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Title: Colonial Expeditions to the Interior of California Central Valley, 1800-1820 - Anthropological Records 16(6):239-292, 1958
Author: Cook, Sherburne Friend, 1896-1974
Language: English
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INTERIOR OF CALIFORNIA CENTRAL VALLEY, 1800-1820***
COLONIAL EXPEDITIONS TO THE INTERIOR OF CALIFORNIA
CENTRAL VALLEY, 1800-1820
by
S. F. COOK
Anthropological Records
Vol. 16, No. 6
University Of California Publications
Anthropological Records
Editors (Berkeley): J. H. Rowe, R. F. Heizer, R. F. Murphy, E. Norbeck
Volume 16, No. 6, pp. 239-292
Submitted by editors June 18, 1958
Issued May 27, 1960
Price, $1.50
University of California Press
Berkeley and Los Angeles
California
Cambridge University Press
London, England
Manufactured in the United States of America
CONTENTS
Page
Introduction 239
I. Early expeditions, 1776-1803 241
Excerpts from official correspondence 241
Hermenegildo Sal's expedition, 1796 241
II. Expeditions, 1804-1805 243
Father Martin's visit to Cholam, 1804 243
Father Martin's visit to Bubal, 1805 243
Expedition of Second Lieutenant Luís Argüello, 1805 244
III. Expeditions by Zalvidea and Moraga, 1806-1807 245
Father Zalvidea's expedition, 1806 245
Lieutenant Gabriel Moraga's expedition, 1806 247
Reminiscences of Mexican pioneers 254
IV. José Palomares' expedition to the Tulares, 1808 256
V. Exploration of the Sacramento-San Joaquin delta, 1810-1813 258
Father Viader's first trip 258
Father Viader's second trip 259
Father Ramón Abella's expedition, 1811 260
José Argüello's attack on an Indian village, 1813 265
VI. Expeditions, 1815-1820 267
Father Martinez' expedition 271
Minor sorties 273
Expedition to the delta, 1817 273
VII. Minor raids and forays, 1810-1820 280
Notes 282
Bibliography 291
COLONIAL EXPEDITIONS TO THE INTERIOR OF CALIFORNIA
CENTRAL VALLEY, 1800-1820
BY S. F. COOK
INTRODUCTION
The general anthropology and history of the California natives has been
exhaustively studied, in particular their archaeology and ethnography.
Much is also known concerning the vicissitudes of their existence since
the coming of the white man. The mission experience has been thoroughly
explored and is admirably documented. The period of the Mexican War and
the gold rush has been the subject of hundreds of books and articles.
Students interested in problems of human biology, ecology, and sociology
centering on the indigenous population of California have readily
available certain important sources of information. First, there is a
wealth of archaeological data--materials deposited in museums, many
archaeological sites which are in their original position, reports, and
monographs. Second should be mentioned the long series of ethnographic
investigations carried on by various agencies over half a century and
based primarily upon the word of living informants. Third are the
general historical and mission records, which display the relation
between the Spanish-Mexican civilization and the native. These merge
into the fourth source of knowledge, the official documents, letters,
memoirs, diaries, and contemporary newspaper accounts which give us
an exceedingly detailed picture of the Indian during the period of
first exploitation by the Americans. The fifth category includes the
documentary records since approximately 1855: the reports of the Indian
Service and of Army Officers, correspondence of all sorts among Federal
and State functionaries, and investigations by Congressional or
Legislative Committees. These documents, most of which are to be
found in libraries and public archives, bring the student down to
the present time.
In spite of this wide spectrum of source material there is one area
which has been as yet relatively little explored but which merits
attention on the part of those concerned with the human development of
California. I refer to the contact between the Spanish-Mexican settlers
and the aboriginal population, not through the medium of the missions
but within the natural environment of the Indians. Over a period of more
than fifty years, while converts were being drawn into the mission
system, priests, soldiers, and ranchers were continually reaching
out into the interior, opening up the country and thus impinging upon
native life. A constant succession of expeditions, sorties, raids, and
campaigns moved in from the coast, left their mark on the land and its
inhabitants, then retreated to the missions and presidios. Most of these
forays were undertaken without official sanction and left no record save
in the memory of a few old men, who were interviewed by H. H. Bancroft
many years after the event. A good many expeditions and military
campaigns, however, were sponsored by the government or the church. Of
these, diaries were kept and written reports made. A rather long series
of such documents still exists.
The diaries, reports, letters, and reminiscences of the Ibero-American
pioneers in California from 1770 to 1840 give us primary information for
which there is no substitute. In the first place, they fill in the gap
in our knowledge of the aboriginal peoples between what is deduced
from purely archaeological evidence and what is learned from personal
informants whose memories can reach back to a time only a little before
the year 1850. Moreover we learn a good deal about the location and
behavior of village or tribal groups which were entirely extinguished
before the memory of modern survivors. In the second place, we see in
detail the initial reaction of the Indian to the Spaniard in the wild
environment and witness the subsequent struggle for survival on the
part of the native population. In the third place, we obtain firsthand
knowledge concerning the primitive environment of the interior, the
condition of the land, the character and extent of vegetation, the
location and capacity of rivers, swamps, and lakes. Such data antedate
the memory and written descriptions of the earliest American observers
and so are of great value in tracing the changes which have since
occurred.
The body of literature under consideration is found in only a few
places. Some documents are in the Mexican National Archive, with
microfilm possibly available. The largest single collection is in the
Bancroft Library at Berkeley, with smaller collections at the Huntington
Library and elsewhere. A few of the important diaries are in the form of
the original manuscripts or contemporary copies. The greater part of the
material, however, consists of transcripts of the originals made at the
order of H. H. Bancroft in the 1870's. Despite the very sloppy work done
by the paid copyists it is fortunate that the attempt was made, for the
documents themselves were nearly all destroyed in the San Francisco fire
of 1906.
Some effort has been made to bring before the scholarly world and the
interested public certain of the outstanding accounts of expeditions
and explorations. The period of 1765 to 1776 has been very adequately
covered, particularly by the late Professor Herbert E. Bolton, who is
remembered for his editing of the diaries of Crespi, Portola, Anza, and
others. The later exploration has been the subject of a few works, such
as Gayton's translation of the Estudillo manuscripts. Both Herbert I.
Priestley and Donald C. Cutter have contributed to our body of knowledge
of the time. Priestley's little book on the Franciscan explorations,
finished after his death by Lillian E. Fisher, is a rather brief
general description of the expeditions to the Central Valley. Cutter's
exhaustive thesis (1950) is a very satisfactory exposition of Central
Valley exploration from the standpoint of the Spanish-Mexican colonial
policy and missionization. Cutter, however, merely paraphrases and
condenses the actual documents, thereby omitting much of the detail
to be found in the original accounts. Neither Priestley nor Cutter
concerns himself with Indian relations or explorations in Southern
California and on the Colorado River, nor do they carry their
consideration of the Central Valley past 1820. For a complete picture,
therefore, the student of the early nineteenth century must seek out
the primary documents.
The written records within the area under discussion are deposited in
a very few libraries and archives and, moreover, the documents, with
the exceptions noted, are in handwritten Spanish. For these reasons
a valuable body of information can be reached only with relative
difficulty by students at large. Thus it seems worth while to assemble
this material, translate it into English, and disseminate it in printed
form among institutions of learning and research. At the same time a
certain minimum amount of editorial organization is necessary, together
with some explanation and commentary.
The present group of translations embodies all the pertinent documents
I can find dealing with the Central Valley of California in the period
from 1800 to 1820. Not all the possible correlated references are
included. The emphasis is upon the actual progress of exploration
and physical contact with the natives--from the point of view of the
natives. Consequently, no attempt is made to include papers bearing
solely on political background, personal biography of participants,
detailed military or logistic preparations, controversies between
military, civilian, and ecclesiastical interests, and matters of
official policy. For the broad historical setting and the details of
organization the works of Bancroft, Bolton, Priestley, and Cutter will
be found entirely adequate.
All the important diaries are presented, with two exceptions. One is
Argüello's account of his expedition to the upper Sacramento and
Trinity rivers in 1821. This manuscript is now being translated and
annotated as a separate work by Professor Robert F. Heizer, of the
University of California, and Professor Donald C. Cutter, of the
University of Southern California. The other is the Estudillo expedition
to the southern San Joaquin Valley in 1818. The Estudillo documents have
already been translated and edited by Dr. Anna H. Gayton (1936) and can
readily be obtained.
In addition to the well-known, formal reports to the Central Authority
I have translated several excerpts from letters and memoirs. The
contemporary correspondence occasionally discusses briefly or
extensively expeditions of interest concerning which we have no other
knowledge. For completeness, therefore, these accounts must be included.
Concerning the memoirs some reservation is necessary. This type of
document furnishes a great deal of material for the later period of
1820-1840. There are, however, a number of passages which refer quite
clearly to events in the preceding decade. These are the reminiscences
of old men, talking about campaigns and battles which occurred more than
half a century earlier. The raconteurs were mostly rather ignorant,
their memory faulty, their attitude boastful. Their command of fact
is definitely unreliable, their personal viewpoint highly colored and
biased. Their accounts are nevertheless valuable for the picture they
give of the day-to-day personal contact between the white men and the
natives, and for the many interesting sidelights on the life and the
land of the Central Valley in its original condition.
The author wishes to acknowledge with thanks a grant made by the
Institute of Social Sciences, of the University of California, for
photocopying and clerical assistance.
I. EARLY EXPEDITIONS, 1776-1803
During the initial period of settlement and exploration in California,
from 1769 to 1776, several important and well-known expeditions entered
the area, among them those of Portola, Anza, Fages, and Cañizares. As a
result the coastal strip and the vicinity of San Francisco Bay became
well known. The interior did not receive so much attention. Following
Anza only two recorded expeditions went into the Central Valley, that of
Moraga, described by Palóu (Bolton, 1926) and that of Fages, the account
of which has been translated by Priestley (1913).
In the meantime, and during the first two decades of Spanish occupation
of coastal California, individuals were slowly penetrating the interior.
Most of these left no record or trace, except on the health and
emotional outlook of the natives. Many of them were deserters from the
army, whose enlisted ranks contained many from the lowest strata of
Mexican society. Along the coast trouble with desertion began with the
Portola expedition itself (see Crespi's diary) and was commented upon by
both military and clerical writers for many years thereafter. Most of
the absconding soldiers stayed within the mission area but some reached
the interior valley. The earliest clear examples are cited by Garcés in
the diary of his famous trip in 1776. In the upper San Joaquin Valley,
east of Bakersfield, he was told of two Spanish soldiers who had been
killed by the Indians for molesting women (Coues, 1900, p. 288) and
found a Spaniard married to an Indian woman (Coues, 1900, p. 295).
EXCERPTS FROM OFFICIAL CORRESPONDENCE
A number of letters in the official correspondence of the late
eighteenth century refer to fugitive deserters. Of these several may be
quoted, primarily by way of illustration since a complete presentation
of such data would be very difficult. Documents cited are all in the
Bancroft Library, Berkeley, unless otherwise stated.
It should be noted that the style in a great many of the transcripts
is indirect. The copyist made a paraphrase of the original letter and
prefaced his statement with the word "that." Thus in the first letter
below the copyist wishes it understood that the original letter said
that Sebastian Albitre ran away ... and so on. In some documents the
indirection is ignored and the text is translated directly. As a rule,
however, it is preferable to retain the circumlocution employed by
Bancroft's transcriber.
_Blotter of Governor Fages_
November 7, 1785
(Cal. Arch., Prov. Rec., II: 348)
That Sebastian Albitre ran away and with him the soldier of the
Presidio, Mariano Yepez; that after a few days the mistress of the
latter disappeared from her mission at Santa Clara; that he sent out
two parties to chase them as far as the Sierra Nevada; these parties
returned because their horses were badly exhausted; the pursuit will
be resumed in June.
_Governor to Commandant at Santa Barbara_
October 9, 1795
(Cal. Arch., Prov. Rec., IV: 302)
He should offer presents, or whatever they like, to the Indians,
so that they will catch Avila, who, as is known, is running as a
fugitive in the Tulare Valley with several Christians from San Juan
Bautista. He should make every effort to catch this man.
_Marcos Briones to Hermenegildo Sal_
San Luis Obispo, January 8, 1797
(Cal. Arch., Prov. St. Pap., XVI: 239)
Says that the Father[1] sent some Christian Indians in search of a
Gentile woman in order that she might be married to a Christian who
had been her husband when they were heathen. That on the return with
the Indian woman they passed by a rancheria where an old Gentile,
accompanied by his two sons, killed Toribio, one of those who had
gone after the Gentile woman. The latter was suspected of having
poisoned her Christian daughter who died in this mission. That today
he is setting out with three soldiers and some Christian Indians to
apprehend the culprits.
_Marcos Briones to Sal_
San Luis Obispo, January 14, 1797
(Cal. Arch., Prov. St. Pap., XVI: 238-239)
That on the 8th inst. he set out from this garrison in search of the
malefactors, as the governor had ordered him and he could not find
them. That in one rancheria, among those which he entered, an
old Indian woman told him that the Gentiles of that vicinity had
assembled opposite the Nacimiento [River] looking for the [road to
the] Tulares. That he turned back on account of lack of provisions
but intends to return [to the Tulares] on the 19th in order to
pacify that gathering of Gentiles.
_Marcos Briones to Sal_
San Luis Obispo, January 8, 1797
(Cal. Arch., Prov. St. Pap., XVI: 239)
He says that on the 18th he set out to apprehend the Gentile Indians
who had killed Toribio, the Christian Indian of this Mission. That
he fell upon a rancheria at the edge of the Valley of the Tulares,
where he knew was the chief of the malefactors, whom he succeeded
in catching. He brought him in company with two others whom he (the
malefactor) had forced to burn the corpse of the defunct Toribio.
That he arrived at this mission the 23rd and asked the said criminal
why he killed Toribio. He [the Indian] replied that it was because a
Christian [Indian], one of those who accompanied the deceased, had
come close to his house and had said: "Is the old robber[2] here? If
he is, why doesn't he come out?" Whereupon he and his son chased the
Christians as far as the place where they killed the said Toribio.
HERMENEGILDO SAL'S EXPEDITION, 1796
The first formally organized exploration, subsequent to Anza and Fages,
was apparently carried out by an army officer, Hermenegildo Sal, in
1796. He was a lieutenant in command of the Monterey garrison and
conducted a party into the Stockton area. He left no personal diary but
did write a letter to the Governor. It is the transcript, or rather
paraphrase, of the letter by one of Bancroft's workers which is here
presented.
_Report of Hermenegildo Sal_
San Francisco, January 31, 1796
(Cal. Arch., Prov. St. Pap., XIV: 14-16)
Report in which Lieutenant Hermenegildo Sal sets forth what he has
learned concerning various matters, in order to communicate it to
the Governor of the Province.
That leaving the mission of Santa Clara or the town of San José, in
a northerly direction, at about 15 leagues, one reaches the Río del
Pescadero,[3] which has good water, depth and current, and is so
called because fishing is done in it for salmon. That at one-quarter
league [farther on] is the Río de San Francisco Jabier, wider than
the preceding and with more water, for the latter reaches to the
bottom of the saddle pad. That at about two leagues [farther on] is
the Río de San Miguel, larger than the two others, and deeper, for
the water reaches to the back bow of the saddle. That the three have
no trees where they cross the valley of the Tulares. That at about
five leagues [farther on][4] is the Río de la Pasión, populated with
ash, alder, and other trees, and with a very deep channel.
That between the two last rivers is a fine oak park, in the area
toward the Sierra Madre which runs toward the north and is called
Sierra Nevada.
That, going through the oak park and leaving on the left hand the
tule swamps, there is a region of fresh-water lakes so spaced
that there are pockets of solid ground in which are encountered
rancherias inhabited by Gentiles. [These are] brave and strong, have
small dragnets with stone sinkers, and make bread with flour from
tule roots and from acorns like that which they presented to Captain
Fernando de Rivera.[5]
That these four rivers run from east to west and discharge into the
bay of the port of San Francisco. That when the tide rises salt
water is carried into them far upstream.[6]
That the Sierra Madre is distant from the Río de la Pasión a matter
of eight leagues. That the natives take two days to cross it. That
all the countryside abounds with fresh grass, tule swamps, and lakes
where deer breed. That before reaching the rivers, on the right hand
lies the territory of San Juan,[7] a short distance from the Sierra
Nevada, and visible from the presidio.
That the names of the four rivers were given by Captain Fernando
Rivera, commander of these presidios, when he passed by there during
the month of December, 1776.
(Under the heading "Information secured ... from the Christian
Indians of the Mission of San Francisco," is the following report.)
That the first Indian told him that his people traded with a "nation
of dark Indians" and that the latter have priests.[8]
(What follows is copied verbatim.)
The second [Indian] gave news of the nations Julpones,[9]
Quinenseat, Taunantoc, and Quisitoc: the first are on the shore of
the estuary. The second are on the other side of the rivers; they
are tall and blond. The third trade with glass beads like ours. The
last are bald. He says the land is very hot and the Indians stay all
day in the lakes, the water of which is boiling, and this is the
reason why their hair falls out. The Indian reasserts that those
people have heads like their hands, but they are born with hair like
everyone else.
An Indian woman named Delfina told the mayor-domo, Diego Olbera, and
his wife: "One day, having crossed the rivers and traveled five
days, soldiers and priests are encountered who give the Indians
pieces of cotton cloth, blankets, axes and knives." That there are
[i.e., they had] wheels and, as she stated, the latter were from
carts or wagons, giving the appearance that this was their mode of
travel.
That the above is the news which he has been able to secure and
which he is transmitting [to the Governor].
II. EXPEDITIONS, 1804-1805
In 1804, and probably in 1805, there were various penetrations of the
valley. Chief of these was the visit of Father Fray Juan Martin to the
village of Bubal. Since this trip was entirely unauthorized, it was not
described until 1815. This silence for ten years is significant, since
it opens up the possibility that many other such informal expeditions
occurred--without having been written up afterward.
FATHER MARTIN'S VISIT TO CHOLAM, 1804
Father Martin's trip to Cholam did not actually reach the valley, but
attained its borders. It is worth recording as showing the type of
activity characteristic of the period.
_José de la Guerra, Commandant, to Governor Arrillaga_
Monterey, January 29, 1804
(Prov. St. Pap., Benicia, Military, XXXIV: 266-267)
Communicates that Father Juan Martin, minister of San Miguel,
protected by one soldier, went to a village called Cholam and asked
the chief of all the villages thereabouts, named Guchapa, to give
him some children to baptize. This was refused by the chief, who
told the Father and the soldier to get out immediately or it would
go badly with them, for he "was not afraid of the soldiers, who
were cowards, and he knew with certainty that they would die like
everyone else."
Commandant Guerra sent a sergeant, a corporal, and thirteen soldiers
to take the chief, Guchapa, prisoner. The expedition set out
December 22. It returned January 10 bringing as captives Chief
Guchapa, his son, two other chieftains, and two Christians. (The
commandant says he includes the report of the sergeant, but it is
not to be found. He talks of "the heroic struggle of Guchapa and the
good passage provided them by the Indian Cojapa.")
The commandant continues saying that Guchapa made the proposition
that he would bring out all the Christian Indians there were in his
villages. This was accepted and he left his son as hostage. "I
dismissed him with some presents which I gave him as a reward for
his good behavior with the troops and waited a little while for his
return. This was in order to grant them forgiveness together with
the warning that in the future they should hold in respect the
troops and the Fathers. This was the least which it seems to me
should be done and said."[1]
FATHER MARTIN'S VISIT TO BUBAL, 1805
_Fray Juan Martin to P. P. Fray José Señan_
San Miguel, April 26, 1815
(Santa Barbara Arch., VI: 85-89)
My venerated Father President Fray José Señan: good health!
Under date of 4 April, this year, the Reverend Father Prefect
requested us to inform Your Reverence concerning the state of the
heathen Indians near this mission, particularly as pertains to their
inclination to receive Holy Baptism.
In complying with my orders I will state with candor that the desire
of the neighboring heathens is great, for twelve years have already
passed during which they have manifested good will, now to the
soldiers on the various occasions when the troops have gone out, now
to the Fathers who have likewise gone, and now also to the neophytes
on the very numerous occasions when they have gone visiting to the
Tulares. Their favorable disposition will continue if the fugitives
from the north do not set them against us. Thus the most recent
mission Indians to return from leave, who came from one of the
Valley villages called Tache, informed us that Indians had arrived
on horseback from the north saying that the Fathers were simply
going to kill the Indians. Satan will do his utmost to gain
possession of more than 4,000 souls[2] who will be started on the
road to salvation if a mission is established in the nearby Tulare
Valley. This I said in substance many times to Governor Don José
Joaquin de Arrillaga, may he rest in peace.
Although I saw him to be inclined to establish missions on the
rivers, and in spite of the high regard in which I held this
gentleman, nevertheless on one occasion when he asked me what I
thought about new foundations in the Tulare Valley, I spoke thus:
"Sir, why do you wish to place missions where they are not wanted?
And why do you neglect the villages of Bubal, Tache, Chuntache,
Notonto, and Telame, which do want them? So that they may kill
soldiers and priests and thus deprive us of the spiritual conquest?
Aside from the primary reason that they are sons of God, if those
who wish and beg for missions do not receive them, they will take up
arms against all the soldiers who enter their territory." Witnesses
to this truth are Father Pedro Muñoz, Señor Moraga and in part I
myself. In order that Your Reverence may fully understand this I
shall set forth what I saw in the year 1804 in the village of Bubal
where I went with no more protection than two soldiers.
Repeatedly I was informed by the neophytes who had been inhabitants
of the villages of the Tulare Valley that the people of the region
wanted to see me, that they were well disposed, and that they would
give me their children to baptize. Finally they said that I might go
without fear and I confess that I went with no permission from
anyone.
So I left in the month of November in the year mentioned and at the
end of the third day I arrived at the first suburb of the village
Bubal, to which I gave the name La Salve. On first seeing us the
heathen concealed their women in some little huts but as soon as
they saw that we were coming in peace they brought the women out in
order to make a fire and cook food for the Father.[3] This they did,
using sticks which had been brought for more than eight leagues for
the purpose of farming the [Zª ..., meaning unintelligible] when
they gathered with their neighbors for some ceremony. They did not
burn these sticks although they knew it was certain to be very cold,
because for many leagues around one cannot find even small brush.
In the evening the people from the main village came to invite me to
the place where they lived, saying that where I was there were no
people, nor children to give me, and therefore I should come without
fail. I promised I would go the following day, and I did so. As soon
as I arrived they presented me with their little sons so that I
might carry them away to be baptized. There were so many that the
soldiers who accompanied me objected strongly, pointing out that
there were no fewer than two hundred children, and that we must
leave them. Seeing such a harvest, Your Reverence may well imagine
how happy I was at the prospect of gaining so many infant souls for
paradise. But Satan, always the fiend, brought it about that for the
moment we did not gain a single one.
It happened that the chief was not at this place (which I called La
Dolorosa). It was necessary for me to send for him for I did not
venture to take them [the children] away without his sanction. There
arrived a heathen, whom I took to be the chief. As the reason for my
coming was made clear to him, which was to make them Sons of God,
my request affected him very badly. He began to rail against the
soldiers and their weapons in such a crazy fashion that the poor
people who had given me their children, probably scared, fled in a
body and I was left with no one. This man was one of those who with
a bow in his hand fears nobody. His name is Chapé. The following
day I condemned as vigorously as I could his wicked way of acting
and was even tempted to order him punished. However, thank God, I
satisfied myself with what I had done, in consideration of the fact
that one of the soldiers was the commander of the garrison [at the
mission] and that both priest and soldiers might expect a just
reprimand if any injury resulted. I relaxed my determination not
to return home without visiting the villages mentioned above and
without taking with me as many small children as they would give me.
Finally I went home quite disappointed at having lost, because of
one villain, such a harvest for Heaven.
I may mention that the latter individual was taken to Monterey where
I believe it is generally known that he was one of the first to
receive the salutary waters of baptism. What I regret is that so
many heathen are dying not only in continuous internal warfare but
also from numerous diseases, especially syphilis. Therefore if a
mission is not placed among them soon, when one is established there
will remain no one to convert.
May God help them and keep Your Reverence safe for many years,
together with your companion, Fray Marcos, as you desire.
Fray Juan Martin
EXPEDITION OF SECOND LIEUTENANT LUÍS ARGÜELLO, 1805
_José Argüello, Commandant, to Governor Arrillaga_
San Francisco, June 25, 1805
(Prov. St. Pap., Benicia, Military, XXXIII: 251-252)
This letter is accompanied by the report of the expedition, a report
made by Second Lieutenant Luís Argüello. The latter on his mission,
which occupied him thirty-two days, traversed "all the ranges of San
José and Santa Clara as far as opposite the sheep ranch, scouting
all the rivers, plains and tule swamps without having found any sign
of wild Indians...."[4]
Second Lieutenant Argüello set out on the expedition with twenty-two
men and returned on the 15th of July bringing with him twenty-two
Indian renegades (thirteen Christians and 9 heathen).
On the trip he visited the village of the celebrated Joscoui[5] and
captured everyone except this chieftain.[6]
Among the heathen captives there were six who were in part guilty of
the murder of George the Christian.
Having been solicited, all the prisoners were baptized and
distributed to the ministers of San José and Santa Clara. It was
recommended that these Fathers moderate the punishment given to the
six [mentioned above].
III. EXPEDITIONS BY ZALVIDEA AND MORAGA, 1806-1807
The year 1806 was notable for the important recorded expeditions of
Zalvidea and Moraga. The report of the first of these is translated
herewith.
FATHER ZALVIDEA'S EXPEDITION, 1806
_Report of an expedition to the interior by Father José Maria de
Zalvidea_
From 19 July to 14 August of 1806
(Santa Barbara Arch., IV: 49-68)
_Saturday, July 19, 1806._ The expedition left Santa Barbara in order to
carry out the orders of the Governor contained in his official letter of
the 10th of this month.
On the morning of this day we left Santa Barbara and in the afternoon
arrived at the mission of Santa Ynez.
_July 20._ This day, after Mass, we left Santa Ynez, going toward the
north. At three leagues we reached the remains of the village called
Jonatas; after another three leagues from this village there is the
village of Saca whose Indians are Christians of Santa Ynez. At five
leagues from this village we came upon another, called Olomosong,
consisting of three houses. In this village there are living 2 old
women and 4 young women with the chief. Here I baptized 2 old women,
one of eighty years, the other of seventy. To the first I gave the
name of Maria Dominga and to the second Maria Geronima.
_July 21._ This morning we left the village of Olomosong, going north,
and at four leagues we came to a village of five houses inhabited by 4
men and 7 women. In this village, called Gecp, I baptized 2 old women of
eighty to ninety years. The first I called Maria Josefa and the second
Josefa Maria. Today my interpreter had to go back on account of illness
and I was left with another from Mission San Fernando, who also asked
to be relieved. All the road today has been through broken mountains,
through which ran an insignificant arroyo. We slept in a valley in which
there was a small stream of water.
_July 22._ Very early in the morning we set out toward the north. At the
beginning of our journey we had to climb a mountain by a very bad path.
Soon we came out upon some plains[1] and at two leagues we reached the
village of Talihuilimit where I baptized 3 old women, the first of sixty
years, one of whose legs was paralyzed. To her I gave the name Maria
Magdalena. This woman has a son at Santa Ynez. The second might have
been sixty-five years old, and had been bitten in the hip by a bear. To
her I gave the name Maria Marta. She has a Christian son at La Purisima.
The third whom I baptized might have been over one hundred years old
and I called her Maria Francisca. The village may contain 25 heathen
Indians. In the afternoon we traveled toward the east and at six leagues
found the village of Lisahua.[2] This village consists of 28 heathens of
whom I baptized 5: 4 extremely old women, and 1 old man. The women I
named Maria Juana, Juana Maria, Maria Antonia, and Antonia Maria; the
man I named Juan. Near this village flows a stream of water like that at
Mission San Fernando. The land is arid and saline. There is no grass or
timber.
_July 23._ This day at dawn we left the village of Lisahua, going toward
the east, and at four leagues we found a village called Cuia, with nine
houses and 14 men, 19 women, 8 children, all heathen. I baptized here
5 old women and 2 old men: the women I named Maria Ambrosia, Ambrosia
Maria, Maria Antonia, Antonia Maria, Nicolosa, and the men Ambrosio and
Nicolas. Near the village are three small springs which are of little
consequence. The land is arid, saline, and without any timber in the
vicinity.
Four leagues south of this village is the village of Siguecin. The
latter has 10 men, 19 women, and a few children. I baptized here two old
women, one of more than one hundred, the other of seventy, years of age.
The first I called Anastacia and the second Rafaela. In these two last
villages there are two little wells. The country is arid and alkaline
and there are no trees in the neighborhood. We went back to sleep at the
village of Lisahua.
_July 24._ Early in the morning we started out toward the east. At two
leagues we came upon a salt marsh, a cross made of logs, and a wild
horse. At four leagues we reached the village of Sgene.[3] This village
consists of 7 men, 16 women, and 3 children. I baptized 3 old women of
seventy to eighty years old and one man of the same age. The names of
the baptized were as follows: Maria Agustina, Agustina Maria, Maria
Francisca, and Francisco Solano. Seven leagues east of this village we
encountered the village called Malapoa,[4] which has 29 men, 22 women,
and 8 children. I baptized at this village an old woman of eighty years
and named her Maria Rufina. The territory covered today is arid, without
herbage or trees. In the afternoon of this day I went out with the
Lieutenant and a few soldiers to a little settlement of Indians
belonging to the village of Napolea, the settlement being three leagues
from the village. There is a small spring one league from the village of
Napolea and on the way from Napolea to the little settlement there are
lands good for sowing crops. One can see mountains which have a few pine
trees and in the near-by hills there is some pasturage. In the little
ranch mentioned I baptized five old women and one old man, their names
being respectively Maria Lucia, Lucia Maria, Maria Dominga, Dominga
Maria, Fernandina, and Fernando. A league away from this settlement one
sees a range of mountains on which pine forests are growing.
_July 25._ Today after Mass we took our way in a northerly direction
and at eight leagues came to the village of Buenavista,[5] consisting,
according to the statement of the Indians, of 36 men, 144 women, and 38
children. This village is on the shore of a lake eight leagues long and
five leagues wide. The Indians travel on rafts [_balsas_] on the lake.
The source of the latter is a big river which divides into three
branches, and then all these branches join again to form the lake. I
baptized in the village of Buenavista one old woman of ninety years and
named her Antonina. The Indians say that a day and a half journey from
Buenavista is a crossing to the other side of the lake. We spent the
night two leagues from Buenavista.
_July 26._ Today after Mass we traveled till noon to the east along the
shore of the lake. After noon we went northward. The area covered in the
morning consisted of extensive plains. In quality the land is alkaline.
The shore of the lake is completely covered with a great deal of tule.
Elsewhere, and in the hills bordering the plains, I saw neither
pasturage nor watering places.
After noon we went north over wide plains and the latter have a
little grass. At dark we arrived at a village on the extremity of the
lake called Sisupistu. We were accompanied by several Indians from
Buenavista. As soon as the Indians of the village at the end of the lake
saw the others coming they fled from their village to a tule swamp near
by. At the same time their warriors caused an uproar by firing a spear
at the chief of the Buenavista Indians. The cause of the excitement was
the arrival of the Buenavista Indians, who were enemies of the others;
of all this we were in ignorance. As soon as I discovered the reason for
the riot I managed to talk to the chief of the village of Sisupistu and
convince him that we came to be his friends and we did not know that
the Indians of Buenavista were his enemies. I called together the two
hostile chiefs and made them become friends and soon everything quieted
down. We slept within sight of the village and the Buenavista Indians
remained all night in our camp. In order that there might be no conflict
among the natives I collected the bows and arrows carried by the
Buenavista Indians. The night passed quietly and on the next day I
returned the weapons. After having made presents to the Buenavista
Indians I told them to go back to their village (which indeed they did)
and exhorted them to keep peace between the two villages. Both chiefs
gave their word that henceforth they would not fight with each other.
I saw in the village of Sisupistu from 50 to 60 men and a few women,
but since at this season most of the Indians are away gathering
their harvests it was not possible to determine the exact number of
inhabitants of either village. Moreover, although they are questioned
repeatedly, they usually do not tell the truth. I counted the houses of
the Indians of this village [Sisupistu] and found 28, from which your
Reverence may infer the approximate number of people.
_July 27._ In the morning, after Mass, we went to the village and there
I baptized an old woman whom I named Maria Anna. At 8:30 in the morning
we left the village and went eastward. After one league we came upon an
old woman, in a little hut, who was at her last breath, destitute of all
human assistance. After having labored very hard to revive her, so that
I might make her a Christian, I finally attained my desire and named her
Maria Gertrudis: two hours after baptism she surrendered her soul to its
Creator. This morning we traveled about four leagues over arid, slightly
grassy plains. Soon we entered a valley and after a further two leagues
we established our camp[6] with the intention of staying in it several
days so as to explore the country, which merited some attention. In
the afternoon we examined some of the valley. We discovered some large
plains which have some grass. All this territory is similar in character
to that around Mission San Gabriel. We saw a few little streams of
water, and then returned to our camp.
