOBEMB.
"You, our nursing father, occupy a perpetual seat, being dead,
and deserving an end of your great dangers. Here happy, you
find rest, bowed down with years. Here lies the tutor, Antimio,
who lived seventy years. Buried on the nones of November; our
Lords Arcadius for the second time, and Flavius Rufinus being
consuls." A.D. 392.
_Galleria Lapidaria._
HIC REQVIESCET IN SOMNO PACIS
MALA QVI VIXIT ANNOS XXXVIII. M. V. DV.
ACCEPTA APVT DE IV. IDVS IVNIAS AETIO CONL.
Hic requiescet (requiescit) in somno pacis, Mala qui (quæ)
vixit annos XXXVIII. menses V. dies V. Accepta aput (apud)
De(um) IV idus Junias. Aetio Consule.
"Here rests in the sleep of peace Mala, who lived thirty-eight
years, five months, five days. Received before God, on the
fourth day before the Ides of June, in the consulship of
Aetius." A.D. 432.
LEVIVAE CONIVNX PETRONIA FORMA PVDORIS
HIS MEA DEPONENS SEDISVS OSSA LOCO
PARCITE VOS LACRIMIS DVLCES CVM CONIVGE NATAE
VIVENTEMQVE DEO CREDITE FLERE NEFAS
DP IN PACE III NON OCTOBRIS FESTO VC. CONSS.
"Petronia, a priest's wife, the type of modesty. In this place
I lay my bones; spare your tears, dear husband and daughters,
and believe that it is forbidden to weep for one who lives in
God. Buried in peace on the 3d nones of October, in the
consulate of Festus." A.D. 472.
IN PACE
AVRELIO. FELICI QVI BIXIT CVM COIVCE
ANNOS X. VIII DVLCIS. IN COIVGIO
BONE MEMORIE BIXIT. ANNOS. L. V
RAPTVS ETERNE DOMVS. XII KAL. IENVARIAS.
"In peace
To Aurelius Felix, who lived with his wife eighteen years in
sweetest wedlock. Of good memory. He lived fifty-five years.
Snatched away eternally on the twelfth kalend of January."
IRENE IN PACE. ARETVSA IN DEO
"Irene sleeps in peace." "Aretusa sleeps in God."
[Illustration: "Valeria sleeps in peace."]
ZOTICVS HIC AD DORMIEN DVM.
"Zoticus laid here to sleep."
DOMITIANUS ANIMA SIMPLEX
DORMIT IN PACE.
"Domitianus, a simple soul, sleeps in peace."
NICEFORVS ANIMA
DVLCIS IN REFRIGERIO.
"Nicephorus, a sweet soul, in a place of refreshment."
PRIMITIVS IN PACE QVI POST
MVLTAS. ANGVSTIAS FORTISSIMVS MARTYR
ET. VIXIT. ANNOS P.M. XXXVIII CONIVG. SVO
PERDVLCISSIMO BENEMERENTI FECIT.
"Primitius in peace: a most valiant martyr after many torments.
Aged 38. His wife raised this to her dearest well-deserving
husband."
LANNVS XPI. MARTIR HIC REQVIESCIT.
SVB DIOCLIZIANO PASSVS.
"Lannus, a martyr of Christ, rests here. He suffered under
Diocletian."
NABIRA IN PACE ANIMA DVLCIS
QVI BIXIT ANNOS XVI. M. V
ANIMA MELEIEA
TITVLV FACTV
A PARENTES
"Navira in peace; a sweet soul who lived sixteen years and five
months; a soul sweet as honey: this epitaph was made by her
parents."
SEVERO FILIO DVL
CISSIMO LAVRENTIVS
PATER BENEMERENTI QVI BI
XIT ANN. IIII. ME. VIII. DIES V.
ACCERSITVS AB ANGELIS VII. IDVS. IANVA.
"Laurence to his sweetest son Severus, borne away by angels on
the 7th ides of January."
MACVS PVER INNOCENS
ESSE IAMINTER INNOCENTIS COEPISTI.
QVAM STAVILES TIVI HAEC VITA EST
QVAM TELETVM EXCIP ET MATER ECLESIAE DEOC
MVNDO REVERTENTEM COMPREMATVR PECTORVM
GEMITVS STRVATVR FLETVS OCVLORVM.
"Macus (or Marcus) an innocent boy. You have already begun to
be among the innocent ones. How enduring is such a life to
you! How gladly will your mother, the church of God, receive
you, returning to this world! Let us restrain our sighs and
cease from weeping."
_Galleria Lapidaria._
PAX
HIC MIHI SEMPER DOLOR ERIT IN AEVO
ET TVVM BENERABILEM BVLTVM LICEAT VIDERE SOPORE
CONIVNX ALBANAQVE MIHI SEMPER CASTA PVDICA
RELICTVM ME TVO GREMIO QVEROR.
QYOD MIHI SANCTVM TE DEDERAT DIVINITVS AVTOR
RELICTIS TVIS IACES IN PACE SOPORE
MERITA RESVRGIS TEMPORALIS TIBI DATA REQVETIO
QVE VIXIT ANNIS XLV. MENV. DIES XIII
DEPOSITA IN PACE FECIT PLACVS MARITVS
Peace.
"This grief will always weigh upon me: may it be granted me to
behold in sleep your revered countenance. My wife, Albana,
always chaste and modest, I grieve, deprived of your support,
for our Divine Author gave you to me as a sacred (boon). You,
well-deserving one, having left your (relations), lie in
peace--in sleep--you will arise--a temporary rest is granted
you. She lived forty-five years, five months, and thirteen
days. Buried in peace. Placus, her husband, made this."
_Galleria Lapidaria._
CHURCH OF S. SEBASTIAN "IN CATACUMBIS."
I. INSCRIPTION OF POPE DAMASUS IN HONOR OF S. EUTYCHIUS, THE MARTYR,
IN TWELVE VERSES (on the left hand on entering the church). These
inscriptions are very numerous in the catacombs, and all of this
beautiful calligraphy, and usually in Latin verse, not without
elegance of style, though the construction of the sentences is
sometimes not clear. Damasus restored all the catacombs, after they
had been damaged during the persecution under Julian the Apostate.
EVTYCHIVS. MARTYR. CRVDELIA. IVSSA. TYRANNI
CARNIFICVMQ. VIAS. PARITER. TVNC. MILLE. NOCENDI
VINCERE. QVOD. POTVIT. MONSTRAVIT. GLORIA. CHRISTV
CARCERIS. INLVVIEM. SEQVITVR. NOVA. POENA. PER. ARTVS
TESTARVM. FRAGMENTA. PARANT. NE. SOMNVS. ADIRET
BISSENI. TRANSIERE. DIES. ALIMENTA. NEGANTVR
MITTITVR. IN. BARATHRUM. SANCTVS. LAVAT. OMNIA. SANGVIS
VVLNERA. QVAE. INTVLERAT. MORTIS. METVENDA. TOTESTAS
NOCTE. SOPORIFERA. TVRBANT. INSOMNIA. MENTEM
OSTENDIT. LATEBRA. INSONTIS. QVAE. MEMBRA. TENERET
QVAERITVR. INVENTVS. COLITVR. FOVET. OMNIA. PRESTANS
EXPRESSIT. DAMASVS. MERITVM. VENERARE. SEPVLCHQVM F
"That Eutychius, the Martyr, was able to overcome the cruel
orders of the tyrant, and equally at that time the
executioners' thousand ways of torment, the glory of Christ
shewed. A new punishment follows the filth of the prison. They
provide breaking of tiles on his limbs, to prevent sleep
approaching. Twice six days passed, food is refused. The saint
is thrown into a pit, blood bedews all the wounds which the
dread power of death had caused. In night, which usually brings
sleep, sleeplessness troubles his mind. The place of
concealment which held the limbs of the innocent, manifested
them(?). He is sought for, being found he is reverenced, he
benefits all things. Damasus shewed forth his exceeding merit;
venerate his tomb."
2. ANOTHER INSCRIPTION IN THE SAME CATACOMB CHURCH (over a door on the
right-hand side, looking towards the altar).
VISITET. HIC. PIA. MENS. SCTORVM. BVSTA. FREQVENTER
IN. CRISTO. QVORVM. GLORIA. PERPES. ERIT
HIC. EST. CEMETERIV̄. BEATI. CHALIXTI. PAPE. ET. MARTIRIS INCLITI.
QVICV̄QVE. ILLVD. CŌTRICTVS. ET. CŌFESSVS. INGRESSVS FVERIT.
PLENAM. REMISSION̄E. OMNIV̄. PEC̄TORV̄. SVORV̄. OBTINEBIT
PER. MERITA. GLORIOSA. CENTV̄. SEPTVAGINTA. QVATVOR. MILIV̄
SC̄TORV̄. MARTIRV̄. QVORV̄. IBI. CORPORA. IN. PACE. SEPVLTA.
SV̄T̄ VNA. CV̄. QVADRAGINTA. SEX. PONTIFICIBVS. BEATIS. QVI.
OMNES EX MAGNA. TRIBVLATIONE. VENERV̄T. ET. VT. HEREDES. IN. DOMO
DOMINI. FIERĒT. MORTIS. SVPPLICIVM. PRO. CRISTI. NOMINE PERTVLERVNT
"Here let the pious mind often visit the tombs of the saints,
Whose glory will be everlasting in Christ."
