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Title: History of the Buccaneers of America
Author: Burney, James
Language: English
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Transcriber's Note:
This is a faithful reproduction of the original work with the exception of
changes listed at the end. Also:
Notation: Words in italics are indicated _like this_. But the publisher
also wanted to emphasize names in sentences already italicized, so he
printed them in the regular font which is indicated here with: _The
pirates then went to =Hispaniola=._ Superscripts are indicated like this:
S^{ta} Maria. Footnotes are located near the end of the work.
* * * * *
HISTORY
OF
THE BUCCANEERS
OF
AMERICA.
By JAMES BURNEY, F.R.S.
CAPTAIN IN THE ROYAL NAVY.
London:
_Printed by Luke Hansard & Sons, near Lincoln's-Inn Fields;_
FOR PAYNE AND FOSS, PALL-MALL.
1816.
CONTENTS.
CHAPTER I.
_Considerations on the Rights acquired by the Discovery of
Unknown Lands, and on the Claims advanced by the Spaniards._
CHAP. II.
_Review of the Dominion of the =Spaniards= in =Hayti= or
=Hispaniola=._
Page
Hayti, or Hispaniola, the Land on
which the Spaniards first settled in
America 7
Government of Columbus 9
Dogs made use of against the Indians 10
Massacre of the Natives, and Subjugation
of the Island 11
Heavy Tribute imposed 12
City of Nueva Ysabel, or Santo
Domingo 14
Beginning of the Repartimientos 16
Government of Bovadilla _ib._
The Natives compelled to work the
Mines 17
Nicolas Ovando, Governor _ib._
Working the Mines discontinued 18
The Natives again forced to the Mines 19
Insurrection in Higuey 20
Encomiendas established _ib._
Africans carried to the West Indies 21
Massacre of the People of Xaragua 22
Death of Queen Ysabel 23
Desperate condition of the Natives 24
The Grand Antilles 26
Small Antilles, or Caribbee Islands _ib._
Lucayas, or Bahama Islands _ib._
The Natives of the Lucayas betrayed to
the Mines 27
Fate of the Natives of Porto Rico 28
D. Diego Columbus, Governor _ib._
Increase of Cattle in Hayti. Cuba 29
De las Casas and Cardinal Ximenes
endeavour to serve the Indians 30
Cacique Henriquez _ib._
Footnotes
CHAP. III.
_Ships of different European Nations frequent the =West Indies=.
Opposition experienced by them from the Spaniards. Hunting of
Cattle in =Hispaniola=._
Adventure of an English Ship 32
The French and other Europeans resort
to the West Indies 33
Regulation proposed in Hispaniola, for
protection against Pirates _ib._
Hunting of Cattle in Hispaniola 34
Matadores _ib._
Guarda Costas 35
Brethren of the Coast 36
CHAP. IV.
_Iniquitous Settlement of the Island =Saint Christopher= by the
=English= and =French=. =Tortuga= seized by the Hunters.
Origin of the name =Buccaneer=. The name =Flibustier=. Customs
attributed to the =Buccaneers=._
The English and French settle on
Saint Christopher 38
Are driven away by the Spaniards 40
They return 41
Tortuga seized by the Hunters 41
Whence the Name Buccaneer 42
the Name Flibustier 43
Customs attributed to the Buccaneers 45
CHAP. V.
_Treaty made by the Spaniards with Don =Henriquez=. Increase of
English and French in the =West Indies=. =Tortuga= surprised
by the Spaniards. Policy of the English and French Governments
with respect to the Buccaneers. =Mansvelt=, his attempt to
form an independent Buccaneer Establishment. French West-India
Company. =Morgan= succeeds =Mansvelt= as Chief of the
Buccaneers._
Cultivation in Tortuga 48
Increase of the English and French
Settlements in the West Indies _ib._
Tortuga surprised by the Spaniards 49
Is taken possession of for the Crown
of France 51
Policy of the English and French
Governments with respect to the
Buccaneers 52
The Buccaneers plunder New Segovia 53
The Spaniards retake Tortuga _ib._
With the assistance of the Buccaneers
the English take Jamaica 54
The French retake Tortuga _ib._
Pierre le Grand, a French Buccaneer _ib._
Alexandre 55
Montbars, surnamed the Exterminator _ib._
Bartolomeo Portuguez _ib._
L'Olonnois, and Michel le Basque,
take Maracaibo and Gibraltar 55
Outrages committed by L'Olonnois _ib._
Mansvelt, a Buccaneer Chief, attempts
to form a Buccaneer Establishment 56
Island S^{ta} Katalina, or Providence;
since named Old Providence _ib._
Death of Mansvelt 57
French West-India Company _ib._
The French Settlers dispute their authority 58
Morgan succeeds Mansvelt; plunders
Puerto del Principe _ib._
Maracaibo again pillaged 59
Morgan takes Porto Bello: his Cruelty _ib._
He plunders Maracaibo and Gibraltar 60
His Contrivances to effect his Retreat 61
CHAP. VI.
_Treaty of =America=. Expedition of the Buccaneers against
=Panama=. Exquemelin's History of the American Sea Rovers.
Misconduct of the European Governors in the =West Indies=._
Treaty between Great Britain and Spain 63
Expedition of the Buccaneers against
Panama 64
They take the Island S^{ta}. Katalina 65
Attack of the Castle at the River Chagre _ib._
Their March across the Isthmus 66
The City of Panama taken 67
And burnt 68
The Buccaneers depart from Panama 69
Exquemelin's History of the Buccaneers
of America 71
Flibustiers shipwrecked at Porto Rico;
and put to death by the Spaniards 73
CHAP. VII.
_=Thomas Peche.= Attempt of =La Sound= to cross the =Isthmus of
America=. Voyage of =Antonio de Vea= to the =Strait of
Magalhanes=. Various Adventures of the Buccaneers, in the
=West Indies=, to the year 1679._
Thomas Peche 75
La Sound attempts to cross the Isthmus _ib._
Voyage of Ant. de Vea 76
Massacre of the French in Samana 77
French Fleet wrecked on Aves 77
Granmont _ib._
Darien Indians 79
Porto Bello surprised by the Buccaneers _ib._
CHAP. VIII.
_Meeting of Buccaneers at the =Samballas=, and =Golden Island=.
Party formed by the English Buccaneers to cross the =Isthmus=.
Some Account of the Native Inhabitants of the =Mosquito
Shore=._
Golden Island 81
Account of the Mosquito Indians 82
CHAP. IX.
_Journey of the Buccaneers across the =Isthmus of America=._
Buccaneers commence their March 91
Fort of S^{ta} Maria taken 95
John Coxon chosen Commander 96
They arrive at the South Sea 97
CHAP. X.
_First Buccaneer Expedition in the =South Sea=._
In the Bay of Panama 98
Island Chepillo _ib._
Battle with a small Spanish Armament _ib._
Richard Sawkins 99
Panama, the new City 100
Coxon returns to the West Indies 101
Richard Sawkins chosen Commander _ib._
Taboga; Otoque 102
Attack of Pueblo Nuevo 103
Captain Sawkins is killed _ib._
Imposition practised by Sharp 104
Sharp chosen Commander 105
Some return to the West Indies _ib._
The Anchorage at Quibo _ib._
Island Gorgona 106
Island Plata 107
Adventure of Seven Buccaneers _ib._
Ilo 109
Shoals of Anchovies _ib._
La Serena plundered and burnt _ib._
Attempt of the Spaniards to burn the
Ship of the Buccaneers _ib._
Island Juan Fernandez 110
Sharp deposed from the Command 111
Watling elected Commander _ib._
William, a Mosquito Indian, left on the
Island Juan Fernandez 112
Island Yqueque; Rio de Camarones 113
They attack Arica _ib._
Are repulsed; Watling killed 114
Sharp again chosen Commander 115
Huasco; Ylo _ib._
The Buccaneers separate 116
Proceedings of Sharp and his Followers _ib._
They enter a Gulf 118
Shergall's Harbour 119
Another Harbour _ib._
The Gulf is named the English Gulf _ib._
Duke of York's Islands 120
A Native killed by the Buccaneers 121
Native of Patagonia carried away _ib._
Passage round Cape Horn 122
Appearance like Land, in 57° 50' S. _ib._
Ice Islands _ib._
Arrive in the West Indies 123
Sharp, and others, tried for Piracy _ib._
CHAP. XI.
_Disputes between the French Government and their West-India
Colonies. =Morgan= becomes Deputy Governor of =Jamaica=. =La
Vera Cruz= surprised by the Flibustiers. Other of their
Enterprises._
Prohibitions against Piracy disregarded
by the French Buccaneers 125-6
Sir Henry Morgan, Deputy Governor
of Jamaica 126
His Severity to the Buccaneers _ib._
Van Horn, Granmont, and De Graaf,
go against La Vera Cruz 127
They surprise the Town by Stratagem 127
Story of Granmont and an English Ship 128
Disputes of the French Governors with
the Flibustiers of Saint Domingo 130
CHAP. XII.
_Circumstances which preceded the Second Irruption of the
Buccaneers into the =South Sea=. Buccaneers under =John Cook=
sail from =Virginia=; stop at the =Cape de Verde Islands=; at
=Sierra Leone=. Origin and History of the Report concerning
the supposed Discovery of =Pepys Island=._
Circumstances preceding the Second
Irruption of the Buccaneers into the
South Sea 132
Buccaneers under John Cook 134
Cape de Verde Islands 135
Ambergris; The Flamingo _ib._
Coast of Guinea 136
Sherborough River 137
John Davis's Islands _ib._
History of the Report of a Discovery
named Pepys Island _ib._
Shoals of small red Lobsters 140
Passage round Cape Horne _ib._
CHAP. XIII.
_Buccaneers under =John Cook= arrive at =Juan Fernandez=.
Account of =William=, a Mosquito Indian, who had lived there
three years. They sail to the =Galapagos Islands=; thence to
the Coast of =New Spain=. =John Cook= dies. =Edward Davis=
chosen Commander._
The Buccaneers under Cook joined by
the Nicholas of London, John Eaton 141
At Juan Fernandez 142
William the Mosquito Indian _ib._
Juan Fernandez first stocked with Goats
by its Discoverer 143
Appearance of the Andes _ib._
Islands Lobos de la Mar _ib._
At the Galapagos Islands 145
Duke of Norfolk's Island _ib._
Cowley's Chart of the Galapagos 146
King James's Island _ib._
Mistake by the Editor of Dampier _ib._
Concerning Fresh Water and Herbage
at the Galapagos _ib._ & 147
Land and Sea Turtle 148
Mammee Tree _ib._
Coast of New Spain; Cape Blanco 149
John Cook, Buccaneer Commander, dies _ib._
Edward Davis chosen Commander _ib._
CHAP. XIV.
_=Edward Davis= Commander. On the Coast of =New Spain= and
=Peru=. Algatrane, a bituminous earth. =Davis= is joined by
other Buccaneers. =Eaton= sails to the =East Indies=.
=Guayaquil= attempted. =Rivers of St. Jago=, and =Tomaco=. In
the Bay of =Panama=. Arrivals of numerous parties of
Buccaneers across the =Isthmus= from the =West Indies=._
Caldera Bay 150
Volcan Viejo 151
Ria-lexa Harbour _ib._
Bay of Amapalla 152
Davis and Eaton part company 154
Tornadoes near the Coast of New Spain 155
Cape San Francisco _ib._
Eaton's Description of Cocos Island _ib._
Point S^{ta} Elena 156
Algatrane, a bituminous Earth _ib._
Rich Ship wrecked on Point S^{ta} Elena 157
Manta; Rocks near it, and Shoal _ib._
Davis is joined by other Buccaneers _ib._
The Cygnet, Captain Swan _ib._
At Isle de la Plata 159
Cape Blanco, near Guayaquil; difficult
to weather _ib._
Payta burnt 160
Part of the Peruvian Coast where it
never rains _ib._
Lobos de Tierra, and Lobos de la Mar _ib._
Eaton at the Ladrones 161
Nutmeg Island, North of Luconia 163
Davis on the Coast of Peru _ib._
Slave Ships captured _ib._
The Harbour of Guayaquil 164
Island S^{ta} Clara: Shoals near it 164
Cat Fish 165
The Cotton Tree and Cabbage Tree 166
River of St. Jago _ib._
Island Gallo; River Tomaco 167
Island Gorgona _ib._
Pearl Oysters 168
Galera Isle _ib._
The Pearl Islands 169
Arrival of fresh bodies of Buccaneers
from the West Indies 170
Grogniet and L'Escuyer _ib._
Townley and his Crew 171
Pisco Wine 172
Port de Pinas; Taboga 173
Chepo 174
CHAP. XV.
_=Edward Davis= Commander. Meeting of the Spanish and Buccaneer
Fleets in the =Bay of Panama=. They separate without fighting.
The Buccaneers sail to the Island =Quibo=. The English and
French separate. Expedition against the City of =Leon=. That
City and =Ria Lexa= burnt. Farther dispersion of the
Buccaneers._
The Lima Fleet arrives at Panama 176
Meeting of the two Fleets 177
They separate 180
Keys of Quibo: The Island Quibo 181
Rock near the Anchorage _ib._
Serpents; The Serpent Berry 182
Disagreements among the Buccaneers _ib._
The French separate from the English 183
Knight, a Buccaneer, joins Davis _ib._
Expedition against the City of Leon 184
Leon burnt by the Buccaneers 186
Town of Ria Lexa burnt 187
Farther Separation of the Buccaneers _ib._
CHAP. XVI.
_Buccaneers under =Edward Davis=. At =Amapalla= Bay; =Cocos
Island=; The =Galapagos= Islands; Coast of =Peru=. Peruvian
Wine. =Knight= quits the =South Sea=. Bezoar Stones. Marine
Productions on Mountains. =Vermejo=. =Davis= joins the French
Buccaneers at =Guayaquil=. Long Sea Engagement._
Amapalla Bay 188
A hot River _ib._
Cocos Island 189
Effect of Excess in drinking the Milk
of the Cocoa-nut 190
At the Galapagos Islands _ib._
On the Coast of Peru 191
Peruvian Wine like Madeira _ib._
At Juan Fernandez 192
Knight quits the South Sea _ib._
Davis returns to the Coast of Peru _ib._
Bezoar Stones 193
Marine Productions found on Mountains;
Vermejo _ib._
Davis joins the French Buccaneers at
Guayaquil 195
They meet Spanish Ships of War 196
A Sea Engagement of seven days _ib._
At the Island de la Plata 198
Division of Plunder 199
They separate, to return home by different
Routes 200
CHAP. XVII.
_=Edward Davis=; his Third visit to the =Galapagos=. One of
those Islands, named =Santa Maria de l'Aguada= by the
Spaniards, a Careening Place of the Buccaneers. Sailing thence
Southward they discover Land. Question, whether Edward Davis's
Discovery is the Land which was afterwards named =Easter
Island=? =Davis= and his Crew arrive in the =West Indies=._
Davis sails to the Galapagos Islands 201
King James's Island 202
The Island S^{ta} Maria de l'Aguada 203
Davis sails from the Galapagos to the
Southward 205
Island discovered by Edward Davis 206
Question whether Edward Davis's Land
and Easter Island are the same Land 207
At the Island Juan Fernandez 210
Davis sails to the West Indies 211
CHAP. XVIII.
_Adventures of =Swan= and =Townley= on the Coast of =New Spain=,
until their Separation._
Bad Water, and unhealthiness of Ria
Lexa 213
Island Tangola 214
Guatulco; El Buffadore 215
Vinello, or Vanilla, a Plant 216
Island Sacrificio _ib._
Port de Angeles _ib._
Adventure in a Lagune 217
Alcatraz Rock; White Cliffs 218
River to the West of the Cliffs _ib._
Snook, a Fish _ib._
High Land of Acapulco 219
Sandy Beach, West of Acapulco _ib._
Hill of Petaplan 220
Chequetan _ib._
Estapa _ib._
Hill of Thelupan 221
Volcano and Valley of Colima _ib._
Salagua 222
Report of a great City named Oarrah _ib._
Coronada Hills 223
Cape Corrientes _ib._
Keys or Islands of Chametly form a
convenient Port _ib._
Bay and Valley de Vanderas 225
Swan and Townley part company 226
CHAP. XIX.
_The =Cygnet= and her Crew on the Coast of =Nueva Galicia=, and
at the =Tres Marias Islands=._
Coast of Nueva Galicia 227
Point Ponteque _ib._
White Rock, 21° 51' N 228
Chametlan Isles, 23° 11' N _ib._
The Penguin Fruit _ib._
Rio de Sal, and Salt-water Lagune _ib._
The Mexican, a copious Language 229
Mazatlan _ib._
Rosario, an Indian Town; River Rosario;
Sugar-loaf Hill; Caput Cavalli;
Maxentelbo Rock; Hill of Xalisco 230
River of Santiago 230
Town of S^{ta} Pecaque 231
Buccaneers defeated and slain by the
Spaniards 233
At the Tres Marias 234
A Root used as Food 235
A Dropsy cured by a Sand Bath _ib._
Bay of Vanderas 236
CHAP. XX.
_The =Cygnet=. Her Passage across the =Pacific Ocean=. At the
=Ladrones=. At =Mindanao=._
The Cygnet quits the American Coast 237
Large flight of Birds _ib._
Shoals and Breakers near Guahan _ib._
Bank de Santa Rosa 238
At Guahan _ib._
Flying Proe, or Sailing Canoe 239
Bread Fruit 241
Eastern side of Mindanao, and the
Island St. John 241
Sarangan and Candigar 243
Harbour or Sound on the South Coast
of Mindanao _ib._
River of Mindanao 244
City of Mindanao _ib._
CHAP. XXI.
_The =Cygnet= departs from =Mindanao=. At the =Ponghou Isles=.
At the =Five Islands=. =Dampier's= Account of the =Five
Islands=. They are named the =Bashee Islands=._
South Coast of Mindanao 249
Among the Philippine Islands _ib._
Pulo Condore _ib._
In the China Seas 250
Ponghou Isles 250
The Five Islands _ib._
Dampier's Description of them 250-256
CHAP. XXII.
_The =Cygnet=. At the =Philippines=, =Celebes=, and =Timor=. On
the Coast of =New Holland=. End of the =Cygnet=._
Island near the SE end of Mindanao 257
Candigar, a convenient Cove there _ib._
Low Island and Shoal, SbW from the
West end of Timor 258
NW Coast of New Holland _ib._
Bay on the Coast of New Holland 258
Natives 259
An Island in Latitude 10° 20' S 261
End of the Cygnet _ib._
CHAP. XXIII.
_French Buccaneers =under François Grogniet= and =Le Picard=, to
the Death of =Grogniet=._
Point de Burica; Chiriquita 263
Unsuccessful attempt at Pueblo Nuevo 265
Grogniet is joined by Townley _ib._
Expedition against the City of Granada 266
At Ria Lexa 269
Grogniet and Townley part company _ib._
Buccaneers under Townley _ib._
Lavelia taken, and set on fire 270
Battle with Spanish armed Ships 274
Death of Townley 277
Grogniet rejoins company 278
They divide, meet again, and reunite 279
Attack on Guayaquil 280
At the Island Puna 282
Grogniet dies _ib._
Edward Davis joins Le Picard 283
CHAP. XXIV.
_Retreat of the =French Buccaneers= across =New Spain= to the
=West Indies=. All the =Buccaneers= quit the =South Sea=._
In Amapalla Bay 286
Chiloteca; Massacre of Prisoners _ib._
The Buccaneers burn their Vessels 287
They begin their march over land 288
Town of New Segovia 289
Rio de Yare, or Cape River 291
La Pava; Straiton; Le Sage 294
Small Crew of Buccaneers at the Tres
Marias. Their Adventures 295
Story related by Le Sieur Froger _ib._
Buccaneers who lived three years on
the Island Juan Fernandez 296
CHAP. XXV.
_Steps taken towards reducing the =Buccaneers= and =Flibustiers=
under subordination to the regular Governments. War of the
Grand Alliance against =France=. Neutrality of the =Island St.
Christopher= broken._
Reform attempted in the West Indies 298
Campeachy burnt _ib._
Danish Factory robbed 300
The English driven from St. Christopher 301
The English retake St. Christopher 302
CHAP. XXVI.
_Siege and Plunder of the City of =Carthagena= on the =Terra
Firma=, by an Armament from =France= in conjunction with the
=Flibustiers= of =Saint Domingo=._
Armament under M. de Pointis 303
His Character of the Buccaneers 304
Siege of Carthagena by the French 307
The City capitulates 309
Value of the Plunder 313
CHAP. XXVII.
_Second Plunder of =Carthagena=. Peace of =Ryswick=, in 1697.
Entire Suppression of the =Buccaneers= and =Flibustiers=._
The Buccaneers return to Carthagena 316
Meet an English and Dutch Squadron 319
Peace of Ryswick 320
Causes which led to the Suppression of
the Buccaneers _ib._
Providence Island 322
CONCLUSION 323
HISTORY
OF
THE BUCCANEERS
OF
AMERICA.
CHAPTER I.
_Considerations on the Rights acquired by the Discovery of
Unknown Lands, and on the Claims advanced by the =Spaniards=._
The accounts given by the Buccaneers who extended their enterprises to the
_Pacific Ocean_, are the best authenticated of any which have been
published by that class of Adventurers. They are interspersed with
nautical and geographical descriptions, corroborative of the events
related, and more worth being preserved than the memory of what was
performed. The materials for this portion of Buccaneer history, which it
was necessary should be included in a History of South Sea Navigations,
could not be collected without bringing other parts into view; whence it
appeared, that with a moderate increase of labour, and without much
enlarging the bulk of narrative, a regular history might be formed of
their career, from their first rise, to their suppression; and that such a
work would not be without its use.
No practice is more common in literature, than for an author to endeavour
to clear the ground before him, by mowing down the labours of his
predecessors on the same subject. To do this, where the labour they have
bestowed is of good tendency, or even to treat with harshness the
commission of error where no bad intention is manifest, is in no small
degree illiberal. But all the Buccaneer histories that hitherto have
appeared, and the number is not small, are boastful compositions, which
have delighted in exaggeration: and, what is most mischievous, they have
lavished commendation on acts which demanded reprobation, and have
endeavoured to raise miscreants, notorious for their want of humanity, to
the rank of heroes, lessening thereby the stain upon robbery, and the
abhorrence naturally conceived against cruelty.
There is some excuse for the Buccaneer, who tells his own story. Vanity,
and his prejudices, without any intention to deceive, lead him to magnify
his own exploits; and the reader naturally makes allowances.
The men whose enterprises are to be related, were natives of different
European nations, but chiefly of _Great Britain_ and _France_, and most of
them seafaring people, who being disappointed, by accidents or the enmity
of the Spaniards, in their more sober pursuits in the _West Indies_, and
also instigated by thirst for plunder as much as by desire for vengeance,
embodied themselves, under different leaders of their own choosing, to
make predatory war upon the Spaniards. These men the Spaniards naturally
treated as pirates; but some peculiar circumstances which provoked their
first enterprises, and a general feeling of enmity against that nation on
account of their American conquests, procured them the connivance of the
rest of the maritime states of _Europe_, and to be distinguished first by
the softened appellations of Freebooters and Adventurers, and afterwards
by that of Buccaneers.
_Spain_, or, more strictly speaking, _Castile_, on the merit of a first
discovery, claimed an exclusive right to the possession of the whole of
_America_, with the exception of the _Brasils_, which were conceded to the
Portuguese. These claims, and this division, the Pope sanctioned by an
instrument, entitled a Bull of Donation, which was granted at a time when
all the maritime powers of _Europe_ were under the spiritual dominion of
the See of _Rome_. The Spaniards, however, did not flatter themselves that
they should be left in the sole and undisputed enjoyment of so large a
portion of the newly-discovered countries; but they were principally
anxious to preserve wholly to themselves the _West Indies_: and, such was
the monopolising spirit of the Castilians, that during the life of the
Queen Ysabel of _Castile_, who was regarded as the patroness of Columbus's
discovery, it was difficult even for Spaniards, not subjects born of the
crown of _Castile_, to gain access to this _New World_, prohibitions being
repeatedly published against the admission of all other persons into the
ships bound thither. Ferdinand, King of _Arragon_, the husband of Ysabel,
had refused to contribute towards the outfit of Columbus's first voyage,
having no opinion of the probability that it would produce him an adequate
return; and the undertaking being at the expence of _Castile_, the
countries discovered were considered as appendages to the crown of
_Castile_.
If such jealousy was entertained by the Spaniards of each other, what must
not have been their feelings respecting other European nations? 'Whoever,'
says Hakluyt, 'is conversant with the Portugal and Spanish writers, shall
find that they account all other nations for pirates, rovers, and thieves,
which visit any heathen coast that they have sailed by or looked on.'
_Spain_ considered the _New World_ as what in our law books is called
Treasure-trove, of which she became lawfully and exclusively entitled to
take possession, as fully as if it had been found without any owner or
proprietor. _Spain_ has not been singular in her maxims respecting the
rights of discoverers. Our books of Voyages abound in instances of the
same disregard shewn to the rights of the native inhabitants, the only
rightful proprietors, by the navigators of other European nations, who,
with a solemnity due only to offices of a religious nature, have
continually put in practice the form of taking possession of Countries
which to them were new discoveries, their being inhabited or desert making
no difference. Not unfrequently has the ceremony been performed in the
presence, but not within the understanding, of the wondering natives; and
on this formality is grounded a claim to usurp the actual possession, in
preference to other Europeans.
Nothing can be more opposed to common sense, than that strangers should
pretend to acquire by discovery, a title to countries they find with
inhabitants; as if in those very inhabitants the right of prior discovery
was not inherent. On some occasions, however, Europeans have thought it
expedient to acknowledge the rights of the natives, as when, in disputing
each other's claims, a title by gift from the natives has been pretended.
In uninhabited lands, a right of occupancy results from the discovery; but
actual and _bonâ fide_ possession is requisite to perfect appropriation.
If real possession be not taken, or if taken shall not be retained, the
right acquired by the mere discovery is not indefinite and a perpetual bar
of exclusion to all others; for that would amount to discovery giving a
right equivalent to annihilation. Moveable effects may be hoarded and kept
out of use, or be destroyed, and it will not always be easy to prove
whether with injury or benefit to mankind: but the necessities of human
life will not admit, unless under the strong hand of power, that a right
should be pretended to keep extensive and fertile countries waste and
secluded from their use, without other reason than the will of a
proprietor or claimant.
Particular local circumstances have created objections to the occupancy of
territory: for instance, between the confines of the Russian and Chinese
Empires, large tracts of country are left waste, it being held, that their
being occupied by the subjects of either Empire would affect the security
of the other. Several similar instances might be mentioned.
There is in many cases difficulty to settle what constitutes occupancy. On
a small Island, any first settlement is acknowledged an occupancy of the
whole; and sometimes, the occupancy of a single Island of a group is
supposed to comprehend an exclusive title to the possession of the
remainder of the group. In the _West Indies_, the Spaniards regarded their
making settlements on a few Islands, to be an actual taking possession of
the whole, as far as European pretensions were concerned.
The first discovery of Columbus set in activity the curiosity and
speculative dispositions of all the European maritime Powers. King Henry
the VIIth, of _England_, as soon as he was certified of the existence of
countries in the Western hemisphere, sent ships thither, whereby
_Newfoundland_, and parts of the continent of _North America_, were first
discovered. _South America_ was also visited very early, both by the
English and the French; 'which nations,' the Historian of _Brasil_
remarks, 'had neglected to ask a share of the undiscovered World, when
Pope Alexander the VIth partitioned it, who would as willingly have drawn
two lines as one; and, because they derived no advantage from that
partition, refused to admit its validity.' The _West Indies_, however,
which doubtless was the part most coveted by all, seem to have been
considered as more particularly the discovery and right of the Spaniards;
and, either from respect to their pretensions, or from the opinion
entertained of their force in those parts, they remained many years
undisturbed by intruders in the _West Indian Seas_. But their
homeward-bound ships, and also those of the Portuguese from the _East
Indies_, did not escape being molested by pirates; sometimes by those of
their own, as well as of other nations.
CHAP. II.
_Review of the Dominion of the =Spaniards= in =Hayti= or
=Hispaniola=._
[Sidenote: 1492-3. Hayti, or Hispaniola, the first Settlement of the
Spaniards in America.] The first settlement formed by the Castilians in
their newly discovered world, was on the Island by the native inhabitants
named _Hayti_; but to which the Spaniards gave the name of _Española_ or
_Hispaniola_. And in process of time it came to pass, that this same
Island became the great place of resort, and nursery, of the European
adventurers, who have been so conspicuous under the denomination of the
Buccaneers of _America_.
The native inhabitants found in _Hayti_, have been described a people of
gentle, compassionate dispositions, of too frail a constitution, both of
body and mind, either to resist oppression, or to support themselves under
its weight; and to the indolence, luxury, and avarice of the discoverers,
their freedom and happiness in the first instance, and finally their
existence, fell a sacrifice.
Queen Ysabel, the patroness of the discovery, believed it her duty, and
was earnestly disposed, to be their protectress; but she wanted resolution
to second her inclination. The Island abounded in gold mines. The natives
were tasked to work them, heavier and heavier by degrees; and it was the
great misfortune of Columbus, after achieving an enterprise, the glory of
which was not exceeded by any action of his contemporaries, to make an
ungrateful use of the success Heaven had favoured him with, and to be the
foremost in the destruction of the nations his discovery first made known
to _Europe_.
[Sidenote: Review of the Dominion of the Spaniards in Hispaniola.] The
population of _Hayti_, according to the lowest estimation made, amounted
to a million of souls. The first visit of Columbus was passed in a
continual reciprocation of kind offices between them and the Spaniards.
One of the Spanish ships was wrecked upon the coast, and the natives gave
every assistance in their power towards saving the crew, and their effects
to them. When Columbus departed to return to _Europe_, he left behind him
thirty-eight Spaniards, with the consent of the Chief or Sovereign of the
part of the Island where he had been so hospitably received. He had
erected a fort for their security, and the declared purpose of their
remaining was to protect the Chief against all his enemies. Several of the
native Islanders voluntarily embarked in the ships to go to _Spain_, among
whom was a relation of the _Hayti_ Chief; and with them were taken gold,
and various samples of the productions of the _New World_.
Columbus, on his return, was received by the Court of _Spain_ with the
honours due to his heroic achievement, indeed with honours little short of
adoration: he was declared Admiral, Governor, and Viceroy of the Countries
that he had discovered, and also of those which he should afterwards
discover; he was ordered to assume the style and title of nobility; and
was furnished with a larger fleet to prosecute farther the discovery, and
to make conquest of the new lands. The Instructions for his second
expedition contained the following direction: 'Forasmuch as you,
Christopher Columbus, are going by our command, with our vessels and our
men, to discover and subdue certain Islands and Continent, our will is,
that you shall be our Admiral, Viceroy, and Governor in them.' This was
the first step in the iniquitous usurpations which the more cultivated
nations of the world have practised upon their weaker brethren, the
natives of _America_.
[Sidenote: 1493. Government of Columbus.] Thus provided and instructed,
Columbus sailed on his second voyage. On arriving at _Hayti_, the first
news he learnt was, that the natives had demolished the fort which he had
built, and destroyed the garrison, who, it appeared, had given great
provocation, by their rapacity and licentious conduct. War did not
immediately follow. Columbus accepted presents of gold from the Chief; he
landed a number of colonists, and built a town on the North side of
_Hayti_, which he named after the patroness, _Ysabel_, and fortified.
[Sidenote: 1494.] A second fort was soon built; new Spaniards arrived; and
the natives began to understand that it was the intention of their
visitors to stay, and be lords of the country. The Chiefs held meetings,
to confer on the means to rid themselves of such unwelcome guests, and
there was appearance of preparation making to that end. The Spaniards had
as yet no farther asserted dominion, than in taking land for their town
and forts, and helping themselves to provisions when the natives neglected
to bring supplies voluntarily. The histories of these transactions affect
a tone of apprehension on account of the extreme danger in which the
Spaniards were, from the multitude of the heathen inhabitants; but all the
facts shew that they perfectly understood the helpless character of the
natives. A Spanish officer, named Pedro Margarit, was blamed, not
altogether reasonably, for disorderly conduct to the natives, which
happened in the following manner. He was ordered, with a large body of
troops, to make a progress through the Island in different parts, and was
strictly enjoined to restrain his men from committing any violence against
the natives, or from giving them any cause for complaint. But the troops
were sent on their journey without provisions, and the natives were not
disposed to furnish them. The troops recurred to violence, which they did
not limit to the obtaining food. If Columbus could spare a detachment
strong enough to make such a visitation through the land, he could have
entertained no doubt of his ability to subdue it. But before he risked
engaging in open war with the natives, he thought it prudent to weaken
their means of resisting by what he called stratagem. _Hayti_ was divided
into five provinces, or small kingdoms, under the separate dominion of as
many Princes or Caciques. One of these, Coanabo, the Cacique of _Maguana_,
Columbus believed to be more resolute, and more dangerous to his purpose,
than any other of the chiefs. To Coanabo, therefore, he sent an Officer,
to propose an accommodation on terms which appeared so reasonable, that
the Indian Chief assented to them. Afterwards, relying on the good faith
of the Spaniards, not, as some authors have meanly represented, through
credulous and childish simplicity, but with the natural confidence which
generally prevails, and which ought to prevail, among mankind in their
mutual engagements, he gave opportunity for Columbus to get possession of
his person, who caused him to be seized, and embarked in a ship then ready
to sail for _Spain_. The ship foundered in the passage. [Sidenote: 1495.]
The story of Coanabo, and the contempt with which he treated Columbus for
his treachery, form one of the most striking circumstances in the history
of the perfidious dealings of the Spaniards in _America_. [Sidenote: Dogs
used in Battle against the Indians.] On the seizure of this Chief, the
Islanders rose in arms. Columbus took the field with two hundred foot
armed with musketry and cross-bows, with twenty troopers mounted on
horses, and with twenty large dogs[1]!
It is not to be urged in exculpation of the Spaniards, that the natives
were the aggressors, by their killing the garrison left at _Hayti_.
Columbus had terminated his first visit in friendship; and, without the
knowledge that any breach had happened between the Spaniards left behind,
and the natives, sentence of subjugation had been pronounced against
them. This was not to avenge injury, for the Spaniards knew not of any
committed. Columbus was commissioned to execute this sentence, and for
that end, besides a force of armed men, he took with him from _Spain_ a
number of blood-hounds, to prosecute a most unrighteous purpose by the
most inhuman means.
Many things are justifiable in defence, which in offensive war are
regarded by the generality of mankind with detestation. All are agreed in
the use of dogs, as faithful guards to our persons as well as to our
dwellings; but to hunt men with dogs seems to have been till then unheard
of, and is nothing less offensive to humanity than cannibalism or feasting
on our enemies. Neither jagged shot, poisoned darts, springing of mines,
nor any species of destruction, can be objected to, if this is allowed in
honourable war, or admitted not to be a disgraceful practice in any war.
It was scarcely possible for the Indians, or indeed for any people naked
and undisciplined, however numerous, to stand their ground against a force
so calculated to excite dread. The Islanders were naturally a timid
people, and they regarded fire-arms as engines of more than mortal
contrivance. Don Ferdinand, the son of Columbus, who wrote a History of
his father's actions, relates an instance, which happened before the war,
of above 400 Indians running away from a single Spanish horseman.
[Sidenote: Massacre of the Natives, and Subjugation of the Island.] So
little was attack, or valiant opposition, apprehended from the natives,
that Columbus divided his force into several squadrons, to charge them at
different points. 'These faint-hearted creatures,' says Don Ferdinand,
'fled at the first onset; and our men, pursuing and killing them, made
such havock, that in a short time they obtained a complete victory.' The
policy adopted by Columbus was, to confirm the natives in their dread of
European arms, by a terrible execution. The victors, both dogs and men,
used their ascendancy like furies. The dogs flew at the throats of the
Indians, and strangled or tore them in pieces; whilst the Spaniards, with
the eagerness of hunters, pursued and mowed down the unresisting
fugitives. Some thousands of the Islanders were slaughtered, and those
taken prisoners were consigned to servitude. If the fact were not extant,
it would not be conceivable that any one could be so blind to the infamy
of such a proceeding, as to extol the courage of the Spaniards on this
occasion, instead of execrating their cruelty. Three hundred of the
natives were shipped for _Spain_ as slaves, and the whole Island, with the
exception of a small part towards the Western coast, which has since been
named the _Cul de Sac_, was subdued. [Sidenote: Tribute imposed.] Columbus
made a leisurely progress through the Island, which occupied him nine or
ten months, and imposed a tribute generally upon all the natives above the
age of fourteen, requiring each of them to pay quarterly a certain
quantity of gold, or 25 lbs. of cotton. Those natives who were discovered
to have been active against the Spaniards, were taxed higher. To prevent
evasion, rings or tokens, to be produced in the nature of receipts, were
given to the Islanders on their paying the tribute, and any Islander found
without such a mark in his possession, was deemed not to have paid, and
proceeded against.
Queen Ysabel shewed her disapprobation of Columbus's proceedings, by
liberating and sending back the captive Islanders to their own country;
and she moreover added her positive commands, that none of the natives
should be made slaves. This order was accompanied with others intended for
their protection; but the Spanish Colonists, following the example of
their Governor, contrived means to evade them.
In the mean time, the Islanders could not furnish the tribute, and
Columbus was rigorous in the collection. It is said in palliation, that
he was embarrassed in consequence of the magnificent descriptions he had
given to Ferdinand and Ysabel, of the riches of _Hispaniola_, by which he
had taught them to expect much; and that the fear of disappointing them
and losing their favour, prompted him to act more oppressively to the
Indians than his disposition otherwise inclined him to do. Distresses of
this kind press upon all men; but only in very ordinary minds do they
outweigh solemn considerations. Setting aside the dictates of religion and
moral duty, as doubtless was done, and looking only to worldly advantages,
if Columbus had properly estimated his situation, he would have been
resolute not to descend from the eminence he had attained. The dilemma in
which he was placed, was simply, whether he would risk some diminution of
the favour he was in at Court, by being the protector of these Islanders,
who, by circumstances peculiarly calculated to engage his interest, were
entitled in an especial manner to have been regarded as his clients; or,
to preserve that favour, would oppress them to their destruction, and to
the ruin of his own fame.
[Sidenote: Despair of the Natives.] The Islanders, finding their inability
to oppose the invaders, took the desperate resolution to desist from the
cultivation of their lands, to abandon their houses, and to withdraw
themselves to the mountains; hoping thereby that want of subsistence would
force their oppressors to quit the Island. The Spaniards had many
resources; the sea-coast supplied them with fish, and their vessels
brought provisions from other islands. As to the natives of _Hayti_, one
third part of them, it is said, perished in the course of a few months, by
famine and by suicide. The rest returned to their dwellings, and
submitted. All these events took place within three years after the
discovery; so active is rapacity.
Some among the Spaniards (authors of that time say, the enemies of
Columbus, as if sentiments of humanity were not capable of such an effort)
wrote Memorials to their Catholic Majesties, representing the disastrous
condition to which the natives were reduced. [Sidenote: 1496.]
Commissioners were sent to examine into the fact, and Columbus found it
necessary to go to _Spain_ to defend his administration.
So great was the veneration and respect entertained for him, that on his
arrival at Court, accusation was not allowed to be produced against him:
and, without instituting enquiry, it was arranged, that he should return
to his government with a large reinforcement of Spaniards, and with
authority to grant lands to whomsoever he chose to think capable of
cultivating them. Various accidents delayed his departure from _Spain_ on
his third voyage, till 1498.
[Sidenote: City of Nueva Ysabel founded, 1496.] He had left two of his
brothers to govern in _Hispaniola_ during his absence; the eldest,
Bartolomé, with the title of Adelantado; in whose time (A. D. 1496) was
traced, on the South side of the Island, the plan of a new town intended
for the capital, the land in the neighbourhood of the town of _Ysabel_,
before built, being poor and little productive. [Sidenote: Its name
changed to Santo Domingo.] The name first given to the new town was _Nueva
Ysabel_; this in a short time gave place to that of _Santo Domingo_, a
name which was not imposed by authority, but adopted and became in time
established by common usage, of which the original cause is not now
known[2].
Under the Adelantado's government, the parts of the Island which till then
had held out in their refusal to receive the Spanish yoke, were reduced to
subjection; and the conqueror gratified his vanity with the public
execution of one of the Hayti Kings.
Columbus whilst he was in _Spain_ received mortification in two instances,
of neither of which he had any right to complain. In October 1496, three
hundred natives of _Hayti_ (made prisoners by the Adelantado) were landed
at _Cadiz_, being sent to _Spain_ as slaves. At this act of disobedience,
the King and Queen strongly expressed their displeasure, and said, if the
Islanders made war against the Castilians, they must have been constrained
to do it by hard treatment. Columbus thought proper to blame, and to
disavow what his brother had done. The other instance of his receiving
mortification, was an act of kindness done him, and so intended; and it
was the only shadow of any thing like reproof offered to him. In the
instructions which he now received, it was earnestly recommended to him to
prefer conciliation to severity on all occasions which would admit it
without prejudice to justice or to his honour.
[Sidenote: 1498.] It was in the third voyage of Columbus that he first saw
the Continent of _South America_, in August 1498, which he then took to be
an Island, and named _Isla Santa_. He arrived on the 22d of the same month
at the City of _San Domingo_.
The short remainder of Columbus's government in _Hayti_ was occupied with
disputes among the Spaniards themselves. A strong party was in a state of
revolt against the government of the Columbuses, and accommodation was
kept at a distance, by neither party daring to place trust in the other.
[Sidenote: 1498-9.] Columbus would have had recourse to arms to recover
his authority, but some of his troops deserted to the disaffected, and
others refused to be employed against their countrymen. In this state, the
parties engaged in a treaty on some points, and each sent Memorials to the
Court. The Admiral in his dispatches represented, that necessity had made
him consent to certain conditions, to avoid endangering the Colony; but
that it would be highly prejudicial to the interests of their Majesties
to ratify the treaty he had been forced to subscribe.
[Sidenote: Beginning of the Repartimientos.] The Admiral now made grants
of lands to Spanish colonists, and accompanied them with requisitions to
the neighbouring Caciques, to furnish the new proprietors with labourers
to cultivate the soil. This was the beginning of the _Repartimientos_, or
distributions of the Indians, which confirmed them slaves, and
contributed, more than all former oppressions, to their extermination.
Notwithstanding the earnest and express order of the King and Queen to the
contrary, the practice of transporting the natives of _Hayti_ to _Spain_
as slaves, was connived at and continued; and this being discovered, lost
Columbus the confidence, but not wholly the support, of Queen Ysabel.
[Sidenote: 1500. Government of Bovadilla.] The dissensions in the Colony
increased, as did the unpopularity of the Admiral; and in the year 1500, a
new Governor General of the _Indies_, Francisco de Bovadilla, was sent
from _Spain_, with a commission empowering him to examine into the
accusations against the Admiral; and he was particularly enjoined by the
Queen, to declare all the native inhabitants free, and to take measures to
secure to them that they should be treated as a free people. How a man so
grossly ignorant and intemperate as Bovadilla, should have been chosen to
an office of such high trust, is not a little extraordinary. His first
display of authority was to send the Columbuses home prisoners, with the
indignity to their persons of confining them in chains. He courted
popularity in his government by shewing favour to all who had been
disaffected to the government or measures of the Admiral and his brothers,
the natives excepted, for whose relief he had been especially appointed
Governor. To encourage the Spaniards to work the mines, he reduced the
duties payable to the Crown on the produce, and trusted to an increase in
the quantity of gold extracted, for preserving the revenue from
diminution. [Sidenote: All the Natives compelled to work the Mines.] This
was to be effected by increasing the labour of the natives; and that these
miserable people might not evade their servitude, he caused muster-rolls
to be made of all the inhabitants, divided them into classes, and made
distribution of them according to the value of the mines, or to his desire
to gratify particular persons. The Spanish Colonists believed that the
same facilities to enrich themselves would not last long, and made all the
haste in their power to profit by the present opportunity.
By these means, Bovadilla drew from the mines in a few months so great a
quantity of gold, that one fleet which he sent home, carried a freight
more than sufficient to reimburse _Spain_ all the expences which had been
incurred in the discovery and conquest. The procuring these riches was
attended with so great a mortality among the natives as to threaten their
utter extinction.
Nothing could exceed the surprise and indignation of the Queen, on
receiving information of these proceedings. The bad government of
Bovadilla was a kind of palliation which had the effect of lessening the
reproach upon the preceding government, and, joined to the disgraceful
manner in which Columbus had been sent home, produced a revolution of
sentiment in his favour. The good Queen Ysabel wished to compensate him
for the hard treatment he had received, at the same time that she had the
sincerity to make him understand she would not again commit the Indian
natives to his care. All his other offices and dignities were restored to
him.
[Sidenote: 1501-2. Nicolas Ovando, Governor.] For a successor to Bovadilla
in the office of Governor General, Don Nicolas Ovando, a Cavalero of the
Order of _Alcantara_, was chosen; a man esteemed capable and just, and who
entered on his government with apparent mildness and consideration. But in
a short time he proved the most execrable of all the tyrants, 'as if,'
says an historian, 'tyranny was inherent and contagious in the office, so
as to change good men to bad, for the destruction of these unfortunate
Indians.'
[Sidenote: Working the Mines discontinued by Orders from Spain.] In
obedience to his instructions, Ovando, on arriving at his government,
called a General Assembly of all the Caciques or principal persons among
the natives, to whom he declared, that their Catholic Majesties took the
Islanders under their royal protection; that no exaction should be made on
them, other than the tribute which had been heretofore imposed; and that
no person should be employed to work in the mines, except on the footing
of voluntary labourers for wages.
[Sidenote: 1502.] On the promulgation of the royal pleasure, all working
in the mines immediately ceased. The impression made by their past
sufferings was too strong for any offer of pay or reward to prevail on
them to continue in that work. [The same thing happened, many years
afterwards, between the Chilese and the Spaniards.] A few mines had been
allowed to remain in possession of some of the Caciques of _Hayti_, on the
condition of rendering up half the produce; but now, instead of working
them, they sold their implements. In consequence of this defection, it was
judged expedient to lower the royal duties on the produce of the mines,
which produced some effect.
Ovando, however, was intent on procuring the mines to be worked as
heretofore, but proceeded with caution. In his dispatches to the Council
of the _Indies_, he represented in strong colours the natural levity and
inconstancy of the Indians, and their idle and disorderly manner of
living; on which account, he said, it would be for their improvement and
benefit to find them occupation in moderate labour; that there would be no
injustice in so doing, as they would receive wages for their work, and
they would thereby be enabled to pay the tribute, which otherwise, from
their habitual idleness, many would not be able to satisfy. He added
moreover, that the Indians, being left entirely their own masters, kept at
a distance from the Spanish habitations, which rendered it impossible to
instruct them in the principles of Christianity.
This reasoning, and the proposal to furnish the natives with employment,
were approved by the Council of the _Indies_; and the Court, from the
opinion entertained of the justice and moderation of Ovando, acquiesced so
far as to trust making the experiment to his discretion. In reply to his
representations, he received instructions recommending, 'That if it was
necessary to oblige the Indians to work, it should be done in the most
gentle and moderate manner; that the Caciques should be invited to send
their people in regular turns; and that the employers should treat them
well, and pay them wages, according to the quality of the person and
nature of the labour; that care should be taken for their regular
attendance at religious service and instruction; and that it should be
remembered they were a free people, to be governed with mildness, and on
no account to be treated as slaves.'
[Sidenote: 1502-3. The Natives again forced to the Mines.] These
directions, notwithstanding the expressions of care for the natives
contained in them, released the Governor General from all restriction.
This man had recently been appointed Grand Master of the order of
_Calatrava_, and thenceforward he was most generally distinguished by the
appellation or title of the Grand Commander.
A transaction of a shocking nature, which took place during Bovadilla's
government, caused an insurrection of the natives; but which did not break
out till after the removal of Bovadilla. A Spanish vessel had put into a
port of the province of _Higuey_ (the most Eastern part of _Hayti_) to
procure a lading of _cassava_, a root which is used as bread. The
Spaniards landed, having with them a large dog held by a cord. Whilst the
natives were helping them to what they wanted, one of the Spaniards in
wanton insolence pointed to a Cacique, and called to the dog in manner of
setting him on. The Spaniard who held the cord, it is doubtful whether
purposely or by accident, suffered it to slip out of his hand, and the dog
instantly tore out the unfortunate Cacique's entrails. The people of
_Higuey_ sent a deputation, to complain to Bovadilla; but those who went
could not obtain attention. [Sidenote: Severities shewn to the people of
Higuey.] In the beginning of Ovando's government, some other Spaniards
landed at the same port of _Higuey_, and the natives, in revenge for what
had happened, fell upon them, and killed them; after which they took to
arms. This insurrection was quelled with so great a slaughter, that the
province, from having been well peopled, was rendered almost a desert.
[Sidenote: 1503. Encomiendas established.] Ovando, on obtaining his new
instructions, followed the model set by his predecessors. He enrolled and
classed the natives in divisions, called _Repartimientos_: from these he
assigned to the Spanish proprietors a specified number of labourers, by
grants, which, with most detestable hypocrisy, were denominated
_Encomiendas_. The word _Encomienda_ signifies recommendation, and the
employer to whom the Indian was consigned, was to have the reputation of
being his patron. The _Encomienda_ was conceived in the following
terms:--'_I recommend to =A. B.= such and such Indians =(listed by name)=
the subjects of such Cacique; and he is to take care to have them
instructed in the principles of our holy faith._'
Under the enforcement of the _encomiendas_, the natives were again dragged
to the mines; and many of these unfortunate wretches were kept by their
hard employers under ground for six months together. With the labour, and
grief at being again doomed to slavery, they sunk so rapidly, that it
suggested to the murderous proprietors of the mines the having recourse to
_Africa_ for slaves. [Sidenote: African Slaves carried to the West
Indies.] Ovando, after small experience of this practice, endeavoured to
oppose it as dangerous, the Africans frequently escaping from their
masters, and finding concealment among the natives, in whom they excited
some spirit of resistance.
The ill use made by the Grand Commander of the powers with which he had
been trusted, appears to have reached the Court early, for, in 1503, he
received fresh orders, enjoining him not to allow, on any pretext, the
natives to be employed in labour against their own will, either in the
mines or elsewhere. Ovando, however, trusted to being supported by the
Spanish proprietors of the mines within his government, who grew rich by
the _encomiendas_, and with their assistance he found pretences for not
restraining himself to the orders of the Court.
In parts of the Island, the Caciques still enjoyed a degree of authority
over the natives, which rested almost wholly on habitual custom and
voluntary attachment. To loosen this band, Ovando, assuming the character
of a protector, published ordonnances to release the lower classes from
the oppressions of the Caciques; but from those of their European
taskmasters he gave them no relief.
Some of the principal among the native inhabitants of _Xaragua_, the
South-western province of _Hayti_, had the hardiness openly to express
their discontent at the tyranny exercised by the Spaniards established in
that province. The person at this time regarded as Cacique or Chief of
_Xaragua_ was a female, sister to the last Cacique, who had died without
issue. The Spanish histories call her Queen of _Xaragua_. This Princess
had shewn symptoms of something like abhorrence of the Spaniards near her,
and they did not fail to send representations to the Grand Commander,
with the addition, that there appeared indications of an intention in the
Xaraguans to revolt. On receiving this notice, Ovando determined that
_Xaragua_, as _Higuey_ had before, should feel the weight of his
displeasure. Putting himself at the head of 370 Spanish troops, part of
them cavalry, he departed from the city of _San Domingo_ for the devoted
province, giving out publicly, that his intention was to make a progress
into the West, to collect the tribute, and to visit the Queen of
_Xaragua_. He was received by the Princess and her people with honours,
feastings, and all the demonstrations of joy usually acted by terrified
people with the hopes of soothing tyranny; and the troops were regaled
with profusion of victuals, with dancing, and shows. [Sidenote: 1503-4.]
After some days thus spent, Ovando invited the Princess, her friends and
attendants, to an entertainment which he promised them, after the manner
of _Spain_. A large open public building was the chosen place for holding
this festival, and all the Spanish settlers in the province were required
to attend. A great concourse of Indians, besides the bidden guests,
crowded round, to enjoy the spectacle. [Sidenote: Massacre of the people
of Xaragua.] As the appointed time approached, the Spanish infantry
gradually appeared, and took possession of all the avenues; which being
secured, this Grand Commander himself appeared, mounted at the head of his
cavalry; and on his making a signal, which had been previously concerted,
which was laying his hand on the Cross of his Order, the whole of these
diabolical conquerors fell upon the defenceless multitude, who were so
hemmed in, that thousands were slaughtered, and it was scarcely possible
for any to escape unwounded. Some of the principal Indians or Caciques, it
is said, were by the Commander's order fastened to the pillars of the
building, where they were questioned, and made to confess themselves in a
conspiracy against the Spanish government; after which confession the
building was set on fire, and they perished in the flames. The massacre
did not stop here. Detachments of troops, with dogs, were sent to hunt and
destroy the natives in different parts of the province, and some were
pursued over to the Island _Gonave_. The Princess was carried bound to the
city of _San Domingo_, and with the forms of law was tried, condemned, and
put to death.
The purposes, besides that of gratifying his revenge for the hatred shewn
to his government, which were sufficient to move Ovando to this bloody
act, were, the plunder of the province, and the reduction of the Islanders
to a more manageable number, and to the most unlimited submission.
[Sidenote: 1504.] Some of the Indians fled to the mountains. 'But,' say
the Spanish Chronicles of these events, 'in a short time their Chiefs were
taken and punished, and at the end of six months there was not a native
living on the Island who had not submitted to the dominion of the
Spaniards.'
[Sidenote: Death of Queen Ysabel.] Queen Ysabel died in November 1504,
much and universally lamented. This Princess bore a large share in the
usurpations practised in the New World; but it is evident she was carried
away, contrary to her real principles and disposition, which were just and
benevolent, and to her own happiness, by the powerful stream of general
opinion.
In _Europe_, political principles, or maxims of policy, have been in
continual change, fashioned by the nature of the passing events, no less
than dress has been by caprice; causes which have led one to deviate from
plain rectitude, as the other from convenience. One principle,
covetousness of the attainment of power, has nevertheless constantly
predominated, and has derided and endeavoured to stigmatize as weakness
and imbecility, the stopping short of great acquisitions, territorial
especially, for moral considerations. Queen Ysabel lived surrounded by a
world of such politicians, who were moreover stimulated to avarice by the
prospect of American gold; a passion which yet more than ambition is apt
to steel the heart of man against the calls of justice and the distresses
of his fellow creatures. If Ysabel had been endued with more than mortal
fortitude, she might have refused her sanction to the usurpations, but
could not have prevented them. On her death bed she earnestly recommended
to King Ferdinand to recall Ovando. Ovando, however, sent home much gold,
and Ferdinand referred to a distant time the fulfilment of her dying
request.
Upon news of the death of Queen Ysabel, the small wages which had been
paid the Indians for their labour, amounting to about half a piastre _per_
month, were withheld, as being too grievous a burthen on the Spanish
Colonists; and the hours of labour were no longer limited. [Sidenote:
1506.] In the province of _Higuey_, the tyranny and licentiousness of the
military again threw the poor natives into a frenzy of rage and despair,
and they once more revolted, burnt the fort, and killed the soldiers.
Ovando resolved to put it out of the power of the people of _Higuey_ ever
again to be troublesome. A strong body of troops was marched into the
province, the Cacique of _Higuey_ (the last of the _Hayti_ Kings) was
taken prisoner and executed, and the province pacified.
The pecuniary value of grants of land in _Hayti_ with _encomiendas_,
became so considerable as to cause them to be coveted and solicited for by
many of the grandees and favourites of the Court in _Spain_, who, on
obtaining them, sent out agents to turn them to account. [Sidenote:
Desperate condition of the Natives.] The agent was to make his own fortune
by his employment, and to satisfy his principal. In no instance were the
natives spared through any interference of the Grand Commander. It was a
maxim with this bad man, always to keep well with the powerful; and every
thing respecting the natives was yielded to their accommodation. Care,
however, was taken that the Indians should be baptised, and that a head
tax should be paid to the Crown; and these particulars being complied
with, the rest was left to the patron of the _encomienda_. Punishments and
tortures of every kind were practised, to wring labour out of men who were
dying through despair. Some of the accounts, which are corroborated by
circumstances, relate, that the natives were frequently coupled and
harnessed like cattle, and driven with whips. If they fell under their
load, they were flogged up. To prevent their taking refuge in the woods or
mountains, an officer, under the title of _Alguazil del Campo_, was
constantly on the watch with a pack of hounds; and many Indians, in
endeavouring to escape, were torn in pieces. The settlers on the Island,
the great men at home, their agents, and the royal revenue, were all to be
enriched at the expence of the destruction of the natives. It was as if
the discovery of _America_ had changed the religion of the Spaniards from
Christianity to the worship of gold with human sacrifices. If power were
entitled to dominion between man and man, as between man and other
animals, the Spaniards would remain chargeable with the most outrageous
abuse of their advantages. In enslaving the inhabitants of _Hayti_, if
they had been satisfied with reducing them to the state of cattle, it
would have been merciful, comparatively with what was done. The labour
imposed by mankind upon their cattle, is in general so regulated as not to
exceed what is compatible with their full enjoyment of health; but the
main consideration with the Spanish proprietors was, by what means they
should obtain the greatest quantity of gold from the labour of the natives
in the shortest time. By an enumeration made in the year 1507, the number
of the natives in the whole Island _Hayti_ was reckoned at 60,000, the
remains of a population which fifteen years before exceeded a million. The
insatiate colonists did not stop: many of the mines lay unproductive for
want of labourers, and they bent their efforts to the supplying this
defect.
[Sidenote: The Grand Antilles.] The Islands of the _West Indies_ have been
classed into three divisions, which chiefly regard their situations; but
they are distinguished also by other peculiar circumstances. The four
largest Islands, _Cuba_, _Hayti_, _Jamaica_, and _Porto Rico_, have been
called the _Grand Antilles_. When first discovered by Europeans, they were
inhabited by people whose similarity of language, of customs, and
character, bespoke them the offspring of one common stock. [Sidenote:
Small Antilles, or Caribbee Islands.] The second division is a chain of
small Islands Eastward of these, and extending South to the coast of
_Paria_ on the Continent of _South America_. They have been called
sometimes the _Small Antilles_; sometimes after the native inhabitants,
the _Caribbee Islands_; and not less frequently by a subdivision, the
Windward and Leeward Islands. The inhabitants on these Islands were a
different race from the inhabitants of the _Grand Antilles_. They spoke a
different language, were robust in person; and in disposition fierce,
active, and warlike. Some have conjectured them to be of Tartar
extraction, which corresponds with the belief that they emigrated from
_North America_ to the _West Indies_. It is supposed they drove out the
original inhabitants from the _Small Antilles_, to establish themselves
there; but they had not gained footing in the large Islands. [Sidenote:
Lucayas, or Bahama Islands.] The third division of the Islands is the
cluster which are situated to the North of _Cuba_, and near _East
Florida_, and are called the _Lucayas_, of whose inhabitants mention will
shortly be made.