_[July 28]._ This morning I went out with the Lieutenant and some
soldiers to explore the lands and watercourses in the environs of the
camp. A quarter of a league from the starting point we found a stream
which carried a good quantity of water, substantially the same amount as
the creek at Mission San Gabriel. A gunshot from the creek is a hill
heavily covered with oaks and live oaks; the stream runs through land
well suited to cultivation. A quarter of an hour from this creek is
another one which has an equivalent amount of arable land. The latter
stream could support two irrigation ditches. Half a league beyond it is
still another which contains about twice as much water as the last one,
but the water disappears at a distance of two gunshots. Going down this
stream bed for two leagues one finds another creek [the fourth] which
runs from between two hills and has no land fit for cultivation. In
addition to the creeks mentioned there is another [the fifth] which has
land good for crops and could support an irrigation ditch. There are
also in the vicinity some swamps.
The position of the area explored this morning is as follows. From north
to south it is surrounded by hills which make a semicircle. It is seven
leagues distant from the end of the lake and the plains are much larger
than those of the Mission Santa Clara. All this territory is covered
with a species of herb which has a little stem with a yellow flower, the
stalk being no more than a quarter [of a yard] high. All the hills which
encircle this area have also a little herbage such that, although the
vegetation is not dense, the great extent of the plains will make it
possible to maintain twelve thousand head of cattle. There is also in
the vicinity of this site a mountain range covered with pine forest. The
place where we established camp is called Tupai. To the north of this
range are several Indian villages, according to what they say.
_July 29._ This morning I went out with the Sergeant, Corporal, and
seven soldiers toward the village of Tacui,[7] while the others stayed
in camp. At three leagues we came to a stream of water which runs out of
the canyon called the Grapevine. This watercourse discharges onto some
plains which are similar in character to those of San Gabriel. On the
plain itself the stream could supply two irrigation ditches. On the
other side of Grapevine Canyon there is a mountain range which has
much pine. At one league from the creek the village of Tacui lies in
a valley. It consists of twenty-three souls. There I baptized two old
men whom I named Fernando and Ramon. At sunset we returned to the camp.
_July 30._ This day we spent in camp so that the horses might
recuperate, for they had been very badly used.
_July 31._ At four o'clock in the afternoon we went north and at four
leagues we stopped for the night. These four leagues have been over pure
plains with a little grass. But this night there was no water.
_August 1._ At dawn we started our journey northward. At five leagues
we came upon the village of the rivers, or Yaguelame.[8] These rivers,
which we saw were two, are close to the village. The first is about
16 yards across and 1 yard deep. Very close is the other, which will
measure 7 yards across and 1/3 of a yard deep. These rivers come from a
big river which emerges from a range of mountains. The big river divides
into the two branches described and another which goes by a different
route, and this the Indians say is smaller, and at times dries up. From
these rivers is formed the Lake of the Tulares, which I have described.
Three leagues below this village the rivers reunite and form the lake.
In the three leagues there is a great forest of cottonwood. All the
territory covered this morning is alkaline, and with some grass. The
cottonwood forest has considerable foliage and also grass. To the north
of the village one can see nothing but bare hills.
At two days' journey from this village is located the tribe of Bald
Indians, consisting of thirteen villages, all to the north of this
village [Yaguelame]. In the latter I counted 92 men from seven to forty
years of age, from which I conclude that the village of the rivers
contains at least 300 souls. All these villages volunteer themselves
for baptism, provided that missions are founded in their territory. The
chiefs promise to become the first Christians and some of them say to
me: "Why do you not come without delay to establish missions in our
lands?" They all appear to be good people and show themselves to be of
excellent spirit. Several of the Indians accompanied us, showing us the
trails and serving us in all ways asked of them. In all directions from
the village of the rivers, say the Indians, are other Indian villages.
_August 2._ This morning we left the village of the rivers, going south.
After three leagues we stopped. The Indians relate that from a village
called Majagua on the Colorado River other Indians continually come to
trade with them. They take ten days to make the trip and on the road one
finds no water.
_August 3._ At two o'clock in the afternoon we set out to the southward.
A little later in the afternoon we passed the end of the lake[9] and one
league farther on we stopped for the night. All the land this afternoon
has consisted of immense plains which have a little pasturage. Thus from
the end of the lake to the rivers eight thousand head of cattle could be
maintained.
_August 4._ In the morning of this day we went on southward. At four
leagues we entered a canyon where some years ago the Indians killed two
soldiers. At the entrance of this canyon a stream of water flows out,
carrying a quantity equal to that of the San Gabriel River. Soon we came
to a village of five houses, called Taslupi,[10] but at present there
are no Indians living on it. This stream emerges onto some flats, which
are sandy and gravelly. The water is somewhat saline, but nevertheless
not so seriously as to prevent its' being potable. Part of both morning
and afternoon we traveled through the above-mentioned canyon. It is
five leagues distant from the village at the end of the lake, the same
distance from Buenavista, and seven leagues from the rivers. Along the
canyon there is a range of hills widely covered with a pine forest.
_August 5._ This morning I went out with the Lieutenant and some
soldiers to investigate a watering place seen previously by the
Lieutenant. All the morning and part of the afternoon we traveled along
a pine-covered range over a very bad trail. Two o'clock in the afternoon
arrived and the watering place was still far distant for we would have
to traverse still another range of hills in order to reach it. The
animals were exhausted. The weather was stormy, with thunder, hail, and
rain. For these reasons we decided to return to the camp and abandon the
search for the watering place.
_August 6._ At dawn of this day we began to go eastward through the
entire length of the canyon. At the end of the afternoon we found a
little bog with a small quantity of water. This whole canyon is
surrounded on all sides by pine forest.
_August 7._ This morning I went out with the Sergeant and seven soldiers
to the village of Casteque. We found no Indians for they were all away
at their fields of Guata.
_August 8._ On the morning of this day we began our journey by going
eastward and at five leagues came to a marsh which had near by some
lands covered with a little pasturage. In the afternoon we arrived
at a wide valley[11] and went about seven leagues over level country.
Eventually we stopped for the night in this valley, there being no water
at all.
_August 9._ At dawn we covered the whole valley, going eastward. This
valley is sixteen leagues long and in all this expanse there is no
watering place to be found. Beyond the valley is the mountain range of
San Gabriel.[12] In the afternoon of this day we went two leagues and
stopped to sleep near a gully with plenty of water. This creek has no
land suitable for cultivation. Near it we saw two little huts in which
six Indians were staying on account of their Guata crops.
_August 10._ After Mass we resumed our journey and went all day through
hills adjacent to the San Gabriel Mts. At noon we saw the remains of a
village and a few wells. One league farther on we came upon a stream
full of water but without land for cultivation nor much pasturage in its
vicinity. In the afternoon we traveled about six leagues through hilly
country and in all this distance there was no watering place.
_August 11._ At dawn of this day we set out toward the east. At seven
leagues we came to the village of Atongai; a league and a half from
this village there is a swamp full of water. There are lands which, if
watered, would yield grain. Around the village pine forests are visible.
The village consists of 32 men, 36 women, and 15 children. At four
leagues from this village is the village of Guapiabit in which we stayed
for the night.
_August 12._ Today we rested at Guapiabit. The village has 19 men, 16
women, and 11 children. I baptized here 3 old women and 2 old men. I
gave the names Juan and Antonio to the men and Juana, Antonia, and Clara
to the women. Two leagues from this village there is a hill covered with
pine forest, and near the village is a well filled with water and land
moist enough to support crops. To the south, the other side of the
mountains, there are villages of Indians. At the village of Atongai
I baptized 2 old men and 3 old women, to whom I gave the names Maria
Ignacia, Maria Ramona, Maria Dominga, Ignacio, and Ramon.
_August 13._ This morning we left Guapiabit, going toward the west, and
at four leagues reached the village Moscopiabit, in which we saw 15 to
18 adult heathen and a few children. I baptized 2 old women whom I named
Francisca and Ambrosia. At four leagues from this village we found a
village of five houses which was uninhabited. Two leagues from the
latter runs a big stream and, according to what I was told, this stream
runs into the Santa Ana River. At a short distance from the creek we
spent the night.
_August 14._ This morning we set out in the same direction as the
previous day. At two leagues we came upon a very old Indian who could
hardly walk. Having instructed him in everything necessary to baptism,
and he having voluntarily accepted the Holy Rite I proceeded to baptize
him on the trail where we found him. He did not know from what village
he came. He said he lived with another Indian, and no more could we
ascertain.
At four leagues from the place where we had slept the last night we came
to a stream filled with water and well provided with lands for crops.
Two leagues beyond we found another of the same sort and with the same
amount of water as the last one. Near this watering place is the village
of Guapiana. There we found several children from San Gabriel. I
baptized an old woman and called her Gabriela. To the old man this
morning I gave the name.... In the baptisms which I have performed I
have undertaken to make a prior judgment with reference to the condition
in which those to be baptized found themselves, so as to preserve
consistently the significance of baptism. All those baptized embraced
the ceremony voluntarily, after having been instructed in the dogmas of
our Holy Faith and having previously made public and private avowal of
the principal mysteries of our religion and the repudiation of their
past sins.
This night we entered San Gabriel, and as attestation I sign.
Fray José Maria de Zalvidea
LIEUTENANT GABRIEL MORAGA'S EXPEDITION, 1806
The Moraga expedition of 1806 was recorded by Father Fray Pedro Muñoz,
who accompanied it as chaplain. His diary, or report, is translated
below.
Concerning the background of and preparation for the expedition there
is a great deal of correspondence, a full exposition of which will
be found in Cutter's thesis (MS, chap. IV). Since the political and
military details are irrelevant here, they are omitted.
_Diary of Father Pedro Muñoz_
Diary of the expedition made by Don Gabriel Moraga, Second Lieutenant
of the Company of San Francisco to the new discoveries in the Tulare
Valley: by order of the Governor Don José Joaquin de Arrillaga. The
first day September 21, 1806. (Santa Barbara Arch., IV: 1-47.)
_1st day and 21 [September]._ On the morning of this day the troops were
informed in a formal address of the purpose toward which God was guiding
them in the present expedition and of the merit they would acquire if,
following the Voice of God as transmitted through their chief, they
fulfilled their duty. In resignation and accord we left the mission of
San Juan Bautista at about two o'clock in the afternoon. We went more or
less to the east for a league and a half in the afternoon, traversing a
great plain, well covered with forage, to arrive at a stream called that
of the Huzaymas. It is a creek well populated with alders, oaks, and
other shrubs. It dries up in the summer and has water only in a few
pools. It has a wide bed and could be of considerable importance in the
rainy season. In this place we made camp for the following night, during
which nothing particular occurred.[13]
_2nd day and 22 [September]._ At dawn the expedition got under way
and experienced the labor of a bad road. Having traveled about eight
leagues, a halt was made at the entrance of the Tulare plain at a spot
discovered by the expedition which went out from the Presidio of San
Francisco, and which is called San Luis Gonzaga because it was found on
this day. This place has a fair spring, quite adequate for crops. This
spring flows into a moderate-sized stream bed. It was found to be
dry and could furnish a current only in the rainy season. The lands
surrounding this place are saline. During the night the troops suffered
the discomfort of three showers. This is all that is worth noting.[14]
_3rd day and 23 [September]._ On the morning of this day we set forth
toward the east and having gone in this direction six or eight leagues
we stopped at a spot, previously discovered, called Santa Rita. Here
camp was established, so that in going out from it new discoveries could
be made. Before reaching this point a big creek bed is encountered,
which is quite deep in parts but contains water only in pools. This area
is somewhat saline and very heavily covered with green vegetation at
this season. In all this region there are very numerous bands of deer
and antelope. This locality of Santa Rita is a stream which contains
water only in the same manner as the previously mentioned place [i.e.,
San Luis Gonzaga], but in a much scantier quantity because of the very
sandy soil. There are also great tule swamps in all this region and much
black willow along this stream.[15]
_4th day and 24 [September]._ This morning the expedition went south
(leaving the camp at the same spot) in search of a village which,
according to information, was of 400 people. We had the misfortune to
find no one in it and saw only signs of its' having been inhabited. Not
being able to ascertain whither the people had gone we turned eastward
to investigate a large river, previously discovered by Second Lieutenant
Don Gabriel and called by him the San Joaquin. The latter river is about
two leagues distant from the camp at Santa Rita. In the rainy season
this river and its adjacent land may be impassable, according to the
vestiges left by immense overflows of water. On the route taken two
large stream beds were encountered the waters of which supply the San
Joaquin River. On all sides tremendous tule swamps present themselves,
which can be very miry in wet years. From the river we returned to the
camp, and this concluded the day.
_5th day and 25 [September]._ Today the camp was moved to the
above-mentioned San Joaquin River. It has fine meadows of good land and
excellent pasture toward the south, although there are some patches of
alkali and salt. We pitched camp on the banks of the river. Beaver
abound and also salmon, according to what was told us by the Indians
native to this country.
In the afternoon of this day forty-two warriors came to our camp and
showed themselves to be friendly. They presented us with a little fish.
I made them acquainted with the purpose of our visit, showing them an
image of our Lady of Sorrows. This they received with much satisfaction,
appearing, according to their behavior, ready to enroll under the banner
of the Divine Savior. Finally, taking advantage of our good faith and
confidence, they remained in the camp all night, receiving also
refreshment from us and admiring exceedingly our clothing and
ornaments.[16]
_6th day and 26 [September]._ In the morning of this day we talked to
the Indians, who were still with us, exhibiting a desire to visit them
in their village. Soon they offered their company and guidance. With
this assurance we set forth, and having traveled about three leagues we
arrived at the village.[17] It was situated on the other side of the
river, hidden among some willow trees. It is called Nupchenche and may
have about 250 souls, more or less, under their chief, called Choley.
The reception they gave us was as follows. There came out a very old
woman, who sprinkled us with seeds. Emerging at the same time, the
chiefs led us to the interior of the village where between intertwined
willow trees they had stretched out some mats and deerskins for our
reception. On these they placed an abundance of their food, with two
very white loaves of a seed which resembles our rice. Having made the
effort to eat--for they are insulted if one slights the food--I went
on to present the purpose of our visit. They all received my talk with
pleasure and, having listened silently to the Divine Word, they begged
to become Christians. I baptized 23 old women and 3 old men. The rest of
the Indians regretted not being made Christians also. I explained the
reasons why they must wait for a mission in order that they may reach
Heaven. May Almighty God grant it to them. They wanted me to stay with
them permanently, but since this could not be, I exhorted them always to
seek baptism and forsake heathendom, especially when they found
themselves in danger of death. All these lands are fine and well
pastured. They abound in wild tomatoes.
_7th day and 27 [September]._ In the morning we crossed the river and,
taking a northerly direction, we pushed through about a league of very
high, thick tules, in the midst of which could be seen a few clearings
well covered with grass. After traveling about three leagues, more or
less, we stopped at a stream which runs from east to west.[18] It has
no running water, only a few pools, where we were forced to pitch camp.
From the point where we left the tule swamps to this place the land
is really miserable. Salt flats and alkali patches, with innumerable
ground-squirrel burrows are all that one can see. There are at this spot
about sixty oak trees and a few willows in the bed of the stream. The
forage was extremely scanty, and that the country appeared to have
been burned over by the Indians did not conceal the fact that the land
is very poor. Consequently there is little pasturage. This place is
called the Mariposas ["the butterflies"] because of their great number,
especially at night. In the morning they become extremely troublesome,
for their aggressiveness reaches the point where they obscure the light
of the sun. They came at us so hard that one of them flew into the ear
of a corporal of the expedition. It caused him much discomfort and no
little effort to get it out.
_8th day and 28 [September]._ This day, in spite of its being Sunday,
the party was divided into three groups on account of the necessity of
shifting camp. This in turn was due to the lack of water and grass. One
group remained to guard the camp. Another turned north and the other
east-northeast. Both these groups ran onto a fine river on the banks of
which were many Indians. All these, however, began to run away as soon
as they spied us. The Lieutenant was able to collect twelve by assuring
them of our good will. The Sergeant, and I with him, going to the
east-northeast, collected up to eighteen, but no matter how much he
explained his good intentions, he could attract no one else. They were
rendered deaf by their fear.
Lieutenant Don Gabriel received word of five other villages situated on
the river at some distance from this one. In the latter were 250 souls,
according to the information of the Indians. After having found some
good spots for the horses and for a camp, they returned to the place on
the Mariposa where they waited for the rest of the troops.
_9th day and 29 [September]._ The departure was arranged very early on
this day, the direction east-northeast. Having traveled about three
leagues, we encountered the river which was discovered the previous day.
This river we call the Merced [Our Lady of Mercy]. It has fine meadows
and is well populated with heathen Indians, as is attested by the many
straight and wide footpaths which are found in all the meadows and along
the banks of the river. We are hoping to find a place suitable for a
foundation, for the entire river bottom possesses fine lands, well
covered with grass and populated with oak trees. It all should be
examined and everything as found should be recorded on the day it is
inspected. The river has fine water, abundant in great measure for
cattle, crops, etc. The borders of this river carry much willow, ash,
poplar, and shrubbery.
We came upon two villages, but all the people had retreated to the
mountains on account of the fear that beset them as soon as they
detected our approach. In one of the villages we met an old woman who
was not able to flee because she was completely incapacitated by age.
As soon as we were able to approach her, she gathered strength in her
decrepit bones and plunged into the river with a splash. One of the
neophytes among the camp followers was forced to pull off his clothes in
a great hurry and pull her out in spite of her attempt to surrender
to the fury of the rough waves rather than come to us, even though we
showed the greatest friendliness. Finally, having extricated her, we
managed to calm her fright, by virtue of the kind treatment we gave her
in accordance with our existing situation. As soon as she seemed to me
to feel better I began to instruct her, setting before her the Kingdom
of God and giving her as adequate a lesson as was permitted by the
shortness of the time. I baptized her, she giving very clear evidence
of the joy which filled her heart. Afterward, thoroughly exhausted,
she was given a safe conduct, but even after she understood the meaning
of this, she preferred to stay with us.[19]
_10th day and 30 [September]._ On this day one portion of the party went
to the northwest and discovered another river similar to the Merced
in its copious and Christian flow of water. But its banks are closer
together. Another group went to the east, up the river. It found many
heathen, without doubt from the five villages about which we had been
given notice. At noon some heathen were seen among the willows along the
river. They were hailed in the most friendly manner possible, but they
showed themselves to be timid and did not dare to come out of their
hiding places. Finally, convinced of our good faith and good intentions,
three of them arrived at our camp. They were given something to eat and
afterward a few presents were distributed among them, and then they were
able to breathe freely. Then I told them how pleased I would be if they
called their companions, and indeed they did so. In a short while they
brought up to thirty persons, saying at the same time that the others
were very much afraid and because of this did not wish to come. They
entered the camp in this manner: on leaving the willow thicket along the
river they laid down their weapons under a leafy oak tree and then in
good order took the path to the encampment two by two, one of them in
advance crying out in a loud voice. According to the interpreter, all he
said consisted of a prayer for our friendship and of a demonstration of
his good will. To this end it was decided to give them some food, and
thereafter they went off very well content. They asked for a mission
and baptism, after having been advised of the excellency of God and the
benefit which would accrue to their souls. The Merced River is covered
with wild vines and the Indians are bald and rather stupid. At this spot
a cross was raised, which concluded the day.
_11th day and 1 [October]._ On this day the expedition continued in the
same direction, toward the northwest, in search of the river discovered
yesterday.[20] Having traveled about seven or eight leagues we reached
it. It is a big river, as previously written while we were on the
Merced. Its banks are close together and it provides only small meadows
and a shortage of pasturage, because of the saline soil. We named this
river Our Lady of Sorrows [Dolores] on account of its' having been
discovered on Her day in September. No heathen Indians were found on the
river but we did see signs of several villages. No doubt those from the
previous river [Merced] had brought them word, as a result of which they
had taken flight. This was confirmed by the wide, heavily used trails
which were encountered.
_12th day and 2 [October]._ In the morning we continued in the same
direction as the day before and at about a league we came upon a dry
creek bed full of sand but no water.[21] It could be a large river in
the season of the rains or the melting snow. It has no border of oaks
along its banks and few willows.
From this creek we perceived at a short distance an oak forest lying in
the same direction, and after going about two leagues we entered it.
According to the way it appeared to us it was without end but actually
it reaches about four leagues in width. Its length we could not
determine, for it is very extensive. There are in this forest various
kinds of oak and live oak. The grass is very sparse because the soil is
very poor. After going into the woods about a league and a half we came
upon a river similar to the preceding ones in size and clearness of the
water, although its bed is narrower than the others.[22] The banks are
covered with an infinity of wild grapevines, a little torote, and an
abundance of ash trees. We pitched camp on this river, so as to use it
as a base for further exploration. The river we named Our Lady of
Guadalupe.
_13th day and 3 [October]._ In the morning the expedition went to the
east along the margin of the river and, having traveled about six
leagues, we came upon a village called Taulamne.[23] This village is
situated on some steep cliffs, inaccessible because of their rough
rocks. The Indians live in caves; they climb and descend by a feeble
pole held by one of them while he who is descending slides down. It was
impossible for us to get them to come down to a little flat spot beside
the stream where we had assembled near a pool formed by the river. Tired
of promising them everything they wanted and seeing that they still
persisted in their negative attitude, we determined to ascend on foot to
where they were. We asked their permission to do so. This having been
obtained we began to climb but it was not possible for us to reach the
point where they were. As a result some twelve or fifteen of them
descended to a narrow shelf among the cliffs. There, even though they
were so distrustful as to carry weapons in their hands, they were
reassured of our good will and gave evidence of affability. We
distributed presents to them, and some pinole. Their excuse for
remaining obstinate and refusing to come down was that they were afraid
because the soldiers killed and captured people. It was explained to
them that the purpose of the expedition was to advance the Kingdom of
God and to make friends with them so that their souls might be saved.
They replied that they all wanted to become Christians and have a
mission established for them. In spite of this, it was not possible to
achieve a single baptism, although there were a great many old women to
whom baptism might be administered, because they would not come down
from their hiding places and it was too difficult for me to go up.
They told us that there were six villages above them on the river but
they would not give us the names of either these villages or the chief
of their own village. Such was their fear or malice. They are poor and
very stupid. The village will contain about 200 souls, judging by the
number we repeatedly noticed among the rocks and along the paths which
run like balconies above the precipice.
From here we returned to the camp. The only incident was that we ran
onto one heathen, who came along with us, and some others, who escaped
in the river without being detected by the soldiers, whom they
misled.[24]
_14th day and 4 [October]._ On this day the expedition took a course
a little inclined toward the northwest and at about six leagues came
upon the bed of a big stream which, however, was dry. It was heavily
overgrown with ash trees and wild vines. It was named the San Francisco
because it was discovered on the day of that Saint. We kept on in the
same direction and after a matter of nine leagues from the Arroyo of
San Francisco we reached a river of great volume, already discovered
(according to reports) by an expedition which was searching for a route
by land to Bodega. We met on this river many very affectionate and
affable heathen. For lack of an interpreter no one was baptized, since
the language is totally different from the one we left behind us.
According to the few words they spoke which we could understand they
want a mission and want to become Christians. This river has excellent
land for agriculture and grazing and has a good oak forest. In the
mountains there is pine. The river is called La Pasión, a name given by
the first expedition to discover it. It has also much ash, willow,
torote, and wild vines.
From this river the expedition turned back to the Guadalupe River,
mentioned on the 12th day of the expedition (Oct. 2), where the camp was
situated.[25]
_15 day and 5 [October]._ In the afternoon of this day about forty armed
Indians suddenly appeared at the camp. They fired arrows into the air
and, while skirmishing around, three of them separated from the rest, as
ambassadors, carrying a flag which was a black ribbon of feathers with a
red stripe in the middle. The camp was aroused, and the soldiers, with
weapons in hand, prepared to receive them. The Indians, seeing that our
forces and weapons were superior to their own, spoke in a more moderate
tone than had been expected. In fact, they were subdued to the point of
asking merely if we had come to kill them, for this was the rumor which
they had received and which had caused in them all great fear. Assured
by everyone that this was not possible, on account of our good will, and
that our intentions were quite otherwise, one of them agreed to go and
give the information to all the rest of the Indians who were waiting
along the river. When he had brought the word to them, they came closer
to the opposite bank but it was impossible to make any of them come as
far as our position. Noting their obstinacy, we proposed that we come
over to where they were. They assented, but as soon as we started on the
path toward them they took flight and did not let themselves be seen
again. The two who were still with us were treated with the greatest
consideration and the following morning they were released.
_16th day and 6 [October]._ This day camp was lifted from the Guadalupe
River and we traveled to the Dolores, mentioned on the 11th day. One
part of the expedition set out for the mountains. It discovered many
heathen Indians but no site for founding a mission offered itself, for
the lands are poor, there is little pasturage, and the river bottom is
narrow.
_17th day and 7 [October]._ This day the party crossed from the River
Dolores to the Merced, mentioned on the 8th day. One section of the
troops, which traveled toward the mountains, came upon many heathen at
the river. It was not possible to determine the number because as soon
as they saw the troops they vanished like vapor and not one could be
caught because force could not be used. The remainder of the party,
which set out for the plains and low foothills, encountered at the bank
of the river about twenty children. Such was their preoccupation that
they did not notice us until we got very close to them. They began to
scream and throw themselves into the water to save themselves by flight
but with such fear and haste that many of them fell down. There were
some old women who acted likewise until the men came out with their
weapons to defend them. We took no notice of their terror, but rather
showed the greatest consideration, leaving them alone and continuing
along the opposite bank to pitch camp in a fine meadow. As soon as we
had dismounted seventy-nine warriors arrived in good order, attracted by
the unusual occurrence, to make us a visit. They brought us seeds and
fish. After making friends with us, they helped us with odd jobs and we
gave them food. Finally, presents having been distributed to them, they
returned to their village on the opposite side of the river.
_18th day and 8 [October]._ On the morning of this day, carrying the
image of Holy Mary of Sorrows (who was our patron Saint) we started out
to pay a visit to the village, on account of the attention they had paid
us. We were received with great joy. They laid out their mats on the
ground for us to sit down upon. This matter attended to, we set forth
the reason for our coming. They replied in a very pleased manner that
they all sought baptism and the establishment of a mission. I baptized
six old women and one old man who were present. Most of the women had
fled at our arrival, but according to the number of men the village must
contain 200 souls. It is called Latelate. There is another village very
close to it with substantially the same number of people called Lachio.
This locality would be a good one in which to found a mission and a
presidio. Its wide meadows with fine land are perfect for raising crops,
grazing cattle, etc.
_19th day and 9 [October]._ In the morning of this day the expedition
went to the east and, having gone eight leagues, reached a place covered
with small willows, in a dry stream bed but with a few pools. This spot
is situated at the foot of a hill the summit of which carries some small
bush oak trees. The place is inconvenient because of its restricted
pasturage. The whole trail today has been very rocky and for this reason
very troublesome. About a league before reaching this spot we found a
stream, also dry but with a large pool at the foot of a cliff. However,
there was no firewood.
_20th day and 10 [October]._ The party followed the same course today
and at about two leagues encountered a line of oaks and willows which
contains the bed of a large stream. It may be very sizable in the rainy
season but at present has only a few pools and patches of grass. At
about five leagues in the same direction a river with two or three
channels was encountered, but with water only in pools on account of the
great expanse of sand. It has grass, willows, oaks, and ash. At this
place we spent the night. A scouting party went into the mountains but
found nothing worth noting. All the country traversed today has very
poor grass and is very stony. Many pebbles are found, which are very
brilliant and, from their beautiful appearance, are, or would seem to
be, rock crystal. The first arroyo discovered in the morning is called
Santo Domingo. That at which the camp is situated is [called] the
Tecolote [owl] because of the great abundance of these birds.[26]
_21st day and 11 [October]._ This morning we kept on in the same
direction, toward the east, and, having traveled about four leagues,
we came upon an arroyo well populated with willow and some oak. It
was found to be dry but had one huge pool. We called it the Santa Ana.
It has low banks in that portion which trends toward the plain, or
valley. We continued on the same course and after another four leagues,
approximately, we reached the San Joaquin River, mentioned in the
account of the 4th day of the expedition. All the country we observed
between the Tecolote (mentioned yesterday) and the Santa Ana is worse
than bad. From the Santa Ana to the San Joaquin there is a little
pasturage, although it is sparse and spread out widely. Some other
stream beds are seen but none merit consideration: they might carry
some water in the winter. From the Santa Ana to the San Joaquin River
the land is flat and free from stones or pebbles. The neighboring
hills and the Sierra itself are covered with oaks.[27]
_22nd day and 12 [October]._ Today the expedition rested because it was
Sunday and in order to give some rest to the horses which needed it
badly.
_23rd day and 13 [October]._ In the morning of this day the party went
to scout and explore the San Joaquin River. One section of the group
went down the river and the other up the river toward the mountains. The
latter discovered an abundance of pine and redwood but farther in the
interior of the mountains, on the bank of the river they descried a
village called Pizcache[28] of about 200 souls, with a chief named
Sujoyucomu. From this chief the following information was obtained, the
testimony being from eyewitnesses. Other soldiers from the other side
of the mountains--who we presume were from New Mexico--appeared about
twenty years ago, according to the communication of the Indian. The
heathen Indians having acted in a hostile manner, the soldiers began to
fight and killed many of the Indians. The latter awaited with extreme
apprehension the return of the soldiers a second time, but they saw that
we did not come from the other side [of the mountains] but from this
side and were amazed at the kindness shown them when they expected
their annihilation. He [the chief] added that on the other side of the
mountains toward the north--according to the way he pointed--was the
sea, and that it took them ten days to go there. He said that toward the
south there was no sea but that the land continued as low hills. The
soldiers who had come previously did not differ at all from our own as
far as concerns horses and clothing. This Indian had been present at the
skirmish with the soldiers. He supported the fact that he had seen the
ocean with all kinds of signs, having been there himself. For this
reason, and also because the signs made by the Indian were very clear,
we concluded that New Mexico is very close to the other side of the
Sierra.[29]
In this village two old men and two old women were made Christians.
In the middle of the mountain range is the source of a big river which
separates into two branches, one to the other side of the range, the
other being the San Joaquin. That portion of the expedition which went
down the river found nothing but bad lands, with little grass and saline
in places. It might be possible to found a mission on this river where
there are good level areas and an abundance of timber, but it lacks
firewood and grazing in this region. A cross was engraved on an oak
tree at the bank of the river near the camp. This is all that could
be discovered.
_24th day and 14 [October]._ Today the camp on the San Joaquin River
was raised and we turned in the same direction as previously, toward the
east. After traveling five leagues we came to the Kings River [Río de
los Santos Reyes][30] already discovered[31] in the preceding year of
1805. The country appeared to have moderately good pasturage, excellent
in the river bottoms. All the meadows are well covered with oak, alder,
cottonwood, and willow. The river abounds with beaver and fish. It is a
location suitable for a mission, although there would also have to be a
presidio. The land is fine for crops, etc. On this same day we came upon
a small village but in it we found only two old women and one sick
man. The rest of the people had gone to gather seeds. We did not stop,
because the cloudy sky threatened us with rain. And indeed as soon as we
had pitched camp and had thrown up a few small shelters the water poured
down with great fury.
_25th day and 15 [October]._ Today the expedition could not go on
because of the heavy rain and so we all remained inactive, waiting
for clearing weather in order to continue with our explorations and
discoveries.
_26th day and 16 [October]._ Today, the weather being better, and
leaving enough men to guard the camp, we divided the party into two
groups. One went up the river toward the mountains and the other
followed down the river. The first group discovered a village of about
60 souls under the leadership of a chief named Achagua. Nine persons
were made Christians, one old man and eight old women. All these people
want a mission and wish to be baptized. Furthermore the same story
was told as on the 23rd day about the coming of the soldiers and the
existence of the sea. This village is called Ayquiche. In addition,
word was obtained of six other villages situated on the bank of the
river toward the mountains.[32]
The other group of the party, which went down the river, discovered
three villages which all together might contain 400 souls. All three are
close to each other in a wide, pleasant plain along the banks of the
river. In the first one visited eleven persons were made Christians, two
old men and the others old women. The chief is named Chaochay. In the
second village only one old woman was baptized for, although it was a
large village, as soon as they spied us in the first village, the people
all fled to the willow thickets. The chief of the second village is
called Chayalate. In the third village ten persons were baptized, all
old women. Here the chief is called Chatene. In the mountains there is
pine and redwood timber. The streams make it easy to get out. All the
Indian population has showed itself to be very docile and anxious to be
baptized and have a mission.
_28th day and 18 [October]._ On this day a small group of soldiers was
sent in search of water and grass. Having traveled some three or four
leagues they found only a few pools in a great oak forest and even they
were inadequate. Here it was decided to spend the following day.[33]
_29th day and 19 [October]._ This day the party moved toward the spot
discovered yesterday. Having penetrated the oak forest a short distance,
we halted at the pools previously discovered. The water was rather bad
but since the day was nearly gone we were obliged to make camp until the
following day. We went into a village which might contain 600 souls,
where 22 persons were baptized. The chief is called Gucayte. Several
other villages were encountered but all the people had disappeared at
our arrival. The number of baptisms includes those of the other party.
_30th day and 20 [October]._ This day, seeing that the oak forest was
full of arroyos without water, we went in search of their origin. After
traveling a league we came upon a big village but all its people had
hidden in the nearby willow thickets. From here we continued eastwardly
and at about a league and a half we encountered another village,
named Cohochs, its chief called Chumueu. We were received with much
satisfaction by these poor people. All of them, after being instructed
concerning God and the welfare of their souls, want to be baptized and
have a mission. Following the direction of the mountains we came upon a
fine river, already discovered by the other expedition made at the end
of April in this same year. The great extent of sand which it has is
damaging in its effect, for only at the time of the melting of the snow
or in the rainy season does water fill copiously all the stream beds in
the oak forest. Nevertheless it would be easy to get water if a mission
were established. For this oak forest, which contains about 3,000
souls[34] who want baptism and a mission, is the place most suitable
for a mission of all that we have explored. There are fine lands for
cultivation and great meadows in many parts of the oak forest which are
green all the time. There are also good spots of saltpeter and alkali.