"Here is the cemetery of the blessed Calixtus, renowned Pope
and Martyr. Whoever shall have entered it contrite and after
confession, shall obtain full remission of all his sins,
through the glorious merits of 174,000 martyr saints, whose
bodies are buried here in peace, together with forty-six
blessed pontiffs, who all came out of great tribulation, and
suffered the punishment of death for Christ's name, that they
might become heirs in the Lord's house."
PAINTINGS.
If the tombs of the early martyrs, before "the peace of the church,"
were commonly decorated with paintings at all, which is not probable,
it is almost certain that some of those paintings have been renewed at
various subsequent periods. The best monuments of the first three
centuries are the tomb stones with inscriptions and small simple
emblems incised upon them.
It is difficult to decide by the art of drawing only between the end
of the third and the beginning of the fourth century. But this art was
in the height of perfection in the first century, in the second it was
still very good, in the third it had begun to decline, but not so
rapidly as to justify the assumption that the very bad drawings in the
catacombs belong to that period, with the exception of those already
mentioned as not Christian. The drawing of the figures in the mosaic
pictures in the vault of S. Constantia, which are of the first half of
the fourth century, are decidedly better than any of the Scriptural
subjects in the catacombs. The mosaic pictures of the fifth century on
the sides of the nave of S. Maria Maggiore, published by Ciampini,
are much more like them.
S. Paulinus, bishop of Nola, writing in the fifth century, says that
he had painted a catacomb, _for the pilgrims_, and gives his reasons
for doing so. He thought good to enliven the whole _temple_ of S.
Felix, in order that these colored representations might arrest the
attention of the rustics, and prevent their drinking too much at the
feasts. The _temple_ here evidently means the tomb or crypt in which
the commemorative feasts were held, and were represented by paintings.
His expressions imply that such paintings were not then a received
custom.
That the painted vaults in the catacombs were used for feasts on
various occasions in the same manner as the painted chambers in the
Pagan tombs, is evident from the manner in which several writers of
the fourth and fifth centuries mention them; in addition to the
letters of Paulinus of Nola and S. Augustine, and the hymns of
Prudentius, there is also a remarkable passage in a sermon of
Theodoret on the Martyrs (written about A.D. 450):
"Our Lord God leads His own even after death into the temples for your
Gods, and renders them vain and empty; but to these [Martyrs] He
renders the honors previously paid to them. For your daily food and
your sacred and other feasts of Peter, Paul, and Thomas, and Sergius
and Marcellinus, and Leontius, and Antoninus, and Mauricius, and other
martyrs, the solemnities are performed; and in place of the old base
pomp and obscene words and acts, their modest festivities are
celebrated, not with drunkenness and obscene and ludicrous
exhibitions, but with hearing divine songs and holy sermons, and
prayers and praises adorned with tears. When, therefore, you would
dilate on the honor of the martyrs, what use is there in sifting them?
Fly, my friends, the error of demons, and under their guidance seize
upon the road that leads to God, and welcome their presence with holy
songs, as the way is to eternal life."
Bosio enumerates six _cubicula_ or family burial-chapels in the
cemetery or catacomb of Priscilla, and thirteen arched tombs with
paintings. These pictures, of which he gives engravings, were far more
perfect in his time than they are now. His engravings are good for the
period when they were executed; but it was a time when all drawing was
bad, slovenly, and incorrect, so that the general idea only of the
picture is all we can expect. The costume and ornaments do not
indicate any very early period of art, but rather a time when it had
declined considerably. Costume in Rome, as in the East generally, was
far more stationary and less subject to changes than in the West, and
these _may_ be as early as the fourth or fifth century, but can hardly
be earlier. Several of the martyrs buried in the Via Salaria suffered
in the tenth persecution under Diocletian, called the great
persecution, about the year 300: the decorations of their tombs,
therefore, can not be earlier than the fourth century, and many of
them have been restored or renewed at subsequent times. John I., A.D.
523, is recorded to have renewed the cemetery of Priscilla, and this
probably means that he renewed the paintings in the style of his own
time, as the greater part of the paintings now remaining are of the
character of that period.
On comparing the costumes of the figures in this catacomb with those
in the illuminations of the celebrated manuscript of Terence, usually
attributed to the seventh or eighth century, and which can hardly be
earlier than the fifth, we see at once that the long flowing robe was
the ordinary costume of the period, and that the narrow scarf of black
ribbon hanging over the shoulders, with the ends reaching nearly to
the ground, was the usual badge of a servant. This seems to have been
adopted as part of the costume of a Christian going to pray to God,
whether in a church or chapel or any other place, emblematical of the
yoke of Christ, as Durandus says. The surplice and stole of the priest
of the Anglican Church is a more close copy of this ancient costume
than any now worn in the Roman church. The rich cope, cape, or cloak
was the dress of the Roman senator and of the Pagan priests; it was
probably adopted by the Bishop of Rome when he assumed the title and
office of Pontifex Maximus, and after a time the custom was followed
by other bishops and priests of his communion.
GLASS VASES.
A valuable work on the ancient glass vases found in the catacombs was
published by F. Buonarotti in Florence, nearly simultaneously with the
work of Boldetti on the catacombs, and of Fabretti on the inscriptions
found in them. This is the foundation of all the subsequent works on
the subject; the figures are badly drawn and engraved, according to
the fashion of the period, but many of the later works are not much
better. The subjects are generally the same as in the paintings on the
walls: the Good Shepherd, more numerous than any other; Adam and Eve,
Moses striking the Rock, Noah and the Ark, the raising of Lazarus,
Peter and Paul, generally busts--these are very numerous. Both the
style of drawing and the character of the inscriptions indicate late
dates and frequent copying from the same type. In one are three
figures, S. Peter, S. Paul, with S. Laurence seated between them. S.
Agnes occurs frequently, always drawn as in the usual type of the
eighth century. Other busts are evidently portraits of persons
interred. In some are the father, mother and child;--one has the name
of Cerontius; another of two busts, Cericia and Sottacus;--another is
a family group, father, mother and four children; the name is partly
broken off ....N ... BVSVISTRIS. P. Z. remains.--Abraham with a drawn
sword in his hand, and Isaac with his eyes bound, kneeling at his
feet, with the ram. A tall female figure with the hands uplifted in
prayer; the inscription is PETRVS PAVLVS ANE possibly for AGNES.
Another similar subject consists of two figures seated facing each
other; over the left hand figure the name CRISTVS, over the right hand
one ISTEFANVS. Several of the subjects are distinctly Pagan; others
are evidently from the Jews' catacomb, as two lions guarding the ark,
and under them two of the seven-branched candlesticks, with leaves and
vases and palm-branch.
S. CALIXTUS.
This is one of the earliest of the catacombs; it is mentioned at a
very early period as a burying-place, then in use, not as being then
just made. Michele de Rossi, in the course of his investigations in
this catacomb, found a brick staircase and some brick _loculi_,
evidently an alteration of and addition to the original catacombs, and
the stamps on these bricks were those of Marcus Aurelius, A.D.
161-180. This staircase is in the lower part of the catacomb, made for
the purpose of enlarging it, and seems to show that the ground had
been used as a cemetery in the first century. The original part was
probably made before there were any Christians to be buried. Although
the staircase is later, and the bricks used again, they were probably
found on the spot.
Calixtus is said to have been entrusted with the government of the
clergy, and set over _the cemetery_ by Zephyrinus his predecessor,
before he became bishop or pope. This expression, _over the cemetery_,
seems to prove that the whole of the catacombs were considered as one
cemetery, and that he had the general superintendence of the burial of
the Christians.
This is the catacomb usually exhibited to strangers and now used for
pilgrimages; its present state is very uninteresting to the
archæologist. The upper part of it nearest to the entrance has been so
much _restored_ that it has lost all archæological importance. This
portion of the catacomb is illuminated on certain occasions, and is
employed to excite the devotion of the faithful. A low mass is said at
an altar fitted up in the cemetery chapel of S. Cæcilia, on the
anniversary of her martyrdom, and this part of the catacomb on that
occasion is illuminated with candles.
The other parts are in the usual state, stripped of nearly every
inscription, and the graves empty. The earliest inscription from this
catacomb, of ascertained date, is of A.D. 268 or 279; it is dated by
the names of the consuls, which would apply to either of these two
dates. One important inscription of Bishop Damasus is preserved, and
is valuable in many ways; it shows that the cemetery chapel, in which
it was found, was made in his time, and the slab of marble on which it
is engraved has a Pagan inscription on the back of it, evidently
proving that it was used merely as a slab of marble, without reference
to that inscription. It shows for what purpose _some_ of the Pagan
inscriptions found in the catacombs may have been brought there. Two
small and very curious tombstones, consisting of mosaic pictures said
to have been taken from this catacomb, are now preserved in the
sacristy of the church of S. Maria in Trastevere. They were for some
centuries in the nave, built into one of the piers; but during the
_restorations_ made in 1868-76, they were removed and built into the
wall of the sacristy. One represents a landscape, with building in the
style of the third century, and a harbor or a lake with a vessel, and
fishermen dragging in a great net, evidently intended for the
miraculous draught of fishes. This is an extremely curious mosaic
picture, the probable date of which is the beginning of the fourth
century. The other small mosaic represents birds of various kinds, and
is much earlier than the view of the harbor, perhaps as early as the
first century. Possibly the birds were intended to be symbolical of
the souls of the faithful. These are engraved by Ciampini in his work
on Mosaics. Some of the original paintings [Bosio gives, on eight
plates, engravings of a number of vases and lamps found in this
catacomb, several views of _cubicula_, and upwards of seventy
paintings. The same subjects have been repeated by Perret and Signor
de Rossi.] remain in the lower part of this catacomb that have not
been restored, and these are of the usual subjects: Daniel and the two
lions, Moses striking the rock, the raising of Lazarus, etc.