The Spanish Government participated largely in the wickedness practised to
procure labourers for the mines of _Hispaniola_. Pretending great concern
for the cause of humanity, they declared it legal, and gave general
license, for any individual to make war against, and enslave, people who
were cannibals; under which pretext every nation, both of the American
Continent and of the Islands, was exposed to their enterprises. Spanish
adventurers made attempts to take people from the small _Antilles_,
sometimes with success; but they were not obtained without danger, and in
several expeditions of the kind, the Spaniards were repulsed with loss.
This made them turn their attention to the _Lucayas Islands_.
[Sidenote: 1508.] The inhabitants of the _Lucayas_, an unsuspicious and
credulous people, did not escape the snares laid for them. Ovando, in his
dispatches to _Spain_, represented the benefit it would be to the holy
faith, to have the inhabitants of the _Lucayas_ instructed in the
Christian religion; for which purpose, he said, 'it would be necessary
they should be transported to _Hispaniola_, as Missionaries could not be
spared to every place, and there was no other way in which this abandoned
people could be converted.' [Sidenote: The Natives of the Lucayas betrayed
to the Mines;] King Ferdinand and the Council of the Indies were
themselves so abandoned and destitute of all goodness, as to pretend to
give credit to Ovando's representation, and lent him their authority to
sacrifice the Lucayans, under the pretext of advancing religion. Spanish
ships were sent to the Islands on this business, and the natives were at
first inveigled on board by the foulest hypocrisy and treachery. Among the
artifices used by the Spaniards, they pretended that they came from a
delicious country, where rested the souls of the deceased fathers,
kinsmen, and friends, of the Lucayans, who had sent to invite them.
[Sidenote: and the Islands wholly unpeopled.] The innocent Islanders so
seduced to follow the Spaniards, when, on arriving at _Hispaniola_, they
found how much they had been abused, died in great numbers of chagrin and
grief. Afterwards, when these impious pretences of the Spaniards were no
longer believed, they dragged away the natives by force, as long as any
could be found, till they wholly unpeopled the _Lucayas Islands_. The
Buccaneers of _America_, whose adventures and misdeeds are about to be
related, may be esteemed saints in comparison with the men whose names
have been celebrated as the Conquerors of the NEW WORLD.
In the same manner as at the _Lucayas_, other Islands of the _West
Indies_, and different parts of the Continent, were resorted to for
recruits. A pearl fishery was established, in which the Indians were not
more spared as divers, than on the land as miners.
_Porto Rico_ was conquered at this time. [Sidenote: Fate of the native
Inhabitants of Porto Rico.] Ore had been brought thence, which was not so
pure as that of _Hayti_; but it was of sufficient value to determine
Ovando to the conquest of the Island. The Islanders were terrified by the
carnage which the Spaniards with their dogs made in the commencement of
the war, and, from the fear of irritating them by further resistance, they
yielded wholly at discretion, and were immediately sent to the mines,
where in a short time they all perished. In the same year with _Porto
Rico_, the Island of _Jamaica_ was taken possession of by the Spaniards.
[Sidenote: 1509. D. Diego Columbus, Governor of Hispaniola.] Ovando was at
length recalled, and was succeeded in the government of _Hispaniola_ by
Don Diego Columbus, the eldest son and inheritor of the rights and titles
of the Admiral Christopher. To conclude with Ovando, it is related that he
was regretted by his countrymen in the _Indies_, and was well received at
Court.
Don Diego did not make any alteration in the _repartimientos_, except that
some of them changed hands in favour of his own adherents. During his
government, some fathers of the Dominican Order had the courage to inveigh
from the pulpit against the enormity of the _repartimientos_, and were so
persevering in their representations, that the Court of _Spain_ found it
necessary, to avoid scandal, to order an enquiry into the condition of the
Indians. In this enquiry it was seriously disputed, whether it was just or
unjust to make them slaves.
[Sidenote: 1511. Increase of Cattle in Hayti.] The Histories of
_Hispaniola_ first notice about this time a great increase in the number
of cattle in the Island. As the human race disappeared, less and less land
was occupied in husbandry, till almost the whole country became pasturage
for cattle, by far the greater part of which were wild. An ordonnance,
issued in the year 1511, specified, that as beasts of burthen were so much
multiplied, the Indians should not be made to carry or drag heavy loads.
[Sidenote: Cuba.] In 1511, the conquest of _Cuba_ was undertaken and
completed. The terror conceived of the Spaniards is not to be expressed.
The story of the conquest is related in a Spanish history in the following
terms: 'A leader was chosen, who had acquitted himself in high employments
with fortune and good conduct. He had in other respects amiable qualities,
and was esteemed a man of honour and rectitude. He went from _S. Domingo_
with regular troops and above 300 volunteers. He landed in _Cuba_, not
without opposition from the natives. In a few days, he surprised and took
the principal Cacique, named Hatuey, prisoner, and _made him expiate in
the flames the fault he had been guilty of in not submitting with a good
grace to the conqueror_.' This Cacique, when at the stake, being
importuned by a Spanish priest to become a Christian, that he might go to
Heaven, replied, that if any Spaniard was to be met in Heaven, he hoped
not to go there.
[Sidenote: 1514.] The Reader will be detained a very little longer with
these irksome scenes. In 1514, the number of the inhabitants of _Hayti_
was reckoned 14,000. A distributor of Indians was appointed, with powers
independent of the Governor, with intention to save the few remaining
natives of _Hayti_. The new distributor began the exercise of his office
by a general revocation of all the _encomiendas_, except those which had
been granted by the King; and almost immediately afterwards, in the most
open and shameless manner, he made new grants, and sold them to the
highest bidder. [Sidenote: 1515.] He was speedily recalled; and another
(the Licentiate Ybarra) was sent to supply his place, who had a high
character for probity and resolution; but he died immediately on his
arrival at _Santo Domingo_, and not without suspicion that he was
poisoned.
[Sidenote: Bart. de las Casas, and Cardinal Ximenes; their endeavours to
serve the Indians. The Cardinal dies.] The endeavours of the
Dominican Friars in behalf of the natives were seconded by the Licentiate
Bartolomeo de las Casas, and by Cardinal Ximenes when he became Prime
Minister of _Spain_; and, to their great honour, they were both resolute
to exert all their power to preserve the natives of _America_. The
Cardinal sent Commissioners, and with them las Casas, with the title of
Protector of the Indians. But the Cardinal died in 1517; after which all
the exertions of las Casas and the Dominicans could not shake the
_repartimientos_.
[Sidenote: 1519.] At length, among the native Islanders there sprung up
one who had the courage to put himself at the head of a number of his
countrymen, and the address to withdraw with them from the gripe of the
Spaniards, and to find refuge among the mountains. [Sidenote: Cacique
Henriquez.] This man was the son, and, according to the laws of
inheritance, should have been the successor, of one of the principal
Caciques. He had been christened by the name of Henriquez, and, in
consequence of a regulation made by the late Queen Ysabel of _Castile_, he
had been educated, on account of his former rank, in a Convent of the
Franciscans. He defended his retreat in the mountains by skilful
management and resolute conduct, and had the good fortune in the
commencement to defeat some parties of Spanish troops sent against him,
which encouraged more of his countrymen, and as many of the Africans as
could escape, to flock to him; and under his government, as of a sovereign
prince, they withstood the attempts of the Spaniards to subdue them.
Fortunately for Henriquez and his followers, the conquest and settlement
of _Cuba_, and the invasion of _Mexico_, which was begun at this time,
lessened the strength of the Spaniards in _Hispaniola_, and enabled the
insurgents for many years to keep all the Spanish settlements in the
Island in continual alarm, and to maintain their own independence.
During this time, the question of the propriety of keeping the Islanders
in slavery, underwent grave examinations. It is related that the
experiment was tried, of allowing a number of the natives to build
themselves two villages, to live in them according to their own customs
and liking; and that the result was, they were found to be so improvident,
and so utterly unable to take care of themselves, that the _encomiendas_
were pronounced to be necessary for their preservation. Such an experiment
is a mockery. Before the conquest, and now under Don Henriquez, the people
of _Hayti_ shewed they wanted not the Spaniards to take care of them.
CHAP. III.
_Ships of different European Nations frequent the =West Indies=.
Opposition experienced by them from the =Spaniards=. Hunting
of Cattle in =Hispaniola=._
[Sidenote: 1518. Adventure of an English Ship.] In the year 1517 or 1518,
some Spaniards in a caravela going from _St. Domingo_ to the Island _Porto
Rico_, to take in a lading of cassava, were surprised at seeing a ship
there of about 250 tons, armed with cannon, which did not appear to belong
to the Spanish nation; and on sending a boat to make enquiry, she was
found to be English. The account given by the English Commander was, that
two ships had sailed from _England_ in company, with the intention to
discover the country of the Great Cham; that they were soon separated from
each other by a tempest, and that this ship was afterwards in a sea almost
covered with ice; that thence she had sailed southward to _Brasil_, and,
after various adventures, had found the way to _Porto Rico_. This same
English ship, being provided with merchandise, went afterwards to
_Hispaniola_, and anchored near the entrance of the port of _San Domingo_,
where the Captain sent on shore to demand leave to sell their goods. The
demand was forwarded to the _Audiencia_, or superior court in _San
Domingo_; but the Castellana, or Governor of the Castle, Francisco de
Tapia, could not endure with patience to see a ship of another nation in
that part of the world, and, without waiting for the determination of the
_Audiencia_, ordered the cannon of the fort to be fired against her; on
which she took up her anchor and returned to _Porto Rico_, where she
purchased provisions, paying for what she got with wrought iron, and
afterwards departed for _Europe_[3]. When this visit of an English ship to
the _West Indies_ was known in _Spain_, it caused there great inquietude;
and the Governor of the Castle of _San Domingo_, it is said, was much
blamed, because he had not, instead of forcing the ship to depart by
firing his cannon, contrived to seize her, so that no one might have
returned to teach others of their nation the route to the Spanish Indies.
[Sidenote: The French and other Europeans resort to the West Indies;] The
English were not the only people of whom the Spaniards had cause to be
jealous, nor those from whom the most mischief was to be apprehended. The
French, as already noticed, had very early made expeditions to _Brasil_,
and they now began to look at the _West Indies_; so that in a short time
the sight of other European ships than those of _Spain_ became no novelty
there. Hakluyt mentions a Thomas Tyson, an Englishman, who went to the
_West Indies_ in 1526, as factor to some English merchants. [Sidenote: Are
regarded as Interlopers by the Spaniards. 1529. Regulation proposed by the
Government in Hispaniola, for protection against Pirates.] When the
Spaniards met any of these intruders, if able to master them, they made
prisoners of them, and many they treated as pirates. The new comers soon
began to retaliate. In 1529, the Governor and Council at _San Domingo_
drew up the plan of a regulation for the security of their ships against
the increasing dangers from pirates in the _West Indies_. In this, they
recommended, that a central port of commerce should be established in the
_West Indies_, to which every ship from _Spain_ should be obliged to go
first, as to a general rendezvous, and thence be dispatched, as might suit
circumstances, to her farther destination; also, that all their ships
homeward bound, from whatsoever part of the _West Indies_, should first
rendezvous at the same port; by which regulation their ships, both outward
and homeward bound, would form escorts to each other, and have the
benefit of mutual support; and they proposed that some port in
_Hispaniola_ should be appointed for the purpose, as most conveniently
situated. This plan appears to have been approved by the Council of the
_Indies_; but, from indolence, or some other cause, no farther measures
were taken for its adoption.
The attention of the Spaniards was at this time almost wholly engrossed by
the conquest and plunder of the American Continent, which it might have
been supposed would have sufficed them, according to the opinion of
Francisco Preciado, a Spanish discoverer, who observed, that _there was
country enough to conquer for a thousand years_. The continental pursuits
caused much diminution in the importance of the _West India Islands_ to
the Spaniards. The mines of the Islands were not comparable in richness
with those of the Continent, and, for want of labourers, many were left
unworked. [Sidenote: Hunting of Cattle in Hispaniola.] The colonists in
_Hispaniola_, however, had applied themselves to the cultivation of the
sugar-cane, and to manufacture sugar; also to hunting cattle, which was
found a profitable employment, the skins and the suet turning to good
account. [Sidenote: Matadores.] The Spaniards denominated their hunters
Matadores, which in the Spanish language signifies killers or
slaughterers.
That the English, French, and Hollanders, in their early voyages to the
_West Indies_, went in expectation of meeting hostility from the
Spaniards, and with a determination therefore to commit hostility if they
could with advantage, appears by an ingenious phrase of the French
adventurers, who, if the first opportunity was in their favour, termed
their profiting by it '_se dedomager par avance_.'
Much of _Hispaniola_ had become desert. There were long ranges of coast,
with good ports, that were unfrequented by any inhabitant whatever, and
the land in every part abounded with cattle. These were such great
conveniencies to the ships of the interlopers, that the Western coast,
which was the most distant part from the Spanish capital, became a place
of common resort to them when in want of provisions. Another great
attraction to them was the encouragement they received from Spanish
settlers along the coast; who, from the contracted and monopolizing spirit
of their government in the management of their colonies, have at all times
been eager to have communication with foreigners, that they might obtain
supplies of European goods on terms less exorbitant than those which the
royal regulations of _Spain_ imposed. [Sidenote: Guarda-Costas.] The
government at _San Domingo_ employed armed ships to prevent clandestine
trade, and to clear the coasts of _Hispaniola_ of interlopers, which ships
were called _guarda costas_; and it is said their commanders were
instructed not to take prisoners. On the other hand, the intruders formed
combinations, came in collected numbers, and made descents on different
parts of the coast, ravaging the Spanish towns and settlements.
In the customary course, such transactions would have come under the
cognizance of the governments in _Europe_; but matters here took a
different turn. The Spaniards, when they had the upper hand, did not fail
to deal out their own pleasure for law; and in like manner, the English,
French, and Dutch, when masters, determined their own measure of
retaliation. The different European governments were glad to avoid being
involved in the settlement of disorders they had no inclination to
repress. In answer to representations made by _Spain_, they said, 'that
the people complained against had acted entirely on their own authority,
not as the subjects of any prince, and that the King of _Spain_ was at
liberty to proceed against them according to his own pleasure.' Queen
Elizabeth of _England_, with more open asperity answered a complaint made
by the Spanish ambassador, of Spanish ships being plundered by the English
in the _West Indies_, 'That the Spaniards had drawn these inconveniencies
upon themselves, by their severe and unjust dealings in their American
commerce; for she did not understand why either her subjects, or those of
any other European prince, should be debarred from traffic in the
_Indies_. That as she did not acknowledge the Spaniards to have any title
by the donation of the Bishop of _Rome_, so she knew no right they had to
any places other than those they were in actual possession of; for that
their having touched only here and there upon a coast, and given names to
a few rivers or capes, were such insignificant things as could no ways
entitle them to a propriety further than in the parts where they actually
settled, and continued to inhabit[4].' A warfare was thus established
between Europeans in the _West Indies_, local and confined, which had no
dependence upon transactions in _Europe_. [Sidenote: Brethren of the
Coast.] All Europeans not Spaniards, whether it was war or peace between
their nations in _Europe_, on their meeting in the _West Indies_, regarded
each other as friends and allies, knowing then no other enemy than the
Spaniards; and, as a kind of public avowal of this confederation, they
called themselves _Brethren of the Coast_.
The first European intruders upon the Spaniards in the _West Indies_ were
accordingly mariners, the greater number of whom, it is supposed, were
French, and next to them the English. Their first hunting of cattle in
_Hayti_, was for provisioning their ships. The time they began to form
factories or establishments, to hunt cattle for the skins, and to cure the
flesh as an article of traffic, is not certain; but it may be concluded
that these occupations were began by the crews of wrecked vessels, or by
seamen who had disagreed with their commander; and that the ease, plenty,
and freedom from all command and subordination, enjoyed in such a life,
soon drew others to quit their ships, and join in the same occupations.
The ships that touched on the coast supplied the hunters with European
commodities, for which they received in return hides, tallow, and cured
meat. The appellation of _Boucanier_ or _Buccaneer_ was not invented, or
at least not applied to these adventurers, till long after their first
footing in _Hayti_. At the time of Oxnam's expedition across the _Isthmus
of America_ to the _South Sea_, A. D. 1575, it does not appear to have
been known.
There is no particular account of the events which took place on the
coasts of _Hispaniola_ in the early part of the contest between the
Spaniards and the new settlers. It is however certain, that it was a war
of the severest retaliation; and in this disorderly state was continued
the intercourse of the English, French, and Dutch with the _West Indies_,
carried on by individuals neither authorized nor controlled by their
governments, for more than a century.
In 1586, the English Captain, Francis Drake, plundered the city of _San
Domingo_; and the numbers of the English and French in the _West Indies_
increased so much, that shortly afterwards the Spaniards found themselves
necessitated to abandon all the Western and North-western parts of
_Hispaniola_.
CHAP. IV.
_Iniquitous Settlement of the Island =Saint Christopher= by the
=English= and =French=. =Tortuga= seized by the Hunters.
Origin of the name =Buccaneer=. The name =Flibustier=. Customs
attributed to the =Buccaneers=._
The increase of trade of the English and French to the _West Indies_, and
the growing importance of the freebooters or adventurers concerned in it,
who, unassisted but by each other, had begun to acquire territory and to
form establishments in spite of all opposition from the Spaniards,
attracted the attention of the British and French governments, and
suggested to them a scheme of confederacy, in which some of the principal
adventurers were consulted. The project adopted by them was, to plant a
royal colony of each nation, on some one island, and at the same time; by
which a constant mutual support would be secured. In as far as regarded
the concerns of Europeans with each other, this plan was unimpeachable.
The Island chosen by the projectors, as the best suited to their purpose,
was one of the _Small Antilles_ or _Caribbee Islands_, known by the name
of _St. Christopher_, which is in length about seven leagues, and in
breadth two and a half.
[Sidenote: 1625. The Island Saint Christopher settled by the English and
French.] Thus the governments of _Great Britain_ and _France_, like
friendly fellow-travellers, and not like rivals who were to contend in a
race, began their West-Indian career by joint consent at the same point
both in time and place. In the year 1625, and on the same day, a colony of
British and a colony of French, in the names and on the behalf of their
respective nations, landed on this small island, the division of which
had been settled by previous agreement.
The Island _St. Christopher_ was at that time inhabited by Caribbe
Indians. The Spaniards had never possessed a settlement on it, but their
ships had been accustomed to stop there, to traffic for provisions and
refreshments. The French and English who came to take possession, landed
without obtaining the consent of the native Caribbe inhabitants; and,
because danger was apprehended from their discontent, under pretence that
the Caribbs were friends to the Spaniards, these new colonists fell upon
them by surprise in the night, killed their principal leaders, and forced
the rest to quit the Island and seek another home. De Rochefort, in his
_Histoire Morale des Isles Antilles_ (p. 284.) mentions the English and
French killing the Caribb Chiefs, in the following terms: '_Ils se
defirent en une nuit de tous les plus factieux de cette nation!_' Thus in
usurpation and barbarity was founded the first colony established under
the authority of the British and French governments in the _West Indies_;
which colony was the parent of our African slave trade. When accounts of
the conquest and of the proceedings at _Saint Christopher_ were
transmitted to _Europe_, they were approved; West-India companies were
established, and licences granted to take out colonists. De Rochefort has
oddly enough remarked, that the French, English, and Dutch, in their first
establishments in the _West Indies_, did not follow the cruel maxims of
the Spaniards. True it is, however, that they only copied in part. In
their usurpations their aim went no farther than to dispossess, and they
did not seek to make slaves of the people whom they deprived of their
land.
The English and French in a short time had disagreements, and began to
make complaints of each other. The English took possession of the small
Island _Nevis_, which is separated only by a narrow channel from the
South end of _St. Christopher_. P. Charlevoix says, 'the ambition of the
English disturbed the good understanding between the colonists of the two
nations; but M. de Cusac arriving with a squadron of the French King's
ships, by taking and sinking some British ships lying there, brought the
English Governor to reason, and to confine himself to the treaty of
Partition.' [Sidenote: 1629. The English and French driven from Saint
Christopher by the Spaniards.] After effecting this amicable adjustment,
De Cusac sailed from _St. Christopher_; and was scarcely clear of the
Island when a powerful fleet, consisting of thirty-nine large ships,
arrived from _Spain_, and anchored in the Road. Almost without opposition
the Spaniards became masters of the Island, although the English and
French, if they had cordially joined, could have mustered a force of
twelve hundred men. Intelligence that the Spaniards intended this attack,
had been timely received in _France_; and M. de Cusac's squadron had in
consequence been dispatched to assist in the defence of _St. Christopher_;
but the Spaniards being slow in their preparations, their fleet did not
arrive at the time expected, and De Cusac, hearing no news of them,
presumed that they had given up their design against _St. Christopher_.
Without strengthening the joint colony, he gave the English a lesson on
moderation, little calculated to incline them to co-operate heartily with
the French in defence of the Island, and sailed on a cruise to the _Gulf
of Mexico_. Shortly after his departure, towards the end of the year 1629,
the Spanish fleet arrived. The colonists almost immediately despaired of
being able to oppose so great a force. Many of the French embarked in
their ships in time to effect their escape, and to take refuge among the
islands northward. The remainder, with the English, lay at the disposal of
the Spanish commander, Don Frederic de _Toledo_. At this time _Spain_ was
at war with _England_, _France_, and _Holland_; and this armament was
designed ultimately to act against the Hollanders in _Brasil_, but was
ordered by the way to drive the English and the French from the Island of
_Saint Christopher_. Don Frederic would not weaken his force by leaving a
garrison there, and was in haste to prosecute his voyage to _Brasil_. As
the settlement of _Saint Christopher_ had been established on regular
government authorities, the settlers were treated as prisoners of war. To
clear the Island in the most speedy manner, Don Frederic took many of the
English on board his own fleet, and made as many of the other colonists
embark as could be crowded in any vessels which could be found for them.
He saw them get under sail, and leave the Island; and from those who
remained, he required their parole, that they would depart by the earliest
opportunity which should present itself, warning them, at the same time,
that if, on his return from _Brasil_, he found any Englishmen or Frenchmen
at _Saint Christopher_, they should be put to the sword. [Sidenote: 1630.
They return.] After this, he sailed for _Brasil_. As soon, however, as it
was known that the Spanish fleet had left the West-Indian sea, the
colonists, both English and French, returned to _Saint Christopher_, and
repossessed themselves of their old quarters.
The settlement of the Island _Saint Christopher_ gave great encouragement
to the hunters on the West coast of _Hispaniola_. Their manufactories for
the curing of meat, and for drying the skins, multiplied; and as the value
of them increased, they began to think it of consequence to provide for
their security. [Sidenote: The Island Tortuga seized by the English and
French Hunters.] To this end they took possession of the small Island
_Tortuga_, near the North-west end of _Hispaniola_, where the Spaniards
had placed a garrison, but which was too small to make opposition. There
was a road for shipping, with good anchorage, at _Tortuga_; and its
separation from the main land of _Hispaniola_ seemed to be a good
guarantee from sudden and unexpected attack. They built magazines there,
for the lodgement of their goods, and regarded this Island as their head
quarters, or place of general rendezvous to which to repair in times of
danger. They elected no chief, erected no fortification, set up no
authorities, nor fettered themselves by any engagement. All was voluntary;
and they were negligently contented at having done so much towards their
security.
[Sidenote: Whence the Name Buccaneer.] About the time of their taking
possession of _Tortuga_, they began to be known by the name of Buccaneers,
of which appellation it will be proper to speak at some length.
The flesh of the cattle killed by the hunters, was cured to keep good for
use, after a manner learnt from the Caribbe Indians, which was as follows:
The meat was laid to be dried upon a wooden grate or hurdle (_grille de
bois_) which the Indians called _barbecu_, placed at a good distance over
a slow fire. The meat when cured was called _boucan_, and the same name
was given to the place of their cookery. Père Labat describes _Viande
boucannée_ to be, _Viande seché a petit feu et a la fumée_. The Caribbes
are said to have sometimes served their prisoners after this fashion,
'_Ils les mangent après les avoir bien boucannée, c'est a dire, rotis bien
sec_[5].' The boucan was a very favourite method of cooking among these
Indians. A Caribbe has been known, on returning home from fishing,
fatigued and pressed with hunger, to have had the patience to wait the
roasting of a fish on a wooden grate fixed two feet above the ground, over
a fire so small as sometimes to require the whole day to dress it[6].
The flesh of the cattle was in general dried in the smoke, without being
salted. The _Dictionnaire de Trevoux_ explains _Boucaner_ to be '_faire
sorer sans sel_,' to dry red without salt. But the flesh of wild hogs, and
also of the beeves when intended for keeping a length of time, was first
salted. The same thing was practised among the Brasilians. It was remarked
in one of the earliest visits of the Portuguese to _Brasil_, that the
natives (who were cannibals) kept human flesh salted and smoked, hanging
up in their houses[7]. The meat cured by the Buccaneers to sell to
shipping for sea-store, it is probable was all salted. The process is thus
described: 'The bones being taken out, the flesh was cut into convenient
pieces and salted, and the next day was taken to the _boucan_.' Sometimes,
to give a peculiar relish to the meat, the skin of the animal was cast
into the fire under it. The meat thus cured was of a fine red colour, and
of excellent flavour; but in six months after it was boucanned, it had
little taste left, except of salt. The boucanned hog's flesh continued
good a much longer time than the flesh of the beeves, if kept in dry
places.
From adopting the boucan of the Caribbes, the hunters in _Hispaniola_, the
Spaniards excepted, came to be called Boucaniers, but afterwards,
according to a pronunciation more in favour with the English,
Buccaneers[8]. Many of the French hunters were natives of _Normandy_;
whence it became proverbial in some of the sea-ports of _Normandy_ to say
of a smoky house, _c'est un vrai Boucan_.
[Sidenote: The name Flibustier.] The French Buccaneers and Adventurers
were also called Flibustiers, and more frequently by that than by any
other name. The word Flibustier is merely the French mariner's mode of
pronouncing the English word Freebooter, a name which long preceded that
of Boucanier or Buccaneer, as the occupation of cruising against the
Spaniards preceded that of hunting and curing meat. Some authors have
given a derivation to the name _Flibustier_ from the word Flyboat,
because, say they, the French hunters in _Hispaniola_ bought vessels of
the Dutch, called Flyboats, to cruise upon the Spaniards. There are two
objections to this derivation. First, the word _flyboat_, is only an
English translation of the Dutch word _fluyt_, which is the proper
denomination of the vessel intended by it. Secondly, it would not very
readily occur to any one to purchase Dutch fluyts, or flyboats, for
chasing vessels.
Some have understood the Boucanier and Flibustier to be distinct both in
person and character[9]. This was probably the case with a few, after the
settlement of _Tortuga_; but before, and very generally afterwards, the
occupations were joined, making one of amphibious character. Ships from
all parts of the _West Indies_ frequented _Tortuga_, and it continually
happened that some among the crews quitted their ships to turn Buccaneers;
whilst among the Buccaneers some would be desirous to quit their hunting
employment, to go on a cruise, to make a voyage, or to return to _Europe_.
The two occupations of hunting and cruising being so common to the same
person, caused the names Flibustier and Buccaneer to be esteemed
synonimous, signifying always and principally the being at war with the
Spaniards. The Buccaneer and Flibustier therefore, as long as they
continued in a state of independence, are to be considered as the same
character, exercising sometimes one, sometimes the other employment; and
either name was taken by them indifferently, whether they were employed on
the sea or on the land. But a fanciful kind of inversion took place,
through the different caprices of the French and English adventurers. The
greater part of the first cattle hunters were French, and the greater
number of the first cruisers against the Spaniards were English. The
French adventurers, nevertheless, had a partiality for the name of
Flibustier; whilst the English shewed a like preference for the name of
Buccaneer, which, as will be seen, was assumed by many hundred seamen of
their nation, who were never employed either in hunting or in the boucan.
[Sidenote: Customs attributed to the Buccaneers.] A propensity to make
things which are extraordinary appear more so, has caused many peculiar
customs to be attributed to the Buccaneers, which, it is pretended, were
observed as strictly as if they had been established laws. It is said that
every Buccaneer had his chosen and declared comrade, between whom property
was in common, and if one died, the survivor was inheritor of the whole.
This was called by the French _Matelotage_. It is however acknowledged
that the _Matelotage_ was not a compulsatory regulation; and that the
Buccaneers sometimes bequeathed by will. A general right of participation
in some things, among which was meat for present consumption, was
acknowledged among them; and it is said, that bolts, locks, and every
species of fastening, were prohibited, it being held that the use of such
securities would have impeached the honour of their vocation. Yet on
commencing Buccaneer, it was customary with those who were of respectable
lineage, to relinquish their family name, and assume some other, as a _nom
de guerre_. Their dress, which was uniformly slovenly when engaged in the
business of hunting or of the boucan, is mentioned as a prescribed
_costume_, but which doubtless was prescribed only by their own negligence
and indolence; in particular, that they wore an unwashed shirt and
pantaloons dyed in the blood of the animals they had killed. Other
distinctions, equally capricious, and to little purpose, are related,
which have no connexion with their history. Some curious anecdotes are
produced, to shew the great respect some among them entertained for
religion and for morality. A certain Flibustier captain, named Daniel,
shot one of his crew in the church, for behaving irreverently during the
performance of mass. Raveneau de Lussan (whose adventures will be
frequently mentioned) took the occupation of a Buccaneer, because he was
in debt, and wished, as every honest man should do, to have wherewithal to
satisfy his creditors.
In their sea enterprises, they followed most of the customs which are
generally observed in private ships of war; and sometimes were held
together by a subscribed written agreement, by the English called
Charter-party; by the French _Chasse-partie_, which might in this case be
construed a Chasing agreement. Whenever it happened that _Spain_ was at
open and declared war with any of the maritime nations of _Europe_, the
Buccaneers who were natives of the country at war with her, obtained
commissions, which rendered the vessels in which they cruised, regular
privateers.
The English adventurers sometimes, as is seen in Dampier, called
themselves Privateers, applying the term to persons in the same manner we
now apply it to private ships of war. The Dutch, whose terms are generally
faithful to the meaning intended, called the adventurers _Zee Roovers_;
the word _roover_ in the Dutch language comprising the joint sense of the
two English words rover and robber.
CHAP. V.
_Treaty made by the Spaniards with Don =Henriquez=. Increase of
English and French in the =West Indies=. =Tortuga= surprised
by the Spaniards. Policy of the English and French Governments
with respect to the Buccaneers. =Mansvelt=, his attempt to
form an independent Buccaneer Establishment. French West-India
Company. =Morgan= succeeds =Mansvelt= as Chief of the
Buccaneers._
[Sidenote: 1630.] The Spanish Government at length began to think it
necessary to relax from their large pretensions, and in the year 1630
entered into treaties with other European nations, for mutual security of
their West-India possessions. In a Treaty concluded that year with _Great
Britain_, it was declared, that peace, amity, and friendship, should be
observed between their respective subjects, in all parts of the world. But
this general specification was not sufficient to produce effect in the
_West Indies_.
[Sidenote: 1633.] In _Hispaniola_, in the year 1633, the Government at
_San Domingo_ concluded a treaty with Don Henriquez; which was the more
readily accorded to him, because it was apprehended the revolted natives
would league with the Brethren of the Coast. By this treaty all the
followers of Don Henriquez who could claim descent from the original
natives, in number four thousand persons, were declared free and under his
protection, and lands were marked out for them. But, what is revolting to
all generous hopes of human nature, the negroes were abandoned to the
Spaniards. Magnanimity was not to be expected of the natives of _Hayti_;
yet they had shewn themselves capable of exertion for their own relief;
and a small degree more of firmness would have included these, their most
able champions, in the treaty. This weak and wicked defection from
friends, confederated with them in one common and righteous cause, seems
to have wrought its own punishment. The vigilance and vigour of mind of
the negro might have guarded against encroachments upon the independence
obtained; instead of which, the wretched Haytians in a short time fell
again wholly into the grinding hands of the Spaniards: and in the early
part of the eighteenth century, it was reckoned that the whole number
living, of the descendants of the party of Don Henriquez, did not quite
amount to one hundred persons.
[Sidenote: Cultivation in Tortuga.] The settlement of the Buccaneers at
_Tortuga_ drew many Europeans there, as well settlers as others, to join
in their adventures and occupations. They began to clear and cultivate the
grounds, which were before overgrown with woods, and made plantations of
tobacco, which proved to be of extraordinary good quality.
[Sidenote: Increase of the English and French Settlements in the West
Indies.] More Europeans, not Spaniards, consequently allies of the
Buccaneers, continued to pour into the _West Indies_, and formed
settlements on their own accounts, on some of the islands of the small
_Antilles_. These settlements were not composed of mixtures of different
people, but were most of them all English or all French; and as they grew
into prosperity, they were taken possession of for the crowns of _England_
or of _France_ by the respective governments. Under the government
authorities new colonists were sent out, royal governors were appointed,
and codes of law established, which combined, with the security of the
colony, the interests of the mother-country. But at the same time these
benefits were conferred, grants of lands were made under royal authority,
which dispossessed many persons, who, by labour and perilous adventure,
and some who at considerable expence, had achieved establishments for
themselves, in favour of men till then no way concerned in any of the
undertakings. In some cases, grants of whole islands were obtained, by
purchase or favour; and the first settlers, who had long before gained
possession, and who had cleared and brought the ground into a state for
cultivation, were rendered dependent upon the new proprietary governors,
to whose terms they were obliged to submit, or to relinquish their tenure.
Such were the hard accompaniments to the protection afforded by the
governments of _France_ and _Great Britain_ to colonies, which, before
they were acknowledged legitimate offsprings of the mother-country, had
grown into consideration through their own exertions; and only because
they were found worth adopting, were now received into the parent family.
The discontents created by this rapacious conduct of the governments, and
the disregard shewn to the claims of the first settlers, instigated some
to resistance and rebellion, and caused many to join the Buccaneers. The
Caribbe inhabitants were driven from their lands also with as little
ceremony.
The Buccaneer colony at _Tortuga_ had not been beheld with indifference by
the Spaniards. [Sidenote: 1638.] The Buccaneers, with the carelessness
natural to men in their loose condition of life, under neither command nor
guidance, continued to trust to the supineness of the enemy for their
safety, and neglected all precaution. [Sidenote: Tortuga surprised by the
Spaniards.] In the year 1638, the Spaniards with a large force fell
unexpectedly upon _Tortuga_, at a time when the greater number of the
settlers were absent in _Hispaniola_ on the chace; and those who were on
the Island, having neither fortress nor government, became an easy prey to
the Spaniards, who made a general massacre of all who fell into their
hands, not only of those they surprised in the beginning, but many who
afterwards came in from the woods to implore their lives on condition of
returning to _Europe_, they hanged. A few kept themselves concealed, till
they found an opportunity to cross over to their brethren in _Hispaniola_.
It happened not to suit the convenience of the Spaniards to keep a
garrison at _Tortuga_, and they were persuaded the Buccaneers would not
speedily again expose themselves to a repetition of such treatment as they
had just experienced; therefore they contented themselves with destroying
the buildings, and as much as they could of the plantations; after which
they returned to _San Domingo_. In a short time after their departure, the
remnant of the Hunters collected to the number of three hundred, again
fixed themselves at _Tortuga_, and, for the first time, elected a
commander.
As the hostility of the Buccaneers had constantly and solely been directed
against the Spaniards, all other Europeans in the _West Indies_ regarded
them as champions in the common cause, and the severities which had been
exercised against them created less of dread than of a spirit of
vengeance. The numbers of the Buccaneers were quickly recruited by
volunteers of English, French, and Dutch, from all parts; and both the
occupations of hunting and cruising were pursued with more than usual
eagerness. The French and English Governors in the _West Indies_,
influenced by the like feelings, either openly, or by connivance, gave
constant encouragement to the Buccaneers. The French Governor at _St.
Christopher_, who was also Governor General for the French West-India
Islands, was most ready to send assistance to the Buccaneers. This
Governor, Monsieur de Poincy, an enterprising and capable man, had formed
a design to take possession of the Island _Tortuga_ for the crown of
_France_; which he managed to put in execution three years after, having
by that time predisposed some of the principal French Buccaneers to
receive a garrison of the French king's troops. [Sidenote: Tortuga taken
possession of for the Crown of France.] This appropriation was made in
1641; and De Poincy, thinking his acquisition would be more secure to
_France_ by the absence of the English, forced all the English Buccaneers
to quit the Island. The French writers say, that before the interposition
of the French Governor, the English Buccaneers took advantage of their
numbers, and domineered in _Tortuga_. The English Governors in the _West
Indies_ could not at this time shew the same tender regard for the English
Buccaneers, as the support they received from home was very precarious,
owing to the disputes which then subsisted in _England_ between King
Charles and the English Parliament, which engrossed so much of the public
attention as to leave little to colonial concerns.
The French Commander de Poincy pushed his success. In his appointment of a
Governor to _Tortuga_, he added the title of Governor of the West coast of
_Hispaniola_, and by degrees he introduced French garrisons. This was the
first footing obtained by the Government of _France_ in _Hispaniola_. The
same policy was observed there respecting the English as at _Tortuga_, by
which means was effected a separation of the English Buccaneers from the
French. After this time, it was only occasionally, and from accidental
circumstances, or by special agreement, that they acted in concert. The
English adventurers, thus elbowed out of _Hispaniola_ and _Tortuga_, lost
the occupation of hunting cattle and of the boucan, but they continued to
be distinguished by the appellation of Buccaneers, and, when not cruising,
most generally harboured at the Islands possessed by the British.
Hitherto, it had rested in the power of the Buccaneers to have formed
themselves into an independent state. Being composed of people of
different nations, the admission of a Governor from any one, might easily
have been resisted. Now, they were considered in a kind of middle state,
between that of Buccaneers and of men returned to their native allegiance.
It seemed now in the power of the English and French Governments to put a
stop to their cruisings, and to furnish them with more honest employment;
but politics of a different cast prevailed. The Buccaneers were regarded
as profitable to the Colonies, on account of the prizes they brought in;
and even vanity had a share in their being countenanced. [Sidenote: Policy
of the English and French Governments with respect to the Buccaneers.] The
French authors call them _nos braves_, and the English speak of their
'unparalleled exploits.' The policy both of _England_ and of _France_ with
respect to the Buccaneers, seems to have been well described in the
following sentence: _On laissoit faire des Avanturiers, qu'on pouvoit
toujours desavouer, mais dont les succes pouvoient etre utiles_: _i. e._
'they connived at the actions of these Adventurers, which could always be
disavowed, and whose successes might be serviceable.' This was not
esteemed _friponnerie_, but a maxim of sound state policy. In the
character given of a good French West-India governor, he is praised, for
that, 'besides encouraging the cultivation of lands, he never neglected to
encourage the _Flibustiers_. It was a certain means of improving the
Colony, by attracting thither the young and enterprising. He would
scarcely receive a slight portion of what he was entitled to from his
right of bestowing commissions in time of war[10]. And when we were at
peace, and our Flibustiers, for want of other employment, would go
cruising, and would carry their prizes to the English Islands, he was at
the pains of procuring them commissions from _Portugal_, which country was
then at war with _Spain_; in virtue of which our _Flibustiers_ continued
to make themselves redoubtable to the Spaniards, and to spread riches and
abundance in our Colonies.' This panegyric was bestowed by Père Labat; who
seems to have had more of national than of moral or religious feeling on
this head.
It was a powerful consideration with the French and English Governments,
to have at their occasional disposal, without trouble or expence, a well
trained military force, always at hand, and willing to be employed upon
emergency; who required no pay nor other recompense for their services and
constant readiness, than their share of plunder, and that their piracies
upon the Spaniards should pass unnoticed.
[Sidenote: 1644.] Towards the end of 1644, a new Governor General for the
French West-India possessions was appointed by the French Regency (during
the minority of Louis XIV.); but the Commander de Poincy did not choose to
resign, and the colonists were inclined to support him. Great discontents
prevailed in the French Colonies, which rendered them liable to being
shaken by civil wars; and the apprehensions of the Regency on this head
enabled De Poincy to stand his ground. He remained Governor General over
the French Colonies not only for the time, but was continued in that
office, by succeeding administrations, many years.
[Sidenote: 1654. The Buccaneers plunder New Segovia.] About the year 1654,
a large party of Buccaneers, French and English, joined in an expedition
on the Continent. They ascended a river of the _Mosquito shore_, a small
distance on the South side of _Cape Gracias a Dios_, in canoes; and after
labouring nearly a month against a strong stream and waterfalls, they left
their canoes, and marched to the town of _Nueva Segovia_, which they
plundered, and then returned down the river.
[Sidenote: The Spaniards retake Tortuga. 1655. With the assistance of the
Buccaneers, the English take Jamaica: 1660; And the French retake
Tortuga.] In the same year, the Spaniards took _Tortuga_ from the French.
In the year following, 1655, _England_ being at war with _Spain_, a large
force was sent from _England_ to attempt the conquest of the Island
_Hispaniola_. In this attempt they failed; but afterwards fell upon
_Jamaica_, of which Island they made themselves masters, and kept
possession. In the conquest of _Jamaica_, the English were greatly
assisted by the Buccaneers; and a few years after, with their assistance
also, the French regained possession of _Tortuga_.
On the recovery of _Tortuga_, the French Buccaneers greatly increased in
the Northern and Western parts of _Hispaniola_. _Spain_ also sent large
reinforcements from _Europe_; and for some years war was carried on with
great spirit and animosity on both sides. During the heat of this contest,
the French Buccaneers followed more the occupation of hunting, and less
that of cruising, than at any other period of their history.
The Spaniards finding they could not expel the French from _Hispaniola_,
determined to join their efforts to those of the French hunters, for the
destruction of the cattle and wild hogs on the Island, so as to render the
business of hunting unproductive. But the French had begun to plant; and
the depriving them of the employment of hunting, drove them to other
occupations not less contrary to the interest and wishes of the Spaniards.
The less profit they found in the chase, the more they became cultivators
and cruisers.
[Sidenote: Pierre le Grand, a French Buccaneer.] The Buccaneer Histories
of this period abound with relations: of daring actions performed by them;
but many of which are chiefly remarkable for the ferocious cruelty of the
leaders by whom they were conducted. Pierre, a native of _Dieppe_, for his
success received to his name the addition of _le grand_, and is mentioned
as one of the first Flibustiers who obtained much notoriety. In a boat,
with a crew of twenty-eight men, he surprised and took the Ship of the
Vice-Admiral of the Spanish galeons, as she was sailing homeward-bound
with a rich freight. He set the Spanish crew on shore at _Cape Tiburon_,
the West end of _Hispaniola_, and sailed in his prize to _France_.
[Sidenote: Alexandre.] A Frenchman, named Alexandre, also in a small
vessel, took a Spanish ship of war.
[Sidenote: Montbars, surnamed the Exterminator.] It is related of another
Frenchman, a native of _Languedoc_, named Montbars, that on reading a
history of the cruelty of the Spaniards to the Americans, he conceived
such an implacable hatred against the Spaniards, that he determined on
going to the _West Indies_ to join the Buccaneers; and that he there
pursued his vengeance with so much ardour as to acquire the surname of the
Exterminator.
[Sidenote: Bartolomeo Portuguez.] One Buccaneer of some note was a native
of _Portugal_, known by the name of Bartolomeo Portuguez; who, however,
was more renowned for his wonderful escapes, both in battle, and from the
gallows, than for his other actions.
[Sidenote: L'Olonnois, a French Buccaneer, and Michel le Basque, take
Maracaibo and Gibraltar.] But no one of the Buccaneers hitherto named,
arrived at so great a degree of notoriety, as a Frenchman, called François
L'Olonnois, a native of part of the French coast which is near the sands
of _Olonne_, but whose real name is not known. This man, and Michel le
Basque, both Buccaneer commanders, at the head of 650 men, took the towns
of _Maracaibo_ and _Gibraltar_ in the _Gulf of Venezuela_, on the _Tierra
Firma_. The booty they obtained by the plunder and ransom of these places,
was estimated at 400,000 crowns. The barbarities practised on the
prisoners could not be exceeded. [Sidenote: Outrages committed by
L'Olonnois.] Olonnois was possessed with an ambition to make himself
renowned for being terrible. At one time, it is said, he put the whole
crew of a Spanish ship, ninety men, to death, performing himself the
office of executioner, by beheading them. He caused the crews of four
other vessels to be thrown into the sea; and more than once, in his
frenzies, he tore out the hearts of his victims, and devoured them. Yet
this man had his encomiasts; so much will loose notions concerning glory,
aided by a little partiality, mislead even sensible men. Père Charlevoix
says, _Celui de tous, dont les grandes actions illustrerent davantage les
premieres années du gouvernement de M. d'Ogeron, fut l'Olonnois. Ses
premiers succès furent suivis de quelques malheurs, qui ne servirent qu'à
donner un nouveau lustre à sa gloire._ The career of this savage was
terminated by the Indians of the coast of _Darien_, on which he had
landed.
[Sidenote: Mansvelt, a Buccaneer Chief; his Plan for forming a Buccaneer
Establishment. 1664.] The Buccaneers now went in such formidable numbers,
that several Spanish towns, both on the Continent and among the Islands of
the _West Indies_, submitted to pay them contribution. And at this time, a
Buccaneer commander, named Mansvelt, more provident and more ambitious in
his views than any who preceded him, formed a project for founding an
independent Buccaneer establishment. Of what country Mansvelt was native,
does not appear; but he was so popular among the Buccaneers, that both
French and English were glad to have him for their leader. The greater
number of his followers in his attempt to form a settlement were probably
English, as he fitted out in _Jamaica_. A Welshman, named Henry Morgan,
who had made some successful cruises as a Buccaneer, went with him as
second in command. [Sidenote: Island S^{ta} Katalina, or Providence; since
named Old Providence.] The place designed by them for their establishment,
was an Island named _S^{ta} Katalina_, or _Providence_, situated in
latitude 13° 24' N, about 40 leagues to the Eastward of the _Mosquito
shore_. This Island is scarcely more than two leagues in its greatest
extent, but has a harbour capable of being easily fortified against an
enemy; and very near to its North end is a much smaller Island. The late
Charts assign the name of _S^{ta} Katalina_ to the small Island, and give
to the larger Island that of _Old Providence_, the epithet _Old_ having
been added to distinguish this from the _Providence_ of the _Bahama
Islands_. At the time Mansvelt undertook his scheme of settlement, this
_S^{ta} Katalina_, or _Providence Island_, was occupied by the Spaniards,
who had a fort and good garrison there. Some time in or near the year
1664, Mansvelt sailed thither from _Jamaica_, with fifteen vessels and 500
men. He assaulted and took the fort, which he garrisoned with one hundred
Buccaneers and all the slaves he had taken, and left the command to a
Frenchman, named Le Sieur Simon. At the end of his cruise, he returned to
_Jamaica_, intending to procure there recruits for his Settlement of
_S^{ta} Katalina_; but the Governor of _Jamaica_, however friendly to the
Buccaneers whilst they made _Jamaica_ their home, saw many reasons for
disliking Mansvelt's plan, and would not consent to his raising men.
[Sidenote: Death of Mansvelt.] Not being able to overcome the Governor's
unwillingness, Mansvelt sailed for _Tortuga_, to try what assistance he
could procure there; but in the passage he was suddenly taken ill, and
died. For a length of time after, Simon remained at _S^{ta} Katalina_ with
his garrison, in continual expectation of seeing or hearing from Mansvelt;
instead of which, a large Spanish force arrived and besieged his fort,
when, learning of Mansvelt's death, and seeing no prospect of receiving
reinforcement or relief, he found himself obliged to surrender.
[Sidenote: French West-India Company.] The government in _France_ had
appointed commissioners on behalf of the French West-India Company, to
take all the Islands called the _French Antilles_, out of the hands of
individuals, subjects of _France_, who had before obtained possession, and
to put them into the possession of the said Company, to be governed
according to such provisions as they should think proper. [Sidenote:
1665.] In February 1665, M. d'Ogeron was appointed Governor of _Tortuga_,
and of the French settlements in _Hispaniola_, or _St. Domingo_, as the
Island was now more commonly called. [Sidenote: The French settlers
dispute their authority.] On his arrival at _Tortuga_, the French
adventurers, both there and in _Hispaniola_, declared that if he came to
govern in the name of the King of _France_, he should find faithful and
obedient subjects; but they would not submit themselves to any Company;
and in no case would they consent to the prohibiting their trade with the
Hollanders, 'with whom,' said the Buccaneers, 'we have been in the
constant habit of trading, and were so before it was known in _France_
that there was a single Frenchman in _Tortuga_, or on the coast of _St.
Domingo_.'
[Sidenote: 1665-7.] M. d'Ogeron had recourse to dissimulation to allay
these discontents. He yielded consent to the condition respecting the
commerce with the Dutch, fully resolved not to observe it longer than till
his authority should be sufficiently established for him to break it with
safety; and to secure the commerce within his government exclusively to
the French West-India Company, who, when rid of all competitors, would be
able to fix their own prices. It was not long before M. d'Ogeron judged
the opportunity was arrived for effecting this revocation without danger;
but it caused a revolt of the French settlers in _St. Domingo_, which did
not terminate without bloodshed and an execution; and so partial as well
as defective in principle were the historians who have related the fact,
that they have at the same time commended M. d'Ogeron for his probity and
simple manners. In the end, he prevailed in establishing a monopoly for
the Company, to the injury of his old companions the French Buccaneers,
with whom he had at a former period associated, and who had been his
benefactors in a time of his distress.
[Sidenote: Morgan succeeds Mansvelt; plunders Puerto del Principe.] On the
death of Mansvelt, Morgan was regarded as the most capable and most
fortunate leader of any of the _Jamaica_ Buccaneers. With a body of
several hundred men, who placed themselves under his command, he took and
plundered the town of _Puerto del Principe_ in _Cuba_. A quarrel happened
at this place among the Buccaneers, in which a Frenchman was
treacherously slain by an Englishman. The French took to arms, to revenge
the death of their countryman; but Morgan pacified them by putting the
murderer in irons, and promising he should be delivered up to justice on
their return to _Jamaica_; which was done, and the criminal was hanged.
But in some other respects, the French were not so well satisfied with
Morgan for their commander, as they had been with Mansvelt. Morgan was a
great rogue, and little respected the old proverb of, Honour among
Thieves: this had been made manifest to the French, and almost all of them
separated from him.
[Sidenote: 1667. Maracaibo again pillaged. 1668. Morgan takes Porto Bello:
Exercises great Cruelty.] _Maracaibo_ was now a second time pillaged by
the French Buccaneers, under Michel le Basque.
Morgan's next undertaking was against _Porto Bello_, one of the principal
and best fortified ports belonging to the Spaniards in the _West Indies_.
He had under his command only 460 men; but not having revealed his design
to any person, he came on the town by surprise, and found it unprepared.
Shocking cruelties are related to have been committed in this expedition.
Among many others, that a castle having made more resistance than had been
expected, Morgan, after its surrendering, shut up the garrison in it, and
caused fire to be set to the magazine, destroying thereby the castle and
the garrison together. In the attack of another fort, he compelled a
number of religious persons, both male and female, whom he had taken
prisoners, to carry and plant scaling ladders against the walls; and many
of them were killed by those who defended the fort. The Buccaneers in the
end became masters of the place, and the use they made of their victory
corresponded with their actions in obtaining it. Many prisoners died under
tortures inflicted on them to make them discover concealed treasures,
whether they knew of any or not. A large ransom was also extorted for the
town and prisoners.
This success attracted other Buccaneers, among them the French again, to
join Morgan; and by a kind of circular notice they rendezvoused in large
force under his command at the _Isla de la Vaca_ (by the French called
_Isle Avache_) near the SW part of _Hispaniola_.
A large French Buccaneer ship was lying at _la Vaca_, which was not of
this combination, the commander and crew of which refused to join with
Morgan, though much solicited. Morgan was angry, but dissembled, and with
a show of cordiality invited the French captain and his officers to an
entertainment on board his own ship. When they were his guests, they found
themselves his prisoners; and their ship, being left without officers, was
taken without resistance. The men put by Morgan in charge of the ship,
fell to drinking; and, whether from their drunkenness and negligence, or
from the revenge of any of the prisoners, cannot be known, she suddenly
blew up, by which 350 English Buccaneers, and all the Frenchmen on board
her, perished. _The History of the Buccaneers of America_, in which the
event is related, adds by way of remark, 'Thus was this unjust action of
Captain Morgan's soon followed by divine justice; for this ship, the
largest in his fleet, was blown up in the air, with 350 Englishmen and all
the French prisoners.' This comment seems to have suggested to Voltaire
the ridicule he has thrown on the indiscriminate manner in which men
sometimes pronounce misfortune to be a peculiar judgment of God, in the
dialogue he put into the mouths of Candide and Martin, on the wicked Dutch
skipper being drowned.
[Sidenote: 1669. Maracaibo and Gibraltar plundered by Morgan.]
From _Isla de la Vaca_ Morgan sailed with his fleet to _Maracaibo_ and
_Gibraltar_; which unfortunate towns were again sacked. It was a frequent
practice with these desperadoes to secure their prisoners by shutting them
up in churches, where it was easy to keep guard over them. This was done
by Morgan at _Maracaibo_ and _Gibraltar_, and with so little care for
their subsistence, that many of the prisoners were actually starved to
death, whilst their merciless victors were rioting in the plunder of their
houses.
Morgan remained so long at _Gibraltar_, that the Spaniards had time to
repair and put in order a castle at the entrance of the _Lagune of
Maracaibo_; and three large Spanish ships of war arrived and took stations
near the castle, by which they hoped to cut off the retreat of the
pirates. [Sidenote: His Contrivances in effecting his Retreat.] The
Buccaneer Histories give Morgan much credit here, for his management in
extricating his fleet and prizes from their difficult situation, which is
related to have been in the following manner. He converted one of his
vessels into a fire-ship, but so fitted up as to preserve the appearance
of a ship intended for fighting, and clumps of wood were stuck up in her,
dressed with hats on, to resemble men. By means of this ship, the rest of
his fleet following close at hand, he took one of the Spanish ships, and
destroyed the two others. Still there remained the castle to be passed;
which he effected without loss, by a stratagem which deceived the
Spaniards from their guard. During the day, and in sight of the castle, he
filled his boats with armed men, and they rowed from the ships to a part
of the shore which was well concealed by thickets. After waiting as long
as might be supposed to be occupied in the landing, all the men lay down
close in the bottom of the boats, except two in each, who rowed them back,
going to the sides of the ships which were farthest from the castle. This
being repeated several times, caused the Spaniards to believe that the
Buccaneers intended an assault by land with their whole force; and they
made disposition with their cannon accordingly, leaving the side of the
castle towards the sea unprovided. When it was night, and the ebb tide
began to make, Morgan's fleet took up their anchors, and, without setting
sail, it being moonlight, they fell down the river, unperceived, till they
were nigh the castle. They then set their sails, and fired upon the
castle, and before the Spaniards could bring their guns back to return the
fire, the ships were past. The value of the booty made in this expedition
was 250,000 pieces of eight.
Some minor actions of the Buccaneers are omitted here, not being of
sufficient consequence to excuse detaining the Reader, to whom will next
be related one of their most remarkable exploits.
CHAP. VI.
_Treaty of =America=. Expedition of the Buccaneers against
=Panama=. Exquemelin's History of the American Sea Rovers.
Misconduct of the European Governors in the =West Indies=._
[Sidenote: 1670.] In July 1670, was concluded a Treaty between _Great
Britain_ and _Spain_, made expressly with the intention of terminating the
Buccaneer war, and of settling all disputes between the subjects of the
two countries in _America_. It has been with this especial signification
entitled the Treaty of _America_, and is the first which appears to have
been dictated by a mutual disposition to establish peace in the _West
Indies_. The articles particularly directed to this end are the
following:--
[Sidenote: Treaty between Great Britain and Spain, called the Treaty of
America.] Art. II. There shall be an universal peace and sincere
friendship, as well in _America_, as in other parts, between the Kings of
_Great Britain_ and _Spain_, their heirs and successors, their kingdoms,
plantations, &c.
III. That all hostilities, depredations, &c. shall cease between the
subjects of the said Kings.
IV. The two Kings shall take care that their subjects forbear all acts of
hostility, and shall call in all commissions, letters of marque and
reprisals, and punish all offenders, obliging them to make reparation.
VII. All past injuries, on both sides, shall be buried in oblivion.
VIII. The King of _Great Britain_ shall hold and enjoy all the lands,
countries, &c. he is now possessed of in _America_.
IX. The subjects on each side shall forbear trading or sailing to any
places whatsoever under the dominion of the other, without particular
licence.
XIV. Particular offences shall be repaired in the common course of
justice, and no reprisals made unless justice be denied, or unreasonably
retarded.
When notice of this Treaty was received in the _West Indies_, the
Buccaneers, immediately as of one accord, resolved to undertake some grand
expedition. Many occurrences had given rise to jealousies between the
English and the French in the _West Indies_; but Morgan's reputation as a
commander was so high, that adventurers from all parts signified their
readiness to join him, and he appointed _Cape Tiburon_ on the West of
_Hispaniola_ for the place of general rendezvous. In consequence of this
summons, in the beginning of December 1670, a fleet was there collected
under his command, consisting of no less than thirty-seven vessels of
different sizes, and above 2000 men. Having so large a force, he held
council with the principal commanders, and proposed for their
determination, which they should attempt of the three places,
_Carthagena_, _Vera Cruz_, and _Panama_. _Panama_ was believed to be the
richest, and on that City the lot fell.
A century before, when the name of Buccaneer was not known, roving
adventurers had crossed the _Isthmus of America_ from the _West Indies_ to
the _South Sea_; but the fate of Oxnam and his companions deterred others
from the like attempt, until the time of the Buccaneers, who, as they
increased in numbers, extended their enterprises, urged by a kind of
necessity, the _West Indies_ not furnishing plunder sufficient to satisfy
so many men, whose modes of expenditure were not less profligate than
their means of obtaining were violent and iniquitous.