The river is known as the San Gabriel. It divides into two branches, one
of which we called the San Miguel, and the latter sends its water into
several other branches. This mission, in case the King, our Lord, whom
God protect, grants its establishment, could have available pine and
redwood timber and fine lands for crops. After having explored all this
area, we returned to the camp.
_31st day and 21 [October]._ Today a scouting party went to the east
and found a river already discovered by the expedition of the month of
April, already mentioned. It was called the San Pedro.[35] Because that
portion which was examined was found to be without water we were forced
to move the camp to the village of 600 souls mentioned above, called
Telame, where water was scarce but good pasturage was obtainable. Here
we pitched camp.
_32nd day and 22 [October]._ Today, having explored all the points of
interest and villages of the oak forest the expedition remained at rest,
meanwhile waiting for supplies which were to come from Mission San
Miguel.
_33rd day and 23 [October]._ On the morning of this day I, together with
the Commander, Don Gabriel Moraga, went to the aforementioned village of
Telame. We had the luck to find there a little girl, who was wasted away
and at the point of death. Her parents, as soon as I showed them the
benefit which would come to their daughter when she died, gave her to
me so that she might be baptized. And in fact I did baptize her, the
parents being very happy with her good fortune, and we being pleased
with having gained another soul. During the days which we spent at this
place all the Indians showed themselves very much satisfied with having
us in their midst, even to the extent of pointing out to us a spot
appropriate for the establishment or foundation of a mission. All the
people of the villages, even though on our arrival they had hidden
themselves, came to visit us, bringing their small possessions and
feeling insulted if they were not accepted.
_34th day and 24 [October]._ Today there is nothing in particular to
note, other than that we received the provisions early in the evening.
_35th day and 25 [October]._ In the morning of this day the provisions
were distributed to the troops and in the afternoon we set out. We
traveled to the east, being guided by two heathen Indians, and at about
two leagues we turned to the west. In another two leagues we came upon
a very copious spring. This water is reached by taking a big stream bed,
which is encountered to the east of the village, and following it to the
west for about four leagues. At this point the water is discovered in
the arroyo itself. We suppose that the water is the River San Gabriel,
which has percolated through the immense stretches of sand along it.
This place has much grass but the land is alkaline in most parts.
_36th day and 26 [October]._ In the afternoon of this day the camp was
raised and we crossed over to where an oak park runs along the course
of the San Pedro River, discovered by the expedition of last April, in
1806. We traveled about eight leagues, four of them in front of the oak
forest and the other four into the forest toward the east. For we found
the river to be without water on account of the extremely thick growth
of willow, cottonwood, torote, and ash, together with the great quantity
of sand. Following the river bed toward the mountains one encounters
water quite sufficient for the foundation of a mission. This is a river
with fine water, excellent lands for crops, pasturage, etc. There is
much timber in the mountains, pine and redwood.[36]
_37th day and 27 [October]._ In the morning of this day, continuing
upstream for a league, we came upon a small village which was part
of another large one called Coyehete. The latter according to the
information given by the Indians will have 400 people. There was no one
in this village who could be baptized, because, although they wanted
baptism and begged for a mission, they were all young people. From this
village we took an easterly course and at about a league from the river
we came upon an arroyo which we called San Cayetano, discovered at the
same time as the river described previously.[37] It was found to be dry,
but has many large pools capable of supporting a great number of cattle.
This stream is bordered by an abundance of trees, willows and some oaks,
but the land is poor.
Continuing in the same easterly direction we reached after four leagues
of travel another stream, large in the rainy season, but at present
dry.[38] It has a few willow trees. From this stream we followed a
ravine without leaving it for most of the day, for it is very long,
and at sunset reached a big creek bed with considerable willow and an
immense area of sand.[39] It now being very late, we made every effort
to find water but were unable to do so. For this reason we began to dig
and, having gone down about two yards, we finally found enough for the
troops, although it was bad. The horses, which were quite thirsty, had
not drunk since morning and were forced to abstain until we should
arrive at a river of great volume that had been found earlier this year
by an expedition from the presidio of Santa Barbara. This we were going
to search for. We spent the night in this valley with no other matter
worth noting than that it was very cold.
_38th day and 28 [October]._ Very early in the morning the party
set forth and having gone about three leagues encountered the
river discovered by the expedition from Santa Barbara and mentioned
yesterday.[40] It is very full of water, even in the dry season. All
the country which we have seen today is the most miserable noted in the
entire expedition. Some brush and a large quantity of ground-squirrel
holes is all the land contains. There is no green grass and even at the
river all we found was willow thickets and saline and alkali flats.
Going down the river in search of pasturage we discovered the traces of
horses from the Santa Barbara expedition. After traveling a very long
way we were obliged to stop, although there was great scarcity of
pasturage in the enormous willow thickets along the river. This is
the tree which most abounds, together with considerable cottonwood.
_39th day and 29 [October]._ Today, while searching for pasturage, we
moved the camp about three leagues farther downstream and one league
distant from the river. Here, although there was much saltpeter and
underbrush, the country was well covered with grass. One group scouted
to the end of the plain at the edge of the mountains and found nothing
but salt and alkali and very poor land.
_40th day and 30 [October]._ Today everyone stayed quietly in camp in
order to give some rest to the horses which were badly exhausted.
_41st day and 31 [October]._ Today we traveled south to find a sheltered
spot in the mountains and to reach the line of exit to be taken by the
expedition. On the way we found a village, about three leagues from the
encampment. At this point we separated the most badly worn-out horses so
that they might go by another road to a place where they could sooner
recuperate. Nothing is said about this or the other village which we
saw on the river because it is to be supposed that the Santa Barbara
expedition will give a complete account of them. Just before sunset we
came to the sheltered place mentioned above. We found it to have an
abundance of running water in a little creek and many wild grapevines,
these being almost the entire vegetation. Here we spent the night
although there was a lack of grass for the horses.[41]
_42nd day and 1 [November]._ Today we set out from this oasis and after
about two leagues we found the source of the stream. It is a marsh well
covered with grass. The open area may be entered by a valley filled with
oak trees. At the end of it one sees a lake which, however, is pure salt
water. To the east is located a moderate-sized village, the Indians of
which seemed to us altogether too cunning and crafty in trading. Guided
by three Indians from this village we came to another of the same size
but hidden among ravines and badlands. The number of inhabitants could
not be determined because they were absent at a fiesta in another
village near by. From here we set out in an easterly direction and late
in the afternoon, at sunset, we reached a plain extending toward a
valley which contained a small stream. The latter carried a little
water, which was quite salty due to the great salinity of the land.
_43rd day and last of the expedition._ On this day, by following the
valley, we reached the ranch of the Reverend Fathers of Mission San
Fernando. The roughness of the mountains we went through this day is
indescribable, but it pleased God that in the early evening we should
see a light and by going toward it came upon the ranch. From here the
following day we came to the mission.[42]
All that has been stated in this report represents exactly what I have
seen myself. Together with a few others baptized on the expedition made
at the end of April of this year 1806 we baptized on this expedition 141
persons. These were all baptized _in extremis_.
In witness hereof I signed on 2 November 1806.
Fray Pedro Muñoz
_Villages_
Number of villages scouted on this expedition and Christians made,
together with those made on the expedition carried out in the last part
of April of this year, 1806. The number of persons is given.
Nupchenche This village has about 250 souls. Twenty-eight
Christians were made, 5 old men and 23 old
women. 28
Chineguis Has the same number of people as the previous
one. A single old woman was baptized. 1
Yunate According to a good calculation this village
has the same number of persons as those
preceding. One old man was baptized. 1
Chamuasi Has the same number of persons as those
mentioned above. No one was baptized because
everyone hid himself at our arrival.
Latelate This village will have about 200 people. I
baptized six old women. 6
Lachuo Is of the same size as the previous village.
The same thing happened as at the village of
Chamuasi, for which reason there was no one to
whom Holy Baptism might be administered.
Pizcache This village may contain about 200 people. Four
were baptized, two old men and two old women. 4
Aycayche This village will have about 60 souls. Nine
were made Christians, one old man and 8 old
women. 9
Here there are six other villages which could
not be investigated. All of them, according to
the reports of the inhabitants of this village
are of about the same size as Pizcache.
Ecsaa This village has about 100 souls. Fourteen were
baptized, 2 men and 12 women, all old, and one
of the women _in articulo mortis_. 14
Chiaja Has the same number as the previous village.
One old woman baptized. 1
Xayuase Will have 100 souls, like the preceding. Nine
old women were baptized. 9
Capatau This is a very small village and subject to the
chief of the previous village. It will have 9
or 10 people. One old woman was baptized. 1
Hualo, Vual This village will have about 400 souls. Two old
women were baptized. Discovered on the first
expedition. 2
Tuntache This village will have 250 souls. One sick old
man was baptized. 1
Notonto 1st Eight old women and two dying children were
baptized in this village on the first
expedition. The two children were later found
to have died. This village will have about 300
souls. 10
Notonto 2nd Will have 100 souls. Two old women were
baptized. 2
Telame first This is the largest of all the villages which
have been discovered. It will have, according
to a fast count, 600 souls. It was entered by
the first expedition and 11 old women and 1
sick man were baptized. He was found by this
expedition to have died. On this expedition,
the second one, 8 old women were baptized,
together with 1 old man and 1 moribund infant.
In all there are twenty-two. 22
Telame second It will have 200 souls. (This village was not
seen by the other expedition.) I baptized 6 old
women. 6
Uholasi This village will have 100 souls. It was
discovered on the first expedition. I baptized
3 old women. [3]
Eaguea This village has about 300 souls and was
discovered on the first expedition. Ten were
baptized, 9 old women and 1 dying man. We found
on this expedition that he had died. 10
Cohochs Will have 100 souls. Eleven old women were
baptized. 11
Choynoque This is a village of 300 souls. No one was
baptized for their terror caused them to flee.
However, the warriors who were visible gave us
reason to estimate their total number as 300
souls.
Cutucho This village is close to that called
Nupchenche. It will have 400 souls. It was
scouted by the first expedition. No one was
baptized for everyone had fled.
Tahualamne This village will have 200 souls. No one was
baptized because their fear did not permit
them to come down from their rocky village as
is described on the 13th day of this account.
The total baptisms performed on the two expeditions amount to 141
Coyehete This is a village of about 400 souls according
to the report of the Indians. We did not see
it. In addition there are a great many villages
which I do not mention because I did not
examine them.
Fray Pedro Muñoz
REMINISCENCES OF MEXICAN PIONEERS
The two following selections are taken from reminiscences of old Mexican
pioneers, obtained by Alexander S. Taylor in the early 1860's. The first
was published in an unidentified newspaper; the second is handwritten.
Both purport to relate experiences of expeditions carried out in 1806
or 1807 (except the Ortega sortie of 1815 described by Olivera). The
Olivera account follows the report of Moraga's 1806 expedition in a
general way but departs from the diary of Muñoz in many details. It is
likely that the narrator was confusing this with other campaigns in
which he was engaged. At any event little reliance should be placed upon
his statements.
Both accounts give a lively picture of conditions in the valley at this
period, and for such unofficial detail they are of some value.
_Diego Olivera's Account of Moraga's 1806 Expedition_
This account is given in a clipping from an unspecified newspaper,
presumably of 1864. The piece has no title. It is included in Alexander
S. Taylor's collection, Discoverers, Founders and Pioneers of California
(2:153).
My father, said he [i.e., Olivera],... was one of a company of sixty
mounted men under the Alferez Gabriel Moraga, accompanied by the
Padre Muñoz for chaplain, who left Monterey in August, 1806 ... and
crossed over into the Tulares by the way of San Juan Bautista.... We
traversed the whole of the country from where the San Joaquin comes
out of the Sierra Nevada to a long way up north along the Sacramento
River and found multitudes of Indians everywhere along the
streams.[43] We passed fifteen days at one camp on the Sacramento,
whence we made trips up into the snowy mountains.... We were obliged
to encounter great dangers in this trip and did not get back till
November after being out over a hundred days,[44] for, from the
melting of the snows and the overflowing of the rivers and not
knowing our whereabouts, we had to keep well on the lower hills and
creep along by the eastern trail the best way we could until we
found ourselves near the King's River and the Big Lakes,[45] and
picked our way among great numbers of Indian rancherias, until we
came to the passes called the Tejon and Las Ulvas, and so made our
exit at the Mission of San Fernando....
There was also another expedition from Santa Barbara in the fall of
1815, which went over into the Tulares, where they met another party
from Monterey who had come through the Estrella from San Miguel.
That was commanded by Captain Juan Ortega, when Don Pablo Vicente
de Sola was Governor. I was also along with it, but we did nothing
particular, excepting to bring in a great many Indians for the
reverend Padres to make Christians of. The _pobre infelices_ lived
like so many brutes in dirt and filth, and were always fighting
each other like so many wild cats and dogs, _muy mestanjes_. The
girls among them used to run after the soldiers--_pobrecitas_--and
the people gave us the orphan children, and in this way many of
their souls were saved who would otherwise have been lost with the
_diablos_.
_Felipe Santiago García's Account of Moraga's 1807 Expedition_
Pertinent passages have been selected from a manuscript entitled "Story
of an Old Dragoon of Monterey," in Alexander Taylor's Discoverers,
Founders and Pioneers of California (2:141-151).
In the year 1807 I went to the Buena Vista Lake[46] as we called
it, as a soldier in a company of Cavalry of twenty-five men under
Alferez Gabriel Moraga. Each of us had eight horses and they made a
big _caballada_. Miguel Espinosa was our serjeant and we had to keep
constant watch that the Indians did not steal our horses; they were
everywhere.... We went from Monterey to San Miguel Mission, and
from there to the Laguna we called Buena Vista in one day and a
half, and we went after the runaway _neophytas_ [and] tried to bring
in others for the Padres to make Christians; but did not get any. We
went away into the Snowy Mountains, or near where the snow was, and
the Indians stole one-half of our horses and killed two of our
men. Where we went into the mountains there was a _Portosuello_
[_portezuelo_, an opening or gap], called by our Captain "_Salinas
de Cortez_" which had great quantities of _nitre_, _quisas
tequesquite_.[47] We crossed the San Joaquin River several times and
everywhere there was Indians, and the Captain made up his mind to go
back by the way of San José Mission where we arrived in good order.
I went several times to the Tulares and to the Sacramento, both on
horseback and once in boats. In all the rivers we saw many beavers;
bears were everywhere and very dangerous. Elk and antelope and deer
used to run before us in _bandados_ [bands] and we found plenty of
mustangs, wild horses,[48] in 1807 and afterwards many others with
the mission brands, and lots and lots of the mission cattle, _muy
cimarones_.
IV. JOSÉ PALOMARES' EXPEDITION TO THE TULARES, 1808
In 1808 there are two accounts of significance, Moraga's trip to the
Sacramento Valley (Cutter, 1957) and José Palomares' expedition through
the southern tip of the San Joaquin Valley, probably in the same year.
_Report on the Expedition to the Tulares_
(Cal. Arch., Prov. St. Pap., Mis. and Col., I: 229-239)
On the 25th [of October][1] I left the Presidio with six men, and,
taking another one from San Buenaventura, I went as far as Simi,[2]
where we spent the night. On the following day I went with one
soldier toward San Fernando, leaving the other six at Simi awaiting
further orders. Having arrived at this mission I talked to the
Reverend Fathers and asked them where the fiesta was. They answered
that they did not know and inquired of some Indians who told them
that the fiesta was at a village called Quariniga and that the
dancing had already begun. This being the situation I spent the 26th
and 27th provisioning and on the latter day sent a soldier to Simi
to tell the others to start out in the afternoon and arrive at the
mission in the evening. This they did. At about nine o'clock at
night, taking with me four men from this garrison, I set out with
considerable secrecy for the rancho through which I passed at about
one o'clock in the morning of the 28th. We went as far as a canyon,
at a distance of about five leagues from the said rancho, arriving
at dawn, or about eight o'clock. We had with us a list of the
names of the Indian men and women fugitive from this mission [San
Fernando] and also two interpreters, one Spanish, the other familiar
with the language of all the Valley Indians. He also was well
acquainted with the country. While we were at this place some
Christian Indians arrived, who were on furlough and who had
originated in this village. They told me that the people were
beginning to arrive and that the dance was going to start on the
night of the 29th. For this reason it seemed to me desirable to
remain there till the 30th. The place was well arranged and
isolated, with water and forage for the horses.
At about ten o'clock on the morning of the 30th I set forth through
a very long canyon, and during the day and the following night I
arrived within a league of the village. This was at about twelve
o'clock midnight. At dawn of the 31st I started out and at daybreak
I approached the village with ten men, having left two with the
horses near by. Having got near the village I called to the
chieftains and asked them for the Christians. They told me there
was no more than one. The others, according to what they said, were
ten in number, five men and five women, and were with Quipagui.
Still others were at a village which they called Muscupian and one
called Mavialla, both far to the east.[3]
Thus, finding myself in this place without having accomplished
anything, I was told by a heathen Indian who knew the village of
Quipagui that five heathen were there whom I was seeking. On the way
there I encountered an Indian, named Macal, who was among those who
had killed the soldiers,[4] and whom it had not been possible to
catch. I captured him, and with him the rest of the wild Indians.
Thereafter I took him with me and retired from the village about
two leagues where I remained until two o'clock in the afternoon.
Then I set out, taking the valley of San Gabriel in a northerly
direction.[5] I crossed this valley and crossed the mountains and
at about three o'clock in the morning I came to the Tulare Valley.
Going along the slope of the mountains, I traveled as far as a
protected spot, which was called by the expedition San José,
arriving there at dawn. At about three o'clock in the afternoon I
started out again, going along the edge of the mountains, and at
about twelve o'clock midnight I reached a distance of two leagues
from the village mentioned above. At about three o'clock the next
morning, the 2nd of November, I set forth with my whole party, and,
careful to reach the village just as day was breaking, I found it
solitary. From dawn to eleven o'clock in the morning we were rained
on hard. Leaving all the rest of my party together, I went off with
three soldiers from this region, which was rather rocky, scouting
for the Indians, who had concealed all their tracks. I saw an
Indian--Christian or heathen--and noting this I retreated to within
three hundred paces of the rest of the troops. Inasmuch as the
heathen, who were near by on a hill, could have seen no more than
four men they would have thought we were no greater than this in
number. So the afore-mentioned Quipagui with six warriors allowed
himself to approach. As soon as we saw them, I called out in a loud
voice and the other six men joined us. We went out to encounter them
[the Indians] on a small hill. Seeing us and those who were guarding
the prisoners, the chief cried out to the other Indians and they
all simultaneously discharged their arrows and rushed to where the
soldiers held the prisoners.[6] We went and joined the latter,
and after everyone had arrived I accused him[7] of concealing
Christians. To this he replied that on the previous day when the
news arrived [of our coming] he was not at the village but was
hunting deer. In the afternoon when he returned he found only one
Indian. The latter exclaimed that they should leave because the
soldiers were coming against him. According to what the native
Indians told him, the Christians had fled, some to the eastern
mountains, others, with the one who had brought the news, down to
the tule swamps. I pressed him to go with me to search for them but
he replied that under the circumstances he could not because it
was raining. If he could wait till it stopped raining, he would
go to search. I could not remain, first, because I did not have
provisions, and second, because there was no water for the horses.
[I told him that] if he would gather them [the Christians] and take
them to the Mission of San Fernando, the Reverend Fathers would pay
him. I left him a rope with which to tie them up. This he promised
to do at the end of the moon just past. All this he did not perform.
This Indian should be removed from that place with all his
village for many reasons. The first is because he has killed many
unconverted Indians and is still killing them. He is the most feared
Indian in that entire country. The other reason is that he gives
refuge to Christian fugitives, and they know that neither Christian
nor heathen will go to look for them there on account of the terror
which he inspires. I would have brought him back with his people but
the weather did not permit me to do so without running the risk of
injury in capturing and securing them.
The same day at two o'clock I started to retire, and left the Tulare
Valley by a road never before discovered by an expedition. It is
the best way to get out of the valley, with good land, water, and
pasturage.[8] We stopped at two o'clock in the morning of the 3rd in
the midst of this country and camped for the rest of the night. On
the 3rd we set out and arrived at the mouth of the canyon at sunset.
There was some water, left by the rain of the preceding night.
The soldier Miguel Lugo, second in command, allowed the heathen
prisoner, called Macal, whom he had with him, to escape. I think
that if the Christian who was with him, had not cried out, the
sentinel would not have known when he left. At the outcry he [the
sentinel] chased him but could not catch him. We all went out
through the brush surrounding this place but not having found him,
we kept on retreating during the 4th and arrived at San Fernando in
the evening.[9]
V. EXPLORATION OF THE SACRAMENTO-SAN JOAQUIN DELTA, 1810-1813
These four years are notable primarily for the exploration of the
Sacramento-San Joaquin delta, which previously had undergone no very
intensive examination. We have accounts of the two trips by Father Fray
José Viader in 1810 and that by Father Fray Ramón Abella in 1811. To
these may be added the account of the rather disastrous punitive
expedition by Sergeant Francisco Soto in 1813.
FATHER VIADER'S FIRST TRIP
_Viva Jesus._
Report or account of the trip which has just been made by order of the
Governor and Father President with the purpose of searching for places
or sites where missions might be established, from 15 to 28 August,
1810.
_15 August 1810._ At five-thirty o'clock in the afternoon of this day
I departed from Mission San José with Second Lieutenant Gabriel Moraga,
Cadet Raymundo Estrada, one corporal, three soldiers, and four neophytes
of Mission Santa Clara. Having traveled about six leagues to the north
we stopped alongside a pool of good water located in the western portion
of the valley called San José. We did not stop to explore the place
because it is so near and so well known to everyone. With no other
special incident the next day dawned.
_16 August._ This day, following the same direction, northward, we went
about six leagues before noon, and having killed two bears and one very
big deer, we stopped for lunch at the source of a stream called Walnut
Creek. This stream, although it has good water runs in very small
amount. In the afternoon, having gone another six leagues in the same
direction, having killed a deer and an antelope, and having seen good
lands and groves of trees, all without water, we arrived by nightfall at
the end of Walnut Creek and the beginning of some estuaries. These are
on the northeast side of a fine plain which is well covered with trees
(among others big walnuts).[1]
_17th day [of August]._ This day we spent, without moving our camp, in
exploring the plain and surrounding hills. These lands belong to the
Tarquines, most, or all, of whom are Christians at San Francisco. We saw
the mouth of the rivers, of which there are two, one from the north, the
other from the east. When they join, they enter one of the bays which
border San Francisco. In all this region so well known for its good air,
its fine land, its copious firewood, its walnut trees, the only water we
found was two pools, one spoiled, the other good, although the water was
stagnant. There is a little spring next to a willow thicket close to an
inlet, where, it is said, was situated the village of the Tauquines.
Because the area of Walnut Creek has very little water, it does not seem
to me suitable for founding a mission. Throughout the day we killed
three bears and eleven deer. With no other incident the night passed.
_18th day [of August]._ We left this place early and, going east,
crossed the Mother Range. At seven leagues we came to the San Joaquin
River, or, as it is called the River of the Tulares.[2] It is about a
quarter of a league wide, and apparently very deep. It is reached by the
tides of the sea. Here we stopped for lunch between the river and a very
large oak forest. It is said that this land belongs to the Tulpunes,
whom we did not see. There were no indications of heathen Indians. This
place would be good for a mission if there were water, or if water could
be taken from the river, for there is good land and much wood from oaks
and live oaks. Today in the afternoon we went two more leagues to the
east, through the oak forest and over good country. However, there is
no water except what is in the above-mentioned river. This place also
belongs to the Tulpunes, who did not allow themselves to be seen.
_19th day [of August]._ We set out at dawn in a southeasterly direction
and after having gone about ten leagues over bad ground and along the
edge of the tule swamps we arrived at a lake in the middle of an oak
grove where we could neither get to the river nor turn back. Here, in
the village of the Cholvones, or Pescadero, we stayed all the rest of
the day, and the night. We sent an interpreter to get in touch with the
Cholvones. He returned with a heathen Indian called Guanats, together
with a considerable quantity of fish. They say that the Christian
fugitives from San José are on the opposite shore, between the river
and a lake. All this country is good and has firewood, but the floods
from the rivers submerge it from the beginning of the warm season until
August.[3]
_20th day [of August]._ We started out and traveled south-southeast some
distance from the river on account of the swamps. We passed opposite a
village of heathen called Aupemis and, without stopping, came to another
village, whose chief is called Tomchom, having traveled since morning
about three leagues. Here we rested, and no wild Indian showed himself.
In the afternoon, and after two and one-half leagues in the same
direction we arrived at a village, whose chief is called Cuyens. The
latter is well known to, and friendly with, the interpreter, who had
gone ahead to call him. We met them, together with fifteen other Indians
carrying a great deal of fish to give us. Here we stopped to make camp
for the night. Four of the Indians wanted to remain with us while the
others went away, saying they would return with more fish for tomorrow.
This they did and were accompanied by even more natives. Nothing we have
seen today is suitable for a mission, because the land is flooded, in
places for more than a league.[4]
_21st day [of August]._ We set out and the Indians followed us as far as
another village whose chief is called Maijem.[5] This was at a distance
of two and a half or three leagues in the same direction. Just before
arriving there we came upon a dry stream bed, but with indications that
in the rainy season it carries much water. Furthermore the land, or
ground, is higher than anything we have seen thus far. The Indians of
this village came [to us], although with great trepidation. After
we had given them cigarettes and a few other presents they all
disappeared--even those from Cuijens. In the afternoon after two more
leagues in the same direction we halted opposite a village whose chief
is called Bozenats.[6] These Indians, who let themselves be seen on the
other side of the river, refused to come near us, however much we called
to them. On the other hand they yelled at us with much vigor, also
saying that they had no fugitive Christians and finally that they would
come over the next day. If the region traversed today had water, or
water could be obtained from the San Joaquin River, it would not be bad
for the establishment of a mission, for there is good land and no lack
of firewood.
_22nd day [of August]._ The Indians who had said they would come did
not come and we went on in the same south-southeasterly direction. After
we had gone about two leagues about thirty armed heathen appeared on the
opposite bank of the river. Asked by our interpreter, they refused to
come across. Furthermore, they said in a very threatening manner that
we had better get out quickly and appeared anxious to fight. Here,
according to their statements, are the fugitive Christians from Santa
Clara and Santa Cruz. These natives are called the Apaglamenes.
Seeing that they refused to cross over, we pursued the same direction
and after a league stopped at a village named Tationes.[7] Here also
they say there are Christian fugitives. A little while after we arrived
for a rest period the heathen Apaglamenes, to whom I referred above,
made an appearance, accompanied by the Tationes, all armed, painted, and
bedecked with feathers. Some were on the other side of the river and
six on our side, a gunshot away. These six were already shooting at the
interpreter, who had gone to speak to them and pacify them. Also they
fired on Corporal Berreyessa, who went to call back the interpreter. The
Lieutenant, seeing this and noting that those on the other side of the
river were talking with a great deal of insolence, ordered that they be
told to be quiet and to go away. Otherwise they would be fired upon. The
Indians having replied with still more insults, we fired in the air in
order to make our intentions clear. Thereupon they began to fire at us
and the soldiers at them. The fight did not last long, for the soldiers
fired no more than twelve shots. According to a later count one Indian
was hit, and perhaps more, for the shots went into a little thicket. The
soldier Morales came into the skirmish with half his chin shaved and
the other half covered with lather. On our part there were no other
casualties. The territory covered today is also rather high in some
places and has no lack of firewood but has no water.
In the afternoon we continued in the same direction. At the point of
departure a few Indians were visible at a distance. After traveling
three leagues we stopped near some lakes, apart from the river but near
a willow grove.[8] The area we covered in the afternoon has neither
firewood nor good land.
_23rd day [of August]._ Today, after three and one-half leagues in the
same direction and without being able to get near the river on account
of the sloughs, flooded land, and swamps, we had to rest on an open
plain without shade near a creek, or arm of the river.[9] The great heat
forced us to jump in for a swim. The water of the creek was lukewarm.
After we had rested, we started out in the same direction more or less,
and after four leagues, already at nightfall, without hope of meeting or
reaching the river, we stopped beside a pond.[10] There was no wood or
brush to cook supper or even make chocolate. Everything we crossed
today is low ground, tule swamps, and ponds and for this reason is
not suitable for a mission.
_24th day [of August]._ Very early, before breakfast, thinking that
we were opposite Soledad [Mission] and that the tule swamps and low,
flooded territory continued as far as the vicinity of San Miguel, we
decided to turn back. Taking now a westerly direction, after going four
leagues we had chocolate in a patch of brush and then going on in the
same direction for another six leagues we arrived at the place called
San Luis Gonzaga. Here we halted for the afternoon and also the
following morning, with the purpose of exploring this area, which
at first sight appears to be a good one.
_25th day [of August]._ As a matter of fact, this place was examined
and explored and no more water was found than a few pools and one short
creek, all of which together would not be adequate for a mission. The
pools are deep but the creek flows very little, although there are
indications that in the rainy season it fills up considerably. Moreover,
the wood supply is quite far removed and above all there are no heathen
Indians in the whole region as far as the rivers.
_26th day [of August]._ We left this place in the morning and took a
southwesterly course. After crossing a little plain for about a league
we began to climb the mountains, which carried us some six leagues,
including the plain just mentioned. We stopped at the foot of the range
along a creek which had no more water than a few scattered pools. In
just one of these we caught forty fish including six trout or little
salmon. After the siesta we kept on in the same direction for three
leagues and arrived at the stream called Ausaymas. This is already
the plain of San Juan Bautista, and is suitable for at least a rancho
because it has water, wood, and good land.
_27th day [of August]._ From here we set forth and, crossing the plain
in the same southwesterly direction for five leagues, we arrived at
Mission San Juan Bautista without difficulty, thank God, at about nine
o'clock of the same day. Here with a good breakfast we brought the
expedition to an end.
San Juan Bautista, Fr. José Viader
August 28, 1810
FATHER VIADER'S SECOND TRIP
_Report of Father José Viader_
From 19 to 27 October, 1810
Mission San José, October 19, 1810
_Viva Jesus._
My esteemed Father President, I inform you that at about two o'clock
this afternoon I left this mission in the company of Lieutenant Gabriel
Moraga, 23 other soldiers, and about 50 armed Christian Indians. After
going some six leagues to the northeast we halted to pass the night in
the valley of San José near a willow grove which contains good water.
_20th day._ From the valley to Pescadero, or Cholvones, we traveled
about nine leagues to the east-northeast[11] and arrived very late so as
not to be seen or heard. Soon we placed our people in position to attack
a dance [being carried on] by heathen Indians and fugitive Christians.
_21st day._ Before dawn we assaulted a village on this side of the river
and only one person escaped, a San José Christian named Bernardo. He,
having gone to sleep at a distance from the village, jumped into the
water and swam in great haste to warn those at the dance. For this
reason we immediately fell upon the other village, which was on the
opposite side of the river, and took it entire. The prisoners in all
included 15 San José Christians, 18 heathen men, and 51 heathen women.
The latter were released by the lieutenant and went away very happy.[12]
The remainder of the day we rested here and passed the time well with
fresh salmon and wild grapes. Two of the Christian prisoners escaped, on
the pretext of having to attend to a necessity, and also because of the
negligence or overconfidence of the sentinel. All this place and its
surroundings are inundated during the high water of the rivers, which
is in the summer. At that time the wild Indians live on a few small
elevations.[13] For this reason there is no way to establish a mission
here.
_22nd day._ This morning Corporal Pico, with seven soldiers and the
neophytes, went with the Christian and heathen prisoners toward San
José. The rest of us, with a heathen Indian called Guanats, went up
the river, southeasterly through oak groves, willow thickets, ponds,
and lands flooded during the freshets. We also met four wild Indians
gathering seeds, who were extremely glad to meet honest people. After
having gone about two and one-half leagues we stopped to eat between two
ponds, in front of the [village of] the Jusmites[14] Indians. In the
afternoon, having gone another two and one-half leagues we spent the
night near the [village of] the Tugites Indians. All the country seen
thus far has wood, with water in the river and lakes, but the land is
low, flooded, and without stone.
_23rd day._ In the morning we resumed our march in the same direction,
always upstream with the intention of crossing it. On the way, Indians
whom we knew and who were friendly, from the village of Cuyens, came out
to meet us, bearing as a gift three very big, red, salmon. They also
have accompanied us to the village of Mayem, where we halted to eat,
having gone four leagues since early morning. Having rewarded well our
Indian benefactors and companions, we also gave something to those of
Mayem. The latter people have just approached us with much fear and with
a tendency to prevaricate. Although they know that they have in their
village Christians from Santa Clara, they deny it and furthermore
declare that they will never again admit any [Christian fugitives]. If
it were not for the nuisance it would cause us, the Lieutenant says he
would flog them, but on the return trip he will do so if things go as
they have this time. In the afternoon, after having dismissed all the
wild Indians, we set forth in the same direction, and traveled two
leagues. At this point, opposite the village called or designated
Taualames, we found a ford across the river. However it was very bad,
being wide and deep and with poor approaches. We crossed it without
untoward incident, thanks be to God, and soon halted for the night. I
sent a boy to the village to carry a statement to the natives here of
our purpose to call for Christian fugitives and offer them pardon. Six
heathen Indians returned who, filled with apprehension, said that all
the Christians had gone to the mission and would not be allowed to come
back, but they were lying. Finally they said they would take us to their
village and would come back in the morning to do this. So we sent them
away. In all we have covered today we have not found any place suitable
for establishing a mission.