[Illustration: PAINTED CEILING.]
THE LAST SUPPER.
S. CALIXTUS.
This painting has more the appearance of being really intended for the
Last Supper than most of the paintings of this class. The central
figure has a certain dignity about it. Upon the round plates on the
table are fishes, and the eight baskets are full of bread. It may be a
Christian painting of a bad period, and intended to commemorate some
of our Lord's miracles. The principal lines on the edges of the
dresses have been renewed. This painting is under an _arco-solium_ in
the chapel of the Sacraments, the burial-place of the Bishops of Rome
in the third century. All the paintings in that part of this great
catacomb that is usually open to the public, and in which masses are
said on certain occasions, have long been said by well-informed
persons to have been _restored_ within the last twenty years, but this
is now denied by the Roman Catholic authorities.
An engraving of this painting is given by Bosio in the sixth
_arco-solium_ of this catacomb, p. 523; he calls it Christ and the
Apostles. It is also given by Perret in the modern French style, vol.
i. p. 28; and by Dr. Northcote in plate xiii., much embellished by
color and improved by the skill of modern artists.
S. PONTIANUS.
The Baptistery, with the Baptism of Christ painted on the wall, over
the arch. He is represented standing in the River Jordan up to His
waist in water, in which fishes are swimming, and at which a hart is
drinking; the Holy Dove is over His head. S. John Baptist is standing
on the bank, and pouring water on His head, or perhaps only holding
out his hand to touch it. On the opposite side is another figure in a
white dress, hiding his face. All the three figures have the nimbus.
AN AGAPE.
An Agape, or love-feast, is a common subject of the paintings in the
catacombs, and sometimes seems to be evidently a representation of the
family gatherings that were held on the anniversaries in these tombs,
in the same manner as they were in the painted tombs in the Via Latina
or the Via Appia. These paintings are often supposed to be the LAST
SUPPER, and sometimes may be so, but the one before us can hardly be
intended for Christ and his Apostles.
CHRIST AND THE CHURCH.
These two figures, one on either side of a small table, on which are
two dishes, one with a fish upon it and the other with bread, are
supposed to represent our Lord after the Resurrection, and the
Christian Church in the form of a woman, with the hands uplifted in
the Oriental attitude of prayer, such as is usually called in the
catacombs an Orante. This explanation is of course conjectural only,
but seems not improbable. The painting is so much damaged that it is
difficult to tell to what period it belongs. A part of this great
catacomb is as early as the second century. In this passage _stravit_
may mean covering the walls with slabs of porphyry also, as well as
the floor. It is evident that in several instances the word _platonia_
is applied by Anastasius to a chapel lined with marble plates for
inscriptions, as at S. Sebastian's.
HEAD OF CHRIST IN AN AUREOLE.--MARY, MOTHER OF
CHRIST, AND MARY MAGDALENE.--ST. MARK,
ST. PAUL AND ST. PETER.
This cemetery or catacomb is on the western side of the Tiber, about
half a mile beyond the Porta Portuensis, on the road to Porto, but on
the hill above, and on a higher level than the road in what is now a
vineyard. The soil in which this catacomb is made is quite different
from the others; instead of the granular tufa, or volcanic sand, which
is the soil generally used for them near the Via Appia and the Via
Ardeatina, this is an alluvial soil formed by the action of water on
the bank of the Tiber. Whether from this cause, or from some others
that have not been explained, the paintings in this catacomb are far
more perfect than those in any other; they are the most celebrated and
the most popular, and those that have been more often engraved and
published than any others.
[Illustration: CHAMBER OF A CATACOMB. (_With head of Christ,
etc., of the first century._)]
The picture of the head of Christ is a very fine one, in an aureole or
circular nimbus, with the cross on it, called also a cruciform nimbus.
This head has been many times engraved and published, and it is
amusing to compare those commonly sold in the shops of Rome with the
original as shown in the photograph. These will illustrate the manner
in which the clever modern artists have _improved upon_ the originals;
it is difficult to understand that they are intended for the same
picture.
The figures of the three saints, St. Paul, St. Peter, and St. Mark,
are painted on the ceiling, while Mary, the Mother of Christ, and Mary
Magdalene are over and on the left side of the head of Christ.
[Page Decoration]
[Page Decoration]
TRUTH OF THE BIBLE.
It may seem presumptuous for us to undertake to write upon this
subject. "It is to paint the sun with charcoal," for the most
scholastic divine to give his reflections on the Word of God. With the
most devout feeling of the infinite value of such an article or the
great evil which might result from the complexity of its appearance,
we have concluded that nothing but the most reverential feeling of the
sacredness of the subject can secure us from falling into dangers not
to be lightly regarded, not merely in regard to facts, but in respect
also to comments and reflections; but with this caution such an
article may be rendered eminently edifying and interesting.
Why should we conclude this work, in this age of infidelity, without
at least stating what was known of the Bible? Why should we not bring
the "cloud of witnesses" of the ruins we have already described? The
discovery of the Assyrian and Babylonian historic records running
contemporaneously with Scripture narratives have afforded innumerable
points of proof. From the ruins of Nineveh and the Valley of the Nile;
from the slabs and bas-reliefs of Sennacherib and the tombs, the
catacombs with their 1,100 Christian inscriptions, and the monuments
of Pharaoh; from the rolls of Chaldee paraphrasts and Syrian
versionists; from the cells and libraries of monastic scribes and the
dry and dusty labors of scholars and antiquarians, the skepticism of
history has almost been silenced by the vivid reproductions of the
ancient and eastern world.
An attentive perusal of the present volume will afford many
illustrations of these remarks. Knowing that the substance of the
narrative is drawn from sources of indisputable authority, the reader
can have no anxiety respecting the truth of the facts recorded. He
will, therefore, be able to resign himself altogether to the gracious
influence which such a history is calculated to exercise on the mind.
The assistance which the reader will derive from a well-arranged
narrative of these sublime events will be found of importance, not
only as exciting attention to facts, otherwise less noticed, but as
habituating him, in perusing the divine originals, to arrange and
classify the several portions of the history for himself. When this
ability is acquired, the mind will have a readier command over the
materials of reflection, and the several arguments on which the proof
of heavenly truth is founded will be seen with greater distinctness,
and appreciated with a more practical feeling of their strength and
value.
With the assistance of the many scholarly productions on this matter,
why should we not at least set the Bible side by side with Homer,
Herodotus, Virgil, Horace, and others, which have already taken quite
a space in the present work. The Scripture surely contains,
independently of a divine origin, more true _sublimity_, more
exquisite _beauty_, purer _morality_, more important _history_, and
finer strains both of _poetry_ and _eloquence_, than could be
collected within the same compass from all other books that were ever
composed in any age or in any idiom.
The Bible accords in a wonderful manner with universal history. There
is nothing more common in history than the recognition of a God.
Sacred and profane history alike involve this principle. The fictions
of the poets respecting the different ages of the world coincide with
Scripture facts. The first, or Golden Age, is described as a
paradisiacal state, feebly representing the bliss of the first pair in
Eden, Gen. ii. And the second, or Iron Age, described in the fiction
of Pandora and her fatal box of evils, which overspread the earth, is
in accordance with the history of the introduction of evil into the
world, Gen. iii. The celebrated Vossius shows, with great ingenuity,
the similitude there is between the history of Moses and the fable of
Bacchus. The cosmogony of the ancient Phœnicians is evidently similar
to the account of creation given by Moses, and a like assertion may be
made respecting the ancient Greek philosophy. Travel north, south,
east and west, and you find the period employed in creation used as a
measure of time, though no natural changes point it out as a measure,
as is the case with the month and year. Consult the heathen classics,
the records of our Scythian ancestors, the superstitions of Egypt, of
the Indies, both East and West, and, indeed, of all the varied forms
in which superstition has presented herself, and in one or in all you
meet with evidences of a universal flood, of man's fall, of the
serpent having been the instrument in it, of propitiatory sacrifices,
of the expectation of a great deliverer. The long lives of men in the
early ages of the world are mentioned by Berosus, Manetho, Hiromus and
Helanicus, as also by Hesoid and many other writers quoted by
Josephus, and afterwards by Servius, in his notes on Virgil.