[Sidenote: Expedition of the Buccaneers against Panama.] The rendezvous
appointed by Morgan for meeting his confederates was distant from any
authority which could prevent or impede their operations; and whilst they
remained on the coast of _Hispaniola_, he employed men to hunt cattle, and
cure meat. He also sent vessels to collect maize, at the settlements on
the _Tierra Firma_. Specific articles of agreement were drawn up and
subscribed to, for the distribution of plunder. Morgan, as commander in
chief, was to receive one hundredth part; each captain was to have eight
shares; provision was stipulated for the maimed and wounded, and rewards
for those who should particularly distinguish themselves. [Sidenote:
December. They take the Island S^{ta} Katalina.] These matters being
settled, on December the 16th, the whole fleet sailed, from _Cape
Tiburon_; on the 20th, they arrived at the Island _S^{ta} Katalina_, then
occupied by the Spaniards, who had garrisoned it chiefly with criminals
sentenced to serve there by way of punishment. Morgan had fully entered
into the project of Mansvelt for forming an establishment at _S^{ta}
Katalina_, and he was not the less inclined to it now that he considered
himself as the head of the Buccaneers. The Island surrendered upon
summons. It is related, that at the request of the Governor, in which
Morgan indulged him, a military farce was performed; Morgan causing cannon
charged only with powder to be fired at the fort, which returned the like
fire for a decent time, and then lowered their flag.
Morgan judged it would contribute to the success of the proposed
expedition against _Panama_, to make himself master of the fort or castle
of _San Lorenzo_ at the entrance of the _River Chagre_. For this purpose
he sent a detachment of 400 men under the command of an old Buccaneer
named Brodely, and in the mean time remained himself with the main body of
his forces at _S^{ta} Katalina_, to avoid giving the Spaniards cause to
suspect his further designs.
[Sidenote: Attack of the Castle at the River Chagre.] The Castle of
_Chagre_ was strong, both in its works and in situation, being built on
the summit of a steep hill. It was valiantly assaulted, and no less
valiantly defended. The Buccaneers were once forced to retreat. They
returned to the attack, and were nearly a second time driven back, when a
powder magazine in the fort blew up, and the mischief and confusion
thereby occasioned gave the Buccaneers opportunity to force entrance
through the breaches they had made. The Governor of the castle refused to
take quarter which was offered him by the Buccaneers, as did also some of
the Spanish soldiers. More than 200 men of 314 which composed the garrison
were killed. The loss on the side of the Buccaneers was above 100 men
killed outright, and 70 wounded.
[Sidenote: 1671. January. March of the Buccaneers across the Isthmus.] On
receiving intelligence of the castle being taken, Morgan repaired with the
rest of his men from _S^{ta} Katalina_. He set the prisoners to work to
repair the Castle of _San Lorenzo_, in which he stationed a garrison of
500 men; he also appointed 150 men to take care of the ships; and on the
18th of January 1671[11], he set forward at the head of 1200 men for
_Panama_. One party with artillery and stores embarked in canoes, to mount
the _River Chagre_, the course of which is extremely serpentine. At the
end of the second day, however, they quitted the canoes, on account of the
many obstructions from trees which had fallen in the river, and because
the river was at this time in many places almost dry; but the way by land
was also found so difficult for the carriage of stores, that the canoes
were again resorted to. On the sixth day, when they had expended great
part of their travelling store of provisions, they had the good fortune to
discover a barn full of maize. They saw many native Indians, who all kept
at a distance, and it was in vain endeavoured to overtake some.
On the seventh day they came to a village called _Cruz_, the inhabitants
of which had set fire to their houses, and fled. They found there,
however, fifteen jars of Peruvian wine, and a sack of bread. The village
of _Cruz_ is at the highest part of the _River Chagre_ to which boats or
canoes, can arrive. It was reckoned to be eight leagues distant from
_Panama_.
On the ninth day of their journey, they came in sight of the _South Sea_;
and here they were among fields in which cattle grazed. Towards evening,
they had sight of the steeples of _Panama_. In the course of their march
thus far from the Castle of _Chagre_, they lost, by being fired at from
concealed places, ten men killed; and as many more were wounded.
_Panama_ had not the defence of regular fortifications. Some works had
been raised, but in parts the city lay open, and was to be won or defended
by plain fighting. According to the Buccaneer account, the Spaniards had
about 2000 infantry and 400 horse; which force, it is to be supposed, was
in part composed of inhabitants and slaves.
[Sidenote: 27th. The City of Panama taken.] January the 27th, early in the
morning, the Buccaneers resumed their march towards the city. The
Spaniards came out to meet them. In this battle, the Spaniards made use of
wild bulls, which they drove upon the Buccaneers to disorder their ranks;
but it does not appear to have had much effect. In the end, the Spaniards
gave way, and before night, the Buccaneers were masters of the city. All
that day, the Buccaneers gave no quarter, either during the battle, or
afterwards. Six hundred Spaniards fell. The Buccaneers lost many men, but
the number is not specified.
[Sidenote: The City burnt.] One of the first precautions taken by Morgan
after his victory, was to prevent drunkenness among his men: to which end,
he procured to have it reported to him that all the wine in the city had
been poisoned by the inhabitants; and on the ground of this intelligence,
he strictly prohibited every one, under severe penalties, from tasting
wine. Before they had well fixed their quarters in _Panama_, several
parts of the city burst out in flames, which spread so rapidly, that in a
short time many magnificent edifices built with cedar, and a great part of
the city, were burnt to the ground. Whether this was done designedly, or
happened accidentally, owing to the consternation of the inhabitants
during the assault, has been disputed. Morgan is accused of having
directed some of his people to commit this mischief, but no motive is
assigned that could induce him to an act which cut off his future prospect
of ransom. Morgan charged it upon the Spaniards; and it is acknowledged
the Buccaneers gave all the assistance they were able to those of the
inhabitants who endeavoured to stop the progress of the fire, which
nevertheless continued to burn near four weeks before it was quite
extinguished. Among the buildings destroyed, was a factory-house belonging
to the Genoese, who then carried on the trade of supplying the Spaniards
with slaves from _Africa_.
The rapacity, licentiousness, and cruelty, of the Buccaneers, in their
pillage of _Panama_, had no bounds. 'They spared,' says the narrative of a
Buccaneer named Exquemelin, 'in these their cruelties no sex nor condition
whatsoever. As to religious persons and priests, they granted them less
quarter than others, unless they procured a considerable sum of money for
their ransom.' Morgan sent detachments to scour the country for plunder,
and to bring in prisoners from whom ransom might be extorted. Many of the
inhabitants escaped with their effects by sea, and went for shelter to the
Islands in the _Bay of Panama_. Morgan found a large boat lying aground in
the Port, which he caused to be lanched, and manned with a numerous crew,
and sent her to cruise among the Islands. A galeon, on board which the
women of a convent had taken refuge, and in which money, plate, and other
valuable effects, had been lodged, very narrowly escaped falling into
their hands. They made prize of several vessels, one of which was well
adapted for cruising. This opened a new prospect; and some of the
Buccaneers began to consult how they might quit Morgan, and seek their
fortunes on the _South Sea_, whence they proposed to sail, with the
plunder they should obtain, by the _East Indies_ to _Europe_. But Morgan
received notice of their design before it could be put in execution, and
to prevent such a diminution of his force, he ordered the masts of the
ship to be cut away, and all the boats or vessels lying at _Panama_ which
could suit their purpose, to be burnt.
[Sidenote: Feb. 24th. The Buccaneers depart from Panama.] The old city of
_Panama_ is said to have contained 7000 houses, many of which were
magnificent edifices built with cedar. On the 24th of February, Morgan and
his men departed from its ruins, taking with them 175 mules laden with
spoil, and 600 prisoners, some of them carrying burthens, and others for
whose release ransom was expected. Among the latter were many women and
children. These poor creatures were designedly caused to suffer extreme
hunger and thirst, and kept under apprehensions of being carried to
_Jamaica_ to be sold as slaves, that they might the more earnestly
endeavour to procure money to be brought for their ransom. When some of
the women, upon their knees and in tears, begged of Morgan to let them
return to their families, his answer to them was, that 'he came not there
to listen to cries and lamentations, but to seek money,' Morgan's thirst
for money was not restrained to seeking it among his foes. He had a hand
equally ready for that of his friends. Neither did he think his friends
people to be trusted; for in the middle of the march back to _Chagre_, he
drew up his men and caused them to be sworn, that they had not reserved or
concealed any plunder, but had delivered all fairly into the common stock.
This ceremony, it seems, was not uncustomary. 'But Captain Morgan having
had experience that those loose fellows would not much stickle to swear
falsely in such a case, he commanded every one to be searched; and that it
might not be esteemed an affront, he permitted himself to be first
searched, even to the very soles of his shoes. The French Buccaneers who
had engaged on this expedition with Morgan, were not well satisfied with
this new custom of searching; but their number being less than that of the
English, they were forced to submit.' On arriving at _Chagre_, a division
was made. The narrative says, 'every person received his portion, or
rather what part thereof Captain Morgan was pleased to give him. For so it
was, that his companions, even those of his own nation, complained of his
proceedings; for they judged it impossible that, of so many valuable
robberies, no greater share should belong to them than 200 pieces of eight
_per_ head. But Captain Morgan was deaf to these, and to many other
complaints of the same kind.'
As Morgan was not disposed to allay the discontents of his men by coming
to a more open reckoning with them, to avoid having the matter pressed
upon him, he determined to withdraw from his command, 'which he did
without calling any council, or bidding any one adieu; but went secretly
on board his own ship, and put out to sea without giving notice, being
followed only by three or four vessels of the whole fleet, who it is
believed went shares with him in the greatest part of the spoil.'
The rest of the Buccaneer vessels soon separated. Morgan went to
_Jamaica_, and had begun to levy men to go with him to the Island _S^{ta}
Katalina_, which he purposed to hold as his own, and to make it a common
place of refuge for pirates; when the arrival of a new Governor at
_Jamaica_, Lord John Vaughan, with orders to enforce the late treaty with
_Spain_, obliged him to relinquish his plan.
[Sidenote: Exquemelin's History of the Buccaneers of America.] The
foregoing account of the destruction of _Panama_ by Morgan, is taken from
a History of the Buccaneers of America, written originally in the Dutch
language by a Buccaneer named Exquemelin, and published at Amsterdam in
1678, with the title of _De Americaensche Zee Roovers_. Exquemelin's book
contains only partial accounts of the actions of some of the principal
among the Buccaneers. He has set forth the valour displayed by them in the
most advantageous light; but generally, what he has related is credible.
His history has been translated into all the European languages, but with
various additions and alterations by the translators, each of whom has
inclined to maintain the military reputation of his own nation. The
Spanish translation is entitled _Piratas_, and has the following short
complimentary Poem prefixed, addressed to the Spanish editor and
emendator:--
De Agamenôn cantó la vida Homero
Y Virgilio de Eneas lo piadoso
Camoes de Gama el curso presurosso
Gongora el brio de Colon Velero.
Tu, O Alonso! mas docto y verdadoro,
Descrives del America ingenioso
Lo que assalta el Pirata codicioso:
Lo que defiende el Español Guerrero.
The French translation is entitled _Les Avanturiers qui se sont signalez
dans les Indes_, and contains actions of the French Flibustiers which are
not in Exquemelin. The like has been done in the English translation,
which has for title _The Bucaniers of America_. The English translator,
speaking of the sacking of _Panama_, has expressed himself with a strange
mixture of boasting and compunctious feeling. This account, he says,
contains the unparalleled and bold exploits of Sir Henry Morgan, written
by one of the Buccaneers who was present at those tragedies.
It has been remarked, that the treaty of _America_ furnishes an apology
for the enterprises of the Buccaneers previous to its notification; it
being so worded as to admit an inference that the English and Spaniards
were antecedently engaged in a continual war in _America_.
[Sidenote: 1671.] The new Governor of _Jamaica_ was authorized and
instructed to proclaim a general pardon, and indemnity from prosecution,
for all piratical offences committed to that time; and to grant 35 acres
of land to every Buccaneer who should claim the benefit of the
proclamation, and would promise to apply himself to planting; a measure
from which the most beneficial effects might have been expected, not to
the British colonists only, but to all around, in turning a number of able
men from destructive occupations to useful and productive pursuits, if it
had not been made subservient to sordid views. The author of the _History
of Jamaica_ says, 'This offer was intended as a lure to engage the
Buccaneers to come into port with their effects, that the Governor might,
and which he was directed to do, take from them the tenths and fifteenths
of their booty as the dues of the Crown [and of the Colonial Government]
for granting them commissions.' Those who had neglected to obtain
commissions would of course have to make their peace by an increased
composition. In consequence of this scandalous procedure, the Jamaica
Buccaneers, to avoid being so taxed, kept aloof from _Jamaica_, and were
provoked to continue their old occupations. Most of them joined the French
Flibustiers at _Tortuga_. Some were afterwards apprehended at _Jamaica_,
where they were brought to trial, condemned as pirates, and executed.
[Sidenote: 1672.] A war which was entered into by _Great Britain_ and
_France_ against _Holland_, furnished for a time employment for the
Buccaneers and Flibustiers, and procured the Spaniards a short respite.
[Sidenote: 1673. Flibustiers shipwrecked at Porto Rico;] In 1673, the
French made an attempt to take the Island of _Curaçao_ from the Dutch, and
failed. M. d'Ogeron, the Governor of _Tortuga_, intended to have joined in
this expedition, for which purpose he sailed in a ship named l'Ecueil,
manned with 300 Flibustiers; but in the night of the 25th of February, she
ran aground among some small islands and rocks, near the North side of the
Island _Porto Rico_. The people got safe to land, but were made close
prisoners by the Spaniards. After some months imprisonment, M. d'Ogeron,
with three others, made their escape in a canoe, and got back to
_Tortuga_. The Governor General over the French West-India Islands at that
time, was a M. de Baas, who sent to _Porto Rico_ to demand the deliverance
of the French detained there prisoners. The Spanish Governor of _Porto
Rico_ required 3000 pieces of eight to be paid for expences incurred. De
Baas was unwilling to comply with the demand, and sent an agent to
negociate for an abatement in the sum; but they came to no agreement. M.
d'Ogeron in the mean time collected five hundred men in _Tortuga_ and
_Hispaniola_, with whom he embarked in a number of small vessels to pass
over to _Porto Rico_, to endeavour the release of his shipwrecked
companions; but by repeated tempests, several of his flotilla were forced
back, and he reached _Porto Rico_ with only three hundred men.
[Sidenote: And put to death by the Spaniards.] On their landing, the
Spanish Governor put to death all his French prisoners, except seventeen
of the officers. Afterwards in an engagement with the Spaniards, D'Ogeron
lost seventeen men, and found his strength not sufficient to force the
Spaniards to terms; upon which he withdrew from _Porto Rico_, and returned
to _Tortuga_. The seventeen French officers that were spared in the
massacre of the prisoners, the Governor of _Porto Rico_ put on board a
vessel bound for the _Tierra Firma_, with the intention of transporting
them to _Peru_; but from that fate they were delivered by meeting at sea
with an English Buccaneer cruiser. Thus, by the French Governor General
disputing about a trifling balance, three hundred of the French
Buccaneers, whilst employed for the French king's service under one of his
officers, were sacrificed.
CHAP. VII.
_=Thomas Peche=. Attempt of =La Sound= to cross the =Isthmus of
America=. Voyage of =Antonio de Vea= to the =Strait of
Magalhanes=. Various Adventures of the Buccaneers, in the
=West Indies=, to the year 1679._
[Sidenote: 1673. Thomas Peche.] In 1673, Thomas Peche, an Englishman,
fitted out a ship in _England_ for a piratical voyage to the _South Sea_
against the Spaniards. Previous to this, Peche had been many years a
Buccaneer in the _West Indies_, and therefore his voyage to the _South
Sea_ is mentioned as a Buccaneer expedition; but it was in no manner
connected with any enterprise in or from the _West Indies_. The only
information we have of Peche's voyage is from a Spanish author, _Seixas y
Lovera_; and by that it may be conjectured that Peche sailed to the
_Aleutian Isles_.[12]
[Sidenote: 1675.] About this time the French West-India Company was
suppressed; but another Company was at the same time erected in its stead,
and under the unpromising title of _Compagnie des Fermiers du domaine
d'Occident_.
[Sidenote: La Sound attempts to cross the Isthmus.] Since the plundering
of _Panama_, the imaginations of the Buccaneers had been continually
running on expeditions to the _South Sea_. This was well known to the
Spaniards, and produced many forebodings and prophecies, in _Spain_ as
well as in _Peru_, of great invasions both by sea and land. The alarm was
increased by an attempt of a French Buccaneer, named La Sound, with a
small body of men, to cross over land to the _South Sea_. La Sound got no
farther than the town of _Cheapo_, and was driven back. Dampier relates,
'Before my going to the _South Seas_, I being then on board a privateer
off _Portobel_, we took a packet from _Carthagena_. We opened a great many
of the merchants' letters, several of which informed their correspondents
of a certain prophecy that went about _Spain_ that year, the tenor of
which was, _That the English privateers in the West Indies would that year
open a door into the South Seas_.'
[Sidenote: Voyage of Ant. de Vea to the Strait of Magalhanes.] In 1675, it
was reported and believed in _Peru_, that strange ships, supposed to be
Pirates, had been seen on the coast of _Chili_, and it was apprehended
that they designed to form an establishment there. In consequence of this
information or rumour, the Viceroy sent a ship from _Peru_, under the
command of Don Antonio de Vea, accompanied with small barks as tenders, to
reconnoitre the _Gulf de la Santissima Trinidada_, and to proceed thence
to the West entrance of the _Strait of Magalhanes_. De Vea made
examination at those places, and was convinced, from the poverty of the
land, that no settlement of Europeans could be maintained there. One of
the Spanish barks, with a crew of sixteen men, was wrecked on the small
Islands called _Evangelists_, at the West entrance of the _Strait_. De Vea
returned to _Callao_ in April 1676[13].
[Sidenote: 1676.] The cattle in _Hispaniola_ had again multiplied so much
as to revive the business of hunting and the _boucan_. In 1676, some
French who had habitations in the _Peninsula of Samana_ (the NE part of
_Hispaniola_) made incursions on the Spaniards, and plundered one of their
villages. Not long afterwards, the Spaniards learnt that in _Samana_ there
were only women and children, the men being all absent on the chace; and
that it would be easy to surprise not only the habitations, but the
hunters also, who had a boucan at a place called the _Round Mountain_.
[Sidenote: Massacre of the French in Samana.] This the Spaniards
executed, and with such full indulgence to their wish to extirpate the
French in _Hispaniola_, that they put to the sword every one they found at
both the places. The French, in consequence of this misfortune,
strengthened their fortifications at _Cape François_, and made it their
principal establishment in the Island.
[Sidenote: 1678. French Fleet wrecked on the Isles de Aves.] In 1678, the
French again undertook an expedition against the Dutch Island _Curaçao_,
with a large fleet of the French king's ships, under the command of
Admiral the Count d'Etrées. The French Court were so earnest for the
conquest of _Curaçao_, to wipe off the disgrace of the former failure,
that the Governor of _Tortuga_ was ordered to raise 1200 men to join the
Admiral d'Etrées. The king's troops within his government did not exceed
300 men; nevertheless, the Governor collected the number required, the
Flibustiers willingly engaging in the expedition. Part of them embarked on
board the king's ships, and part in their own cruising vessels. By mistake
in the navigation, d'Etrées ran ashore in the middle of the night on some
small Isles to the East of _Curaçao_, called _de Aves_, which are
surrounded with breakers, and eighteen of his ships, besides some of the
Flibustier vessels, were wrecked. The crews were saved, excepting about
300 men.
The _Curaçao_ expedition being thus terminated, the Flibustiers who had
engaged in it, after saving as much as they could of the wrecks, went on
expeditions of their own planning, to seek compensation for their
disappointment and loss. [Sidenote: Granmont.] Some landed on _Cuba_, and
pillaged _Puerto del Principe_. One party, under Granmont, a leader noted
for the success of his enterprises, went to the Gulf of _Venezuela_, and
the ill-fated towns _Maracaibo_ and _Gibraltar_ were again plundered; but
what the Buccaneers obtained was not of much value. In August this year,
_France_ concluded a treaty of peace with _Spain_ and _Holland_.
The Government in _Jamaica_ had by this time relapsed to its former
propensities, and again encouraged the Buccaneers, and shared in their
gains. One crew of Buccaneers carried there a vessel taken from the
Spaniards, the cargo of which produced for each man's share to the value
of 400_l._ After disposing of the cargo, they burnt the vessel; and
'having paid the Governor his duties, they embarked for _England_, where,'
added the author, 'some of them live in good reputation to this day[14].'
As long as the war had lasted between _France_ and _Spain_, the French
Buccaneers had the advantage of being lawful privateers. An English
Buccaneer relates, 'We met a French private ship of war, mounting eight
guns, who kept in our company some days. Her commission was only for three
months. We shewed him our commission, which was for three years to come.
This we had purchased at a cheap rate, having given for it only ten pieces
of eight; but the truth of the thing was, that our commission was made out
at first only for three months, the same date as the Frenchman's, whereas
among ourselves we contrived to make it that it should serve for three
years, for with this we were resolved to seek our fortunes.' Whenever
_Spain_ was at war with another European Power, adventurers of any country
found no difficulty in the _West Indies_ in procuring commissions to war
against the Spaniards; with which commission, and carrying aloft the flag
of the nation hostile to _Spain_, they assumed that they were lawful
enemies. Such pretensions did them small service if they fell into the
hands of the Spaniards; but they were allowed in the ports of neutral
nations, which benefited by being made the mart of the Buccaneer prize
goods; and the Buccaneers thought themselves well recompensed in having a
ready market, and the security of the port.
[Sidenote: 1678. Darien Indians.] The enterprises of the Buccaneers on the
_Tierra Firma_ and other parts of the American Continent, brought them
into frequent intercourse with the natives of those parts, and produced
friendships, and sometimes alliances against the Spaniards, with whom each
were alike at constant enmity. But there sometimes happened disagreements
between them and the natives. The Buccaneers, if they wanted provisions or
assistance from the Indians, had no objection to pay for it when they had
the means; nor had the natives objection to supply them on that condition,
and occasionally out of pure good will. The Buccaneers nevertheless, did
not always refrain from helping themselves, with no other leave than their
own. Sometime before Morgan's expedition to _Panama_, they had given the
Indians of _Darien_ much offence; but shortly after that expedition, they
were reconciled, in consequence of which, the Darien Indians had assisted
La Sound. In 1678, they gave assistance to another party of Flibustiers
which went against _Cheapo_, under a French Captain named Bournano, and
offered to conduct them to a place called _Tocamoro_, where they said the
Spaniards had much gold. Bournano did not think his force sufficient to
take advantage of their offer, but promised he would come again and be
better provided.
[Sidenote: 1679. Porto Bello surprised by the Buccaneers.] In 1679, three
Buccaneer vessels (two of them English, and one French) joined in an
attempt to plunder _Porto Bello_. They landed 200 men at such a distance
from the town, that it occupied them three nights in travelling, for
during the day they lay concealed in the woods, before they reached it.
Just as they came to the town, they were discovered by a negro, who ran
before to give intelligence of their coming; but the Buccaneers were so
quickly after him, that they got possession of the town before the
inhabitants could take any step for their defence, and, being
unacquainted with the strength of the enemy, they all fled. The Buccaneers
remained in the town collecting plunder two days and two nights, all the
time in apprehension that the Spaniards would; 'pour in the country' upon
their small force, or intercept their retreat. They got back however to
their ships unmolested, and, on a division of the booty, shared 160 pieces
of eight to each man.
CHAP. VIII.
_Meeting of Buccaneers at the =Samballas=, and =Golden Island=.
Party formed by the English Buccaneers to cross the =Isthmus=.
Some account of the Native Inhabitants of the =Mosquito
Shore=._
Immediately after the plundering of _Porto Bello_, a number of Buccaneer
vessels, both English and French, on the report which had been made by
Captain Bournano, assembled at the _Samballas_, or _Isles of San Blas_,
near the coast of _Darien_. One of these vessels was commanded by
Bournano. The Indians of _Darien_ received them as friends and allies, but
they now disapproved the project of going to _Tocamoro_. The way thither,
they said, was mountainous, and through a long tract of uninhabited
country, in which it would be difficult to find subsistence; and instead
of _Tocamoro_, they advised going against the city of _Panama_. [Sidenote:
1680. Golden Island.] Their representation caused the design upon
_Tocamoro_ to be given up. The English Buccaneers were for attacking
_Panama_; but the French objected to the length of the march; and on this
difference, the English and French separated, the English Buccaneers going
to an Island called by them _Golden Island_, which is the most eastern of
the _Samballas_, if not more properly to be said to the eastward of all
the _Samballas_.
Without the assistance of the French, _Panama_ was too great an
undertaking. They were bent, however, on crossing the _Isthmus_; and at
the recommendation of their Darien friends, they determined to visit a
Spanish town named _Santa Maria_, situated on the banks of a river that
ran into the _South Sea_. The Spaniards kept a good garrison at _Santa
Maria_, on account of gold which was collected from mountains in its
neighbourhood.
The Buccaneers who engaged in this expedition were the crews of seven
vessels, of force as in the following list:
Guns Men
A vessel of 8 and 97 commanded by John Coxon.
-- 25 - 107 ---- Peter Harris.
-- 1 - 35 ---- Richard Sawkins.
-- 2 - 40 ---- Bart. Sharp.
-- 0 - 43 ---- Edmond Cook.
-- 0 - 24 ---- Robert Alleston.
-- 0 - 20 ---- ---- Macket.
It was settled that Alleston and Macket, with 35 men, themselves included,
should be left to guard the vessels during the absence of those who went
on the expedition, which was not expected to be of long continuance. These
matters were arranged at _Golden Island_, and agreement made with the
Darien Indians to furnish them with subsistence during the march.
William Dampier, a seaman at that time of no celebrity, but of good
observation and experience, was among these Buccaneers, and of the party
to cross the _Isthmus_; as was Lionel Wafer, since well known for his
_Description of the Isthmus of Darien_, who had engaged with them as
surgeon.
[Sidenote: Account of the Mosquito Indians.] In this party of Buccaneers
were also some native Americans, of a small tribe called Mosquito Indians,
who inhabited the sea coast on each side of _Cape Gracias a Dios_, one way
towards the river _San Juan de Nicaragua_, the other towards the _Gulf of
Honduras_, which is called the _Mosquito Shore_. If Europeans had any plea
in justification of their hostility against the Spaniards in the _West
Indies_, much more had the native Americans. The Mosquito Indians,
moreover, had long been, and were at the time of these occurrences, in an
extraordinary degree attached to the English, insomuch that voluntarily of
their own choice they acknowledged the King of _Great Britain_ for their
sovereign. They were an extremely ingenious people, and were greatly
esteemed by the European seamen in the _West Indies_, on account of their
great expertness in the use of the harpoon, and in taking turtle. The
following character of them is given by Dampier: 'These Mosquito Indians,'
he says; 'are tall, well made, strong, and nimble of foot; long visaged,
lank black hair, look stern, and are of a dark copper complexion. They are
but a small nation or family. They are very ingenious in throwing the
lance, or harpoon. They have extraordinary good eyes, and will descry a
sail at sea, farther than we. For these things, they are esteemed and
coveted by all privateers; for one or two of them in a ship, will
sometimes maintain a hundred men. When they come among privateers, they
learn the use of guns, and prove very good marksmen. They behave
themselves bold in fight, and are never seen to flinch, or hang back; for
they think that the white men with whom they are, always know better than
they do, when it is best to fight; and be the disadvantage never so great,
they do not give back while any of their party stand. These Mosquito men
are in general very kind to the English, of whom they receive a great deal
of respect, both on board their ships, and on shore, either in _Jamaica_,
or elsewhere. We always humour them, letting them go any where as they
will, and return to their country in any vessel bound that way, if they
please. They will have the management of themselves in their striking
fish, and will go in their own little canoe, nor will they then let any
white man come in their canoe; all which we allow them. For should we
cross them, though they should see shoals of fish, or turtle, or the like,
they will purposely strike their harpoons and turtle-irons aside, or so
glance them as to kill nothing. They acknowledge the King of England for
their sovereign, learn our language, and take the Governor of _Jamaica_ to
be one of the greatest princes in the world. While they are among the
English, they wear good cloaths, and take delight to go neat and tight;
but when they return to their own country, they put by all their cloaths,
and go after their own country fashion.'
In Dampier's time, it was the custom among the Mosquito Indians, when
their Chief died, for his successor to obtain a commission, appointing him
Chief, from the Governor of _Jamaica_; and till he received his commission
he was not acknowledged in form by his countrymen[15].
How would Dampier have been grieved, if he could have foreseen that this
simple and honest people, whilst their attachment to the English had
suffered no diminution, would be delivered by the British Government into
the hands of the Spaniards; which, from all experience of what had
happened, was delivering them to certain destruction.
Before this unhappy transaction took place, and after the time Dampier
wrote, the British Government took actual possession of the Mosquito
Country, by erecting a fort, and stationing there a garrison of British
troops. British merchants settled among the Mosquito natives, and
magistrates were appointed with authority to administer justice. Mosquito
men were taken into British pay to serve as soldiers, of which the
following story is related in Long's History of _Jamaica_; 'In the year
1738, the Government of _Jamaica_ took into their pay two hundred Mosquito
Indians, to assist in the suppression of the Maroons or Wild Negroes.
During a march on this service, one of their white conductors shot a wild
hog. The Mosquito men told him, that was not the way to surprise the
negroes, but to put them on their guard; and if he wanted provisions, they
would kill the game equally well with their arrows. They effected
considerable service on this occasion, and were well rewarded for their
good conduct; and when a pacification took place with the Maroons, they
were sent well satisfied to their own country.'
In the year 1770, there resided in the _Mosquito Country_ of British
settlers, between two and three hundred whites, as many of mixed blood,
and 900 slaves. On the breaking out of the war between _Great Britain_ and
_Spain_, in 1779, when the Spaniards drove the British logwood cutters
from their settlements in the _Bay of Honduras_, the Mosquito men armed
and assisted the British troops of the line in the recovery of the logwood
settlements. They behaved on that occasion, and on others in which they
served against the Spaniards, with their accustomed fidelity. An English
officer, who was in the _West Indies_ during that war, has given a
description of the Mosquito men, which exactly agrees with what Dampier
has said; and all that is related of them whilst with the Buccaneers,
gives the most favourable impression of their dispositions and character.
It was natural to the Spaniards to be eagerly desirous to get the Mosquito
Country and people into their power; but it was not natural that such a
proposition should be listened to by the British. Nevertheless, the matter
did so happen.
When notice was received in the _West Indies_, that a negociation was on
foot for the delivery of the _Mosquito Shore_ to _Spain_, the Council at
_Jamaica_ drew up a Report and Remonstrance against it; in which was
stated, that 'the number of the Mosquito Indians, so justly remarkable for
their fixed hereditary hatred to the Spaniards, and attachment to us, were
from seven to ten thousand.' Afterwards, in continuation, the Memorial
says, 'We beg leave to state the nature of His Majesty's territorial
right, perceiving with alarm, from papers submitted to our inspection,
that endeavours have been made to create doubts as to His Majesty's just
claims to the sovereignty of this valuable and delightful country. The
native Indians of this country have never submitted to the Spanish
Government. The Spaniards never had any settlement amongst them. During
the course of 150 years they have maintained a strict and uninterrupted
alliance with the subjects of _Great Britain_. They made a free and formal
cession of the dominion of their country to His Majesty's predecessors,
acknowledging the King of _Great Britain_ for their sovereign, long before
the American Treaty concluded at _Madrid_ in 1670; and consequently, by
the eighth Article of that Treaty, our right was declared[16].' In one
Memorial and Remonstrance which was presented to the British Ministry on
the final ratification (in 1786) of the Treaty, it is complained, that
thereby his Majesty had given up to the King of _Spain_ 'the Indian
people, and country of the _Mosquito Shore_, which formed the most secure
West-Indian Province possessed by _Great Britain_, and which we held by
the most pure and perfect title of sovereignty.' Much of this is
digression; but the subject unavoidably came into notice, and could not be
hastily quitted.
Some mercantile arrangement, said to be advantageous to _Great Britain_,
but which has been disputed, was the publicly assigned motive to this act.
It has been conjectured that a desire to shew civility to the Prime
Minister of _Spain_ was the real motive. Only blindness or want of
information could give either of these considerations such fatal
influence.
The making over, or transferring, inhabited territory from the dominion
and jurisdiction of one state to that of another, has been practised not
always with regard for propriety. It has been done sometimes unavoidably,
sometimes justly, and sometimes inexecusably. Unavoidably, when a weaker
state is necessitated to submit to the exactions of a stronger. Justly,
when the inhabitants of the territory it is proposed to transfer, are
consulted, and give their consent. Also it may be reckoned just to
exercise the power of transferring a conquered territory, the inhabitants
of which have not been received and adopted as fellow subjects with the
subjects of the state under whose power it had fallen.
The inhabitants of a territory who with their lands are transferred to the
dominion of a new state without their inclinations being consulted, are
placed in the condition of a conquered people.
The connexion of the Mosquito people with _Great Britain_ was formed in
friendship, and was on each side a voluntary engagement. That it was an
engagement, should be no question. In equity and honour, whoever permits
it to be believed that he has entered into an engagement, thereby becomes
engaged. The Mosquito people were known to believe, and had been allowed
to continue in the belief, that they were permanently united to the
British. The Governors of _Jamaica_ giving commissions for the instalment
of their chief, the building a fort, and placing a garrison in the
country, shew both acceptance of their submission and exercise of
sovereignty.
Vattel has described this case. He says, 'When a nation has not sufficient
strength of itself, and is not in a condition to resist its enemies, it
may lawfully submit to a more powerful nation on certain conditions upon
which they shall come to an agreement; and the pact or treaty of
submission will be afterwards the measure and rule of the rights of each.
For that which submits, resigning a right it possessed, and conveying it
to another, has an absolute power to make this conveyance upon what
conditions it pleases; and the other, by accepting the submission on this
footing, engages to observe religiously all the clauses in the treaty.
When a nation has placed itself under the protection of another that is
more powerful, or has submitted to it with a view of protection; if this
last does not effectually grant its protection when wanted, it is manifest
that by failing in its engagements it loses the rights it had acquired.'
The rights lost or relinquished by _Great Britain_ might possibly be of
small import to her; but the loss of our protection was of infinite
consequence to the Mosquito people. Advantages supposed or real gained to
_Great Britain_, is not to be pleaded in excuse or palliation for
withdrawing her protection; for that would seem to imply that an
engagement is more or less binding according to the greater or less
interest there may be in observing it. But if there had been no
engagement, the length and steadiness of their attachment to _Great
Britain_ would have entitled them to her protection, and the nature of the
case rendered the obligation sacred; for be it repeated, that experience
had shewn the delivering them up to the dominion of the Spaniards, was
delivering them to certain slavery and death. These considerations
possibly might not occur, for there seems to have been a want of
information on the subject in the British Ministry, and also a want of
attention to the remonstrances made. The Mosquito Country, and the native
inhabitants, the best affected and most constant of all the friends the
British ever had, were abandoned in the summer of 1787, to the Spaniards,
the known exterminators of millions of the native Americans, and who were
moreover incensed against the Mosquito men, for the part they had always
taken with the British, by whom they were thus forsaken. The British
settlers in that country found it necessary, to withdraw as speedily as
they had opportunity, with their effects.
If the business had been fully understood, and the safety of _Great
Britain_ had depended upon abandoning the Mosquito people to their
merciless enemies, it would have been thought disgraceful by the nation to
have done it; but the national interest being trivial, and the public in
general being uninformed in the matter, the transaction took place without
attracting much notice. A motion, however, was made in the British House
of Lords, 'that the terms of the Convention with _Spain_, signed in July
1786, did not meet the favourable opinion of this House;' and the noble
Mover objected to that part of the Convention which related to the
surrender of the British possessions on the _Mosquito Shore_, that it was
a humiliation, and derogating from the rights of _Great Britain_. The
first Article of the Treaty of 1786 says, 'His Britannic Majesty's
subjects, and the other Colonists, who have hitherto enjoyed the
protection of _England_, shall evacuate the Country of the Mosquitos, as
well as the Continent in general, and the Islands adjacent, without
exception, situated beyond the line hereafter described, as what ought to
be the extent of territory granted by his Catholic Majesty to the
English.'
In the debate, rights were asserted for _Spain_, not only to what she then
possessed on the Continent of _America_, but to parts she had never
possessed. Was this want of information, or want of consideration? The
word 'granted' was improperly introduced. In truth and justice, the claims
of _Spain_ to _America_ are not to be acknowledged rights. They were
founded in usurpation, and prosecuted by the extermination of the lawful
and natural proprietors. It is an offence to morality and to humanity to
pretend that _Spain_ had so clear and just a title to any part of her
possessions on the Continent of _America_, as _Great Britain_ had to the
_Mosquito_ Country. The rights of the Mosquito people, and their claims to
the friendship of _Great Britain_, were not sufficiently made known; and
the motion was negatived. It might have been of service in this debate to
have quoted Dampier.
In conclusion, the case of the Mosquito people deserves, and demands the
reconsideration of _Great Britain_. If, on examination, it shall be proved
that they have been ungenerously and unjustly treated, it may not be too
late to seek to make reparation, which ought to be done as far as
circumstances will yet admit. The first step towards this would be, to
institute enquiry if there are living any of our forsaken friends, or of
their posterity, and what is their present condition. If the Mosquito
people have been humanely and justly governed since their separation from
_Great Britain_, the enquiry will give the Spaniards cause for triumph,
and the British cause to rejoice that evil has not resulted from their
act. On the other hand, should it be found that they have shared in the
common calamities heaped upon the natives of _America_ by the Spaniards,
then, if there yet exist enough of their tribe to form a nation, it would
be right to restore them, if practicable, to the country and situation of
which their fathers were deprived, or to find them an equivalent; and at
any price or pains, to deliver them from oppression. If only few remain,
those few should be freed from their bondage, and be liberally provided
with lands and maintenance in our own _West-India Islands_.
CHAP. IX.
_Journey of the Buccaneers across the =Isthmus of America=._
[Sidenote: 1680. April 5th, Buccaneers land on the Isthmus.] On the 5th of
April, 1680, three hundred and thirty-one Buccaneers, most of them
English, passed over from _Golden Island_, and landed in _Darien_, 'each
man provided with four cakes of bread called dough-boys, with a fusil, a
pistol, and a hanger.' They began their journey marshalled in divisions,
with distinguishing flags, under their several commanders, Bartholomew
Sharp and his men taking the lead. Many Darien Indians kept them company
as their confederates, and supplied them with plantains, fruit, and
venison, for which payment was made in axes, hatchets, knives, needles,
beads, and trinkets; all which the Buccaneers had taken care to come well
provided with. Among the Darien Indians in company were two Chiefs, who
went by the names of Captain Andreas and Captain Antonio.
[Sidenote: The First Day's March.] The commencement of their march was
through the skirt of a wood, which having passed, they proceeded about a
league by the side of a bay, and afterwards about two leagues directly up
a woody valley, where was an Indian house and plantation by the side of a
river. Here they took up their lodging for the night, those who could not
be received in the house, building huts. The Indians were earnest in
cautioning them against sleeping in the grass, on account of adders. This
first day's journey discouraged four of the Buccaneers, and they returned
to the ships. Stones were found in the river, which on being broken, shone
with sparks of gold. These stones, they were told, were driven down from
the neighbouring mountains by torrents during the rainy season[17].
[Sidenote: Second Day's Journey.] The next morning, at sunrise, they
proceeded in their journey, labouring up a steep hill, which they
surmounted about three in the afternoon; and at the foot on the other
side, they rested on the bank of a river, which Captain Andreas told them
ran into the _South Sea_, and was the same by which the town of _Santa
Maria_ was situated. They marched afterwards about six miles farther, over
another steep hill, where the path was so narrow that seldom more than one
man could pass at a time. At night, they took up their lodging by the side
of the river, having marched this day, according to their computation,
eighteen miles.
[Sidenote: 7th. Third Day's Journey.] The next day, April the 7th, the
march was continued by the river, the course of which was so serpentine,
that they had to cross it almost at every half mile, sometimes up to their
knees, sometimes to their middle, and running with a very swift current.
About noon they arrived at some large Indian houses, neatly built, the
sides of wood of the cabbage-tree, and the roofs of cane thatched over
with palmito leaves. The interior had divisions into rooms, but no upper
story; and before each house was a large plantain walk. Continuing their
journey, at five in the afternoon, they came to a house belonging to a son
of Captain Andreas, who wore a wreath of gold about his head, for which he
was honoured by the Buccaneers with the title of King Golden Cap.
[Sidenote: 8th.] They found their entertainment at King Golden Cap's house
so good, that they rested there the whole of the following day.
Bartholomew Sharp, who published a Journal of his expedition, says here,
'The inhabitants of _Darien_ are for the most part very handsome,
especially the female sex, who are also exceeding loving and free to the
embraces of strangers.' This was calumny. Basil Ringrose, another
Buccaneer, whose Journal has been published, and who is more entitled to
credit than Sharp, as will be seen, says of the Darien women, 'they are
generally well featured, very free, airy, and brisk; yet withal very
modest.' Lionel Wafer also, who lived many months among the Indians of the
_Isthmus_, speaks highly of the modesty, kindness of disposition, and
innocency, of the Darien women.
[Sidenote: 9th. Fourth Day's Journey.] On the 9th, after breakfast, they
pursued their journey, accompanied by the Darien Chiefs, and about 200
Indians, who were armed with bows and lances. They descended along the
river, which they had to wade through between fifty and sixty times, and
they came to a house 'only here and there.' At most of these houses, the
owner, who had been apprised of the march of the Buccaneers, stood at the
door, and as they passed, gave to each man a ripe plantain, or some sweet
cassava root. If the Buccaneer desired more, he was expected to purchase.
Some of the Indians, to count the number of the Buccaneers, for every man
that went by dropped a grain of corn. That night they lodged at three
large houses, where they found entertainment provided, and also canoes for
them to descend the river, which began here to be navigable.
[Sidenote: 10th. Fifth Day's Journey.] The next morning, as they were
preparing to depart, two of the Buccaneer Commanders, John Coxon and Peter
Harris, had some disagreement, and Coxon fired his musket at Harris, who
was about to fire in return, but other Buccaneers interposed, and effected
a reconciliation. Seventy of the Buccaneers embarked in fourteen canoes,
in each of which two Indians also went, who best knew how to manage and
guide them down the stream: the rest prosecuted their march by land. The
men in the canoes found that mode of travelling quite as wearisome as
marching, for at almost every furlong they were constrained to quit their
boats to lanch them over rocks, or over trees that had fallen athwart the
river, and sometimes over necks of land. At night, they stopped and made
themselves huts on a green bank by the river's side. Here they shot
wild-fowl.
[Sidenote: 11th. Sixth Day's Journey.] The next day, the canoes continued
to descend the river, having the same kind of impediments to overcome as
on the preceding day; and at night, they lodged again on the green bank of
the river. The land party had not kept up with them. Bartholomew Sharp
says, 'Our supper entertainment was a very good sort of a wild beast
called a _Warre_, which is much like to our English hog, and altogether as
good. There are store of them in this part of the world: I observed that
the navels of these animals grew upon their backs.' Wafer calls this
species of the wild hog, _Pecary_[18]. In the night a small tiger came,
and after looking at them some time, went away. The Buccaneers did not
fire at him, lest the noise of their muskets should give alarm to the
Spaniards at _S^{ta} Maria_.
[Sidenote: 12th. Seventh Day's Journey.] The next day, the water party
again embarked, but under some anxiety at being so long without having any
communication with the party marching by land. Captain Andreas perceiving
their uneasiness, sent a canoe back up the river, which returned before
sunset with some of the land party, and intelligence that the rest were
near at hand.
[Sidenote: 13th.] Tuesday the 13th, early in the day, the Buccaneers
arrived at a beachy point of land, where another stream from the uplands
joined the river. This place had sometimes been the rendezvous of the
Darien Indians, when they collected for attack or defence against the
Spaniards; and here the whole party now made a halt, to rest themselves,
and to clean and prepare their arms. They also made paddles and oars to
row with; for thus far down the river, the canoes had been carried by the
stream, and guided with poles: but here the river was broad and deep.
[Sidenote: 14th.] On the 14th, the whole party, Buccaneers and Indians,
making nearly 600 men, embarked in 68 canoes, which the Indians had
provided. At midnight, they put to land, within half a mile of the town of
_S^{ta} Maria_. [Sidenote: 15th.] In the morning at the break of day, they
heard muskets fired by the guard in the town, and a 'drum beating _à
travailler_[19].' [Sidenote: Fort of S^{ta} Maria taken.] The Buccaneers
put themselves in motion, and by seven in the morning came to the open
ground before the Fort, when the Spaniards began firing upon them. The
Fort was formed simply with palisadoes, without brickwork, so that after
pulling down two or three of the palisadoes, the Buccaneers entered
without farther opposition, and without the loss of a man; nevertheless,
they acted with so little moderation or mercy, that twenty-six Spaniards
were killed, and sixteen wounded. After the surrender, the Indians took
many of the Spaniards into the adjoining woods, where they killed them
with lances; and if they had not been discovered in their amusement, and
prevented, not a Spaniard would have been left alive. It is said in a
Buccaneer account, that they found here the eldest daughter of the King of
_Darien_, Captain Andreas, who had been forced from her father's house by
one of the garrison, and was with child by him; which greatly incensed the
father against the Spaniards.
The Buccaneers were much disappointed in their expectations of plunder,
for the Spaniards had by some means received notice of their intended
visit in time to send away almost all that was of value. A Buccaneer says,
'though we examined our prisoners severely, the whole that we could
pillage, either in the town or fort, amounted only to twenty pounds weight
of gold, and a small quantity of silver; whereas three days sooner, we
should have found three hundred pounds weight in gold in the Fort.'
[Sidenote: John Coxon chosen Commander.] The majority of the Buccaneers
were desirous to proceed in their canoes to the _South Sea_, to seek
compensation for their disappointment at _S^{ta} Maria_. John Coxon and
his followers were for returning; on which account, and not from an
opinion of his capability, those who were for the _South Sea_, offered
Coxon the post of General, provided he and his men would join in their
scheme, which offer was accepted.
It was then determined to descend with the stream of the river to the
_Gulf de San Miguel_, which is on the East side of the _Bay of Panama_.
The greater part of the Darien Indians, however, separated from them at
_S^{ta} Maria_, and returned to their homes. The Darien Chief Andreas, and
his son Golden Cap, with some followers, continued with the Buccaneers.
Among the people of _Darien_ were remarked some white, 'fairer than any
people in Europe, who had hair like unto the finest flax; and it was
reported of them that they could see farther in the dark than in the
light[20].'
The River of _S^{ta} Maria_ is the largest of several rivers which fall
into the _Gulf de San Miguel_. Abreast where the town stood, it was
reckoned to be twice as broad as the _River Thames_ is at _London_. The
rise and fall of the tide there was two fathoms and a half[21].
[Sidenote: April 17th.] April the 17th, the Buccaneers and their remaining
allies embarked from _S^{ta} Maria_, in canoes and a small bark which was
found at anchor before the town. About thirty Spaniards who had been made
prisoners, earnestly entreated that they should not be left behind to fall
into the hands of the Indians. 'We had much ado,' say the Buccaneers, 'to
find boats enough for ourselves: the Spaniards, however, found or made
bark logs, and it being for their lives, made shift to come along with
us.' [Sidenote: 18th, They arrive at the South Sea.] At ten that night it
was low water, and they stopped on account of the flood tide. The next
morning they pursued their course to the sea.
CHAP. X.
_First Buccaneer Expedition in the =South Sea=._
[Sidenote: 1680. April 19th. In the Bay of Panama. 22d. Island Chepillo.]
On the 19th of April, the Buccaneers, under the command of John Coxon,
entered the _Bay of Panama_; and the same day, at one of the Islands in
the _Bay_, they captured a Spanish vessel of 30 tons, on board of which
130 of the Buccaneers immediately placed themselves, glad to be relieved
from the cramped and crowded state they had endured in the canoes. The
next day another small bark was taken. The pursuit of these vessels, and
seeking among the Islands for provisions, had separated the Buccaneers;
but they had agreed to rendezvous at the Island _Chepillo_, near the
entrance of the River _Cheapo_. Sharp, however, and some others, wanting
fresh water, went to the _Pearl Islands_. The rest got to _Chepillo_ on
the 22d, where they found good provision of plantains, fresh water, and
hogs; and at four o'clock that same afternoon, they rowed from the Island
towards _Panama_.
By this time, intelligence of their being in the _Bay_ had reached the
city. Eight vessels were lying in the road, three of which the Spaniards
hastily equipped, manning them with the crews of all the vessels, and the
addition of men from the shore; the whole, according to the Buccaneer
accounts, not exceeding 230 men, and not more than one-third of them being
Europeans; the rest were mulattoes and negroes.
[Sidenote: 23d. Battle with a small Spanish Armament. The Buccaneers
victorious.] On the 23d, before sunrise, the Buccaneers came in sight of
the city; and as soon as they were descried, the three armed Spanish ships
got under sail, and stood towards them. The conflict was severe, and
lasted the greater part of the day, when it terminated in the defeat of
the Spaniards, two of their vessels being carried by boarding, and the
third obliged to save herself by flight. The Spanish Commander fell, with
many of his people. Of the Buccaneers, 18 were killed, and above 30
wounded. Peter Harris, one of their Captains, was among the wounded, and
died two days after.
One Buccaneer account says, 'we were in all 68 men that were engaged in
the fight of that day.' Another Buccaneer relates, 'we had sent away the
Spanish bark to seek fresh water, and had put on board her above one
hundred of our best men; so that we had only canoes for this fight, and in
them not above 200 fighting men.' The Spanish ships fought with great
bravery, but were overmatched, being manned with motley and untaught
crews; whereas the Buccaneers had been in constant training to the use of
their arms; and their being in canoes was no great disadvantage, as they
had a smooth sea to fight in. [Sidenote: Richard Sawkins.] The valour of
Richard Sawkins, who, after being three times repulsed, succeeded in
boarding and capturing one of the Spanish ships, was principally
instrumental in gaining the victory to the Buccaneers. It gained him also
their confidence, and the more fully as some among them were thought to
have shewn backwardness, of which number John Coxon, their elected
Commander, appears to have been. The Darien Chiefs were in the heat of the
battle.
[Sidenote: The New City of Panama, four miles Westward of the Old City.
The Buccaneers take several Prizes.] Immediately after the victory, the
Buccaneers stood towards _Panama_, then a new city, and on a different
site from the old, being four miles Westward of the ruins of the city
burnt by Morgan. The old city had yet some inhabitants. The present
adventurers did not judge their strength sufficient for landing, and they
contented themselves with capturing the vessels that were at anchor near
the small Islands of _Perico_, in the road before the city. One of these
vessels was a ship named the Trinidad, of 400 tons burthen, in good
condition, a fast sailer, and had on board a cargo principally consisting
of wine, sugar, and sweetmeats; and moreover a considerable sum of money.
The Spanish crew, before they left her, had both scuttled and set her on
fire, but the Buccaneers took possession in time to extinguish the flames,
and to stop the leaks. In the other prizes they found flour and
ammunition; and two of them, besides the Trinidad, they fitted up for
cruising. Two prize vessels, and a quantity of goods which were of no use
to them, as iron, skins, and soap, which the Spaniards at _Panama_ refused
to ransom, they destroyed. Besides these, they captured among the Islands
some small vessels laden with poultry. Thus in less than a week after
their arrival across the _Isthmus_ to the coast of the _South Sea_, they
were provided with a small fleet, not ill equipped; and with which they
now formed an actual and close blockade by sea, of _Panama_, stationing
themselves at anchor in front of the city.
[Sidenote: Panama, the new City.] This new city was already considerably
larger than old _Panama_ had ever been, its extent being in length full a
mile and a half, and in breadth above a mile. The churches (eight in
number) were not yet finished. The cathedral church at the Old Town was
still in use, 'the beautiful building whereof,' says Ringrose, 'maketh a
fair show at a distance, like unto the church of St. Paul's at _London_.
Round the city for the space of seven leagues, more or less, all the
adjacent country is what they call in the Spanish language, _Savana_, that
is to say, plain and level ground, as smooth as a sheet; only here and
there is to be seen a small spot of woody land. And every where, this
level ground is full of _vacadas_, where whole droves of cows and oxen are
kept. But the ground whereon the city standeth, is damp and moist, and of
bad repute for health. The sea is also very full of worms, much
prejudicial to shipping, for which reason the king's ships are always
kept near _Lima_. We found here in one night after our arrival, worms of
three quarters of an inch in length, both in our bed-cloaths and other
apparel.'
[Sidenote: Coxon and his Men return to the West Indies.] Within two or
three days after the battle with the Spanish Armadilla, discord broke out
among the Buccaneers. The reflections made upon the behaviour of Coxon and
some of his followers, determined him and seventy men to return by the
River of _S^{ta} Maria_ over the _Isthmus_ to the _North Sea_. Two of the
small prize vessels were given them for this purpose, and at the same
time, the Darien Chiefs, Captain Andreas and Captain Antonio, with most of
their people, departed to return to their homes. Andreas shewed his
goodwill towards the Buccaneers who remained in the _South Sea_, by
leaving with them a son and one of his nephews.
[Sidenote: Richard Sawkins chosen Commander.] On the departure of Coxon,
Richard Sawkins was chosen General or Chief Commander. They continued ten
days in the road before _Panama_, at the end of which they retired to an
Island named _Taboga_, more distant, but whence they could see vessels
going to, or coming from, _Panama_. At _Taboga_ they stopped nearly a
fortnight, having had notice that a rich ship from _Lima_ was shortly
expected; but she came not within that time. Some other vessels however
fell into their hands, by which they obtained in specie between fifty and
sixty thousand dollars, 1200 packs of flour, 2000 jars of wine, a quantity
of brandy, sugar, sweetmeats, poultry, and other provisions, some
gunpowder and shot, besides various other articles of merchandise. Among
their prisoners, were a number of negro slaves, which was a temptation to
the merchants of _Panama_, to go to the ships whilst they lay at _Taboga_,
who purchased part of the prize goods, and as many of the negroes as the
Buccaneers would part with, giving for a negro two hundred pieces of
eight; and they also sold to the Buccaneers such stores and commodities
as they were in need of. [Sidenote: May.] Ringrose relates, that in the
course of this communication, a message was delivered to their Chief from
the Governor of _Panama_, demanding, "why, during a time of peace between
_England_ and _Spain_, Englishmen should come into those seas, to commit
injury? and from whom they had their commission so to do?" To which
message, Sawkins returned answer, 'that he and his companions came to
assist their friend the King of _Darien_, who was the rightful Lord of
_Panama_, and all the country thereabouts. That as they had come so far,
it was reasonable they should receive some satisfaction for their trouble;
and if the Governor would send to them 500 pieces of eight for each man,
and 1000 for each commander, and would promise not any farther to annoy
the Darien Indians, their allies, that then the Buccaneers would desist
from hostilities, and go quietly about their business.'
By the Spaniards who traded with them, Sawkins learnt that the Bishop of
_Panama_ was a person whom he had formerly taken prisoner in the _West
Indies_, and sent him a small present as a token of regard; the Bishop
sent a gold ring in return.
[Sidenote: Island Taboga.] Sawkins would have waited longer for the rich
ship expected from _Peru_; but all the live stock within reach had been
consumed, and his men became impatient for fresh provisions. 'This
_Taboga_,' says Sharp, 'is an exceeding pleasant island, abounding in
fruits, such as pine-apples, oranges, lemons, pears, mammees, cocoa-nuts,
and others; with a small, but brave commodious fresh river running in it.
The anchorage is also clear and good.'
[Sidenote: 15th. Island Otoque.] On the 15th of May, they sailed to the
Island _Otoque_, at which place they found hogs and poultry; and, the same
day, or the day following, they departed with three ships and two small
barks, from the Bay of _Panama_, steering Westward for a Spanish town
named _Pueblo Nuevo_.
In this short distance they had much blowing weather and contrary winds,
by which both the small barks, one with fifteen men, the other with seven
men, were separated from the ships, and did not join them again. The crew
of one of these barks returned over the _Isthmus_ with Coxon's party. The
other bark was taken by the Spaniards.
[Sidenote: At Quibo.] About the 21st, the ships anchored near the _Island
Quibo_; from the North part of which, to the town of _Pueblo Nuevo_ on the
main land, was reckoned eight leagues. [Sidenote: Attack of Pueblo Nuevo.]
Sawkins, with sixty men, embarked on board the smallest ship, and sailed
to the entrance of a river which leads to the town. He there left the ship
with a few men to follow him, and proceeded with the rest in canoes up the
river by night, having a negro prisoner for pilot. Those left with the
care of the ship, 'entered the river, keeping close by the East shore, on
which there is a round hill. Within two stones cast of the shore there was
four fathoms depth; and within the point a very fine and large river
opens. But being strangers to the place, the ship was run aground nigh a
rock which lieth by the Westward shore; for the true channel of this river
is nearer to the East than to the West shore. The Island _Quibo_ is SSE
from the mouth of this river[22].'
[Sidenote: Captain Sawkins is killed, and the Buccaneers retreat.] The
canoes met with much obstruction from trees which the Spaniards had felled
across the river; but they arrived before the town during the night. The
Spaniards had erected some works, on which account the Buccaneers waited
in their canoes till daylight, and then landed; when Richard Sawkins,
advancing with the foremost of his men towards a breastwork, was killed,
as were two of his followers. Sharp was the next in command, but he was
disheartened by so unfortunate a beginning, and ordered a retreat. Three
Buccaneers were wounded in the re-embarkation.
In the narrative which Sharp himself published, he says, 'we landed at a
_stockado_ built by the Spaniards, where we had a small rencounter with
the enemy, who killed us three men, whereof the brave Captain Sawkins was
one, and wounded four or five more; besides which we got nothing, so that
we found it our best way to retreat down the river again.'
The death of Sawkins was a great misfortune to the Buccaneers, and was
felt by them as such. One Buccaneer relates, 'Captain Sawkins landing at
_Pueblo Nuevo_ before the rest, as being a man of undaunted courage, and
running up with a small party to a breastwork, was unfortunately killed.