_24th day._ We got up early and without moving camp I went out with the
Lieutenant and four soldiers to the north, with the intention of getting
to the Río de Dolores [Tuolumne River] two or three leagues away.
However on account of so many sloughs, swamps, and ponds we turned back.
We could see only some high ground, not reached by the floods, which are
as bad as, or worse than, those on this side, or the west side. We also
went into the village and found only a dog and a tame deer. The boy went
into the brush [to get the people] but they did not want to come out,
so we went to eat lunch. In the afternoon we went ahead in the same
south-southeasterly direction up the river. We passed in front of
the Apelamenes and Tatives Indians, who had fought us on the former
occasion, but did not enter the villages for we anticipated that we
would find the houses empty and because of the extensive swamp and lake.
After having gone six leagues and having noted that the high ground not
covered by the river is very poor, is a long distance from the river
and from a wood supply, and is useful for nothing, we arrived at
another river, the Merced, which comes from the east and joins the San
Joaquin.[15] We crossed it, almost swimming the horses. Here is much
wood on both banks of the river: oak, live oak, cottonwood, cypress,
willow, etc. Nevertheless it was clear that the spring floods cover a
great deal of these lands and that only the latter seem to be of value.
_25th day._ In the morning we left here going southwest with the
intention of crossing the San Joaquin River, which was still to the
west of where we slept. Shortly after our departure we came upon an old
village on a height whose lands have a little grass but no rock, and
moreover this place is between two large rivers. We reached the San
Joaquin after one long league and crossed it. Thereafter we crossed
several other swampy sloughs. From here southward there are no more
trees, only tules and more tules.
The Merced River, it seems to me, cannot be dammed, not only because the
soil is pure sand, but because it is now confined between very close
banks. I can say the same of the other stream, the San Joaquin, and
furthermore the bottom is so level that the current is very slow, even
though the water is deep.
From here we turned back down the San Joaquin River and in two and
one-half leagues we reached the scene of the battle, or shaving place,
for at this point now, as previously, the soldiers shave themselves.
Only one wild Indian was seen in the distance when we arrived. We left
here a sick horse. This place is a little elevated, but only the flooded
areas have grass and are without rocks in the entire three leagues
to the western hills. In the afternoon we went forward in the same
direction, downstream, and after a league we got to the arroyo of
Orestimac [Orestimba Cr.], opposite the Apalamenes, the allies of the
Tatives when the latter fought us. This creek, which comes from the
hills, is not flowing nor does it contain water, but it is known that in
the rainy season it fills up and even overflows. This spot is the least
bad on this whole side of the river but even so it would not be suitable
for a mission. It has only firewood, river water, and much good fish.
We kept on and in two more leagues we came to a point opposite the
Taualames Indians. When called by the boy, their kinsman, they refused
to come out, saying that they were afraid. They guessed right for they
would have been taken captive. From this point, considering that the
people of Mayem would also refuse to come out, and that it was not yet
late, we turned west and after crossing three leagues of plain reached
the arroyo of Corpus Christi, where we spent the night[16] without water
for the horses. We had to dig a well in the sand.
_26th day._ We started early toward the west and after six leagues of
mountains and bad trails we reached a place formerly called El Toro,
where we ate lunch, and we, with the horses, drank. In the afternoon,
going in the same direction more or less for another six leagues of
extremely bad trail, we arrived at dark at a little flat with some
pools of good water. This place we called San Guillermo.
_27th day._ From San Guillermo we went six leagues in the same direction
to stop for lunch at the old village of the Pateños. From here in the
afternoon after five leagues to the northwest we reached this mission,
in good condition, thanks be to God.
Santa Clara Mission, Fr. José Viader
October 28, 1810
FATHER RAMÓN ABELLA'S EXPEDITION, 1811
This manuscript of twenty-seven pages is entitled: "Diario de un
registro de los ríos grandes, October 15-31, 1811." The title page bears
the note:
A copy in the handwriting of and signed by Gervasio Argüello.
Exploration of the Eastern Shores of upper San Francisco Bay, San
Pablo and Suisun Bays and of the lower Sacramento and San Joaquin
Rivers.
The authorship of this document is something of a mystery. The copy in
the Bancroft Library has the title given above but is in the handwriting
of, and signed by, Gervasio Argüello, who was not a member of the
expedition. If it is Father Abella's actual diary, then how may one
explain the references to "Father Ramón," "the two priests," etc.?
Furthermore, the diction is confused and ungrammatical, unlike what one
would expect of a literate priest. Certain passages give the impression
of a third person who is involved. My own feeling is that Father Abella
kept some sort of record but that these notes, plus a verbal account by
Sergeant José Sanchez, the military commander of the expedition were
worked over by Gervasio Argüello into a day-by-day account which has the
semblance of a diary. Credit for the leadership of the expedition, of
course, remains with Father Abella.
Exploration of the Eastern Shores of upper San Francisco Bay, San
Pablo and Suisun Bays and of the lower Sacramento and San Joaquin
Rivers.
_15th day._ At ten o'clock in the morning we set out from the wharf
at the port and stopped at Angel Island because the tide was running
out.[17] At about four in the afternoon the tide turned and was
favorable. We set out, arrived at the Point of the Huchiunes, and
stopped on the south side of that point. We went during the entire day
about five hours, all at the oar in a calm sea. Angel Island, the Point
of the Huchiunes, and that of the Abastos form a bay equal in size to
that of the Port.[18] It contains eight islands, most of which are
small. One of them, which has to be passed in navigating to the Point
of the Huchiunes, has a sand bar, and it is necessary to pass a little
away from it to the west. It is recognizable only when a bearing is
taken. The west side [of the island] is covered with trees.
_16th day._ We set out from the above-mentioned Point of the Huchiunes,
which we called Point San Pablo. Where we slept is a fairly good beach
with water and firewood where one may stop. This Point San Pablo has
opposite to it another point which we called San Pedro and halfway
between are two little islands. From one point to the other will be
about twice the distance as from the fort to the other shore.[19] These
two points enclose the bay which we have mentioned, and form another,
much larger, which we estimated to extend four leagues. From the center
to the periphery this bay is square. On the northern side and the
western it has five villages, which are still heathen. On the western
side is a cove, according to the Indians quite large, but Ensign Gabriel
Moraga has twice reached its head in the expeditions he has carried out
in these parts.
At one and a half leagues we encountered another point which we called
San Andres.[20] Between the latter and Point San Pablo, all of which is
the mainland of San José,[21] there is a cove which ends in a creek. The
latter, according to those who have traveled past it, and according to
the Indians, is like that of the town [San José] but runs very deep,
and has a fair amount of trees. Between the points there are 4 varas of
water, which drops to 2. This is while cruising some distance from
the shore; farther in it deepens, the same as at the port [of San
Francisco], because there is a channel which carries a considerable
current. All the land of the Huchiunes is quite bare, although there
are some oaks.
As far as Carquinez Strait, with what we covered yesterday and today, we
will have consumed some eight hours all to the northeast, one-quarter
north from the mission. Here, within the eight leagues,[22] the bay
proper ends. The strait is formed by an island[23] and the mainland of
San José. The island soon ends and mainland remains on each side. The
strait runs southeast and makes a half-turn to the south and has a
strong current, according to the rise and fall of the tide. This strait
is about two and one-half leagues long and one-quarter of a league
wide, although in some places rather wider, and ends in the land of
the Chupunes, for there it opens out. At this place we stopped at
eleven-thirty o'clock on a little beach, which at low tide remains dry
and where the boats have to pull back about 200 varas so as not to run
aground. At low tide there is visible a rock, which is covered by the
water and could damage boats approaching the shore. However, a little
farther down, toward the mountain, there is a kind of small stream which
is good [for anchorage]. To this place we gave the name "La División."
It has a large pool of water and considerable firewood. Here we stopped
for the night uneventfully. The shore opposite the mainland of San José
on the strait called Carquinez is very bare country.[24]
_17th day._[25] We set forth at nine o'clock in the morning, and as soon
as we emerged from the strait at the point which, as I have said, we
called "La División," we entered a large bay four or five leagues wide.
Gradually from here the water becomes sweet. We cruised close to the
coast of San José, and at five leagues[26] the estuary begins to
develop. We traveled the whole day as close as possible to the coast
of San José. There are various islands covered with tule rushes and
thickets. At fourteen leagues[27] the rivers begin to form, with tule on
the banks. It is sheer swamp, which prevents any landing on firm ground.
In this branch of the river, as in all the others which we have seen,
we observed that when the tide rises, the water in some places comes up
to a height of a vara and a half, and this is quite to be expected on
account of the flatness of the land and the thrust of the sea through
the Carquinez Strait. The channel of the river over which we traveled
today has a width of a quarter of a league and in places somewhat more.
We cruised today somewhere near eight hours, four of them with a fresh
breeze, and we measured about eighteen leagues, all to the east, with
the river turning now and again to the northeast. We stopped at an
island which has trees of some thickness but which is choked with
underbrush, and it is evidently submerged during floods.
A little before reaching this island the river divides into two
branches. From the mouth some alders are visible at half a league
distance to the left. This is the entrance which should be taken at
this island. The place where we stopped was recognized as a fishing
location of the Ompines, for there were signs of campfires.[28]
_18th day._ We set out from this island at seven o'clock in the morning,
and went back half a league so as to enter the previously mentioned
river mouth (although it seems to me that it is not necessary to go
back, but rather to follow the same entrance for we afterwards saw that
they [the two river mouths] joined each other, a thing which even the
guide had not yet noticed). We traveled about seven leagues to the east,
with a fresh north wind. The river makes some turns at about one-quarter
of the seven-league distance and forms another island with the
opening[29] where we slept. This is why I said that it is not necessary
to turn back. Everything is tule swamp on each side, with an occasional
bush. The channel, as has been stated, is about a quarter of a league
wide. At noon we [stopped and] landed in a swamp. Here the river widens
considerably and there is another opening, which, although somewhat
concealed, communicates with the River of the North.[30] The latter goes
up to the left and is the one we took on the 24th on the down trip.
We set out at two o'clock in the afternoon. At about half a league we
took the opening to the right, which is the one carrying less water and
with some small trees, leaving the one on the left, which is the main
stream, for we always tried to stay as close as we could to the mainland
of San José. But if others come after us, they should follow the main
river, because all the other openings lead to branches which leave it
[the main river] and return to it, forming an infinity of islands.[31]
We cruised to the south, but there are so many twists and windings that
at times we circled the compass. The principal turns are south and
southwest, and the course follows this way twice, but the banks are
covered with nothing but tule, and so high that one sees nothing but
sky, water, and tule. We kept on till eleven o'clock in the evening
because there was no place to stop, and slept in the boats. There is
land but it is flooded. [The stream] has a depth of 8 to 14 varas and a
width of 80 varas, although in some places it widens, as at the turns
and bends. At about nine o'clock at night the river divided into two
parts, and that which we left goes on to join the big river [Río Grande]
which we encountered on the 22nd. It carries more water than the one we
followed, and the two join a little before the place where we set up the
cross. We did not measure the distance we traveled on account of the
bends and turns made by the river.[32]
_19th day._ We set forth at five o'clock in the morning and traveled
until twelve o'clock noon. The river keeps on in the same way with its
windings, covered with tules, but now one meets land that is a little
higher but still bare of trees. We ran upon two or three village sites,
the people from which have already been made Christians at the mission
of San José.[33] We set out again at two o'clock in the afternoon, and
after a league's travel found three heathen women seventy years of age,
with one husband and one boy, who were San José Christians. They had
quite a few fish. This place is known as being good for fishing, and
here, as along all the river, are many signs of beaver, although I have
never seen more than the signs. This afternoon, already, the river has
turned to the east, with an occasional bend to the southwest. We went
about three leagues and slept in the land of the Bolbones. Still there
are ponds and tule swamps, although it is said that white men have
pastured horses only about half a league away.[34]
_20th day._ We set out at sunrise with the intention of saying Mass at
Pescadero in order to have dry land [for the service]. However after a
mile from the start the boats ran aground. Here we sounded the river,
which is seen clearly to be running and which appears to me to carry
about as much water as the river at the ranch at Monterey.[35] The depth
which it had [i.e., we had observed] on the two preceding days was due
to the low level of the land. From here to the mouth found on the 22nd,
which will be about nine or ten leagues, can be traversed by boats only
with much difficulty.
We turned back to the place from which we had set out, where we
celebrated Mass. After four hours, when the water had risen due to the
backing up caused by the reversal of the tide, we again undertook the
same course. As I have said, the river contains very little water and
there are numerous trees. We were desirous of following this pathway
because the Indians said this river had two arms, one of which went on
to join the Río Grande, which we left on the 18th. As has been said we
did reach it on the 22nd.
We went about two leagues with some effort and halted at the village of
Pescadero, called also of the Bolbones. The San José Christians who were
there on a visit presented themselves. From the villages of the vicinity
Father Fray Buenaventura[36] baptized six ill and decrepit heathen women
and the baby boy of a neophyte. In this spot, which is also an island,
the day was passed. On the shore where we landed there are several oak
trees on each side, and the land promises well for wheat, pasturage, or
even corn by dry farming.[37] There are certain trees which are said to
be mangroves, but in time of high water the area will be impassable.[38]
_21st day._ We sent four guides on tule rafts to see whether the boats
could get through. They encountered some difficulty, although they were
optimistic that it was possible [to pass]. We set out at one o'clock at
noon and cruised until nightfall in a direction northeast, one-quarter
east. The stream bed is full of logs and the boats grounded two or three
times. The stream is inadequate for travel by boat. We journeyed about
three or four leagues and stopped at a high spot which had a number of
oak trees but was entirely surrounded by tule swamps. A league from the
starting point we passed out of the slough called Pescadero. We left it
on the right hand and took the [channel] on the left hand, which trends
to the northeast and [with] the opening which we left behind forms an
island. For an Indian went past with a boat and turned off and met us in
the big river [Braso Grande], he going upward and we downward. Although
some of the soldiers said that it [the channel] emptied into White Lake
[Laguna del Blanco][39] I conclude that this is not true, but that White
Lake discharges into the Río Grande. Furthermore, from horseback, in the
tules, one cannot see well, so I base my opinion on what an Indian said.
The matter could not be settled because the boats ran aground.[40]
_22nd day._ We set out from the place of the oak trees at about seven
o'clock in the evening. We went to the southeast with some turns to the
east. We traveled four or five leagues, two of them still in low water.
The river bank was populated with oaks and other trees, and once the
boats ran aground. At the end of the two leagues the water increases
threefold in volume and the river divides into two channels. One of
these is that which we left behind in the evening of the 18th. [The
other] is better because it carries much more water. [Both branches] go
to unite with each other in the middle of the tule swamps, where we
slept on the day mentioned.[41] We kept on cruising up the river with
the tripled volume of water. The water is clear and both banks are
covered with oak trees. At three leagues we encountered the Río Grande.
Here we observed the junction of the rivers; it has about 5 varas depth
in the center and a width of about 100. The river water is pure, because
it was low tide and it is known that the tide exercises little influence
because the land is already high. This place lies about on the parallel
of the Pueblo [San José], according to those who have come by land, and
is distant from the Pueblo some 25 or 26 leagues from east to west,
although it may be a little below this latitude. Here it is evident from
the quantity of water that several rivers have united, for there is no
ford and there would always be required a pontoon or boat to cross the
stream. At this place there are many oak trees on the opposite, or
eastern, shore. There is no tule, and only in great floods does the
river overflow, for the western bank is the lower. Here it is necessary
to take soundings in order to cross from one side to the other.
Four or five leagues higher up, where there is the village of
Christians, the river unites with the watercourse which we left behind
yesterday.[42] It seems to me that in this plain there are islands and
that it would not be difficult to have the horses and cattle cross by
swimming and the people by boats, because the river falls very gently.
This would be much easier than at the Strait of Carquinez, which is the
only other possible place we have seen. All the tule swamp is
impassable.
Just here the river separates by way of two openings: one is that which
we followed this morning; the other is closer to the mainland of the
opposite shore. We are going to follow down the latter because it is the
most direct. Here a cross was made with a chisel in an oak tree, about
four inches wide and correspondingly long, about four varas high and in
the point between the openings. Father Fray Ramón named the river San
Juan Capistrano.[43] If anyone comes back to explore, he should follow
upstream. On the return trip he should not take the entrance to the
left, which is the one we have just come from, because the river is full
of logs. The other one, even if it contains no logs, runs in the middle
of the tule swamps, and in that region nothing can be accomplished[44]
unless it be salmon fishing and beaver [trapping], although I have
already said elsewhere that I saw only their traces.
Here we stopped to eat, and at one o'clock in the afternoon we turned
back and went around the entrance which, as has been said, leads,
isolated, through numerous islands, all of which we have traversed
since the 17th. The largest of these are the most deeply submerged. We
cruised to the northwest, one-quarter north, for some five leagues, for
downstream the boats travel considerably faster, and came upon a village
called "Los Coyboses."[45] Seventy persons of all ages and sexes
presented themselves. The village may hold nearly 180 persons but a
message had been sent to them that we were coming, and it was evident
that the rest had hidden themselves. They seem to be docile people.
Father Fray Buenaventura baptized a sick boy and two women, one of them
decrepit, the other very ill, for there are already from here a few
Christians in the mission of San José. The bank of the river still has
some oak trees, but from here downward the tule swamps begin again. We
halted a league below the village, on a high spot along the river, where
we slept.
_23rd day._ We set out at about seven o'clock in the morning and
traveled some three leagues to the northwest, ignoring the turns, where
we came upon a village, which according to count could contain 900
persons, although they were segregated in three villages, each at some
distance from the other.[46] We saw only one of them, where about 150
persons presented themselves, of both sexes and all ages. They showed us
their landing place, and the houses made it clear that twice as many
people lived there. They had heard [about our arrival] the previous
night and the majority fled. We gave them a few little presents and they
responded in a like manner. It is an excellent place to fish for salmon.
We started out again about two o'clock in the afternoon and went about
five leagues and at the halfway point we found a village which had no
more than two persons. They said that the rest of the people had fled
because they had heard that we were coming that way. They had taken up
the houses, which are of straw, and all their personal belongings. The
currents of the river downstream strike sharply against this village.
The land is a little higher, the oaks can be seen from the opposite
shore, and there is already dry land along the river we are following.
So say the Indians. Farther down we came onto another village which had
been completely removed at the same time. We even caught them going
ashore, whereupon they threw away their possessions, abandoned their
boats, and hid in the tule swamps. No matter how hard we tried we could
not succeed in finding more than four persons and two dogs. They said
they had done this on account of the fear which they had for us. Here
again is land under water. On this day the Father from San José baptized
some sick people and infants who had some connection with the neophytes
of San José Mission. During the afternoon we cruised to the northwest,
with some turns to the north. The river divides into two channels, but
soon they join again forming an island.[47]
_24th day._ The previous night we slept in the tule swamp and the water
reached our blankets at the turn of the tide. The whole area is this way
for several leagues. The water rose about one and one-half varas. We
observed that the people who had run away from the rancheria, as I
have said, yelled a great deal, obviously to collect together all the
inhabitants who had hidden by letting them know that we had already
moved on.
We set out about six o'clock in the morning, following the direction of
the river, which runs to the northwest, although it turns occasionally
north and south. We traveled about seven leagues and came upon several
openings which entered and left here and there, but all of little
consequence. They all connect with the river which we are following. In
the afternoon we started at one o'clock. The river widens wherever it
shoals, and in some places becomes almost a bay, because the land is
very low. After going three leagues from this afternoon's starting point
we came upon the entrance which we took on the 18th on the up-trip and
the one of which I spoke on the 22nd. Here the waters of the river again
unite.[48] This entrance remains on the left hand going downstream.
There are a few small trees, like brush, and on the opposite bank also
a few other small trees. If people come up this way again, they should
leave this entrance to their right hand and go directly up the river
because this [route] is much better and shorter. We went on down the
river. At half a league we took another channel on the right [going
downstream] which is an arm of the Río de San Francisco [Sacramento] and
which connects here with the San Juan Capistrano [San Joaquin]. This can
be navigated only by pilots familiar with the terrain, such as performed
the task for us. It seems small at first, but later widens considerably,
and from here on travels northward. At the end of a league we
encountered two other entrances, one of which leads north and the
other east. That to the east we did not explore, for, according to
the statements of the Indians, who said that it came to an end soon,
it appeared to me to be one of the [branches of] the Río San Juan
Capistrano which we saw this morning, and which breaks off to the
right. I was not certain of this but it seemed likely, according to
the direction and the opinion of the Indians. We took the branch to the
north, as I said, and in a little while we stopped on a height in the
midst of a thicket full of trees of considerable thickness, but which is
nevertheless an island, as we saw in the following days. To the other
side of this high ground everything is under water. The Indians today
did not cease returning to see what course we were taking, but we could
not catch them because everywhere they hide in the swamps.
_25th day._ We set out at seven o'clock in the morning. We cruised to
the north, with a few turns to the east. I have already said that this
is a branch of the Río de San Francisco. It is necessary to traverse it
by day because it has several tree trunks crosswise in the channel, but
it has depth and width. At about three leagues we suddenly ran onto
three heathen Indians. At first they fled precipitately, but soon they
halted, because one had just been on a visit to Mission San José with
the two other heathen and two neophytes of the same mission, San
José. These we sent to the village so that we should not come upon it
unexpectedly. The third [heathen] we took with us in the boat. At about
two leagues we descried the village, which was in two sections, one on
each side of the river.[49] As soon as [the inhabitants] saw us there
began a great uproar, in spite of which they told us by signs where the
river was deepest. The two guides whom we carried with us managed to
make them be quiet, and performed good services in this respect. We went
ashore and only the priests and two soldiers stayed in the boat. The
Indians went ahead with their chatter and finally they [the natives]
calmed down. The village, as I have said already, is divided between
the two banks of the river, which is perhaps 30 to 40 varas wide. Those
on the left hand, which is to the west,[50] were of evil disposition.
However much those on the right bank tried, they could not induce more
than half of the men [on the left bank] to cross to the other side.
Finally they were half pacified, although it always seemed as if they
were in a bad mood. They were given a few little presents, and they gave
acorn mush to the neophytes. About 200 men presented themselves, for
other villages had joined them. Already they had told us that they, the
Tauquimenes, were going to fight.
There was a large population but only a few old women allowed themselves
to be seen. The young women, boys, and girls had hidden, either in the
brush or in the houses themselves. Soon after we had arrived there
sixteen young men appeared, making a disturbance, as they are accustomed
to do. One of the chiefs ran to meet them, as well as an elderly woman,
and took their bows away from them. We ate with them, although it was
rather uncomfortable because they never did quiet down entirely. They
said they were behaving in this manner because they had been told that
we had killed all the people at the village of the Coyboses, which is
near Pescadero on one of the branches of the Río de San Juan Capistrano
[San Joaquin]. Furthermore, I am sure that [the population] of several
villages had come together in this restricted locality, because some of
the Indians said they had come to gather acorns and there are extensive
woods [here]. At last peace was established and we took our departure,
although before we left we told them that if they wanted to fight, let
them take up their arms. But they said no.
After traveling about a mile we entered the river, which here divides
into two branches. It is a fine river and carries plenty of water;
indeed the stream which we had been following contained no more than
one-third as much. The river extends to the north, but from here we went
down the branch to the west.[51] The heathen now came out to accompany
us and show us the way. This division of the stream is 28 to 30 leagues
east of the mission of San Francisco.
Having gone down the river one league we came upon another village which
had fourteen houses, and in this village there were already some of the
men who had been in the previous one. They showed us the landing place
and behaved in a very friendly fashion, but nevertheless we saw no more
than two or three women of great age. So we went along, seeing other
little hamlets of two or three houses, and it became evident that all
[the inhabitants] had assembled in the large village previously
mentioned.
In all this day we traveled about twelve leagues and the number of
people may have reached some 1,200 souls. However there may have
been more, for the first [village] could have contained about 2,000,
according to the size of the houses here, which are 28 to 30 varas
in circumference with a post in the center. Also it was said that a
considerable number of people were higher up [the river] gathering
acorns.
All that we have passed today is part of an island. Each branch [of the
river] is covered with trees on both banks, of various kinds and very
large. There are many walnut trees and wild grapes but the latter have
stems so thick that those who have seen grapes in favorable countries
say they have never seen such thick trunks. The land on both sides rises
considerably. It is excellent for anything which one might wish to sow,
in those areas not covered with underbrush.[52]
Higher up the river the heathen said there was another channel which
is as large, or larger than, the one which we are following. This is
true, for the next day we found where it joined with the latter and
the [volume of] water is doubled.[53] Therefore the river higher up
must be little smaller than the San Juan Capistrano. We stopped and
slept on an elevation covered with trees of the kinds described
previously.
_26th day._ We set out at seven o'clock in the morning. The river
spreads out considerably and in two places the boats ran aground because
the tide was very low. However there is a [deeper] channel along the
banks. After we had gone about a league and a half we reached the stream
entrance which was mentioned yesterday and the water was doubled in
quantity and the river now was about 7 varas deep and 400 wide. From
here downward [the river] seems like an arm of the ocean, for the land
becomes lower and at the meeting point of the sea and the other river
the current is brought to a standstill. The two streams are from the
Río de San Francisco and, with the stream which we left yesterday,
constitute in all three channels and consequently form islands.[54]
Farther above, where all the water is united in a single stream, the
river must be as large as it is down here, but nevertheless it will not
be as large as the San Juan Capistrano.
Down here, where the two channels unite, there is a village of the
Ompines. Some of the people have already been baptized at San José,
because they [are accustomed to] pass over to the opposite shore. We
traveled in the entire day some twelve leagues and stopped where the
hills end which are opposite the high hill of the Bolbones and which are
very bare, completely devoid of trees and shrubs. However, the deer
run in herds, for there are some great plains with an occasional low
hill.[55] Those persons should come to this point who wish to sail up
the Río de San Francisco, as we have heard it was formerly called, for
it was here that the schooners turned around.[56] We went on to the
place where we slept on the 17th of this month and it seems to me that
they [the former explorers] came this far and must have returned from
here, that is, without ascending higher up the river, because there is
not enough water for schooners.
The first six leagues which we covered today are populated, as I said
before, with various kinds of trees, but the last six are very bare.
This Río de San Francisco, which we are now leaving, is good for any
kind of settlement and contains many people, but one cannot get to it
except by boat. The narrowest passages are at the Port of San Francisco
or at the Strait of Carquinez.
_27th day._ Holy Mass was celebrated at the hill of the Ompines. We set
out at about eleven o'clock in the morning and went some twelve leagues,
six of them to the north and the rest winding through a slough of fresh
water close to the land of the opposite shore. We slept on a height
about a league before arriving at the plain of the Suisunes. All that
we have passed today is low, but very bare hills; in all this country
there is no running stream. Going from here to the Suisunes there must
be at least a half-tide so that the boats will not run aground.[57]
_28th day._ Holy Mass was celebrated, the day being that of the Holy
Apostles, St. Simon and St. Jude. We went about one league and stopped
at the end of the slough of the Suisunes [Suisun Slough] at half a
boat's length from shore so that one could jump onto solid ground.
It was on a big plain, with fine land, completely covered at a short
distance with oaks and live oaks, finally becoming uneven and hilly.
The Serro de los Bolbones [Mt. Diablo] lies about twelve leagues to
the southwest.
We sent four neophytes from the San Francisco Mission, natives of this
area, to locate their countrymen, and fifty men from two villages
presented themselves, all unarmed. They brought us some of those things
which they held in highest esteem and gave us their war decorations.[58]
We responded in the same manner by paying part of their value. The
villages are called Malaca and Suisun. According to what the Indians
said, the latter is divided into three parts. They claimed that it
was quite close but according to the signs between here and the shore
somewhat less than two leagues away; a short time ago they were living
on the shore. That was where Second Lieutenant Gabriel Moraga struck
them the blow.[59] Thoroughly cowed the poor people have remained, for
they are badly scared. There is another village called Ululato farther
away. It had been told us that they wanted to fight but the exact
opposite happened, because they did not dare to visit us. In terror
they sent us some eighteen presents, which were not worth much, using
a Suisun as messenger, and stated, as I have indicated, that they were
afraid to approach us. The presents were paid for, by means of the
Suisun, who was sent to tell them that they should not be afraid.
But they did not appear. It is known that these people are all very
tractable. The place is very good for the establishment of missions but
there remains the difficulty of getting there except by boat through the
narrow passages mentioned above.
_29th day._ We set out at two o'clock in the morning and arrived at
Carquinez Strait by sunrise. The section which we traversed this morning
is a large bay, and before arriving at the Strait the water is already
salty. The Carquinez Hills also are bare.[60] We stopped below the
Strait about four hours and in the afternoon arrived at Angel Island
opposite the Presidio. We sailed in the afternoon under a favorable wind
and reversed the trip of the first two days by the same route. The two
bays and their islands are discussed there [i.e., the entries for the
first two days]. We could have reached the Presidio if we had not
stopped so long, because on the down trip one goes at least twice as
fast. This is because at least eight of the twelve hours from tide to
tide are consumed by the outgoing tide, which flows very rapidly. There
is a quite natural reason [for this phenomenon], for the water which
enters must flow out again, having been held in the meantime by the
rivers, plus that which the rivers themselves carry down. All this I
have already heard from the Indians, and on that account those who are
not very skillful, struggling to[61]...
_30th day._ We left Angel Island, opposite the Presidio at ten o'clock
in the morning. Up till now the sea had been calm, but now a squall fell
upon us, the sea arose, and we took shelter on the opposite shore, in
front of the fort. The sea stayed in this condition all day. In the
afternoon it seemed to certain persons that there was some improvement.
Finally we crossed, although the sea was quite rough and we, the
fifty-eight people, arrived at the Presidio. The only difficulty was
the breaking of a rudder pintle of the mission boat on a log, but it
was soon repaired.
Presidio of San Francisco, Gervasio Argüello
31 October 1811 (rubric)
JOSÉ ARGÜELLO'S ATTACK ON AN INDIAN VILLAGE, 1813
The excerpt below is apparently a direct quotation, although there are
no quotation marks in the transcript.
_José Argüello to Governor Arrillaga_
San Francisco, October 31, 1813
(Prov. St. Pap., XIX: 334-348)
On the 22nd of the month now ending ten soldiers left this Presidio
and embarked in one of the launches of the near-by mission of San
Francisco in order to join Master Sergeant Francisco Soto. He left
San José Mission the same day with two soldiers and 100 Indian
auxiliaries for the purpose of capturing the fugitives from the
above-mentioned mission of San José. Having united on the 25th with
the troops which set sail from here the 22nd, he navigated the
rivers all the night of the 25th, hiding as soon as day dawned on
the 26th so as not to be detected.
The following night they continued and at dawn of the 27th they fell
upon the village where the fugitives were located.[62] This was on
a quite large island, very brush and swamp. Nevertheless they were
observed long before they arrived because the fugitive Indians,
informed many days previously that the soldiers were going in search
of them, gathered together the people of four villages throughout
the area and sent out their spies and scouts in all directions from
which they suspected they might be surprised. They segregated at the
same time all the women and children who could act as a hindrance
to them and held all the warriors to await the troops. As a result,
when the troops arrived they encountered a stubborn resistance, for
they were opposed on all sides by innumerable Indians who were
waiting, fully prepared.
According to Soto's estimate, there might have been over 1,000
warriors. The latter attacked with such fury that all the valor
of the soldiers was necessary in order to repulse them. This was
accomplished by heavy fire, the hostile Indians maintaining their
offensive for a long time and holding their position on all sides
without perceiving the damage which their obstinacy caused them.
They were confident perhaps in their own great number and the small
number of soldiers and Indian auxiliaries with whom they were
contending, as well as the advantages provided them by the terrain.
Soto for a while saw victory as uncertain, because of the large
number of adversaries, and the multitude of arrows which flew
at them, while at the same time the enemy showed only obstinate
resistance. Finally the savages recognized that the resistance was
merely a danger to themselves and decided to retreat. Then, although
Soto pursued them in their flight for a long time he gained no
decision because of the difficulties of the terrain, where it was
necessary in places to walk in water up to the knees. The Indians
were much favored by very close thickets in which they could hide.
Although they were dislodged from that place, the river was very
near and they all jumped in to swim, some crossing to the opposite
island, others hiding in the dense tule swamps where they could not
be followed. For this reason it was not possible to capture anyone.
The enemy was left badly beaten and adequately punished for his
boldness, for the battle was very costly, and in the action a
considerable number were killed. On our part only one of the Indian
auxiliaries died, a man named Julio, whom they seriously wounded but
who got back without being captured by our opponents. This loss,
compared with that suffered by the enemy and considered with
reference to the very limited number who broke them and cut them
to pieces, makes it reasonable to consider the outcome favorable,
particularly in view of the poor chances attending a campaign with
such unequal numbers and with such advantages in terrain for the
savages. Thus the troops had to stand waiting for the enemy, and at
the same time watch their footing on ground so muddy and swampy that
in places the water came above their knees. This in turn made the
savages more desperate in their attack because they encouraged each
other by saying (as the Indian auxiliaries interpreted them) that
the soldiers were worth nothing on foot, that they knew how to fight
only on horseback. But they came out very disillusioned for they
found that [the soldiers] fought on foot the same as on horseback
and that their weapons were invincible, regardless of style.