Pausanius, Philostratus, Pliny and several other writers give us
accounts of the remains of gigantic bodies which have been found in
the earth, serving in some degree to confirm Moses' account of the
antediluvian giants. Berosus, the Chaldean historian, quoted by
Josephus, and Abidenus by Eusebius, Plutarch, Lucian, Molo, Nicholas
Damascenus, as well as many of the heathen poets, mention the deluge;
and some traditions respecting it are to be found among the Americans
and Chinese; not to mention what some modern travelers have fabulously
related concerning some ruins of the ark, said to remain on Mount
Ararat, and to have been seen there a few centuries ago. Alexander
Polyphistor quotes Artapanus and Eupolemus, as mentioning the Tower of
Babel; and the former speaks of it as built by Belus. Strabo, Tacitus,
Pliny, etc., give us an account of the destruction of Sodom and
Gomorrah and the neighboring cities, in the main agreeable to that of
Moses. Herodotus, Diodorus, Strabo, etc., mention circumcision as a
rite used by several of those nations into which, according to Moses,
Abraham traveled, or which were descended from him. Berosus, and
several others, make express and honorable mention of Abraham and some
of his family. Eupolemus and Dius, as quoted by Eusebius and Grotius,
mention many remarkable circumstances of David and Solomon, agreeing
with the Old Testament story. As for the mention of Nebuchadnezzar,
and some of the succeeding kings of Babylon, as well as of Cyrus and
his successors, it is so common in ancient writers, as not to need a
more particular notice of it. And very many passages of the Old
Testament are mentioned by Celsus, and objections to Christianity
formed upon them. Is not all this in favor of the credibility of the
Old Testament? And with respect to the New Testament, we have the
testimony of Tacitus and Suetonius to the existence of Jesus Christ,
the Founder of the Christian religion, and to His crucifixion in the
reign of Tiberius, and during the procuratorship of Pontius Pilate,
the time in which the evangelists place that event. Porphyry, also,
though an inveterate enemy to Christianity, not only allowed that
there was such a person as Christ, but honored Him as a most wise and
pious man, translated into heaven as being approved by the gods; and
accordingly quotes some oracles, referring both to His sufferings and
virtues, with their subsequent rewards. Celsus, likewise, an Epicurean
philosopher, full of enmity to the Christian religion, mentions
numberless circumstances in the history of Christ, indeed so many,
that an abstract of the Christian history might almost be taken from
the very fragments of his book preserved by Origen, and never pretends
to dispute His real existence, or the truth of the facts recorded of
Him. Hierocles, a man of learning and a magistrate, who wrote against
the Christians, speaks of Jesus as extolled by the Christians as a
god; mentions Peter and Paul by name; and refers both to the Gospels
and to the Epistles. The Emperor Julian, in the fourth century, called
"Apostate," writes of the birth of Jesus in the reign of Augustus;
bears witness to the genuineness and authenticity of the Gospels, and
the Acts of the Apostles; and allows that Jesus Christ wrought
miracles. He aimed to overthrow the Christian religion, but has
confirmed it. The slaughter of the infants at Bethlehem is attested by
Macrobius; the darkness at the crucifixion is recorded by Phlegon, and
quoted by Origen. The manners and worship of the primitive Christians
are distinctly named by Pliny. The great dearth throughout the Roman
world, foretold by Agabus, in the reign of Claudius (Acts xi. 28), is
attested by Suetonius Dion, Josephus, and others. The expulsion of the
Jews from Rome by Claudius (Acts xviii. 2) was occasioned, says
Suetonius, by the insurrection they had made about Chrestus, which is
his way of spelling Christ. It has been repeatedly proved, with
laborious research, and profuse erudition, that vestiges of all the
principal doctrines of the Christian religion are to be found in the
monuments, writings, or mythologies of all nations and ages. And the
principal facts contained in the Gospels are confirmed by monuments of
great fame subsisting in every Christian country at this very day. For
instance, baptism in the name of the Father, Son and Holy Ghost, the
rite by which from the beginning men have been initiated into the
Church of Christ, and the profession of Christianity. The Lord's
Supper, celebrated in memory of the dying love of Christ. And the
stated observation of the first day of the week, in honor of Christ's
resurrection from the dead. Who can say, and prove, that this is not
evidential of the truth and credibility of the New Testament? What but
inspiration could have produced such internal harmony, and such
external accordance?
[Illustration: FRIEZE FROM THE ARCH OF TITUS.]
Of the monuments, none is more striking than the Arch of Titus. This
celebrated structure was erected by the Senate and the people of Rome
in estimation of the services of Titus in conquering the Jews. It is
probable that the monument was completed after the death of Titus. It
consists of a single arch of Grecian marble, of exquisite proportions,
with fluted columns on each side. The frieze, which gives it special
interest and value, is on the right-hand side passing under the arch
going towards the Coliseum. It represents the triumphal procession of
captive Jews, the silver trumpets, the tables of shew-bread, and the
golden candlestick, with its seven branches. The candlestick itself is
said to have been thrown into the Tiber from the Milvina Bridge, on
the occasion of the battle between Maxentius and Constantine. Should
the proposal to turn the course of the Tiber be carried into effect it
is not impossible that this precious relic may yet be recovered.
_No book was ever produced by chance._ Every volume in the world is
indebted for its existence to some being or beings. And the Bible, we
are assured, could not but have had an intelligent author. But within
the range of intelligence there exist only bad beings, good beings,
and God. Hence, among these must be found whatever originates in
intelligence, for this classification includes all beings that are
intelligent. Now that bad beings--wicked men and infernal
spirits--could not have originated a book so full of goodness, is a
reasonable opinion; for it bears no resemblance to such an origin. It
commands all duty, forbids all sin, and pronounces the heaviest
penalties against all unholy conduct; and as darkness can not
originate light, so neither can evil originate good. Nor would it help
the matter to suppose that good beings--pious men and holy
angels--were the contrivers of these well-arranged records; for they
neither could nor would write a book, ascribing their own inventions
to divine inspiration; especially as such forgeries are most severely
reprobated in every part of it. As therefore God is the only remaining
being within the range of intelligence to whom the Scriptures can be
reasonably ascribed, they must, of necessity, have been written by
Him. And, indeed, the Bible is a work as much exceeding every effort
of mere man as the sun surpasses those scanty illuminations by which
his splendor is imitated, or his absence supplied.
We are now conducted, by fair and consecutive reasoning, to our last
general proposition, which is this: _God was the author of the Bible._
By the Bible we mean, of course, both the Old and New Testaments. "The
two Testaments," says one, "may be likened to the double-doors of the
Temple--the Old is the New infolded--the New is the Old unfolded." The
New Testament distinctly recognizes the Old as a revelation from God;
and, referring to the Canon as received by the Jews, declares the
books of which it consists genuine and credible. And by God being the
author of the Bible we mean that it was "given by inspiration of Him."
It may be necessary here to define certain terms which either have
been, or may be, hereafter, employed in this essay. And these
are:--Scripture; Testament; Inspiration; Gospel; Christianity; and
Religion. Scripture, from scriptura, signifies writing--applied by way
of eminence to what is written in the Bible. Testament, from
testamentum, a deed or will; but according to another rendering the
appropriate name of the Bible is, the Old and New Covenants; namely,
the Mosaic and the Christian. Inspiration, from spiro, signifies I
breathe. "By the divine inspiration of the Holy Scriptures," says an
able writer, "I mean, such an immediate and complete discovery, by the
Holy Spirit to the minds of the sacred penmen, of these things which
could not have been otherwise known, and such an effectual
superintendency as to those matters of which they might be informed or
by other means, as entirely to preserve them from all error, in every
particular which could in the least affect any of the doctrines or
commandments contained in their writings." Gospel, from god, good, and
spell, a history, a narrative, or message; and which denotes good
news, glad tidings, news from God--applied emphatically to the book
which contains the recital of our Saviour's life, miracles, death, and
so on. Christianity, from christianitas, signifies the religion of
Christians. And Religion, from religare, signifies to tie or bind,
because by true religion the soul is tied or bound, as it were, to God
and His service. These things being premised, we shall be justified in
proceeding to establish our proposition; namely, that God was the
author of the Bible. And we hold this to be demonstrable.
_From its great antiquity._ It is acknowledged to be the oldest book
in the world. Its records embrace the creation of the world, the
origin of man, the introduction of evil, the fall and recovery of our
race; and it contains the only rational account ever given of these
momentous matters. We can trace the Bible to the time of the Cæsars,
beyond that to the translation of the Septuagint, and beyond that we
can carry the proof up to the separation of the Jews and Samaritans;
we can ascend up to the time when we discover that the law must have
been given by a person called Moses to a people in the wilderness, at
a time when idolatry was universal, and just as we have the facts
recorded in the nineteenth and twentieth chapters of the book of
Exodus. And if Moses did not get the law from God, the getting it at
all--the having it then as it is--is just as great a miracle as its
coming from God Himself; and you may take your choice of the
miracles--for the one is as great a miracle as the other. Tatian, one
of the Greek fathers, tells us, that "Though Homer was before all
poets, philosophers, and historians, and was the most ancient of all
profane writers, yet Moses was more ancient than Homer himself."
Tertullian, another celebrated writer of the second century, speaks to
the same effect. "The Pagans themselves have not denied that the
books of Moses were extant many ages before the states and cities of
Greece; before their temples and gods; and also before the beginning
of Greek letters." He moreover adds, "Moses lived five hundred years
before Homer's time; and the other prophets who came a long time after
Moses were yet more ancient than any of the wise men, lawgivers, and
philosophers of Greece. And as the writings of Homer were a pattern to
them, so in like manner he followed the writings of the prophets, as
they were then known and spread abroad in the world." And the
excellent and learned Sir W. Jones, adverting to the same point,
remarked, "The antiquity of these writings no man doubts."
_From its uncorrupted preservation._ Though it has been hated and held
in utter detestation by thousands, yet it has been preserved amidst
all the revolutions of time, and handed down from generation to
generation, even until now. And that it is in all essential points the
same as it came originally from the hands of its authors, we have the
most satisfactory evidence that can be required. "With regard to the
Old Testament," says the late learned William Greenfield, "the
original manuscripts were long preserved among the Jews, who were
always remarkable for being most faithful guardians of their sacred
books, which they transcribed repeatedly, and compared most carefully
with the originals, of which they even numbered the words and letters.
That the Jews have neither mutilated nor corrupted these writings is
fully proved by the silence of the prophets as well as of Christ and
His apostles, who, though they bring many heavy charges against them,
never once accuse them of corrupting one of their sacred writings; and
also by the agreement, in every essential point, of all the versions
and manuscripts, amounting to nearly 1,150, which are now extant, and
which furnishes a clear proof of their uncorrupted preservation."