And this disaster occasioned a mutiny amongst our men; for our Commanders
were not thought to be leaders fit for such hard enterprises. Now Captain
Sharp was left in chief, and he was censured by many, and the contest grew
to that degree that they divided into parties, and about 70 of our men
fell off from us.'
[Sidenote: Imposition practised by Sharp.] Ringrose was not in _England_
when his Narrative was published; and advantage was taken of his absence,
to interpolate in it some impudent passages in commendation of Sharp's,
valour. In the printed Narrative attributed to Ringrose, he is made to
say, 'Captain Sawkins in running up to the breastwork at the head of a few
men was killed; a man as valiant and courageous as any could be, and, next
unto Captain Sharp, the best beloved of all our company, or the most part
thereof.'
Ringrose's manuscript Journal has been preserved in the Sloane Collection,
at the _British Museum_ (No. 3820[23] of Ayscough's Catalogue) wherein,
with natural expression of affection and regard, he says, 'Captain Sawkins
was a valiant and generous spirited man, and beloved above any other we
ever had among us, which he well deserved.'
[Sidenote: May. Sharp chosen Commander.] In their retreat down the river
of _Pueblo Nuevo_, the Buccaneers took a ship laden with indigo, butter,
and pitch; and burnt two other vessels. When returned to _Quibo_, they
could not agree in the choice of a commander. Bartholomew Sharp had a
greater number of voices than any other pretender, which he obtained by
boasting that he would take them a cruise whereby he did not at all doubt
they would return home with not less than a thousand pounds to each man.
Sharp was elected by but a small majority. [Sidenote: Some separate, and
return to the West Indies.] Between 60 and 70 men who had remained after
Coxon quitted the command, from attachment to Captain Sawkins, would not
stay to be commanded by Sharp, and departed from _Quibo_ in one of the
prize vessels to return over the _Isthmus_ to the _West Indies_; where
they safely arrived. All the Darien Indians also returned to the
_Isthmus_. One hundred and forty-six Buccaneers remained with Bartholomew
Sharp.
[Sidenote: The Anchorage at Quibo.] 'On the SE side of the Island _Quibo_
is a shoal, or spit of sand, which stretches out a quarter of a league
into the sea[24].' Just within this shoal, in 14 fathoms depth, the
Buccaneer ships lay at anchor. The Island abounded in fresh rivers, this
being the rainy season. They caught red deer, turtle, and oysters.
Ringrose says, 'here were oysters so large that we were forced to cut them
into four pieces, each quarter being a good mouthful.' Here were also
oysters of a smaller kind, from which the Spaniards collected pearls. They
killed alligators at _Quibo_, some above 20 feet in length; 'they were
very fearful, and tried to escape from those who hunted them.' Ringrose
relates, that he stood under a manchineal tree to shelter himself from the
rain, but some drops fell on his skin from the tree, which caused him to
break out all over in red spots, and he was not well for a week
afterwards.
[Sidenote: June.] June the 6th, Sharp and his followers, in two ships,
sailed from _Quibo_ Southward for the coast of _Peru_, intending to stop
by the way at the _Galapagos Islands_; but the winds prevented them.
[Sidenote: Island Gorgona.] On the 17th, they anchored on the South side
of the _Island Gorgona_, near the mouth of a river. '_Gorgona_ is a high
mountainous Island, about four leagues in circuit, and is distant about
four leagues from the Continent. The anchorage is within a pistol-shot of
the shore, in depth from 15 to 20 fathoms. At the SW of _Gorgona_ is a
smaller Island, and without the same stands a small rock[25].' There were
at this time streams of fresh water on every side of the Island.
_Gorgona_ being uninhabited, was thought to be a good place of
concealment. The Island supplied rabbits, monkeys, turtle, oysters, and
birds; which provision was inducement to the Buccaneers, notwithstanding
the rains, to remain there, indulging in idleness, till near the end of
July, when the weather began to be dry. They killed a snake at _Gorgona_,
eleven feet long, and fourteen inches in circumference.
[Sidenote: July.] July the 25th, they put to sea. Sharp had expressed an
intention to attack _Guayaquil_; but he was now of opinion that their long
stay at _Gorgona_ must have occasioned their being discovered by the
Spaniards, 'notwithstanding that he himself had persuaded them to stay;'
their plan was therefore changed for the attack of places more Southward,
where they would be less expected. [Sidenote: Island Plata.] The winds
were from the Southward, and it was not till August the 13th, that they
got as far as the _Island Plata_.
[Sidenote: August.] The only landing at _Plata_ at this time, was on the
NE side, near a deep valley, where the ships anchored in 12 fathoms. Goats
were on this Island in such numbers, that they killed above a hundred in a
day with little labour, and salted what they did not want for present use.
Turtle and fish were in plenty. They found only one small spring of fresh
water, which was near the landing place, and did not yield them more than
20 gallons in the 24 hours. There were no trees on any part of the Island.
[Sidenote: On the Coast of Peru.] From _Plata_ they proceeded Southward.
The 25th, near _Cape St. Elena_, they met a Spanish ship from _Guayaquil_
bound to _Panama_, which they took after a short action in which one
Buccaneer was killed, and two others were wounded. In this prize they
found 3000 dollars. They learnt from their prisoners, that one of the
small buccaneer tenders, which had been separated from Sawkins in sailing
from the _Bay of Panama_, had been taken by the Spaniards, after losing
six men out of seven which composed her crew. [Sidenote: Adventure of a
small Crew of Buccaneers.] Their adventure was as follows. Not being able
to join their Commander Sawkins at _Quibo_, they sailed to the Island
_Gallo_ near the Continent (in about 2° N.) where they found a party of
Spaniards, from whom they took three white women. A few days afterwards,
they put in at another small Island, four leagues distant from _Gallo_,
where they proposed to remain on the lookout, in hopes of seeing some of
their friends come that way, as Sawkins had declared it his intention to
go to the coast of _Peru_. Whilst they were waiting in this expectation, a
Spaniard whom they had kept prisoner, made his escape from them, and got
over to the main land. This small buccaneer crew had the imprudence
nevertheless to remain in the same quarters long enough to give time for a
party of Spaniards to pass over from the main land, which they did
without being perceived, and placed themselves in ambuscade with so much
advantage, that at one volley they killed six Buccaneers out of the seven:
the one remaining became their prisoner.
Sharp and his men divided the small sum of money taken in their last
prize, and sunk her. Ringrose relates, 'we also punished a Friar and shot
him upon the deck, casting him overboard while he was yet alive. I
abhorred such cruelties, yet was forced to hold my tongue.' It is not said
in what manner the Friar had offended, and Sharp does not mention the
circumstance in his Journal.
One of the two vessels in which the Buccaneers cruised, sailed badly, on
which account she was abandoned, and they all embarked in the ship named
the Trinidad.
[Sidenote: September.] On the 4th of September they took a vessel from
_Guayaquil_ bound for _Lima_, with a lading of timber, chocolate, raw
silk, Indian cloth, and thread stockings. It appears here to have been a
custom among the Buccaneers, for the first who boarded an enemy, or
captured vessel, to be allowed some extra privilege of plunder. Ringrose
says, 'we cast dice for the first entrance, and the lot fell to the
larboard watch, so twenty men belonging to that watch, entered her.' They
took out of this vessel as much of the cargo as they chose, and put some
of their prisoners in her; after which they dismissed her with only one
mast standing and one sail, that she should not be able to prosecute her
voyage Southward. [Sidenote: October.] Sharp passed _Callao_ at a distance
from land, being apprehensive there might be ships of war in the road.
October the 26th, he was near the town of _Arica_, when the boats manned
with a large party of Buccaneers departed from the ship with intention to
attack the town; but, on coming near the shore, they found the surf high,
and the whole country appeared to be in arms. [Sidenote: 28th. Ilo.] They
returned to the ship, and it was agreed to bear away for _Ilo_, a small
town on the coast, in latitude about 17° 40' S. Their stock of fresh water
was by this time so reduced, that they had come to an allowance of only
half a pint for a man for the day; and it is related that a pint of water
was sold in the ship for 30 dollars. They succeeded however in landing at
_Ilo_, and obtained there fresh water, wine, fruits, flour, oil,
chocolate, sugar, and other provisions. The Spaniards would give neither
money nor cattle to have their buildings and plantations spared, and the
Buccaneers committed all the mischief they could.
[Sidenote: December. Shoals of Anchovies.] From _Ilo_ they proceeded
Southward. December the 1st, in the night, being in latitude about 31°,
they found themselves in white water, like banks or breakers, which
extended a mile or more in length; but they were relieved from their alarm
by discovering that what they had apprehended to be rocks and breakers was
a large shoal of anchovies.
[Sidenote: On the Coast of Peru. La Serena plundered and burnt.] December
the 3d, they landed at the town of _La Serena_, which they entered without
opposition. Some Spaniards came to negociate with them to ransom the town
from being burnt, for which they agreed to pay 95,000 pieces of eight; but
the money came not at the time appointed, and the Buccaneers had reason to
suspect the Spaniards intended to deceive them. [Sidenote: Attempt of the
Spaniards to burn the Ship.] Ringrose relates, that a man ventured to come
in the night from the shore, on a float made of a horse's hide blown up
like a bladder. 'He being arrived at the ship, went under the stern and
crammed oakum and brimstone and other combustible matter between the
rudder and the stern-post. Having done this, he fired it with a match, so
that in a small time our rudder was on fire, and all the ship in a smoke.
Our men, both alarmed and amazed with this smoke, ran up and down the
ship, suspecting the prisoners to have fired the vessel, thereby to get
their liberty and seek our destruction. At last they found out where the
fire was, and had the good fortune to quench it before its going too far.
After which we sent the boat ashore, and found both the hide
afore-mentioned, and the match burning at both ends, whereby we became
acquainted with the whole matter.'
By the _La Serena_ expedition they obtained five hundred pounds weight of
silver. One of the crew died in consequence of hard drinking whilst on
shore. They released all their prisoners here, except a pilot; after
which, they stood from the Continent for _Juan Fernandez_. In their
approach to that Island, it is remarked by Ringrose, that they saw neither
bird, nor fish; and this being noticed to the pilot, he made answer, that
he had many times sailed by _Juan Fernandez_, and had never seen either
fish or fowl whilst at sea in sight of the Island.
[Sidenote: Island Juan Fernandez.] On Christmas day, they anchored in a
Bay at the South part of _Juan Fernandez_; but finding the winds SE and
Southerly, they quitted that anchorage, and went to a Bay on the North
side of the Island, where they cast anchor in 14 fathoms, so near to the
shore that they fastened the end of another cable from the ship to the
trees; being sheltered by the land from ESE round by the South and West,
and as far as NbW[26]. Their fastenings, however, did not hold the ship
against the strong flurries that blew from the land, and she was twice
forced to sea; but each time recovered the anchorage without much
difficulty.
[Sidenote: 1681. January.] The shore of this bay was covered with seals
and sea lions, whose noise and company were very troublesome to the men
employed in filling fresh water. The seals coveted to lie where streams of
fresh water ran into the sea, which made it necessary to keep people
constantly employed to beat them off. Fish were in the greatest plenty;
and innumerable sea birds had their nests near the shore, which makes the
remark of Ringrose on approaching the Island the more extraordinary.
Craw-fish and lobsters were in abundance; and on the Island itself goats
were in such plenty, that, besides what they eat during their stay, they
killed about a hundred for salting, and took away as many alive.
[Sidenote: Sharp deposed from the Command. Watling elected Commander.]
Here new disagreements broke out among the Buccaneers. Some wished to sail
immediately homeward by the _Strait of Magalhanes_; others desired to try
their fortune longer in the _South Sea_. Sharp was of the party for
returning home; but in the end the majority deposed him from the command,
and elected for his successor John Watling, 'an old privateer, and
esteemed a stout seaman.' Articles were drawn up in writing between
Watling and the crew, and subscribed.
One Narrative says, 'the true occasion of the grudge against Sharp was,
that he had got by these adventures almost a thousand pounds, whereas many
of our men were scarce worth a groat; and good reason there was for their
poverty, for at the _Isle of Plate_ and other places, they had lost all
their money to their fellow Buccaneers at dice; so that some had a great
deal, and others, just nothing. Those who were thrifty sided with Captain
Sharp, but the others, being the greatest number, turned Sharp out of his
command; and Sharp's party were persuaded to have patience, seeing they
were the fewest, and had money to lose, which the other party had not.'
Dampier says Sharp was displaced by general consent, the company not being
satisfied either with his courage or his conduct.
Watling began his command by ordering the observance of the Sabbath. 'This
day, January the 9th,' says Ringrose, 'was the first Sunday that ever we
kept by command since the loss and death of our valiant Commander Captain
Sawkins, who once threw the dice overboard, finding them in use on the
said day.'
[Sidenote: 11th. 12th. They sail from Juan Fernandez.] The 11th, two boats
were sent from the ship to a distant part of the Island to catch goats. On
the following morning, the boats were seen returning in great haste, and
firing muskets to give alarm. When arrived on board, they gave information
that three sail, which they believed to be Spanish ships of war, were in
sight of the Island, and were making for the anchorage. In half an hour
after this notice, the strange ships were seen from the Bay; upon which,
all the men employed on shore in watering, hunting, and other occupations,
were called on board with the utmost speed; and not to lose time, the
cable was slipped, and the ship put to sea. [Sidenote: William, a Mosquito
Indian, left on the island.] It happened in this hurry of quitting the
Island, that one of the Mosquito Indians who had come with the Buccaneers,
and was by them called William, was absent in the woods hunting goats, and
heard nothing of the alarm. No time could be spared for search, and the
ship sailed without him. This it seems was not the first instance of a
solitary individual being left to inhabit _Juan Fernandez_. Their Spanish
pilot affirmed to them, that 'many years before, a ship had been cast away
there, and only one man saved, who lived alone upon the Island five years,
when another ship coming that way, took him off.'
The three vessels whose appearance caused them in such haste to quit their
anchorage, were armed Spanish ships. They remained in sight of the
Buccaneer ship two days, but no inclination appeared on either side to try
the event of a battle. The Buccaneers had not a single great gun in their
ship, and must have trusted to their musketry and to boarding.
[Sidenote: 13th.] On the evening of the 13th after dark, they resigned the
honour of the field to the Spaniards, and made sail Eastward for the
American coast, with design to attack _Arica_, which place they had been
informed contained great riches.
[Sidenote: January 26th. Island Yqueque. River de Camarones.] The 26th,
they were close to the small Island named _Yqueque_, about 25 leagues to
the South of _Arica_, where they plundered a small Indian village of
provisions, and took two old Spaniards and two Indians prisoners. This
Island was destitute of fresh water, and the inhabitants were obliged to
supply themselves from the Continent, at a river named _De Camarones_, 11
Spanish leagues to the North of _Yqueque_. The people on _Yqueque_ were
the servants and slaves of the Governor of _Arica_, and were employed by
him to catch and dry fish, which were disposed of to great profit among
the inland towns of the Continent. The Indians here eat much and often of
certain leaves 'which were in taste much like to the bay leaves in
England, by the continual use of which their teeth were dyed of a green
colour.'
[Sidenote: 27th.] The 27th, Watling examined one of the old Spaniards
concerning the force at _Arica_; and being offended at his answers,
ordered him to be shot, which was done. The same morning they took a small
bark from the River _Camarones_, laden with fresh water.
[Sidenote: On the Coast of Peru.] In the night of the 28th, Watling with
one hundred men departed from the ship in the small prize bark and boats
for _Arica_. They put ashore on the mainland about five leagues to the
South of _Arica_, before it was light, and remained concealed among rocks
all day. [Sidenote: 30th. They attack Arica.] At night, they again
proceeded, and at daylight (on the 30th) Watling landed with 92 men, four
miles from the town, to which they marched, and gained entrance, with the
loss of three men killed, and two wounded. There was a castle or fort,
which for their own security they ought immediately to have attacked; but
Watling was only intent on making prisoners, until he was incommoded, with
more than could be well guarded. This gave the inhabitants who had fled,
time to recover from their alarm, and they collected in the Fort. To
complete the mistake, Watling at length advanced to attack the fort, where
he found resistance more than he expected. [Sidenote: Are Repulsed.]
Watling put in practice the expedient of placing his prisoners in front of
his own men; but the defenders of the fort were not a whit deterred
thereby from firing on the Buccaneers, who were twice repulsed. The
Spaniards without, in the mean time, began to make head from all parts;
and in a little time the Buccaneers, from being the assailants, found
themselves obliged to look to their defence. [Sidenote: Watling killed.]
Watling their chief was killed, as were two quarter-masters, the
boatswain, and some others of their best men; and the rest thought it
necessary to retreat to their boats, which, though harassed the whole way
by a distant firing from the Spaniards, they effected in tolerable order,
and embarked.
In this attack, the Buccaneers lost in killed, and taken prisoners by the
Spaniards, 28 men; and of those who got back to the ship, eighteen were
wounded. Among the men taken by the Spaniards were two surgeons, to whose
care the wounded had been committed. 'We could have brought off our
doctors,' says Ringrose, 'but they got to drinking whilst we were
assaulting the fort, and when we called to them, they would not come with
us.' The Spaniards gave quarter to the surgeons, 'they being able to do
them good service in that country: but as to the wounded men taken
prisoners, they were all knocked on the head.'
The whole party that landed at _Arica_ narrowly escaped destruction; for
the Spaniards learnt from the prisoners they took, the signals which had
been agreed upon with the men left in charge of the boats; of which
information they made such use, that the boats had quitted their station,
and set sail to run down to the town; but some Buccaneers who had been
most speedy in the retreat, arrived at the sea side just in time to call
them back.
[Sidenote: Sharp again chosen Commander.] This miscarriage so much
disheartened the whole Buccaneer crew, that they made no attempt to take
three ships which were at anchor in the road before _Arica_. Sharp was
reinstated in the command, because he was esteemed a leader of safer
conduct than any other; and every one was willing to quit the _South Sea_,
but which it was now proposed they should do by re-crossing the _Isthmus_.
[Sidenote: March. Huasco.] They did not, however, immediately steer
Northward; but continued to beat up against the wind to the Southward,
till the 10th of March, when they landed at _Guasco_ or _Huasco_ (in lat.
about 28-1/2°) from which place they carried off 120 sheep, 80 goats, 200
bushels of corn, and filled their jars with fresh water.
From _Huasco_ they stood to the North. On the 27th, they passed _Arica_.
The Narrative remarks, 'our former entertainment had been so very bad,
that we were no ways encouraged to stop there again.' [Sidenote: Ylo.]
They landed at _Ylo_, of which Wafer says, 'the _River Ylo_ is situated in
a valley which is the finest I have seen in all the coast of _Peru_, and
furnished with a multitude of vegetables. A great dew falls here every
night.'
[Sidenote: April.] April the 16th, they were near the Island _Plata_. By
this time new opinions and new projects had been formed. Many of the crew
were again willing to try their fortune longer in the _South Sea_; but one
party would not continue under the command of Sharp, and others would not
consent to choosing a new commander. As neither party would yield, it was
determined to separate, and agreed upon by all hands, 'that which party
soever upon polling should be found to have the majority, should keep the
ship.' The other party was to have the long-boat and the canoes. On coming
to a division, Sharp's party proved the most numerous. The minority
consisted of forty-four Europeans, two Mosquito Indians, and a Spanish
Indian. [Sidenote: Another Party of the Buccaneers return across the
Isthmus.] On the forenoon of the 17th, the party in the boats separated
from the ship, and proceeded for the _Gulf de San Miguel_, where they
landed, and returned over the _Isthmus_ back to the _West Indies_. In this
party were William Dampier, and Lionel Wafer the surgeon. Dampier
afterwards published a brief sketch of the expedition, and an account of
his return across the _Isthmus_, both of which are in the 1st volume of
his Voyages. Wafer met with an accidental hurt whilst on the _Isthmus_,
which disabled him from travelling with his countrymen, and he remained
some months living with the Darien Indians, of whom he afterwards
published an entertaining description, with a Narrative of his own
adventures among them.
[Sidenote: Further Proceedings of Sharp and his Followers.] Sharp and his
diminished crew sailed in their ship from the Island _Plata_ Northward to
the _Gulf of Nicoya_, where they met with no booty, nor with any adventure
worth mentioning.
[Sidenote: July.] They returned Southward to the Island _Plata_, and in
the way took three prizes: the first, a ship named the San Pedro, from
_Guayaquil_ bound for _Panama_, with a lading of cocoa-nuts, and 21,000
pieces of eight in chests, and 16,000 in bags, besides plate. The money in
bags and all the loose plunder was divided, each man receiving for his
share 234 pieces of eight; whence it may be inferred that their number was
reduced to about 70 men. The rest of the money was reserved for a future
division. Their second prize was a packet from _Panama_ bound for
_Callao_, by which they learnt that in _Panama_ it was believed all the
Buccaneers had returned overland to the _West Indies_. The third was a
ship named the _San Rosario_, which did not submit to them without
resistance, nor till her Captain was killed. She was from _Callao_, laden
with wine, brandy, oil, and fruit, and had in her as much money as yielded
to each Buccaneer 94 dollars. One Narrative says a much greater booty was
missed through ignorance. 'Besides the lading already mentioned, we found
in the San Rosario 700 pigs of plate, which we supposed to be tin, and
under this mistake, they were slighted by us all, especially by the
Captain, who would not by persuasions used by some few be induced to take
them into our ship, as we did most of the other things. Thus we left them
in the _Rosario_, which we turned away loose into the sea. This, it should
seem, was plate, not thoroughly refined and fitted for coin, which
occasioned our being deceived. We took only one pig of the seven hundred
into our ship, thinking to make bullets of it; and to this effect, or what
else our seamen pleased, the greatest part of it was melted and squandered
away. Afterwards, when we arrived at _Antigua_, we gave the remaining part
(which was about one-third thereof) to a _Bristol_ man, who knew presently
what it was; who brought it to _England_, and sold it there for 75_l._
sterling. Thus we parted with the richest booty we got in the whole
voyage, through our own ignorance and laziness[27].'
The same Narrative relates, that they took out of the Rosario 'a great
book full of sea charts and maps, containing an accurate and exact
description of all the ports, soundings, rivers, capes, and coasts, of the
_South Sea_, and all the navigation usually performed by the Spaniards in
that ocean. This book was for its novelty and curiosity presented unto His
Majesty on the return of some of the Buccaneers to _England_, and was
translated into English by His Majesty's order[28].'
[Sidenote: August.] August the 12th, they anchored at the Island _Plata_,
whence they departed on the 16th, bound Southward, intending to return by
the _Strait of Magalhanes_ or _Strait le Maire_, to the _West Indies_.
The 28th, they looked in at _Paita_; but finding the place prepared for
defence, they stood off from the coast, and pursued their course
Southward, without again coming in sight of land, and without the
occurrence of any thing remarkable, till they passed the 50th degree of
latitude.
[Sidenote: October 12th. By the Western Coast of America, in 50° 50' S.]
October the 11th, they were in latitude 49° 54' S, and estimated their
distance from the American coast to be 120 leagues. The wind blew strong
from the SW, and they stood to the South East. On the morning of the 12th,
two hours before day, being in latitude by account 50° 50' S, they
suddenly found themselves close to land. The ship was ill prepared for
such an event, the fore yard having been lowered to ease her, on account
of the strength of the wind. 'The land was high and towering; and here
appeared many Islands scattered up and down.' They were so near, and so
entangled, that there was no possibility of standing off to sea, and, with
such light as they had, they steered, as cautiously as they could, in
between some Islands, and along an extensive coast, which, whether it was
a larger Island, or part of the Continent, they could not know. [Sidenote:
They enter a Gulf.] As the day advanced, the land was seen to be
mountainous and craggy, and the tops covered with snow. Sharp says, 'we
bore up for a harbour, and steered in Northward about five leagues. On the
North side there are plenty of harbours[29].' [Sidenote: Shergall's
Harbour.] At 11 in the forenoon they came to an anchor 'in a harbour, in
45 fathoms, within a stone's cast of the shore, where the ship was
landlocked, and in smooth water. As the ship went in, one of the crew,
named Henry Shergall, fell overboard as he was going into the spritsail
top, and was drowned; on which account this was named _Shergall's
Harbour_.'
The bottom was rocky where the ship had anchored; a boat was therefore
sent to look for better anchorage. They did not however shift their birth
that day; and during the night, strong flurries of wind from the hills,
joined with the sharpness of the rocks at the bottom, cut their cable in
two, and they were obliged to set sail. [Sidenote: Another Harbour.] They
ran about a mile to another bay, where they let go another anchor, and
moored the ship with a fastening to a tree on shore.
They shot geese, and other wild-fowl. On the shores they found large
muscles, cockles like those in _England_, and limpets: here were also
penguins, which were shy and not taken without pursuit; 'they padded on
the water with their wings very fast, but their bodies were too heavy to
be carried by the said wings.'
[Sidenote: 15th.] The first part of the time they lay in this harbour,
they had almost continual rain. On the night of the 15th, in a high North
wind, the tree to which their cable was fastened gave way, and came up by
the root, in consequence of which, the stern of the ship took the ground
and damaged the rudder. They secured the ship afresh by fastening the
cable to other trees; but were obliged to unhang the rudder to repair.
[Sidenote: 18th.] The 18th was a day of clear weather. The latitude was
observed 50° 40' S. The difference of the rise and fall of the tide was
seven feet perpendicular: the time of high water is not noted. [Sidenote:
The Gulf is named the English Gulf. Duke of York's Islands.] The arm of
the sea, or gulf, in which they were, they named the _English Gulf_; and
the land forming the harbour, the _Duke of York's Island_; 'more by guess
than any thing else; for whether it were an Island or Continent was not
discovered,' Ringrose says, 'I am persuaded that the place where we now
are, is not so great an Island as some Hydrographers do lay it down, but
rather an archipelago of smaller Islands. Our Captain gave to them the
name of the _Duke of York's Islands_. Our boat which went Eastward, found
several good bays and harbours, with deep water close to the shore; but
there lay in them several sunken rocks, as there did also in the harbour
where the ship lay. These rocks are less dangerous to shipping, by reason
they have weeds lying about them.'
[Sidenote: Sharp's English Gulf, the Brazo de la Conçepçion of Sarmiento.]
From all the preceding description, it appears, that they were at the
South part of the Island named _Madre de Dios_ in the Spanish Atlas, which
Island is South of the Channel, or Arm of the Sea, named the _Gulf de la
S^{ma} Trinidada_; and that Sharp's _English Gulf_ is the _Brazo de la
Conçepçion_ of Sarmiento.
Ringrose has drawn a sketch of the _Duke of York's Islands_, and one of
the _English Gulf_; but which are not worth copying, as they have neither
compass, meridian line, scale, nor soundings. He has given other plan's in
the same defective manner, on which account they can be of little use. It
is necessary however to remark a difference in the plan which has been
printed of the _English Gulf_, from the plan in the manuscript. In the
printed copy, the shore of the _Gulf_ is drawn as one continued line,
admitting no thoroughfare; whereas, in the manuscript plan, there are
clear openings leaving a prospect of channels through.
[Sidenote: Natives.] Towards the end of October, the weather settled fair.
Hitherto they had seen no inhabitants; but on the 27th, a party went from
the ship in a boat, on an excursion in search of provisions, and unhappily
caught sight of a small boat belonging to the natives of the land.
[Sidenote: One of them killed by the Buccaneers.] The ship's boat rowed in
pursuit, and the natives, a man, a woman, and a boy, finding their boat
would be overtaken, all leapt overboard and swam towards shore. This
villainous crew of Buccaneers had the barbarity to shoot at them in the
water, and they shot the man dead; the woman made her escape to land; the
boy, a stout lad about eighteen years of age, was taken, and with the
Indian boat, was carried to the ship.
The poor lad thus made prisoner had only a small covering of seal skin.
'He was squint-eyed, and his hair was cut short. The _doree_, or boat, in
which he and the other Indians were, was built sharp at each end and flat
bottomed: in the middle they had a fire burning for dressing victuals, or
other use. They had a net to catch penguins, a club like to our bandies,
and wooden darts. This young Indian appeared by his actions to be very
innocent and foolish. He could open large muscles with his fingers, which
our Buccaneers could scarcely manage with their knives. He was very wild,
and would eat raw flesh.'
[Sidenote: November.] By the beginning of November the rudder was repaired
and hung. Ringrose says, 'we could perceive, now the stormy weather was
blown over, much small fry of fish about the ship, whereof before we saw
none. The weather began to be warm, or rather hot, and the birds, as
thrushes and blackbirds, to sing as sweetly as those in England.'
[Sidenote: Native of Patagonia carried away.] On the 5th of November, they
sailed out of the _English Gulf_, taking with them their young Indian
prisoner, to whom they gave the name of Orson. As they departed, the
natives on some of the lands to the Eastward made great fires. At six in
the evening the ship was without the mouth of the _Gulf_: the wind blew
fresh from NW, and they stood out SWbW, to keep clear of breakers which
lie four leagues without the entrance of the _Gulf_ to the South and SSE.
Many reefs and rocks were seen hereabouts, on account of which, they kept
close to the wind till they were a good distance clear of the land.
Their navigation from here to the _Atlantic_ was, more than could have
been imagined, like the journey of travellers by night in a strange
country without a guide. The weather was stormy, and they would not
venture to steer in for the _Strait of Magalhanes_, which they had
purposed to do for the benefit of the provision which the shores of the
_Strait_ afford of fresh water, fish, vegetables, and wood. They ran to
the South to go round the _Tierra del Fuego_, having the wind from the NW,
which was the most favourable for this navigation; but they frequently lay
to, because the weather was thick. [Sidenote: Passage round Cape Horn.] On
the 12th, they had not passed the _Tierra del Fuego_. The latitude
according to observation that day was 55° 25', and the course they steered
was SSE. [Sidenote: 14th. Appearance like Land. Latitude observed, 57° 50'
S.] On the 14th, Ringrose says, 'the latitude was observed 57° 50' S, and
on this day we could perceive land, from which at noon we were due West.'
They steered EbS, and expected that at daylight the next morning they
should be close in with the land; but the weather became cloudy with much
fall of snow, and nothing more of it was seen. No longitude or meridian
distance is noticed, and it must remain doubtful whether what they took
for land was floating ice; or their observation for the latitude
erroneous, and that they saw the _Isles of Diego Ramirez_.
[Sidenote: Ice Islands.] Three days afterwards, in latitude 58° 30' S,
they fell in with Ice Islands, one of which they reckoned to be two
leagues in circumference. A strong current set here Southward. They held
on their course Eastward so far that when at length they did sail
Northward, they saw neither the _Tierra del Fuego_ nor _Staten Island_.
[Sidenote: December.] December the 5th, they divided the plunder which had
been reserved, each man's share of which amounted to 328 pieces of eight.
Their course was now bent for the _West Indies_.
[Sidenote: 1682. January.] January the 15th, died William Stephens, a
seaman, whose death was attributed to his having eaten three manchineal
apples six months before, when on the coast of _New Spain_, 'from which
time he wasted away till he became a perfect skeleton.'
[Sidenote: Arrive in the West Indies.] January the 28th, 1682, they made
the Island of _Barbadoes_, but learnt that the Richmond, a British
frigate, was lying in the road. Ringrose and his fellow journalists say,
'we having acted in all our voyage without a commission, dared not be so
bold as to put in, lest the said frigate should seize us for pyrateering,
and strip us of all we had got in the whole voyage.' They next sailed to
_Antigua_; but the Governor at that Island, Colonel Codrington, would not
give them leave to enter the harbour, though they endeavoured to soften
him by sending a present of jewels to his lady, which, however, were not
accepted. Sharp and his crew grew impatient at their uneasy situation, and
came to a determination to separate. Some of them landed at _Antigua_;
Sharp and others landed at _Nevis_, whence they got passage to _England_.
Their ship, which was the Trinidad captured in the _Bay of Panama_, was
left to seven men of the company who had lost their money by gaming. The
Buccaneer journals say nothing of their Patagonian captive Orson after the
ship sailed from his country; and what became of the ship after Sharp
quitted her does not appear.
[Sidenote: Bart. Sharp and some of his men tried for Piracy.] Bartholomew
Sharp, and a few others, on their arrival in _England_, were apprehended,
and a Court of Admiralty was held at the _Marshalsea_ in _Southwark_,
where, at the instance of the Spanish Ambassador, they were tried for
committing acts of piracy in the _South Sea_; but from the defectiveness
of the evidence produced, they escaped conviction. One of the principal
charges against them was for taking the Spanish ship Rosario, and killing
the Captain and another man belonging to her; 'but it was proved,' says
the author of the anonymous Narrative, who was one of the men brought to
trial, 'that the Spaniards fired at us first and it was judged that we
ought to defend ourselves.' Three Buccaneers of Sharp's crew were also
tried at _Jamaica_, one of whom was condemned and hanged, 'who,' the
narrator says, 'was wheedled into an open confession: the other two stood
it out, and escaped for want of witnesses to prove the fact against them.'
Thus terminated what may be called the First Expedition of the Buccaneers
in the _South Sea_; the boat excursion by Morgan's men in the _Bay of
Panama_ being of too little consequence to be so reckoned. They had now
made successful experiment of the route both by sea and land; and the
Spaniards in the _South Sea_ had reason to apprehend a speedy renewal of
their visits.
Carlos Enriquez Clerck, who went from _England_ with Captain Narbrough,
was at this time executed at _Lima_, on a charge of holding correspondence
with the English of _Jamaica_; which act of severity probably is
attributable more to the alarm which prevailed in the Government of
_Peru_, than to any guilty practices of Clerck.
CHAP. XI.
_Disputes between the French Government and their West-India
Colonies. =Morgan= becomes Deputy Governor of =Jamaica=. =La
Vera Cruz= surprised by the Flibustiers. Other of their
Enterprises._
[Sidenote: 1680. Proceedings of the Buccaneers in the West Indies.
Prohibitions against Piracy by the French Government;] Whilst so many of
the English Buccaneers were seeking plunder in the _South Sea_, the French
Flibustiers had not been inactive in the _West Indies_, notwithstanding
that the French government, after the conclusion of the war with _Spain_,
issued orders prohibiting the subjects of _France_ in the _West Indies_
from cruising against the Spaniards. A short time before this order
arrived, a cruising commission had been given to Granmont, who had
thereupon collected men, and made preparation for an expedition to the
_Tierra Firma_; and they did not choose that so much pains should be taken
to no purpose. The French settlers generally, were at this time much
dissatisfied on account of some regulations imposed upon them by the
Company of Farmers, whose privileges and authority extended to fixing the
price upon growth, the produce of the soil; and which they exercised upon
tobacco, the article then most cultivated by the French in _Hispaniola_,
rigorously requiring the planters to deliver it to the Company at the
price so prescribed. Many of the inhabitants, ill brooking to live under
such a system of robbery, made preparations to withdraw to the English and
Dutch settlements; but their discontent on this account was much allayed
by the Governor writing a remonstrance to the French Minister, and
promising them his influence towards obtaining a suppression of the
farming tobacco. Fresh cause of discontent soon occurred, by a monopoly of
the French African Slave Trade being put into the hands of a new company,
which was named the _Senegal_ Company.
[Sidenote: Disregarded by the French Buccaneers.] Granmont and the
Flibustiers engaged with him, went to the coast of _Cumana_, where they
did considerable mischief to the Spaniards, with some loss, and little
profit, to themselves.
[Sidenote: 1680-1. Sir Henry Morgan, Deputy Governor of Jamaica. His
Severity to the Buccaneers.] In the autumn of this same year, the Earl of
Carlisle, who was Governor of _Jamaica_, finding the climate did not agree
with his constitution, returned to _England_, and left as his Deputy to
govern in _Jamaica_, Morgan, the plunderer of _Panama_, but who was now
Sir Henry Morgan. This man had found favour with King Charles II. or with
his Ministers, had been knighted, and appointed a Commissioner of the
Admiralty Court in _Jamaica_. On becoming Deputy Governor, his
administration was far from being favourable to his old associates, some
of whom suffered the extreme hardship of being tried and hanged under his
authority; and one crew of Buccaneers, most of them Englishmen, who fell
into his hands, he sent to be delivered up (it may be presumed that he
sold them) to the Spaniards at _Carthagena_. Morgan's authority as
Governor was terminated the following year, by the arrival of a Governor
from _England_[30].
The impositions on planting and commerce in the French settlements, in the
same degree that they discouraged cultivation, encouraged cruising, and
the Flibustier party so much increased, as to have little danger to
apprehend from any Governor's authority. [Sidenote: 1683.] The matter
however did not come to issue, for in 1683, war again broke out between
_France_ and _Spain_. But before the intelligence arrived in the _West
Indies_, 1200 French Flibustiers had assembled under Van Horn (a native
of _Ostend_), Granmont, and another noted Flibustier named Laurent de
Graaf, to make an expedition against the Spaniards.
[Sidenote: Van Horn, Granmont, and de Graaf, go against La Vera Cruz.] Van
Horn had been a notorious pirate, and for a number of years had plundered
generally, without shewing partiality or favour to ships of one nation
more than to those of another. After amassing great riches, he began to
think plain piracy too dangerous an occupation, and determined to reform,
which he did by making his peace with the French Governor in _Hispaniola_,
and turning Buccaneer or Flibustier, into which fraternity he was admitted
on paying entrance.
The expedition which he undertook in conjunction with Granmont and de
Graaf, was against _La Vera Cruz_ in the _Gulf of Mexico_, a town which
might be considered as the magazine for all the merchandise which passed
between _New Spain_ and _Old Spain_, and was defended by a fort, said to
be impregnable. The Flibustiers sailed for this place with a fleet of ten
ships. They had information that two large Spanish ships, with cargoes of
cacao, were expected at _La Vera Cruz_ from the _Caraccas_; and upon this
intelligence, they put in practice the following expedient. [Sidenote:
They surprise the Town by Stratagem.] They embarked the greater number of
their men on board two of their largest ships, which, on arriving near _La
Vera Cruz_, put aloft Spanish colours, and ran, with all sail set,
directly for the port like ships chased, the rest of the Buccaneer ships
appearing at a distance behind, crowding sail after them. The inhabitants
of _La Vera Cruz_ believed the two headmost ships to be those which were
expected from the _Caraccas_; and, as the Flibustiers had contrived that
they should not reach the port till after dark, suffered them to enter
without offering them molestation, and to anchor close to the town, which
they did without being suspected to be enemies. In the middle of the
night, the Flibustiers landed, and surprised the fort, which made them
masters of the town. The Spaniards of the garrison, and all the
inhabitants who fell into their hands, they shut up in the churches, where
they were kept three days, and with so little care for their subsistence
that several died from thirst, and some by drinking immoderately when
water was at length given to them. With the plunder, and what was obtained
for ransom of the town, it is said the Flibustiers carried away a million
of piastres, besides a number of slaves and prisoners.
Van Horn shorty after died of a wound received in a quarrel with De Graaf.
The ship he had commanded, which mounted fifty guns, was bequeathed by him
to Granmont, who a short time before had lost a ship of nearly the same
force in a gale of wind.
Some quarrels happened at this time between the French Flibustiers and the
English Buccaneers, which are differently related by the English and the
French writers. The French account says, that in a Spanish ship captured
by the Flibustiers, was found a letter from the Governor of _Jamaica_
addressed to the Governor of the _Havannah_, proposing a union of their
force to drive the French from _Hispaniola_. [Sidenote: Story of Granmont
and an English Ship.] Also, that an English ship of 30 guns came cruising
near _Tortuga_, and when the Governor of _Tortuga_ sent a sloop to demand
of the English Captain his business there, the Englishman insolently
replied, that the sea was alike free to all, and he had no account to
render to any one. For this answer, the Governor sent out a ship to take
the English ship, but the Governor's ship was roughly treated, and obliged
to retire into port. Granmont had just returned from the _La Vera Cruz_
expedition, and the Governor applied to him, to go with his fifty gun ship
to revenge the affront put upon their nation. 'Granmont,' says the
Narrator, 'accepted the commission joyfully. Three hundred Flibustiers
embarked with him in his ship; he found the Englishman proud of his late
victory; he immediately grappled with him and put all the English crew to
the sword, saving only the Captain, who he carried prisoner to _Cape
François_.' On the merit of this service, his disobedience to the royal
prohibitory order in attacking _La Vera Cruz_ was to pass with impunity.
The English were not yet sufficiently punished; the account proceeds, 'Our
Flibustiers would no longer receive them as partakers in their
enterprises, and even confiscated the share they were entitled to receive
for the _La Vera Cruz_ expedition.' Thus the French account.
If the story of demolishing the English crew is true, the fact is not more
absurd than the being vain of such an exploit. If a fifty gun ship will
determine to sink a thirty gun ship, the thirty gun ship must in all
probability be sunk. The affront given, if it deserves to be called an
affront, was not worthy being revenged with a massacre. The story is found
only in the French histories, the writers of which it may be suspected
were moved to make Granmont deal so unmercifully with the English crew, by
the kind of feeling which so generally prevails between nations who are
near neighbours. To this it may be attributed that Père Charlevoix, both a
good historian and good critic, has adopted the story; but had it been
believed by him, he would have related it in a more rational manner, and
not with exultation.
English writers mention a disagreement which happened about this time
between Granmont and the English Buccaneers, on account of his taking a
sloop belonging to _Jamaica_, and forcing the crew to serve under him; but
which crew found opportunity to take advantage of some disorder in his
ship, and to escape in the night[31]. This seems to have been the whole
fact; for an outrage such as is affirmed by the French writers, could not
have been committed and have been boasted of by one side, without
incurring reproach from the other.
The French Government was highly offended at the insubordination and
unmanageableness of the Flibustiers in _Hispaniola_, and no one was more
so than the French King, Louis XIV. Towards reducing them to a more
orderly state, instructions were sent to the Governors in the _West
Indies_ to be strict in making them observe Port regulations; the
principal of which were, that all vessels should register their crew and
lading before their departure, and also at their return into port; that
they should abstain from cruising in times of peace, and should take out
regular commissions in times of war; and that they should pay the dues of
the crown, one _item_ of which was a tenth of all prizes and plunder.
[Sidenote: Disputes of the French Governors with the Flibustiers of Saint
Domingo.] The number of the French Flibustiers in 1684, was estimated to
be 3000. The French Government desired to convert them into settlers. A
letter written in that year from the French Minister to the Governor
General of the French West-India Islands, has this remarkable expression:
'His Majesty esteems nothing more important than to render these vagabonds
good inhabitants of _Saint Domingo_.' Such being the disposition of the
French Government, it was an oversight that they did not contribute
towards so desirable a purpose by making some abatement in the impositions
which oppressed and retarded cultivation, which would have conciliated the
Colonists, and have been encouragement to the Flibustiers to become
planters. But the Colonists still had to struggle against farming the
tobacco, which they had in vain attempted to get commuted for some other
burthen, and many cultivators of that plant were reduced to indigence. The
greediness of the French chartered companies appears in the _Senegal_
Company making it a subject of complaint, that the Flibustiers sold the
negroes they took from the Spaniards to whomsoever they pleased, to the
prejudice of the interest of the Company. It was unreasonable to expect
the Flibustiers would give up their long accustomed modes of gain,
sanctioned as they had hitherto been by the acquiescence and countenance
of the French Government, and turn planters, under circumstances
discouraging to industry. Their number likewise rendered it necessary to
observe mildness and forbearance in the endeavour to reform them; but both
the encouragement and the forbearance were neglected; and in consequence
of their being made to apprehend rigorous treatment in their own
settlements, many removed to the British and Dutch Islands.
The French Flibustiers were unsuccessful at this time in some enterprises
they undertook in the _Bay of Campeachy_, where they lost many men: on the
other hand, three of their ships, commanded by De Graaf, Michel le Basque,
and another Flibustier named Jonqué, engaged and took three Spanish ships
which were sent purposely against them out of _Carthagena_.
CHAP. XII.
_Circumstances which preceded the Second Irruption of the
Buccaneers into the =South Sea=. Buccaneers under =John Cook= sail
from =Virginia=; stop at the =Cape de Verde Islands=; at =Sierra
Leone=. Origin and History of the Report concerning the
supposed Discovery of =Pepys Island=._
The Prohibitions being enforced, determined many, both of the English
Buccaneers and of the French Flibustiers, to seek their fortunes in the
_South Sea_, where they would be at a distance from the control of any
established authority. This determination was not a matter generally
concerted. The first example was speedily followed, and a trip to the
_South Sea_ in a short time became a prevailing fashion among them.
Expeditions were undertaken by different bodies of men unconnected with
each other, except when accident, or the similarity of their pursuits,
brought them together.
[Sidenote: Circumstances preceding the Second Irruption of the Buccaneers
into the South Sea.] Among the Buccaneers in the expedition of 1680 to the
_South Sea_, who from dislike to Sharp's command returned across the
_Isthmus of Darien_ at the same time with Dampier, was one John Cook, who
on arriving again in the _West Indies_, entered on board a vessel
commanded by a Dutchman of the name of Yanky, which was fitted up as a
privateer, and provided with a French commission to cruise against the
Spaniards. Cook, being esteemed a capable seaman, was made Quarter-Master,
by which title, in privateers as well as in buccaneer vessels, the officer
next in command to the Captain was called. Cook continued Quarter-Master
with Yanky till they took a Spanish ship which was thought well adapted
for a cruiser. Cook claimed to have the command of this ship, and,
according to the usage among privateers in such cases, she was allotted to
him, with a crew composed of men who volunteered to sail with him. Dampier
was of the number, as were several others who had returned from the _South
Sea_; division was made of the prize goods, and Cook entered on his new
command.
[Sidenote: 1683.] This arrangement took place at _Isla Vaca_, or _Isle a
Vache_, a small Island near the South coast of _Hispaniola_, which was
then much resorted to by both privateers and Buccaneers. It happened at
this time, that besides Yanky's ship, some French privateers having legal
commissions, were lying at _Avache_, and their Commanders did not
contentedly behold men without a commission, and who were but Buccaneers,
in the possession of a finer ship than any belonging to themselves who
cruised under lawful authority. The occasion being so fair, and
remembering what Morgan had done in a case something similar, after short
counsel, they joined together, and seized the buccaneer ship, goods, and
arms, and turned the crew ashore. A fellow-feeling that still existed
between the privateers and Buccaneers, and probably a want of hands,
induced a Captain Tristian, who commanded one of the privateers, to
receive into his ship ten of the Buccaneers to be part of his crew. Among
these were Cook, and a Buccaneer afterwards of greater note, named Edward
Davis. Tristian sailed to _Petit Guaves_, where the ship had not been long
at anchor, before himself and the greatest part of his men went on shore.
Cook and his companions thought this also a fair occasion, and accordingly
they made themselves masters of the ship. Those of Tristian's men who were
on board, they turned ashore, and immediately taking up the anchors,
sailed back close in to the _Isle a Vache_, where, before notice of their
exploit reached the Governor, they collected and took on board the
remainder of their old company, and sailed away. They had scarcely left
the _Isle a Vache_, when they met and captured two vessels, one of which
was a ship from _France_ laden with wines. Thinking it unsafe to continue
longer in the _West Indies_, they directed their course for _Virginia_,
where they arrived with their prizes in April 1683.
[Sidenote: August, 1683. Buccaneers under John Cook sail for the South
Sea.] In _Virginia_ they disposed of their prize goods, and two vessels,
keeping one with which they proposed to make a voyage to the _South Sea_,
and which they named the Revenge. She mounted 18 guns, and the number of
adventurers who embarked in her, were about seventy, the major part of
them old Buccaneers, some of whose names have since been much noted, as
William Dampier, Edward Davis, Lionel Wafer, Ambrose Cowley, and John Cook
their Captain. August the 23d, 1683, they sailed from the _Chesapeak_.
Dampier and Cowley have both related their piratical adventures, but with
some degree of caution, to prevent bringing upon themselves a charge of
piracy. Cowley pretended that he was engaged to sail in the Revenge to
navigate her, but was kept in ignorance of the design of the voyage, and
made to believe they were bound for the _Island Hispaniola_; and that it
was not revealed to him till after they got out to sea, that instead of to
the _West Indies_, they were bound to the coast of _Guinea_, there to seek
for a better ship, in which they might sail to the _Great South Sea_.
William Dampier, who always shews respect for truth, would not stoop to
dissimulation; but he forbears being circumstantial concerning the outset
of this voyage, and the particulars of their proceedings whilst in the
_Atlantic_; supplying the chasm in the following general terms; "August
the 23d, 1683, we sailed from _Virginia_ under the command of Captain
Cook, bound for the _South Seas_. I shall not trouble the reader with an
account of every day's run, but hasten to the less known parts of the
world."
[Sidenote: Cape de Verde Islands.] Whilst near the coast of _Virginia_
they met a Dutch ship, out of which they took six casks of wine; and other
provisions; also two Dutch seamen, who voluntarily entered with them.
[Sidenote: September.] Some time in September they anchored at the _Isle
of Sal_, where they procured fish and a few goats, but neither fruits nor
good fresh water. Only five men lived on the Island, who were all black;
but they called themselves Portuguese, and one was styled the Governor.
[Sidenote: Ambergris.] These Portuguese exchanged a lump of ambergris, or
what was supposed to be ambergris, for old clothes. Dampier says, 'not a
man in the ship knew ambergris, but I have since seen it in other places,
and am certain this was not the right; it was of a dark colour, like
sheep's dung, very soft, but of no smell; and possibly was goat's dung.
Some I afterwards saw sold at the _Nicobars_ in the _East Indies_, was of
lighter colour, and very hard, neither had that any smell, and I suppose
was also a cheat. Mr. Hill, a surgeon, once shewed me a piece of
ambergris, and related to me, that one Mr. Benjamin Barker, a man I have
been long well acquainted with, and know to be a very sober and credible
person, told this Mr. Hill, that being in the _Bay of Honduras_, he found
in a sandy bay upon the shore of an Island, a lump of ambergris so large,
that when carried to _Jamaica_, it was found to weigh upwards of 100
_lbs._ When he found it, it lay dry above the mark of the sea at high
water, and in it were a great multitude of beetles. It was of a dusky
colour, towards black, about the hardness of mellow cheese, and of a very
fragrant smell. What Mr. Hill shewed me was some of it, which Mr. Barker
had given him[32].'
[Sidenote: The Flamingo.] There were wild-fowl at _Sal_; and Flamingos, of
which, and their manner of building their nests, Dampier has given a
description. The flesh of the Flamingo is lean and black, yet good meat,
'tasting neither fishy nor any way unsavory. A dish of Flamingos' tongues
is fit for a Prince's table: they are large, and have a knob of fat at the
root which is an excellent bit. When many of them stand together, at a
distance they appear like a brick wall; for their feathers are of the
colour of new red brick, and, except when feeding, they commonly stand
upright, exactly in a row close by each other.'
[Sidenote: Cape de Verde Islands.] From the Isle of _Sal_ they went to
other of the _Cape de Verde Islands_. At _St. Nicholas_ they watered the
ship by digging wells, and at _Mayo_ they procured some provisions. They
afterwards sailed to the Island _St. Jago_, but a Dutch ship was lying at
anchor in _Port Praya_, which fired her guns at them as soon as they came
within reach of shot, and the Buccaneers thought it prudent to stand out
again to sea.
[Sidenote: November. Coast of Guinea.] They next sailed to the coast of
_Guinea_, which they made in the beginning of November, near _Sierra
Leone_. A large ship was at anchor in the road, which proved to be a Dane.
On sight of her, and all the time they were standing into the road, all
the Buccaneer crew, except a few men to manage the sails, kept under deck;
which gave their ship the appearance of being a weakly manned
merchant-vessel. When they drew near the Danish ship, which they did with
intention to board her, the Buccaneer Commander, to prevent suspicion,
gave direction in a loud voice to the steersman to put the helm one way;
and, according to the plan preconcerted, the steersman put it the
contrary, so that their vessel seemed to fall on board the Dane through
mistake. By this stratagem, they surprised, and, with the loss of five
men, became masters of a ship mounting 36 guns, which was victualled and
stored for a long voyage. This achievement is related circumstantially in
Cowley's manuscript Journal[33]; but in his published account he only
says, 'near Cape _Sierra Leone_, we alighted on a new ship of 40 guns,
which we boarded and carried her away.'
[Sidenote: Sherborough River.] They went with their prize to a river South
of the _Sierra Leone_, called the _Sherborough_, to which they were safely
piloted through channels among shoals, by one of the crew who had been
there before. At the River _Sherborough_ there was then an English
factory, but distant from where they anchored. Near them was a large town
inhabited by negroes, who traded freely, selling them rice, fowls,
plantains, sugar-canes, palm-wine, and honey. The town was skreened from
shipping by a grove of trees.
The Buccaneers embarked here all in their new ship, and named her the
Batchelor's Delight. Their old ship they burnt, 'that she might tell no
tales,' and set their prisoners on shore, to shift as well as they could
for themselves.
They sailed from the coast of Guinea in the middle of November, directing
their course across the _Atlantic_ towards the _Strait of Magalhanes_.
[Sidenote: January, 1684.] On January the 28th, 1684, they had sight of
the Northernmost of the Islands discovered by Captain John Davis in 1592,
(since, among other appellations, called the _Sebald de Weert Islands_.)
From the circumstance of their falling in with this land, originated the
extraordinary report of an Island being discovered in the _Southern
Atlantic Ocean_ in lat. 47° S, and by Cowley named _Pepys Island_; which
was long believed to exist, and has been sought after by navigators of
different European nations, even within our own time. The following are
the particulars which caused so great a deception.
[Sidenote: History of the Report of a Discovery named Pepys Island.]
Cowley says, in his manuscript Journal, 'January 1683: This month we were
in latitude 47° 40', where we espied an Island bearing West of us, and
bore away for it, but being too late we lay by all night. The Island
seemed very pleasant to the eye, with many woods. I may say the whole
Island was woods, there being a rock above water to the Eastward of it
with innumerable fowls. I sailed along that Island to the Southward, and
about the SW side of the Island there seemed to me to be a good place for
ships to ride. The wind blew fresh, and they would not put the boat out.
Sailing a little further, having 26 and 27 fathoms water, we came to a
place where we saw the weeds ride, and found only seven fathoms water and
all rocky ground, therefore we put the ship about: but the harbour seemed
a good place for ships to ride in. There seemed to me harbour for 500 sail
of shipping, the going in but narrow, and the North side of the entrance
shallow that I could see: but I think there is water enough on the South
side. I would have had them stand upon a wind all night; but they told me
they did not come out to go upon discovery. We saw likewise another Island
by this, which made me to think them the _Sibble D'wards_[34].'
The latitude given by Cowley is to be attributed to his ignorance, and to
this part of his narrative being composed from memory, which he
acknowledges, though it is not so stated in the printed Narrative. His
describing the land to be covered with wood, is sufficiently accounted for
by the appearance it makes at a distance, which in the same manner has
deceived other voyagers. Pernety, in his Introduction to M. de
Bougainville's Voyage to the _Malouines_ (by which name the French
Voyagers have chosen to call _John Davis's Islands_) says, 'As to wood, we
were deceived by appearances in running along the coast of the
_Malouines_: we thought we saw some, but on landing, these appearances
were discovered to be only tall bulrushes with large flat leaves, such as
are called corn flags[35].'
The Editor of Cowley's Journal, William Hack, might possibly believe from
the latitude mentioned by Cowley, that the land seen by him was a new
discovery. To give it a less doubtful appearance, he dropped the 40
minutes of latitude, and also Cowley's conjecture that the land was the
_Sebald de Weerts_; and with this falsification of the Journal, he took
occasion to compliment the Honourable Mr. Pepys, who was then Secretary of
the Admiralty, by putting his name to the land, giving as Cowley's words,
'In the latitude of 47°, we saw land, the same being an Island not before
known. I gave it the name of _Pepys Island_.' Hack embellished this
account with a drawing of _Pepys Island_, in which is introduced an
_Admiralty Bay_, and _Secretary's Point_.
The account which Dampier has given of their falling in with this land,
would have cleared up the whole matter, but for a circumstance which is
far more extraordinary than any yet mentioned, which is, that it long
escaped notice, and seems never to have been generally understood, that
Dampier and Cowley were at this time in the same ship, and their voyage
thus far the same.
Dampier says, 'January the 28th (1683-4) we made the _Sebald de Weerts_.
They are three rocky barren Islands without any tree, only some bushes
growing on them. The two Northernmost lie in 51° S, the other in 51° 20'
S. We could not come near the two Northern Islands, but we came close by
the Southern; but we could not obtain soundings till within two cables'
length of the shore, and there found the bottom to be foul rocky
ground[36].' In consequence of the inattention, or oversight, in not
perceiving that Dampier and Cowley were speaking of the same land, Hack's
ingenious adulation of the Secretary of the Admiralty flourished a full
century undetected; a _Pepys Island_ being all the time admitted in the
charts.
[Sidenote: Shoals of small red Lobsters.] Near these Islands the variation
was observed 23° 10' Easterly. They passed through great shoals of small
red lobsters, 'no bigger than the top of a man's little finger, yet all
their claws, both great and small, were like a lobster. I never saw,' says
Dampier, 'any of this sort of fish naturally red, except here.'
The winds blew hard from the Westward, and they could not fetch the
_Strait of Magalhanes_. [Sidenote: February.] On February the 6th, they
were at the entrance of _Strait le Maire_, when it fell calm, and a strong
tide set out of the _Strait_ Northward, which made a short irregular sea,
as in a race, or place where two tides meet, and broke over the waist of
the ship, 'which was tossed about like an egg-shell.' [Sidenote: They sail
by the East end of Staten Island; and enter the South Sea.] A breeze
springing up from the WNW, they bore away Eastward, and passed round the
East end of _Staten Island_; after which they saw no other land till they
came into the _South Sea_. They had much rain, and took advantage of it to
fill 23 casks with fresh water.
[Sidenote: March.] March the 17th, they were in latitude 36° S, standing
for the _Island Juan Fernandez_. Variation 8° East.
CHAP. XIII.
_Buccaneers under =John Cook= arrive at =Juan Fernandez=.
Account of =William=, a Mosquito Indian, who had lived there
three years. They sail to the =Galapagos Islands=; thence to
the Coast of =New Spain=. =John Cook= dies. =Edward Davis=
chosen Commander._
[Sidenote: 1684. March 19th.] Continuing their course for _Juan
Fernandez_, on the 19th in the morning, a strange ship was seen to the
Southward, standing after them under all her sail. The Buccaneers were in
hopes she would prove to be a Spaniard, and brought to, to wait her coming
up. The people on board the strange vessel entertained similar
expectations, for they also were English, and were come to the _South Sea_
to pick up what they could. This ship was named the Nicholas; her
Commander John Eaton; she fitted out in the River _Thames_ under pretence
of a trading, but in reality with the intention of making a piratical
voyage.