At the end of the attack, which lasted for three hours, retirement
was accomplished from this place on the afternoon of the same day,
the 27th. Again all the people were embarked and, after landing on
the mainland of San José, the Indian auxiliaries took up their march
toward that mission under the care of two soldiers. Soto continued
his journey by water with the remaining troops and the Indian
oarsmen as far as the Presidio, where he arrived on the evening of
the 28th....[63]
... Worthy of praise, as Soto himself declared to me, are the Indian
auxiliaries who accompanied him by virtue of their obedience and the
valor with which they threw themselves into the most dangerous parts
of the battle--without showing any cowardice.[64]
VI. EXPEDITIONS, 1815-1820
In 1815 a joint expedition consisting of two or more parties traversed
the valley. Two full accounts remain, those of Ortega and of Pico. In
1816 Father Luís Antonio Martinez circulated in the Tulare Lake region,
some of his exploits generating a lively controversy with other friars.
The delta was again visited in 1817 by Father Narciso Duran, who left
an extensive diary. With him was Lieutenant Luís Argüello, who also
submitted a report. All these documents are presented herewith.
The last important expedition of the pioneering period was that of
Estudillo in 1819, but, as explained previously, this diary has already
been translated and published. Subsequent to 1820 numerous incursions
were made into the valley and even well into the Sierra Nevada. They
were, however, not exploratory in character but were outright military
raids and campaigns. They should therefore not be included in the
present group of expeditions.
ORTEGA'S EXPEDITION TO KINGS RIVER AND TULARE LAKE, 1815
_Juan Ortega's Diary_
Copy, made by Sergeant Ortega at Mission San Juan Bautista with
covering letter, of diary, November 4-15, 1815, of expedition from
Mission San Miguel, accompanied by Father Juan Cabot and soldiers,
in search of runaway Indians. Report on the lower Kings River and
"Tulare Lake" area.
Diary written by Master Sergeant Don Juan de Ortega with reference
to the localities which, by order of the Governor, I was directed to
survey, reckoning from November 4 up to the day when junction was
made with Sergeant José Dolores Pico on Kings River.
_4th day._ At about ten o'clock in the evening I arrived at San Miguel
Mission with a party of fifteen men. At one and one-half leagues from
the mission we joined that night another party of the same number which
came from Monterey.
_5th day._ This day I left the said mission, accompanied by Reverend
Father Fray Juan Cabot and, together with the party, moved camp for the
night at the place called Cholam.[1]
_6th day._ We stayed all day in this place organizing the horses.
_7th [and 8th] day._ At dawn we started out and camped for the night
at Chenem. Here I remained all day of the 8th until sundown. Then we
traveled all night so as not to be seen by the Indians. Because we were
now in the Plain of the Tulares and because it is a land without trails
the guide and all of us lost our direction and did not know where we
were. However, having sent out Corporal Juan Arroyo, a soldier, and the
guide to explore, they returned after a long time with the report that
we were near Kings River. I immediately ordered haste to be made, but
even so we could not reach the crossing of the river before dawn.
_9th day._ Realizing that it was useless to fall upon the village of
Tache[2] in the daytime, for the sun was already up, I decided to remain
hidden all day in a low area formed by a bend in the river. We managed
to catch two old Indians who were coming to fish who, before they went
back to their village of Tache, told us its correct location. At sunset,
the same afternoon, I decided to post two men with horses hidden at the
river crossing to prevent Indians from getting to the village. After
they had been there a little while two Indians appeared on horseback
going through the meadow toward the village mentioned, with four
animals ahead of them, one loaded with fish. However, seeing themselves
overtaken by the soldiers, they abandoned horses and saddle and crossed
the river by swimming. In the darkness of the night, along the river and
in the tule swamps and thickets it was impossible to catch them. By the
saddle the soldier Martin Olivera recognized the Indian Antonio, a
fugitive from Soledad Mission.
_10th day._ At dawn I attacked the village of Tache although
considerably discouraged by my suspicion that the two Indian fugitives
had given word during the night of our arrival. As a matter of fact, I
found the village deserted. I followed through the tule swamp and after
going a little way I met three armed Indians at a distance of about one
hundred long varas. We talked to them through the interpreter. The reply
they gave us was that they were afraid; whereupon they plunged into the
marshy lake. I waited here until nearly nine o'clock in the morning,
together with the Father, calling to them. Finally some eight or nine of
them showed themselves, unarmed, but buried deep in the swamp. We urged
them to come out, but with no effect. They said that all the people were
scared and were hiding in the lake because the fugitive Indians and
other Christian runaways from Soledad had told them we were coming to
kill them at the point of the lance. Here were found three horses, one
from San Miguel and two from Soledad, formerly in possession of the
fugitives. These Indians informed us that the Indian Antonio and his
companions the previous night had started in the direction of the
village of Notonto.[3] With a view to seeing if we could catch them I
decided to visit the latter village. But all was in vain, for we arrived
at the town a little before sunset and were received by the Indian
inhabitants with much affection. Indeed, two of them came out to meet us
on the road, giving us their poor presents and imparting the information
that no fugitives had appeared there. After the Father, with some of
the soldiers, had dismounted and after they had inspected the entire
village, we retired to camp for the night at a distance of one and a
half gunshots. The Indians came there to serve the troops by bringing
water and firewood.
_11th day._ At dawn the Indians returned to bid us farewell with much
rejoicing. We took the direction of the village of Telame,[4] where we
arrived at sunset. The people of this big village we found to be totally
dispersed on account of the heavy mortality and great famine which they
had been suffering. However, we were received with much affability and
were given presents. The Father succeeded in baptizing four very old
women and one man who was dying.
_12th day._ We set out in search of the village of Choynoct,[5] spending
almost all the day looking for it. We found it in the same manner as the
previous one [Telame] and in the same condition. From there we went to
pass the night higher up on the San Gabriel River.
_13th day._ We went on and spent the night at the crossing of this river.
_14th day._ We took the direction of the village of Sumtache.[6] After
having gone about a league and a half into the tule swamp along a narrow
trail we found the village on the other side of an arm of the lake, with
some twenty armed men in front of it. However, after we had talked to
them and stated the purpose of our visit, several of them laid down
their weapons and came to where we were. Reproached for having received
the troops in such a manner, they said they were scared because the
fugitive Indians from Soledad had told them the soldiers were coming to
kill them all. Asked by the Father where were the four Indians of his
mission who were fugitives in this village, they replied that two had
gone to the village of Bubal to join the Christians who were there with
license to travel (as actually was the case) and that the other two had
gone the previous week to the village of Tulamne, toward the south.
After instructing them, according to the Governor's orders, that they
should accept no fugitives in the future we took the path toward the
village of Bubal. We did not arrive until about eleven o'clock in the
evening because its location had been changed and the guide could not
find it. Here we were received with more affability than at the previous
places.
_15th day._ At dawn we followed our course toward a junction with the
party of Sergeant José Dolores Pico, a junction which we actually
effected at about seven o'clock in the afternoon. In all the journey
described no slaughter of horses has been observed and no adverse
sentiment on the part of the Indians excepting only the fear inspired
among them at the village of Tache and Sumtache by the fugitives from
Soledad. I may note that at the village of Tache the Father baptized the
only man discovered there, a man incapacitated, covered with leprosy
[lepra], and debilitated by illness.
As far as the remainder of the expedition is concerned, up to the 2nd of
December, I refer to the account written by Sergeant José Dolores Pico,
since I have no additions or changes to make in it. The foregoing is
what I have to communicate to your Excellency, in compliance with my
obligations.
Mission San Juan Bautista, Juan de Ortega
December 2, 1815 (rubric)
_José Dolores Pico's Diary, 1815_
Copy of a diary, November 3-December 3, 1815, signed by Pico at
Mission San Juan Bautista, as a report to Governor Pablo Vicente de
Sola, of an expedition, including Fr. Jaime Escude and soldiers, in
search of runaway Indians. Starting from Mission San Juan Bautista,
the expedition proceeded eastward to the valley of the San Joaquin,
joined the expedition led by Sergeant Juan de Ortega, and returned
with them.
Diary written by Sergeant José Dolores Pico by order of Governor Don
Pablo Vicente de Sola from the 3rd day of November, 1815.
_3rd day [of November]._ I left the Presidio [of Monterey] and went as
far as the Royal Treasury, where all the troops under my command were
mobilized. This day there were no events worth recording.
_4th day._ On this day I inspected the troops, the ammunition, and the
weapons, and at about five o'clock in the afternoon continued my march
toward the place called Ansaimas [Paraje de los Ansaimas].[7] Near seven
o'clock in the evening I arrived with one soldier at Mission San Juan,
where I met Reverend Father Fray Jaime Escude. After reviewing the
troops who were to go with me from the mission, we started on our way,
the Father being with us, at quarter past twelve at night. At about one
o'clock in the morning we met the rest of the troops at the Arroyo of
San Benito. All well.
_5th day._ We continued our march to the place mentioned [Ansaimas],
where we met citizens Cornelio Lucas Altimirano, Manuel Pinto, and
Quintin Ortega, all with weapons and horses. Here I remained the rest
of the day waiting for the equipage of the Father, which had not yet
arrived.
_6th day._ We left this place at about five o'clock in the morning,
taking an easterly direction, and at about seven o'clock in the evening
we arrived at the place called San Luis Gonzaga, which is situated at
the foot of the Sierra on the border of the Tulare Valley. Here we
passed the night without incident.
_7th day._ In the morning I again inspected the troops and the munitions
and at about nine o'clock in the evening we started out, going toward
the east. At twelve o'clock midnight we reached the Tulares at the
arroyo called San José.[8] Here we passed the remainder of the night
up to the hour of attacking the village of the Cheneches.[9]
_8th day._ At three o'clock in the morning we left this place and fell
upon the said village at four o'clock. Sixty-six souls were captured,
between Christians and heathen, women and men. I released four men and
twelve old women, who were crippled. The majority of the people escaped
because this village is in a bad location. Here were found seven live
horses and five recently dead. The Father baptized an infant girl on the
point of death, to whom he gave the name Severa. These heathen told me
that at a distance of four leagues up the River San Joaquin from this
village there was another village called Nopchenches, which had many
horses, and at which were to be found the Christian fugitives Justo,
Damian, Severo, and Pedro Pablo. I sent Corporal Juarez with fourteen
men to arrest the said Christians and heathen, and bring back the horses
which they said were to be found there.
Reaching the village, he entered it, but no people remained except
the chief and four of his companions. The corporal charged him with
[concealing] the Christians and the horses which had been there. To this
he replied that the Christians, together with all his people, as soon as
they heard the noise of the troops going to the other village, had fled
to the swamps and that he and the others with him alone remained. He
also said that at the edge of the swamp there were two more and that he
would go and get them. This he did and on his return the corporal told
him to call to his people (with the idea of catching them) to help him
capture the Christians. He said he was going to bring them and went off
with the others who were already with him. They did not return, although
he [the Corporal] remained waiting a long time. Seeing that they were
not coming back, he retired and reported to me. We then directed our
course back to the place called San José. Here I consulted with the
corporals and decided not to attack the village of Malim, for the
Tulares were very much stirred up and it did not seem wise to do so
until our return. No other news.
_9th day._ This morning I ordered Corporal Castillo with eight men to
escort 54 Indians, heathen and Christians, to the Presidio. After having
set him on his way I took a southerly direction and emerged from the
tule swamp. Having traveled about eight leagues from the said swamp
I turned in an easterly direction toward the San Joaquin River. On
arriving at this river at about six o'clock in the afternoon I was told
that some armed heathen were crossing to the opposite bank. Immediately
Corporal Juarez went over with some men to investigate them. The
heathen, seeing that the soldiers were crossing the river, gathered in
a village near by and began to shoot at them without further delay. The
corporal ordered [his men] to fire, killing two, and at that moment I
arrived with the rest of the troops. The enemy retired some distance
into the thickets. Thereupon I ordered all the troops to bring up the
horses and remount, but after consulting briefly with the corporals, we
decided it was better to retire a distance of two leagues and wait till
the next day because night had already fallen.
_10th day._ At three o'clock in the morning of this day I was informed
by Soldier Mariano Soberanes (who was on duty as sentinel) that a light
was to be seen in a thicket near the camp. I ordered Soldier Archuleta
to reconnoitre and he returned saying that the illumination was a
gunshot away and that it could be the heathen of the previous day
intending to attack us at dawn. I ordered the sentinels to be on the
alert.
At five o'clock in the morning I told two men to investigate the exposed
fire. As soon as they got close they encountered the heathen Indians,
who were already coming to attack the camp, and fired on the first of
them. As soon as we heard the uproar which resulted I came up with the
troops to oppose them. Having formed a line of battle, I told the
interpreter to ask them what they wanted and they answered, to fight.
Even after we had said to them that the officer in charge did not wish
to do them any harm, they gave no heed, but began to fight. Seeing this
I ordered them to be fired upon. They then retreated to the interior of
the underbrush. The troops dismounted at my command and fell upon them,
killing three and capturing one alive. Of the dead, one was found to be
a Christian of Mission San Juan and a leader in stealing horses. Of
those who escaped some were seen to be wounded, and, according to the
quantity of blood visible along the river, I consider that most of them
must have died. The action having ceased, I ordered Corporal Juarez with
ten men to make a reconnaissance of the rancheria, which was called
Copicha, to see if there were any horses. They brought out one, together
with two Indians. The latter were among those who had been in the battle
and, along with the other [captured as described above], confessed that
they had followed us to this place with the purpose of killing us, the
dead Christian being the one most determined to do this. During the
night they [the Indians] shot a few arrows but did us no damage. During
the engagement the only casualty was Soldier Juan Espinoza who received
a dart between his coat and his skin, but it did not hurt him.
At eleven o'clock in the morning we set out in a direction south and
a little east and at a distance of eight leagues we came upon eleven
animals belonging to the village of Tape, which was in a wood along the
same river bottom. These we gathered up, leaving the village for the
return trip because it was already afternoon. At about four leagues we
reached the junction of the San Joaquin and the San José rivers where we
camped. We left behind one horse, exhausted and unable to travel. Here
we spent the night without incident.
_11th day._ At five o'clock in the morning we continued in the same
direction as on the previous day, going along the River San José. At
about 4 leagues we crossed it and traveled to the east in order to avoid
bad traveling. After a league we resumed the former direction and at a
distance of nine leagues we camped for the night on the bank of the same
[river]. There had fallen by the wayside one exhausted and useless horse
and one more of those which we had recovered from the Indians. Here we
passed the night without incident.
_12th day._ At five o'clock in the morning we set out in the same
direction and at about ten leagues we encountered a conflagration, at
which there were some heathen Indians. As soon as we saw them I made
arrangements to catch them, but as soon as they saw us, they presented
themselves without any apprehension. They gave us the news that they had
seen the troops accompanying Don Juan Ortega the previous day on Kings
River. They told me they would take me there, which they did. On the way
we came upon two villages of these same people, called Gumilchis,[10]
who all showed themselves to be very agreeable. I informed them that the
high chief who governed us wished them all well and was pleased at the
good journey which they made possible for the troops. I said that they
should not admit Christians or horses in their villages because the said
chief requested it. We crossed the river, where we came upon the trail
of the troops mentioned. We followed this trail for a league and camped
for the night without incident.
_13th day._ At dawn of this day Soldier Juan Martinez was sick in his
stomach, and about seven o'clock in the morning we started out in a
southerly direction. At four leagues we camped without further trouble.
_14th day._ This day we remained in the same place awaiting the troops
brought by Don Juan Ortega, and the soldier Martinez recovered without
difficulty.
_15th day._ At about six o'clock in the afternoon the troops which we
were expecting arrived, with their horses used very roughly, for three
leagues back they had abandoned seven exhausted animals. Otherwise all
was well.
_16th day._ The seven worn-out animals were brought in. We agreed upon
what should be done, but the departure was postponed until the following
day. No other news.
_17th day._ At three o'clock in the afternoon we left this place,
moving back by the same road and visiting, as we passed, the village
of Notonoto. Here we were received with much affection and made the
same speech as to the Gumilchis. At a distance of two leagues, going
west, we crossed the river and there spent the night without incident.
_18th day._ This day we took the same direction,[11] a little to the
northwest. We wanted to pass by the villages which we had seen before.
The inhabitants of these, on seeing the troops, took to the brush, and
no matter how much we called to them, through the interpreter, they did
not come. We followed our course, coming finally to sleep at a lake at
the edge of the tule swamp. To this we gave the name of San Pablo and
spent the night there without incident.
_19th day._ We left this place at two o'clock in the afternoon in order
to attack a village which the guides said was to be found in the meadow
along the San Joaquin River. When it appeared to us that we were near
it, we stopped to await the dawn in order to attack. Meanwhile we
recovered the two horses which previously had fallen exhausted in
the same locality. No other incident.
_20th day._ At about three o'clock in the afternoon we went to the
above-mentioned river in search of the village which the guide talked
about. Having arrived at the spot the guide was asked where the village
was. He said it was so far away that we would get there only at sunset.
We asked him why he had deceived us and he answered because he felt
cold. We asked him again and he said that the village of Tape was the
one which was to be found in that direction. However, since it was
afternoon we decided to wait for the horses, which had been left with
ten soldiers and two cowboys. They crossed the river without our knowing
where. We asked the guide the location of the ford so that we could join
the other soldiers with the horses but we failed to do so because the
guide misled us. We slept at the junction of the San José and San
Joaquin rivers, one league apart, with no other incident.
_21st day._ At nine o'clock in the morning we joined the troops with
the horses, killing on the way two deer to supply the troops, who were
without provisions. The day passed by and we decided to attack the
village mentioned previously at four o'clock the next morning. But we
did not carry out this plan because of a great stampede of the horses
at about ten o'clock in the evening. Even though all the troops were
mounted it was not possible to contain the stampede, because many
animals had scattered in numerous groups. At this misfortune the
Christian Indian from Santa Cruz, who had accompanied us through Kings
River, deserted us. He had seemed so devoted that we had released him
from his bonds so that he could better bear the hardships of the road.
_22nd day._ This morning the horses were counted and sixty-five animals
were missing. Corporals Francisco Juarez, Antonio Olivera, Juan Arroyo,
and Encargado José Villavicencio, taking ten men [each] and Rivera with
four were ordered to go out in different directions. Juarez, going to
the east, found thirty-eight animals and had to kill one horse because
it was exhausted. Arroyo, who went to the south, brought the news that
the tracks led to the trail toward Soledad, but because it was late he
turned back. Villavicencio, who went to the north, reported that at a
distance of a league and a half there was a village. Near it was a mule,
one of those we had lost during the preceding night, and Villavicencio
had seen tracks of horses going down to drink. He saw some old Indians
coming toward the woods in which he was hidden, so he did not leave the
woods and did not catch the mule, in order to avoid being seen by the
old people. Olivera brought back no information. It was decided to
attack the village at dawn in case some of the inhabitants had remained
there. Nothing else to report.
_23rd day._ This day we set out for the village mentioned, which,
according to information taken from Indian prisoners, we know to be
Tapee. After surrounding it on both sides of the river, we caught three
old Indian men, one Christian from Santa Cruz, together with eight old
women. Here we came upon two hundred and thirty-eight recently killed
animals, a great deal of meat quartered and dried, and sixteen live
animals, mares and riding horses, some shot with arrows and others very
badly treated. Most of these horses belong to Mission San Juan. The
heathen mentioned previously were asked where were the people of this
village. [The reply was that] first they had waited for us down the
river with three others who claimed that we were coming in search of
them, and then they had gone to the hills. A few of the people were
opposite the village in the woods. The troops went on foot to hunt for
them but found no one.
The Christian was held captive and the old men, after being chastised,
were let loose. It was then decided that Corporal Arroyo should go right
away to follow the trail which he had abandoned the day before, taking
ten men with two mounts each. He was to return the following day with or
without the lost horses. Here the troops were provided with some dried
fish (although bad) and wild rice, with which they managed to pass the
two days we were in this locality. No other incident.
_24th day._ Corporal Arroyo arrived about four o'clock in the afternoon
with the information that the horses had gone toward San Luis Gonzaga.
We decided to follow on our way. No other news.
_25th day._ Today we continued with our expedition and at about seven
o'clock in the morning we arrived at the village of Cupicha, which we
found without inhabitants. (This village is in the meadow along the
river where the San Joaquin joins the Tecolote.) We inquired of the
heathen Indians whom we had with us and they told us the people had
moved to the mountains.
We went westward and crossed the river. At this point Corporal Arroyo
was sent to follow up the tracks which he had relinquished the previous
day, and the place was specified where we were to meet. He took with him
four soldiers and two cowboys, who were to go to San Luis Gonzaga for
provisions. He also had orders that, if he found the trail going in that
direction, he should turn it over to Manuel Butron and that the latter
should continue on to the place mentioned and send back a sack of
pinole, which we had left in storage there, and two belonging to the
Father. At about seven o'clock in the evening Arroyo returned with the
information that he had turned over the trail to the said Butron. In
the morning three soldiers were incapacitated, Atenacio Mendoza, José
Soberanes, and José Espinoza, the first with a head-ache, the second
with a stomach-ache, and the third with a bad foot due to a fall from a
horse. Today six deer were caught, which were supplied to the troops.
During the night, which we spent on the arroyo San José, it rained on
us. No other incident.
_26th day._ Early this morning soldiers Gabriel Espinoza and José
Arellanes were sick but those who were ill yesterday had recovered.
Three deer were taken. At about seven o'clock in the evening the party
arrived with the provisions. There was a fanega [of pinole] and it was
distributed among the troops. Butron reported that he followed the
tracks of the horses as far as the summit [of the coast range].
At about eight o'clock in the evening, soldier Joaquin Juarez being
the sentinel in the camp and Arroyo corporal of the guard, one of the
heathen Indian prisoners broke the rope with which he was tied and ran
away. Corporal [_sic_] Juarez yelled that the prisoner had escaped. The
troops converged upon the spot, a little tule swamp opposite us, but
were not able to find him. For this offense the corporal and the soldier
were placed under arrest among the horses until further orders. No other
incident.
_27th day._ It was decided to attack the village of Malim. Leaving
fifteen soldiers, two corporals, and ten cowboys with the horses we set
out in the rain at one o'clock in the afternoon. We pursued a northerly
course. Arriving at the San Joaquin River we entered the village
Cheneche and found it without inhabitants. We kept on down the river
and at about three leagues we came upon foot tracks at the edge of a
thicket. A corporal with four soldiers went to examine the place and in
the middle [of the thicket] they found a blind old man and an old woman.
They [the soldiers] returned to report and were ordered to bring them
[the Indians] back for questioning; but they could not find the latter.
Here we passed the night with considerable discomfort on account of the
rain which had fallen on us during the afternoon. No other news.
_28th day._ The morning of this day we continued in the same direction.
At about half a league we came upon the village of Cheneches,[12] where
two old women were found. It was clear that the other inhabitants had
gone on ahead of us, slipping into the thickets and swamps. In any case,
we were able to find no one. After about two leagues we arrived at the
junction of Mariposa Creek and the river. The guide whom we took with
us, who was from that village, had previously told us that he was
familiar with the village of Malim, but when he got there he said he did
not know where it was; but he did know that this was his country and we
were hunting for his village. I ordered him given ten lashes. While
this was being done, the soldiers spied some heathen who were coming
up Mariposa Creek. By scattering out in various directions the troops
succeeded in catching two Christians from Santa Cruz and three heathen.
The latter were to take us to the village but previously we encountered
one of their little ranchos. The inhabitants all fled to the swamps
without our being able to seize a single one. The village was located
at a distance of three leagues west. However, after we had passed it by
about a quarter of a league, they [the Indians] said it was behind us.
On arriving [at the village] we found by our trail that we had missed it
by no more than a gunshot. From this it was obvious that the captives
had acted with malice, giving opportunity to the others [their
countrymen] to escape. Here two horses and a very few tracks were
discovered. (According to the signs observed this village does not have
many horses, yet the region where it is known that the heathen have done
terrible damage is from Tappee, inclusive, to Cheneches. We found in
those places more than 500 dead animals.)[13] From here we retired to
Arroyo de Santa Rita where Corporal Juarez was sent with six soldiers
to join the other troops who were escorting the horses and proceed
the following day to San Luis Gonzaga.[14] Here it rained. No other
incident.
_29th day._ We set out for San Luis Gonzaga, arriving about two o'clock
in the afternoon. Corporal Juarez got there about five o'clock, having
killed and left behind fourteen worn-out horses from among those picked
up in the swamps. The sick soldiers continued to recover. No other news.
_30th day._ We set out from this place at about six o'clock in the
morning and arrived at Ausaymas at about five in the afternoon, leaving
in the vicinity seventy-eight used-up animals. Most of these had been
recovered from the Tulares and were killed. The others were brought to
this place with some difficulty at eight o'clock in the evening. Nothing
else of importance occurred.
_1st day of December._ We stayed in the place previously mentioned in
order to rest the horses. Nothing else of importance.
_2nd day._ We arrived at Mission San Juan with ten soldiers ill with
stomach ailments. No other news.
_3rd day._ By morning the soldiers had recovered and we continued our
march to the Presidio, taking nine prisoners and sending the soldiers of
the guard to their respective garrisons. One soldier accompanied Father
Escude to his mission and another accompanied Father Cabot.
Mission San Juan Bautista, Dolores Pico
3 December 1815 (rubric)
FATHER MARTINEZ' EXPEDITION
The following five documents, all in the Bancroft Library, show clearly
the confusion in the valley following the repeated expeditions of the
preceding years, particularly those of 1815. The first, second, and
third concern the Martinez sortie into the southern valley and include
in full the original account by Father Martinez and the drastic
criticism of his behavior by Father Cabot. The reader may form his
own opinion with respect to the merits of the controversy.
The last two excerpts relate to minor and otherwise unrecorded
incidents.
_Father Martinez' Report_
_Fr. Luís Antonio Martinez' to Prefect Sarria_
San Luis Obispo, May 29, 1816
(Alexander S. Taylor Papers. Archbishop's Office,
San Francisco. Doc. 489.)
My venerated Prelate and Sir:
I have just arrived from an ecclesiastical journey with good fortune,
although not so much as I was expecting. The people through whose lands
I have gone are not yet capable of reason, and prefer their state of
misery to all the benefits available to them far from their rude and
wretched dwellings.
In all the villages I saw I gave something to eat to everyone who
presented himself; one, two, or even three ladles full of atole. I gave
them presents. I treated them with as much loving-kindness as I could so
as to mould them to my ultimate purpose, which was simply their own best
interest.
The names of the villages are:[15] Lucluc, 28 leagues distant from the
mission, at the edge of the plain; from here I went to Thuohuala, about
9 leagues; from here to Gelecto, about 9; from here to Lihuahilame,
about 19; and from there to Quihuame, about 7. At this point we could
not cross a big river (the source of which we did not see) which runs
from north to south, and south to north. It makes a bend in the plain
some 7 leagues from Telame. Its speed and the dense brush along its
banks prevented our passage. It fills the lakes of Buenavista, of
Gelecto, and of Thuohuala. In all our trip we did not see a good tree,
nor wood enough to cook a meal, nor a stone, nor even grass enough for
the horses, more than bunch grass, or what grows in the swamps. This
big river ends as such in Buenavista Lake or loses itself in ponds and
swamps. Along all the border of the plain [i.e., along the river] there
is a great meadow a league wide, very heavily overgrown with brush.
However, the lands through which the river runs are pure sand, without
grass and utterly useless for any good purpose.
In the first village, Lucluc, we found about fifty Indians with their
women and children. In this place they offered to bring me a small boy,
after much begging and persuasion, and after I had given his parents
two blankets, some ornaments, meat, etc. In the night the Indians sent
a message for the following day, and in the morning we met the Indian
Gabriel, as he was called by the soldiers, for he had gone with them
on all the previous expeditions. He, with six other heathen Indians,
accompanied us to the village of Thuohuala, which we found deserted
except for one old woman on a mat, and a paralytic, whom they could
not carry into the swamps. I was here three days, sending my Indians
on sorties through the tule swamps. They brought me back about ten
families, together with a sick man. The latter I ordered to be taken by
my Indians to his house, covered with a wrap. I gave the others atole,
making it clear that they should have no fear, that my trip was only for
the purpose of visiting them and offering them the facilities of San
Luís Mission together with the knowledge of the True God, without which
no one can live well or enjoy any good fortune. I told them they should
have no fear.
With my arguments I was able to acquire some seventy men, all warriors,
but noticed that those whom I had taken out of the swamp during the
night had gone elsewhere. Of the seventy whom I gathered with the help
of the Indian Gabriel, no one ran away again. They ate and even slept
with us in our camp. I knew where the women and the others were and I
expressed the displeasure caused by seeing a friendly village run away
from us. They unanimously maintained that a certain Chape and other old
men were to blame for having spread the rumor that we wanted to kill
them all. Nevertheless he himself [i.e., Chape] gave me and the corporal
a little basket and we gave him some fish. During the time I was there,
I gave him, in addition to the food, some beads. After this transaction
I decided to continue my journey toward the village of Gelecto, where
we found no trace of people except the cemetery, because they had
destroyed the village in their wars. After spending the night here I
went on to Telamni. This consumed the whole day (without anyone having
a meal). Furthermore I had to endure showers falling on my back four
times during this period.
Since we did not try to hide ourselves, the train of horses stirred up a
great dust visible for several leagues. As soon as I arrived at Telamni,
they observed us from Lihuahilami the Great. At that place there had
been a big riot the day previously, as a result of which some eight men
had been killed, among them the grandson of Quipagueces. For this reason
they were very much worried for fear the father would come to avenge the
murders. The chief sent me a message to inform me of this occurrence and
I answered that he should not be concerned for I did not come to do harm
to anyone nor [would I] permit anyone else to hurt them. I wanted only
to see them and offer them the services of the mission. This chief had
me summoned to request that I place the camp close to his village, which
would contain about three hundred married men. The next day I went into
it and everyone received us with pleasure. I talked to them of religious
matters and they said to me that [illegible][16] they were made
Christians, but that it had to be there. Three of them who wanted to
go with me presented themselves and they started out very happy. When
we reached the village of Quihuama, the chief, who already knew I was
coming, had hidden the people in the brush. While I was dismounting, he
had caused them to drop their clothing and flee to the thickets. In
consequence I was not able to speak to anyone.
I was now about six leagues from Telamé and was hemmed in by a big
river, which afforded no transit anywhere. It runs along the northern
side of the valley and forms a lake and swamps where the plain obstructs
its flow. I decided to turn back, for to persist in going on to Telamé
would mean a long detour. So I went back, accomplishing the operation
without any event worth mentioning, as far as the village of our friends
at Thuohuala, called, in the language of San Miguel, Hubal. There we
found that the village had moved. Since on my first visit I had departed
on such good terms with these people, I was the more astonished at their
fickleness. I decided to send some Indians to let them know I was there
and that I would like to see them all together. They received these poor
fellows with arrows and, if the latter had not carried with them their
leather shields to defend themselves, not a one would have got back to
the camp (they were below Hubal at a village called Pusas). They quickly
sent word to me at the camp. The corporal and six men went out but found
no one there. My Indians did not use weapons against anyone and made no
more resistance than to seize arrows and take bows out of the hands of
those who were offending. They took three prisoners, two women and a
man, who, according to the story, were all yelling "Kill the Playanos!"
[Playanos, people from the coast.] The next day the village was burned
and everything in it destroyed because the people in it had taken up
arms against those who had treated them well. One Indian was slightly
wounded in the head; two horses were hit by arrows, one rather
seriously, and another stolen with the saddle, together with all those
from which the riders had dismounted in order to deliver my message.[17]
This village deserves severe punishment.
In all the land we have covered there is neither good water to drink nor
stones nor firewood, even enough to cook a meal, except in the river
bottom. The latter is overgrown with cottonwoods and willows but there
is no land fit for sowing crops because everywhere is sand.
The foregoing, my respected Prelate, is the information I have to give
you concerning my journey. I cannot forget that in all the time I was
away there was nothing but a miserable supper at night and chocolate in
the morning, that in the day I was weak and tired with traveling and in
the night, no matter what protection I used, I was soaking wet till
after my prayers. Nevertheless, may this all be for the greater honor
and glory of God, our Lord, who, with all these labors ... [illegible]
... arrived at San Luis....
May your health..., etc.
This is a copy Fr. L. de Martinez
_Father Cabot's Report_
_Fr. Juan Cabot to Prefect_
San Miguel, June 1, 1816
(Archbishop's Arch., III (1): 213-216)
He says[18] that when Father Luís [Martinez] was returning from the
village of Bubas he encountered six vaqueros whom he [i.e., Cabot]
was sending to the village mentioned to locate the cattle which had
reached there and to visit the heathen Indians. The said Father
[Martinez] told them to go back, for otherwise the Indians would
kill them. The vaqueros however kept on their way for "he who fears
nothing, owes nothing" [_el que nada teme, nada debe_]. They were
very well received and slept among them [the Indians] without
trouble. While [they were] there the Indians related to them that
the vaqueros of San Luís [i.e., those accompanying the Martinez
party] prior to arriving at the village, suddenly broke out in
violence along the edge of the tule swamps. They tried to stop the
people from escaping but, since that was not possible, they dragged
out all they could with lassos and ropes and drove them to the
village. In terror, many people, principally women and children,
tried to jump into the water. These were then held back with clubs
and the infants were thrown either into the water or onto the
ground. One youth they tied up and whipped and he still has the
wounds on his back. In spite of this the Indians undertook no
reprisals. Then one of them escaped into the swamp, whereupon he
was followed on foot and on horseback in an attempt to catch him.