[Illustration: PENTATEUCH, WRITTEN 3200 YEARS AGO.]
One of the most wonderful and ancient of these is the Pentateuch, as
represented in the cut below. Mr. Mills says of it: "The roll itself
is of what we would call parchment, but of a material much older than
that, written in columns twelve inches deep and seven and a half wide.
The writing is in a fair hand but not nearly so large or beautiful as
the book copies which I had previously examined. The writing being
rather small each column contains from seventy to seventy-two lines.
The name of the scribe is written in a kind of acrostic, and forms
part of the text, running through three columns and is found in the
book of Deuteronomy. It was the work of the great grandson of Aaron,
as indicated in the writing. The roll has all the appearance of a very
high antiquity, and is wonderfully well preserved, considering its
venerable age.
"One of the halves of the metal cylinder is very curious and deserves
more attention than it has received at the hands of Biblical
archæologists. It is of silver, about two feet and six inches long, by
ten or twelve inches in diameter, and is covered with embossed work
with a descriptive legend attached to each portion. It proves to be
the Tabernacle of the Wilderness.
"In fact, the constant reading of the sacred books, which were at once
the rule of their faith and of their political constitution, in public
and private; the numerous copies of the original as well as of the
Septuagint version, which was widely spread over the world; the
various sects and parties into which the Jews were divided after their
canon was closed, as well as their dispersion into every part of the
globe, concurred to render any attempt at fabrication impossible
before the time of Christ, and after that period, the same books being
in the hands of the Christians, they would instantly have detected the
fraud of the Jews if they had endeavored to accomplish such a design,
while the silence of the Jews, who would not have failed to notice the
attempt if it had been made, is a clear proof that they were not
corrupted by the Christians.
"Equally satisfactory is the evidence for the integrity and
incorruptness of the New Testament. The multiplication of copies, both
of the original and of translations into a variety of languages, which
were read, not only in private, but publicly in the religious
assemblies of the early Christians; the reverence of the Christians
for these writings; the variety of sects and heresies which soon arose
in the Christian Church, each of whom appealed to the Scriptures for
the truth of their doctrines, rendered any material alteration in the
sacred books utterly impossible; while the silence of their acutest
enemies, who would most assuredly have charged them with the attempt
if it had been made, and the agreement of all the manuscripts and
versions extant, are positive proofs of the integrity and
incorruptness of the New Testament; which are further attested by the
agreement with it of all the quotations which occur in the writings of
the Christians from the earliest age to the present time. In fact, so
far from there having been any gross adulteration in the Sacred
Volumes, the best and most able critics have proved that, even in
lesser matters, the Holy Scriptures of the New Testament have suffered
less from the injuries of time and the errors of transcribers than any
other ancient writings whatever; and that the very worst manuscript
extant would not pervert one article of our faith, nor destroy one
moral precept."
Add to this the testimony of the British Critic. "Not one syllable
penned by eight obscure authors of the Scriptures of the New
Testament, received by the Church as canonical at the death of John,
has been lost in the course of eighteen centuries. Yet of the
historical works of Tacitus half at least are wanting; out of the one
hundred and forty-four books of Livy only thirty-five exist; the
collections of Atticus have entirely perished; the orations of
Hortensius are known only through the allusions of his rival; and the
literary fame of the great dictator survives but in two narratives,
one of which has sometimes been doubted. 'Where is the wise? Where is
the scribe? Where is the disputer of this world?' May it not be the
power of God which, amidst this wreck of eloquence and learning, has
preserved unmutilated, even to these later days, the simple and
unstudied compositions of the illiterate Galileans--the impassioned
but rugged addresses of the tent-maker of Cilicia?" Dr. Adam Clarke,
no mean judge, pronounced by the late Rev. Robert Hall to have been
"an ocean of learning," said, "I have diligently examined the
question, and I can conscientiously say that we have the Sacred
Oracles, at least in essential sum and substance, as they were
delivered by God to Moses and the prophets; and to the Church of
Christ by Jesus, His evangelists and apostles; and that nothing in the
various readings of the Hebrew and Greek manuscripts can be found to
strengthen any error in doctrine or obliquity in moral practice. All
is safe and sound--all is pure and holy." And the judicious Selden,
whom Grotius calls "the glory of the English nation," in his "Table
Talk," speaking of the Bible, says, "The English translation of the
Bible is the best translation in the world, and renders the sense of
the original best; taking in for the English translation the Bishop's
Bible as well as King James'. The translators in King James' time took
an excellent way. That part of the Bible was given to him who was most
excellent in such a tongue, and then they met together, and one read
the translation, the others holding in their hands some Bible, either
of the learned tongues, or French, Spanish, or Italian, etc. If they
found any fault they spoke, if not he read on."[24]
_From its important discoveries._ It makes discoveries to man on the
most momentous subjects, which natural reason never could have made.
One of the ancients said, "The Bible is the history of God." It
reveals all that is needful to be known of the existence, nature,
perfections, relations, mind and will of God. It discloses the whole
history of man--opening with his creation, continuing with his present
state, and closing with his eternal destiny. It lays open the amazing
love of God to man, the plan of redemption, the means of salvation and
the cleansing nature of the blood of Christ. It furnishes answers to
the most interesting and perplexing questions ever suggested to man by
himself, or propounded to him by his fellow-beings; and thus supplies
him with that information which no other volume can impart. It points
a second life, unveils eternity, and speaks of the resurrection of the
body--the immortality of the soul--a judgment to come--a heaven, the
gift of redeeming love--and a hell, the dire desert of sin. In one
word, it is God's heart opened to man--a map of heaven--an infallible
rule of life--an immovable ground of hope--an everlasting spring of
consolation--and the only sure guide to eternal life and happiness. A
fine old writer beautifully remarks, "What is there not in the holy
Scriptures? Are we poor? There is a treasury of riches. Are we sick?
There is a shop of soul-medicines. Are we fainting? There is a cabinet
of cordials. Are we Christless? There is the star that leads to
Christ. Are we Christians? There are the bands that keep in Christ.
Are we afflicted? There is our solace. Are we persecuted? There is our
protection. Are we deserted? There is our recovery. Are we tempted?
There are our sword and victory. Are we young? There is our beauty.
Are we old? There is our wisdom. While we live, here is the rule of
our conversation; when we die, here is the hope of our glorification.
So that I may say with Tertullian, 'I adore the fullness of the
Scripture.' Oh blessed Scriptures! Who can know them and not love
them? Who can love them and not delight to meditate in them night and
day? Who can meditate in them and not desire to love them, love to
desire them, and both desire and love to understand them? This is the
Book of books, as David said of Goliah's sword, 'There's none like
that.'" The Bible is, indeed, what that great philosopher, the
Honorable Robert Boyle, called it, "that matchless book." We have
often thought that the sublime descriptions which it gives of God, the
humbling and exalting doctrines which it reveals, and the high-toned
morality which it inculcates, are of themselves proofs decisive of its
divine authority. For, certainly, there is nothing like them in the
most admired productions of the most celebrated authors, either in
ancient or modern times.
_From its peculiar style._ How remarkably simple and plain! No
histories were ever so plainly related as those of the Bible: no
precepts were ever so clear, or promises less ambiguous. How
wonderfully grand and sublime! Whenever the matter requires it, the
style is
"Like the ladder in the Patriarch's dream,
Its foot on earth, its height beyond the skies."
Witness many of the Psalms; the book of Job; the prophets, especially,
Isaiah xl. and xliii.; and the Apocalypse. And how astonishingly
concise and expressive! The sacred writers never burden their subject
with a load of words. They express themselves in words few, and
well-chosen--"in comely dress, without the paint of art." Witness the
Proverbs; 1 Cor. xiii., etc. "Let there be light," is noticed by the
great critic Longinus, as a truly lofty expression. And the style of
Scripture has awakened the attention even of infidels. Rousseau was
struck with the majesty of the Scriptures. His eloquent eulogium on
the Gospel and its author is well known. Dr. Tillotson observes "The
descriptions which Virgil makes of the Elysian Fields and the Infernal
Regions fall infinitely short of the majesty of the holy Scriptures
when describing heaven and hell, so that in comparison they are
childish and trifling;" and yet, perhaps, he had the most regular and
best governed imagination of any man, and observed the greatest
decorum in his descriptions. "There are I know," said the elegant
Joseph Addison, "men of heavy temper and without genius, who can read
the words of Scripture with as much indifference as they do other
papers; however, I will not despair to bring men of wit into a love
and admiration of the sacred writings, and, old as I am, I promise
myself to see the day when it shall be as much the fashion among men
of politeness, to admire a rapture of St. Paul's, as a fine expression
of Virgil or Homer; and to see a well-dressed young man produce an
evangelist out of his pocket, and be no more out of countenance than
if it were a classic printed by Elzevir."
_From its internal harmony._ Though written at different periods, by
persons residing in different parts of the earth, and by persons whose
natural abilities, education, habits, employments, etc., were
exceedingly varied, yet where is there any real contradiction? The
sacred writers exactly coincide in the exhibition they give us of God;
of man; of sin and salvation; of this world and the next; and, in
short, of all things connected with our duty, safety, interest, and
comfort. They all were evidently of the same judgment, aimed to
establish the same principles, and applied them to the same practical
purposes. They could not write by concert--comparing notes, etc., for
they lived in different times and places; and yet the exact
coincidence that is perceived among them, by the diligent student, is
most astonishing, and can not be accounted for on any rational
principles without admitting that they "wrote as they were moved by
the Holy Ghost."