[Sidenote: Joined by the Nicholas of London, John Eaton Commander.] The
two ships soon joined, and on its being found that they had come on the
same errand to the _South Sea_, Cook and Eaton and their men agreed to
keep company together.
It was learnt from Eaton that another English ship, named the Cygnet,
commanded by a Captain Swan, had sailed from _London_ for the _South Sea_;
but fitted out by reputable merchants, and provided with a cargo for a
trading voyage, having a licence from the Duke of York, then Lord High
Admiral of _England_. The Cygnet and the Nicholas had met at the entrance
of the _Strait of Magalhanes_, and they entered the _South Sea_ in
company, but had since been separated by bad weather.
[Sidenote: March 22d.] March the 22d, the Batchelor's Delight and the
Nicholas came in sight of the Island _Juan Fernandez_.
[Sidenote: At Juan Fernandez. William the Mosquito Indian.] The reader may
remember that when the Buccaneers under Watling were at _Juan Fernandez_
in January 1681, the appearance of three Spanish ships made them quit the
Island in great haste, and they left behind a Mosquito Indian named
William, who was in the woods hunting for goats. Several of the Buccaneers
who were then with Watling were now with Cook, and, eager to discover if
any traces could be found which would enable them to conjecture what was
become of their former companion, but with small hope of finding him still
here, as soon as they were near enough for a boat to be sent from the
ship, they hastened to the shore. Dampier was in this first boat, as was
also a Mosquito Indian named Robin; and as they drew near the land, they
had the satisfaction to see William at the sea-side waiting to receive
them. Dampier has given the following affecting account of their meeting:
'Robin, his countryman, was the first who leaped ashore from the boats,
and running to his brother _Moskito_ man, threw himself flat on his face
at his feet, who helping him up and embracing him, fell flat with his face
on the ground at Robin's feet, and was by him taken up also. We stood with
pleasure to behold the surprise, tenderness, and solemnity of this
interview, which was exceedingly affectionate on both sides: and when
their ceremonies were over, we also that stood gazing at them, drew near,
each of us embracing him we had found here, who was overjoyed to see so
many of his old friends, come hither as he thought purposely to fetch him.
He was named Will, as the other was Robin; which names were given them by
the English, for they have no names among themselves, and they take it as
a favour to be named by us, and will complain if we do not appoint them
some name when they are with us.'
William had lived in solitude on _Juan Fernandez_ above three years. The
Spaniards knew of his being on the Island, and Spanish ships had stopped
there, the people belonging to which had made keen search after him; but
he kept himself concealed, and they could never discover his retreat. At
the time Watling sailed from the Island, he had a musket, a knife, a small
horn of powder, and a few shot. 'When his ammunition was expended, he
contrived by notching his knife, to saw the barrel of his gun into small
pieces, wherewith he made harpoons, lances, hooks, and a long knife,
heating the pieces of iron first in the fire, and then hammering them out
as he pleased with stones. This may seem strange to those not acquainted
with the sagacity of the Indians; but it is no more than what the Moskito
men were accustomed to in their own country.' He had worn out the clothes
with which he landed, and was not otherwise clad than with a skin about
his waist. He made fishing lines of the skins of seals cut into thongs.
'He had built himself a hut, half a mile from the sea-shore, which he
lined with goats' skins, and slept on his couch or _barbecu_ of sticks
raised about two feet from the ground, and spread with goats' skins.' He
saw the two ships commanded by Cook and Eaton the day before they
anchored, and from their manoeuvring believing them to be English, he
killed three goats, which he drest with vegetables; thus preparing a treat
for his friends on their landing; and there has seldom been a more fair
and joyful occasion for festivity.
[Sidenote: Stocked with Goats by its Discoverer.] Dampier reckoned two
bays in _Juan Fernandez_ proper for ships to anchor in; 'both at the East
end, and in each there is a rivulet of good fresh water.' He mentions (it
may be supposed on the authority of Spanish information) that this Island
was stocked with goats by Juan Fernandez, its discoverer, who, in a second
voyage to it, landed three or four of these animals, and they quickly
multiplied. Also, that Juan Fernandez had formed a plan of settling here,
if he could have obtained a patent or royal grant of the Island; which was
refused him[37].
The Buccaneers found here a good supply of provisions in goats, wild
vegetables, seals, sea-lions, and fish. Dampier says, 'the seals at _Juan
Fernandez_ are as big as calves, and have a fine thick short fur, the like
I have not taken notice of any where but in these seas. The teeth of the
sea-lion are the bigness of a man's thumb: in Captain Sharp's time, some
of the Buccaneers made dice of them. Both the sea-lion and the seal eat
fish, which I believe is their common food.'
[Sidenote: Coast of Peru.] April the 8th, the Batchelor's Delight and
Nicholas sailed from _Juan Fernandez_ for the American coast, which they
made in latitude 24° S, and sailed Northward, keeping sight of the land,
but at a good distance. [Sidenote: May.] On May the 3d, in latitude 9° 40'
S, they took a Spanish ship laden with timber.
[Sidenote: Appearance of the Andes.] Dampier remarks that 'from the
latitude of 24° S to 17°, and from 14° to 10° S, the land within the coast
is of a prodigious height. It lies generally in ridges parallel to the
shore, one within another, each surpassing the other in height, those
inland being the highest. They always appear blue when seen from sea, and
are seldom obscured by clouds or fogs. These mountains far surpass the
_Peak of Teneriffe_, or the land of _Santa Martha_.'
[Sidenote: Islands Lobos de la Mar.] On the 9th, they anchored at the
Islands _Lobos de la Mar_. 'This _Lobos_ consists of two little Islands
each about a mile round, of indifferent height, with a channel between fit
only for boats. Several rocks lie on the North side of the Islands. There
is a small cove, or sandy bay, sheltered from the winds, at the West end
of the Easternmost Island, where ships may careen. There is good riding
between the Easternmost Island and the rocks, in 10, 12, or 14 fathoms;
for the wind is commonly at S, or SSE, and the Easternmost Island lying
East and West, shelters that road. Both the Islands are barren, without
fresh water, tree, shrub, grass, or herb; but sea-fowls, seals, and
sea-lions were here in multitudes[38].'
On a review of their strength, they mustered in the two ships 108 men fit
for service, besides their sick. They remained at the _Lobos de la Mar_
Isles till the 17th, when three vessels coming in sight, they took up
their anchors and gave chace. They captured all the three, which were
laden with provisions, principally flour, and bound for _Panama_. They
learnt from the prisoners that the English ship Cygnet had been at
_Baldivia_, and that the Viceroy on information of strange ships having
entered the _South Sea_, had ordered treasure which had been shipped for
_Panama_ to be re-landed. [Sidenote: They sail to the Galapagos Islands.]
The Buccaneers, finding they were expected on the coast, determined to go
with their prizes first to the _Galapagos Islands_, and afterwards to the
coast of _New Spain_.
They arrived in sight of the _Galapagos_ on the 31st; but were not enough
to the Southward to fetch the Southern Islands, the wind being from SbE,
which Dampier remarks is the common trade-wind in this part of the
_Pacific_. Many instances occur in _South Sea_ navigations which shew the
disadvantage of not keeping well to the South in going to the _Galapagos_.
[Sidenote: Duke of Norfolk's Island.] The two ships anchored near the
North East part of one of the Easternmost Islands, in 16 fathoms, the
bottom white hard sand, a mile distant from the shore.
It was during this visit of the Buccaneers to the _Galapagos_, that the
chart of these Islands which was published with Cowley's voyage was made.
Considering the small opportunity for surveying which was afforded by
their track, it may be reckoned a good chart, and has the merit both of
being the earliest survey known of these Islands, and of having continued
in use to this day; the latest charts we have of the _Galapagos_ being
founded upon this original, and (setting aside the additions) varying
little from it in the general outlines.
Where Cook and Eaton first anchored, appears to be the _Duke of Norfolk's
Island_ of Cowley's chart. They found there sea turtle and land turtle,
but could stop only one night, on account of two of their prizes, which
being deeply laden had fallen too far to leeward to fetch the same
anchorage.
[Sidenote: June. King James's Island.] The day following, they sailed on
to the next Island Westward (marked _King James's Island_ in the chart)
and anchored at its North end, a quarter of a mile distant from the shore,
in 15 fathoms. Dampier observed the latitude of the North part of this
second Island, 0° 28' N, which is considerably more North than it is
placed in Cowley's chart. The riding here was very uncertain, 'the bottom
being so steep that if an anchor starts, it never holds again.'
[Sidenote: Mistake made by the Editor of Dampier's Voyages.] An error has
been committed in the printed Narrative of Dampier, which it may be useful
to notice. It is there said, 'The Island at which we first anchored hath
water on the North end, falling down in a stream from high steep rocks
upon the sandy bay, where it may be taken up.' Concerning so essential an
article to mariners as fresh water, no information can be too minute to
deserve attention. [Sidenote: Concerning Fresh Water at King James's
Island.] In the manuscript Journal, Dampier says of the first Island at
which they anchored, 'we found there the largest land turtle I ever saw;
but the Island is rocky and barren, without wood or water.' At the next
Island at which they anchored, both Dampier and Cowley mention fresh water
being found. Cowley says, 'this Bay I called _Albany Bay_, and another
place _York Road_. Here is excellent sweet water.' Dampier also in the
margin of his written Journal where the second anchorage is mentioned, has
inserted the note following: 'At the North end of the Island we saw water
running down from the rocks.' The editor or corrector of the press has
mistakenly applied this to the first anchorage.
[Sidenote: Herbage on the North end of Albemarle Island.] Cowley, after
assigning names to the different Islands, adds, 'We could find no good
water on any of these places, save on the _Duke of York's_ [_i. e. King
James's_] _Island_. But at the North end of _Albemarle Island_ there were
green leaves of a thick substance which we chewed to quench our thirst:
and there were abundance of fowls in this Island which could not live
without water, though we could not find it[39].'
Animal food was furnished by the _Galapagos Islands_ in profusion, and of
the most delicate kind; of vegetables nothing of use was found except the
mammee, the leaves just noticed and berries. The name _Galapagos_ which
has been assigned to these Islands, signifies Turtle in the Spanish
language, and was given to them on account of the great numbers of those
animals, both of the sea and land kind, found there. Guanoes, an
amphibious animal well known in the _West Indies_, fish, flamingoes, and
turtle-doves so tame that they would alight upon the men's heads, were
all in great abundance; and convenient for preserving meat, salt was
plentiful at the _Galapagos_. Some green snakes were the only other
animals seen there.
[Sidenote: Land Turtle.] The full-grown land turtle were from 150 to 200
_lbs._ in weight. Dampier says, 'so sweet that no pullet can eat more
pleasantly. They are very fat; the oil saved from them was kept in jars,
and used instead of butter to eat with dough-boys or dumplings.'--'We lay
here feeding sometimes on land turtle, sometimes on sea turtle, there
being plenty of either sort; but the land turtle, as they exceed in
sweetness, so do they in numbers: it is incredible to report how numerous
they are.'
[Sidenote: Sea Turtle.] The sea turtle at the _Galapagos_ are of the
larger kind of those called the Green Turtle. Dampier thought their flesh
not so good as the green turtle of the _West Indies_.
Dampier describes the _Galapagos Isles_ to be generally of good height:
'four or five of the Easternmost Islands are rocky, hilly, and barren,
producing neither tree, herb, nor grass; but only a green prickly shrub
that grows 10 or 12 feet high, as big as a man's leg, and is full of sharp
prickles in thick rows from top to bottom, without leaf or fruit. In some
places by the sea side grow bushes of Burton wood (a sort of wood which
grows in the _West Indies_) which is good firing. [Sidenote: Mammee Tree.]
Some of the Westernmost of these Islands are nine or ten leagues long,
have fertile land with mold deep and black; and these produce trees of
various kinds, some of great and tall bodies, especially the Mammee. The
heat is not so violent here as in many other places under the Equator. The
time of year for the rains, is in November, December, and January.'
At _Albany Bay_, and at other of the Islands, the Buccaneers built
storehouses, in which they lodged 5000 packs of their prize flour, and a
quantity of sweetmeats, to remain as a reserved store to which they might
have recourse on any future occasion. Part of this provision was landed at
the Islands Northward of _King James's Island_, to which they went in
search of fresh water, but did not find any. They endeavoured to sail back
to the _Duke of York's Island_, Cowley says, 'there to have watered,' but
a current setting Northward prevented them.
[Sidenote: 12th. They sail from the Galapagos.] On June the 12th, they
sailed from the _Galapagos Islands_ for the Island _Cocos_, where they
proposed to water. The wind at this time was South; but they expected they
should find, as they went Northward, the general trade-wind blowing from
the East; and in that persuasion they steered more Easterly than the line
of direction in which _Cocos_ lay from them, imagining that when they came
to the latitude of the Island, they would have to bear down upon it before
the wind. Contrary however to this expectation, as they advanced Northward
they found the wind more Westerly, till it settled at SWbS, and they got
so far Eastward, that they crossed the parallel of _Cocos_ without being
able to come in sight of it.
[Sidenote: July. Coast of New Spain. Cape Blanco.] Missing _Cocos_, they
sailed on Northward for the coast of _New Spain_. In the beginning of
July, they made the West Cape of the _Gulf of Nicoya_. 'This Cape is about
the height of _Beachy Head_, and was named _Blanco_, on account of two
white rocks lying about half a mile from it, which to those who are far
off at sea, appear as part of the mainland; but on coming nearer, they
appear like two ships under sail[40].'
[Sidenote: John Cook, Buccaneer Commander, dies. Edward Davis chosen
Commander.] The day on which they made this land, the Buccaneer Commander,
John Cook, who had been some time ill, died. Edward Davis, the
Quarter-Master, was unanimously elected by the company to succeed in the
command.
CHAP. XIV.
_=Edward Davis= Commander. On the coast of =New Spain= and
=Peru=. Algatrane, a bituminous earth. =Davis= is joined by
other Buccaneers. =Eaton= sails to the East Indies.
=Guayaquil= attempted. Rivers of =St. Jago=, and =Tomaco=. In
the Bay of =Panama=. Arrivals of numerous parties of
Buccaneers across the =Isthmus= from the =West Indies=._
[Sidenote: 1684. July. Coast of New Spain. Caldera Bay.] Dampier describes
the coast of _New Spain_ immediately westward of the _Cape Blanco_ last
mentioned, to fall in to the NE about four leagues, making a small bay,
which is by the Spaniards called _Caldera_[41]. Within the entrance of
this bay, a league from _Cape Blanco_, was a small brook of very good
water running into the sea. The land here is low, making a saddle between
two small hills. The ships anchored near the brook, in good depth, on a
bottom of clean hard sand; and at this place, their deceased Commander was
taken on shore and buried.
The country appeared thin of inhabitants, and the few seen were shy of
coming near strangers. Two Indians however were caught. Some cattle were
seen grazing near the shore, at a Beef _Estançian_ or Farm, three miles
distant from where the ships lay. Two boats were sent thither to bring
cattle, having with them one of the Indians for a guide. They arrived at
the farm towards evening, and some of the Buccaneers proposed that they
should remain quiet till daylight next morning, when they might surround
the cattle and drive a number of them into a pen or inclosure; others of
the party disliked this plan, and one of the boats returned to the ships.
Twelve men, with the other boat, remained, who hauled their boat dry up on
the beach, and went and took their lodgings for the night by the farm.
When the morning arrived, they found the people of the country had
collected, and saw about 40 armed men preparing to attack them. The
Buccaneers hastened as speedily as they could to the sea-side where they
had left their boat, and found her in flames. 'The Spaniards now thought
they had them secure, and some called to them to ask if they would be
pleased to walk to their plantations; to which never a word was answered.'
Fortunately for the Buccaneers, a rock appeared just above water at some
distance from the shore, and the way to it being fordable, they waded
thither. This served as a place of protection against the enemy, 'who only
now and then whistled a shot among them.' It was at about half ebb tide
when they took to the rock for refuge; on the return of the flood, the
rock became gradually covered. They had been in this situation seven
hours, when a boat arrived, sent from the ships in search of them. The
rise and fall of the tide here was eight feet perpendicular, and the tide
was still rising at the time the boat came to their relief; so that their
peril from the sea when on the rock was not less than it had been from the
Spaniards when they were on shore.
From _Caldera Bay_, they sailed for _Ria-lexa_. [Sidenote: Volcan Viejo.
Ria-lexa Harbour.] The coast near _Ria-lexa_ is rendered remarkable by a
high peaked mountain called _Volcan Viejo_ (the Old Volcano.) 'When the
mountain bears NE, ships may steer directly in for it, which course will
bring them to the harbour. Those that go thither must take the sea wind,
which is from the SSW, for there is no going in with the land wind. The
harbour is made by a low flat Island about a mile long and a quarter of a
mile broad, which lies about a mile and a half from the main-land. There
is a channel at each end of the Island: the West channel is the widest and
safest, yet at the NW point of the Island there is a shoal of which ships
must take heed, and when past the shoal must keep close to the Island on
account of a sandy point which strikes over from the main-land. This
harbour is capable of receiving 200 sail of ships. The best riding is near
the main-land, where the depth is seven or eight fathoms, clean hard sand.
Two creeks lead up to the town of _Ria-lexa_, which is two leagues distant
from the harbour[42].'
The Spaniards had erected breastworks and made other preparation in
expectation of such a visit as the present. The Buccaneers therefore
changed their intention, which had been to attack the town; and sailed on
for the _Gulf of Amapalla_.
[Sidenote: Bay of Amapalla.] 'The Bay or Gulf of _Amapalla_ runs eight or
ten leagues into the country. On the South side of its entrance is _Point
Casivina_, in latitude 12° 40' N; and on the NW side is _Mount San
Miguel_. There are many Islands in this Gulf, all low except two, named
_Amapalla_ and _Mangera_, which are both high land. These are two miles
asunder, and between them is the best channel into the Gulf[43].'
The ships sailed into the _Gulf_ through the channel between _Point
Casivina_ and the Island _Mangera_. Davis went with two canoes before the
ships, and landed at a village on the Island _Mangera_. The inhabitants
kept at a distance, but a Spanish Friar and some Indians were taken, from
whom the Buccaneers learnt that there were two Indian towns or villages on
the _Island Amapalla_; upon which information they hastened to their
canoes, and made for that Island. On coming near, some among the
inhabitants called out to demand who they were, and what they came for.
Davis answered by an interpreter, that he and his men were Biscayners
sent by the King of _Spain_ to clear the sea of Pirates; and that their
business in _Amapalla Bay_, was to careen. No other Spaniard than the
Padre dwelt among these Indians, and only one among the Indians could
speak the Spanish language, who served as a kind of Secretary to the
Padre. The account the Buccaneers gave of themselves satisfied the
natives, and the Secretary said they were welcome. The principal town or
village of the Island _Amapalla_ stood on the top of a hill, and Davis and
his men, with the Friar at their head, marched thither.
At each of the towns on _Amapalla_, and also on _Mangera_, was a handsome
built church. The Spanish Padre officiated at all three, and gave
religious instruction to the natives in their own language. The Islands
were within the jurisdiction of the Governor of the Town of _San Miguel_,
which was at the foot of the _Mount_. 'I observed,' says Dampier, 'in all
the Indian towns under the Spanish Government, that the Images of the
Virgin Mary, and of other Saints with which all their churches are filled,
are painted of an Indian complexion, and partly in an Indian dress: but in
the towns which are inhabited chiefly by Spaniards, the Saints conform to
the Spanish garb and complexion.'
The ships anchored near the East side of the _Island Amapalla_, which is
the largest of the Islands, in 10 fathoms depth, clean hard sand. On other
Islands in the Bay were plantations of maize, with cattle, fowls,
plantains, and abundance of a plum-tree common in _Jamaica_, the fruit of
which Dampier calls the large hog plum. This fruit is oval, with a large
stone and little substance about it; pleasant enough in taste, but he says
he never saw one of these plums ripe that had not a maggot or two in it.
The Buccaneers helped themselves to cattle from an Island in the Bay which
was largely stocked, and which they were informed belonged to a Nunnery.
The natives willingly assisted them to take the cattle, and were content
on receiving small presents for their labour. The Buccaneers had no other
service to desire of these natives, and therefore it must have been from
levity and an ambition to give a specimen of their vocation, more than for
any advantage expected, that they planned to take the opportunity when the
inhabitants should be assembled in their church, to shut the church doors
upon them, the Buccaneers themselves say, 'to let the Indians know who we
were, and to make a bargain with them.' In executing this project, one of
the buccaneers being impatient at the leisurely movements of the
inhabitants, pushed one of them rather rudely, to hasten him into the
church; but the contrary effect was produced, for the native being
frightened, ran away, and all the rest taking alarm 'sprang out of the
church like deer.' As they fled, some of Davis's men fired at them as at
an enemy, and among other injury committed, the Indian Secretary was
killed.
Cowley relates their exploits here very briefly, but in the style of an
accomplished Gazette writer. He says, 'We set sail from _Realejo_ to the
_Gulf of St. Miguel_, where we took two Islands; one was inhabited by
Indians, and the other was well stored with cattle.'
[Sidenote: September. Davis and Eaton part Company.] Davis and Eaton here
broke off consortship. The cause of their separating was an unreasonable
claim of Davis's crew, who having the stouter and better ship, would not
agree that Eaton's men should share equally with themselves in the prizes
taken. Cowley at this time quitted Davis's ship, and entered with Eaton,
who sailed from the _Bay of Amapalla_ for the Peruvian coast. Davis also
sailed the same way on the day following (September the 3d), first
releasing the Priest of _Amapalla_; and with a feeling of remorse
something foreign to his profession, by way of atonement to the
inhabitants for the annoyance and mischief they had sustained from the
Buccaneers, he left them one of the prize vessels, with half a cargo of
flour.
[Sidenote: Tornadoes near the Coast of New Spain.] Davis sailed out of the
Gulf by the passage between the Islands _Amapalla_ and _Mangera_. In the
navigation towards the coast of _Peru_, they had the wind from the NNW and
West, except during tornadoes, of which they had one or more every day,
and whilst they lasted the wind generally blew from the South East; but as
soon as they were over, the wind settled again, in the NW. Tornadoes are
common near the _Bay of Panama_ from June to November, and at this time
were accompanied with much thunder, lightning, and rain.
[Sidenote: Cape San Francisco.] When they came to _Cape San Francisco_,
they found settled fair weather, and the wind at South. On the 20th, they
anchored by the East side of the _Island Plata_. The 21st, Eaton's ship
anchored near them. Eaton had been at the _Island Cocos_, and had lodged
on shore there 200 packages of flour.
[Sidenote: Eaton's Description of Cocos Island.] According to Eaton's
description, _Cocos Island_ is encompassed with rocks, 'which make it
almost inaccessible except at the NE end, where there is a small but
secure harbour; and a fine brook of fresh water runs there into the sea.
The middle of the Island is pretty high, and destitute of trees, but looks
green and pleasant with an herb by the Spaniards called _Gramadiel_. All
round the Island by the sea, the land is low, and there cocoa-nut trees
grow in great groves.'
[Sidenote: Coast of Peru.] At _La Plata_ they found only one small run of
fresh water, which was on the East side of the Island, and trickled slowly
down from the rocks. The Spaniards had recently destroyed the goats here,
that they might not serve as provision for the pirates. Small sea turtle
however were plentiful, as were men-of-war birds and boobies. The tide was
remarked to run strong at this part of the coast, the flood to the South.
Eaton and his crew would willingly have joined company again with Davis,
but Davis's men persisted in their unsociable claim to larger shares: the
two ships therefore, though designing alike to cruise on the coast of
_Peru_, sailed singly and separately, Eaton on the 22d, and Davis on the
day following.
[Sidenote: Point S^{ta} Elena.] Davis went to _Point S^{ta} Elena_. On its
West side is deep water and no anchorage. In the bay on the North side of
the Point is good anchorage, and about a mile within the Point was a small
Indian village, the inhabitants of which carried on a trade with pitch,
and salt made there. The _Point S^{ta} Elena_ is tolerably high, and
overgrown with thistles; but the land near it is sandy, low, and in parts
overflowed, without tree or grass, and without fresh water; but
water-melons grew there, large and very sweet. When the inhabitants of the
village wanted fresh water, they were obliged to fetch it from a river
called the _Colanche_, which is at the innermost part of the bay, four
leagues distant from their habitations. The buccaneers landed, and took
some natives prisoners. A small bark was lying in the bay at anchor, the
crew of which set fire to and abandoned her; but the buccaneers boarded
her in time to extinguish the fire. A general order had been given by the
Viceroy of _Peru_ to all ship-masters, that if they should be in danger of
being taken by pirates, they should set fire to their vessels and betake
themselves to their boats.
[Sidenote: Algatrane, a bituminous Earth.] The pitch, which was the
principal commodity produced at _S^{ta} Elena_, was supplied from a hot
spring, of which Dampier gives the following account. 'Not far from the
Indian village, and about five paces within high-water mark, a bituminous
matter boils out of a little hole in the earth. It is like thin tar; the
Spaniards call it _Algatrane_. By much boiling, it becomes hard like
pitch, and is used by the Spaniards instead of pitch. It boils up most at
high water, and the inhabitants save it in jars[44].'
[Sidenote: A rich Ship formerly wrecked on Point S^{ta} Elena.] A report
was current here among the Spaniards, 'that many years before, a rich
Spanish ship was driven ashore at _Point S^{ta} Elena_, for want of wind
to work her; that immediately after she struck, she heeled off to seaward,
and sunk in seven or eight fathoms water; and that no one ever attempted
to fish for her, because there falls in here a great high sea[45].'
[Sidenote: Manta.] Davis landed at a village named _Manta_, on the
main-land about three leagues Eastward of _Cape San Lorenzo_, and due
North of a high conical mountain called _Monte Christo_. The village was
on a small ascent, and between it and the sea was a spring of good water.
[Sidenote: Sunken Rocks near it.] 'About a mile and a half from the shore,
right opposite the village, is a rock which is very dangerous, because it
never appears above water, neither does the sea break upon it. A mile
within the rock is good anchorage in six, eight or ten fathoms, hard sand
and clear ground. [Sidenote: And Shoal.] A mile from the road on the West
side is a shoal which runs out a mile into the sea[46].'
The only booty made by landing at _Manta_, was the taking two old women
prisoners. From them however, the Buccaneers obtained intelligence that
many of their fraternity had lately crossed the _Isthmus_ from the _West
Indies_, and were at this time on the _South Sea_, without ships, cruising
about in canoes; and that it was on this account the Viceroy had given
orders for the destruction of the goats at the Island _Plata_.
[Sidenote: October. Davis is joined by other Buccaneers.] Whilst Davis and
his men, in the Batchelor's Delight, were lying at the Island _Plata_,
unsettled in their plans by the news they had received, they were, on
October the 2d, joined by the Cygnet, Captain Swan, and by a small bark
manned with a crew of buccaneers, both of which anchored in the road.
[Sidenote: The Cygnet, Captain Swan.] The Cygnet, as before noticed, was
fitted out from _London_ for the purpose of trade. She had put in at
_Baldivia_, where Swan, seeing the Spaniards suspicious of the visits of
strangers, gave out that he was bound to the _East Indies_, and that he
had endeavoured to go by the _Cape of Good Hope_; but that meeting there
with storms and unfavourable winds, and not being able to beat round that
_Cape_, he had changed his course and ran for the _Strait of Magalhanes_,
to sail by the _Pacific Ocean_ to _India_. This story was too improbable
to gain credit. Instead of finding a market at _Baldivia_, the Spaniards
there treated him and his people as enemies, by which he lost two men and
had several wounded. He afterwards tried the disposition of the Spaniards
to trade with him at other places, both in _Chili_ and _Peru_, but no
where met encouragement. He proceeded Northward for _New Spain_ still with
the same view; but near the _Gulf of Nicoya_ he fell in with some
buccaneers who had come over the _Isthmus_ and were in canoes; and his men
(Dampier says) forced him to receive them into his ship, and he was
afterwards prevailed on to join in their pursuits. Swan had to plead in
his excuse, the hostility of the Spaniards towards him at _Baldivia_.
These buccaneers with whom Swan associated, had for their commander Peter
Harris, a nephew of the Peter Harris who was killed in battle with the
Spaniards in the _Bay of Panama_, in 1680, when the Buccaneers were
commanded by Sawkins and Coxon. Swan stipulated with them that ten shares
of every prize should be set apart for the benefit of his owners, and
articles to that purport were drawn up and signed. Swan retained the
command of the Cygnet, with a crew increased by a number of the new
comers, for whose accommodation a large quantity of bulky goods belonging
to the merchants was thrown into the sea. Harris with others of the
buccaneers established themselves in a small bark they had taken.
On their meeting with Davis, there was much joy and congratulation on all
sides. They immediately agreed to keep together, and the separation of
Eaton's ship was now much regretted. They were still incommoded in Swan's
ship for want of room, therefore (the supercargoes giving consent)
whatever part of the cargo any of the crews desired to purchase, it was
sold to them upon trust; and more bulky goods were thrown overboard. Iron,
of which there was a large quantity, was kept for ballast; and the finer
goods, as silks, muslins, stockings, &c. were saved. [Sidenote: At Isle de
la Plata.] Whilst they continued at _La Plata_, Davis kept a small bark
out cruising, which brought in a ship from _Guayaquil_, laden with timber,
the master of which reported that great preparations were making at
_Callao_ to attack the pirates. This information made a re-union with
Eaton more earnestly desired, and a small bark manned with 20 men was
dispatched to search along the coast Southward as far as to the _Lobos
Isles_, with an invitation to him to join them again. The ships in the
mean time followed leisurely in the same direction.
[Sidenote: Cape Blanco, near Guayaquil; difficult to weather.] On the
30th, they were off the _Cape Blanco_ which is between _Payta_ and the
_Bay of Guayaquil_. Southerly winds prevail along the coast of _Peru_ and
_Chili_ much the greater part of the year; and Dampier remarks of this
_Cape Blanco_, that it was reckoned the most difficult to weather of any
headland along the coast, the wind generally blowing strong from SSW or
SbW, without being altered, as at other parts of the coast, by the land
winds. Yet it was held necessary here to beat up close in with the shore,
because (according to the accounts of Spanish seamen) 'on standing out to
sea, a current is found setting NW, which will carry a ship farther off
shore in two hours, than she can run in again in five.'
[Sidenote: November. Payta burnt.] November the 3d, the Buccaneers landed
at _Payta_ without opposition, the town being abandoned to them. They
found nothing of value, 'not so much as a meal of victuals being left
them.' The Governor would not pay ransom for the town, though he fed the
Buccaneers with hopes till the sixth day, when they set it on fire.
At most of the towns on the coast of _Peru_, the houses are built with
bricks made of earth and straw kneaded together and dried in the sun; many
houses have no roof other than mats laid upon rafters, for it never rains,
and they endeavour to fence only from the sun. From the want of moisture,
great part of the country near the coast will not produce timber, and most
of the stone they have, 'is so brittle that any one may rub it into sand
with their finger.'
_Payta_ had neither wood nor water, except what was carried thither. The
water was procured from a river about two leagues NNE of the town, where
was a small Indian village called _Colan_. [Sidenote: Part of the Peruvian
Coast where it never rains.] Dampier says, 'this dry country commences
Northward about _Cape Blanco_ (in about 4° S latitude) whence it reaches
to latitude 30° S, in which extent they have no rain that I could ever
observe or hear of.' In the Southern part of this tract however (according
to Wafer) they have great dews in the night, by which the vallies are
rendered fertile, and are well furnished with vegetables.
Eaton had been at _Payta_, where he burnt a large ship in the road, but
did not land. He put on shore there all his prisoners; from which
circumstance it was conjectured that he purposed to sail immediately for
the _East Indies_; and such proved to be the fact.
The vessel commanded by Harris, sailed badly, and was therefore quitted
and burnt. [Sidenote: Lobos de Tierra. Lobos de la Mar.] On the 14th, the
other Buccaneer vessels, under Davis, anchored near the NE end of _Lobos
de Tierra_, in four fathoms depth. They took here penguins, boobies, and
seals. On the 19th, they were at _Lobos de la Mar_, where they found a
letter left by the bark sent in search of Eaton, which gave information
that he had entirely departed from the American coast. The bark had sailed
for the Island _Plata_ expecting to rejoin the ships there.
[Sidenote: Eaton sails for the East Indies; Stops at the Ladrones.] Eaton
in his route to the _East Indies_ stopped at _Guahan_, one of the _Ladrone
Islands_, where himself and his crew acted towards the native Islanders
with the utmost barbarity, which Cowley relates as a subject of merriment.
On their first arrival at _Guahan_, Eaton sent a boat on shore to procure
refreshments; but the natives kept at a distance, believing his ship to be
one of the Manila galeons, and his people Spaniards. Eaton's men served
themselves with cocoa-nuts, but finding difficulty in climbing, they cut
the trees down to get at the fruit. The next time their boat went to the
shore, the Islanders attacked her, but were easily repulsed; and a number
of them killed. By this time the Spanish Governor was arrived at the part
of the Island near which the ship had anchored, and sent a letter
addressed to her Commander, written in four different languages, to wit,
in Spanish, French, Dutch, and Latin, to demand of what country she was,
and whence she came. Cowley says, 'Our Captain, thinking the French would
be welcomer than the English, returned answer we were French, fitted out
by private merchants to make fuller discovery of the world. The Governor
on this, invited the Captain to the shore, and at their first conference,
the Captain told him that the Indians had fallen upon his men, and that we
had killed some of them. He wished we had killed them all, and told us of
their rebellion, that they had killed eight Fathers, of sixteen which were
in a convent. He gave us leave to kill and take whatever we could find on
one half of the Island where the rebels lived. We then made wars with
these infidels, and went on shore every day, fetching provisions, and
firing upon them wherever we saw them, so that the greatest part of them
left the Island. The Indians sent two of their captains to us to treat of
peace, but we would not treat with them[47].'--'The whole land is a
garden. The Governor was the same man who detained Sir John Narbrough's
Lieutenant at _Baldivia_. Our Captain supplied him with four barrels of
gunpowder, and arms.'
Josef de Quiroga was at this time Governor at _Guahan_, who afterwards
conquered and unpeopled all the Northern Islands of the _Ladrones_.
Eaton's crew took some of the Islanders prisoners: three of them jumped
overboard to endeavour to escape. It was easy to retake them, as they had
been bound with their hands behind them; but Eaton's men pursued them with
the determined purpose to kill them, which they did in mere wantonness of
sport[48]. At another time, when they had so far come to an accommodation
with the Islanders as to admit of their approach, the ship's boat being on
shore fishing with the seine, some natives in canoes near her were
suspected of intending mischief. Cowley relates, 'our people that were in
the boat let go in amongst the thickest of them, and killed a great many
of their number.' It is possible that thus much might have been necessary
for safety; but Cowley proceeds, 'the others, seeing their mates fall, ran
away. Our other men which were on shore, meeting them, saluted them also
by making holes in their hides.'
From the _Ladrones_ Eaton sailed to the North of _Luconia_, and passed
through among the Islands which were afterwards named by Dampier the
_Bashee Islands_. The account given by Cowley is as follows: 'There being
half a point East variation, till we came to latitude 20° 30' N, where we
fell in with a parcel of Islands lying to the Northward of _Luconia_. On
the 23d day of April, we sailed through between the second and third of
the Northernmost of them. We met with a very strong current, like the
_Race of Portland_. [Sidenote: Nutmeg Island, North of Luconia.] At the
third of the Northernmost Islands, we sent our boat on shore, where they
found abundance of nutmegs growing, but no people. They observed abundance
of rocks and foul ground near the shore, and saw many goats upon the
Island.'
Cowley concludes the narrative of his voyage with saying that he arrived
home safe to _England_ through the infinite mercy of God.
[Sidenote: Coast of Peru. Davis attempts Guayaquil. Slave Ships captured.]
To return to Edward Davis: At _Lobos de la Mar_, the Mosquito Indians
struck as much turtle as served all the crews. Shortly after, Davis made
an attempt to surprise _Guayaquil_, which miscarried through the cowardice
of one of his men, and the coldness of Swan to the enterprise. In the _Bay
of Guayaquil_ they captured four vessels; one of them laden with woollen
cloth of _Quito_ manufacture; the other three were ships coming out of the
_River of Guayaquil_ with cargoes of Negroes.
The number of Negroes in these vessels was a thousand, from among which
Davis and Swan chose each about fifteen, and let the vessels go. Dampier
entertained on this occasion different views from his companions. 'Never,'
says he, 'was put into the hands of men a greater opportunity to enrich
themselves. We had 1000 Negroes, all lusty young men and women, and we had
200 tons of flour stored up at the _Galapagos Islands_. With these Negroes
we might have gone and settled at _Santa Maria_ on the _Isthmus of
Darien_, and have employed them in getting gold out of the mines there.
All the Indians living in that neighbourhood were mortal enemies to the
Spaniards, were flushed by successes against them, and for several years
had been the fast friends of the privateers. Add to which, we should have
had the _North Sea_ open to us, and in a short time should have received
assistance from all parts of the _West Indies_. Many thousands of
Buccaneers from _Jamaica_ and the French Islands would have flocked to us;
and we should have been an overmatch for all the force the Spaniards could
have brought out of _Peru_ against us.'
The proposal to employ slaves in the mines leaves no cause to regret that
Dampier's plan was not adopted; but that was probably not an objection
with his companions. They naturally shrunk from an attempt which in the
execution would have required a regularity and order to which they were
unaccustomed, and not at all affected.
[Sidenote: Description of the Harbour of Guayaquil.] The Harbour of
_Guayaquil_ is the best formed port in _Peru_. In the river, three or four
miles short of the town, stands a low Island about a mile long, on either
side of which is a fair channel to pass up or down. The Western Channel is
the wildest: the other is as deep. 'From the upper part of the Island to
the town is about a league, and it is near as much from one side of the
river to the other. In that spacious place ships of the greatest burthen
may ride afloat; but the best place for ships is near that part of the
land on which the town stands. The country here is subject to great rains
and thick fogs, which render it very unwholesome and sickly, in the
vallies especially; _Guayaquil_ however is not so unhealthy as _Quito_ and
other towns inland; but the Northern part of Peru pays for the dry weather
which they have about _Lima_ and to the Southward.'
[Sidenote: Island S^{ta} Clara. Shoals near its North Side.] 'Ships bound
into the river of _Guayaquil_ pass on the South side of the Island _Santa
Clara_ to avoid shoals which are on the North side, whereon formerly ships
have been wrecked. A rich wreck lay on the North side of _Santa Clara_ not
far from the Island, and some plate which was in her was taken up: more
might have been saved but for the cat-fish which swarm hereabouts.
[Sidenote: Cat Fish.] 'The Cat-fish is much like a whiting; but the head
is flatter and bigger. It has a wide mouth, and certain small strings
pointing out on each side of it like cats' whiskers. It hath three fins;
one on the back, and one on either side. Each of these fins hath a sharp
bone which is very venemous if it strikes into a man's flesh. Some of the
Indians that adventured to search this wreck lost their lives, and others
the use of their limbs, by these fins. Some of the cat-fish weigh seven or
eight pounds; and in some places there are cat-fish which are none of them
bigger than a man's thumb; but their fins are all alike venemous. They are
most generally at the mouths of rivers (in the hot latitudes) or where
there is much mud and ooze. The bones in their bodies are not venemous,
and we never perceived any bad effect in eating the fish, which is very
sweet and wholesome meat[49].'
The 13th, Davis and Swan with their prizes sailed from the _Bay of
Guayaquil_ to the Island _Plata_, and found there the bark which had been
in quest of Eaton's ship.
From _Plata_, they sailed Northward towards the _Bay of Panama_, landing
at the villages along the coast to seek provisions. They were ill provided
with boats, which exposed them to danger in making descents, by their not
being able to land or bring off many men at one time; and they judged that
the best places for getting their wants in this respect supplied would be
in rivers of the Continent, in which the Spaniards had no settlement,
where from the native inhabitants they might obtain canoes by traffic or
purchase, if not otherwise. Dampier remarks that there were many such
unfrequented rivers in the Continent to the Northward of the _Isle de la
Plata_; and that from the Equinoctial to the _Gulf de San Miguel_ in the
_Bay of Panama_, which is above eight degrees of latitude, the coast was
not inhabited by the Spaniards, nor were the Indians who lived there in
any manner under their subjection, except at one part near the Island
_Gallo_, 'where on the banks of a Gold River or two, some Spaniards had
settled to find gold.'
[Sidenote: The Land Northward of Cape San Francisco. The Cotton Tree and
Cabbage Tree.] The land by the sea-coast to the North of _Cape San
Francisco_ is low and extremely woody; the trees are of extraordinary
height and bigness; and in this part of the coast are large and navigable
rivers. The white cotton-tree, which bears a very fine sort of cotton,
called silk cotton, is the largest tree in these woods; and the
cabbage-tree is the tallest. Dampier has given full descriptions of both.
He measured a cabbage-tree 120 feet in length, and some were longer. 'It
has no limbs nor boughs except at the head, where there are branches
something bigger than a man's arm. The cabbage-fruit shoots out in the
midst of these branches, invested or folded in leaves; and is as big as
the small of a man's leg, and a foot long. It is white as milk, and sweet
as a nut if eaten raw, and is very sweet and wholesome if boiled.'
[Sidenote: River of St. Jago.] The Buccaneers entered a river with their
boats, in or near latitude 2° N, which Dampier, from some Spanish
pilot-book, calls the _River of St. Jago_. It was navigable some leagues
within the entrance, and seems to be the river marked with the name
_Patia_ in the late Spanish charts, a name which has allusion to spreading
branches.
Davis's men went six leagues up the river without seeing habitation or
people. They then came in sight of two small huts, the inhabitants of
which hurried into canoes with their household-stuff, and paddled upwards
against the stream faster than they could be pursued. More houses were
seen higher up; but the stream ran here so swift, that the Buccaneers
would not be at the labour of proceeding. [Sidenote: Island Gallo.] They
found in the two deserted huts, a hog, some fowls and plantains, which
they dressed on the spot, and after their meal returned to the ships,
which were at the _Island Gallo_.
'The Island _Gallo_ is clothed with timber, and here was a spring of good
water at the NE end, with good landing in a small sandy bay, and secure
riding in six or seven fathoms depth[50].'
[Sidenote: River Tomaco.] They entered with their boats another large
river, called the _Tomaco_, the entrance of which is but three leagues
from the _Island Gallo_. This river was shoal at the mouth, and navigable
for small vessels only. A little within, was a village called _Tomaco_,
some of the inhabitants of which they took prisoners, and carried off a
dozen jars of good wine.
[Sidenote: 1685. January.] On the 1st of January, they took a packet-boat
bound for _Lima_, which the President of _Panama_ had dispatched to hasten
the sailing of the Plate Fleet from _Callao_; the treasure sent from
_Peru_ and _Chili_ to _Old Spain_ being usually first collected at
_Panama_, and thence transported on mules to _Portobello_. The Buccaneers
judged that the _Pearl Islands_ in the _Bay of Panama_ would be the best
station they could occupy for intercepting ships from _Lima_.
On the 7th, they left _Gallo_, and pursued their course Northward. An
example occurs here of Buccaneer order and discipline. 'We weighed,' says
Dampier, 'before day, and all got out of the road except Captain Swan's
tender, which never budged; for the men were all asleep when we went out,
and the tide of flood coming on before they awoke, we were forced to stay
for them till the following tide.'
[Sidenote: Island Gorgona.] On the 8th, they took a vessel laden with
flour. The next day they anchored on the West side of the _Island
Gorgona_, in 38 fathoms depth clear ground, a quarter of a mile from the
shore. _Gorgona_ was uninhabited; and like _Gallo_ covered with trees. It
is pretty high, and remarkable by two saddles, or risings and fallings on
the top. It is about two leagues long, one broad, and is four leagues
distant from the mainland. It was well watered at this time with small
brooks issuing from the high land. At its West end is another small
Island. The tide rises and falls seven or eight feet; and at low water
shell-fish, as periwinkles, muscles, and oysters, may be taken. At
_Gorgona_ were small black monkeys. 'When the tide was out, the monkeys
would come down to the sea-shore for shell-fish. Their way was to take up
an oyster and lay it upon a stone, and with another stone to keep beating
of it till they broke the shell[51].' [Sidenote: Pearl Oysters.] The pearl
oyster was here in great plenty: they are flatter than other oysters, are
slimy, and taste copperish if eaten raw, but were thought good when
boiled. The Indians and Spaniards hang the meat of them on strings to dry.
'The pearl is found at the head of the oyster, between the meat and the
shell. Some have 20 or 30 small seed-pearl, some none at all, and some one
or two pretty large pearls. The inside of the shell is more glorious than
the pearl itself[52].'
[Sidenote: Bay of Panama. Galera Isle.] They put some of their prisoners
on shore at _Gorgona_, and sailed thence on the 13th, being six sail in
company; that is to say, Davis's ship, Swan's ship, three tenders, and
their last prize. The 21st, they arrived in the _Bay of Panama_, and
anchored at a small low and barren Island named _Galera_.
On the 25th, they went from _Galera_ to one of the Southern _Pearl
Islands_, where they lay the ships aground to clean, the rise and fall of
the sea at the spring tides being ten feet perpendicular. The small barks
were kept out cruising, and on the 31st, they brought in a vessel bound
for _Panama_ from _Lavelia_, a town on the West side of the _Bay_, laden
with Indian corn, salt beef, and fowls.
Notwithstanding it had been long reported that a fleet was fitting out in
_Peru_ to clear the _South Sea_ of pirates, the small force under Davis,
Swan, and Harris, amounting to little more than 250 men, remained several
weeks in uninterrupted possession of the _Bay of Panama_, blocking up
access to the city by sea, supplying themselves with provisions from the
Islands, and plundering whatsoever came in their way.
[Sidenote: The Pearl Islands.] The _Pearl Islands_ are woody, and the soil
rich. They are cultivated with plantations of rice, plantains, and
bananas, for the support of the City of _Panama_. Dampier says, 'Why they
are called the _Pearl Islands_ I cannot imagine, for I did never see one
pearl oyster about them, but of other oysters many. It is very pleasant
sailing here, having the mainland on one side, which appears in divers
forms, beautified with small hills clothed with woods always green and
flourishing; and on the other side, the _Pearl Islands_, which also make a
lovely prospect as you sail by them.'
The Buccaneers went daily in their canoes among the different Islands, to
fish, fowl, or hunt for guanoes. One man so employed and straggling from
his party, was surprised by the Spaniards, and carried to _Panama_.
[Sidenote: February.] In the middle of February, Davis, who appears to
have always directed their movements as the chief in command, went with
his ships and anchored near the City of _Panama_. He negociated with the
Governor an exchange of prisoners, and was glad by the release of forty
Spaniards to obtain the deliverance of two Buccaneers; one of them the
straggler just mentioned; the other, one of Harris's men.
A short time after this exchange, as the Buccaneer ships were at anchor
near the Island _Taboga_, which is about four leagues to the South of
_Panama_, they were visited by a Spaniard in a canoe, who pretended he was
a merchant and wanted to traffic with them privately. He proposed to come
off to the ships in the night with a small vessel laden with such goods as
the Buccaneers desired to purchase. This was agreed to, and he came with
his vessel when it was dark; but instead of a cargo of goods, she was
fitted up as a fire-ship with combustibles. The Buccaneers had suspected
his intention and were on their guard; but to ward off the mischief, were
obliged to cut from their anchors and set sail.
In the morning they returned to their anchorage, which they had scarcely
regained when a fresh cause of alarm occurred. Dampier relates, [Sidenote:
Arrival of fresh bodies of Buccaneers from the West Indies.] 'We were
striving to recover the anchors we had parted from, but the buoy-ropes,
being rotten, broke, and whilst we were puzzling about our anchors, we saw
a great many canoes full of men pass between the Island _Taboga_ and
another Island, which at first put us into a new consternation. We lay
still some time, till we saw they made directly towards us; upon which we
weighed and stood towards them. When we came within hail, we found that
they were English and French privateers just come from the _North Sea_
over the _Isthmus of Darien_. We presently came to an anchor again, and
all the canoes came on board.'
[Sidenote: Grogniet and L'Escuyer.] This new arrival of Buccaneers to the
_South Sea_ consisted of 200 Frenchmen and 80 Englishmen, commanded by two
Frenchmen named Grogniet and L'Escuyer. Grogniet had a commission to war
on the Spaniards from a French West-India Governor. The Englishmen of this
party upon joining Davis, were received into the ships of their
countrymen, and the largest of the prize vessels, which was a ship named
the San Rosario, was given to the Frenchmen.
From these new confederates it was learnt, that another party, consisting
of 180 Buccaneers, commanded by an Englishman named Townley, had crossed
the _Isthmus_, and were building canoes in the _Gulf de San Miguel_; on
which intelligence, it was determined to sail to that Gulf, that the whole
buccaneer force in this sea might be joined. Grogniet in return for the
ship given to the French Buccaneers, offered to Davis and Swan new
commissions from the Governor of _Petit Goave_, by whom he had been
furnished with spare commissions with blanks, to be filled up and disposed
of at his own discretion. Davis accepted Grogniet's present, 'having
before only an old commission which had belonged to Captain Tristian, and
which, being found in Tristian's ship when she was carried off by Cook,
had devolved as an inheritance to Davis.' The commissions which, by
whatever means, the Buccaneers procured, were not much protection in the
event of their falling into the hands of the Spaniards, unless the nation
of which the Buccaneer was a native happened to be then at war with
_Spain_. Instances were not uncommon in the _West Indies_ of the Spaniards
hanging up their buccaneer prisoners with their commissions about their
necks. But the commissions were allowed to be valid in the ports of other
powers. Swan however refused the one offered him, and rested his
justification on the orders he had received from the Duke of York; in
which he was directed, neither to give offence to the Spaniards, nor to
submit to receive affront from them: they had done him injury in killing
his men at _Baldivia_, and he held his orders to be a lawful commission to
do himself right.
[Sidenote: March. Townley and his Crew.] On the 3d of March, as they
approached the _Gulf de San Miguel_ to meet the Buccaneers under Townley,
they were again surprised by seeing two ships standing towards them. These
proved to be Townley and his men, in two prizes they had already taken,
one laden with flour, the other with wine, brandy, and sugar; both
designed for _Panama_. [Sidenote: Pisco Wine.] The wine came from _Pisco_,
'which place is famous for wine, and was contained in jars of seven or
eight gallons each. Ships which lade at _Pisco_ stow the jars one tier on
the top of another, so artificially that we could hardly do the like
without breaking them: yet they often carry in this manner 1500 or 2000,
or more, in a ship, and seldom break one.'
On this junction of the Buccaneers, they went altogether to the _Pearl
Islands_ to make arrangements, and to fit their prize vessels as well as
circumstances would admit, for their new occupation. Among the
preparations necessary to their equipment, it was not the last which
occurred, that the jars from _Pisco_ were wanted to contain their sea
stock of fresh water; for which service they were in a short time rendered
competent.
The 10th, they took a small bark in ballast, from _Guayaquil_. On the
12th, some Indians in a canoe came out of the River _Santa Maria_,
purposely to inform them that a large body of English and French
Buccaneers were then on their march over the _Isthmus_ from the _North
Sea_. This was not all; for on the 15th, one of the small barks which were
kept out cruising, fell in with a vessel in which were six Englishmen, who
were part of a crew of Buccaneers that had been six months in the _South
Sea_, under the command of a William Knight. These six men had been sent
in a canoe in chase of a vessel, which they came up with and took; but
they had chased out of sight of their own ship, and could not afterwards
find her. Davis gave the command of this vessel to Harris, who took
possession of her with a crew of his own followers, and he was sent to the
River _Santa Maria_ to look for the buccaneers, of whose coming the
Indians had given information.
This was the latter part of the dry season in the _Bay of Panama_.
Hitherto fresh water had been found in plenty at the _Pearl Islands_; but
the springs and rivulets were now dried up. The Buccaneers examined within
_Point Garachina_, but found no fresh water. [Sidenote: Port de Pinas.
25th. Taboga Isle.] They searched along the coast Southward, and on the
25th, at a narrow opening in the mainland with two small rocky Islands
before it, about seven leagues distant from _Point Garachina_, which
Dampier supposed to be _Port de Pinas_, they found a stream of good water
which ran into the sea; but the harbour was open to the SW, and a swell
set in, which rendered watering there difficult and hazardous: the fleet
(for they were nine sail in company) therefore stood for the Island
_Taboga_, 'where,' says Dampier, 'we were sure to find a supply.'
[Sidenote: April.] Their boats being sent before the ships, came
unexpectedly upon some of the inhabitants of _Panama_ who were loading a
canoe with plantains, and took them prisoners. One among these, a Mulatto,
had the imprudence to say he was in the fire-ship which had been sent in
the night to burn the Buccaneer ships; upon which, the Buccaneers
immediately hanged him.
They had chocolate, but no sugar; and all the kettles they possessed,
constantly kept boiling, were not sufficient to dress victuals for so many
men. Whilst the ships lay at _Taboga_, a detachment was sent to a
sugar-work on the mainland, from which they returned with sugar and three
coppers.
[Sidenote: More Buccaneers arrive.] On the 11th of April, they went from
_Tabogo_ to the _Pearl Islands_, and were there joined by the Flibustiers
and Buccaneers of whose coming they had been last apprised, consisting of
264 men, commanded by Frenchmen named Rose, Le Picard, and Des-marais. Le
Picard was a veteran who had served under Lolonois and Morgan. In this
party came Raveneau de Lussan, whose Journal is said to be the only one
kept by any of the French who were in this expedition.
Lussan's Narrative is written with much misplaced gaiety, which comes
early into notice, and shews him to have been, even whilst young and
unpractised in the occupation of a Buccaneer, of a disposition delighting
in cruelty. In the account of his journey overland from the _West Indies_,
he relates instances which he witnessed of the great dexterity of the
monkeys which inhabited the forests, and among others the following: '_Je
ne puis me souvenir sans rire de l'action que je vis faire a un de ces
animaux, auquel apres avoir tiré plusieurs coups de fusil qui lui
emportoient une partie du ventre, en sorte que toutes ses tripes
sortoient; je le vis se tenir d'une de ses pates, ou mains si l'on veut, a
une branche d'arbre, tandis que de l'autre il ramassoit ses intestins
qu'il se refouroit dans ce qui lui restoit de ventre[53]._'
Ambrose Cowley and Raveneau de Lussan are well matched for comparison,
alike not only in their dispositions, but in their conceptions, which made
them imagine the recital of such actions would be read with delight.
The Buccaneers in the _Bay of Panama_ were now nearly a thousand strong,
and they held a consultation whether or not they should attack the city.
They had just before learnt from an intercepted packet that the Lima Fleet
was at sea, richly charged with treasure; and that it was composed of all
the naval force the Spaniards in _Peru_ had been able to collect: it was
therefore agreed not to attempt the city at the present, but to wait
patiently the arrival of the Spanish fleet, and give it battle. [Sidenote:
Chepo.] The only enterprise they undertook on the main-land in the mean
time, was against the town of _Chepo_, where they found neither opposition
nor plunder.
The small Island _Chepillo_ near the mouth of the river which leads to
_Chepo_, Dampier reckoned the most pleasant of all the Islands in the
_Bay of Panama_. 'It is low on the North side, and rises by a small ascent
towards the South side. The soil is yellow, a kind of clay. The low land
is planted with all sorts of delicate fruits.' The Islands in the Bay
being occupied by the Buccaneers, caused great scarcity of provision and
distress at _Panama_, much of the consumption in that city having usually
been supplied from the Islands, which on that account and for their
pleasantness were called the Gardens of _Panama_.
In this situation things remained till near the end of May, the Buccaneers
in daily expectation of seeing the fleet from _Lima_, of which it is now
time to speak.
CHAP. XV.
_=Edward Davis= Commander. Meeting of the Spanish and Buccaneer
Fleets in the =Bay of Panama=. They separate without fighting.
The Buccaneers sail to the Island =Quibo=. The English and
French separate. Expedition against the City of =Leon=. That
City and =Ria Lexa= burnt. Farther dispersion of the
Buccaneers._
[Sidenote: 1685. May. Bay of Panama.] The Viceroy of _Peru_ judged the
Fleet he had collected, to be strong enough to encounter the Buccaneers,
and did not fear to trust the treasure to its protection; but he gave
directions to the Commander of the Fleet to endeavour to avoid a meeting
with them until after the treasure should be safely landed. In pursuance
of this plan, the Spanish Admiral, as he drew near the _Bay of Panama_,
kept more Westward than the usual course, and fell in with the coast of
_Veragua_ to the West of the _Punta Mala_. Afterwards, he entered the
_Bay_ with his fleet keeping close to the West shore; and to place the
treasure out of danger as soon as possible, he landed it at _Lavelia_,
thinking it most probable his fleet would be descried by the enemy before
he could reach _Panama_, which must have happened if the weather had not
been thick, or if the Buccaneers had kept a sharper look-out by stationing
tenders across the entrance of the _Bay_. [Sidenote: The Lima Fleet
arrives at Panama.] In consequence of this being neglected, the Spanish
fleet arrived and anchored before the city of _Panama_ without having been
perceived by them, and immediately on their arrival, the crews of the
ships were reinforced with a number of European seamen who had purposely
been sent over land from _Porto Bello_. Thus strengthened, and the
treasure being placed out of danger, the Spanish Admiral took up his
anchors, and stood from the road before _Panama_ towards the middle of the
Bay, in quest of the Buccaneers.
[Sidenote: 28th.] May the 28th, the morning was rainy: the Buccaneer fleet
was lying at anchor near the Island _Pacheca_, the Northernmost of the
_Pearl Islands_. At eleven o'clock in the forenoon, the weather cleared
up, when the Spanish fleet appeared in sight about three leagues distant
from them to the WNW. The wind was light from the Southward, and they were
standing sharp trimmed towards the Buccaneers.
[Sidenote: Meeting of the two Fleets.] Lussan dates this their meeting
with the Spanish Fleet, to be on June the 7th. Ten days alteration of the
style had taken place in _France_ three years before, and no alteration of
style had yet been adopted in _England_.