At this the chief could no longer keep in check the anger of the
Indians and they began to shoot arrows at those from San Luís, not
with the object of killing them but to make them retreat. In this
they succeeded, and the others began a wild flight, some on horses,
some on foot, even to one who "pulled off his pants so he could run
faster." They left their horses and harnesses. They [the villagers]
did not want to kill anyone. A prisoner whom they captured was set
free with the statement: "Go with your comrades for we do not want
to kill you." Afterward they carried out of the swamp all the
material they had captured so that the other group could pick it up
when they returned, as indeed they did the following day. There were
lost only two horses, one shield, a hat, spurs, reins, and a pair of
trousers; the latter was found after the troops had gone. All these
items were turned over to the vaqueros [of Father Cabot] so that
they might deliver them to the people of San Luís. Nevertheless the
Indians said that the troops had burned their village, scattered
their grain, and smashed their jars and grinding stones. On account
of all this they were in a state of the greatest misery and fear
lest the troops come back and kill them. Unless they were told what
to do within a week, they would have to leave their village to go
and die at the hands of other wild Indians.
He [Father Cabot] states that tomorrow he is going to send an
alcalde to them to tell them not to be afraid and to trust the pious
efforts of the Governor. He thinks those heathen are not at all to
blame, judging by the docility, hospitality, kindness, and affection
with which they treat the white men. His mission converts visit them
without any harm and they also are accustomed to go to the mission,
where he is then successful in baptizing some of them. The heathen
say that if a mission were to be established for them, in the Tulare
Valley, not only they but also many of their neighbors would have
themselves made Christians. Finally, if the wild Indians shot
arrows, it was in the exercise of their rights, for they were
defending themselves against the annoyances perpetrated upon them.
He [Father Cabot] believes that unless the Governor "is made
acquainted with the truth, he may order them chastised, and for
that very reason he begs that the matter be brought speedily to
his attention."
_Father Martinez' Rebuttal_
_Fr. Luís Antonio Martinez to the Governor_
San Luis Obispo, June 10, 1816
(Archbishop's Archive, III (1): 218-220)
This is an answer to the charges raised by Father Juan Cabot concerning
the affair at Bubal. There are no new facts introduced, merely a polemic
against his unjust accusers and a reiteration that he proceeded
correctly and that the heathen were full of malice.
MINOR SORTIES
_Fr. Antonio Jaime to Governor Sola_
La Soledad, March 30, 1816
(Archbishop's Archive, III (1): 190-191)
... telling him that last night Regidor Socio arrived from the
Tulare Valley.[19] He brought back the missing Christians with the
exception of three women and their husbands, one because she had
just given birth to a child and the other two because their children
were sick. Three others are still missing, named Marcos, Pastor, and
Justo. These are at the village of Cuonam where there are numerous
horses run off by Sebero and Pedro Pablo from the herd of San Juan.
These same individuals in the night ran off twenty horses of the
herd recovered by Socio and the _Capilar_ Tapé. Three _capilares_
arrived, one Tapé of the village Cutuchu, another Thizac of Taché,
and the other Qucurlac of Culache.[20] The heathen are in all
thirty-three. The _capilares_ want to go on to Monterey with the
heathen Indians to talk to the Governor.
After Easter the latter will return with them. They brought back
ten horses lost on the expedition and turned them over to Corporal
Sebastian.
_Fr. Marcelino Marquinez to Governor Sola_
Santa Cruz, December 13, 1816
(Archbishop's Archive, III (1): 264-265)
... notifying him [the Governor] of the pleasure he had, yesterday
and day before yesterday, because some forty sons of his mission
who had run away returned. They are natives of the villages of
Malime,[21] Chaneh, and Lucham. With them came others, heathen
(men and women) of Malime. That village has now been abandoned
permanently, for they have "left neither old men nor old women, nor
blind, nor deaf, nor dogs," nor is there anything to cause them to
return. Some of them went to the village of Tasnil looking for a
Christian boy whose relatives had previously taken him there. The
searchers were told that he was in a village farther on. There now
began a lively battle in which the Christians killed four heathen
and took away from them two horses, one from Rancho Carmel and one
from the town.
The pleasure of Father Jaime is great but his happiness has not been
complete because there are still missing many Christians from the
village of Notoalh who have withdrawn far into the mountains,
fearing a surprise attack by the troops, among whom is Egidio,
the accomplice of Chivero....
EXPEDITION TO THE DELTA, 1817
There follow herewith the two documents relating to the joint expedition
to the delta in 1817. This was the final purely exploratory effort in
the area. By 1820 most of the channels and landmarks were well known and
river navigation offered few obstacles. By this time the Indians, except
those along the eastern margin from Sacramento to Stockton, had been
converted or driven out and little remained to interest the white man.
_Father Narciso Duran's Diary. 1817_
This manuscript of six pages is entitled "Diario de la expedición de
reconocimiento hecha ... en los ... ríos del Sacramento y San Joaquin."
It is the diary of exploration of the delta region by Fr. Narciso Duran
and Lieutenant Luís Argüello. The two explorers started out together but
later separated and still later reunited. Each kept an account, this one
being that of Father Narciso. It should be studied in conjunction with
that of Lieutenant Argüello. There are many points of disagreement which
cannot be discussed in detail.
It is to be noted that Father Fray Ramón Abella accompanied Father Duran
on this expedition.
Diary of the expedition of reconnaissance made to the rivers Sacramento
and San Joaquin.
_Viva Jesus._
Diary of the expedition of exploration made in the month of May of 1817
by the Commandant of the Royal Presidio of our Father San Francisco,
Lieutenant Don Luís Argüello, with his launch San Rafael, alias "The
Fine One," and by the Fathers Fray Ramón Abella, minister of the Mission
of Our Father of San Francisco, and Fray Narciso Duran, minister of San
José, with the launch named San José, alias "The Fisherman," in the only
two rivers which enter the Port of Our Father San Francisco, called the
Sacramento and the San Joaquin.
_13th day of May._ We left the beach at the Presidio at ten o'clock in
the morning of this day with a fresh wind, which lasted until we had
crossed the entrance of the port. By rowing we arrived at twelve o'clock
at the big island of Los Angeles [Angel Island], where we ate lunch. At
five o'clock in the afternoon we left the island, and having passed
Point San Pablo, which is on the side of the mainland of San José, we
stopped at eight o'clock in the evening, having gone in the entire day
six leagues toward the northeast.
_14th day._ We set out at six o'clock in the morning, and with a light
wind we arrived at noon at the end of the strait of the Chupcanes [i.e.,
Carquinez Strait]. The village of this name is Christian, part at San
José, part at San Francisco. It is fourteen leagues distant from the
latter and seventeen leagues north-northeast of the former.
After lunch we set out with a fresh wind, which became strong by the
middle of the afternoon, in the direction of the Ompines toward the
east. In this area one recognizes the mouths of the only two rivers
which flow through this strait to the Port: one comes from the north
and northeast and is called the Sacramento, the other from the east
and southeast and is called the San Joaquin. I say they are the only
two rivers, for it seems that the many openings and branches which form
so many islands of brush and tulares, as well also as some other rivers
which are found here, all come to discharge their water into the two
rivers mentioned. Thus although the western slopes of the Sierra Nevada
form certain rivers, as has been stated, nevertheless all of them lose
their identity and are lost in the two principal rivers just described.
In the meantime, night having approached and the boat of the Commandant
having gone ahead, he stopped on the mainland of San José at the mouth
of the San Joaquin. We two Fathers in the other boat followed the route
agreed upon, and took the mouth of the Sacramento so as to reach the
opposite shore in the land of the Ompines. However, although we passed
near the other boat and saw their fire, it was not possible to go back
on account of the high wind. We landed on an island of tule which was
flooded when the tide rose and had to take refuge in a bramble patch to
protect ourselves against the water until it went down. We spent a very
difficult night, although cheerfully, and a no better one was passed by
the Commandant, for, although with us it was water without fire, with
him it was wind without shelter.
All this day we went twelve leagues northeast and east.
_15th day._ The storm lasted all night. At five o'clock in the morning
the Commandant arrived to join us. He got here with the main mast broken
but, the Lord be thanked, without greater misfortune. It seems almost
a miracle that when it fell it did not break someone's head or kill
someone. We set out soon to search for a place suitable for saying Mass,
for this was the day of the Ascension. Having gone five or six leagues
up the Sacramento ahead of the same wind, we landed on dry land, where
Mass was said. But because this place was very exposed and cold we set
forth after lunch, in the middle of the afternoon, and arrived by dark
at the end of the hills of the Ompines, the latter serving us as a
shelter from the storm.[22] This place is called "Los Ciervos." About a
league before getting there the launch San José struck a submerged log,
which scared us. However, on later examination, no damage was found,
thank God! We went in this day eight leagues east and northeast.[23]
_16th day._ The storm from the northwest continued all night and at dawn
left the sky covered with heavy clouds and almost raining. We left under
a light breeze at eight o'clock in the morning, going northeast. At the
end of a league we came to an opening to the starboard, which led to the
east. This is said to be a bend in the main river. If that were true,
then we would know that this river is the one which encircles the Island
of the Quenemsias. We followed a branch which runs toward the north
and northwest, with the intention of investigating the village of the
Chucumnes. At the end of another league we encountered another opening,
or arm, to port, which at first seemed to us to lead to the village
mentioned. Nevertheless we left this opening and continued along the
branch we had been following. We saw during this morning some boats with
people and some houses empty of people, because at the noise of the
launches they cleared out. At six leagues we reached another opening
to the starboard, running northeast. Either the latter or the one
previously mentioned is that which forms the main Sacramento River. We
passed by the latter and kept along the same one we had been navigating.
The whole river is made a great grove by the number and luxuriance
of the trees, although only with difficulty can one get to shore.
Everything is flooded owing to the rise in the rivers caused by the
melting of the snow pack [in the mountains]. We stopped at six o'clock
in the afternoon, having rowed eight leagues to the north, northeast,
and occasionally northwest.[24]
_17th day._ All night the wind blew hard. We set out at six o'clock
in the morning. After one league we came upon the opening which we
passed yesterday on our left hand. A little while afterward we found
the village of the Chucumnes, although it was deserted. We counted
35 houses, some 20, 40, or 50 paces in circumference, a fact which
indicates a large number of people. We called to the heathen but no one
appeared. This village is in a place where the river subdivides into
three other branches. One goes to the south, which is the one I say we
passed yesterday on the left, another goes to the west but we do not
know where it ends, although it is supposed that, making a turn to the
southwest, it goes to join the southerly branch. The other goes north.
Having eaten we started again at two o'clock in the afternoon and took
the branch to the north. The great meadow of yesterday still continues
and both banks are flooded. At six o'clock we stopped opposite a slough
which is said to lead to the village of the Ylamnes. We went during the
entire day no more than four leagues, because the river flows with a
strong current. The direction today has been northwest, north, and
northeast.[25]
_18th day._ After having said Mass, since it was Sunday, we set out in
the same direction upstream, northeast. At the end of a league (which
cost us much labor to cover on account of the great force of the
current) we entered the main Sacramento River which runs from north
to south. It is the same one we left on the 6th to the right hand, or
starboard, although I cannot decide which of the two channels it was,
whether the first or the last. We kept on up the river, which is very
wide and of great depth, and at half a league we stopped to eat. Hardly
had we finished eating when suddenly our people became very much
excited, saying that the heathen Indians were coming to annoy us. But
no one appeared. We started out again at two o'clock in the afternoon.
After going a league we found an opening to the right which makes a turn
and joins the river again two leagues upstream.[26] About five o'clock
we descried the well-known Sierra Nevada to the northeast through a
clearing in the trees which border the river. The whiteness of the
mountains seemed to everyone to be snow, although the range contains
also (as is said) a kind of white rock which resembles the latter [i.e.,
snow]. We kept on a little farther up and stopped at sunset, having gone
in the day some five leagues northeast, north, and northwest.[27]
_19th day._ We started at seven o'clock in the morning and continued
upstream. After going one league we came upon a village called Chuppumne
on the east bank, the inhabitants of which fled at the sound of the
boats, leaving only two old women more than sixty years old. After
catechizing these, I baptized them because it seemed to us that they
were likely to die before Divine Providence could provide another
occasion upon which they might be baptized in a mission. We left this
village at ten o'clock and stopped to eat at noon. We started out again
at two o'clock in the afternoon and in the distance saw two villages
with people and another, for some time abandoned and covered with
water. The river is very high and so flooded on both sides that one
can scarcely get ashore. We stopped at sunset having during the day
traveled ten leagues north and northwest.[28]
_20th day._ We started up the river at six o'clock in the morning with
the intention of finding an open spot where a cross might be set up, and
where we might cease our ascent of the river, turn around, and retreat
downstream. After three leagues, when the launches were close to the
western shore, some rafts were noticed in a near-by tule swamp. On going
to investigate these some [of our Indian] converts came upon a village
of heathen, who fell upon them with weapons and with the ferocious
screams to which they are accustomed. Quickly the Commandant went with
the troops and the other converts to talk to them. They were pacified
and explained themselves, saying that they had taken up arms thinking
that we were enemies. They presented us with _torous_, which is a kind
of roasted soap root, and came in peace, telling us that a little higher
up was their village and that there they would wait for us in order to
give us fish. We had our meal and then set out, going a league higher
up. But we did not encounter or see a village or a heathen Indian except
a poor old man, sleeping under a tree, who had not yet heard our boats.
We gave him some pinole and sent him on his way. Seeing that no one
was coming, we made a cross on an oak tree. The cross having been
consecrated and worshiped by our company, served to mark the limit of
our upward journey. At this place it appears to be possible to approach
by land in the dry season, because although in the immediate vicinity
tules are to be seen, nevertheless probably everything is dry by October
for there is no water other than the overflow from the river. It is
therefore to be supposed that from here on it is better to follow the
course of the river by land than by water. In this manner the immense
expanse of land may be explored which extends to the end of the Sierra
Nevada and which likely is inhabited by innumerable heathen. Once the
entrance to the Sierra is discovered, which the end seems to offer as a
probability, it would be possible to test the truth of the story which
the Indians have told for many years that on the other side of the
Sierra Nevada there are people like our soldiers. We have never been
able to decide definitely whether they are Spaniards from New Mexico,
Englishmen from the Columbia, or Russians from Bodega.
From here we could make out at about ten leagues northwest the very high
hill called Jesus Maria by the troops who have passed near its slopes.
It is entirely covered with snow.[29] It is said that near by flows a
large river of the same name which enters the Sacramento River, and it
is to be suspected that it is a branch of the Columbia. This I heard
from some soldier, and it may be true. We went upstream today four
leagues north and northwest.
At four o'clock in the afternoon we began to descend, and at sunset we
stopped on the west bank opposite the place where we stopped on the
18th, having gone fourteen leagues in three or four hours on account
of the great force of the current. The direction is south and
southeast.[30]
_21st day._ We set out at seven o'clock in the morning and in a little
while encountered on the right hand the slough through which on the 18th
we entered the main river. Leaving the latter and following the former
[i.e., the main river, to the left], after one league we came to a
rancheria called that of the Ochejamnes, which had forty houses but no
people. A little while thereafter we passed the head of the Island of
the Quenemsias.[31] Here we left the main Sacramento River, which runs
to the southwest, on the right hand and took a channel to the southeast
at the entrance to which in the year ... the heathen Indians murdered
Julio, the alcalde of San José. The launches got through with effort on
account of the many logs in the channel. At six leagues we came upon
the village of the Guaypens, with a few people, where we baptized seven
souls, all aged, invalids, or children. Here we had lunch and, having
started again at three o'clock in the afternoon, we stopped at the place
called "Las Cruces." It was our intention on the next day to reach the
San Joaquin River and ascend it as far as the village of the Passasimas.
We went in all today fifteen leagues, south and southeast.[32]
_22nd day._ We set out at seven o'clock in the morning and, shortly
after reaching the end of the branch, or slough, in which we were
traveling yesterday, we found another coming in from the northeast on
the left side. We passed this and followed south and southeast through
a very broad channel which leads to the San Joaquin River. Here the
launches separated. That of the Commandant directed its way to the west
and northwest in order to reconnoitre two or three islands in which are
living hidden some fugitives from San José. We with the other launch,
took a south and southeasterly direction, ascending the San Joaquin
River, with the intention of scouting the villages of the tule swamps.
At four o'clock we halted in a very muddy spot on account of the extreme
heat, which was exhausting the oarsmen. We started out again at six
o'clock with the idea of traveling all night.
_23rd day._ We went all night, except for a while during which we
stopped in the boat itself, and at eight o'clock [in the morning] we
arrived near the village of the Passasimas. During the night we passed
on our right the village of the Nototemnes, who are already Christians
in San José and who were living almost in the middle of the tule swamps.
On the left hand we passed the Tauquimnes and Yatchicomnes and on the
same side live the Passasimas previously mentioned. A little to the
northeast of these are the Mokelumnes. Some of the Passasimas came out
to greet us in peace. This is not strange because they have been many
times in the mission [San José] and several of them have been baptized.
After breakfast we went on foot to visit some of their houses, where
I baptized four heathen sixty or seventy years of age. Then, having
commended them to God and having pointed out the necessity that they
consider being made Christians, we returned to the boat, accompanied by
the Indians. Here they told us again the story of how, on the other side
of the Sierra Nevada (from which we were perhaps ten leagues distant)
there were white men. But no definite conclusions could be reached, as
was set forth on May 20.
At four o'clock in the afternoon we embarked, returning by the same way
we had come. In a short distance 113 heathen Indians were waiting for
us, Yatchicomnes and Mokelumnes. Half of them were painted and armed as
for war. We approached, and after we had talked to them they put down
their weapons and begged for peace. These heathen live mostly on solid
ground and they could be visited on horseback if this became necessary.
They penetrate to the slopes of the Sierra Nevada and state that the
whiteness one sees is rock and not snow. However, it is most probable
that the Sierra has both snow and white rock which resembles it. At
six o'clock we bade them farewell, giving them some wheat, etc. They
promised us that they would come and make a visit to the mission. During
yesterday and the previous night we must have covered eleven or twelve
leagues toward the south and southeast. We traveled hard all night,
going north and northwest.[33]
_24th day._ At dawn we found ourselves on approximately the same
parallel as that where we were at the start of the trip of the 22nd. At
eight o'clock we arrived at the place called "Los Meganos"[34] opposite
the Julpunes. Here we ate breakfast. At noon we started out to meet the
Commandant in the Strait of the Chupcanes [Carquinez Strait], which we
reached at six o'clock in the afternoon. There we met the gentleman
mentioned, he having got there in the morning. The region traversed
this afternoon is the mouth of the San Joaquin, and it must be crossed
at high tide because it contains a shoal on which boats run aground.
The difference noticed between the Sacramento River and the San Joaquin
is that the latter carries a smaller volume of water, although in some
places it is wider. All that we have passed is nothing but pure tule
swamp, without a tree under which the wanderer will find shade or
a stick of wood with which to warm himself. On the other hand, the
Sacramento, when it is not flooded, has dry land on both banks, with
groves of trees as before described, and seems to carry a greater
volume of water. We covered during the preceding night and during
the day twenty leagues north, northwest, and west.
_25th day._ At dawn of this day of the Pentecost Mass was sung and
thereafter again the Praefacio so that during the next two days Mass
should not be lacking. We set out at nine o'clock with a headwind. It
was quite hard navigating through the whole strait, which will be about
two leagues long and one half, more or less, wide. After leaving the
strait the sea was fair and at three o'clock in the afternoon we arrived
at a place called Olegario Point near Angel Island. Here we stopped
after having traveled some ten leagues toward the southwest.
_26th day._ At two o'clock in the morning, before the tide had finished
going out, we passed the narrow entrance of the harbor, arriving almost
by dawn at the beach of the Presidio. After having said Mass at the
latter place we returned to the Mission of Our Father San Francisco with
all good fortune, thanks to the Lord, to whom be the Glory forever and
ever, Amen.
Fr. Narciso Duran
(rubric)
_Luís Argüello's Report_
The second report of the expedition to the delta is a document whose
title page states that it is a letter to the Governor, Don Pablo Vicente
de Sola, and "incorporates" a diary of the expedition, which was "in
company with Frays Narciso Duran and Ramón Abella." The account is
signed by Luís Antonio Argüello and was undoubtedly written by him. The
style indicates that the letter incorporates a revision or abstract of
Argüello's diary rather than an actual copy of it (see the introduction
to the letter).
The existence of two accounts of the same expedition is unusual--indeed,
unique. Despite personal controversies the two narratives complement
each other. Each brings out detail omitted by the other.
_Luís Antonio Argüello to Governor Pablo Vicente de Sola_
San Francisco, May 26, 1817
Consequent upon the orders which I received officially from you on April
11, ultimo, I accompanied the Reverend Father Fray Narciso Duran on the
expedition which at the request of the said Reverend Father Duran you
authorized, and which was carried out. His diary, although I have
abstracted it in brief form so that you may take into consideration all
the distance we have covered, you will nevertheless use, as appears most
convenient to you for the purposes you have in mind. We explored these,
and other lands which up till the present have been considered unknown,
swarming with heathen who are overwhelmed with error and who are without
the least knowledge of God, who has placed us under the conquering
banner of the most Catholic and pious monarch of all those who rule
in our universe, our dearly beloved sovereign and Lord, Ferdinand the
Seventh. This is with the sole object of propagating our holy religion
and for which pious purpose I am ready to sacrifice my comfort and my
life and all the power of my mind.
With regard to this expedition which has just been completed,
although you intended, as I understood according to the content of
your eminent official letter, that outstanding results were to be
expected, nevertheless in my opinion although the outcome was in no way
unfavorable, neither was it of much value. Despite the fact that I had
wished at least to make a careful survey and compile a detailed account
I found myself completely prevented from accomplishing this. The reason
was that I soon saw myself unable to direct my own going and coming. In
consequence, since I was not able to operate according to my own wishes
so as to give Your Excellency an exact account of all those lands and
heathen tribes, I declined to formulate a document which could at any
time be protested as defective for lack of exact and fully detailed
examination of the country. I did nothing else but go where the Reverend
Father Fray Narciso Duran wanted to go, and since my orders specified
only that I should accompany him it seemed to me, in order to maintain
harmonious relations, that I had to follow the desires of the Reverend
Father mentioned. I felt that this was your intention and wish, for the
expedition was organized upon the request of the said Reverend Father
Duran. Thus, although I curbed my propensity to explore, it seemed to me
proper to compose a day-by-day account, of which I make an exact
copy.[35]
We started out, then, on the 13th day of the present month, between
eleven and twelve o'clock in the morning and traveled to the north for
twenty-one miles. We anchored for the night at Point San Pablo at eight
o'clock. After an hour the launch "Josefina" of our convoy joined us,
carrying the Reverend Fathers Fray Ramón Abella and Fray Narciso Duran.
The following day, the 14th, we set sail at six o'clock in the morning
to the north and after going through Carquinez Strait we pointed east,
one quarter northeast. The wind freshened considerably as the sun went
down and the launch "Josefina" of our convoy fell behind so that it
became necessary for me to shorten sail. Since even this did not permit
them to catch up, we had to anchor at the strait which separates the
bays of Suisun and of the Ompines and wait until the launch "Josefina"
came up much later. As soon as it joined us we set out again. I ordered
sail shortened as much as I could, but the wind freshened considerably
so that soon the other launch fell behind again. Our launch suddenly ran
aground on a shoal half a mile distant from the mainland on the side of
Mission San José. However, we started again soon and by sounding we came
upon the channel, which had sufficient water and which followed closely
the same shore. While engaged in this operation, we were joined again by
the "Josefina" which, according to the signs they made, had been heading
toward the shore. We followed along the shore and by dark we saw that
the launch "San José" had again fallen far behind. The night fell and
the wind was quite strong, with consequently considerable swell. I held
closer to the shore in order to search for some kind of shelter. This
we found and anchored at half-past eight in the evening. Immediately I
caused signals to be made to the other launch so that it might join us
but without success. So, without much regard to comfort, I maintained my
position until three o'clock in the morning of the following day. In
this day we traveled sixty miles.[36]
At three o'clock in the morning of the 15th, as I have said, in spite of
the strong wind I made arrangements to start out in search of the launch
"San José" and, after we had traveled toward the north with a quite
strong southwesterly gale and in a heavy sea, a gust of wind came so
strong that it broke off the mainmast. It carried the sail and all the
gear into the water. At the same time the sheets of the foremast were
lost. However, by a sharp maneuver we made fast the sheets of the
foremast and recovered the mainsail, which had gone into the water with
a piece of the mast. We continued navigating with the foremast alone
toward the north. There was no other misfortune than that just described
of a broken mainmast, and [the loss of] the hat of a soldier which in
the flurry fell into the water and could not be recovered on account of
the high wind and waves.
At six o'clock in the morning we caught sight of the launch "San José,"
which had taken shelter at a very swampy island full of water. Half an
hour after we descried them we joined them and found the Reverend
Fathers and the soldiers who were embarked with them. They were in a
very sad and pitiful situation for all night they had been unable to
find a hand's breadth of land on which to lie down. After they had
related the miseries and fatigues of the preceding night, both Fathers
transferred to my boat. We then turned northeast, close to the coast of
the Ompines, in search of another and better shelter where we might
anchor and land in order to say Mass. The wind did not abate its fury
and in this fashion we sailed eighteen miles. Having taken an entrance
to the main Sacramento River, we stopped in the land of the Ompines at
ten-thirty in the morning and constructed a chapel, where Mass was sung
in all solemnity. Reverend Father Fray Ramón Abella celebrated Mass and
Reverend Father Fray Narciso Duran officiated with appropriate music,
the troops all being under arms.
At half-past five in the afternoon of this day we embarked, going toward
the north, with a few turns to the northeast, according to the bends
of the river. We may have traveled eleven miles when we anchored at
half-past eight at the point where the land of the Ompines ends, having
skirted its shore all day.[37]
At seven o'clock in the morning of the 16th we set forth up the river
always in a northerly direction with a few turns east-northeast and
northwest. At five miles we passed a mouth, or arm, of the river which
came from the northeast and joined that along which we were traveling,
which runs north and south. Three miles farther on we descried some
rafts of Indians, who immediately concealed themselves in the bushes
along the riverbank. Right away we attacked them and jumped ashore
to see if we could catch some, but the underbrush hindered us, for
everything is covered with water and we could not follow them. They
threw away all their equipment and belongings, but none of it was of
value. We soon reëmbarked and followed upstream. At two miles we saw
another river, which united with that which we were pursuing and which
came from the northwest. We wanted to enter and explore it, but the
Reverend Fathers did not wish to do this, so we continued following the
same stream and halted at six o'clock in the afternoon. In the entire
day we navigated fifteen miles without incident.
At six-thirty in the morning of the 17th we started up the river and at
three miles we found an opening which separated from the river we were
following and ran to the northwest. Suddenly we came upon a village on
the west bank of the river. We thought it might contain some people
and with great care we went ashore. However, we found it empty of its
inhabitants, for all without doubt had fled as soon as they saw us. This
village consists of thirty-six houses or huts of tule matting. After
making some inquiries as to whether we might be able to catch and talk
to any of the heathen, and being unsuccessful, we set sail. We followed
a bend of the river to the northeast, passing by the mouth of the other
channel, which separates here and runs to the northwest; the latter
seems to me to be the one which we left behind us yesterday and which
turns so as again to unite with the main stream of the river. We stopped
at seven o'clock in the evening at a ruined village, at the end of the
northeasterly bend of the river which from this point trends toward the
east. We will have traveled during the whole day no more than seven
miles. The current flows very rapidly because of the quantity of water
carried by the river, which is at a very high level.
At ten-thirty in the morning of the 18th, after having heard Mass
celebrated by the Reverend Father Fray Narciso Duran, we set out,
following the bend of the river to the east, and at two miles we
observed that the river on which we are traveling is a branch of the
main Sacramento River, which here separates and takes a northwesterly
direction. It gives off the opening, or slough, which we left behind
yesterday and continues northwest, as I have said. The channel which we
pursued makes a turn to the south and thus goes on to unite with the
other channel and flow into the Bay of the Ompines.
At the bend and at the point where we rejoin the main Sacramento River,
as stated, it contained a much greater quantity of water and has greater
width. It here flows north and south. Here we saw two little rafts,
which fled downstream at full speed, and we could not see where they
went because our view was cut off by the bend of the river we were
following. We went on northward and two miles beyond, where we joined
the main channel of the Sacramento River, we stopped at twelve o'clock
noon. While I was having lunch here with the Reverend Fathers, I was
told that many armed heathen were coming to meet us and were ready to
attack us. I immediately ordered the troops to prepare for them but
they did not arrive, nor could I see them. So it seemed to me to be an
exaggeration on the part of the Indian sailors, who, with their little
courage and in terror at seeing themselves in a land swarming with so
many heathen Indians, thought we must be ambushed since we were so
exposed. I ordered sentinels to be sent on ahead in all directions to
advise me of any advance on the part of the heathen, for the terrain was
very favorable to them. This was because of the very dense thickets and
the immense tule swamps, all submerged and covered with water, which
have extended as far as we have come.
We stayed here until four o'clock, after which we started out and
continued up the river until dark when we stopped. We may have covered
this day sixteen miles, without incident.
At six o'clock on the morning of the 19th we started up the river toward
the north, with an occasional turn east, northeast, or northwest. At
eight o'clock in the morning, having gone about three miles, we descried
several little rafts, which by rowing hid themselves along the northwest
bank of the river. Suddenly we noticed a village to the east, some three
hundred paces from the riverbank. We landed with every precaution, for
we perceived that there were people there. Although we were held up by
a slough which branches from the river itself and passes between the
latter and the village, we got across on the shoulders of the Indian
sailors. When we reached the village, its inhabitants had already
escaped into the underbrush and the tule swamps. Only two old and very
feeble women were to be found, who, after being preached to, were
baptized by the Reverend Father Fray Narciso Duran. After giving them
a few beans and peas, I instructed them to tell their chiefs and other
people of the village that on their return they should wait for us
there. I said that they should not desert their houses, that we would
make them gifts, and that we would visit them without doing any harm to
them. Having thus convinced them [the old women], we left them in
the village. Following our course, we noticed that the heathen were
appearing in crowds along the riverbank, without doubt at the news of
our boats. We stopped at seven o'clock in the evening, having sailed
during this entire day about twenty-eight miles.
At six o'clock in the morning of the 20th we set out up the river, no
doubt at the insistence of the Reverend Father Fray Ramón Abella, for
already on the afternoon of the previous day, the Reverend Father Fray
Narciso wanted to turn back. Although I regretted it, I did not find it
advisable to continue farther upstream. Although we were already seeing
the Sierra Nevada and my desire was to reach it, carefully examine the
river in the interior of the range, discover the direction it has at its
exit, and at least get acquainted with the lands and heathen population
which would be encountered before reaching the mountains, nevertheless I
supported the request of the said Reverend Father Duran in order not to
oppose his desire to return.
We sailed on up the river five miles to the north. With the intention of
setting up a cross the said Reverend Father Fray Ramón went ashore here
with a corporal and four soldiers and went to hunt a place suitable for
placing it. I stayed in the boat, but in a little while I was told that
some heathen Indians had been descried. I immediately ordered them to be
followed to see if a few could not be caught and brought back without
hurting them. However, soon a second message was returned to me that
the heathen were coming in considerable numbers to attack us. I quickly
landed, leaving four soldiers in charge of the boats. I, with the rest,
went toward them [the Indians] and reached the point where the corporal
and soldiers were who had gone with Father Ramón. They were awaiting
the Indians, who were approaching under arms. As soon as we had all
reassembled, we advanced on them, but they had not the courage to
attack us or even to maintain the position they were holding, because
immediately they retreated to find shelter in a thicket at their rear.
As for ourselves, we halted because we were held up by the deep water
in a slough that intersects with the river itself. The heathen did not
cease to hurl their insults. Then I sent the interpreters to approach a
little closer but so that the heathen would not be offended and fire at
them, having previously instructed the interpreters what they should
say.
Seeing that nothing could be accomplished [in this manner], I resolved
to go closer myself and, with Sergeant Soto, I left the rest of the
troops in the position they occupied with instructions that if we were
attacked, they were to advance. We went toward the Indians, I and Soto,
and, carried on the shoulders of the Christian Indians, we got within
fifty paces of them. Although I wanted to get closer, the deep water
at that point prevented us. Nevertheless, I continued talking to them
through interpreters, saying that it was my intention not to do them
harm unless they did something first. They apologized but did not lay
down their arms.
Thus I stayed for an hour. After a lot of yelling and insults we decided
that we would wait for them in their village and that they would not
abandon it. It was found to be a matter of two miles by boat from
where we had left them to the place where their village was situated.
I quickly went back and embarked. Having gone upstream, we reached the
parallel of the village, which was situated about four hundred paces
northwest of the bank, and did not encounter its inhabitants, for they
had all run away. Nor could we reach it on account of the great amount
of water in the intervening space, for the river was flowing at a very
high level. I sent some Indians but they brought back only a decrepit
old man, who had hidden himself because he could not follow the others
in their flight. He was given a present and sent off.