"Whence, but from heaven, should men, unskilled in arts,
In different nations born, and different parts,
Weave such agreeing truths; or how or why
Should all conspire to cheat us with a lie?
Unasked their pains; ungrateful their advice;
Starving their gains, and martyrdom their prize."
_From its striking impartiality._ The amanuenses or penmen of the Holy
Ghost for the Scriptures were not contemptible or ordinary, but
incomparable and extraordinary persons. As Moses, "the meekest man on
earth," the peculiar favorite of God, with whom God "talked face to
face;" the None-such of all the prophets in Israel. Samuel, the
mighty man in prayer. David the King, "that man after God's own
heart." King Solomon, that "wisest of all the Kings," whom God honored
with the building of the Temple. Daniel, in whom was found "an
excellent spirit," and great dexterity in "expounding secrets and
mysteries." John, "the disciple whom Jesus loved" above all the rest,
who "leaned on Jesus' breast." Paul, "who was caught up into the third
heavens," "whose writings," saith Chrysostom, "like a wall of adamant,
compass about, or surround all the churches." In a word, "all of them
holy men of God, moved by the Holy Ghost." The moral character of the
sacred penmen is above suspicion: their greatest enemies have never
attempted to throw the least stain upon their characters. Many of them
were actually present at the scenes which they describe; eye-witnesses
of the facts, and ear-witnesses of the discourses which they describe.
They could not, therefore, be deceived themselves: nor could they have
the least inducement to deceive others. They honestly record their own
mistakes and faults, as well as the other particulars of the story.
Every candid person must admit that the Scriptures are remarkable for
faithfulness of narrative, and that, contrary to the practice of other
histories, they do not conceal the faults of the persons they
describe. The faults of Abraham and Jacob are detailed, as well as
their virtues; and the incredulity of Thomas, and the defection of
Peter, are not concealed, but faithfully recorded. The apostles,
especially, seem everywhere to forget that they are writing of
themselves, and appear not at all solicitous about their own
reputation, but only that they might represent facts just as they
were, whatever might be the consequences. Hence they readily confess,
not only the meanness of their original employments, and the scandals
of their former life, but their prejudices, follies, faults, unbelief,
cowardice, ambition, rash zeal, foolish contentions, etc. How faithful
is the pen of inspiration--here truth with impartial hand dips her
pencil, now in brighter, now in darker colors, and thus draws her
characters to the very life. Dr. Beattie justly says, "The style of
the Gospel bears intrinsic evidence of its truth. We find there no
appearance of artifice or party spirit; no attempt to exaggerate on
the one hand, or depreciate on the other; no remarks thrown in to
anticipate objections, nothing of that caution which never fails to
distinguish the testimony of those who are conscious of imposture; no
endeavor to reconcile the reader's mind to what may be extraordinary
in the narrative; all is fair, candid, and simple." And we number this
among the proofs of the Divine authority of the Bible.
_From its stupendous miracles._ Miracle, from miraculum, a wonder, a
prodigy. "A miracle," says Horne, "is a sensible suspension or
controlment of, or deviation from, the known laws of nature." It is a
signal act of Divine Omnipotence, that which no other being but God
can do. Miracles flow from Divine power, and are the proper evidence
of a Divine mission. The _reality_ of the miracles recorded in
Scripture, wrought by Christ, and by prophets and apostles, may be
proved by the _number_ and _variety_--their being performed
_publicly_, and not in a corner--before _enemies_ as well as before
friends--_instantaneously_, and not by degrees--and _independent_ of
all second causes--were such as _all men could examine_ and judge
of--and all served _an important end_, worthy of a Divine author:
viz., to establish Divine truth. How superior the miracles wrought by
Moses and Aaron to those wrought by the wise men and the sorcerers and
the magicians of Egypt! Witness the transformation of the rod, Exodus
vii. 10-12--the production of the annoying vermin lice--Exodus viii.
16-19--the plague of darkness, Exodus x. 22-24--the dividing of the
Red Sea, Exodus xiv. 21-31. These bear all the characters of true
miracles. And how far above the pretended supernatural doings of
Mohammed, and the alleged Pagan and Romish miracles, were the
wonderful deeds of Christ and His apostles! For example, our Saviour
stilled the tempest, calmed the ruffled ocean, walked upon the sea,
fed the famished multitude, opened the eyes of the blind, unstopped
the ears of the deaf, healed the sick, cleansed the lepers, cast out
devils, raised the dead, and restored Himself to life; and His
apostles healed the lame, cast out a spirit of divination, gave the
Holy Ghost, restored the dead to life, etc. Every ingenuous mind must
see in these all the characters of real miracles. Ponder Matt. xi.
2-6; and John xiv. 11. Nicodemus, a Pharisee and ruler among the Jews,
was so struck with the extraordinary character of our Lord's miracles
that he came to Him, saying, "Rabbi," excellent master, "we know that
Thou art a teacher come from God: for no man can do these miracles
that Thou doest, except God be with Him." And miracles we think, with
Nicodemus, show that a prophet or religious teacher comes from God,
because God would not work a miracle in attestation of a falsehood, or
to encourage a false teacher. When, therefore, a miracle is wrought in
confirmation of anything, or as evidence of anything, we know that the
thing is true, because God has given to it His testimony. Every real
miracle is a work of God, done by His permission, and with His
concurrence; it is therefore, emphatically, the testimony of God. And
that greatest of miracles, the resurrection of our Lord Himself from
the dead, crowns the whole, and clearly attests the Divinity of the
Bible, and the truth of the Christian religion.
_From its wonderful prophecies._ Prophecy is a declaration of
something to come; a prediction of future events. It is the
foretelling of such future things as were beyond the reach of human
sagacity, and which, therefore, none but God could reveal. What mere
man can foretell the events of to-morrow? Who can say what shall
transpire in ages to come? This is the sole prerogative of God, who
alone knows the end from the beginning. Now the Bible abounds with
predictions which were uttered long before their actual fulfillment,
and which no human sagacity or foresight could possibly conjecture or
foretell. Take the first gospel promise given--the seed of the woman
to bruise the serpent's head; and remember that this promise was
delivered at least four thousand years before its fulfillment. The
celebrated prediction of Jacob (Gen. xlix. 10) was uttered between
sixteen and seventeen hundred years before it took place. Moses
declared the siege of Jerusalem by the Romans, etc. (Deut. xxviii. 49,
etc.), fifteen centuries previously. In the first book of Kings (chap.
xiii. 2, 3) there is a prophecy concerning Josiah by name, three
hundred and thirty-one years; and in Isaiah (xlv. 1) concerning Cyrus,
one hundred years, before either of them were born. According to the
predictions of the prophets Nineveh has been desolated (Nahum i. 1, 2,
3); Babylon swept with the bosom of destruction (Isaiah xiii. 14);
Tyre become a place for the spreading of nets (Ezekiel xxvi. 4, 5);
Egypt the basest of the kingdoms, etc. (Ezekiel xxix. 14, 15). Daniel
distinctly predicted the overthrow, in succession, of the four great
empires of antiquity--the Babylonian, the Persian, the Grecian and the
Roman, all of which has taken place. Not only are the leading features
of the character of Christ delineated with the faithfulness of history
hundreds of years before He appeared, but there is scarcely an
incident in His life which prophecy has overlooked. And according to
the predictions of the New Testament we see Jerusalem in ruins; the
Temple not rebuilt; the Jews scattered, but not destroyed; the
conversion of the nations to Christianity; the many anti-christian
corruptions of the Gospel; the idolatry, tyranny and persecution of
the Roman hierarchy, etc. What prescience does all this
imply--prescience no where to be found but in God! "Let now the
infidel or the skeptical reader meditate thoroughly and soberly on
these predictions. The priority of the records to the events admits
of no question. The completion is obvious to every competent enquirer.
Here, then, are facts. We are called upon to account for those facts
on rational and adequate principles. Is human foresight equal to the
task? Enthusiasm? Conjecture? Chance? Political contrivance? If none
of these, neither any other principle that may be devised by man's
sagacity, can account for the facts; then true philosophy, as well as
true religion, will ascribe them to the inspiration of the Almighty.
Every effect must have a cause." Prophecy is a species of perpetual
miracle. And the prophecies of Scripture do not come short of the
fullest demonstration which the case will admit of, that the books
that contain them are the unerring word of God.
_From its holy tendency._ It came immediately from God, and leads
immediately to Him. It bears on it the stamp and impression of Deity;
and is, emphatically and really, "the power of God unto salvation to
every one that believeth." It contains the most excellent
precepts--the most weighty exhortations--and the most precious
promises. The Bible teaches us the best way of living; the noblest way
of suffering; and the most comfortable way of dying. The word of God,
accompanied by His Spirit, conveys strength to the weak, wisdom to the
simple, comfort to the sorrowful, light to those who are in darkness,
and life to the dead. It introduces the infinite God as speaking in a
manner worthy of Himself; with simplicity, majesty and authority.
_It places before us the most important doctrines._ For example, the
doctrine of the Trinity of persons or substances in the Unity of the
Godhead--the proper, supreme, and eternal divinity of Christ--the
personality, divinity, and offices of the Holy Spirit--the great works
of creation and providence--the fall of man from the mortal image of
God--the necessity, nature, and extent of redemption--repentance
toward God, and faith toward the Lord Jesus Christ--justification
through the blood of the cross--the witness of the Spirit in the soul
of believers--regeneration by the Spirit of God--holiness in heart and
life--the resurrection of the dead--the general judgment--and the
eternity of future rewards and punishments.