[Sidenote: Force of the Buccaneer.] The Buccaneer fleet was composed of
ten sail of vessels, of different sizes, manned with 960 men, almost all
Europeans; but, excepting the Batchelor's Delight and the Cygnet, none of
their vessels had cannon. Edward Davis was regarded as the Admiral. His
ship mounted 36 guns, and had a crew of 156 men, most of them English; but
as he was furnished with a French commission, and _France_ was still at
war with _Spain_, he carried aloft a white flag, in which was painted a
hand and sword. Swan's ship had 16 guns, with a crew of 140 men, all
English, and carried a Saint George's flag at her main-topmast head. The
rest of their fleet was well provided with small-arms, and the crews were
dexterous in the use of them. Grogniet's ship was the most powerful,
except in cannon, her crew consisting of 308 men.
[Sidenote: Force of the Spanish Fleet.] The Spanish fleet numbered
fourteen sail, six of which were provided with cannon; six others with
musketry only, and two were fitted up as fire-ships. The buccaneer
accounts say the Spanish Admiral had 48 guns mounted, and 450 men; the
Vice-Admiral 40 guns, and men in proportion; the Rear-Admiral 36 guns,
one of the other ships 24, one 18, and one 8 guns; and that the number of
men in their fleet was above 2500; but more than one half of them Indians
or slaves.
When the two fleets first had sight of each other, Grogniet's ship lay at
anchor a mile to leeward of his confederates, on which account he weighed
anchor, and stood close upon a wind to the Eastward, intending to turn up
to the other ships; but in endeavouring to tack, he missed stays twice,
which kept him at a distance all the fore part of the day. From the
superiority of the Spaniards in cannon, and of the buccaneer crews in
musketry, it was evident that distant fighting was most to the advantage
of the Spaniards; and that the Buccaneers had to rest their hopes of
success on close fighting and boarding. Davis was fully of this opinion,
and at three o'clock in the afternoon, the enemy's fleet being directly to
leeward and not far distant, he got his vessels under sail and bore right
down upon them, making a signal at the same time to Grogniet to board the
Spanish Vice-Admiral, who was some distance separate from the other ships
of his fleet.
Here may be contemplated the Buccaneers at the highest pitch of elevation
to which they at any time attained. If they obtained the victory, it would
give them the sole dominion of the _South Sea_; and Davis, the buccaneer
Commander, aimed at no less; but he was ill seconded, and was not
possessed of authority to enforce obedience to his commands.
The order given to Grogniet was not put in execution, and when Davis had
arrived with his ship within cannon-shot of the Spaniards, Swan shortened
sail and lowered his ensign, to signify he was of opinion that it would be
best to postpone fighting till the next day. Davis wanting the support of
two of the most able ships of his fleet, was obliged to forego his
intention, and no act of hostility passed during the afternoon and
evening except the exchange of some shot between his own ship and that of
the Spanish Vice-Admiral.
When it was dark, the Spanish fleet anchored, and at the same time, the
Spanish Admiral took in his light, and ordered a light to be shewn from
one of his small vessels, which he sent to leeward. The Buccaneers were
deceived by this artifice, believing the light they saw to be that of the
Spanish Admiral, and they continued under sail, thinking themselves secure
of the weather-gage. [Sidenote: 29th.] At daylight the next morning the
Spaniards were seen well collected, whilst the buccaneer vessels were much
dispersed. Grogniet and Townley were to windward of the Spaniards; but all
the rest, contrary to what they had expected, were to leeward. At sunrise,
the Spanish fleet got under sail and bore down towards the leeward
buccaneer ships. The Buccaneers thought it not prudent to fight under such
disadvantages, and did not wait to receive them. They were near the small
Island _Pacheca_, on the South side of which are some Islands yet smaller.
Among these Islands, Dampier says, is a narrow channel in one part not
forty feet wide. Townley, being pressed by the Spaniards and in danger of
being intercepted, pushed for this passage without any previous
examination of the depth of water, and got safe through. Davis and Swan,
whose ships were the fastest sailing in either fleet, had the credit of
affording protection to their flying companions, by waiting to repulse the
most advanced of the Spaniards. Dampier, who was in Davis's ship, says,
she was pressed upon by the whole Spanish force. 'The Spanish Admiral and
the rest of his squadron began to play at us and we at them as fast as we
could: yet they kept at distant cannonading. They might have laid us
aboard if they would, but they came not within small-arms shot, intending
to maul us in pieces with their great guns.' After a circuitous chace and
running fight, which lasted till the evening, the Buccaneers, Harris's
ship excepted, which had been forced to make off in a different direction,
anchored by the Island _Pacheca_, nearly in the same spot whence they had
set out in the morning.
[Sidenote: 30th.] On the 30th, at daylight, the Spanish fleet was seen at
anchor three leagues to leeward. The breeze was faint, and both fleets lay
quiet till ten o'clock in the forenoon. The wind then freshened a little
from the South, and the Spaniards took up their anchors; but instead of
making towards the Buccaneers, they sailed away in a disgraceful manner
for _Panama_. Whether they sustained any loss in this skirmishing does not
appear. The Buccaneer's had only one man killed outright. In Davis's ship,
six men were wounded, and half of her rudder was shot away.
[Sidenote: The two Fleets separate.] It might seem to those little
acquainted with the management of ships that it could make no material
difference whether the Spaniards bore down to engage the Buccaneers, or
the Buccaneers bore down to engage the Spaniards; for that in either case
when the fleets were closed, the Buccaneers might have tried the event of
boarding. But the difference here was, that if the Buccaneers had the
weather-gage, it enabled them to close with the enemy in the most speedy
manner, which was of much consequence where the disparity in the number of
cannon was so great. When the Spaniards had the weather-gage, they would
press the approach only near enough to give effect to their cannon, and
not near enough for musketry to do them mischief. With this view, they
could choose their distance when to stop and bring their broadsides to
bear, and leave to the Buccaneers the trouble of making nearer approach,
against the wind and a heavy cannonade. Dampier, who has related the
transactions of the 28th and 29th very briefly, speaks of the weather-gage
here as a decisive advantage. He says, "In the morning (of the 29th)
therefore, when we found the enemy had got the weather-gage of us, and
were coming upon us with full sail, we ran for it."
On this occasion there is no room for commendation on the valour of either
party. The Buccaneers, however, knew, by the Spanish fleet coming to them
from _Panama_, that the treasure must have been landed, and therefore they
could have had little motive for enterprise. The meeting was faintly
sought by both sides, and no battle was fought, except a little
cannonading during the retreat of the Buccaneers, which on their side was
almost wholly confined to the ship of their Commander. Both Dampier and
Lussan acknowledge that Edward Davis brought the whole of the buccaneer
fleet off safe from the Spaniards by his courage and good management.
[Sidenote: June.] On June the 1st, the Buccaneers sailed out of the _Bay
of Panama_ for the Island _Quibo_. They had to beat up against SW winds,
and had much wet weather. In the middle of June, they anchored on the East
side of _Quibo_, where they were joined by Harris.
[Sidenote: Keys of Quibo. The Island Quibo.] _Quibo_ and the smaller
Islands near it, Dampier calls collectively, the Keys of _Quibo_. They are
all woody. Good fresh water was found on the great Island, which would
naturally be the case with the wet weather; and here were deer, guanoes,
and large black monkeys, whose flesh was esteemed by the Buccaneers to be
sweet and wholesome food.
[Sidenote: Rock near the Anchorage.] A shoal which runs out from the SE
point of _Quibo_ half a mile into the sea, has been already noticed: a
league to the North of this shoal, and a mile distant from the shore, is a
rock which appears above water only at the last quarter ebb. Except the
shoal, and this rock, there is no other danger; and ships may anchor
within a quarter of a mile of the shore, in from six to twelve fathoms
clear sand and ooze[54].
They stopped at _Quibo_ to make themselves canoes, the trees there being
well suited for the purpose, and some so large that a single trunk
hollowed and wrought into shape, would carry forty or fifty men. Whilst
this work was performing, a strong party was sent to the main-land against
_Pueblo Nuevo_, which town was now entered without opposition; but no
plunder was obtained.
[Sidenote: Serpents. The Serpent Berry.] Lussan relates that two of the
Buccaneers were killed by serpents at _Quibo_. He says, 'here are serpents
whose bite is so venemous that speedy death inevitably ensues, unless the
patient can have immediate recourse to a certain fruit, which must be
chewed and applied to the part bitten. The tree which bears this fruit
grows here, and in other parts of _America_. It resembles the almond-tree
in _France_ in height and in its leaves. The fruit is like the sea
chestnut (_Chataines de Mer_) but is of a grey colour, rather bitter in
taste, and contains in its middle a whitish almond. The whole is to be
chewed together before it is applied. It is called (_Graine à Serpent_)
the Serpent Berry.'
[Sidenote: July. Disagreements among the Buccaneers.] The dissatisfaction
caused by their being foiled in the _Bay of Panama_, broke out in
reproaches, and produced great disagreements among the Buccaneers. Many
blamed Grogniet for not coming into battle the first day. On the other
hand, Lussan blames the behaviour of the English, who, he says, being the
greater number, lorded it over the French; that Townley, liking Grogniet's
ship better than his own, would have insisted on a change, if the French
had not shewn a determination to resist such an imposition. Another cause
of complaint against the English was, the indecent and irreverent manner
in which they shewed their hatred to the Roman Catholic religion. Lussan
says, 'When they entered the Spanish churches, it was their diversion to
hack and mutilate every thing with their cutlasses, and to fire their
muskets and pistols at the images of the Saints.' [Sidenote: The French
separate from the English.] In consequence of these disagreements, 330 of
the French joined together under Grogniet, and separated from the English.
[Sidenote: Knight, a Buccaneer Commander, joins Davis.] Before either of
the parties had left _Quibo_, William Knight, a Buccaneer already
mentioned, arrived there in a ship manned with 40 Englishmen and 11
Frenchmen. This small crew of Buccaneers had crossed the _Isthmus_ about
nine months before; they had been cruising both on the coast of _New
Spain_ and on the coast of _Peru_; and the sum of their successes amounted
to their being provided with a good vessel and a good stock of provisions.
They had latterly been to the Southward, where they learnt that the _Lima_
fleet had sailed against the Buccaneers before _Panama_, which was the
first notice they received of other Buccaneers than themselves being in
the _South Sea_. On the intelligence, they immediately sailed for the _Bay
of Panama_, that they might be present and share in the capture of the
Spaniards, which they believed would inevitably be the result of a
meeting. On arriving in the _Bay of Panama_, they learnt what really had
happened: nevertheless, they proceeded to _Quibo_ in search of their
friends. The Frenchmen in Knight's ship left her to join their countrymen:
Knight and the rest of the crew, put themselves under the command of
Davis.
The ship commanded by Harris, was found to be in a decayed state and
untenantable. Another vessel was given to him and his crew; but the whole
company were so much crowded for want of ship room, that a number remained
constantly in canoes. One of the canoes which they built at _Quibo_
measured 36 feet in length, and between 5 and 6 feet in width.
Davis and the English party, having determined to attack the city of
_Leon_ in the province of _Nicaragua_, sent an invitation to the French
Buccaneers to rejoin them. The French had only one ship, which was far
from sufficient to contain their whole number, and they demanded, as a
condition of their uniting again with the English, that another vessel
should be given to themselves. The English could ill spare a ship, and
would not agree to the proposition; the separation therefore was final.
Jean Rose, a Frenchman, with fourteen of his countrymen, in a new canoe
they had built for themselves, left Grogniet to try their fortunes under
Davis.
In this, and in other separations which subsequently took place among the
Buccaneers, it has been thought the most clear and convenient arrangement
of narrative, to follow the fortunes of the buccaneer Commander Edward
Davis and his adherents, without interruption, to the conclusion of their
adventures in the _South Sea_; and afterwards, to resume the proceedings
of the other adventurers.
[Sidenote: Proceedings of Edward Davis. August. Expedition against the
City of Leon.] On the 20th of July, Davis with eight vessels and 640 men,
departed from the Island _Quibo_ for _Ria Lexa_, sailing through the
channel between _Quibo_ and the main-land, and along the coast of the
latter, which was low and overgrown with thick woods, and appeared thin of
inhabitants. August the 9th, at eight in the morning, the ships being then
so far out in the offing that they could not be descried from the shore,
Davis with 520 men went away in 31 canoes for the harbour of _Ria Lexa_.
They set out with fair weather; but at two in the afternoon, a tornado
came from the land, with thunder, lightning, and rain, and with such
violent gusts of wind that the canoes were all obliged to put right before
it, to avoid being overwhelmed by the billows. Dampier remarks generally
of the hot latitudes, as Lussan does of the _Pacific Ocean_, that the sea
there is soon raised by the wind, and when the wind abates is soon down
again. _Up Wind Up Sea, Down Wind Down Sea_, is proverbial between the
tropics among seamen. The fierceness of the tornado continued about half
an hour, after which the wind gradually abated, and the canoes again made
towards the land. At seven in the evening it was calm, and the sea quite
smooth. During the night, the Buccaneers, having the direction of a
Spanish pilot, entered a narrow creek which led towards _Leon_; but the
pilot could not undertake to proceed up till daylight, lest he should
mistake, there being several creeks communicating with each other.
[Sidenote: Leon.] The city of _Leon_ bordered on the Lake of _Nicaragua_,
and was reckoned twenty miles within the sea coast. They went only a part
of this distance by the river, when Davis, leaving sixty men to guard the
canoes, landed with the rest and marched towards the city, two miles short
of which they passed through an Indian town. _Leon_ had a cathedral and
three other churches. It was not fortified, and the Spaniards, though they
drew up their force in the Great Square or Parade, did not think
themselves strong enough to defend the place. About three in the
afternoon, the Buccaneers entered, and the Spaniards retired.
All the Buccaneers who landed did not arrive at _Leon_ that same day.
According to their ability for the march, Davis had disposed his men into
divisions. The foremost was composed of all the most active, who marched
without delay for the town, the other divisions following as speedily as
they were able. The rear division being of course composed of the worst
travellers, some of them could not keep pace even with their own division.
They all came in afterwards except two, one of whom was killed, and the
other taken prisoner. The man killed was a stout grey-headed old man of
the name of Swan, aged about 84 years, who had served under Cromwell, and
had ever since made privateering or buccaneering his occupation. This
veteran would not be dissuaded from going on the enterprise against
_Leon_; but his strength failed in the march; and after being left in the
road, he was found by the Spaniards, who endeavoured to make him their
prisoner; but he refused to surrender, and fired his musket amongst them,
having in reserve a pistol still charged; on which he was shot dead.
The houses in _Leon_ were large, built of stone, but not high, with
gardens about them. 'Some have recommended _Leon_ as the most pleasant
place in all _America_; and for health and pleasure it does surpass most
places. The country round is of a sandy soil, which soon drinks up the
rains to which these parts are much subject[55].'
[Sidenote: Leon burnt by the Buccaneers.] The Buccaneers being masters of
the city, the Governor sent a flag of truce to treat for its ransom. They
demanded 300,000 dollars, and as much provision as would subsist 1000 men
four months: also that the Buccaneer taken prisoner should be exchanged.
These demands it is probable the Spaniards never intended to comply with;
however they prolonged the negociation, till the Buccaneers suspected it
was for the purpose of collecting force. Therefore, on the 14th, they set
fire to the city, and returned to the coast. The town of _Ria Lexa_
underwent a similar fate, contrary to the intention of the Buccaneer
Commander.
[Sidenote: Ria Lexa. Town of Ria Lexa burnt.] _Ria Lexa_ is unwholesomely
situated in a plain among creeks and swamps, 'and is never free from a
noisome smell.' The soil is a strong yellow clay; in the neighbourhood of
the town were many sugar-works and beef-farms; pitch, tar, and cordage
were made here; with all which commodities the inhabitants carried on a
good trade. The Buccaneers supplied themselves with as much as they wanted
of these articles, besides which, they received at _Ria Lexa_ 150 head of
cattle from a Spanish gentleman, who had been released upon his parole,
and promise of making such payment for his ransom; their own man who had
been made prisoner was redeemed in exchange for a Spanish lady, and they
found in the town 500 packs of flour; which circumstances might have put
the Buccaneers in good temper and have induced them to spare the town;
'but,' says Dampier, 'some of our destructive crew, I know not by whose
order, set fire to the houses, and we marched away and left them burning.'
[Sidenote: Farther Separation of the Buccaneers.] After the _Leon_
expedition, no object of enterprise occurred to them of sufficient
magnitude to induce or to enable them to keep together in such large
force. Dispersed in small bodies, they expected a better chance of
procuring both subsistence and plunder. By general consent therefore, the
confederacy which had been preserved of the English Buccaneers was
relinquished, and they formed into new parties according to their several
inclinations. Swan proposed to cruise along the coast of _New Spain_, and
NW-ward, as far as to the entrance of the _Gulf of California_, and thence
to take his departure for the _East Indies_. Townley and his followers
agreed to try their fortunes with Swan as long as he remained on the coast
of New _Spain_; after which they proposed to return to the _Isthmus_. In
the course of settling these arrangements, William Dampier, being desirous
of going to the _East Indies_, took leave of his commander, Edward Davis,
and embarked with Swan. Of these, an account will be given hereafter.
CHAP. XVI.
_Buccaneers under =Edward Davis=. At =Amapalla= Bay; =Cocos=
Island; The =Galapagos= Islands; Coast of =Peru=. Peruvian
Wine. =Knight= quits the =South Sea=. Bezoar Stones. Marine
productions on Mountains. =Vermejo.= =Davis= joins the French
Buccaneers at =Guayaquil=. Long Sea Engagement._
[Sidenote: 1685. August.] With Davis there remained the vessels of Knight
and Harris, with a tender, making in all four sail. August the 27th, they
sailed from the harbour of _Ria Lexa_, and as they departed Swan saluted
them with fifteen guns, to which Davis returned eleven.
[Sidenote: Proceedings of the Buccaneers under Edw. Davis. Amapalla Bay.]
A sickness had broken out among Davis's people, which was attributed to
the unwholesomeness of the air, or the bad water, at _Ria Lexa_. After
leaving the place, the disorder increased, on which account Davis sailed
to the _Bay of Amapalla_, where on his arrival he built huts on one of the
Islands in the Bay for the accommodation of his sick men, and landed them.
Above 130 of the Buccaneers were ill with a spotted fever, and several
died.
Lionel Wafer was surgeon with Davis, and has given a brief account of his
proceedings. Wafer, with some others, went on shore to the main land on
the South side of _Amapalla Bay_, to seek for provisions. They walked to a
beef farm which was about three miles from their landing. [Sidenote: A hot
River.] In the way they crossed a hot river in an open savannah, or plain,
which they forded with some difficulty on account of its heat. This river
issued from under a hill which was not a volcano, though along the coast
there were several. 'I had the curiosity,' says Wafer, 'to wade up the
stream as far as I had daylight to guide me. The water was clear and
shallow, but the steams were like those of a boiling pot, and my hair was
wet with them. The river reeked without the hill a great way. Some of our
men who had the itch, bathed themselves here, and growing well soon after,
their cure was imputed to the sulphureousness or other virtue of this
water.' Here were many wolves, who approached so near and so boldly to
some who had straggled from the rest of their party, as to give them great
alarm, and they did not dare to fire, lest the noise of their guns should
bring more wolves about them.
[Sidenote: Cocos Island.] Davis remained some weeks at _Amapalla Bay_, and
departed thence for the Peruvian coast, with the crews of his ships
recovered. In their way Southward they made _Cocos Island_, and anchored
in the harbour at the NE part, where they supplied themselves with
excellent fresh water and cocoa-nuts. Wafer has given the description
following: 'The middle of _Cocos Island_ is a steep hill, surrounded with
a plain declining to the sea. This plain is thick set with cocoa-nut
trees: but what contributes greatly to the pleasure of the place is, that
a great many springs of clear and sweet water rising to the top of the
hill, are there gathered as in a deep large bason or pond, and the water
having no channel, it overflows the verge of its bason in several places,
and runs trickling down in pleasant streams. In some places of its
overflowing, the rocky side of the hill being more than perpendicular, and
hanging over the plain beneath, the water pours down in a cataract, so as
to leave a dry space under the spout, and form a kind of arch of water.
The freshness which the falling water gives the air in this hot climate
makes this a delightful place. [Sidenote: Effect of Excess in drinking the
Milk of the Cocoa-nut.] We did not spare the cocoa-nuts. One day, some of
our men being minded to make themselves merry, went ashore and cut down a
great many cocoa-nut trees; from which they gathered the fruit, and drew
about twenty gallons of the milk. They then sat down and drank healths to
the King and Queen, and drank an excessive quantity; yet it did not end in
drunkenness: but this liquor so chilled and benumbed their nerves that
they could neither go nor stand. Nor could they return on board without
the help of those who had not been partakers of the frolick, nor did they
recover under four or five days' time[56].'
Here Peter Harris broke off consortship, and departed for the _East
Indies_. The tender sailed at the same time, probably following the same
route.
[Sidenote: At the Galapagos Islands.] Davis and Knight continued to
associate, and sailed together from _Cocos Island_ to the _Galapagos_. At
one of these Islands they found fresh water; the buccaneer Journals do not
specify which Island, nor any thing that can be depended upon as certain
of its situation. Wafer only says, 'From _Cocos_ we came to one of the
_Galapagos Islands_. At this Island there was but one watering-place, and
there we careened our ship.' Dampier was not with them at this time; but
in describing the _Galapagos_ Isles, he makes the following mention of
Davis's careening place. 'Part of what I say of these Islands I had from
Captain Davis, who was there afterwards, and careened his ship at neither
of the Islands that we were at in 1684, but went to other Islands more to
the Westward, which he found to be good habitable Islands, having a deep
fat soil capable of producing any thing that grows in those climates: they
are well watered, and have plenty of good timber. Captain Harris came
hither likewise, and found some Islands that had plenty of mammee-trees,
and pretty large rivers. They have good anchoring in many places, so that
take the _Galapagos Islands by and large_, they are extraordinary good
places for ships in distress to seek relief at[57].'
Wafer has not given the date of this visit, which was the second made by
Davis to the _Galapagos_; but as he stopped several weeks in the _Gulf of
Amapalla_ for the recovery of his sick, and afterwards made some stay at
_Cocos Island_, it must have been late in the year, if not after the end,
when he arrived at the _Galapagos_, and it is probable, during, or
immediately after, a rainy season.
The account published by Wafer, excepting what relates to the _Isthmus_ of
_Darien_, consists of short notices set down from recollection, and
occupying in the whole not above fifty duodecimo pages. He mentions a tree
at the Island of the _Galapagos_ where they careened, like a pear-tree,
'low and not shrubby, very sweet in smell, and full of very sweet gum.'
Davis and Knight took on board their ships 500 packs or sacks of flour
from the stores which had formerly been deposited at the _Galapagos_. The
birds had devoured some, in consequence of the bags having been left
exposed.
[Sidenote: 1686. On the Coast of Peru.] From the _Galapagos_, they sailed
to the coast of _Peru_, and cruised in company till near the end of 1686.
They captured many vessels, which they released after plundering; and
attacked several towns along the coast. They had sharp engagements with
the Spaniards at _Guasco_, and at _Pisco_, the particulars of which are
not related; but they plundered both the towns. [Sidenote: Peruvian Wine
like Madeira.] They landed also at _La Nasca_, a small port on the coast
of _Peru_ in latitude about 15° S, at which place they furnished
themselves with a stock of wine. Wafer says, 'This is a rich strong wine,
in taste much like Madeira. It is brought down out of the country to be
shipped for _Lima_ and _Panama_. Sometimes it is kept here many years
stopped up in jars, of about eight gallons each: the jars were under no
shelter, but exposed to the scorching sun, being placed along the bay and
between the rocks, every merchant having his own wine marked.' It could
not well have been placed more conveniently for the Buccaneers.
They landed at _Coquimbo_, which Wafer describes 'a large town with nine
churches.' What they did there is not said. Wafer mentions a small river
that emptied itself in a bay, three miles from the town, in which, up the
country, the Spaniards get gold. 'The sands of the river by the sea, and
round the whole Bay, are all bespangled with particles of gold; insomuch
that in travelling along the sandy bays, our people were covered with a
fine gold-dust, but too fine for any profit, for it would be an endless
work to pick it up.'
Statistical accounts of the Viceroyalty of _Peru_, which during a
succession of years were printed annually at the end of the _Lima_
Almanack, notice the towns of _Santa Maria de la Perilla_, _Guasca_,
_Santiago de Miraflores_, _Cañete_, _Pisco_, _Huara_, and _Guayaquil_,
being sacked and in part destroyed by pirates, in the years 1685, 1686,
and 1687.
[Sidenote: At Juan Fernandez.] Davis and Knight having made much booty
(Lussan says so much that the share of each man amounted to 5000 pieces of
eight), they went to the Island _Juan Fernandez_ to refit, intending to
sail thence for the _West Indies_: but before they had recruited and
prepared the ships for the voyage round the South of _America_, Fortune
made a new distribution of their plunder. Many lost all their money at
play, and they could not endure, after so much peril, to quit the _South
Sea_ empty handed, but resolved to revisit the coast of _Peru_. [Sidenote:
Knight quits the South Sea.] The more fortunate party embarked with Knight
for the _West Indies_.
[Sidenote: Davis returns to the Coast of Peru.] The luckless residue,
consisting of sixty Englishmen, and twenty Frenchmen, with Edward Davis at
their head, remained with the Batchelor's Delight to begin their work
afresh. They sailed from _Juan Fernandez_ for the American coast, which
they made as far South as the Island _Mocha_. By traffic with the
inhabitants, they procured among other provisions, a number of the Llama
or Peruvian sheep. [Sidenote: Bezoar Stones.] Wafer relates, that out of
the stomach of one of these sheep he took thirteen Bezoar stones of
several forms, 'some resembling coral, some round, and all green when
first taken out; but by long keeping they turned of an ash colour.'
[Sidenote: Marine Productions found on Mountains.] In latitude 26° S,
wanting fresh water, they made search for the River _Copiapo_. They landed
and ascended the hills in hopes of discovering it. According to Wafer's
computation they went eight miles within the coast, ascending mountain
beyond mountain till they were a full mile in perpendicular height above
the level of the sea. They found the ground there covered with sand and
sea-shells, 'which,' says Wafer, 'I the more wondered at, because there
were no shell-fish, nor could I ever find any shells, on any part of the
sea-coast hereabouts, though I have looked for them in many places.' They
did not discover the river they were in search of; but shortly afterwards,
they landed at _Arica_, which they plundered; and at the River _Ylo_,
where they took in fresh water. At _Arica_ was a house full of Jesuits'
bark. [Sidenote: Vermejo.] Wafer relates, 'We also put ashore at
_Vermejo_, in 10° S latitude. I was one of those who landed to see for
water. We marched about four miles up a sandy bay, which we found covered
with the bodies of men, women, and children. These bodies to appearance,
seemed as if they had not been above a week dead; but if touched, they
proved dry and light as a sponge or piece of cork. We were told by an old
Spanish Indian whom we met, that in his father's time, the soil there,
which now yielded nothing, was well cultivated and fruitful: that the city
of _Wormia_ had been so numerously inhabited with Indians, that they could
have handed a fish from hand to hand until it had come to the Inca's hand.
But that when the Spaniards came and laid siege to their city, the
Indians, rather than yield to their mercy, dug holes in the sand and
buried themselves alive. The men as they now lie, have by them their
broken bows; and the women their spinning-wheels and distaffs with cotton
yarn upon them. Of these dead bodies I brought on board a boy of about ten
years of age with an intent to bring him to _England_; but was frustrated
of my purpose by the sailors, who had a foolish conceit that the compass
would not traverse right whilst there was a dead body on board, so they
threw him overboard to my great vexation[58].'
[Sidenote: April.] Near this part of the coast of _Peru_, in April 1687,
Davis had a severe action with a Spanish frigate, named the Katalina, in
which the drunkenness of his crew gave opportunity to the Spanish
Commander, who had made a stout defence, to run his ship ashore upon the
coast. They fell in with many other Spanish vessels, which, after
plundering, they dismissed.
Shortly after the engagement with the Spanish frigate Katalina, Davis made
a descent at _Payta_, to seek refreshments for his wounded men, and
surprised there a courier with dispatches from the Spanish Commander at
_Guayaquil_ to the Viceroy at _Lima_, by which he learnt that a large body
of English and French Buccaneers had attacked, and were then in possession
of, the town of _Guayaquil_. [Sidenote: May.] The Governor had been taken
prisoner by the Buccaneers, and the Deputy or next in authority, made
pressing instances for speedy succour, in his letter to the Viceroy,
which, according to Lussan, contained the following passage: '_The time
has expired some days which was appointed for the ransom of our prisoners.
I amuse the enemy with the hopes of some thousands of pieces of eight, and
they have sent me the heads of four of our prisoners: but if they send me
fifty, I should esteem it less prejudicial than our suffering these
ruffians to live. If your Excellency will hasten the armament to our
assistance, here will be a fair opportunity to rid ourselves of them._'
[Sidenote: Davis joins other Buccaneers at Guayaquil.] Upon this news, and
the farther intelligence that Spanish ships of war had been dispatched
from _Callao_ to the relief of _Guayaquil_, Davis sailed for that place,
and, on May the 14th, arrived in the _Bay of Guayaquil_, where he found
many of his old confederates; for these were the French Buccaneers who had
separated from him under Grogniet, and the English who had gone with
Townley. Those two leaders had been overtaken by the perils of their
vocation, and were no more. But whilst in their mortal career, and after
their separation from Davis, though they had at one time been adverse
almost to hostility against each other, they had met, been reconciled, and
had associated together. Townley died first, of a wound he received in
battle, and was succeeded in the command of the English by a Buccaneer
named George Hout or Hutt. At the attack of _Guayaquil_, Grogniet was
mortally wounded; and Le Picard was chosen by the French to succeed him in
the command. _Guayaquil_ was taken on the 20th of April; the plunder and a
number of prisoners had been conveyed by the Buccaneers to their ships,
which were at anchor by the Island _Puna_, when their unwearied good
fortune brought Davis to join them.
The taking of _Guayaquil_ by the Buccaneers under Grogniet and Hutt will
be more circumstantially noticed in the sequel, with other proceedings of
the same crews. When Davis joined them, they were waiting with hopes,
nearly worn out, of obtaining a large ransom which had been promised them
for the town of _Guayaquil_, and for their prisoners.
[Sidenote: Near the Island Puna.] The information Davis had received made
him deem it prudent, instead of going to anchor at _Puna_, to remain with
his ship on the look-out in the offing; he therefore sent a prize-vessel
into the road to acquaint the Buccaneers there of his being near at hand,
and that the Spaniards were to be expected shortly.
The captors of _Guayaquil_ continued many days after this to wait for
ransom. They had some hundreds of prisoners, for whose sakes the Spaniards
sent daily to the Buccaneers large supplies of provisions, of which the
prisoners could expect to receive only the surplus after the Buccaneers
should be satisfied. At length, the Spaniards sent 42,000 pieces of eight,
the most part in gold, and eighty packages of flour. The sum was far short
of the first agreement, and the Buccaneers at _Puna_, to make suitable
return, released only a part of the prisoners, reserving for a subsequent
settlement those of the most consideration.
[Sidenote: 26th. Meeting between Spanish Ships of War and the Buccaneers.]
On the 26th, they quitted the road of _Puna_, and joined Davis. In the
evening of the same day, two large Spanish ships came in sight. Davis's
ship mounted 36 guns; and her crew, which had been much diminished by
different engagements, was immediately reinforced with 80 men from Le
Picard's party. Besides Davis's ship, the Buccaneers had only a small ship
and a _barca-longa_ fit to come into action. Their prize vessels which
could do no service, were sent for security into shallow water.
[Sidenote: A Sea Engagement of seven days.] On the morning of the 27th,
the Buccaneers and Spaniards were both without the Island _S^{ta} Clara_.
The Spaniards were the farthest out at sea, and had the sea-breeze first,
with which they bore down till about noon, when being just within the
reach of cannon-shot, they hauled upon a wind, and began a distant
cannonade, which was continued till evening: the two parties then drew
off to about a league asunder, and anchored for the night. On the morning
of the 28th, they took up their anchors, and the day was spent in distant
firing, and in endeavours to gain or to keep the wind of each other. The
same kind of manoeuvring and distant firing was put in practice on each
succeeding day, till the evening of the 2d of June, which completed the
seventh day of this obstinate engagement. The Spanish Commander, being
then satisfied that he had fought long enough, and hopeless of prevailing
on the enemy to yield, withdrew in the night. [Sidenote: June. The
Spaniards retire.] On the morning of the 3d, the Buccaneers were
surprised, and not displeased, at finding no enemy in sight.
During all this fighting, the Buccaneers indulged their vanity by keeping
the Governor of _Guayaquil_, and other prisoners of distinction, upon
deck, to witness the superiority of their management over that of the
Spaniards. It was not indeed a post of much danger, for in the whole seven
days battle, not one Buccaneer was killed, and only two or three were
wounded.
It may be some apology for the Spanish Commander, that in consequence of
Davis's junction with the captors of _Guayaquil_, he found a much greater
force to contend with than he had been taught to expect. Fortune had been
peculiarly unfavourable to the Spaniards on this occasion. Three ships of
force had been equipped and sent in company against the Buccaneers at
_Guayaquil_. One of them, the Katalina, by accident was separated from the
others, and fell in with Davis, by whom she was driven on the coast, where
she stranded. The Spanish armament thus weakened one-third, on arriving in
the _Bay of Guayaquil_, found the buccaneer force there increased, by this
same Davis, in a proportion greater than their own had been diminished.
[Sidenote: At the Island De la Plata.] Davis and Le Picard left the choice
of distance to the Spaniards in this meeting, not considering it their
business to come to serious battle unless forced. They had reason to be
satisfied with having defended themselves and their plunder; and after the
enemy disappeared, finding the coast clear, they sailed to the Island _De
la Plata_, where they stopped to repair damages, and to hold council.
They all now inclined homewards. The booty they had made, if it fell short
of the expectations of some, was sufficient to make them eager to be where
they could use or expend it; but they were not alike provided with the
means of returning to the _North Sea_. Davis had a stout ship, and he
proposed to go the Southern passage by the _Strait of Magalhanes_, or
round _Cape Horne_. No other of the vessels in the possession of the
Buccaneers was strong enough for such a voyage. All the French therefore,
and many of the English Buccaneers, bent their thoughts on returning
overland, an undertaking that would inevitably be attended with much
difficulty, encumbered as they were with their plunder, and the Darien
Indians having become hostile to them.
Almost all the Frenchmen in Davis's ship, left her to join their
countrymen, and many of the English from their party embarked with Davis.
All thoughts of farther negociation with the Spaniards for the ransom of
prisoners, were relinquished. Le Picard had given notice on quitting the
_Bay of Guayaquil_, that payment would be expected for the release of the
remaining prisoners, and that the Buccaneers would wait for it at _Cape
Santa Elena_; but they had passed that _Cape_, and it was apprehended that
if they returned thither, instead of receiving ransom, they might find the
Spanish ships of war, come to renew the attack on them under other
Commanders. On the 10th, they landed their prisoners on the Continent.
[Sidenote: Division of Plunder.] The next day they shared the plunder
taken at _Guayaquil_. The jewels and ornaments could not well be divided,
nor could their value be estimated to general satisfaction: neither could
they agree upon a standard proportion between the value of gold and
silver. Every man was desirous to receive for his share such parts of the
spoil as were most portable, and this was more especially of importance to
those who intended to march overland. The value of gold was so much
enhanced that an ounce of gold was received in lieu of eighty dollars, and
a Spanish pistole went for fifteen dollars; but these instances probably
took place in settling their gaming accounts. In the division of the
plunder these difficulties were obviated by a very ingenious and
unobjectionable mode of distribution. The silver was first divided: the
other articles were then put up to auction, and bid for in pieces of
eight; and when all were so disposed of, a second division was made of the
silver produced by the sale.
Davis and his company were not present at the taking of _Guayaquil_, but
the services they had rendered, had saved both the plunder and the
plunderers, and gave them a fair claim to share. Neither Wafer nor Lussan
speak to this point, from which it may be inferred that every thing
relating to the division was settled among them amicably, and that Davis
and his men had no reason to be dissatisfied. Lussan gives a loose
statement of the sum total and of the single shares. 'Notwithstanding that
these things were sold so dearly, we shared for the taking of _Guayaquil_
only 400 pieces of eight to each man, which would make in the whole about
fifteen hundred thousand _livres_.' The number of Buccaneers with Grogniet
and Hutt immediately previous to the attack of _Guayaquil_, was 304.
Davis's crew at the time he separated from Knight, consisted of eighty
men. He had afterwards lost men in several encounters, and it is probable
the whole number present at the sharing of the plunder of _Guayaquil_ was
short of three hundred and fifty. Allowing the extra shares to officers to
have been 150, making the whole number of shares 500, the amount of the
plunder will fall short of Lussan's estimate.
[Sidenote: They separate to return home by different Routes.] On the 12th,
the two parties finally took leave of each other and separated, bound by
different routes for the _Atlantic_.
CHAP. XVII.
_=Edward Davis=; his Third visit to the =Galapagos=. One of
those Islands, named =Santa Maria de l'Aguada= by the
Spaniards, a Careening Place of the Buccaneers. Sailing thence
Southward they discover Land. Question, whether Edward Davis's
Discovery is the Land which was afterwards named =Easter
Island=? =Davis= and his Crew arrive in the =West Indies=._
[Sidenote: 1687. Davis sails to the Galapagos Islands.] Davis again sailed
to the _Galapagos Islands_, to victual and refit his ship. Lionel Wafer
was still with him, and appears to have been one of those to whom fortune
had been most unpropitious. Wafer does not mention either the joining
company with the French Buccaneers, or the plunder of _Guayaquil_; and
particularises few of his adventures. He says, 'I shall not pursue all my
coasting along the shore of _Peru_ with Captain Davis. We continued
rambling about to little purpose, sometimes at sea, sometimes ashore, till
having spent much time and visited many places, we were got again to the
_Galapagos_; from whence we were determined to make the best of our way
out of these seas.'
At the _Galapagos_ they again careened; and there they victualled the
ship, taking on board a large supply of flour, curing fish, salting flesh
of the land turtle for sea store; and they saved as much of the oil of the
land turtle as filled sixty jars (of eight gallons each) which proved
excellent, and was thought not inferior to fresh butter.
[Sidenote: King James's Island.] Captain Colnet was at the _Galapagos
Isles_ in the years 1793 and 1794, and found traces, still fresh, which
marked the haunts of the Buccaneers. He says, 'At every place where we
landed on the Western side of _King James's Isle_, we might have walked
for miles through long grass and beneath groves of trees. It only wanted a
stream to compose a very charming landscape. This Isle appears to have
been a favourite resort of the Buccaneers, as we found seats made by them
of earth and stone, and a considerable number of broken jars scattered
about, and some whole, in which the Peruvian wine and liquors of the
country are preserved. We also found daggers, nails, and other implements.
The watering-place of the Buccaneers was at this time (the latter part of
April or beginning of May) entirely dried up, and there was only found a
small rivulet between two hills running into the sea; the Northernmost of
which hills forms the South point of _Fresh Water Bay_. There is plenty of
wood, but that near the shore is not large enough for other use than
fire-wood. In the mountains the trees may be larger, as they grow to the
summits. I do not think the watering-place we saw is the only one on the
Island, and I have no doubt, if wells were dug any where beneath the
hills, and not near the lagoon behind the sandy beach, that fresh water
would be found in great plenty[59].'
Since Captain Colnet's Voyage, Captain David Porter of the American United
States' frigate Essex, has seen and given descriptions of the _Galapagos_
Islands. He relates an anecdote which accords with Captain Colnet's
opinion of there being fresh water at _King James's Island_. He landed, on
its West side, four goats (one male and three female) and some sheep, to
graze. As they were tame and of their own accord kept near the
landing-place, they were left every night without a keeper, and water was
carried to them in the morning. 'But one morning, after they had been on
the Island several days and nights, the person who attended them went on
shore as usual to give them water, but no goats were to be found: they had
all as with one accord disappeared. Several persons were sent to search
after them for two or three days, but without success.' Captain Porter
concluded that they had found fresh water in the interior of the Island,
and chose to remain near it. 'One fact,' he says, 'was noticed by myself
and many others, the day preceding their departure, which must lead us to
believe that something more than chance directed their movements, which
is, that they all drank an unusual quantity of water on that day, as
though they had determined to provide themselves with a supply to enable
them to reach the mountains[60].'
Davis and his men had leisure for search and to make every kind of
experiment; but no one of his party has given any description or account
of what was transacted at the _Galapagos_ in this his third visit. Light,
however, has been derived from late voyages.
[Sidenote: The Island S^{ta} Maria de l'Aguada, a Careening Place of the
Buccaneers.] It has been generally believed, but not till lately
ascertained, that Davis passed most of the time he was amongst the
_Galapagos_, at an Island which the Spaniards have designated by the name
of _S^{ta} Maria de l'Aguada_, concerning the situation of which the
Spaniards as well as geographers of other countries have disagreed. A
Spanish pilot reported to Captain Woodes Rogers that _S^{ta} Maria de
l'Aguada_ lay by itself, (i. e. was not one of a groupe of Islands) in
latitude 1° 20' or 1° 30' S, was a pleasant Island, well stocked with
wood, and with plenty of fresh water[61]. Moll, DeVaugondy, and others,
combining the accounts given by Dampier and Woodes Rogers, have placed a
_S^{ta} Maria de l'Aguada_ several degrees to the Westward of the whole of
Cowley's groupe. Don Antonio de Ulloa, on the contrary, has laid it down
as one of the _Galapagos Isles_, but among the most South-eastern of the
whole groupe. More consonant with recent information, Pascoe Thomas, who
sailed round the world with Commodore Anson, has given from a Spanish
manuscript the situations of different Islands of the _Galapagos_, and
among them that of _S^{ta} Maria de l'Aguada_. The most Western in the
Spanish list published by Thomas is named _S^{ta} Margarita_, and is the
same with the _Albemarle Island_ in Cowley's chart. The _S^{ta} Maria de
l'Aguada_ is set down in the same Spanish list in latitude 1° 10' S, and
19 minutes in longitude more East than the longitude given of _S^{ta}
Margarita_, which situation is due South of Cowley's _King James's
Island_.
Captain Colnet saw land due South of _King James's Island_, which he did
not anchor at or examine, and appears to have mistaken for the _King
Charles's Island_ of Cowley's chart. On comparing Captain Colnet's chart
with Cowley's, it is evident that Captain Colnet has given the name of
_Lord Chatham's Isle_ to Cowley's _King Charles's Island_, the bearings
and distance from the South end of _Albemarle Island_ being the same in
both, i. e. due East about 20 leagues. It follows that the _Charles
Island_ of Colnet's chart was not seen by Cowley, and that it is the
_S^{ta} Maria de l'Aguada_ of the Spaniards. It has lately been frequented
by English and by American vessels employed in the South Sea Whale
Fishery, who have found a good harbour on its North side, with wood and
fresh water; and marks are yet discoverable that it was formerly a
careening place of the buccaneers. Mr. Arrowsmith has added this harbour
to Captain Colnet's chart, on the authority of information communicated by
the master of a South Sea whaler.
From Captain David Porter's Journal, it appears that the watering-place at
_S^{ta} Maria de l'Aguada_ is three miles distant from any part of the
sea-shore; and that the supply it yields is not constant. On arriving a
second time at the _Galapagos_, in the latter part of August, Captain
Porter sent a boat on shore to this Island. Captain Porter relates, 'I
gave directions that our former watering-places there should be examined,
but was informed that they were entirely dried up.'
[Illustration: GALLAPAGOS ISLANDS, _Described by_ Ambrose Cowley _in
1684_.]
Cowley's chart, being original, a buccaneer performance, and not wholly
out of use, is annexed to this account; with the insertion, in unshaded
outline, of the _S^{ta} Maria de l'Aguada_, according to its situation
with respect to _Albemarle Island_, as laid down in the last edition of
Captain Colnet's chart, published by Mr. Arrowsmith. This unavoidably
makes a difference in the latitude equal to the difference between
Cowley's and Captain Colnet's latitude of the South end of _Albemarle
Island_. In Captain Colnet's chart, the North end of _S^{ta} Maria de
l'Aguada_ is laid down in 1° 15' S.
The voyage of the Essex gives reasonable expectation of an improved chart
of the _Galapagos Isles_, the Rev. Mr. Adams, who sailed as Chaplain in
that expedition, having employed himself actively in surveying them.
[Sidenote: 1687. Davis sails from the Galapagos to the Southward.] When
the season approached for making the passage round _Cape Horne_, Davis and
his company quitted their retreat. The date of their sailing is not given.
Wafer relates, 'From the _Galapagos Islands_ we went again for the
Southward, intending to touch no where till we came to the Island _Juan
Fernandez_. In our way thither, being in the latitude of 12° 30' S, and
about 150 leagues from the main of _America_, about four o'clock in the
morning, our ship felt a terrible shock, so sudden and violent that we
took it for granted she had struck upon a rock. When the amazement was a
little over, we cast the lead and sounded, but found no ground, so we
concluded it must certainly be some earthquake. The sea, which ordinarily
looks green, seemed then of a whitish colour; and the water which we took
up in the buckets for the ship's use, we found to be a little mixed with
sand. Some time after, we heard that at that very time, there was an
earthquake at _Callao_, which did mischief both there and at _Lima_.'
[Sidenote: Island discovered by Edw. Davis.] 'Having recovered our fright,
we kept on to the Southward. We steered SbE 1/2 Easterly, until we came
to the latitude of 27° 20' S, when about two hours before day, we fell in
with a small low sandy Island, and heard a great roaring noise, like that
of the sea beating upon the shore, right ahead of the ship. Whereupon,
fearing to fall foul upon the shore before day, the ship was put about. So
we plied off till day, and then stood in again with the land, which proved
to be a small flat Island, without the guard of any rocks. We stood in
within a quarter of a mile of the shore, and could see it plainly, for it
was a clear morning. To the Westward, about twelve leagues by judgement,
we saw a range of high land, which we took to be Islands, for there were
several partitions in the prospect. This land seemed to reach about 14 or
16 leagues in a range, and there came thence great flocks of fowls. I, and
many of our men would have made this land, and have gone ashore at it, but
the Captain would not permit us. The small Island bears from _Copiapo_
almost due East [West was intended] 500 leagues, and from the _Galapagos_
under the line is distant 600 leagues[62].'
Dampier was not present at this discovery; but he met his old Commander
afterwards, and relates information he received concerning it in the
following words. 'Captain Davis told me lately, that after his departing
from us at _Ria Lexa_, he went, after several traverses, to the
_Galapagos_, and that standing thence Southward for wind to bring him
about the _Tierra del Fuego_, in the latitude of 27° S, about 500 leagues
from _Copayapo_ on the coast of _Chili_, he saw a small sandy Island just
by him; and that they saw to the Westward of it a long tract of pretty
high land, tending away toward the NW out of sight[63].'
[Sidenote: Question whether Edward Davis's Land and Easter Island are the
same Land, or different.] The two preceding paragraphs contain the whole
which either in Wafer or Dampier is said concerning this land. The
apprehension of being late in the season for the passage round _Cape
Horne_ seems to have deterred Davis from making examination of his
discovery. The latitude and specified distance from _Copiapo_ were
particulars sufficient to direct future search; and twenty-five years
afterwards, Jacob Roggewein, a Dutch navigator, guided by those marks,
found land; but it being more distant from the American Continent than
stated by Davis or Wafer, Roggewein claimed it as a new discovery. A more
convenient place for discussing this point, which has been a lasting
subject of dispute among geographers, would be in an account of
Roggewein's voyage; but a few remarks here may be satisfactory.
Wafer kept neither journal nor reckoning, his profession not being that of
a mariner; and from circumstances which occur in Davis's navigation to the
_Atlantic_, it may reasonably be doubted whether a regular reckoning or
journal was kept by any person on board; and whether the 500 leagues
distance of the small Island from the American coast mentioned by Davis
and Wafer, was other than a conjectured distance. They had no superior by
whom a journal of their proceedings would be required or expected. If a
regular journal had really been kept, it would most probably have found
its way to the press.
Jacob Roggewein, the Dutch Admiral, was more than any other navigator,
willing to give himself the credit of making new discoveries, as the
following extracts from the Journal of his expedition will evince. 'We
looked for _Hawkins's Maiden Land_, but could not find it; but we
discovered an Island 200 leagues in circuit, in latitude 52° S, about 200
leagues distant to the East of the coast of _South America_, which we
named _Belgia Austral_.' That is as much as to say, Admiral Roggewein
could not find _Hawkins's Maiden Land_; but he discovered land on the same
spot, which he named _Belgia Austral_. Afterwards, proceeding in the same
disposition, the Journal relates, 'We directed our course from _Juan
Fernandez_ towards _Davis's Land_, but to the great astonishment of the
Admiral (Roggewein) it was not seen. I think we either missed it, or that
there is no such land. We went on towards the West, and on the anniversary
of the Resurrection of our Saviour, we came in sight of an Island. We
named it _Paaschen_ or _Oster Eylandt_ (i. e. Easter Island).'
_Paaschen_ or _Easter Island_ according to modern charts and observations,
is nearly 690 leagues distant from _Copiapo_, which is in the same
parallel on the Continent of _America_. The statement of Davis and Wafer
makes the distance only 512 leagues, which is a difference of 178 leagues.
It is not probable that Davis could have had good information of the
longitudes of the _Galapagos Islands_ and _Copiapo_; but with every
allowance, so large an error as 178 leagues in a run of 600 leagues might
be thought incredible, if its possibility had not been demonstrated by a
much greater being made by the same persons in this same homeward passage;
as will be related. In the latitude and appearance of the land, the
descriptions of Davis and Wafer are correct, _Easter Island_ being a
mountainous land, which will make partitions in the distant prospect and
appear like a number of Islands.
Roggewein's claim to _Paaschen_ or _Easter Island_ as a new discovery has
had countenance and support from geographers, some of the first eminence,
but has been made a subject of jealous contest, and not of impartial
investigation. If Roggewein discovered an Island farther to the West of
the American coast than _Davis's Land_, it must follow that Davis's land
lies between his discovery and the Continent; but that part of the _South
Sea_ has been so much explored, that if any high land had existed between
_Easter Island_ and the American coast, it could not have escaped being
known. There is not the least improbability that ships, in making a
passage from the _Galapagos Isles_ through the South East trade-wind,
shall come into the neighbourhood of _Easter Island_.
Edward Davis has generally been thought a native of _England_, but
according to Lussan, and nothing appears to the contrary, he was a native
of _Holland_. The majority of the Buccaneers in the ship, however, were
British. How far to that source may be traced the disposition to refuse
the Buccaneers the credit of the discovery, and how much national
partialities have contributed to the dispute, may be judged from this
circumstance, that _Easter Island_ being _Davis's Land_ has never been
doubted by British geographers, and has been questioned only by those of
other nations.
The merit of the discovery is nothing, for the Buccaneers were not in
search of land, but came without design in sight of it, and would not look
at what they had accidentally found. And whether the discovery is to be
attributed to Edward Davis or to his crew, ought to be esteemed of little
concern to the nations of which they were natives, seeing the discoverers
were men outlawed, and whose acts were disowned by the governments of
their countries.
Passing from considerations of claims to consideration of the fact;--there
is not the smallest plea for questioning, nor has any one questioned the
truth of the Buccaneers having discovered a high Island West of the
American coast, in or near the latitude of 27° S. If different from
_Easter Island_, it must be supposed to be situated between that and the
Continent. But however much it has been insisted or argued that _Easter
Island_ is not _Davis's Land_, no chart has yet pretended to shew two
separate Islands, one for Edward Davis's discovery, and one for
Roggewein's. The one Island known has been in constant requisition for
double duty; and must continue so until another Island of the same
description shall be found.
[Sidenote: 1687. At the Island Juan Fernandez.] Davis arrived at _Juan
Fernandez_ 'at the latter end of the year,' and careened there. Since the
Buccaneers were last at the Island, the Spaniards had put dogs on shore,
for the purpose of killing the goats. Many, however, found places among
precipices, where the dogs could not get at them, and the Buccaneers shot
as many as served for their daily consumption. Here again, five men of
Davis's crew, who had gamed away their money, 'and were unwilling to
return out of these seas as poor as they came in,' determined on staying
at _Juan Fernandez_, to take the chance of some other buccaneer ship, or
privateer, touching at the Island. A canoe, arms, ammunition, and various
implements were given to them, with a stock of maize for planting, and
some for their immediate subsistence; and each of these gentlemen had a
negro attendant landed with him.
From _Juan Fernandez_, Davis sailed to the Islands _Mocha_ and _Santa
Maria_, near the Continent, where he expected to have procured provisions,
but he found both those Islands deserted and laid waste, the Spaniards
having obliged the inhabitants to remove, that the Buccaneers might not
obtain supply there. The season was advanced, therefore without expending
more time in searching for provisions, they bent their course Southward.
They passed round _Cape Horne_ without seeing land, but fell in with many
Islands of ice, and ran so far Eastward before they ventured to steer a
Northerly course, that afterwards, when, in the parallel of the _River de
la Plata_, they steered Westward to make the American coast, which they
believed to be only one hundred leagues distant, they sailed 'four hundred
and fifty leagues to the West in the same latitude,' before they came in
sight of land; whence many began to apprehend they were still in the
_South Sea_[64], and this belief would have gained ground, if a flight of
locusts had not alighted on the ship, which a strong flurry of wind had
blown off from the American coast.
[Sidenote: 1688. Davis sails to the West Indies.] They arrived in the
_West Indies_ in the spring of the year 1688, at a time when a
proclamation had recently been issued, offering the King's pardon to all
Buccaneers who would quit that way of life, and claim the benefit of the
proclamation.
It was not the least of fortune's favours to this crew of Buccaneers, that
they should find it in their power, without any care or forethought of
their own, to terminate a long course of piratical adventures in quietness
and security. Edward Davis was afterwards in _England_, as appears by the
notice given of his discovery by William Dampier, who mentions him always
with peculiar respect. Though a Buccaneer, he was a man of much sterling
worth; being an excellent Commander, courageous, never rash, and endued in
a superior degree with prudence, moderation, and steadiness; qualities in
which the Buccaneers generally have been most deficient. His character is
not stained with acts of cruelty; on the contrary, wherever he commanded,
he restrained the ferocity of his companions. It is no small testimony of
his abilities that the whole of the Buccaneers in the _South Sea_ during
his time, in every enterprise wherein he bore part, voluntarily placed
themselves under his guidance, and paid him obedience as their leader; and
no symptom occurs of their having at any time wavered in this respect, or
shewn inclination to set up a rival authority. It may almost be said, that
the only matter in which they were not capricious was their confidence in
his management; and in it they found their advantage, if not their
preservation.
CHAP. XVIII.
_Adventures of =Swan= and =Townley= on the Coast of =New Spain=,
until their Separation._
[Sidenote: Swan and Townley.] The South Sea adventures of the buccaneer
Chief Davis being brought to a conclusion, the next related will be those
of Swan and his crew in the Cygnet, they being the first of the Buccaneers
who after the battle in the _Bay of Panama_ left the _South Sea_. William
Dampier who was in Swan's ship, kept a Journal of their proceedings, which
is published, and the manuscript also has been preserved.
[Sidenote: 1685. August.] Swan and Townley, the reader may recollect, were
left by Edward Davis in the harbour of _Ria Lexa_, in the latter part of
August 1685, and had agreed to keep company together Westward towards the
entrance of the _Gulf of California_.
[Sidenote: Bad Water, and Unhealthiness of Ria Lexa.] They remained at
_Ria Lexa_ some days longer to take in fresh water, 'such as it was,' and
they experienced from it the same bad effects which it had on Davis's men;
for, joined to the unwholesomeness of the place, it produced a malignant
fever, by which several were carried off.
[Sidenote: September. On the Coast of New Spain.] On September the 3d,
they put to sea, four sail in company, i. e. the Cygnet, Townley's ship,
and two tenders; the total of the crews being 340 men.
[Sidenote: Tornadoes.] The season was not favourable for getting Westward
along this coast. Westerly winds were prevalent, and scarcely a day passed
without one or two violent tornadoes, which were accompanied with
frightful flashes of lightning, and claps of thunder, 'the like,' says
Dampier, 'I did never meet with before nor since.' These tornadoes
generally came out of the NE, very fierce, and did not last long. When
the tornado was passed, the wind again settled Westward. On account of
these storms, Swan and Townley kept a large offing; but towards the end of
the month, the weather became settled. On the 24th, Townley, and 106 men
in nine canoes, went on Westward, whilst the ships lay by two days with
furled sails, to give them time to get well forward, by which they would
come the more unexpectedly upon any place along the coast.
[Sidenote: October.] Townley proceeded, without finding harbour or inlet,
to the Bay of _Tecuantepeque_, where putting ashore at a sandy beach, the
canoes were all overset by the surf, one man drowned, and some muskets
lost. Townley however drew the canoes up dry, and marched into the
country; but notwithstanding that they had not discovered any inlet on the
coast, they found the country intersected with great creeks not fordable,
and were forced to return to their canoes. A body of Spaniards and Indians
came to reconnoitre them, from the town of _Tecuantepeque_, to seek which
place was the chief purpose of the Buccaneers when they landed. 'The
Spanish books,' says Dampier, 'mention a large river there, but whether it
was run away at this time, or rather that Captain Townley and his men were
shortsighted, I know not; but they did not find it.'
October the 2d, the canoes returned to the ships. The wind was fresh and
fair from the ENE, and they sailed Westward, keeping within short distance
of the shore, but found neither harbour nor opening. They had soundings
all the way, the depth being 21 fathoms, a coarse sandy bottom, at eight
miles distance from the land. [Sidenote: Island Tangola.] Having run about
20 leagues along the coast, they came to a small high Island called
_Tangola_, on which they found wood and water; and near it, good
anchorage. 'This Island is about a league distant from the main, which is
pretty high, and savannah land by the sea; but within land it is higher
and woody.'---- [Sidenote: Guatulco. El Buffadore, a spouting Rock.] 'We
coasted a league farther, and came to _Guatulco_, in latitude 15° 30',
which is one of the best ports in this Kingdom of _Mexico_. Near a mile
from the mouth of the harbour, on the East side, is a little Island close
by the main-land. On the West side of the mouth of the harbour, is a great
hollow rock, which by the continual working of the sea in and out, makes a
great noise, and may be heard a great way; every surge that comes in,
forces the water out at a little hole at the top, as out of a pipe, from
whence it flies out just like the blowing of a whale, to which the
Spaniards liken it, and call it _El Buffadore_. Even at the calmest
seasons, the beating of the sea makes the waterspout out at the hole, so
that this is always a good mark to find the harbour of _Guatulco_ by.