I wanted much to stay here until the following day but the irritation
shown by the Reverend Father Fray Narciso Duran, who wanted to turn
around, determined me to accede to his wishes and retreat, although with
inward misgivings. The Reverend Father Fray Ramón Abella improved the
time by constructing a cross, which he blessed with solemnity and which
we worshiped with much devotion. This place was given the name of San
Bernardino, whose day our Holy Mother Church was celebrating. At five
o'clock in the afternoon of this day we turned around and took a
southerly direction downstream. The boats traveled with great speed
with the current. We stopped to camp for the night without having
noticed anything of particular interest.
This river, as measured in its narrowest part, is 200 varas wide and 7,
8, and 10 brazas deep.
On the following day, the 21st, we started out on the same route
downstream. A few isolated villages were encountered, their inhabitants
gone, which the soldiers reconnoitred. I did not see them, nor did I
want to go ashore, but in the village where the two old women who
had been baptized were left, the soldiers were told that it had been
abandoned by the natives, after they had destroyed the houses. Such
is the fear that fills the breasts of these unfortunate heathen. At
ten-thirty o'clock in the morning we left the main stream of the
Sacramento, which makes a turn here and runs to the northwest, and took
a branch which here cuts off from the big river and runs southward.
After having sailed along this branch for five miles, we suddenly came
upon a village of the heathen, situated on the east bank of the branch,
or slough. All the Indians ran away, hiding themselves in the brush and
tule swamps. It was possible to gather up only a few women and children
of both sexes and nine buck Indians. This was with much effort, for the
troops had to wade through the water at places up to their waist, and
passage was entirely prevented by the mud. The reverend fathers occupied
themselves by baptizing some feeble old women and another woman, who was
seen to be seriously ill. As soon as the reverend fathers had finished
I made a short speech to the Indians and left them in their village. We
continued sailing until six o'clock in the afternoon when we stopped
at the confluence of this slough and the River San Joaquin. The latter
comes down from the southeast and joins the River of the Holy Sacrament
so as to form the bays of the Tulpunes, Ompines, and Chupucanes. From
here the two rivers, in one body, discharge through the Strait of the
Karquines so as to empty into the Bay of San Francisco.
On the 22nd the Reverend Father Fray Narciso decided to ascend the San
Joaquin River in order to visit a rancheria called Pasasimes. Together
with Sergeant Soto I obtained information concerning the situation of
this village and the condition of the Indians living in it, with the
purpose of going in another direction in case there was no fear of an
attack by the heathen. The said Soto told me that in the region in which
this village is situated there was no cause for apprehension, that
the Indians of this village went often to Mission San José and that
they were very docile. Nevertheless I gave the necessary orders and
instructions for him, with seven soldiers, to accompany the Reverend
Father Duran while I with the corporal and four soldiers separated from
them with the idea of returning to the southwest and northwest of the
Island of the Quenemsias, where the runaway Christians of San José were
hiding.
We in the two boats then set out together but after having sailed four
miles the launch "Josefina" took a southerly course up the San Joaquin
while I kept on to the northwest. I soon put about to the north, taking
a channel which, according to the Indian pilot, was an arm of the river
which connected with the Sacramento. We sailed up this channel and at
five miles descried a crowd of Indians in the tules at the edge of the
river. Immediately I had all the Indian sailors jump ashore to see if
they could catch a few [of the natives], whom they quickly reported to
be the Christian fugitives. We could not get out of the boat because
everywhere was a swamp. The sailors pursued them a good stretch but,
since the fugitives had a great advantage, they [the sailors] could not
catch anyone. However, they captured good booty, because the Christian
fugitives, in order better to escape, abandoned everything. The sailors,
very happy with the putian (which is what they call pillage in their
language), reëmbarked and we continued our voyage.
Going on upstream we observed that the river narrowed a great deal, so
much indeed that when I tried to turn around, we found ourselves in such
a narrow spot, with the current so rapid and strong, that I resolved
to go back, even with great effort, as soon as I could. But we had
to sail once more for about seven miles to the north. Then, taking a
northwesterly direction through another slough which we encountered, we
sailed about ten miles, at the end of which we turned north and entered
the main stream of the Sacramento River. At seven o'clock in the evening
we halted for the night on the same island.[38]
At six o'clock in the morning of the following day, the 23rd, we started
out to the north and at five miles bore east, following the bend of the
river. We sailed on about seven miles and stopped around eleven o'clock
on account of the excessive heat and because we wanted to cut a pole to
provide a mast for the boat and replace the mainmast which broke off on
the 15th. All this island is covered with an abundance of wood and we
were entirely without any.
Since all the island was found to be flooded owing to the very high
water in the river, I sent the Indian sailors with an axe to cut a tree
while I and the soldiers were eating lunch. They got so far away from us
that they unexpectedly ran onto the Christian fugitives from San José
and attacked them. As soon as word of this reached me, while we were
eating, I and the five men immediately broke off our meal, but although
we pushed about a quarter of a league through the swamp, we could get no
farther forward on account of the deep water. Thereupon I ordered the
Indian who had brought the message to tell the sailors that they should
make their retreat and that we would wait for them on the spot to see if
the runaway Indians pursued them. Soon they arrived, telling the story
that they had got away and crossed a branch of the river by swimming.
Each side shot a few arrows at the other but no damage was done except
to one San José Christian, who was wounded in the leg. We embarked and
continued upstream in pursuit of the fugitive Indians. We found the
village but it was without inhabitants. Although we landed and traveled
through the thickets, which are extremely dense, it was very difficult
to catch any of them unless by surprise. So at about five o'clock we
went back on board the boat and sailed some five miles to the northwest,
where we stopped with the intention of cutting a tree. But since we
could not find one suitable for the mast of the launch, at eight o'clock
in the evening I decided to go back. Having sailed all night, at six
o'clock in the morning of the 24th, we anchored in the bay of the
Chupucanes, there to await and join the launch "Josefina" and pass
through Carquinez Strait.[39]
She arrived at six o'clock in the afternoon of this day. Here we
remained until the following day, the 25th, when Mass was celebrated
at nine o'clock in the morning. At ten-thirty o'clock we set sail and
navigated until four o'clock in the afternoon. With the aid of the high
tide we anchored off Point San Pablo. The launch "Josefina" did not
stop but kept on to the Island of Los Angeles, five miles north of the
Presidio. At eight o'clock in the evening we departed from Point San
Pablo and at ten o'clock rejoined the launch "Josefina." At twelve
o'clock the latter started to cross to the Port. I waited until one
o'clock in the morning, at which time we made the crossing to the port
and anchored without incident at two o'clock in the morning of the 26th
at the wharf. The launch "Josefina" went by another course and arrived
safely shortly after we did.
This is in substance all that I can give your Excellency as official
information. I still entertain regret that I have not been able to
secure more exact information, as I had wished, for the reasons which
I outlined at the beginning.
May God preserve many years the life of your Excellency.
San Francisco, May 26, 1817 Luís Argüello
(rubric)
VII. MINOR RAIDS AND FORAYS, 1810-1820
Apart from the records of major expeditions given in the previous
chapters a few scattered items from the Bancroft Library documents are
worth presenting. The first six below refer to various informal forays
and raids and give an idea of the character of these in the period near
1820. The last two are excerpts from recollections of early Spanish and
Mexican pioneers as recounted to Hubert Howe Bancroft's assistants in
1877 or 1878. The historical accuracy of these last is low, since they
refer to events which occurred sixty-five years before the telling.
Nevertheless, the personal flavor is worth preserving, including the
unabashed boastfulness. No detailed comment is required.
_Fr. Juan Cabot to Captain de la Guerra_
San Miguel, May 23, 1818
(De la Guerra Docs., VII: 88-89)
In the village of Telame there are at present thirty-three
Christians from several missions; as a rule, this is the place of
refuge ... from the direction of Santa Barbara there is no access
because everything is surrounded by water, but by way of Bubal there
is access.
Before getting to Telame there are five villages, among them
Quiuamine, where they killed the Christian of San Buenaventura.
The Santa Barbara soldiers could stop them from escaping by water.
In Yulumne there are some [fugitives] also.
If the other villages are treated in a friendly manner, without
our giving any indication of our intentions, and the first blow
is struck, I doubt if there will be any more trouble.
Regarding Telame, he says that he was there twice in different
years. The first year he did not see the people "because they were
almost entirely dispersed and debilitated from starvation." The
second time the people were there. The village is situated opposite
the mission, a league from the Sierra Nevada, in an immense oak
forest--many Indians, docile and friendly, who do not admit
fugitives to their village. A little farther toward Santa Barbara
is Choimoc, of the same type and character, but not as large. "None
of these villages has a fixed position, but the variation is less
than half a league."
_[Governor] to Captain Luís Argüello_
Rancho de Real Hacienda, September 14, 1819
(Cal. Arch., St. Pap., Sacramento, II: 241-242)
He says that the time has come to make the expedition at San José.
The primary object is to recover the fugitives from that mission and
chastise the heathen Indians who are sheltering them, as well as
to take away from them the horses which, according to what Father
Narciso Duran has told him, are in their possession. He considers
that Sergeant José Sanchez is competent to lead the expedition,
but only because he [Argüello] feels himself indisposed. For this
purpose he is sending forty men who have arrived from San Blas. He
[Argüello] will instruct them day and night in the operation of
their weapons.
_[Governor] to Captain Luís Argüello_
Rancho Rey, October 13, 1819
(Cal. Arch., St. Pap., Sacramento, II: 243-244)
He thinks the expedition must have started to the outskirts of
San José for the purpose of recapturing the horses from the wild
Indians, and he has given orders that Lieutenant Estudillo, with
Sergeant Pico and thirty men, set out to make a campaign.
_[Governor] to Captain Luís Argüello_
Monterey, November 3, 1819
(Cal. Arch., St. Pap., Sacramento, II: 244)
He will bring to the attention of the viceroy the success of the
campaign made against the village of the Muquelenis.
_Father Juan Martinez to Governor Sola_
San Miguel, November 6, 1820
(Archbishop's Arch., IV (1): 174)
Says that it is necessary, in compliance with his duty, to go to the
villages of the Valley, Bubal, Telame, and Notonto, to confess and
instruct....
He asks that he be furnished a guard for the trip so that it may be
successful, both going and coming.
_Father Esteban Tapis to Governor Sola_
San Juan Bautista, January 22, 1821
(Archbishop's Arch., IV (1): 199)
Last night, to his pleasure, he was visited by thirty-three heathen
recently arrived from the Tulare Valley in search of baptism. Seven
of them were married to seven female converts. Three brought their
women who are heathen. Thirteen are single young persons or adults
from nine to forty years of age. Six are infants.
They are from the villages of Hualquem, or Hualquemne, Notvolitch,
Huohual, and Quisats.
_José Canuto Boronda, "Notas Históricas sobre California," 1878_
The first campaign on which I went was to Kings River, which comes
from the slopes of the mountains and enters Tulare Lake; from there
it goes to the junction with the San Joaquin River.
At that place there were several Indian villages which had given
shelter to fugitive Christian Indians from the missions. They
brought out the Christian Indians they had with them and promised
in the future to shelter no more runaways. The custom was, if they
defaulted on that promise or committed acts of hostility, to fall
upon them with military power and capture them all, taking them by
force to the missions in order to baptize them. [Pp. 2-3.]...
When I was a recruit we went on a campaign to the village of Tachi.
While there, I saw one of our Indian auxiliaries from San Miguel
seize an old Indian woman with completely white hair. The Indian was
going to kill her when I stopped him. But the Indian had already
fired an arrow at close range, which perforated her skin on one side
but did not enter her body. The arrows were raining around me and I
had to pay attention to warding them off. When I was able to turn
around again, I saw that an Indian had covered up the poor old woman
with firewood and had ignited it so as to burn her alive. I ran
to her and with my spear had begun to remove the burning sticks
when an arrow split the crown of my hat. Sergeant Espinosa, our
Commander, yelled to me to leave the old woman and look after my
own safety--but I pulled the fire away from the unfortunate Indian
woman--although Father Juan Cabot himself said to me that this was
no occasion suitable for a show of charity and neglect of my own
interest. The Indians jumped into the lake and crossed into the
swamps where it was not possible for us to follow them. These and
other Indians used to have underground chambers from which they shot
arrows. In some places everything would seem smooth and even, but on
going across the top, horse and all would go to the bottom. These
falls were extremely dangerous because the Indians would finish off
the horse before he could get up. [Pp. 13-15.]
_Inocente García, "Hechos Históricos de California," 1878_
After a few months I was selected to go on a campaign with five
other men--Antasio Mendoza, Manuel Butron, José de las Llagas
García, Dámaso Soto, and Ramón Martinez--under the orders of
Sergeant José Dolores Pico.[1] We accompanied Father Arroyo de la
Cuesta to the other side of Santa Rita to the villages of Jayaya
and Tapé (Mission San Juan Bautista) in search of young girls
[monjas] whom the chiefs of these villages had offered us [i.e.,
for baptism].
Father Arroyo had arranged with chief Jayaya that we should come
and get the girls--I already knew a little of the language of that
place. Sergeant Pico took thirty armed Indians from the mission to
go with us. We traveled to Jayaya and Tapé, in which there were
numerous Indians. Chief Tapé had gone to La Soledad, and Father
Arroyo was under the impression that he had returned to his village.
Consequently the Indians did not know of the arrangements made at
the mission and on our arrival we met the warriors armed and ready
to fight us. The sergeant ordered our Indian auxiliaries to march
straight on the village. I saw clearly that the enemy were going to
overwhelm us with arrows if we did not proceed carefully, and said
so to my comrades. The guide who was directing us said to the Father
that the only approach was a thousand yards higher up. We went that
way in order to protect our auxiliaries, who were already fighting.
Two of our Indians were already dead, but we did not know it, when
the auxiliaries began to run with the enemy after them.
The situation was bad, and confused, for we could not give way a
step so as not to abandon our missionary. I said to Dámaso Soto,
who was with me ahead of the others, that he should take out his
shield, for the Indians had been putting me under heavy fire, while
I covered him with mine. While Soto was getting out his shield, an
arrow went through it from the back, and he started running to join
the others who were with the Father. I found myself alone. So I made
my adversaries think that I was going to shoot them with my musket,
although I only pointed it at them. When they ducked, I began to
retreat, moving backward little by little until I knew I was far
enough away. Then I jumped on my horse and ran to join the others.
There I saw that Father Arroyo was talking to the Indians in their
language and that they were paying no heed to him. Arrows were
hailing around the Father and the soldiers and one struck the knee
of my horse. I jumped to the ground and cried: "In the name of the
King, everybody fire!" That I said because the Sergeant had warned
us not to fire. The Father, the Sergeant, and Dámaso Soto began
to run. I and the rest of my companions stayed fighting the enemy
until we managed to bring down their chief, who was all adorned
with feathers. This caused them to cease attacking us. Already the
Indians had gained possession of the spare horses, the provisions,
etc. Then I said to Manuel Butron that, since he was the senior man,
he should assume command and we would all obey him, so as to aid our
Indians to recover the horses from the enemy, etc. We succeeded in
this, saving everything and recapturing our two [dead] auxiliaries
and five live ones who were hidden in the arroyo of Santa Rita where
the tules were high.
We loaded the two dead men and went to catch up with Father Arroyo,
the Sergeant, and Dámaso Soto. They were about three leagues away
on the slope of the hills at the place they call Baños del Padre
Arroyo. The Father asked us to go to La Soledad, where the Governor
was, and send the dead to San Juan. [Pp. 10-13.]
NOTES
CHAPTER I
(pp. 241-242)
[1] The Father--the missionary in charge of San Luis Obispo Mission.
[2] "Capeador," from "capear." Literally "to steal the cape"--a
bullfighting expression. By extension, to divert with lies and
subterfuge. May be translated as "liar," "cheat," or a similar term.
[3] According to the topography, the Río del Pescadero is Old River, in
the delta area, Río de San Francisco Jabier is Middle River, and Río de
San Miguel is the main channel of the San Joaquin. Río de la Pasión is
the Calaveras.
[4] The route taken by Sal can be determined with reasonable accuracy.
Fifteen leagues, or 40 mi., from San José would have brought him to the
vicinity of Tracy. He probably crossed Old River somewhere to the north
of the present town, then, bearing northeast, crossed Middle River,
traversed Roberts I., and crossed the main San Joaquin R. somewhere to
the southwest of French Camp. From this point "about five leagues" would
put him on the Calaveras just west of Waterloo. The entire distance
would have been through oak park, as indicated by Sal.
[5] In late 1776 two small expeditions penetrated the valley and crossed
the San Joaquin R. The primary, and probably the only first-hand
account, we have of them is contained in Palóu's New California (H.
Bolton, 1926, IV: 127-131; 155-156). In September, 1776, Fernando Quiros
and José Joaquin Moraga made a joint attempt to explore the tulares.
Quiros was to go by water and Moraga by land, the two parties to meet
near Antioch. The plan miscarried. Quiros returned to San Francisco, but
Moraga kept on for three days up the river, crossing finally somewhere
near Merced (Bolton says "past the site of Modesto"). No details of what
he saw or did, remain to us, however, except the statement that the east
side of the river consisted of a great plain.
On November 29 (cf. Bolton, 1926, IV: 155) Don Fernando Rivera y
Moncada tried it again. Palóu says: "After dinner they started.... They
continued their journey by the same road that the lieutenant [Moraga]
had taken and crossed the great river by the same ford. But although
they traveled through the plain for some distance on the other side,
they did not venture to examine the other rivers, in order not to expose
themselves to the contingency that the great river might rise and cut
off the ford. For this reason they did not go up as far as in the
preceding examination. So they set out for home...."
There is some discrepancy between the statements of Palóu and Sal. If
the latter is correct, Rivera reached (and named) the Calaveras, or Río
de la Pasión. If, as Palóu says, he followed in Moraga's footsteps, he
could have gone no farther north than Modesto, and indeed would not have
crossed the branches of the San Joaquin in the delta, as Sal seems to
have done. It is unfortunate that no direct report of these expeditions
exists.
[6] According to all modern observation the rivers show no salinity
detectable by taste above Antioch and certainly not above Rio Vista.
If this is "muy adentro," then Sal was correct.
[7] San Juan Bautista Mission. The geography is somewhat distorted. The
west side of the valley as far south as Pacheco Pass, east of San Juan
Bautista, is by no means a "short distance" from the Sierra Nevada,
nor is this region visible from San Francisco. In his ignorance of the
actual terrain Sal foreshortened his distances considerably.
[8] These references to white men and priests are intriguing. There is
no evidence that Spaniards crossed the high Sierra Nevada before this
date, or that they had reached the eastern flank of the mountains in
western Nevada. The tales here recounted could well have been derived
from contact, in trading or exploration, of the New Mexico and Sonora
Spaniards with the Yokuts of the upper San Joaquin V., directly, or
indirectly through the Colorado R. tribes.
[9] The Julpones (or Julpunes) lived on the south shore of Suisun Bay.
Quinenseat refers no doubt to the Quenemsias, who inhabited Grand
Island, in the upper delta. Taunantoc and Quisitoc refer probably to
other groups on the lower Sacramento or, in fact, may be merely names
of persons. The words are at present impossible to identify.
CHAPTER II
(pp. 243-244)
[1] The account is incomplete and there are discrepancies. Evidently
there was some untoward incident, since the expedition returned with
only two Christians in addition to Guchapa and his son. Furthermore
when did the "heroic struggle" occur? And why did an expedition to a
not far distant point like Cholam consume twenty days?
[2] This figure seems to establish Martin's estimate of the population
of the Tulare L. area.
[3] This statement is important since it demonstrates the previous
experience of the Indian women with the Mexican soldiers.
[4] Argüello must have gone into the valley, otherwise there is no sense
to the mention of rivers, tule swamps, etc. Furthermore, 32 days is a
long trip, hardly to be spent in the coast ranges.
[5] Probably Joscolo, a prominent Indian rebel and bandit, later
captured and beheaded in Santa Cruz Co. Perhaps he was not a bandit.
Perhaps he was an Indian patriot. Would it be subversion to suggest
the idea?
[6] No women and children were found. This alone proves the utter
disruption of native society, even at this early date.
CHAPTER III
(pp. 245-255)
[1] On July 20 the party went from Santa Ynez Mission north to Jonatas,
at Las Olivas, then to Saca on Alamo Pintado Cr. The next village,
Olomosong, was probably on the Sisquoc R. near the 120th meridian. After
4 leagues further travel they reached Gecp, apparently on the south
slope of the Sierra Madre range, because after climbing a mountain they
came out onto plains, no doubt the Cuyama V., in approximately T 10 N,
R 28 W (San Bernardino base line). Two leagues to the east was
Talihuilimit.
[2] Lisahua was probably in lower Salisbury Canyon in T 9 N, R 26 W.
Cuia may have been in lower Santa Barbara Canyon, T 9 N, R 25 W.
Siguecin would then have been 12-15 mi. up the canyon to the south.
[3] The party evidently bore more to the north and found Sgene somewhere
in lower Cuyama V., T 10 N, R 25 W.
[4] Malapoa is located by Gifford and Schenck (1926) as on Bitterwater
Cr. It is identified by them with Hoschiu of the Yokuts tribe, Tulamni.
All the preceding villages were Tokya Chumash (see Kroeber, 1925, pl.
47). Nopalea can have been on either Bitterwater or Santiago Cr.
[5] Buenavista can have been 8 leagues north of either Bitterwater or
Santiago Cr. It is identified by Gifford and Schenck as Tilamniu, which
Kroeber (1925, pl. 47) puts on the western or northwestern end of the
lake. Sisupistu is considered to be Pohalin Tinliu at the southeast
corner of Kern L. The big river is of course the Kern.
[6] Six leagues from Sisupistu would have brought Zalvidea to the mouth
of either Tejon or El Paso Cr. at the edge of the foothills. In the
reconnaissance of July 28 the group explored the lower courses of El
Paso, Tejon, and Pastoria creeks. Tupai is placed doubtfully by Gifford
and Schenck at Tejon Ranch on El Paso Cr.
[7] The party apparently doubled back west past Grapevine Cr. to Tacui
which was undoubtedly Tecuya on Tecuya Cr.
[8] Nine leagues north of Tecuya, on the Kern R. was Yaguelame, which
Gifford and Schenck think was either Loasau or Woilo. My preference is
the latter since Loasau was on Kern L. rather than the river and since
Woilo is very close to 9 leagues from Tecuya.
[9] The eastern end of Kern L. in T 32 S, R 28 E (Mt. Diablo base line).
[10] Gifford and Schenck place Taslupi on Tejon Cr. This conforms with
the distances given. However it is more likely to have been Pastoria
on Grapevine Cr. since the party arrived at Castaic, at the head of
Grapevine Cr., on August 7.
[11] Antelope V.
[12] The San Gabriel Mts. The party crossed the mountains and went
southwest to San Gabriel Mission. Several villages of the Serrano
Indians were seen but the area concerned is well beyond the limits
of the San Joaquin V.
[13] Camp was on San Benito R., 1 1/2 leagues from San Juan Bautista,
not on Pacheco Cr., as stated by Cutter (MS, p. 100).
[14] Camp was approximately at San Luis Ranch, where Highway 152 crosses
San Luis Cr.
[15] The camp at Santa Rita was 15 to 20 mi. east of San Luis Gonzaga
and 5 or 6 mi. west of the main San Joaquin R. (see account of the 4th
day). According to distances this point would be on Salt Slough or Paso
Slough, a few miles northeast of Los Baños. The course of the sloughs
and the channels of the San Joaquin are difficult to locate with
precision on a modern map because of the drainage and reclamation
operations of the past century.
[16] Camp on the San Joaquin may be assumed to lie in T 8 S, R 11 E.
[17] This village may be placed on the east bank of the river in T 11 S,
R 14 E. It was one of the several villages along the lower San Joaquin
which had been effaced so thoroughly that modern informants gave
ethnographers no indication that they had ever existed.
[18] Cutter (MS, p. 104) thinks this was Bear Cr., rather than Mariposa
Cr., since it is approximately 3 leagues south of the Merced R. I see
no reason to disagree with him.
[19] The party which went north reached the Merced R. somewhere west
of Livingston in T 6 S, R 11 E. The other party, which must have gone
north-northeast, probably reached it east of Cressey at the crossing of
Highway 99. The village where the old woman was baptized was Chineguis,
according to the list at the end of the diary. Near by were Yunate,
Chamuasi, Latelate, and Lachuo, some of which were seen on the return
trip. On September 29 Muñoz saw Chineguis, and the other party found 5
other villages. Within the area, therefore, was a minimum of 6 villages.
The average population was about 225 souls, according to the village
list, or a minimum total of 1,350 persons. Very possibly the number of
villages was greater, particularly if it be assumed that Moraga's 5,
seen on the 29th, are in addition to the 5 listed for the Merced by
Muñoz. Certainly the total number of inhabitants between the San Joaquin
R. and the foothills must have been fully 2,000.
[20] The Tuolumne, according to the direction, near Modesto. The
presence of several villages, although deserted, indicates a fairly
heavy Indian population.
[21] Undoubtedly Dry Cr. The description is valid even today.
[22] The Stanislaus. The party, if it continued in a northwesterly
direction from near Modesto would have reached the river at, or east of,
Ripon. The remnants of the oak forest can still be seen. It extended
perhaps a mile each side of the river at this point and ran parallel to
the stream continuously from the junction with the San Joaquin eastward
to beyond Oakdale. Here the valley oak park merges with the general
foothill forest and chaparral.
[23] This spot is difficult to locate according to the description.
However, 6 leagues upstream from the vicinity of Ripon or Riverbank
barely reaches the limestone bluffs just below Knights Ferry. Certainly
no place lower on the river could possibly provide the physical
characteristics demanded by the account. These bluffs are not very high
but are unquestionably precipitous. Without heavy equipment an invader
would be hard put to scale them. As an alternative one must go far into
the foothills beyond the Calaveras-Stanislaus County line. Not only
is this distance greater than is indicated by Muñoz but also the
description lacks any indication that the party had really entered
the mountains. The best guess is the vicinity of Knights Ferry.
[24] There is some controversy concerning the ethnographic affinity of
the natives living in this area. Kroeber thinks they were Yokuts. He
mentions as Yokuts groups (Handbook, p. 485) "the Tawalimni, presumably
on Tuolumne River, which appears to be named from them; the Lakisamni
... rancheria at Dent's or Knights Ferry on the Stanislaus...." Schenck
(1926, p. 141) says, under the caption _Taulamne_: "The villages
Taulamne and Taualames are both definitely placed, the former on an
inaccessible rock on the Stanislaus river in the foothills, the latter
at the ford of the San Joaquin just below the mouth of the Tuolumne
river.... This seems to establish the region between the lower Tuolumne
and Stanislaus rivers as Taulamne territory." Kroeber on his map of the
region (Handbook, pl. 37) draws the line between Miwok and Yokuts at the
county boundary, near which the village of Taulamne seems to have been
situated. Hence the inhabitants may have been either Miwok or Yokuts.
The villages higher up the river mentioned by Muñoz must have been
Central Miwok.
It is noteworthy that Muñoz makes no mention of villages on the lower
Stanislaus within the very favorable environment created by the oak
forest. Villages were seen on the Tuolumne but were deserted. It is
highly probable that a similar series existed on the Stanislaus but
by 1806 had been abandoned. The only village mentioned by name in the
supplementary list is Tahualamne.
[25] Cutter (MS, p. 107) concludes that the first stream (Río San
Francisco) was the Calaveras, and the second (Río de la Pasión) the
Cosumnes. There is little reason to disagree. The distances are right,
and the linguistic border between the Miwok and the Maidu runs along
the Cosumnes. On the other hand, it is difficult to explain the failure
of the diarist to mention the Mokelumne, an all-year stream. Moreover
a round trip of 30 leagues, or about 75 mi., is incredible, even for
an accomplished group of horsemen traveling without baggage. Another
guess would be that Muñoz meant the first river was 6 leagues from the
starting point on the Stanislaus and the second 9 leagues _from the
Stanislaus_, rather than 9 leagues _additional_. This would end the
trip at the Mokelumne and satisfy the criterion of distance but would
not explain the linguistic change.
[26] Cutter (MS, pp. 109-110) identifies the Santo Domingo with Mariposa
Cr. and the Tecolote with the Chowchilla.
[27] The Santa Ana was the Fresno R. Throughout the journey from the
Merced to the San Joaquin Moraga's party stayed close to the eastern
edge of the valley. On the seasonal streams found in this area there
was a distinct absence of permanent Indian settlements. Pizcache, on
the San Joaquin, is listed in the appendix directly following Lachuo,
on the Merced. On the San Joaquin, Moraga probably halted approximately
north of Fresno, below Le Grand.
[28] There is a discrepancy here. Moraga, or Muñoz, says that this
village was in the mountains or at least the foothills. But Kroeber
(Handbook, p. 484) says that the Pitkachi "held the south side of the
San Joaquin, living at Kohuou, near Herndon or Sycamore; at Weshiu,
on a slough; and at Gewachiu, still farther downstream." Gayton (1948,
p. 5) says: "After getting aid Derby's party reached the bend of the
San Joaquin River, country attributed to the Pitkachi, on May 24." It
appears as if this group moved downstream between 1806 and 1850.
[29] For comment on the New Mexico legend see Cutter (MS, pp. 110-111).
[30] Kings R. was reached near Sanger or Centerville.
[31] No record exists of this expedition.
[32] The village list at the end of the report mentions by name Aycayche
and 4 other villages which can be ascribed to the Kings R. basin. The
text mentions Ayquiche plus 6 others upstream and 3 downstream, a total
of 9. Evidently the village list does not include all those which were
actually seen.
[33] The entry for the 27th day (17 Oct.) is missing. However it is
clear that on the 28th day the scouts reached the great oak forest along
the Kaweah delta at or above Visalia. To this area the main party moved
on the 29th day (19 October). The water evidently was very low--somewhat
unusual for this region, even in October. The large village of 600
souls, at which 22 persons were baptized was Telame, according to the
statements under dates 19, 21, and 23 October, and also the description
in the village list. These are the Telamni of the ethnographers, and are
repeatedly mentioned by the early explorers.
[34] The tremendous aboriginal population of the lower Kaweah drainage
is attested by several lines of evidence. It probably reached a much
higher figure than the 3,000 mentioned by Muñoz.
[35] The Tule R.
[36] After a winding course for two days, the party camped on the Tule
R. near the foothills, probably not far from Porterville.
[37] Probably Deer Cr.
[38] Probably White R.
[39] No distances are given, but from the description the most likely
stream is Poso Cr.
[40] The Kern R., probably some miles above Bakersfield. A "long trip"
downstream would have brought them into the slough country south of
Bakersfield. From the entire absence of any mention of Buenavista L.
farther to the west it is clear that Moraga did not get within sight
of it.
[41] Grapevine Canyon. As Muñoz predicted, Father Zalvidea left an
account of the villages in this area (see his report for the expedition
of Aug., 1806).
[42] On the last three days the party left the valley by way of
Grapevine Canyon, over Tejon Pass, across the Tehachapi Mts. (Cutter
says the Santa Susanna Range) to San Fernando Mission.
[43] Olivera may be thinking of Moraga's expedition of 1808, which went
north into the Sacramento V.
[44] No recorded expedition remained in the field for any such length of
time.
[45] Here the reference is clearly to the 1806 expedition.
[46] This expedition of 1807 is otherwise unrecorded.
[47] Possibly the entrance to the Gorge of the Kern R., east of
Bakersfield.
[48] The abundance of wild horses and cattle testifies to the early date
at which these animals escaped from the range country of the coast and
overran the plains of the valley. The effect on native economy and
living habits was very great.
CHAPTER IV
(pp. 256-257)
[1] Cutter (MS, p. 143) places this expedition in approximately 1808 and
cites evidence to support the presumption.
[2] A former Chumash village in the valley of Calleguas Cr., north of
the Santa Susanna Mts.
[3] According to Cutter, Muscupian was the same as Moscopiabit of
Zalvidea, in the vicinity of Cajon Pass. Mavialla may have been as
far east as the San Bernardino Mts.
[4] Referring to some incident not recorded in the official documents.
[5] Cutter (MS, p. 146) says that this was Antelope V. I see no reason
to disagree with him.
[6] This encounter probably took place somewhere in the southeastern
corner of the San Joaquin V. It was in the foothills, not near
Buenavista L. or as far north as the Kern R., since neither the
lake nor the river are mentioned.
The entire passage is obscure and the translation has to be very free.
[7] Here apparently Palomares is talking to the chief Quipagui, who has
either been defeated in the skirmish or who has consented to negotiate.
[8] Cutter (MS, p. 147) thinks this may have been Grapevine Canyon and
Pass. There is no evidence one way or another.
[9] The party stayed at San Fernando until November 10th, when they
started out again. This time they went eastward into the Mojave Desert
and the area of Cajon Pass. Hence the account from this point on
concerns southern California rather than the San Joaquin V.
It is probable that in the account just rendered Palomares describes
encounters with mountain, rather than valley, tribes. Hence Quipagui
and his cohorts were more likely Shoshonean (Kitanemuk? Alliklik?) than
Yokuts. Indeed, it is not certain that Palomares ever actually reached
the floor of the valley.
CHAPTER V
(pp. 258-266)
[1] The route ran from Mission San José to Suñol, Dublin, Walnut Creek,
and to the northeast edge of the plain between Martinez and Port
Chicago. Viader's leagues are short. By modern road--which follows very
close to the old horse trail--the distance is close to 38 mi. Viader
allows a total of 18 leagues for the two days, or an average of 2.1 mi.
per league.
[2] At or near Antioch, as is indicated by the 7 leagues covered before
lunch. The large oak forest (inhabited by the Tulpunes--or rather
Julpunes) extends from just east of Antioch to the vicinity of
Brentwood. The halt for the night was near Oakley.