_It inculcates the highest morality._ The love of God, and the love of
our neighbor--the doing to others as we would they should do to
us--the forgiving of our enemies--the living "soberly"--in the use of
food, apparel, and all things relating to ourselves, "righteously"--in
the performance of all duties towards our neighbors, and
"godly"--worshiping God in a right manner--the checking of all
impurity of thought and desire--the rendering of honor to whom honor,
and tribute to whom tribute, is due--the cultivation of humility,
meekness, gentleness, placability, disinterestedness, truth, justice,
beneficence, charity, and other virtues--and the avoidance of pride,
discontent, despair, revenge, cruelty, oppression, contention,
adultery, suicide, and other vices and crimes which injure mankind.
_It preserves from all error._ It is an infallible rule of judgment
and of practice, and clearly teaches what we ought to believe and what
we ought to do--it enlightens the mind, informs the judgment,
instructs the heart, and saves from those "faults in the life," which
"breed errors in the brain." All error--false judgment of things, or
assent unto falsehood--springs from ignorance of the Scriptures, Mark
xii. 24; John vii. 17; 2 Tim. iii. 13-17.
_It promotes holiness and peace here, as well as leads to happiness
and heaven hereafter._ "Wherewithal shall a young man cleanse his
way?" Psalm cxix. 9, 103-105. "The law of the Lord is perfect,
converting the soul," Psalm xix. 7-11. What an eulogy is this on the
perfection of the sacred writings! the perfection of their
utility--their certainty--their purity--their value--their
comforts--their peace--and their sweetness. And this eulogy was
pronounced by a prophet, a poet, and a king--no common assemblage.
_It secures to the lover of it, in a rich degree, the Divine favor._
"Thus saith the Lord, the heaven is my throne, and the earth is my
footstool; but to this man will I look, even to him that is poor and
of a contrite spirit, and trembleth at my word." "Such a heart," says
Matthew Henry, "is a living temple of God; He dwells there, and it is
the place of His rest; it is like heaven and earth, His throne and His
footstool."
_And it furnishes the most powerful motives to the practice of its
precepts._ For its rewards are such as "eye hath not seen, nor ear
heard;" and its threats are eminently calculated to terrify offenders.
The Bible everywhere abounds with an intenseness of zeal for the
Divine glory, and with a depth of self-renunciation on the part of the
writers. And what a contrast does it, in this respect, exhibit to all
other productions of authorship! In Scripture, God is all in all: in
other writings, man is always a prominent, and generally the sole
claimant of praise and admiration. And no man can attentively peruse
the sacred volume without being awe-struck. For O how solemn and
inspiring! and how admirably calculated to restrain from sin, and to
sublimate the views and feelings! We say, therefore, that no man can
diligently read the Scriptures without becoming a wiser and better
man. The celebrated John Locke, whose pure philosophy taught him to
adore its source, said, with his dying lips, when tendering his advice
to a young nobleman, "Study the Holy Scriptures, especially the New
Testament; for therein are contained the words of eternal life: it
hath God for its author--salvation for its end--and truth, without any
mixture of error, for its matter."
"It sweetly cheers our drooping hearts,
In this dark vale of tears."
It does more--
"It sheds a lustre all abroad,
And points the path to bliss and heaven."
[Illustration: SHISHAK AND HIS CAPTIVES ON SCULPTURED WALL AT
KARNAC.]
"Tis for our light and guidance given." And O what a source of light,
and strength and peace! How it clears the understanding, and fills the
soul with sweet delight! How it quickens our inactive powers, and sets
all our wandering footsteps right! And how its promises rejoice our
hearts, and its precepts direct our lives!
"A glory gilds the sacred page,
Majestic like the sun;
It gives a light to every age,
It gives, but borrows none."
Ah! there are no words comparable to the Scriptures. None containing
doctrines so useful--commands so reasonable--arguments so powerful.
The lines of Scripture are richer than the mines of gold. How
evidently suited to a sinful, sinning race! and how delightfully
framed for the perfection of human happiness! What proofs of a Divine
original! Show, if you can, in all this world, any one book of all
that ever was produced in any age or nation, like the Bible. Ay, the
Bible came from God; and it bears a moral resemblance to Him from whom
it came. God is holy, just, and good; and the Bible is also holy in
its nature, just in its requirements, and good in its provisions and
tendency.
[Illustration: PORTRAIT OF REHOBOAM.]
_From its beneficial effects._ It has wrought wonders in all ages, in
all places, on all persons, and in all possible varieties of human life.
Christianity--the religion of the Bible--has taught the great lessons of
devotion, self-government, and benevolence. It has diffused and
preserved literature--abated illiberal prejudices--produced humility,
forgiveness of injuries, regard to truth, justice, and honesty, firmness
under persecution, patience under worldly afflictions, and calmness and
resignation at the approach of death--discouraged fornication, polygamy,
adultery, divorces, suicide, and duels--checked infanticide, cruel
sports, the violence of war, the vices of Kings and the assaults of
princes--and rendered its sincere professors true, honest, just, pure,
lovely, and of good report. It has improved the condition of
females--reclaimed dissolute men--abolished human sacrifices--prevented
assassinations of princes, and revolutions in states--encouraged
hospitality to strangers--founded charitable institutions--emancipated
slaves--abated the rigors of servitude--redeemed captives--relieved
prisoners--protected widows and orphans--softened into tenderness and
tears the hearts of despots--and given stability to thrones, wisdom to
human laws, and protection to the people. Has it not done more for the
honor of the prince and the weal of the subject than any other system?
_It has been a blessing to every country into which it has been
introduced._ It has been a blessing to Britain. It has enwrapped in
graceful robes the once naked inhabitants of this great country: it
has built cities, cultivated forests, reared our temples, regulated
our institutions, and rendered the country both powerful and happy.
America has found in it her freedom and her peace. The wrongs of
Africa have been mitigated and removed by its justice and generosity.
Asia, and the isles of the sea, are waiting for its light and healing.
In every Pagan country where it has prevailed, it has abolished
idolatry, with its sanguinary and polluted rites; raised the standard
of morality, and thus improved the manners of the people; and diffused
far and wide the choicest blessings of heaven--freedom to the captive,
light to the blind, comfort to the distressed, hope to the despairing,
and life to the dying. Ask the people of New Zealand, of Taheita, of
Tonga, cannibals, infanticides, murderers of whole islands, what it
has done for the salvation of their souls. It is at once the desire of
all nations, and the glory of all lands.
_And it has produced the most happy effects on multitudes of men._ It
has enlightened the most ignorant; softened the most hardened;
reclaimed the most profligate; converted the most estranged; purified
the most polluted; exalted the most degraded; and plucked the most
endangered from hell to heaven. What was it that transformed the
persecuting and blaspheming Saul into a kind and devoted man? It was
religion. What was it which brought the woman who was a sinner to
bathe the feet of Jesus with her tears, and to wipe them with the
hairs of her head? It was religion. What was it which produced the
faith of Abraham, the meekness of Moses, the patience of Job, the
wisdom of Solomon, the placability of Joseph, the penitence and zeal
of David, the gentleness of Stephen, the boldness of the prophets, the
undaunted zeal of Paul, the heroism of Peter, and the sweet temper of
"the beloved disciple?" It was religion. What was it which produced
such purity of life, and gave such majesty in death, in the cases of
Grotius, Selden, Salmasius, Hale, Paschal, Boyle, Locke, Newton,
Boerhave, Addison, Maclaurin, Lyttleton, and a thousand others? It was
religion.
Even men who labored to erase out of the mind all respect for religion
have acknowledged the importance and expediency of it. Bayle admits
religion to be useful if men acted agreeably to its principles; and
Voltaire says, expressly, that religion is necessary in every fixed
community; the laws are a curb upon open crimes, and religion on those
that are private. "No religion," says Bolingbroke, "ever appeared in
the world whose natural tendency was so much directed to promote the
peace and happiness of mankind as the Christian. The system of
religion recorded by the evangelists is a complete system to all the
purposes of true religion, natural or revealed. The Gospel of Christ
is one continued lesson of the strictest morality, justice,
benevolence, and universal charity.... Supposing Christianity to have
been purely an human invention, it had been the most amiable, and the
most useful invention that was ever imposed on mankind for their
good." Hume acknowledges, that, "the disbelief in futurity loosens, in
a great measure, the ties of morality, and may be supposed, for that
reason, pernicious to the peace of civil society." Rousseau
acknowledges, that, "if all were perfect Christians, individuals would
do their duty, the people would be obedient to the laws, the chiefs
just, the magistrates incorrupt, the soldiers would despise death, and
there would be neither vanity nor luxury in such a state." Gibbon
admits, that the gospel, or the church, discouraged suicide, advanced
erudition, checked oppression, promoted the manumission of slaves, and
softened the ferocity of barbarous nations; that fierce nations
received at the same time the lessons of faith and humanity, and that,
in the most corrupt state of Christianity, the barbarians might learn
justice from the law, and mercy from the gospel. "To impute crimes to
Christianity," says the celebrated King of Prussia, "is the act of a
novice." His word may fairly be taken for such an assertion. And yet
these unbelievers have been so vile and perverse as to decry a system
which they acknowledge to be useful. How ungrateful! How
reprehensible! Collect now the thoughts scattered under this branch of
the subject, and be honest--heartily believe, and openly acknowledge,
that God was the author of the Bible. What but a superhuman, a truly
divine influence breathing in the Scriptures, can account for the
energy and beneficence of their moral tendencies?