[Sidenote: The Harbour of Guatulco.] The harbour runs in NW, is about
three miles deep, and one mile broad. The West side of the harbour is the
best for small ships to ride in: any where else you are open to SW winds,
which often blow here. There is clean ground any where, and good gradual
soundings from 16 to 6 fathoms: it is bounded by a smooth sandy shore,
good for landing; and at the bottom of the harbour is a fine brook of
fresh water running into the sea. The country is extraordinary pleasant
and delightful to behold at a distance[65].'
There appeared to be so few inhabitants at this part of the coast, that
the Buccaneers were not afraid to land their sick. A party of men went
Eastward to seek for houses and inhabitants, and at a league distance from
_Guatulco_ they found a river, named by the Spaniards _El Capalita_, which
had a swift current, and was deep at the entrance. They took a few Indians
prisoners, but learnt nothing of the country from them. [Sidenote:
Vinello, or Vanilla, a Plant.] On the 6th, Townley with 140 men marched
fourteen miles inland, and in all that way found only one small Indian
village, the inhabitants of which cultivated and cured a plant called
_Vinello_, which grows on a vine, and is used to perfume chocolate, and
sometimes tobacco.
The 10th, the canoes were sent Westward; and on the 12th, the ships
followed, the crews being well recovered of the _Ria Lexa_ fever. 'The
coast (from _Guatulco_) lies along West and a little Southerly for 20 or
30 leagues[66].' [Sidenote: Island Sacrificio.] On account of a current
which set Eastward, they anchored near a small green Island named
_Sacrificio_, about a league to the West of _Guatulco_, and half a mile
from the main. In the channel between, was five or six fathoms depth, and
the tide ran there very swift.
[Sidenote: Port de Angeles.] They advanced Westward; but slowly. The
canoes were again overset in attempting to land near _Port de Angeles_, at
a place where cattle were seen feeding, and another man was drowned.
Dampier says, 'We were at this time abreast of _Port de Angeles_, but
those who had gone in the canoes did not know it, because the Spaniards
describe it to be as good a harbour as _Guatulco_. It is a broad open bay
with two or three rocks at the West side. There is good anchorage all over
the bay in depth from 30 to 12 fathoms, but you are open to all winds till
you come into 12 fathoms, and then you are sheltered from the WSW, which
is here the common trade-wind. Here always is a great swell, and landing
is bad. The place of landing is close by the West side, behind a few
rocks. Latitude 15° N. The tide rises about five feet. The land round
_Port de Angeles_ is pretty high, the earth sandy and yellow, in some
places red.' The Buccaneers landed at _Port de Angeles_, and supplied
themselves with cattle, hogs, poultry, maize, and salt; and a large party
of them remained feasting three days at a farm-house. The 27th, they
sailed on Westward.
Some of their canoes in seeking _Port de Angeles_ had been as far Westward
as _Acapulco_. In their way back, they found a river, into which they
went, and filled fresh water. Afterwards, they entered a _lagune_ or lake
of salt water, where fishermen had cured, and stored up fish, of which the
Buccaneers took away a quantity.
[Sidenote: Adventure in a Lagune.] On the evening of the 27th, Swan and
Townley anchored in 16 fathoms depth, near a small rocky Island, six
leagues Westward of _Port de Angeles_, and about half a mile distant from
the main land. The next day they sailed on, and in the night of the 28th,
being abreast the lagune above mentioned, a canoe manned with twelve men
was sent to bring off more of the fish. The entrance into the lagune was
not more than pistol-shot wide, and on each side were rocks, high enough
and convenient to skreen or conceal men. The Spaniards having more
expectation of this second visit than they had of the first, a party of
them, provided with muskets, took station behind these rocks. They waited
patiently till the canoe of the Buccaneers was fairly within the lagune,
and then fired their volley, and wounded five men. The buccaneer crew were
not a little surprised, yet returned the fire; but not daring to repass
the narrow entrance, they rowed to the middle of the lagune, where they
lay out of the reach of shot. There was no other passage out but the one
by which they had entered, which besides being so narrow was a quarter of
a mile in length, and it was too desperate an undertaking to attempt to
repass it. Not knowing what else to do, they lay still two whole days and
three nights in hopes of relief from the ships.
It was not an uncommon circumstance among the Buccaneers, for parties sent
away on any particular design, to undertake some new adventure; the long
absence of the canoe therefore created little surprise in the ships, which
lay off at sea waiting without solicitude for her return; till Townley's
ship happening to stand nearer to the shore than the rest, heard muskets
fired in the lagune. He then sent a strong party in his canoes, which
obliged the Spaniards to retreat from the rocks, and leave the passage
free for the hitherto penned-up Buccaneers. Dampier gives the latitude of
this lagune, 'about 16° 40' N.'
[Sidenote: November. Alcatraz Rock. White Cliffs. River to the West of the
Cliffs.] They coasted on Westward, with fair weather, and a current
setting to the West. On November the 2d, they passed a rock called by the
Spaniards the _Alcatraz_ (Pelican.) 'Five or six miles to the West of the
rock are seven or eight white cliffs, which are remarkable, because there
are none other so white and so thick together on all the coast. A
dangerous shoal lies SbW from these cliffs, four or five miles off at sea.
Two leagues to the West of these cliffs is a pretty large river, which
forms a small Island at its mouth. The channel on the East side is shoal
and sandy; the West channel is deep enough for canoes to enter.' The
Spaniards had raised a breastwork on the banks of this channel, and they
made a show of resisting the Buccaneers; but seeing they were determined
on landing, they quitted the place; on which Dampier honestly remarks,
'One chief reason why the Spaniards are so frequently routed by us, though
much our superiors in number, is, their want of fire-arms; for they have
but few unless near their large garrisons.'
[Sidenote: Snook, a Fish.] A large quantity of salt intended for salting
the fish caught in the lagune, was taken here. Dampier says, 'The fish in
these lagunes were of a kind called Snooks, which are neither sea-fish nor
fresh-water fish; it is about a foot long, round, and as thick as the
small of a man's leg, has a pretty long head, whitish scales, and is good
meat.'
[Sidenote: November 7th. High Land of Acapulco.] A Mulatto whom they took
prisoner told them that a ship of twenty guns had lately arrived at
_Acapulco_ from _Lima_. Townley and his crew had long been dissatisfied
with their ship; and in hopes of getting a better, they stood towards the
harbour of _Acapulco_. On the 7th, they made the high land over
_Acapulco_, 'which is remarkable by a round hill standing between two
other hills, both higher, the Westernmost of which is the biggest and the
highest, and has two hillocks like two paps at the top.' Dampier gives the
latitude of _Acapulco_ 17° N[67].
This was not near the usual time either of the departure or of the arrival
of the Manila ships, and except at those times, _Acapulco_ is almost
deserted on account of the situation being unhealthy. _Acapulco_ is
described hot, unwholesome, pestered with gnats, and having nothing good
but the harbour. Merchants depart from it as soon as they have transacted
their business. Townley accordingly expected to bring off the _Lima_ ship
quietly, and with little trouble. In the evening of the 7th, the ships
being then so far from land that they could not be descried, Townley with
140 men departed in twelve canoes for the harbour of _Acapulco_. They did
not reach _Port Marques_ till the second night; and on the third night
they rowed softly and unperceived by the Spaniards into _Acapulco
Harbour_. They found the _Lima_ ship moored close to the castle, and,
after reconnoitring, thought it would not be in their power to bring her
off; so they paddled back quietly out of the harbour, and returned to
their ships, tired and disappointed.
[Sidenote: Sandy Beach, West of Acapulco. Hill of Petaplan.] Westward from
the Port of _Acapulco_, they passed a sandy bay or beach above twenty
leagues in length, the sea all the way beating with such force on the
shore that a boat could not approach with safety. 'There was clean
anchoring ground at a mile or two from the shore. At the West end of this
Bay, in 17° 30' N, is the Hill of _Petaplan_, which is a round point
stretching out into the sea, and at a distance seems an Island[68].' This
was reckoned twenty-five leagues from _Acapulco_. A little to the West of
the hill are several round white rocks. They sailed within the rocks,
having 11 fathoms depth, and anchored on the NW side of the hill. Their
Mosquito men took here some small turtle and small jew-fish.
They landed, and at an Indian village took a Mulatto woman and her
children, whom they carried on board. They learnt from her that a caravan
drawn by mules was going with flour and other goods to _Acapulco_, but
that the carrier had stopped on the road from apprehension of the
Buccaneers.
[Sidenote: Chequetan.] The ships weighed their anchors, and ran about two
leagues farther Westward, to a place called _Chequetan_, which Dampier
thus describes: 'A mile and a half from the shore is a small Key (or
Island) and within it is a very good harbour, where ships may careen: here
is also a small river of fresh water, and wood enough.'
[Sidenote: 14th. Estapa.] On the 14th, in the morning, about a hundred
Buccaneers set off in search of the carrier, taking the woman prisoner for
a guide. They landed a league to the West of _Chequetan_, at a place
called _Estapa_, and their conductress led them through a wood, by the
side of a river, about a league, which brought them to a savannah full of
cattle; and here at a farm-house the carrier and his mules were lodged. He
had 40 packs of flour, some chocolate, small cheeses, and earthenware. The
eatables, with the addition of eighteen beeves which they killed, the
Buccaneers laid on the backs of above fifty mules which were at hand, and
drove them to their boats. A present of clothes was made to the woman, and
she, with two of her children, were set at liberty; but the other child, a
boy seven or eight years old, Swan kept, against the earnest intreaties of
the mother. Dampier says, 'Captain Swan promised her to make much of him,
and was as good as his word. He proved afterwards a fine boy for wit,
courage, and dexterity.'
[Sidenote: 21st. Hill of Thelupan.] They proceeded Westward along the
coast, which was high land full of ragged hills, but with pleasant and
fruitful vallies between. The 25th, they were abreast a hill, 'which
towered above his fellows, and was divided in the top, making two small
parts. It is in latitude 18° 8' N. The Spaniards mention a town called
_Thelupan_ near this hill.'
The 26th, the Captains Swan and Townley went in the canoes with 200 men,
to seek the city of _Colima_, which was reported to be a rich place: but
their search was fruitless. They rowed 20 leagues along shore, and found
no good place for landing; neither did they see house or inhabitant,
although they passed by a fine valley, called the _Valley of Maguella_,
except that towards the end of their expedition, they saw a horseman, who
they supposed had been stationed as a sentinel, for he rode off
immediately on their appearance. They landed with difficulty, and followed
the track of the horse on the sand, but lost it in the woods.
[Sidenote: 28th. Volcano of Colima. Valley of Colima.] On the 28th, they
saw the Volcano of _Colima_, which is in about 18° 36' N latitude, five or
six leagues from the sea, and appears with two sharp points, from each of
which issued flames or smoke. The _Valley of Colima_ is ten or twelve
leagues wide by the sea: it abounds in cacao-gardens, fields of corn, and
plantain walks. The coast is a sandy shore, on which the waves beat with
violence. Eastward of the Valley the land is woody. A river ran here into
the sea, with a shoal or bar at its entrance, which boats could not pass.
On the West side of the river was savannah land.
[Sidenote: December. Salagua.] December the 1st, they were near the Port
of _Salagua_, which Dampier reckoned in latitude 18° 52' N. He says, 'it
is only a pretty deep bay, divided in the middle with a rocky point, which
makes, as it were, two harbours[69]. Ships may ride secure in either, but
the West harbour is the best: the depth of water is 10 or 12 fathom, and a
brook of fresh water runs into the sea there.'
[Sidenote: Report of a great City named Oarrah.] Two hundred Buccaneers
landed at _Salagua_, and finding a broad road which led inland, they
followed it about four leagues, over a dry stony country, much overgrown
with short wood, without seeing habitation or inhabitant; but in their
return, they met and took prisoners two Mulattoes, who informed them that
the road they had been travelling led to a great city called _Oarrah_,
which was distant as far as a horse will travel in four days; and that
there was no place of consequence nearer. The same prisoner said the
_Manila_ ship was daily expected to stop at this part of the coast to land
passengers; for that the arrival of the ships at _Acapulco_ from the
_Philippines_ commonly happened about Christmas, and scarcely ever more
than eight or ten days before or after.
Swan and Townley sailed on for Cape _Corrientes_. Many among the crews
were at this time taken ill with a fever and ague, which left the patients
dropsical. Dampier says, the dropsy is a disease very common on this
coast. He was one of the sufferers, and continued ill a long time; and
several died of it.
[Sidenote: The Land near Cape Corrientes. Coronada Hills. Cape
Corrientes.] The coast Southward of _Cape Corrientes_, is of moderate
height, and full of white cliffs. The inland country is high and barren,
with sharp peaked hills. Northward of this rugged land, is a chain of
mountains which terminates Eastward with a high steep mountain, which has
three sharp peaks and resembles a crown; and is therefore called by the
Spaniards _Coronada_. On the 11th they came in sight of _Cape Corrientes_.
When the _Cape_ bore NbW, the _Coronada_ mountain bore ENE[70].
On arriving off _Cape Corrientes_, the buccaneer vessels spread, for the
advantage of enlarging their lookout, the Cygnet taking the outer station
at about ten leagues distance from the _Cape_. Provisions however soon
became scarce, on which account Townley's tender and some of the canoes
were sent to the land to seek a supply. The canoes rowed up along shore
against a Northerly wind to the _Bay de Vanderas_; but the bark could not
get round _Cape Corrientes_. [Sidenote: 18th.] On the 18th, Townley
complained he wanted fresh water, whereupon the ships quitted their
station near the Cape, and sailed to some small Islands called the _Keys
of Chametly_, which are situated to the SE of _Cape Corrientes_, to take
in fresh water.
The descriptions of the coast of _New Spain_ given by Dampier, in his
account of his voyage with the Buccaneers, contain many particulars of
importance which are not to be found in any other publication. Dampier's
manuscript and the printed Narrative frequently differ, and it is
sometimes apparent that the difference is not the effect of inadvertence,
or mistake in the press, but that it was intended as a correction from a
reconsideration of the subject. [Sidenote: Keys or Islands of Chametly.]
The printed Narrative says at this part, 'These _Keys_ or _Islands_ of
_Chametly_ are about 16 or 18 leagues to the Eastward of _Cape
Corrientes_. They are small, low, woody, and environed with rocks. There
are five of them lying in the form of a half moon, not a mile from the
shore of the main, and between them and the main land is very good riding
secure from any wind[71].' In the manuscript it is said, 'the Islands
_Chametly_ make a secure port. They lie eight or nine leagues from _Port
Navidad_.'
It is necessary to explain that Dampier, in describing his navigation
along the coast of _New Spain_, uses the terms Eastward and Westward, not
according to the precise meaning of the words, but to signify being more
or less advanced along the coast from the _Bay of Panama_. By Westward, he
invariably means more advanced towards the _Gulf of California_; by
Eastward, the contrary.
[Sidenote: Form a convenient Port.] The ships entered within the _Chametly
Islands_ by the channel at the SE end, and anchored in five fathoms depth,
on a bottom of clean sand. They found there good fresh water and wood, and
caught plenty of rock-fish with hook and line. No inhabitants were seen,
but there were huts, made for the temporary convenience of fishermen who
occasionally went there to fish for the inhabitants of the city of _La
Purificacion_. These Islands, forming a commodious port affording fresh
water and other conveniencies, from the smallness of their size are not
made visible in the Spanish charts of the coast of _New Spain_ in present
use[72]. Whilst the ships watered at the _Keys_ or _Isles of Chametly_, a
party was sent to forage on the main land, whence they carried off about
40 bushels of maize.
On the 22d, they left the _Keys of Chametly_, and returned to their
cruising station off _Cape Corrientes_, where they were rejoined by the
canoes which had been to the _Bay de Vanderas_. Thirty-seven men had
landed there from the canoes, who went three miles into the country, where
they encountered a body of Spaniards, consisting both of horse and foot.
The Buccaneers took benefit of a small wood for shelter against the
attack of the horse, yet the Spaniards rode in among them; but the Spanish
Captain and some of their foremost men being killed, the rest retreated.
Four of the Buccaneers were killed, and two desperately wounded. The
Spanish infantry were more numerous than the horse, but they did not join
in the attack, because they were armed only with lances and swords;
'nevertheless,' says Dampier, 'if they had come in, they would certainly
have destroyed all our men.' The Buccaneers conveyed their two wounded men
to the water side on horses, one of which, when they arrived at their
canoes, they killed and drest; not daring to venture into the savannah for
a bullock, though they saw many grazing.
[Sidenote: 1686. January. Bay de Vanderas.] Swan and Townley preserved
their station off _Cape Corrientes_ only till the 1st of January, 1686,
when their crews became impatient for fresh meat, and they stood into the
_Bay de Vanderas_, to hunt for beef. The depth of water in this Bay is
very great, and the ships were obliged to anchor in 60 fathoms.
[Sidenote: Valley of Vanderas.] 'The _Valley of Vanderas_ is about three
leagues wide, with a sandy bay against the sea, and smooth landing. In the
midst of this bay (or beach) is a fine river, into which boats may enter;
but it is brackish at the latter part of the dry season, which is in
March, and part of April. The Valley is enriched with fruitful savannahs,
mixed with groves of trees fit for any use; and fruit-trees grow wild in
such plenty as if nature designed this place only for a garden. The
savannahs are full of fat bulls and cows, and horses; but no house was in
sight.'
Here they remained hunting beeves, till the 7th of the month. Two hundred
and forty men landed every day, sixty of whom were stationed as a guard,
whilst the rest pursued the cattle; the Spaniards all the time appearing
in large companies on the nearest hills. The Buccaneers killed and salted
meat sufficient to serve them two months, which expended all their salt.
Whilst they were thus occupied in the pleasant valley of _Vanderas_, the
galeon from _Manila_ sailed past _Cape Corrientes_, and pursued her course
in safety to _Acapulco_. This they learnt afterwards from prisoners; but
it was by no means unexpected: on the contrary, they were in general so
fully persuaded it would be the consequence of their going into the _Bay
de Vanderas_, that they gave up all intention of cruising for her
afterwards.
[Sidenote: Swan and Townley part company.] The main object for which
Townley had gone thus far Northward being disposed of, he and his crew
resolved to return Southward. Some Darien Indians had remained to this
time with Swan: they were now committed to the care of Townley, and the
two ships broke off consortship, and parted company.
CHAP. XIX.
_The =Cygnet= and her Crew on the Coast of =Nueva Galicia=, and
at the =Tres Marias Islands=._
[Sidenote: 1686. January. Coast of Nuevo Galicia.] Swan and his crew
determined before they quitted the American coast, to visit some Spanish
towns farther North, in the neighbourhood of rich mines, where they hoped
to find good plunder, and to increase their stock of provisions for the
passage across the _Pacific_ to _India_.
[Sidenote: Point Ponteque.] January the 7th, the Cygnet and her tender
sailed from the _Valley of Vanderas_, and before night, passed _Point
Ponteque_, the Northern point of the _Vanderas Bay_. _Point Ponteque_ is
high, round, rocky, and barren: at a distance it makes like an Island.
Dampier reckoned it 10 leagues distant, in a direction N 20° W, from _Cape
Corrientes_; the variation of the compass observed near the _Cape_ being
4° 28' Easterly[73].
A league West from _Point Ponteque_ are two small barren Islands, round
which lie scattered several high, sharp, white rocks. The Cygnet passed on
the East side of the two Islands, the channel between them and _Point
Ponteque_ appearing clear of danger. 'The sea-coast beyond _Point
Ponteque_ runs in NE, all ragged land, and afterwards out again NNW,
making many ragged points, with small sandy bays between. The land by the
sea is low and woody; but the inland country is full of high, sharp,
rugged, and barren hills.'
Along this coast they had light sea and land breezes, and fair weather.
They anchored every evening, and got under sail in the morning with the
land-wind. [Sidenote: January 14th. White Rock, 21° 51' N.] On the 14th,
they had sight of a small white rock, which had resemblance to a ship
under sail. Dampier gives its latitude 21° 51' N, and its distance from
_Cape Corrientes_ 34 leagues. It is three leagues from the main, with
depth in the channel, near the Island, twelve or fourteen fathoms.
[Sidenote: 15th. 16th.] The 15th, at noon, the latitude was 22° 11' N. The
coast here lay in a NNW direction. The 16th, they steered 'NNW as the land
runs.' At noon the latitude was 22° 41' N. The coast was sandy and
shelving, with soundings at six fathoms depth a league distant. The sea
set heavy on the shore. They caught here many cat-fish.
[Sidenote: 20th. Chametlan Isles, 23° 11' N.] On the 20th, they anchored a
league to the East of a small groupe of Isles, named the _Chametlan
Isles_, after the name of the District or Captainship (_Alcaldia mayor_)
in the province of _Culiacan_, opposite to which they are situated.
Dampier calls them the _Isles of Chametly_, 'different from the _Isles_ or
_Keys of Chametly_ at which we had before anchored. These are six small
Islands in latitude 23° 11' N, about three leagues distant from the
main-land[74], where a salt lake has its outlet into the sea. Their
meridian distance from _Cape Corrientes_ is 23 leagues [West.] The coast
here, and for about ten leagues before coming abreast these Islands, lies
NW and SE.'
[Sidenote: The Penguin Fruit.] On the _Chametlan Isles_ they found
guanoes, and seals; and a fruit of a sharp pleasant taste, by Dampier
called the Penguin fruit, 'of a kind which grows so abundantly in the _Bay
of Campeachy_ that there is no passing for their high prickly leaves.'
[Sidenote: Rio de Sal, and Salt-water Lagune, 23° 30' N.] In the
main-land, six or seven leagues NNW from the _Isles of Chametlan_, is a
narrow opening into a _lagune_, with depth of water sufficient for boats
to enter. This _lagune_ extends along the back of the sea-beach about 12
leagues, and makes many low Mangrove Islands. The latitude given of the
entrance above-mentioned is 23° 30' N, and it is called by the Spaniards
_Rio de Sal_.
Half a degree Northward of _Rio de Sal_ was said to be the River
_Culiacan_, with a rich Spanish town of the same name. Swan went with the
canoes in search of it, and followed the coast 30 leagues from abreast the
_Chametlan Isles_, without finding any river to the North of the _Rio de
Sal_. All the coast was low and sandy, and the sea beat high on the shore.
[Sidenote: 30th.] The ships did not go farther within the _Gulf_ than to
23° 45' N, in which latitude, on the 30th, they anchored in eight fathoms
depth, three miles distant from the main-land; the meridian distance from
_Cape Corrientes_ being 34 leagues West, by Dampier's reckoning.
[Sidenote: The Mexican, a copious Language.] In their return Southward,
Swan with the canoes, entered the _Rio de Sal Lagune_, and at an
_estancian_ on the Western side, they took the owner prisoner. They found
in his house a few bushels of maize; but the cattle had been driven out of
their reach. Dampier relates, 'The old Spanish gentleman who was taken at
the _Estancian_ near the _Rio de Sal_ was a very intelligent person. He
had been a great traveller in the kingdom of _Mexico_, and spoke the
Mexican language very well. He said it is a copious language, and much
esteemed by the Spanish gentry in those parts, and of great use all over
the kingdom; and that many Indian languages had some dependency on it.'
[Sidenote: Mazatlan.] The town of _Mazatlan_ was within 5 leagues of the
NE part of the _lagune_, and Swan with 150 men went thither. The
inhabitants wounded some of the Buccaneers with arrows, but could make no
effectual resistance. There were rich mines near _Mazatlan_, and the
Spaniards of _Compostella_, which is the chief town in this district,
kept slaves at work in them. The Buccaneers however found no gold here,
but carried off some Indian corn.
[Sidenote: February 2d. Rosario, an Indian Town.] February the 2d, the
canoes went to an Indian town called _Rosario_, situated on the banks of a
river and nine miles within its entrance. '_Rosario_ was a fine little
town of 60 or 70 houses, with a good church.' The river produced gold, and
mines were in the neighbourhood; but here, as at _Mazatlan_, they got no
other booty than Indian corn, of which they conveyed to their ships
between 80 and 90 bushels.
[Sidenote: 3d. River Rosario, 22° 51' N. Sugar-loaf Hill. Caput Cavalli.]
On the 3d, the ships anchored near the _River Rosario_ in seven fathoms
oozy ground, a league from the shore; the latitude of the entrance of the
river 22° 51' N. A small distance within the coast and bearing NEbN from
the ship, was a round hill like a sugar-loaf; and North Westward of that
hill, was another 'pretty long hill,' called _Caput Cavalli_, or the
_Horse's Head_.
[Sidenote: 8th.] On the 8th, the canoes were sent to search for a river
named the _Oleta_, which was understood to lie in latitude 22° 27' N; but
the weather proving foggy they could not find it.
[Sidenote: 11th. Maxentelbo Rock. Hill of Xalisco.] On the 11th, they
anchored abreast the South point of the entrance of a river called the
_River de Santiago_, in seven fathoms soft oozy bottom, about two miles
from the shore; a high white rock, called _Maxentelbo_, bore from their
anchorage WNW, distant about three leagues, and a high hill in the
country, with a saddle or bending, called the _Hill Xalisco_, bore SE.
[Sidenote: River of Santiago, 22° 15' N.] 'The _River St. Iago_ is in
latitude 22° 15' N, the entrance lies East and West with the _Rock
Maxentelbo_. It is one of the principal rivers on this coast: there is ten
feet water on the bar at low-water; but how much the tide rises and falls,
was not observed. The mouth of the river is nearly half a mile broad, with
very smooth entering. Within the entrance it widens, for three or four
rivers meet there, and issue all out together. The water is brackish a
great way up; but fresh water is to be had by digging two or three feet
deep in a sandy bay just at the mouth of the river. Northward of the
entrance, and NEbE from _Maxentelbo_, is a round white rock.'
'Between the latitudes 22° 41' and 22° 10' N, which includes the _River de
Santiago_, the coast lies NNW and SSE[75].'
No inhabitants were seen near the entrance of the _River St. Iago_, but
the country had a fruitful appearance, and Swan sent seventy men in four
canoes up the river, to seek for some town or village. After two days
spent in examining different creeks and rivers, they came to a field of
maize which was nearly ripe, and immediately began to gather; but whilst
they were loading the canoes, they saw an Indian, whom they caught, and
from him they learnt that at four leagues distance from them was a town
named _S^{ta} Pecaque_. With this information they returned to the ship;
and the same evening, Swan with eight canoes and 140 men, set off for
_S^{ta} Pecaque_, taking the Indian for a guide. This was on the 15th of
the month.
[Sidenote: 16th.] They rowed during the night about five leagues up the
river, and at six o'clock in the morning, landed at a place where it was
about a pistol-shot wide, with pretty high banks on each side, the country
plain and even. Twenty men were left with the canoes, and Swan with the
rest marched towards the town, by a road which led partly through
woodland, and partly through savannas well stocked with cattle. They
arrived at the town by ten in the forenoon, and entered without
opposition, the inhabitants having quitted it on their approach.
[Sidenote: Town of S^{ta} Pecaque.] The town of _Santa Pecaque_ was small,
regularly built after the Spanish mode, with a Parade in the middle, and
balconies to the houses which fronted the parade. It had two churches. The
inhabitants were mostly Spaniards, and their principal occupation was
husbandry. It is distant from _Compostella_ about 21 leagues.
_Compostella_ itself was at that time reckoned not to contain more than
seventy white families, which made about one-eighth part of its
inhabitants.
There were large storehouses, with maize, salt-fish, salt, and sugar, at
_Santa Pecaque_, provisions being kept there for the subsistence of some
hundreds of slaves who worked in silver mines not far distant. The chief
purpose for which the Cygnet had come so far North on this coast was to
get provisions, and here was more than sufficient to supply her wants. For
transporting it to their canoes, Swan divided the men into two parties,
which it was agreed should go alternately, one party constantly to remain
to guard the stores in the town. The afternoon of the first day was passed
in taking rest and refreshment, and in collecting horses. [Sidenote:
17th.] The next morning, fifty-seven men, with a number of horses laden
with maize, each man also carrying a small quantity, set out for the
canoes, to which they arrived, and safely deposited their burthens. The
Spaniards had given some disturbance to the men who guarded the canoes,
and had wounded one, on which account they were reinforced with seven men
from the carrying party; and in the afternoon, the fifty returned to
_Santa Pecaque_. Only one trip was made in the course of the day.
[Sidenote: 18th.] On the morning of the 18th, the party which had guarded
the town the day before, took their turn for carrying. They loaded 24
horses, and every man had his burthen. This day they took a prisoner, who
told them, that nearly a thousand men, of all colours, Spaniards, Indians,
Negroes, and Mulattoes, were assembled at the town of _Santiago_, which
was only three leagues distant from _Santa Pecaque_. This information made
Captain Swan of opinion, that separating his men was attended with much
danger; and he determined that the next morning he would quit the town
with the whole party. In the mean time he employed his men to catch as
many horses as they could, that when they departed they might carry off a
good load.
[Sidenote: February 19th.] On the 19th, Swan called his men out early, and
gave order to prepare for marching; but the greater number refused to
alter the mode they had first adopted, and said they would not abandon the
town until all the provision in it was conveyed to the canoes. Swan was
forced to acquiesce, and to allow one-half of the company to go as before.
They had fifty-four horses laden; Swan advised them to tie the horses one
to another, and the men to keep in two bodies, twenty-five before, and the
same number behind. His directions however were not followed: 'the men
would go their own way, every man leading his horse.' The Spaniards had
before observed their careless manner of marching, and had prepared their
plan of attack for this morning, making choice of the ground they thought
most for their advantage, and placing men there in ambush. The Buccaneer
convoy had not been gone above a quarter of an hour when those who kept
guard in the town, heard the report of guns. Captain Swan called on them
to march out to the assistance of their companions; but some even then
opposed him, and spoke with contempt of the danger and their enemies, till
two horses, saddled, with holsters, and without riders, came galloping
into the town frightened, and one had at its side a carabine newly
discharged. [Sidenote: Buccaneers defeated and slain by the Spaniards.] On
this additional sign that some event had taken place which it imported
them to know, Swan immediately marched out of the town, and all his men
followed him. When they came to the place where the engagement had
happened, they beheld their companions that had gone forth from the town
that morning, every man lying dead in the road, stripped, and so mangled
that scarcely any one could be known. This was the most severe defeat the
Buccaneers suffered in all their _South Sea_ enterprises.
The party living very little exceeded the number of those who lay dead
before them, yet the Spaniards made no endeavour to interrupt their
retreat, either in their march to the canoes, or in their falling down the
river, but kept at a distance. 'It is probable,' says Dampier, 'the
Spaniards did not cut off so many of our men without loss of many of their
own. We lost this day fifty-four Englishmen and nine blacks; and among the
slain was my ingenious friend Mr. Ringrose, who wrote that part of the
_History of the Buccaneers_ which relates to Captain Sharp. He had engaged
in this voyage as supercargo of Captain Swan's ship.'--'Captain Swan had
been forewarned by his astrologer of the great danger they were in; and
several of the men who went in the first party had opposed the division of
their force: some of them foreboded their misfortune, and heard as they
lay down in the church in the night, grievous groanings which kept them
from sleeping[76].'
Swan and his surviving crew were discouraged from attempting any thing
more on the coast of _New Galicia_, although they had laid up but a small
stock of provisions. On the 21st, they sailed from the _River of St. Jago_
for the South Cape of _California_, where it was their intention to careen
the ship; but the wind had settled in the NW quarter, and after struggling
against it a fortnight, on the 7th of March, they anchored in a bay at the
East end of the middle of the _Tres Marias Islands_, in eight fathoms
clean sand. [Sidenote: March. At the Middle Island of the Tres Marias.]
The next day, they took a birth within a quarter of a mile of the shore;
the outer points of the bay bearing ENE and SSW.
None of the _Tres Marias Islands_ were inhabited. Swan named the one at
which he had anchored, _Prince George's Island_. Dampier describes them of
moderate height, and the Westernmost Island to be the largest of the
three. 'The soil is stony and dry, producing much of a shrubby kind of
wood, troublesome to pass; but in some parts grow plenty of straight large
cedars. [Sidenote: A Root used as Food.] The sea-shore is sandy, and
there, a green prickly plant grows, whose leaves are much like the penguin
leaf; the root is like the root of the _Sempervive_, but larger, and when
baked in an oven is reckoned good to eat. The Indians of _California_ are
said to have great part of their subsistence from these roots. We baked
some, but none of us greatly cared for them. They taste exactly like the
roots of our English Burdock boiled.'
At this Island were guanoes, raccoons, rabbits, pigeons, doves, fish,
turtle, and seal. They careened here, and made a division of the store of
provisions, two-thirds to the Cygnet and one-third to the Tender, 'there
being one hundred eaters in the ship, and fifty on board the tender.' The
maize they had saved measured 120 bushels.
[Sidenote: A Dropsy cured by a Sand Bath.] Dampier relates the following
anecdote of himself at this place. 'I had been a long time sick of a
dropsy, a distemper whereof many of our men died; so here I was laid and
covered all but my head in the hot sand. I endured it near half an hour,
and then was taken out. I sweated exceedingly while I was in the sand, and
I believe it did me much good, for I grew well soon after.'
This was the dry season, and they could not find here a sufficient supply
of fresh water, which made it necessary for them to return to the
Continent. Before sailing, Swan landed a number of prisoners, Spaniards
and Indians, which would have been necessary on many accounts besides that
of the scantiness of provisions, if it had been his design to have
proceeded forthwith Westward for the _East Indies_; but as he was going
again to the American coast, which was close at hand, the turning his
prisoners ashore on a desolate Island, appears to have been in revenge
for the disastrous defeat sustained at _S^{ta} Pecaque_, and for the
Spaniards having given no quarter on that occasion.
[Sidenote: Bay of Vanderas.] They sailed on the 26th, and two days after,
anchored in the _Bay of Vanderas_ near the river at the bottom of the bay;
but the water of this river was now brackish. Search was made along the
South shore of the bay, and two or three leagues towards _Cape
Corrientes_, a small brook of good fresh water was found; and good
anchorage near to a small round Island which lies half a mile from the
main, and about four leagues NEastward of the Cape. Just within this
Island they brought the ships to anchor, in 25 fathoms depth, the brook
bearing from them E-1/2N half a mile distant, and _Point Ponteque_ NWbN
six leagues.
The Mosquito men struck here nine or ten jew-fish, the heads and finny
pieces of which served for present consumption, and the rest was salted
for sea-store. The maize and salted fish composed the whole of their stock
of eatables for their passage across the _Pacific_, and at a very
straitened allowance would scarcely be sufficient to hold out sixty days.
CHAP. XX.
_The =Cygnet=. Her Passage across the =Pacific Ocean=. At the
=Ladrones=. At =Mindanao=._
[Sidenote: 1686. March. The Cygnet quits the American Coast.] March the
31st, they sailed from the American coast, steering at first SW, and
afterwards more Westerly till they were in latitude 13° N, in which
parallel they kept. 'The kettle was boiled but once a day,' says Dampier,
'and there was no occasion to call the men to victuals. All hands came up
to see the Quarter-master share it, and he had need to be exact. We had
two dogs and two cats on board, and they likewise had a small allowance
given them, and they waited with as much eagerness to see it shared as we
did.' [Sidenote: Large flight of Birds. Lat. 13° N. Long. 180°.] In this
passage they saw neither fish nor fowl of any kind, except at one time,
when by Dampier's reckoning they were 4975 miles West from _Cape
Corrientes_, and then, numbers of the sea-birds called boobies were flying
near the ships, which were supposed to come from some rocks not far
distant. Their longitude at this time may be estimated at about 180
degrees from the meridian of Greenwich[77].
[Sidenote: May 21st.] Fortunately, they had a fresh trade-wind, and made
great runs every day. 'On May the 20th, which,' says Dampier, 'we begin to
call the 21st, we were in latitude 12° 50' N, and steering West.
[Sidenote: Shoals and Breakers SbW-1/2W 10 or 11 leagues from the S end of
Guahan. Bank de Santa Rosa.] At two p. m. the bark tender being two
leagues ahead of the Cygnet, came into shoal water, and those on board
plainly saw rocks under her, but no land was in sight. They hauled on a
wind to the Southward, and hove the lead, and found but four fathoms
water. They saw breakers to the Westward. They then wore round, and got
their starboard tacks on board and stood Northward. The Cygnet in getting
up to the bark, ran over a shoal bank, where the bottom was seen, and fish
among the rocks; but the ship ran past it before we could heave the lead.
Both vessels stood to the Northward, keeping upon a wind, and sailed
directly North, having the wind at ENE, till five in the afternoon, having
at that time run eight miles and increased our latitude so many minutes.
We then saw the Island _Guam_ [_Guahan_] bearing NNE, distant from us
about eight leagues, which gives the latitude of the Island (its South
end) 13° 20' N. We did not observe the variation of the compass at _Guam_.
At _Cape Corrientes_ we found it 4° 28' Easterly, and an observation we
made when we had gone about a third of the passage, shewed it to be the
same. I am inclined to think it was less at _Guam_[78].'
The shoal above mentioned is called by the Spaniards the _Banco de Santa
Rosa_, and the part over which the Cygnet passed, according to the extract
from Dampier, is about SbW-1/2W from the South end of _Guahan_, distant
ten or eleven leagues.
[Sidenote: At Guahan.] An hour before midnight, they anchored on the West
side of _Guahan_, a mile from the shore. The Spaniards had here a small
Fort, and a garrison of thirty soldiers; but the Spanish Governor resided
at another part of the Island. As the ships anchored, a Spanish priest in
a canoe went on board, believing them to be Spaniards from _Acapulco_. He
was treated with civility, but detained as a kind of hostage, to
facilitate any negociation necessary for obtaining provisions; and Swan
sent a present to the Spanish Governor by the Indians of the canoe.
No difficulty was experienced on this head. Both Spaniards, and the few
natives seen here, were glad to dispose of their provisions to so good a
market as the buccaneer ships. Dampier conjectured the number of the
natives at this time on _Guahan_ not to exceed a hundred. In the last
insurrection, which was a short time before Eaton stopped at the
_Ladrones_, the natives, finding they could not prevail against the
Spaniards, destroyed their plantations, and went to other Islands. 'Those
of the natives who remained in _Guahan_,' says Dampier, 'if they were not
actually concerned in that broil, their hearts were bent against the
Spaniards; for they offered to carry us to the Fort and assist us to
conquer the Island.'
Whilst Swan lay at _Guahan_, the Spanish Acapulco ship came in sight of
the Island. The Governor immediately sent off notice to her of the
Buccaneer ships being in the road, on which she altered her course towards
the South, and by so doing got among the shoals, where she struck off her
rudder, and did not get clear for three days. The natives at _Guahan_ told
the Buccaneers that the Acapulco ship was in sight of the Island, 'which,'
says Dampier, 'put our men in a great heat to go out after her, but
Captain Swan persuaded them out of that humour.'
[Sidenote: Flying Proe, or Sailing Canoe.] Dampier praises the ingenuity
of the natives of the _Ladrone Islands_, and particularly in the
construction of their sailing canoes, or, as they are sometimes called,
their flying proes, of which he has given the following description.
'Their Proe or Sailing Canoe is sharp at both ends; the bottom is of one
piece of good substance neatly hollowed, and is about 28 feet long; the
under, or keel part is made round, but inclining to a wedge; the upper
part is almost flat, having a very gentle hollow, and is about a foot
broad: from hence, both sides of the boat are carried up to about five
feet high with narrow plank, and each end of the boat turns up round very
prettily. But what is very singular, one side of the boat is made
perpendicular like a wall, while the other side is rounding as other
vessels are, with a pretty full belly. The dried husks of the cocoa-nuts
serve for oakum. At the middle of the vessel the breadth aloft is four or
five feet, or more, according to the length of the boat. The mast stands
exactly in the middle, with a long yard that peeps up and down like a
ship's mizen yard; one end of it reaches down to the head of the boat,
where it is placed in a notch made purposely to keep it fast: the other
end hangs over the stern. To this yard the sail is fastened, and at the
foot of the sail is another small yard to keep the sail out square, or to
roll the sail upon when it blows hard; for it serves instead of a reef to
take up the sail to what degree they please. Along the belly side of the
boat, parallel with it, at about seven feet distance, lies another boat or
canoe very small, being a log of very light wood, almost as long as the
great boat, but not above a foot and a half wide at the upper part, and
sharp like a wedge at each end. The little boat is fixed firm to the other
by two bamboos placed across the great boat, one near each end, and its
use is to keep the great boat upright from oversetting. They keep the flat
side of the great boat against the wind, and the belly side, consequently,
with its little boat, is upon the lee[79]. The vessel has a head at each
end so as to be able to sail with either foremost: they need not tack as
our vessels do, but when they ply to windward and are minded to make a
board the other way, they only alter the setting of the sail by shifting
the end of the yard, and they take the broad paddle with which they steer
instead of a rudder, to the other end of the vessel. I have been
particular in describing these their sailing canoes, because I believe
they sail the best of any boats in the world. I tried the swiftness of one
of them with our log: we had twelve knots on our reel, and she ran it all
out before the half-minute glass was half out. I believe she would run 24
miles in an hour. It was very pleasant to see the little boat running so
swift by the other's side. I was told that one of these proes being sent
express from _Guahan_ to _Manila_, [a distance above 480 leagues]
performed the voyage in four days.'
[Sidenote: Bread Fruit.] Dampier has described the Bread-fruit, which is
among the productions of the _Ladrone Islands_. He had never seen nor
heard of it any where but at these Islands. Provisions were obtained in
such plenty at _Guahan_, that in the two vessels they salted above fifty
hogs for sea use. The friar was released, with presents in return for his
good offices, and to compensate for his confinement.
[Sidenote: June.] June the 2d, they sailed from _Guahan_ for the Island
_Mindanao_. The weather was uncertain: 'the Westerly winds were not as yet
in strength, and the Easterly winds commonly over-mastered them and
brought the ships on their way to _Mindanao_.'
[Sidenote: Eastern side of Mindanao, and the Island St. John.] There is
much difference between the manuscript Journal of Dampier and the
published Narrative, concerning the geography of the East side of
_Mindanao_. The Manuscript says, 'We arrived off _Mindanao_ the 21st day
of June; but being come in with the land, knew not what part of the Island
the city was in, therefore we run down to the Northward, between
_Mindanao_ and _St. John_, and came to an anchor in a bay which lieth in
six degrees North latitude.'
In the printed Narrative it is said, 'The 21st day of June, we arrived at
the _Island St. John_, which is on the East side of _Mindanao_, and
distant from it 3 or 4 leagues. It is in latitude about 7° or 8° North.
This Island is in length about 38 leagues, stretching NNW and SSE, and is
in breadth about 24 leagues in the middle of the Island. The Northernmost
end is broader, and the Southern narrower. This Island is of good height,
and is full of small hills. The land at the SE end (where I was ashore) is
of a black fat mould; and the whole Island seems to partake of the same,
by the vast number of large trees that it produceth, for it looks all over
like one great grove. As we were passing by the SE end, we saw a canoe of
the natives under the shore, and one of our boats went after to have
spoken with her, but she ran to the shore, and the people leaving her,
fled to the woods. We saw no more people here, nor sign of inhabitant at
this end. When we came aboard our ship again, we steered away for the
Island _Mindanao_, which was fair in sight of us, it being about 10
leagues distant from this part of _St. John's_. The 22d day, we came
within a league of the East side of _Mindanao_, and having the wind at SE,
we steered towards the North end, keeping on the East side till we came
into the latitude of 7° 40' N, and there we anchored in a small bay, a
mile from the shore, in 10 fathoms, rocky foul ground; _Mindanao_ being
guarded on the East side by _St. John's Island_, we might as reasonably
have expected to find the harbour and city on this side as any where else;
but coming into the latitude in which we judged the city might be, we
found no canoes or people that indicated a city or place of trade being
near at hand, though we coasted within a league of the shore[80].'
This difference between the manuscript and printed Journal cannot well be
accounted for. The most remarkable particular of disagreement is in the
latitude of the bay wherein they anchored. At this bay they had
communication with the inhabitants, and learnt that the _Mindanao City_
was to the Westward. They could not prevail on any Mindanao man to pilot
them; the next day, however, they weighed anchor, and sailed back
Southward, till they came to a part they supposed to be the SE end of
_Mindanao_, and saw two small Islands about three leagues distant from it.
[Sidenote: Sarangan and Candigar.] There is reason to believe that the two
small Islands here noticed were _Sarangan_ and _Candigar_; according to
which, Dampier's _Island St. John_ will be the land named _Cape San
Augustin_ in the present charts. And hence arises a doubt whether the land
of _Cape San Augustin_ is not an Island separate from _Mindanao_.
Dampier's navigation between them does not appear to have been far enough
to the Northward to ascertain whether he was in a Strait or a Gulf.
[Sidenote: July. Harbour or Sound on the South Coast of Mindanao.] The
wind blew constant and fresh from the Westward, and it took them till the
4th of July to get into a harbour or sound a few leagues to the NW from
the two small Islands. This harbour or sound ran deep into the land; at
the entrance it is only two miles across, but within it is three leagues
wide, with seven fathoms depth, and there is good depth for shipping four
or five leagues up, but with some rocky foul ground. On the East side of
this Bay are small rivers and brooks of fresh water. The country on the
West side was uncultivated land, woody, and well stocked with wild deer,
which had been used to live there unmolested, no people inhabiting on
that side of the bay. Near the shore was a border of savanna or meadow
land which abounded in long grass. Dampier says, 'the adjacent woods are a
covert for the deer in the heat of the day; but mornings and evenings they
feed in the open plains, as thick as in our parks in England. I never saw
any where such plenty of wild deer. We found no hindrance to our killing
as many as we pleased, and the crews of both the ships were fed with
venison all the time we remained here.'
They quitted this commodious Port on the 12th; the weather had become
moderate, and they proceeded Westward for the River and City of
_Mindanao_. The Southern part of the Island appeared better peopled than
the Eastern part; they passed many fishing boats, 'and now and then a
small village.'
[Sidenote: River of Mindanao.] On the 18th, they anchored before the
_River of Mindanao_, in 15 fathoms depth, the bottom hard sand, about two
miles distant from the shore, and three or four miles from a small Island
which was without them to the Southward. The river is small, and had not
more than ten or eleven feet depth over the bar at spring tides. Dampier
gives the latitude of the entrance 6° 22' N.
[Sidenote: City of Mindanao.] The buccaneer ships on anchoring saluted
with seven guns, under English colours, and the salute was returned with
three guns from the shore. 'The City of _Mindanao_ is about two miles from
the sea. It is a mile long, of no great breadth, winding with the banks of
the river, on the right hand going up, yet it has many houses on the
opposite side of the river.' The houses were built upon posts, and at this
time, as also during a great part of the succeeding month, the weather was
rainy, and 'the city seemed to stand as in a pond, so that there was no
passing from one house to another but in canoes.'
The Island _Mindanao_ was divided into a number of small states. The port
at which the Cygnet and her tender now anchored, with a large district of
country adjacent, was under the dominion of a Sultan or Prince, who
appears to have been one of the most powerful in the Island. The Spaniards
had not established their dominion over all the _Philippine Islands_, and
the inhabitants of this place were more apprehensive of the Hollanders
than of any other Europeans; and on that account expressed some discontent
when they understood the Cygnet was not come for the purpose of making a
settlement. On the afternoon of their arrival, Swan sent an officer with a
present to the Sultan, consisting of scarlet cloth, gold lace, a scymitar,
and a pair of pistols; and likewise a present to another great man who was
called the General, of scarlet cloth and three yards of silver lace. The
next day, Captain Swan went on shore and was admitted to an audience in
form. The Sultan shewed him two letters from English merchants, expressing
their wishes to establish a factory at _Mindanao_, to do which he said the
English should be welcome. A few days after this audience, the Cygnet and
tender went into the river, the former being lightened first to get her
over the bar. Here, similar to the custom in the ports of _China_, an
officer belonging to the Sultan went on board and measured the ships.
Voyagers or travellers who visit strange countries, generally find, or
think, it necessary to be wary and circumspect: mercantile voyagers are on
the watch for occasions of profit, and the inquisitiveness of men of
observation will be regarded with suspicion; all which, however
familiarity of manners may be assumed, keeps cordiality at a distance, and
causes them to continue strangers. The present visitors were differently
circumstanced and of different character: their pursuits at _Mindanao_
were neither to profit by trade nor to make observation. Long confined
with pockets full of money which they were impatient to exchange for
enjoyment, with minds little troubled by considerations of economy, they
at once entered into familiar intercourse with the natives, who were
gained almost as much by the freedom of their manners as by their
presents, and with whom they immediately became intimates and inmates. The
same happened to Drake and his companions, when, returning enriched with
spoil from the _South Sea_, they stopped at the Island _Java_; and we read
no instance of Europeans arriving at such sociable and friendly
intercourse with any of the natives of _India_, as they became with the
people of _Java_ during the short time they remained there, except in the
similarly circumstanced, instance of the crew of the Cygnet among the
Mindanayans.
By the length of their stay at _Mindanao_, Dampier was enabled to enter
largely into descriptions of the natives, and of the country, and he has
related many entertaining particulars concerning them. Those only in which
the Buccaneers were interested will be noticed here.
The Buccaneers were at first prodigal in their gifts. When any of them
went on shore, they were welcomed and invited to the houses, and were
courted to form particular attachments. Among many nations of the East a
custom has been found to prevail, according to which, a stranger is
expected to choose some individual native to be his friend or comrade; and
a connexion so formed, and confirmed with presents, is regarded, if not as
sacred, with such high respect, that it is held most dishonourable to
break it. The visitor is at all times afterwards welcome to his comrade's
house. The _tayoship_, with the ceremony of exchanging names, among the
South Sea islanders, is a bond of fellowship of the same nature. The
people of _Mindanao_ enlarged and refined upon this custom, and allowed to
the stranger a _pagally_, or platonic friend of the other sex. The wives
of the richest men may be chosen, and she is permitted to converse with
her pagally in public. 'In a short time,' says Dampier, 'several of our
men, such as had good clothes and store of gold, had a comrade or two, and
as many pagallies.' Some of the crew hired, and some purchased, houses, in
which they lived with their comrades and pagallies, and with a train of
servants, as long as their means held out. 'Many of our Squires,'
continues Dampier, 'were in no long time eased of the trouble of counting
their money. This created a division of the crew into two parties, that is
to say, of those who had money, and those who had none. As the latter
party increased, they became dissatisfied and unruly for want of action,
and continually urged the Captain to go to sea; which not being speedily
complied with, they sold the ship's stores and the merchants' goods to
procure arrack.' Those whose money held out, were not without their
troubles. The Mindanayans were a people deadly in their resentments.
Whilst the Cygnet lay at _Mindanao_, sixteen Buccaneers were buried, most
of whom, Dampier says, died by poison. 'The people of _Mindanao_ are
expert at poisoning, and will do it upon small occasions. Nor did our men
want for giving offence either by rogueries, or by familiarities with
their women, even before their husbands' faces. They have poisons which
are slow and lingering; for some who were poisoned at _Mindanao_, did not
die till many months after.'
Towards the end of the year they began to make preparation for sailing. It
was then discovered that the bottom of the tender was eaten through by
worms in such a manner that she would scarcely swim longer in port, and
could not possibly be made fit for sea. The Cygnet was protected by a
sheathing which covered her bottom, the worms not being able to penetrate
farther than to the hair which was between the sheathing and the main
plank.
[Sidenote: January, 1687.] In the beginning of January (1687), the Cygnet
was removed to without the bar of the river. Whilst she lay there, and
when Captain Swan was on shore, his Journal was accidentally left out, and
thereby liable to the inspection of the crew, some of whom had the
curiosity to look in it, and found there the misconduct of several
individuals on board, noted down in a manner that seemed to threaten an
after-reckoning. This discovery increased the discontents against Swan to
such a degree, that when he heard of it he did not dare to trust himself
on board, and the discontented party took advantage of his absence and got
the ship under sail. Captain Swan sent on board Mr. Harthope, one of the
Supercargoes, to see if he could effect a reconciliation. The principal
mutineers shewed to Mr. Harthope the Captain's Journal, 'and repeated to
him all his ill actions, and they desired that he would take the command
of the ship; but he refused, and desired them to tarry a little longer
whilst he went on shore and communed with the Captain, and he did not
question but all differences would be reconciled. They said they would
wait till two o'clock; but at four o'clock, Mr. Harthope not having
returned, and no boat being seen coming from the shore, they made sail and
put to sea with the ship, leaving their Commander and 36 of the crew at
_Mindanao_.' Dampier was among those who went in the ship; but he
disclaims having had any share in the mutiny.
CHAP. XXI.
_The =Cygnet= departs from =Mindanao=. At the =Ponghou Isles=.
At the =Five Islands=. =Dampier's= Account of the =Five
Islands=. They are named the =Bashee Islands=._
[Sidenote: 1687. January. South Coast of Mindanao.] It was on the 14th of
January the Cygnet sailed from before the _River Mindanao_. The crew chose
one John Reed, a Jamaica man, for their Captain. They steered Westward
along the coast of the South side of the Island, 'which here tends WbS,
the land of a good height, with high hills in the country.' The 15th, they
were abreast a town named _Chambongo_ [in the charts _Samboangan_] which
Dampier reckoned to be 30 leagues distant from the _River of Mindanao_.
The Spaniards had formerly a fort there, and it is said to be a good
harbour. 'At the distance of two or three leagues from the coast, are many
small low Islands or Keys; and two or three leagues to the Southward of
these Keys is a long Island stretching NE and SW about twelve
leagues[81].'
[Sidenote: Among the Philippine Islands.] When they were past the SW part
of _Mindanao_, they sailed Northward towards _Manila_, plundering the
country vessels that came in their way. What was seen here of the coasts
is noticed slightly and with uncertainty. They met two Mindanao vessels
laden with silks and calicoes; and near _Manila_ they took some Spanish
vessels, one of which had a cargo of rice.
[Sidenote: March. Pulo Condore.] From the _Philippine Islands_ they went
to the Island _Pulo Condore_, where two of the men who had been poisoned
at _Mindanao_, died. 'They were opened by the surgeon, in compliance with
their dying request, and their livers were found black, light, and dry,
like pieces of cork.'
[Sidenote: In the China Seas.] From _Pulo Condore_ they went cruising to
the _Gulf of Siam_, and to different parts of the _China Seas_. What their
success was, Dampier did not think proper to tell, for it would not admit
of being palliated under the term Buccaneering. Among their better
projects and contrivances, one, which could only have been undertaken by
men confident in their own seamanship and dexterity, was to search at the
_Prata Island and Shoal_, for treasure which had been wrecked there, the
recovery of which no one had ever before ventured to attempt. In pursuit
of this scheme, they unluckily fell too far to leeward, and were unable to
beat up against the wind.
[Sidenote: July. Ponghou Isles. The Five Islands.] In July they went to
the _Ponghou Islands_, expecting to find there a port which would be a
safe retreat. On the 20th of that month, they anchored at one of the
Islands, where they found a large town, and a Tartar garrison. This was
not a place where they could rest with ease and security. Having the wind
at SW, they again got under sail, and directed their course to look for
some Islands which in the charts were laid down between _Formosa_ and
_Luconia_, without any name, but marked with the figure 5 to denote their
number. These Buccaneers, or rather pirates, had no other information
concerning the _Five Islands_ than seeing them on the charts, and hoped to
find them without inhabitants.
Dampier's account of the _Five Islands_ would lose in many respects if
given in any other than his own words, which therefore are here
transcribed.
[Sidenote: Dampier's Description of the Five Islands.] 'August the 6th, We
made the _Islands_; the wind was at South, and we fetched in with the
Westernmost, which is the largest, on which we saw goats, but could not
get anchor-ground, therefore we stood over to others about three leagues
from this, and the next forenoon anchored in a small Bay on the East side
of the Easternmost Island in fifteen fathoms, a cable's length from the
shore; and before our sails were furled we had a hundred small boats
aboard, with three, four, and some with six men in them. [Sidenote: August
7th.] There were three large towns on the shore within the distance of a
league. Most of our people being aloft (for we had been forced to turn in
close with all sail abroad, and when we anchored, furled all at once) and
our deck being soon full of Indian natives, we were at first alarmed, and
began to get our small-arms ready; but they were very quiet, only they
picked up such old iron as they found upon our deck. At last, one of our
men perceived one of them taking an iron pin out of a gun-carriage, and
laid hold of him, upon which he bawled out, and the rest leaped into their
boats or overboard, and they all made away for the shore. But when we
perceived their fright, we made much of him we had in hold, and gave him a
small piece of iron, with which we let him go, and he immediately leaped
overboard and swam to his consorts, who hovered near the ship to see the
issue. Some of the boats came presently aboard again, and they were always
afterward very honest and civil. We presently after this, sent our canoe
on shore, and they made the crew welcome with a drink they call Bashee,
and they sold us some hogs. We bought a fat goat for an old iron hoop, a
hog of 70 or 80 _lbs._ weight for two or three pounds of iron, and their
bashee drink and roots for old nails or bullets. Their hogs were very
sweet, but many were meazled. We filled fresh water here at a curious
brook close by the ship.
'We lay here till the 12th, when we weighed to seek for a better
anchoring place. We plied to windward, and passed between the South end of
this Island and the North end of another Island South of this. These
Islands were both full of inhabitants, but there was no good riding. We
stopped a tide under the Southern Island. The tide runs there very strong,
the flood to the North, and it rises and falls eight feet. It was the 15th
day of the month before we found a place we might anchor at and careen,
which was at another Island not so big as either of the former.
[Illustration: Map of the BASHEE Islands.]
'We anchored near the North East part of this smaller Island, against a
small sandy bay, in seven fathoms clean hard sand, a quarter of a mile
from the shore. We presently set up a tent on shore, and every day some of
us went to the towns of the natives, and were kindly entertained by them.
Their boats also came on board to traffic with us every day; so that
besides provision for present use, we bought and salted 70 or 80 good fat
hogs, and laid up a good stock of potatoes and yams.
[Sidenote: Names given to the Islands. Orange Island.] 'These Islands lie
in 20° 20' N.[82] As they are laid down in the charts marked only with a
figure of 5, we gave them what names we pleased. The Dutchmen who were
among us named the Westernmost, which is the largest, the _Prince of
Orange's Island_. It is seven or eight leagues long, about two leagues
wide, and lies almost North and South. _Orange Island_ was not inhabited.
It is high land, flat and even at the top, with steep cliffs against the
sea; for which reason we could not go ashore there, as we did on all the
rest.
[Sidenote: Grafton Island.] 'The Island where we first anchored, we called
the _Duke of Grafton's Isle_, having married my wife out of his Dutchess's
family, and leaving her at Arlington House at my going abroad. _Grafton
Isle_ is about four leagues long, stretching North and South, and one and
a half wide.