[3] From Oakley to Bethany, the site of Pescadero and the home of the
Bolbones, is 21 mi., which agrees with Viader's estimate of 10 leagues.
The lakes mentioned have long since vanished.
[4] According to the distances given, Tomchom was north of Tracy, and
Cuyens was on the left bank of the river about 3 mi. above the highway
bridge. Aupemis was passed before Tomchom was reached and hence cannot
be identical with Pitemis as Schenck (1926, p. 141) assumes.
With respect to the journey from Pescadero (Bethany) to San Luis Gonzaga
it should be noted that, if one applies Viader's value of 2.1 mi. per
league, the distances reconcile very exactly.
[5] About 2 mi. north-northeast of Vernalis.
[6] On the right bank of the river east of Vernalis.
[7] About 2 mi. southeast of Grayson. The skirmish described represents
one of the earliest recorded armed conflicts between the Spaniards and
the valley natives. It is clear that from this time forward expeditions
of the white man into the interior could no longer preserve the
semblance of altruism or religious motivation.
[8] Probably east of Patterson.
[9] Orestimba Cr., east of Crows Landing.
[10] Probably 3 or 4 mi. north or northeast of Gustine, in the open
treeless plain. From this point it is close to 21 mi. (10 leagues) to
San Luis Gonzaga.
[11] Here, as in the previous account, Viader uses a league of
approximately 2.1 mi. From Mission San José to the river near Bethany
is just about 32 mi., a distance Viader calls 15 leagues.
[12] Two villages of the Bolbones were concerned, one on the west bank
of Old River, the other on the opposite bank, on Union I. The frankly
military and aggressive character of this expedition is readily
apparent.
[13] These elevations were of two types: (1) small, scattered mounds
formed of residual calcareous sand (the so-called "sand mounds") on
the summits of which the Indians established their villages; (2) true
habitation mounds, perhaps originally situated on a slight elevation,
but built up by midden deposit to a height of several feet.
[14] The itinerary of the 22nd and 23rd seems fairly clear. The party
kept closer to the river than the expedition of August and thus
apparently saw Jusmites and Tugites (or Fugites), which were not
mentioned by name in the account of the previous trip. According to
the present diary, Mayem was 9 leagues from Pescadero, as compared
with the estimated 8 1/2 leagues in August.
Two leagues beyond Mayem in August the village under the chief Bozenats
was encountered. The present record gives the name of the village, or
tribe, Taualames. The identity is clear.
[15] From the crossing of the San Joaquin the distances and directions
cannot be reconciled with the apparent locations. Thus the village
of the Taualames would appear to lie on the east bank between the
Stanislaus and the Tuolumne (Dolores), and Schenck so places it. Yet
Viader says the Tuolumne R. was 2 or 3 leagues north of the village and
the Merced about 6 leagues southeast. Elsewhere (on the 25th) he says
that Taualames is 2 leagues below the mouth of Orestimba Cr. If so, it
would be 8 or more leagues south of Mayem.
The most probable route would follow up the west bank of the San Joaquin
to the vicinity of the Tuolumne, then across and up the east bank to the
Merced. Having crossed the Merced and back to the west bank of the San
Joaquin, the group retraced their steps downstream, past Orestimba Cr.
to the starting point opposite Taualames.
[16] Turning west the expedition crossed three leagues of plain
and came upon Arroyo Corpus Christi, at present Del Puerto Cr. This
identification is additional evidence that Taualames was about 3 leagues
south of the Tuolumne R., as Viader implies. On the 26th and 27th the
trail led up Del Puerto Cr. to its headwaters, past San Antonio V., and
through the hills northeast of Mt. Hamilton to Mission San José. The
total distance is given as 23 leagues, or about 48 mi. according to
Viader's reckoning. This is reasonably close to the actual airline
distance.
[17] Although the first three days of the journey concern San Francisco
Bay rather than the Central Valley, it seems preferable to present a
translation of the whole diary. To attempt to segregate those entries
pertaining solely to the delta area would save but little space and
would destroy the continuity of the narrative.
[18] The body of water south of Pts. San Pablo and San Pedro and
generally north and northeast of Angel I.
[19] The distance, that is, will be about twice that across the Golden
Gate.
[20] Pt. Pinole.
[21] "Tierra firme de San José." This expression referred by convention
to the entire East Bay area, including the Coast Ranges from Carquinez
Strait and Suisun Bay south to Santa Clara and Stanislaus counties.
[22] It is clear from this statement that Abella considered 8 hours'
rowing time as equivalent to 8 leagues. A league on land was usually
measured in practice by an hour on foot or horseback, and this system
was based upon the usual steady progress of a horse or man throughout a
day. Oarsmen in still water, and with moderate effort, could approximate
the same rate. But here the boats traveled with or against tidal and
stream currents, subject to drift in the winds, or traversed the
sloughs, where movement might or might not be restricted. From these
considerations it follows that the transposition directly of hours of
travel into leagues of distance has no meaning whatever. Indeed, when
the narrative states leagues, the expression should be interpreted as
hours.
In the present instance the distance from the Embarcadero in San
Francisco to Angel I., to Pt. San Pablo, to the entrance of Carquinez
Strait, assuming straight-line navigation, is about 24 mi. This means
3 mi., or slightly less per league, according to Abella's calculation,
somewhat in excess of the usual value for the league, of 2.6 mi. But
Abella states that he waited for the incoming tide, which of course
would have increased his speed with reference to the shore. Hence his
leagues here are long.
[23] Mare I., on the north side of the channel.
[24] This sentence reads: "la contra costa es la tierra de San José del
Estrecho Yamado de los Carquinez es tierra muy Pelada." To render it
"the opposite shore is the mainland of San José" makes no sense since
the party stopped on the south side and the north side is bare of trees.
[25] From this point the journey takes Abella and his party into the
actual delta. Thereafter progress is almost impossible to follow, except
in broad outline. The party wandered almost at random through the tules,
finally touching at spots which can be identified. This is evident from
the account of Abella, who substantially admits that he was lost for
days at a time. Another difficulty lies in the changes which have taken
place during the past century. River channels have been leveed, new
canals or channels have been excavated, great areas have been drained
entirely, with complete change of vegetation. Therefore an attempt to
trace Abella's course in detail through the delta as it exists today
is doomed to failure in advance. As a matter of fact the route outlined
by Bancroft 80 years ago (1884-1890, II: 321-323) is likely to be
reasonably close to the truth.
Even though the precise pathway cannot be reconstructed the diary is of
interest both in giving a vivid impression of the great tule swamps in
their pristine condition and in presenting information regarding the
natives of those regions.
[26] As suggested in n. 22 above, Abella's distances in leagues are
completely unreliable and should be entirely disregarded.
[27] Fourteen leagues, or a minimum of 35 mi. from near Martinez to near
Antioch, a truly preposterous figure.
[28] The passage is obscure. It is probable that the island, and the
branching of the rivers, refers to the western end of Sherman I. where
the Sacramento and San Joaquin rivers merge. The Ompines were a tribe
living on the north shore of Suisun Bay but it is quite likely that they
had a fishing station on Sherman I. or some other island close to the
south shore.
[29] "Boca." The word denotes the mouth or entrance of a stream or
river. Here, quite evidently it is used with reference to the many
openings among the islands and swamps where sloughs intersect each other
or meet the rivers. From a small boat on the water only the break in the
tules can be seen. Rarely is there any indication of how far, or where,
the lateral channel runs. These mouths, or openings, usually resemble
each other in appearance so closely that a stranger like Abella can
never be sure of differentiating between them or of recognizing one
the second time he passes it, unless there is some very distinctive
landmark.
[30] "Río del Norte," the Sacramento. The party appears now to have been
somewhere in the Big Break region off the northwest shore of Jersey I.
The channel to the left cannot be identified on modern maps.
[31] From the context it is clear that at this point the party entered
False River, as they could not fail to do if they went upstream past
Antioch, took the channel on their right, and held close to the south
shore.
[32] The party may have been at the foot of Mandeville I., where Old
River and the main San Joaquin unite, or at the foot of Bacon I. If the
latter theory is correct, then the channel running to the left (Abella
was pointing south) might have been Connection Slough, which joins
Middle River a few miles to the southeast.
[33] The expedition is now proceeding up Old River past Palm, Orwood,
and Byron tracts, on which are still the remains of aboriginal
habitation sites.
[34] The long trip south, the appearance of Indians and villages on the
shore, the short swing of the river to the east, and the proximity of
dry land at the stopping place, all indicate arrival in the vicinity
of present Highway 4, near the western tip of Union I., 3 or 4 mi.
northwest of Bethany. The Bolbones, probably a Yokuts tribelet, had
been converted at San José during the preceding decade.
[35] Referring to Carmel R.
[36] Abella makes little reference to the fact that he was accompanied
by Fr. Buenaventura Sitjar and that the expedition was actually under
the military command of Sergeant José Sanchez.
[37] "Mais de umedad": corn planted and dependent upon rain for
moisture, as opposed to corn dependent upon irrigation.
[38] The village of Pescadero is known to have been situated on the
southwestern side of Union I., somewhere near White House Landing, a
mile or two northeast of Bethany. The site itself is lost, the river
bounded by levees, the land under cultivation. Some of the old oaks,
however, still stand along the river, behind the levees.
[39] This body of water is mentioned by several explorers of this
period. It no longer exists, nor does it appear on any modern map. It
probably was a shallow backwater in the vicinity of Tracy.
[40] The most probable location for the stopping place is approximately
north of Tracy where there are oaks which easily could have been
surrounded by swamp. The fork in the river at just about this point
would be that in which Salmon Slough runs northeast to join Middle River
and the main San Joaquin and in which Tom Paine Slough runs southeast to
meet the main river near Lathrop. Abella's group would have gone down
Salmon Slough.
[41] The passage is obscure but evidently refers to the junction of
Middle River with the main stream of Old River as it passes through
what is now Salmon Slough. The ultimate reunion of the two streams can
be considered to take place at the foot of Bacon I., as suggested in
n. 32. This interpretation of locality is strongly supported by Abella's
statement that he next proceeded upstream and at 3 leagues came into the
Río Grande, or the main branch of the San Joaquin R. about 2 mi. west of
Lathrop.
[42] The junction of Tom Paine Slough with the San Joaquin near the
railroad and highway crossing east of Tracy.
[43] The name never was accepted. The river has always been known as the
San Joaquin.
[44] Abella evidently refers to Old River as the opening ("boca") on the
left and to Middle River as that on the right.
[45] Schenck (1926) places Coybos on the right bank of the San Joaquin
not more than a mile or two below the junction of Middle River. It is
probable, from Abella's account, that the village was farther down,
nearer the mouth of French Camp Slough. Abella, furthermore, gives no
indication on which side of the river the village was situated.
[46] It is probable that the rancherias here described, and indeed the
whole day's journey, was in the area just west of the present city of
Stockton.
[47] The first split in the river going downstream is west of Stockton,
with the formation of Rough and Ready I. It is probable that the party
was in this area.
[48] The party apparently had reached the junction of the main
stream--now the Stockton ship channel--and Old River, north of
Mandeville I. The distance is about 15 mi. from Rough and Ready I.,
near Stockton, where the previous halt was made. The entrance to Old
River is passed on the left going downstream.
[49] The location of these villages cannot be ascertained with
certainty. According to the text the party traveled about 1 1/2
leagues on the 24th and 6 leagues on the 25th, making 7 1/2, or
perhaps 18, mi., if we can believe Abella's distances.
There is very great question as to the route taken after the party
reached the junction of the main river and Old River. Bancroft
(1884-1890, II: 323, fn.) says the route passed through the sloughs just
north of Sherman I. so as to enter the Sacramento R. This would imply
the use of Threemile Slough, 3 mi. long, as its name implies. One
alternative is Sevenmile Slough, which passes from the San Joaquin R.,
with Andrus and Brannan islands on the right and Twitchell I. on the
left, to the Sacramento. Still another possibility is that Abella
entered the Mokelumne R., just below the junction of the main river and
Old River. If so, progress would have been necessary through the sloughs
of Tyler and Andrus islands. None of these possibilities conforms in all
respects to the account in the text.
[50] They were still going north along a waterway not more than 100 ft.
wide.
[51] At this point the party evidently entered the main stream of the
Sacramento.
[52] This passage shows clearly that the party was traveling the
Sacramento relatively far above Suisun Bay and that therefore the
entrance to the river could not have been by way of Threemile Slough
above the head of Sherman I. Accounts by many later voyagers, as well
as the existing condition of the terrain, indicate unequivocally that
the oak trees begin, on ascending the river, no more than a mile or
two below Rio Vista. The heavy oak stand with dense undergrowth and
grapevines appears near the foot of Grand I. and continues thence up the
river. Hence it is most probable that Abella entered the Sacramento R.
at or near Tyler I., no farther downstream than Isleton. The population
described in the text is much heavier than has been generally ascribed
to these islands by modern students (cf. Schenck, 1926).
[53] Foot of Grand I., where Steamboat Slough joins the main river.
[54] He refers to the main stream of the Sacramento and Steamboat Slough
plus the slough or channel which we cannot identify and through which
he reached his present position below the foot of Grand I. The party was
now not far from the site of Rio Vista.
[55] The description fits the north bank of the river below Rio Vista:
the bare rolling hills are the Montezuma Hills, the high hill of the
Bolbones is Mt. Diablo, the plain is the flat area stretching north from
Sherman I. all the way to Fairfield. The distance traveled was far less
than 12 leagues but it is true that at about the halfway point the oaks
and other river bank shrubbery fade out and the land becomes pure grassy
pasture land.
[56] Probably referring to the exploratory expedition of Ayala and
Cañizares in 1776. Cañizares reached the vicinity of lower Sherman I.,
when he repeatedly ran aground and was forced to turn back.
[57] The exact course of the expedition on the 27th and 28th is
difficult to trace but in outline it is fairly clear. Priestley (1946,
p. 108) says: "From the Ompines the navigators went through Nurse Slough
and Montezuma Creek to a point one league east of Suisun." This is
unlikely because one must navigate several miles of Montezuma Slough
before arriving at Nurse Slough. The head of the latter is fully 8 mi.
from Suisun. Furthermore, Abella says the "Yano de los Suisunes" (the
plain of the Suisunes), not the town of Suisun.
Leaving the main bay and river near Collinsville, the party evidently
went north through Montezuma Slough, with the low Montezuma Hills to the
east and the Potrero Hills to the north. Then they followed the meanders
of Montezuma Slough and probably some of its branches, camping on high
ground perhaps in the Potrero Hills. The following day they must have
entered Suisun Slough and gone north to dry ground (only 1 league). Here
they found the oak groves and the low hills of the inner Coast Range.
Subsequently, they went generally south into Suisun Bay and thence to
Carquinez Strait. Mt. Diablo ("Serro de los Bolbones") was slightly east
of south, not southwest, as Abella thought.
[58] "Los Plumajes de sus Peleas": the costumes, made of feathers, or
otherwise, which they were accustomed to wear in battle.
[59] Not long previously Moraga had led a military expedition north of
Suisun Bay and had chastised, with several casualties, the recalcitrant
natives living in southern Solano Co.
[60] "Las Lomas de los Carquines": meaning apparently the hills along
the north shore of the Strait.
[61] The sentence ends without completion and, as it stands, does not
make sense. It is probable that the person who made the copy in the
Bancroft Library failed to finish the entry for October 29. The omitted
portion cannot be reconstructed from the fragment available.
[62] Argüello's letter does not specify the location of the Indian
village attacked. Father Narciso Duran, however, in the report of
his journey in 1817, placed it as among or near the Unsumnes (i.e.,
Cosumnes), along the northeastern edge of the delta. (See Schenck,
1926, pp. 128-129.)
[63] Section omitted by Bancroft's transcriber.
[64] This is the first real battle in Central California of which we
have record. The advantage to the Indians in numbers and terrain
was offset by the Spanish superiority in weapons and discipline.
Furthermore, 100 Indian auxiliaries were an adequate compensation for
the hostile natives' excess in numbers.
The soldiers won a tactical victory, for they drove the Indians from
the field. But the Indians could point to strategic gains: (1) they
demonstrated that under the right circumstances they could stand up in a
fair fight against a strong force of whites; and (2) they prevented the
attainment of the objective of the campaign, i.e., the recapture of the
fugitives.
CHAPTER VI
(pp. 267-279)
[1] Ortega gives no distances and the route appears to have been very
devious. Hence it is possible to locate the expedition at those points
only which are specifically named. Cholam is still a small village in
the southwest corner of T 25 S, R 16 E.
[2] The Yokuts subtribe Tachi occupied the area to the west of L. Tulare
and its outlet sloughs as far as the coast ranges (see Kroeber, 1925, p.
484). However, since Ortega speaks of operating along the Kings R., the
village he attacked must have been one of those not far west of Lemoore.
The records of the Calif. Archaeol. Survey show from 10 to 15 habitation
sites in this area, a fact which indicates in a general way a heavy
population.
[3] The Nutunutu. This tribe extended along the south bank of the Kings
R. from Lemoore nearly to Kingsburg.
[4] The chief center of the Telamni, who inhabited the oak forest of
the Kaweah delta at and below Visalia. This had originally been a very
large village but the disturbances caused by the Spanish expeditions
had substantially destroyed it. The heavy mortality and great famine
mentioned by Ortega were undoubtedly due to the continuous state of
fugitivism, severe exposure to the weather, and inability to gather and
store the customary stocks of food such as acorns and fish. No specific
epidemic was recorded, such as is implied by Cutter (Ms, p. 213) on the
basis of certain statements of the Father President, Mariano Payeras.
However, no fulminating epidemic was necessary to produce the mortality.
Starvation, exposure, and respiratory diseases would be quite adequate.
[5] The Choinok, who lived along Deep Cr., in the Kaweah delta, near and
northeast of Tulare. The San Gabriel R. was the Kaweah.
[6] Sumtache (Tuntache, Chuntache). This was probably the principal
village of the Chunut, on the northeast shore of L. Tulare. Bubal,
mentioned frequently in the early accounts, was the village of the
Wowol (see discussion in Kroeber, 1925, pp. 483-484 and Cook, 1955,
pp. 44-45).
[7] The party followed the usual route over Pacheco Pass to San Luis
Gonzaga and east into the valley.
[8] The stopping place may have been somewhere near Dos Palos, which is
20 mi. from San Luis Gonzaga. The expedition could scarcely have reached
Mendota as stated by Cutter (Ms, p. 218) since the latter is nearly 50
mi. from the starting point and the ride was only 3 hours long.
[9] The villages along the San Joaquin R. from the great bend above
Mendota to the vicinity of Newman had so completely disappeared in the
early years of the nineteenth century that the Yokuts informants of
Kroeber, Gifford, Gayton, and other modern ethnographers preserved no
memory of them. Yet it is clear from the accounts of Pico and of other
explorers and soldiers that they were relatively numerous and populous.
The inhabitants seem to have been unusually disposed to the stealing of
horses. Moreover, their habitat was on the west bank of the river and
wide open to attack from the coast. For these or other reasons, they
appear to have been completely obliterated.
The existence of 6 villages can be established with reasonable certainty
(see discussion in Cook, 1955, pp. 51-52). From north to south they
are: Cheneches, Malim, Nupchenches, Cutucho, Copicha, Tape. The first,
Cheneches, was probably near the mouth of Mariposa Cr., north of Los
Baños. The southernmost, Tape, was, according to Estudillo in 1819, 24
leagues south of, or upstream from, Cheneches. This would place Tape
south of the great bend of the San Joaquin, roughly 20 mi. west of
Fresno. Copicha was at the mouth of the Chowchilla.
[10] The general course of Pico's party was southeastward along the
connecting sloughs between Tulare L. and the San Joaquin R. On the
12th they reached the lower Kings R. in the territory of the Wimilchi
(Gumilchis). At or near this point the junction was made with Ortega's
division.
[11] The route for the next several days is confused. The joint
expedition moved back northwestward from the Kings R. to the San
Joaquin area, where Pico had been previously operating.
[12] An error, since the party had just left Cheneches.
[13] The huge number of dead animals found in these villages is
testimony to their great significance as an item in the diet of the
natives. The Nupchenches group evidently had undergone a profound
alteration from a sedentary, principally vegetarian people to active,
hard-riding, meat-eating raiders.
[14] From the 16th to the 28th of December the Pico-Ortega expedition
was pursued by miserable fortune and turned in a really pathetic
performance. Not lacking in competent leadership, it nevertheless
floundered for nearly two weeks through rain and mud, lost its horses,
was led on repeated wild-goose chases by native guides, and accomplished
nothing in the military sense. On the other hand, it contributed to the
rapid economic and physical disintegration which was being undergone by
the valley tribes. The Spaniards could return to the coast and organize
a new expedition. The natives could not recover from the damage they
suffered.
[15] The geography of this trip is very confusing and has never been
cleared up satisfactorily. Despite the fact that Father Martinez gives
distances with a great air of exactness, these distances cannot be
tied to recognizable points. It is clear that Thuohuala is Bubal, of
the Wowol, very probably on the western side of Tulare L. The river
mentioned, which ends in Buenavista L., Goose L., and Tulare L., may
have been Kern, since, moreover, it is the only unfordable stream in the
southern valley. However, Telamé refers to the village of the Telamni,
west of Visalia. The only river 20 mi. (7 leagues) from Telamé would be
the Tule R. which, to be sure, flows into Tulare L. but is 100 mi. from
Buenavista L. Gelecto may have been at or near Goose L., but if so,
where was Lihuahilame, 19 leagues away?
It may have been that Martinez actually stayed in the southwestern areas
of the valley and never crossed the line of the lakes and sloughs at
all. If so, when he mentioned "Telamé" he was talking about the subtribe
Tulamni west of Buenavista L., not the Telamni in the Kaweah delta. In
favor of such an hypothesis is his statement that "in all our trip we
did not see a tree." This could scarcely have been true, had he reached
the lower Kaweah R. The big river was very probably the Kern.
[16] The photocopy in the Bancroft Library is poorly executed. Several
words close to the binding of the original book are impossible to
decipher.
[17] For another version of this fight see the account by Father Cabot.
[18] The personal pronouns in this excerpt are somewhat confusing.
However, the reader need only bear in mind that this is a transcript of
a letter, not the original. Hence the first two words may be rendered:
"Father Cabot says...." The entire letter is, of course, condensed and
paraphrased in the transcript.
[19] Here is a clear instance of mission Indians going by themselves on
a raid to the valley. They were, of course, authorized to do so by the
missionary himself (Father Fray Antonio Jaime). How many such forays
took place we have no means of knowing. As a rule, only when the
expedition got into trouble was notice taken of it in the official
correspondence or in the reports of the friars. It is probable that,
in addition to these trips, which might be called "semiofficial," a
vast number of Mission Indians came and went without permission. The
disturbing influence of such small parties in the valley was not as
great as that of the major, full-scale military enterprises, but in
the aggregate must have been considerable.
[20] These villages are in the general region of Tulare L.
[21] These villages are all along the San Joaquin R. from Mendota to
Patterson--in the Nupchenches group. Notice the final extinction of the
village of Malime and the emigration of the inhabitants of Notoalh to
the Sierra Nevada. By 1820 this area was probably completely denuded of
Indians.
[22] The eastern end of the Montezuma Hills, just southwest of Rio
Vista.
[23] Like those of other river explorers, Duran's leagues are not to be
taken literally.
[24] The day's trip can be followed with reasonable assurance. A league
from the stopping point at the eastern end of the Montezuma Hills near
Rio Vista would bring the party to the foot of Grand I. [Isla de los
Quenemsias]. The opening to the starboard was the main channel of the
Sacramento. Following to the left, they soon encountered the entrance
to Cache Slough to port. This they passed by and therefore must have
entered Steamboat Slough. At 6 leagues (actually much less) they saw
the fork of Steamboat Slough and Sutter Slough and followed the latter,
which appears to continue straight ahead whereas Steamboat Slough seems
to bear northeast. Both sloughs in fact lead back again to the main
channel of the Sacramento. The description of the oak groves conforms
to those of other early navigators of the Sacramento Basin.
[25] The opening or slough encountered at the end of one league was
probably Miner Slough--although clearly it was not the one passed on
the preceding day. The village of the Chucumnes was probably on Sutter
I. near this point. Here also must be the place where the river
"subdivides" into three branches; north, west, and south, Miner Slough
being the western branch and Sutter Slough both the northern and
southern arms. The afternoon voyage carried the party very slowly up
Sutter Slough to a point near the head of Sutter I. where they stopped
apparently on the west bank. The 18th they crossed the top of Sutter I.
by way of the short connecting slough and entered the main stream of the
Sacramento half a mile above Paintersville.
[26] Probably the slough which runs around Randall I. to the southeast.
[27] The halt was made probably somewhere near Richland.
[28] Since the distances in leagues are unreliable, it is impossible to
specify exactly where Duran's party stopped on the night of May 19 or
where they set up the cross and turned around on May 20. At the latter
point they were above the last of the important sloughs, Elkhorn Slough,
for the ground appeared as if it would be dry in the fall of the year
and Duran thought that an approach by land would be better than one
by water. The best guess is that the cross was set up somewhere near
Freeport, and in any case below the junction of the American R. at
Sacramento.
[29] It is doubtful that this "hill" was the Marysville, or Sutter,
Buttes because not only are these heights much more than 10 leagues
distant, but also because in the month of May there is no snow on them.
It is more likely that Duran saw some of the higher summits of the Coast
Range in Napa or Lake counties.
[30] Again somewhere near Richland, probably on Merritt I.
[31] This statement places the party definitely at the head of Grand I.
The following sentence is misleading. They left Steamboat Slough on the
right and took the main river which runs to the left. There is no other
waterway fitting the description in this area.
[32] The party probably reached the vicinity of Walnut Grove on the
afternoon of the 21st. From this time to the morning of the 24th it is
impossible to reconstruct Duran's exact route. However, in general he
seems to have run south, perhaps through the Mokelumne system, as far as
the region northwest of Stockton, and thence westward to Suisun Bay.
[33] If, as Fr. Duran said, he bore east as close as possible to the dry
land, then the most probable course was through Snodgrass Slough, past
Deadhorse I. into the South Fork of the Mokelumne. He must have followed
this stream downward to Potato Slough and perhaps Little Connection
Slough to a junction with the main San Joaquin R. There is no continuous
waterway farther east. Farther west the only feasible pathway is
directly down the Mokelumne R., a course which does not fit the
description given. The Nototemnes (to the right) may have lived
on Staten I., or conceivably Bouldin I. The others--Yatchicomnes,
Passasimas, and Mokelumnes--were on solid ground, east of the sloughs.
Their habitat probably extended inland from the delta for some distance.
We know that the Mokelumnes inhabited the river of that name for many
miles upstream.
[34] The sand dunes between Antioch and Oakley, extending some distance
up Marsh Cr. The name is still current as applied to the land grant made
to John Marsh.
[35] The reader will observe immediately that the point of view of a
soldier is very different from that of a priest. He will also note the
irritation inspired in the soldier by the priest. Despite the lengthy
apologies the soldier does not conceal his exasperation that he is
subordinate to the priest and that he is not permitted to go where
he wishes and explore as he sees fit. The criticism of Fr. Duran by
Argüello must be viewed in this light.
[36] Duran says merely that the Commandante (Argüello) had "gone ahead"
and stopped at the mouth of the San Joaquin. He followed the "route
agreed upon" and stopped at the mouth of the Sacramento.
[37] From the 15th to the 22nd the account of Argüello agrees within
reasonable limits with that of Duran. Differences in detail and emphasis
are to be expected and do not reflect upon the veracity of either
writer. For discussion of the route, reference may be made to the notes
(22-34 above) to Father Duran's manuscript.
[38] The route followed by Argüello cannot be traced in detail. He seems
to have followed sloughs in a generally northwest direction until he
came upon the main stream of the Sacramento somewhere east of Grand I.
(Isla de los Quenemsias), perhaps near Isleton. The skirmish with the
Christian fugitives must have occurred in the Walnut Grove area.
[39] According to Duran the meeting took place at the eastern entrance
to the Strait, near Martinez.
CHAPTER VII
(pp. 280-281)
[1] Bancroft, in his Pioneer Register (1884-1890, IV: 777), says that
José Dolores Pico was sergeant of his company from 1811, and was wounded
on an expedition in 1815. In the Pioneer Register (ibid., III: 752-753)
he also says that Inocente García was born in 1791 and was a soldier
from 1807-1813. Evidently, therefore, the events recounted here took
place somewhere from 1810-1813.
BIBLIOGRAPHY
PUBLISHED WORKS
Bancroft, H. H.
1884- History of California. 7 vols. San Francisco.
1890.
Bolton, H. E.
1926. Historical Memoirs of New California, by Fray Francisco
Palóu. Trans. from the manuscript in the Archives of
Mexico. 4 vols. Berkeley, Calif.
1927. Fray Juan Crespi, Missionary Explorer on the Pacific Coast,
1769-1774. Diaries and letters relating to expeditions of
Portolá, Fages, and Pérez. Berkeley, Calif.
Cook, S. F.
1955. The Aboriginal Population of the San Joaquin Valley,
California. Univ. Calif. Anthro. Rec., 16 (1): 31-80.
Coues, Elliott, ed.
1900. On the Trail of a Spanish Pioneer. [The diary of Francisco
Garcés.] New York.
Cutter, Donald C.
MS. The Spanish Exploration of California's Central Valley. Ph.D.
diss. (1950). University of California, Berkeley.
1957. The Diary of Ensign Gabriel Moraga's Expedition of Discovery
in the Sacramento Valley, 1808. Los Angeles.
Gayton, A. H.
1948. Yokuts and Western Mono Ethnography. Univ. Calif. Anthro.
Rec., Vol. 10. Berkeley, Calif.
1936. Estudillo among the Yokuts: 1819. _In_ Essays in Anthropology
in Honor of Alfred Louis Kroeber, pp. 67-85. Berkeley,
Calif.
Gifford, E. W., and W. E. Schenck
1926. Archaeology of the Southern San Joaquin Valley, California.
Univ. Calif. Am. Arch. and Ethn., 23: 1-122.
Kroeber, A. L.
1925. Handbook of the Indians of California. Bureau of American
Ethnology, Bulletin 78.
Priestley, H. I.
1913. The Colorado River Campaign, 1781-1782: Diary of Pedro Fages.
Publs. of the Academy of Pacific Coast History. Berkeley,
Calif.
1937. A Historical, Political, and Natural Description of
California, by Pedro Fages, Soldier of Spain. Berkeley.
1946. Franciscan Explorations in California. Ed. by Lillian Estelle
Fisher. Glendale, Calif.
Schenck, W. E.
1926. Historic Aboriginal Groups of the California Delta Region.
Univ. Calif. Publ. Am. Arch. and Ethn., 25 (2): 123-146.
MANUSCRIPTS
Unless otherwise stated, all manuscripts are in the Bancroft Library,
Berkeley, California.
Archives of California (Cal. Arch.)
Provincial Records, Vols. II, IV
Provincial State Papers, Vols. XIV, XVI
Provincial State Papers..., Benicia, Military, Vols. XIV,
XXXIII, XXXIV
State Papers (Sacramento), Vol. II.
Archivo del Arzobispado, San Francisco (Archbishop's Arch.), Vol. III
Archivo de la Misión de Santa Barbara (Santa Barbara Arch.), Vols. IV,
VI
De la Guerra Documentos
Abella, Fr. Ramón
Diario de un registro de los Ríos Grandes, October 15-31,
1811, San Francisco. Santa Barbara Arch., IV: 101-134.
Argüello, Luís Antonio
Letter to Governor Pablo Vicente de Sola, San Francisco,
May 26, 1817.
Boronda, José Canuto
Notas históricas sobre California. 1878.
Duran, Fr. Narciso
Diario de la expedición de reconocimiento hecha en el mes
de Mayo de 1817....
García, Felipe Santiago
Story of an Old Dragoon of Monterey. _In_ Alexander S.
Taylor, Discoverers, Founders and Pioneers of California,
2: 141-151.
Martinez, Fr. Luís Antonio
Letter to Prefect Sarria, San Luis Obispo, May 29, 1816.
_In_ Alexander S. Taylor Papers. Archbishop's Office, San
Francisco. Doc. 489. Photocopy in Bancroft Library.
Moraga, Gabriel
Diary, September 25-October 23, 1808. Enclosed in letter
from Luís Argüello to Governor Arrillaga, San Francisco,
November 12, 1808.
Olivera, Diego
No title. Clipping from an unidentified newspaper dated,
according to a penciled note, 1864. _In_ Alexander S. Taylor,
Discoverers, Founders and Pioneers of California 2: 153.
Ortega, Juan
Diary, November 4-December 3, 1815.
Palomares, José
Report on the Expedition to the Tulares. Arch. Prov. St.
Pap., Mis. and Col., I: 229-239.
Pico, José Dolores
Diary, November 4-15, 1815. Mission San Juan Bautista,
December 3, 1815.
Taylor, Alexander S.
Discoverers, Founders and Pioneers of California. Manuscripts
with clippings, pamphlets, maps, and pictures. 2 vols.
Viader, Fr. José
Report, August 15-28, 1810.
Report, October 19-27, 1810.
Zalvidea, Fr. José María de
Diario de una expedición tierra adentro, 1806. Santa
Barbara Arch., IV: 49-68.
* * * * *
Transcriber's note:
Inconsistent spelling in the original work has been retained.
*** End of this LibraryBlog Digital Book "Colonial Expeditions to the Interior of California Central Valley, 1800-1820 - Anthropological Records 16(6):239-292, 1958" ***
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