_From its general reception._ Vast numbers of wise and good men,
through many generations and in different countries, have agreed in
receiving the Bible as a revelation from God. Many of them have been
noted for seriousness, erudition, penetration, and impartiality in
judging of men and things. We might refer to Alfred, "replete with
soul--the light of a benighted age"--to Charles V., Emperor of
Germany--to Gustavus Adolphus, the renowned King of Sweden; to Selden,
the learned and laborious lawyer and antiquary--to Bacon, "the bright
morning star of science"--to Usher, the well-known archbishop of
Armagh--to Newton, "the sun whose beams have irradiated the world"--to
Boyle, celebrated for genius and erudition--to Milton, the prince of
poets--to Locke, the man of profound thought--to Jones, one of the
brightest geniuses and most distinguished scholars of the eighteenth
century--and to many other deathless names. And if the evidence of the
truth of the Bible satisfied men of such high intellectual capacity,
ought it not to satisfy us? We do not wish to insinuate that we ought
to believe in the Divinity of the Scriptures merely because they
believed it. But we do mean to say that we ought not rashly to
conclude against that which they received. They are acknowledged
authorities in other cases; then why not in this? If we can place
reliance upon them in their philosophical inquiries, why not in their
religious ones? Surely the infidels of the present day, so far
inferior to the believers of the former days, ought to express
themselves with more modesty upon this important subject, and to
hesitate before they openly profess their opposition to that book of
religion and morals which has received the countenance of such
honorable names as those which have been mentioned.
On the subject of the propagation of Christianity it has been
eloquently said: "In spite of violent and accumulated opposition it
diffused its blessings among the cities of Asia and the islands of
Greece; over the deserts of Arabia and the European continent! From
the hill of Calvary it speedily found its way to imperial Rome,
gathering fresh laurels as it progressed, until it entered the palace
and waved its banner over the proud dwelling of Cæsar! With all the
influence of priests and kings against it, and all the terrors of the
gibbet or the flames, it rapidly overspread the extensive Roman empire
and reached Britain, the little isle of the sea. With a power divine
it achieved a triumph over mental and moral obliquity, surpassing all
that the philosophy of Greece or Rome could boast; and still will it
conquer, until the sun in the heavens shall not look down on a single
human being destitute of the knowledge of Jesus Christ." And the Rev.
Robert Hall, whom to mention is to praise, remarked: "We see
Christianity as yet but in its infancy. It has not already reached the
great ends it is intended to answer and to which it is constantly
advancing. At present it is but a grain of mustard seed and seems to
bring forth a tender and weakly crop, but be assured it is of God's
own right hand planting, and He will never suffer it to perish. It
will soon stretch its branches to the river and its shades to the ends
of the earth. The weary will repose themselves under it, the hungry
will partake of its fruits, and its leaves will be for the healing of
the nations. Those who profess the name of Jesus will delight in
contemplating the increase and grandeur of His kingdom. 'He must reign
until He hath put all enemies under His feet.' The religion of Jesus
is not the religion of one age or of one nation. It is a train of
light first put in motion by God, and which will continue to move and
to spread till it has filled the whole earth with its glory. Its
blessings will descend and its influence will be felt to the latest
generations. Uninterrupted in its course, and boundless in its extent,
it will not be limited by time or space. The earth is too narrow for
the display of its effects and the accomplishment of its purposes. It
points forward to an eternity. The great Redeemer will again appear
upon the earth as the judge and ruler of it; will send forth His
angels and gather His elect from the four winds; will abolish sin and
death; will place the righteous forever in the presence of his God, of
their God, of his Father, and their father."
"As the waters the depth of the blue ocean cover,
So fully shall God among mortals be known;
His word, like the sunbeams, shall range the world over,
The globe His vast temple, and mercy His throne."
Christianity, though not persecuting, has been bitterly persecuted;
yet it has triumphed--and triumphed, too, in spite of all its foes.
Like Moses' bush, it was unconsumable by fire; and rose up amid the
flames and prospered. And like the eagle--the imperial bird of
storms--it will continue securely to soar amid every tempest. All
attempts to impede its progress will be as powerless and vain as
attempts to drive back the flowing tide with the point of a needle.
When infidels can grasp the winds in their fists, hush the voice of
the thunder by the breath of their mouth, suspend the succession of
the seasons by their nod, and extinguish the light of the sun by a
veil, then, and not till then, can they arrest the progress of truth
or invalidate the verities of the Bible. Unwise and unhappy men! they
are but plowing the air--striking with a straw--writing on the surface
of the water--and seeking figs where only brambles grow.
And compare not the propagation of Mohammedanism with the propagation
of Christianity; for it is useless, if not absurd. Suffice it to say
that the former was propagated by fanaticism, falsehood, pandering to
the passions, promising a voluptuous paradise, and the frequent use of
the sword; but the latter by sanity, truth, restraining the passions,
promising a pure and holy heaven, and the use of no other sword but
the sword of the Spirit, that is, the word of God. Christianity
came--saw--and conquered. And all her victories have been
bloodless--of untold advantage to the vanquished themselves. They have
desolated no country--produced no tears but to wipe them away--and
broken no hearts but to heal them. Now to what is all this to be
attributed? Can we reasonably ascribe the general reception of the
Bible and the consequent spread of Christianity to anything short of
divine power? Is it not unprecedented? "Could any books," says an able
writer, "have undergone so fearful and prolonged an ordeal and
achieved so spotless and perfect a triumph, unless they had been given
and watched over by the Deity?"
_From its innumerable martyrs._ "If a person," says Dr. Jortin, "lays
down his life for the name of Christ, or for what he takes to be the
religion of Christ, when he might prolong his days by renouncing his
faith, he must stand for a martyr in every reasonable man's calendar,
though he may have been much mistaken in some of his opinions." It has
been calculated that since Christianity arose, not less than fifty
millions of martyrs have laid down their lives for its sake. Some were
venerable for years; others were in the bloom of life; and not a few
were of the weaker sex. They were, for the most part, well-instructed
persons. Many were learned and respectable men; neither factious in
their principles nor violent in their passions. They were neither wild
in their notions, nor foolishly prodigal of their lives. This may
safely be affirmed of such men as Polycarp and Ignatius, Jerome and
Huss, Latimer and Cranmer, Ridley and Hooper, Philpot and Bradford,
Lambert and Saunders, and many others. Yet these so valued the Bible,
that, rather than renounce it, and relinquish the hopes it inspired,
they yielded their bodies to be burnt, or otherwise tormented, and
"rejoiced and clapped their hands in flames," or the like. "All that a
man hath will he give for his life." All account life sweet and
precious. No man of sense and understanding will sacrifice his life,
when he can preserve it, but for some deeply rooted conviction of
truth or duty. In this view, Christian martyrs are entitled to our
respect and esteem. For, they gave the strongest proof of sincerity of
their faith: and no suspicion of fraud can reasonably be entertained
against them. "We conclude," says Dr. Jortin, "that they were assisted
by God, who alleviated their pain, and gave them not only resignation
and patience, but exultation and joy. And this wonderful behavior of
the former Christians may justly be accounted a proof of the truth of
the Bible, and our holy religion, and we should deserve to be blamed
and despised if we parted with it, and gave it up tamely on account
of a few objections." "No man," observes Dr. Beattie, "ever laid down
his life for the honor of Jupiter, Neptune, or Apollo; but how many
thousands have sealed their Christian testimony with their blood!"
What a moral victory! And whence but from heaven such a religion,
having such attestation?
Other arguments might be added tending to demonstrate the truth of our
proposition; but surely, enough have been produced to establish the
authority of the Bible on an immovable basis. "Forever, O Lord, Thy
word is settled in heaven. I esteem all Thy precepts concerning all
things to be right; and I hate every false way." "All flesh is as
grass, and all the glory of man as the flower of grass. The grass
withereth, and the flower thereof falleth away; but the word of the
Lord endureth forever. And this is the word which by the Gospel is
preached unto you."
"The proudest works of Genius shall decay,
And Reason's brightest lustre fade away;
The Sophist's art, the Poet's boldest flight,
Shall sink in darkness, and conclude in night;
But Faith triumphant over Time shall stand,
Shall grasp the Sacred Volume in her hand;
Back to its source the heavenly gift convey,
Then in the flood of Glory melt away."
THE END.
[Page Decoration]
FOOTNOTES:
[23] The most ancient hieroglyphs, according to M. Pierret, which can
be seen in an European museum, are those on the statues of Sefa and
Nesa in the Louvre; they date from a period anterior to the fourth
dynasty. The lintel of the door of the tomb of one of the priests of
Senat, fifth King of the second dynasty in the Ashmolean Library,
Oxford, exhibits, however, hieroglyphs of an earlier date.
[24] King James' Bible is that now commonly used in this country and
Great Britain.
* * * * *
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| Page 754: Egyptain replaced with Egyptian |
| Page 837: Egytians replaced with Egyptians |
| Page 874: 'of porphyry and and other rare' replaced with |
| 'of porphyry and other rare' |
| Page 882: cemetry replaced with cemetery |
| Page 888: Chiristians replaced with Christians |
| Page 929: 'instantaneously, and and not by degrees' |
| replaced with |
| 'instantaneously, and not by degrees' |
| |
| Notes on Unusual Words: |
| |
| Page 88: The poem on page 88 really does say: |
| "His hugy bulk on seven high volumes rolled" |
| Page 105: coutch is a legitimate variant spelling for |
| couch |
| Page 659: 'sil' means yellow ochre. |
| |
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*** End of this LibraryBlog Digital Book "Museum of Antiquity - A Description of Ancient Life" ***
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