[Sidenote: Monmouth Island.] 'The other great Island our seamen called the
_Duke of Monmouth's Island_. It is about three leagues long, and a league
wide.
[Sidenote: Goat Island. Bashee Island. The Drink called Bashee.] 'The two
smaller Islands, which lie between _Monmouth_, and the South end of
_Orange Island_; the Westernmost, which is the smallest, we called _Goat
Island_, from the number of goats we saw there. The Easternmost, at which
we careened, our men unanimously called _Bashee Island_, because of the
plentiful quantity of that liquor which we drank there every day. This
drink called Bashee, the natives make with the juice of the sugar-cane, to
which they put some small black berries. It is well boiled, and then put
into great jars, in which it stands three or four days to ferment. Then it
settles clear, and is presently fit to drink. This is an excellent liquor,
strong, and I believe wholesome, and much like our English beer both in
colour and taste. Our men drank briskly of it during several weeks, and
were frequently drunk with it, and never sick in consequence. [Sidenote:
The whole group named the Bashee Islands.] The natives sold it to us very
cheap, and from the plentiful use of it, our men called all these Islands
the _Bashee Islands_.
[Sidenote: Rocks or small Islands North of the Five Islands.] 'To the
Northward of the Five Islands are two high rocks.' [These rocks are not
inserted in Dampier's manuscript Chart, and only one of them in the
published Chart; whence is to be inferred, that the other was beyond the
limit of the Chart.]
[Sidenote: Natives described.] 'These Islanders are short, squat, people,
generally round visaged with thick eyebrows; their eyes of a hazel colour,
small, yet bigger than those of the Chinese; they have short low noses,
their teeth white; their hair black, thick, and lank, which they wear
short: their skins are of a dark copper colour. They wear neither hat,
cap, nor turban to keep off the sun. The men had a cloth about their
waist, and the women wore short cotton petticoats which reached below the
knee. These people had iron; but whence it came we knew not. The boats
they build are much after the fashion of our Deal yawls, but smaller, and
every man has a boat, which he builds himself. They have also large boats,
which will carry 40 or 50 men each.
'They are neat and cleanly in their persons, and are withal the quietest
and civilest people I ever met with. I could never perceive them to be
angry one with another. I have admired to see 20 or 30 boats aboard our
ship at a time, all quiet and endeavouring to help each other on occasion;
and if cross accidents happened, they caused no noise nor appearance of
distaste. When any of us came to their houses, they would entertain us
with such things as their houses or plantations would afford; and if they
had no bashee at home, would buy of their neighbours, and sit down and
drink freely with us; yet neither then nor sober could I ever perceive
them to be out of humour.
'I never observed them to worship any thing; they had no idols; neither
did I perceive that one man was of greater power than another: they seemed
to be all equal, only every man ruling in his own house, and children
respecting and honouring their parents. Yet it is probable they have some
law or custom by which they are governed; for whilst we lay here, we saw a
young man buried alive in the earth, and it was for theft, as far as we
could understand from them. There was a great deep hole dug, and abundance
of people came to the place to take their last farewell of him. One woman
particularly made great lamentations, and took off the condemned person's
ear-rings. We supposed her to be his mother. After he had taken leave of
her, and some others, he was put into the pit, and covered over with
earth. He did not struggle, but yielded very quietly to his punishment,
and they crammed the earth close upon him, and stifled him.
[Sidenote: Situations of their Towns.] _Monmouth_ and _Grafton Isles_ are
very hilly with steep precipices; and whether from fear of pirates, of
foreign enemies, or factions among their own clans, their towns and
villages are built on the most steep and inaccessible of these precipices,
and on the sides of rocky hills; so that in some of their towns, three or
four rows of houses stand one above another, in places so steep that they
go up to the first row with a ladder, and in the same manner ascend to
every street upwards. _Grafton_ and _Monmouth Islands_ are very thick set
with these hills and towns. [Sidenote: Bashee Islands.] The two small
Islands are flat and even, except that on _Bashee Island_ there is one
steep craggy hill. The reason why _Orange Island_ has no inhabitants,
though the largest and as fertile as any of these Islands, I take to be,
because it is level and exposed to attack; and for the same reason, _Goat
Island_, being low and even, hath no inhabitants. We saw no houses built
on any open plain ground. Their houses are but small and low, the roofs
about eight feet high.
The vallies are well watered with brooks of fresh water. The fruits of
these Islands are plantains, bananas, pine-apples, pumpkins, yams and
other roots, and sugar-canes, which last they use mostly for their bashee
drink. Here are plenty of goats, and hogs; and but a few fowls. They had
no grain of any kind.
[Sidenote: September. 26th.] 'On the 26th of September, our ship was
driven to sea, by a strong gale at NbW, which made her drag her anchors.
Six of the crew were on shore, who could not get on board. The weather
continued stormy till the 29th. [Sidenote: October.] The 1st of October,
we recovered the anchorage from which we had been driven, and immediately
the natives brought on board our six seamen, who related that after the
ship was out of sight, the natives were more kind to them than they had
been before, and tried to persuade them to cut their hair short, as was
the custom among themselves, offering to each of them if they would, a
young woman to wife, a piece of land, and utensils fit for a planter.
These offers were declined, but the natives were not the less kind; on
which account we made them a present of three whole bars of iron.'
Two days after this reciprocation of kindness, the Buccaneers bid farewell
to these friendly Islanders.
CHAP. XXII.
_The =Cygnet=. At the =Philippines=, =Celebes=, and =Timor=. On
the Coast of =New Holland=. End of the =Cygnet=._
[Sidenote: 1687. October.] From the _Bashee Islands_, the Cygnet steered
at first SSW, with the wind at West, and on that course passed 'close to
the Eastward of certain small Islands that lie just by the North end of
the Island _Luconia_.'
[Sidenote: Island near the SE end of Mindanao. Candigar.] They went on
Southward by the East of the _Philippine Islands_. On the 14th, they were
near a small low woody Island, which Dampier reckoned to lie East 20
leagues from the SE end of _Mindanao_. The 16th, they anchored between the
small Islands _Candigar_ and _Sarangan_; but afterwards found at the NW
end of the Eastern of the two Islands, a good and convenient small cove,
into which they went, and careened the ship. They heard here that Captain
Swan and those of the crew left with him, were still at the _City of
Mindanao_.
[Sidenote: December. 27th. Near the SW end of Timor.] The Cygnet and her
restless crew continued wandering about the Eastern Seas, among the
_Philippine Islands_, to _Celebes_, and to _Timor_. December the 27th,
steering a Southerly course, they passed by the West side of _Rotte_, and
by another small Island, near the SW end of _Timor_. Dampier says, 'Being
now clear of all the Islands, and having the wind at West and WbN, we
steered away SSW,[83] intending to touch at _New Holland_, to see what
that country would afford us.'
The wind blew fresh, and kept them under low sail; sometimes with only
their courses set, and sometimes with reefed topsails. [Sidenote: 31st.]
The 31st at noon, their latitude was 13° 20' S. About ten o'clock at
night, they tacked and stood to the Northward for fear of a shoal, which
their charts laid down in the track they were sailing, and in latitude
13° 50' S. [Sidenote: 1688. January. Low Island and Shoal, SbW from the
West end of Timor.] At three in the morning, they tacked again and stood
SbW and SSW. As soon as it was light, they perceived a low Island and
shoal right ahead. This shoal, by their reckoning, is in latitude 13° 50',
and lies SbW from the West end of _Timor_.[84] 'It is a small spit of sand
appearing just above the water's edge, with several rocks about it eight
or ten feet high above water. It lies in a triangular form, each side in
extent about a league and a half. We could not weather it, so bore away
round the East end, and stood again to the Southward, passing close by it
and sounding, but found no ground. [Sidenote: NW Coast of New Holland.]
This shoal is laid down in our drafts not above 16 or 20 leagues from _New
Holland_; but we ran afterwards 60 leagues making a course due South,
before we fell in with the coast of _New Holland_, which we did on January
the 4th, in latitude 16° 50' S.' Dampier remarks here, that unless they
were set Westward by a current, the coast of _New Holland_ must have been
laid down too far Westward in the charts; but he thought it not probable
that they were deceived by currents, because the tides on that part of the
coast were found very regular; the flood setting towards the NE.
[Sidenote: In a Bay on the NW Coast of New Holland.] The coast here was
low and level, with sand-banks. The Cygnet sailed along the shore NEbE 12
leagues, when she came to a point of land, with an Island so near it that
she could not pass between. A league before coming to this point, that is
to say, Westward of the point, was a shoal which ran out from the
main-land a league. Beyond the point, the coast ran East, and East
Southerly, making a deep bay with many Islands in it. On the 5th, they
anchored in this bay, about two miles from the shore, in 29 fathoms. The
6th, they ran nearer in and anchored about four miles Eastward of the
point before mentioned, and a mile distant from the nearest shore, in 18
fathoms depth, the bottom clean sand.
People were seen on the land, and a boat was sent to endeavour to make
acquaintance with them; but the natives did not wait. Their habitations
were sought for, but none were found. The soil here was dry and sandy, yet
fresh water was found by digging for it. They warped the ship into a small
sandy cove, at a spring tide, as far as she would float, and at low water
she was high aground, the sand being dry without her half a mile; for the
sea rose and fell here about five fathoms perpendicularly. During the neap
tides, the ship lay wholly aground, the sea not approaching nearer than
within a hundred yards of her. Turtle and manatee were struck here, as
much every day as served the whole crew.
Boats went from the ship to different parts of the bay in search of
provisions. [Sidenote: Natives.] For a considerable time they met with no
inhabitants; but at length, a party going to one of the Islands, saw there
about forty natives, men, women, and children. 'The Island was too small
for them to conceal themselves. The men at first made threatening motions
with lances and wooden swords, but a musket was fired to scare them, and
they stood still. The women snatched up their infants and ran away
howling, their other children running after squeaking and bawling. Some
invalids who could not get away lay by the fire making a doleful noise;
but after a short time they grew sensible that no mischief was intended
them, and they became quiet.' Those who had fled, soon returned, and some
presents made, succeeded in rendering them familiar. Dampier relates, 'we
filled some of our barrels with water at wells, which had been dug by the
natives, but it being troublesome to get to our boats, we thought to have
made these men help us, to which end we put on them some old ragged
clothes, thinking this finery would make them willing to be employed. We
then brought our new servants to the wells, and put a barrel on the
shoulders of each; but all the signs we could make were to no purpose, for
they stood like statues, staring at one another and grinning like so many
monkies. These poor creatures seem not accustomed to carry burthens, and I
believe one of our ship-boys of ten years old would carry as much as one
of their men. So we were forced to carry our water ourselves, and they
very fairly put off the clothes again and laid them down. They had no
great liking to them at first, neither did they seem to admire any thing
that we had.'
'The inhabitants of this country are the most miserable people in the
world. The Hottentots compared with them are gentlemen. They have no
houses, animals, or poultry. Their persons are tall, straight-bodied,
thin, with long limbs: they have great heads, round foreheads, and great
brows. Their eyelids are always half closed to keep the flies out of their
eyes, for they are so troublesome here that no fanning will keep them from
one's face, so that from their infancy they never open their eyes as other
people do, and therefore they cannot see far, unless they hold up their
heads as if they were looking at something over them. They have great
bottle noses, full lips, wide mouths: the two fore-teeth of their upper
jaw are wanting in all of them: neither have they any beards. Their hair
is black, short, and curled, and their skins coal black like that of the
negroes in _Guinea_. Their only food is fish, and they constantly search
for them at low water, and they make little weirs or dams with stones
across little coves of the sea. At one time, our boat being among the
Islands seeking for game, espied a drove of these people swimming from
one Island to another; for they have neither boats, canoes, nor bark-logs.
We always gave them victuals when we met any of them. But after the first
time of our being among them, they did not stir for our coming.'
It deserves to be remarked to the credit of human nature, that these poor
people, in description the most wretched of mankind in all respects, that
we read of, stood their ground for the defence of their women and
children, against the shock and first surprise at hearing the report of
fire-arms.
[Sidenote: March.] The Cygnet remained at this part of _New Holland_ till
the 12th of March, and then sailed Westward, for the West coast of
_Sumatra_.
[Sidenote: 28th. An Island in Lat. 10° 20' S.] On the 28th, they fell in
with a small woody uninhabited Island, in latitude 10° 20' S, and, by
Dampier's reckoning, 12° 6' of longitude from the part of _New Holland_ at
which they had been. There was too great depth of water every where round
the Island for anchorage. A landing-place was found near the SW point, and
on the Island a small brook of fresh water; but the surf would not admit
of any to be taken off to the ship. Large craw-fish, boobies, and
men-of-war birds, were caught, as many as served for a meal for the whole
crew.
[Sidenote: April. End of the Cygnet.] April the 7th, they made the coast
of _Sumatra_. Shortly after, at the _Nicobar Islands_, Dampier and some
others quitted the Cygnet. Read, the Captain, and those who yet remained
with him, continued their piratical cruising in the Indian Seas, till,
after a variety of adventures, and changes of commanders, they put into
_Saint Augustine's_ Bay in the Island of _Madagascar_, by which time the
ship was in so crazy a condition, that the crew abandoned her, and she
sunk at her anchors. Some of the men embarked on board European ships, and
some engaged themselves in the service of the petty princes of that
Island.
Dampier returned to _England_ in 1691.
CHAP. XXIII.
_French Buccaneers under =François Grogniet= and =Le Picard=, to
the Death of =Grogniet=._
[Sidenote: The French Buccaneers, from July 1685.] Having accompanied the
Cygnet to her end, the History must again be taken back to the breaking up
of the general confederacy of Buccaneers which took place at the Island
_Quibo_, to give a connected narrative of the proceedings of the French
adventurers from that period to their quitting the _South Sea_.
[Sidenote: Under Grogniet.] Three hundred and forty-one French Buccaneers
(or to give them their due, privateers, war then existing between _France_
and _Spain_) separated from Edward Davis in July 1685, choosing for their
leader Captain François Grogniet.
They had a small ship, two small barks, and some large canoes, which were
insufficient to prevent their being incommoded for want of room, and the
ship was so ill provided with sails as to be disqualified for cruising at
sea. They were likewise scantily furnished with provisions, and necessity
for a long time confined their enterprises to the places on the coast of
_New Spain_ in the neighbourhood of _Quibo_. The towns of _Pueblo Nuevo_,
_Ria Lexa_, _Nicoya_, and others, were plundered by them, some more than
once, by which they obtained provisions, and little of other plunder,
except prisoners, from whom they extorted ransom either in provisions or
money.
[Sidenote: November.] In November, they attacked the town of _Ria Lexa_.
Whilst in the port, a Spanish Officer delivered to them a letter from the
Vicar-General of the province of _Costa Rica_, written to inform them that
a truce for twenty years had been concluded between _France_ and _Spain_.
The Vicar-General therefore required of them to forbear committing farther
hostility, and offered to give them safe conduct over land to the _North
Sea_, and a passage to _Europe_ in the galeons of his Catholic Majesty to
as many as should desire it. This offer not according with the
inclinations of the adventurers, they declined accepting it, and, without
entering into enquiry, professed to disbelieve the intelligence.
[Sidenote: Point de Burica.] November the 14th, they were near the _Point
Burica_. Lussan says, 'we admired the pleasant appearance of the land, and
among other things, a walk or avenue, formed by five rows of cocoa-nut
trees, which extended in continuation along the coast 15 leagues, with as
much regularity as if they had been planted by line.'
[Sidenote: 1686. January. Chiriquita.] In the beginning of January 1686,
two hundred and thirty of these Buccaneers went in canoes from _Quibo_
against _Chiriquita_, a small Spanish town on the Continent, between
_Point Burica_ and the Island _Quibo_. _Chiriquita_ is situated up a
navigable river, and at some distance from the sea-coast. 'Before this
river are eight or ten Islands, and shoals on which the sea breaks at low
water; but there are channels between them through which ships may
pass[85].'
The Buccaneers arrived in the night at the entrance of the river,
unperceived by the Spaniards; but being without guides, and in the dark,
they mistook and landed on the wrong side of the river. They were two days
occupied in discovering the right way, but were so well concealed by the
woods, that at daylight on the morning of the third day they came upon the
town and surprised the whole of the inhabitants, who, says Lussan, had
been occupied the last two days in disputing which of them should keep
watch, and go the rounds.
Lussan relates here, that himself and five others were decoyed to pursue a
few Spaniards to a distance from the town, where they were suddenly
attacked by one hundred and twenty men. He and his companions however, he
says, played their parts an hour and a half '_en vrai Flibustiers_,' and
laid thirty of the enemy on the ground, by which time they were relieved
by the arrival of some of their friends. They set fire to the town, and
got ransom for their prisoners: in what the ransom consisted, Lussan has
not said.
[Sidenote: At Quibo.] Their continuance in one station, at length
prevailed on the Spaniards to collect and send a force against them. They
had taken some pains to instil into the Spaniards a belief that they
intended to erect fortifications and establish themselves at _Quibo_.
Their view in this it is not easy to conjecture, unless it was to
discourage their prisoners from pleading poverty; for they obliged those
from whom they could not get money, to labour, and to procure bricks and
materials for building to be sent for their ransom. On the 27th of
January, a small fleet of Spanish vessels approached the Island _Quibo_.
The buccaneer ship was without cannon, and lay near the entrance of a
river which had only depth sufficient for their small vessels. The
Buccaneers therefore took out of the ship all that could be of use, and
ran her aground; and with their small barks and canoes took a station in
the river. [Sidenote: February.] The Spaniards set fire to the abandoned
ship, and remained by her to collect the iron-work; but they shewed no
disposition to attack the French in the river; and on the 1st of February,
they departed from the Island.
The Buccaneers having lost their ship, set hard to work to build
themselves small vessels. In this month of February, fourteen of their
number died by sickness and accidents.
[Sidenote: March.] They had projected an attack upon _Granada_ but want of
present subsistence obliged them to seek supply nearer, and a detachment
was sent with that view to the river of _Pueblo Nuevo_. Some vessels of
the Spanish flotilla which had lately been at _Quibo_, were lying at
anchor in the river, which the Flibustiers mistook for a party of the
English Buccaneers. [Sidenote: Unsuccessful attempt at Pueblo Nuevo.] In
this belief they went within pistol-shot, and hailed, and were then
undeceived by receiving for answer a volley of musketry. They fired on the
Spaniards in return, but were obliged to retreat, and in this affair they
lost four men killed outright, and between 30 and 40 were wounded.
Preparatory to their intended expedition against _Granada_, they agreed
upon some regulations for preserving discipline and order, the principal
articles of which were, that cowardice, theft, drunkenness, or
disobedience, should be punished with forfeiture of all share of booty
taken.
On the evening of the 22d, they were near the entrance of the _Gulf of
Nicoya_, in a little fleet, consisting of two small barks, a row-galley,
and nine large canoes. A tornado came on in the night which dispersed them
a good deal. At daylight they were surprised at counting thirteen sail in
company, and before they discovered which was the strange vessel, five
more sail came in sight. [Sidenote: Grogniet is joined by Townley.] They
soon joined each other, and the strangers proved to be a party of the
Buccaneers of whom Townley was the head.
Townley had parted company from Swan not quite two months before. His
company consisted of 115 men, embarked in a ship and five large canoes.
Townley had advanced with his canoes along the coast before his ship to
seek provisions, he and his men being no better off in that respect than
Grogniet and his followers. On their meeting as above related, the French
did not forget Townley's former overbearing conduct towards them: they,
however, limited their vengeance to a short triumph. Lussan says, 'we now
finding ourselves the strongest, called to mind the ill offices he had
done us, and to shew him our resentment, we made him and his men in the
canoes with him our prisoners. We then boarded his ship, of which we made
ourselves masters, and pretended that we would keep her. We let them
remain some time under this apprehension, after which we made them see
that we were more honest and civilized people than they were, and that we
would not profit of our advantage over them to revenge ourselves; for
after keeping possession about four or five hours, we returned to them
their ship and all that had been taken from them.' The English shewed
their sense of this moderation by offering to join in the attack on
_Granada_, which offer was immediately accepted.
[Sidenote: April. Expedition against the City of Granada.] The city of
_Granada_ is situated in a valley bordering on the _Lake of Nicaragua_,
and is about 16 leagues distant from _Leon_. The Buccaneers were provided
with guides, and to avoid giving the Spaniards suspicion of their design,
Townley's ship and the two barks were left at anchor near _Cape Blanco_,
whilst the force destined to be employed against _Granada_ proceeded in
the canoes to the place at which it was proposed to land, directions being
left with the ship and barks to follow in due time.
[Sidenote: 7th.] The 7th of April, 345 Buccaneers landed from the canoes,
about twenty leagues NW-ward of _Cape Blanco_, and began their march,
conducted by the guides, who led them through woods and unfrequented ways.
They travelled night and day till the 9th, in hopes to reach the city
before they were discovered by the inhabitants, or their having landed
should be known by the Spaniards.
The province of _Nicaragua_, in which _Granada_ stands, is reckoned one of
the most fertile in _New Spain_. The distance from where the Buccaneers
landed, to the city, may be estimated about 60 miles. Yet they expected
to come upon it by surprise; and in fact they did travel the greater part
of the way without being seen by any inhabitant. Such a mark of the state
of the population, corresponds with all the accounts given of the wretched
tyranny exercised by the Spaniards over the nations they have conquered.
The Buccaneers however were discovered in their second day's march, by
people who were fishing in a river, some of whom immediately posted off
with the intelligence. The Spaniards had some time before been advertised
by a deserter that the Buccaneers designed to attack _Granada_; but they
were known to entertain designs upon so many places, and to be so
fluctuating in their plans, that the Spaniards could only judge from
certain intelligence where most to guard against their attempts.
[Sidenote: 9th.] On the night of the 9th, fatigue and hunger obliged the
Buccaneers to halt at a sugar plantation four leagues distant from the
city. One man, unable to keep up with the rest, had been taken prisoner.
[Sidenote: 10th.] The morning of the 10th, they marched on, and from an
eminence over which they passed, had a view of the _Lake of Nicaragua_, on
which were seen two vessels sailing from the city. These vessels the
Buccaneers afterwards learnt, were freighted with the richest moveables
that at short notice the inhabitants had been able to embark, to be
conveyed for security to an Island in the Lake which was two leagues
distant from the city.
_Granada_ was large and spacious, with magnificent churches and well-built
houses. The ground is destitute of water, and the town is supplied from
the Lake; nevertheless there were many large sugar plantations in the
neighbourhood, some of which were like small towns, and had handsome
churches. _Granada_ was not regularly fortified, but had a place of arms
surrounded with a wall, in the nature of a citadel, and furnished with
cannon. The great church was within this inclosed part of the town.
[Sidenote: The City of Nueva Granada taken;] The Buccaneers arrived about
two o'clock in the afternoon, and immediately assaulted the place of arms,
which they carried with the loss of four men killed, and eight wounded,
most of them mortally. The first act of the victors, according to Lussan,
was to sing _Te Deum_ in the great church; and the next, to plunder.
Provisions, military stores, and a quantity of merchandise, were found in
the town, the latter of which was of little or no value to the captors.
[Sidenote: 11th.] The next day they sent to enquire if the Spaniards would
ransom the town, and the merchandise. It had been rumoured that the
Buccaneers would be unwilling to destroy _Granada_, because they proposed
at some future period to make it their baiting place, in returning to the
_North Sea_, and the Spaniards scarcely condescended to make answer to the
demand for ransom. [Sidenote: And Burnt.] The Buccaneers in revenge set
fire to the houses. 'If we could have found boats,' says Lussan, 'to have
gone on the lake, and could have taken the two vessels laden with the
riches of _Granada_, we should have thought this a favourable opportunity
for returning to the _West Indies_.'
[Sidenote: 15th.] On the 15th, they left _Granada_, to return to the
coast, which journey they performed in the most leisurely manner. They
took with them a large cannon, with oxen to draw it, and some smaller guns
which they laid upon mules. The weather was hot and dry, and the road so
clouded with dust, as almost to stifle both men and beasts. Sufficient
provision of water had not been made for the journey, and the oxen all
died. The cannon was of course left on the road. Towards the latter part
of the journey, water and refreshments were procured at some villages and
houses, the inhabitants of which furnished supplies as a condition that
their dwellings should be spared.
On the 26th, they arrived at the sea and embarked in their vessels, taking
on board with them a Spanish priest whom the Spaniards would not redeem
by delivering up their buccaneer prisoner. Most of the men wounded in the
Granada expedition died of cramps.
[Sidenote: 28th, At Ria Lexa. May.] The 28th, they came upon _Ria Lexa_
unexpectedly, and made one hundred of the inhabitants prisoners. By such
means, little could be gained more than present subsistence, and that was
rendered very precarious by the Spaniards removing their cattle from the
coast. It was therefore determined to put an end to their unprofitable
continuance in one place; but they could not agree where next to go. All
the English, and one half of the French, were for sailing to the _Bay of
Panama_. The other half of the French, 148 in number, with Grogniet at
their head, declared for trying their fortunes North-westward. Division
was made of the vessels and provisions. The whole money which the French
had acquired by their depredations amounted to little more than 7000
dollars, and this sum they generously distributed among those of their
countrymen who had been lamed or disabled.
[Sidenote: Grogniet and Townley part Company. Buccaneers under Townley.]
May the 19th, they parted company. Those bound for the _Bay of Panama_, of
whom Townley appears to have been regarded the head, had a ship, a bark,
and some large canoes. Townley proposed an attack on the town of _Lavelia_
or _La Villia_, at which place the treasure from the Lima ships had been
landed in the preceding year, and this proposal was approved.
[Sidenote: June.] Tornadoes and heavy rains kept them among the _Keys of
Quibo_ till the middle of June. On the 20th of that month, they arrived
off the _Punta Mala_, and during the day, they lay at a distance from the
land with sails furled. At night the principal part of their force made
for the land in the canoes; but they had been deceived in the distance.
Finding that they could not reach the river which leads to _Lavelia_
before day, they took down the sails and masts, and went to three leagues
distance from the land, where they lay all the day of the 21st. Lussan,
who was of this party of Buccaneers, says that they were obliged to
practise the same manoeuvre on the day following. In the middle of the
night of the 22d, 160 Buccaneers landed from the canoes at the entrance of
the river. [Sidenote: 23d. Lavelia taken.] They were some hours in
marching to _Lavelia_, yet the town was surprised, and above 300 of the
inhabitants made prisoners. This was in admirable conformity with the rest
of the management of the Spaniards. The fleet from _Lima_, laden with
treasure intended for _Panama_, had, more than a year before, landed the
treasure and rich merchandise at _Lavelia_, as a temporary measure of
security against the Buccaneers, suited to the occasion. The Government at
_Panama_, and the other proprietors, would not be at the trouble of
getting it removed to _Panama_, except in such portions as might be
required by some present convenience; and allowed a great part to remain
in _Lavelia_, a place of no defence, although during the whole time
Buccaneers had been on the coast of _Veragua_, or _Nicaragua_, to whom it
now became an easy prey, through indolence and a total want of vigilance,
as well in the proprietors as in those whom they employed to guard it.
Three Spanish barks were riding in the river, one of which the crews sunk,
and so dismantled the others that no use could be made of them; but the
Buccaneers found two boats in serviceable condition at a landing-place a
quarter of a league below the town. The riches they now saw in their
possession equalled their most sanguine expectations, and if secured, they
thought would compensate for all former disappointments. The merchandise
in _Lavelia_ was estimated in value at a million and a half of piastres.
The gold and silver found there amounted only to 15,000 piastres.
The first day of being masters of _Lavelia_, was occupied by the
Buccaneers in making assortments of the most valuable articles of the
merchandise. The next morning, they loaded 80 horses with bales, and a
guard of 80 men went with them to the landing-place where the two boats
above mentioned were lying. In the way, one man of this escort was taken
by the Spaniards. The two prize boats were by no means large enough to
carry all the goods which the Buccaneers proposed to take from _Lavelia_;
and on that account directions had been dispatched to the people in the
canoes at the entrance of the river to advance up towards the town. These
directions they attempted to execute; but the land bordering the river was
woody, which exposed the canoes to the fire of a concealed enemy, and
after losing one man, they desisted from advancing. For the same cause, it
was thought proper not to send off the two loaded boats without a strong
guard, and they did not move during this day. The Buccaneers sent a letter
to the Spanish Alcalde, to demand if he would ransom the town, the
merchandise, and the prisoners; but the Alcalde refused to treat with
them. [Sidenote: The Town set on fire.] In the afternoon therefore, they
set fire to the town, and marched to the landing-place where the two boats
lay, and there rested for the night.
[Sidenote: River of Lavelia.] The river of _Lavelia_ is broad, but
shallow. Vessels of forty tons can go a league and a half within the
entrance. The landing-place is yet a league and a half farther up, and the
town is a quarter of a mile from the landing-place[86].
[Sidenote: 25th.] On the morning of the 25th, the two boats, laden as deep
as was safe, began to fall down the river, having on board nine men to
conduct them. The main body of the Buccaneers at the same time marched
along the bank on one side of the river for their protection. A body of
Spaniards skreened by the woods, and unseen by the Buccaneers, kept pace
with them on the other side of the river, at a small distance within the
bank. The Buccaneers had marched about a league, and the boats had
descended as far, when they came to a point of land on which the trees and
underwood grew so thick as not to be penetrated without some labour and
expence of time, to which they did not choose to submit, but preferred
making a circuit which took them about a quarter of a mile from the river.
The Spaniards on the opposite side were on the watch, and not slow in
taking advantage of their absence. They came to the bank, whence they
fired upon the men in the laden boats, four of whom they killed, and
wounded one; the other four abandoned the boats and escaped into the
thicket. The Spaniards took possession of the boats, and finding there the
wounded Buccaneer, they cut off his head and fixed it on a stake which
they set up by the side of the river at a place by which the rest of the
Buccaneers would necessarily have to pass.
The main body of the Buccaneers regained the side of the river in
ignorance of what had happened; and not seeing the boats, were for a time
in doubt whether they were gone forward, or were still behind. The first
notice they received of their loss was from the men who had escaped from
the boats, who made their way through the thicket and joined them.
Thus did this crew of Buccaneers, within a short space of time, win by
circumspection and adroitness, and lose by negligence, the richest booty
they had ever made. If quitting the bank of the river had been a matter of
necessity, and unavoidable, there was nothing but idleness to prevent
their conveying their plunder the remainder of the distance to their boats
by land.
In making their way through the woods, they found the rudder, sails, and
other furniture of the Spanish barks in the river; the barks themselves
were near at hand, and the Buccaneers embarked in them; but the flood
tide making, they came to an anchor, and lay still for the night.
[Sidenote: June 26th.] The next morning, as they descended the river, they
saw the boats which they had so richly freighted, now cleared of their
lading and broken to pieces; and near to their wreck, was the head which
the Spaniards had stuck up. This spectacle, added to the mortifying loss
of their booty, threw the Buccaneers into a frenzy, and they forthwith cut
off the heads of four prisoners, and set them on poles in the same place.
In the passage down the river, four more of the Buccaneers were killed by
the firing of the Spaniards from the banks.
[Sidenote: 27th.] The day after their retreat from the river of _Lavelia_,
a Spaniard went off to them to treat for the release of the prisoners, and
they came to an agreement that 10,000 pieces of eight should be paid for
their ransom. Some among them who had wives were permitted to go on shore
that they might assist in procuring the money; but on the 29th, the same
messenger again went off and acquainted them that the _Alcalde Major_
would not only not suffer the relations of the prisoners to send money for
their ransom, but that he had arrested some of those whom the Buccaneers
had allowed to land. On receiving this report, these savages without
hesitation cut off the heads of two of their prisoners, and delivered them
to the messenger, to be carried to the _Alcalde_, with their assurance
that if the ransom did not speedily arrive, the rest of the prisoners
would be treated in the same manner. The next day the ransom was settled
for the remaining prisoners, and for one of the captured barks; the
Spaniards paying partly with money, partly with provisions and
necessaries, and with the release of the Buccaneer they had taken. In the
agreement for the bark, the Spaniards required a note specifying that if
the Buccaneers again met her, they should make prize only of the cargo,
and not of the vessel.
After the destruction of _Lavelia_, it might be supposed that the
perpetrators of so much mischief would not be allowed with impunity to
remain in the _Bay of Panama_; but such was the weakness or negligence of
the Spaniards, that this small body of freebooters continued several
months in this same neighbourhood, and at times under the very walls of
the City. On another point, however, the Spaniards were more active, and
with success; for they concluded a treaty of peace and alliance with the
Indians of the _Isthmus_, in consequence of which, the passage overland
through the Darien country was no longer open to the Buccaneers; and some
small parties of them who attempted to travel across, were intercepted and
cut off by the Spaniards, with the assistance of the natives.
[Sidenote: July.] The Spaniards had at _Panama_ a military corps
distinguished by the appellation of Greeks, which was composed of
Europeans of different nations, not natives of _Spain_. Among the
atrocities committed by the crew under Townley, they put to death one of
these Greeks, who was also Commander of a Spanish vessel, because on
examining him for intelligence, they thought he endeavoured to deceive
them; and in aggravation of the deed, Lussan relates the circumstance in
the usual manner of his pleasantries, 'we paid him for his treachery by
sending him to the other world.'
[Sidenote: August.] On the 20th of August, as they were at anchor within
sight of the city of _Panama_, they observed boats passing and repassing
between some vessels and the shore, and a kind of bustle which had the
appearance of an equipment. [Sidenote: Battle with Spanish armed Ships.]
The next day, the Buccaneers anchored near the Island _Taboga_; and there,
on the morning of the 22d, they were attacked by three armed vessels from
_Panama_. The Spaniards were provided with cannon, and the battle lasted
half the day, when, owing to an explosion of gunpowder in one of the
Spanish vessels, the victory was decided in favour of the Buccaneers. Two
of the three Spanish vessels were taken, as was also one other, which
during the fight arrived from _Panama_ as a reinforcement. In the last
mentioned prize, cords were found prepared for binding their prisoners in
the event of their being victorious; and this, the Buccaneers deemed
provocation sufficient for them to slaughter the whole crew. This battle,
so fatal to the Spaniards, cost the Buccaneers only one man killed
outright, and 22 wounded. Townley was among the wounded.
Two of the prizes were immediately manned from the canoes, the largest
under the command of Le Picard, who was the chief among the French of this
party.
They had many prisoners; and one was sent with a letter to the President
of _Panama_, to demand ransom for them; also medicines and dressings for
the wounded, and the release of five Buccaneers who they learnt were
prisoners to the Spaniards. The medicines were sent, but the President
would not treat either of ransom, or of the release of the buccaneer
prisoners. The Buccaneers dispatched a second message to the President, in
which they threatened that if the five Buccaneers were not immediately
delivered to them, the heads of all the Spaniards in their possession,
should be sent to him. The President paid little attention to this
message, not believing that such a threat would be executed; but the
Bishop of _Panama_, regarding what had recently happened at _Lavelia_ as
an earnest of what the Buccaneers were capable, was seriously alarmed. He
wrote a letter to them which he sent by a special messenger, in which he
exhorted them in the mildest terms not to shed the blood of innocent men,
and promised if they would have patience, to exert his influence to
procure the release of the buccaneer prisoners. His letter concluded with
the following remarkable paragraph, which shews the great hopes
entertained by the Roman Catholics respecting _Great Britain_ during the
Reign of King James the IId. '_I have information_,' says the Bishop,
'_to give you, that the English are all become Roman Catholics, and that
there is now a Catholic Church at Jamaica_.'
The good Prelate's letter was pronounced by the Buccaneers to be void of
truth and sincerity, and an insult to their understanding. They had
already received the price of blood, shed not in battle nor in their own
defence; and now, devoting themselves to their thirst for gain, they would
not be diverted from their sanguinary purpose, but came to the resolution
of sending the heads of twenty Spaniards to the President, and with them a
message purporting that if they did not receive a satisfactory answer to
all their demands by the 28th of the month, the heads of the remaining
prisoners should answer for it. Lussan says, 'the President's refusal
obliged us, though with some reluctance, to take the resolution to send
him twenty heads of his people in a canoe. This method was indeed a little
violent, but it was the only way to bring the Spaniards to reason[87].'
What they had resolved they put into immediate execution. The President of
_Panama_ was entirely overcome by their inhuman proceedings, and in the
first shock and surprise, he yielded without stipulation to all they had
demanded. On the 28th, the buccaneer prisoners (four Englishmen and one
Frenchman) were delivered to them, with a letter from the President, who
said he left to their own conscience the disposal of the Spanish prisoners
yet remaining in their hands.
To render the triumph of cruelty and ferocity more complete, the
Buccaneers, in an answer to the President, charged the whole blame of what
they had done to his obstinacy; in exchange for the five Buccaneers, they
sent only twelve of their Spanish prisoners; and they demanded 20,000
pieces of eight as ransom of the remainder, which demand however, they
afterwards mitigated to half that sum and a supply of refreshments. On the
4th of September, the ransom was paid, and the prisoners were released.
[Sidenote: September. Death of Townley.] September the 9th, the buccaneer
commander, Townley, died of the wound he received in the last battle. The
English and French Buccaneers were faithful associates, but did not mix
well as comrades. In a short time after Townley's death, the English
desired that a division should be made of the prize vessels, artillery,
and stores, and that those of their nation should keep together in the
same vessels: and this was done, without other separation taking place at
the time.
[Sidenote: November.] In November, they left the _Bay of Panama_, and
sailed Westward to their old station near the _Point de Burica_, where, by
surprising small towns, villages, and farms, a business at which they had
become extremely expert, they procured provisions; and by the ransom of
prisoners, some money.
[Sidenote: 1687. January.] In January (1687) they intercepted a letter
from the Spanish Commandant at _Sonsonnate_ addressed to the President of
_Panama_, by which they learnt that Grogniet had been in _Amapalla Bay_,
and that three of his men had been taken prisoners. The Commandant
remarked in his letter, that the peace made with the _Darien_ Indians,
having cut off the retreat of the Buccaneers, would drive them to
desperation, and render them like so many mad dogs; he advised therefore
that some means should be adopted to facilitate their retreat, that the
Spaniards in the _South Sea_ might again enjoy repose. '_They have
landed_,' he says, '_in these parts ten or twelve times, without knowing
what they were seeking; but wheresoever they come, they spoil and lay
waste every thing_.'
A few days after intercepting this letter, they took prisoner a Spanish
horseman. Lussan says, 'We interrogated him with the usual ceremonies,
that is to say, we gave him the torture, to make him tell us what we
wanted to know.'
Many such villanies were undoubtedly committed by these banditti, more
than appear in their Narratives, or than they dared to make known. Lussan,
who writes a history of his voyage, not before the end of the second year
of his adventures in the _South Sea_, relates that they put a prisoner to
the torture; and it would have appeared as an individual instance, if he
had not, probably through inadvertence, acknowledged it to have been their
established practice. Lussan on his return to his native land, pretended
to reputation and character; and he found countenance and favour from his
superiors; it is therefore to be presumed, that he would suppress every
transaction in which he was a participator, which he thought of too deep a
nature to be received by his patrons with indulgence. A circumstance which
tended to make this set of Buccaneers worse than any that had preceded
them, was, its being composed of men of two nations between which there
has existed a constant jealousy and emulation. They were each ambitious to
outdo the other in acts of daringness, and were thereby instigated to
every kind of excess.
[Sidenote: Grogniet rejoins them.] On the 20th, near _Caldera Bay_, they
met Grogniet with sixty French Buccaneers in three canoes. Grogniet had
parted from Townley at the head of 148 men. They had made several descents
on the coast. At the _Bay of Amapalla_, they marched 14 leagues within the
coast to a gold-mine, where they took many prisoners, and a small quantity
of gold. Grogniet wished to return overland to the West-Indian Sea, but
the majority of his companions were differently inclined, and 85 quitted
him, and went to try their fortunes towards _California_. Grogniet
nevertheless persevered in the design with the remainder of his crew, to
seek some part of the coast of _New Spain_, thin of inhabitants, where
they might land unknown to the Spaniards, and march without obstruction
through the country to the shore of the _Atlantic_, without other guide
than a compass. The party they now met with, prevailed on them to defer
the execution of this project to a season of the year more favourable, and
in the mean time to unite with them.
[Sidenote: February. They divide.] In February, they set fire to the town
of _Nicoya_. Their gains by these descents were so small, that they agreed
to leave the coast of _New Spain_ and to go against _Guayaquil_; but on
coming to this determination, the English and the French fell into high
dispute for the priority of choice in the prize vessels which they
expected to take, insomuch that upon this difference they broke off
partnership. [Sidenote: Both Parties sail for the Coast of Peru.] Grogniet
however, and about fifty of the French, remained with the English, which
made the whole number of that party 142 men, and they all embarked in one
ship, the canoes not being safe for an open sea navigation. The other
party numbered 162 men, all French, and embarked in a small ship and a
_Barca longa_. The most curious circumstance attending this separation
was, that both parties persevered in the design upon _Guayaquil_, without
any proposal being made by either to act in concert. They sailed from the
coast of _New Spain_ near the end of February, not in company, but each
using all their exertions to arrive first at the place of destination.
[Sidenote: They meet again, and reunite.] They crossed the Equinoctial
line separately, but afterwards at sea accidentally fell in company with
each other again, and at this meeting they accommodated their differences,
and renewed their partnership.
[Sidenote: April.] April the 13th, they were near _Point Santa Elena_, on
the coast of _Peru_, and met there a prize vessel belonging to their old
Commander Edward Davis and his Company, but which had been separated from
him. She was laden with corn and wine, and eight of Davis's men had the
care of her. They had been directed in case of separation, to rendezvous
at the Island _Plata_; but the uncertainty of meeting Davis there, and the
danger they should incur if they missed him, made them glad to join in the
expedition against _Guayaquil_, and the provisions with which the vessel
was laden, made them welcome associates to the Buccaneers engaged in it.
[Sidenote: Attack on Guayaquil.] Their approach to the City of _Guayaquil_
was conducted with the most practised circumspection and vigilance. On
first getting sight of _Point Santa Elena_, they took in their sails and
lay with them furled as long as there was daylight. In the night they
pursued their course, keeping at a good distance from the land, till they
were to the Southward of the _Island Santa Clara_. [Sidenote: 15th.] Two
hundred and sixty men then (April the 15th) departed from the ships in
canoes. They landed at _Santa Clara_, which was uninhabited, and at a part
of the _Island Puna_ distant from any habitation, proceeding only during
the night time, and lying in concealment during the day.
[Sidenote: 18th.] In the night of the 17th, they approached the _River
Guayaquil_. At daylight, they were perceived by a guard on watch near the
entrance, who lighted a fire as a signal to other guards stationed farther
on; by whom, however, the signal was not observed. The Buccaneers put as
speedily as they could to the nearest land, and a party of the most alert
made a circuit through the woods, and surprised the guard at the first
signal station, before the alarm had spread farther. They stopped near the
entrance till night. [Sidenote: 19th. 20th.] All day of the 19th, they
rested at an Island in the river, and at night advanced again. Their
intention was to have passed the town in their canoes, and to have landed
above it, where they would be the least expected; but the tide of flood
with which they ascended the river did not serve long enough for their
purpose, and on the 20th, two hours before day, they landed a short
distance below the town, towards which they began to march; but the
ground was marshy and overgrown with brushwood. Thus far they had
proceeded undiscovered; when one of the Buccaneers left to guard the
canoes struck a light to smoke tobacco, which was perceived by a Spanish
sentinel on the shore opposite, who immediately fired his piece, and gave
alarm to the Fort and Town. This discovery and the badness of the road
caused the Buccaneers to defer the attack till daylight. The town of
_Guayaquil_ is built round a mountain, on which were three forts which
overlooked the town. [Sidenote: The City taken.] The Spaniards made a
tolerable defence, but by the middle of the day they were driven from all
their forts, and the town was left to the Buccaneers, detachments of whom
were sent to endeavour to bring in prisoners, whilst a chosen party went
to the Great Church to chant _Te Deum_.
Nine Buccaneers were killed and twelve wounded in the attack. The booty
found in the town was considerable in jewels, merchandise, and silver,
particularly in church plate, besides 92,000 dollars in money, and they
took seven hundred prisoners, among whom were the Governor and his family.
Fourteen vessels lay at anchor in the Port, and two ships were on the
stocks nearly fit for launching.
On the evening of the day that the city was taken, the Governor (being a
prisoner) entered into treaty with the Buccaneers, for the City, Fort,
Shipping, himself, and all the prisoners, to be redeemed for a million
pieces of eight, to be paid in gold, and 400 packages of flour; and to
hasten the procurement of the money, which was to be brought from _Quito_,
the Vicar General of the district, who was also a prisoner, was released.
[Sidenote: 21st.] The 21st, in the night, by the carelessness of a
Buccaneer, one of the houses took fire, which communicated to other
houses with such rapidity, that one third of the city was destroyed
before its progress was stopped. It had been specified in the treaty, that
the Buccaneers should not set fire to the town; 'therefore,' says Lussan,
'lest in consequence of this accident, the Spaniards should refuse to pay
the ransom, we pretended to believe it was their doing.'
Many bodies of the Spaniards killed in the assault of the town, remained
unburied where they had fallen, and the Buccaneers were apprehensive that
some infectious disorder would thereby be produced. [Sidenote: 24th. At
the Island Puna.] They hastened therefore to embark on board the vessels
in the port, their plunder and 500 of their prisoners, with which, on the
25th, they fell down the River to the _Island Puna_, where they proposed
to wait for the ransom.
[Sidenote: May. Grogniet dies.] On the 2d of May, Captain Grogniet died of
a wound he received at _Guayaquil_. Le Picard was afterwards the chief
among the French Buccaneers.
The 5th of May had been named for the payment of the ransom, from which
time the money was daily and with increasing impatience expected by the
Buccaneers. It was known that Spanish ships of war were equipping at
_Callao_ purposely to attack them; and also that their former Commander,
Edward Davis, with a good ship, was near this part of the coast. They were
anxious to have his company, and on the 4th, dispatched a galley to seek
him at the Island _Plata_, the place of rendezvous he had appointed for
his prize.
The 5th passed without any appearance of ransom money; as did many
following days. The Spaniards, however, regularly sent provisions to the
ships at _Puna_ every day, otherwise the prisoners would have starved; but
in lieu of money they substituted nothing better than promises. The
Buccaneers would have felt it humiliation to appear less ferocious than on
former occasions, and they recurred to their old mode of intimidation.
They made the prisoners throw dice to determine which of them should die,
and the heads of four on whom the lot fell were delivered to a Spanish
officer in answer to excuses for delay which he had brought from the
Lieutenant Governor of _Guayaquil_, with an intimation that at the end of
four days more five hundred heads should follow, if the ransom did not
arrive.
[Sidenote: 14th.] On the 14th, their galley which had been sent in search
of Davis returned, not having found him at the Island _Plata_; but she
brought notice of two strange sail being near the Cape _Santa Elena_.
[Sidenote: Edward Davis joins Le Picard.] These proved to be Edward
Davis's ship, and a prize. Davis had received intelligence, as already
mentioned, of the Buccaneers having captured _Guayaquil_, and was now come
purposely to join them. He sent his prize to the Buccaneers at _Puna_, and
remained with his own ship in the offing on the look-out.
The four days allowed for the payment of the ransom expired, and no ransom
was sent; neither did the Buccaneers execute their sanguinary threat. It
is worthy of remark, that intreaty or intercession made to this set of
Buccaneers, so far from obtaining remission or favour, at all times
produced the opposite effect, as if reminding them of their power,
instigated them to an imperious display of it. The Lieutenant Governor of
_Guayaquil_ was in no haste to fulfil the terms of the treaty made by the
Governor, nor did he importune them with solicitations, and the whole
business for a time lay at rest. The forbearance of the Buccaneers may not
unjustly be attributed to Davis having joined them.
[Sidenote: 23d.] On the 23d, the Spaniards paid to the Buccaneers as much
gold as amounted in value to 20,000 pieces of eight, and eighty packages
of flour, as part of the ransom. The day following, the Lieutenant
Governor sent word, that they might receive 22,000 pieces of eight more
for the release of the prisoners, and if that sum would not satisfy them,
they might do their worst, for that no greater would be paid them. Upon
this message, the Buccaneers held a consultation, whether they should cut
off the heads of all the prisoners, or take the 22,000 pieces of eight,
and it was determined, not unanimously, but by a majority of voices, that
it was better to take a little money than to cut off many heads.
Lussan, his own biographer and a young man, boasts of the pleasant manner
in which he passed his time at _Puna_. 'We made good cheer, being daily
supplied with refreshments from _Guayaquil_. We had concerts of music; we
had the best performers of the city among our prisoners. Some among us
engaged in friendships with our women prisoners, who were not hard
hearted.' This is said by way of prelude to a history which he gives of
his own good fortune; all which, whether true or otherwise, serves to
shew, that among this abandoned crew the prisoners of both sexes were
equally unprotected.
[Sidenote: 26th.] On the 26th, the 22,000 pieces of eight were paid to the
Buccaneers, who selected a hundred prisoners of the most consideration to
retain, and released the rest. The same day, they quitted their anchorage
at _Puna_, intending to anchor again at Point _Santa Elena_, and there to
enter afresh into negociation for ransom of prisoners: but in the evening,
two Spanish Ships of War came in sight.
The engagement which ensued, and other proceedings of the Buccaneers,
until Edward Davis parted company to return homeward by the South of
_America_, has been related. [Sidenote: See pp. 196 to 200.] It remains to
give an account of the French Buccaneers after the separation, to their
finally quitting the _South Sea_.
CHAP. XXIV.
_Retreat of the =French Buccaneers= across =New Spain= to the
=West Indies=. All the =Buccaneers= quit the =South Sea=._
[Sidenote: 1687. June. Le Picard and Hout.] The party left by Davis
consisted of 250 Buccaneers, the greater number of whom were French, the
rest were English, and their leaders Le Picard and George Hout. They had
determined to quit the _South Sea_, and with that view to sail to the
coast of _New Spain_, whence they proposed to march over land to the shore
of the _Caribbean Sea_.
[Sidenote: July. On the Coast of New Spain.] About the end of July, they
anchored in the _Bay of Amapalla_, and were joined there by thirty French
Buccaneers. These thirty were part of a crew which had formerly quitted
Grogniet to cruise towards _California_. Others of that party were still
on the coast to the North-West, and the Buccaneers in _Amapalla Bay_ put
to sea in search of them, that all of their fraternity in the _South Sea_
might be collected, and depart together.
In the search after their former companions, they landed at different
places on the coast of _New Spain_. Among their adventures here,
they took, and remained four days in possession of, the Town of
_Tecoantepeque_, but without any profit to themselves. At _Guatulco_, they
plundered some plantations, and obtained provisions in ransom for
prisoners. Whilst they lay there at anchor, they saw a vessel in the
offing, which from her appearance, and manner of working her sails, they
believed to contain the people they were seeking; but the wind and sea set
so strong on the shore at the time, that neither their vessels nor boats
could go out to ascertain what she was; and after that day, they did not
see her again.
[Sidenote: December. In Amapalla Bay.] In the middle of December they
returned to the _Bay of Amapalla_, which they had fixed upon for the place
of their departure from the shores of the _South Sea_. Their plan was, to
march by the town of _Nueva Segovia_, which had before been visited by
Buccaneers, and they now expected would furnish them with provisions.
According to Lussan's information, the distance they would have to travel
by land from _Amapalla Bay_, was about 60 leagues, when they would come to
the source of a river, by which they could descend to the _Caribbean Sea_,
near to _Cape Gracias a Dios_.
Whilst they made preparation for their march, they were anxious to obtain
intelligence what force the Spaniards had in their proposed route, but the
natives kept at a distance. On the 18th, seventy Buccaneers landed and
marched into the country, of which adventure Lussan gives the account
following. They travelled the whole day without meeting an inhabitant.
They rested for the night, and next morning proceeded in their journey,
but all seemed a desert, and about noon, the majority were dissatisfied
and turned back. Twenty went on; and soon after came to a beaten road, on
which they perceived three horsemen riding towards them, whom they
way-laid so effectually as to take them all. [Sidenote: Chiloteca.] By
these men they learnt the way to a small town named _Chiloteca_, to which
they went and there made fifty of the inhabitants prisoners. [Sidenote:
Massacre of Prisoners.] They took up their quarters in the church, where
they also lodged their prisoners, and intended to have rested during the
night; but after dark, they heard much bustle in the town, which made them
apprehensive the Spaniards were preparing to attack them, and the noise
caused in the prisoners the appearance of a disposition to rise; upon
which, the Buccaneers slew them all except four, whom they carried away
with them, and reached the vessels without being molested in their
retreat.
The prisoners were interrogated; and the accounts they gave confirmed the
Buccaneers in the opinion that they had no better chance of transporting
themselves and their plunder to the _North Sea_, than by immediately
setting about the execution of the plan they had formed. [Sidenote: The
Buccaneers burn their Vessels.] To settle the order of the march, they
landed their riches and the stores necessary for their journey, on one of
the Islands in the Bay; and that their number might not suffer diminution
by the defection of any, it was agreed to destroy the vessels, which was
executed forthwith, with the reserve of one galley and the canoes, which
were necessary for the transport of themselves and their effects to the
main land. They made a muster of their force, which they divided into four
companies, each consisting of seventy men, and every man having his arms
and accoutrements. Whilst these matters were arranging, a detachment of
100 men were sent to the main land to endeavour to get horses.
They had destroyed their vessels, and had not removed from the Island,
when a large Spanish armed ship anchored in _Amapalla Bay_; but she was
not able to give them annoyance, nor in the least to impede their
operations. [Sidenote: 1688. January.] On the 1st of January, 1688, they
passed over, with their effects, to the main land, and the same day, the
party which had gone in search of horses, returned, bringing with them
sixty-eight, which were divided equally among the four companies, to be
employed in carrying stores and provisions, as were eighty prisoners, who
besides being carriers of stores, were made to carry the sick and wounded.
Every Buccaneer had his particular sack, or package, which it was required
should contain his ammunition; what else, was at his own discretion.
Many of these Buccaneers had more silver than themselves were able to
carry. There were also many who had neither silver nor gold, and were
little encumbered with effects of their own: these light freighted gentry
were glad to be hired as porters to the rich, and the contract for
carrying silver, on this occasion, was one half; that is to say, that on
arriving at the _North Sea_, there should be an equal division between the
employer and the carrier. Carriage of gold or other valuables was
according to particular agreement. Lussan, who no doubt was as sharp a
rogue as any among his companions, relates of himself, that he had been
fortunate at play, and that his winnings added to his share of plunder,
amounted to 30,000 pieces of eight, the whole of which he had converted
into gold and jewels; and that whilst they were making ready for their
march, he received warning from a friend that a gang had been formed by
about twenty of the poorer Buccaneers, with the intention to waylay and
strip those of their brethren, who had been most fortunate. On considering
the danger and great difficulty of having to guard against the
machinations of hungry conspirators who were to be his fellow-travellers
in a long journey, and might have opportunities to perpetrate their
mischievous intentions during any fight with the Spaniards, Lussan came to
the resolution of making a sacrifice of part of his riches to insure the
remaining part, and to lessen the temptation to any individual to seek his
death. To this end he divided his treasure into a number of small parcels,
which he confided to the care of so many of his companions, making
agreement with each for the carriage.
[Sidenote: Retreat of the Buccaneers over land to the West Indian Sea.]
January the 2d, in the morning, they began their march, an advanced guard
being established to consist of ten men from each company, who were to be
relieved every morning by ten others. At night they rested at four leagues
distance, according to their estimation, from the border of the sea.
The first part of Lussan's account of this journey has little of adventure
or description. The difficulties experienced were what had been foreseen,
such as the inhabitants driving away cattle and removing provisions,
setting fire to the dry grass when it could annoy them in their march; and
sometimes the Buccaneers were fired at by unseen shooters. They rested at
villages and farms when they found any in their route, where, and also by
making prisoners, they obtained provisions. When no habitations or
buildings were at hand, they generally encamped at night on a hill, or in
open ground. Very early in their march they were attended by a body of
Spanish troops at a small distance, the music of whose trumpets afforded
them entertainment every morning and evening; 'but,' says Lussan, 'it was
like the music of the enchanted palace of Psyche, which was heard without
the musicians being visible.'
On the forenoon of the 9th, notwithstanding their vigilance, the
Buccaneers were saluted with an unexpected volley of musketry which killed
two men; and this was the only mischance that befel them in their march
from the Western Sea to _Segovia_, which town they entered on the 11th of
January, without hindrance, and found it without inhabitants, and cleared
of every kind of provisions.
[Sidenote: Town of New Segovia.] 'The town of _Segovia_ is situated in a
vale, and is so surrounded with mountains that it seems to be a prisoner
there. The churches are ill built. The place of arms, or parade, is large
and handsome, as are many of the houses. It is distant from the shore of
the _South Sea_ forty leagues: The road is difficult, the country being
extremely mountainous.'
On the 12th, they left _Segovia_ and without injuring the houses, a
forbearance to which they had little accustomed themselves; but present
circumstances brought to their consideration that if it should be their
evil fortune to be called to account, it might be quite as well for them
not to add the burning of _Segovia_ to the reckoning.
The 13th, an hour before sunset, they ascended a hill, which appeared a
good station to occupy for the night. When they arrived at the summit,
they perceived on the slope of the next mountain before them, a great
number of horses grazing (Lussan says between twelve and fifteen hundred),
which at the first sight they mistook for horned cattle, and congratulated
each other on the near prospect of a good meal; but it was soon discovered
they were horses, and that a number of them were saddled: intrenchments
also were discerned near the same place, and finally, troops. This part of
the country was a thick forest, with deep gullies, and not intersected
with any path excepting the road they were travelling, which led across
the mountain where the Spaniards were intrenched. On reconnoitring the
position of the Spaniards, the road beyond them was seen to the right of
the intrenchments. The Buccaneers on short consultation, determined that
they would endeavour under cover of the night to penetrate the wood to
their right, so as to arrive at the road beyond the Spanish camp, and come
on it by surprise.
This plan was similar to that which they had projected at _Guayaquil_, and
was a business exactly suited to the habits and inclinations of these
adventurers, who more than any other of their calling, or perhaps than the
native tribes of _North America_, were practised and expert in veiling
their purpose so as not to awaken suspicion; in concealing themselves by
day and making silent advances by night, and in all the arts by which even
the most wary may be ensnared. Here, immediately after fixing their plan,
they began to intrench and fortify the ground they occupied, and made all
the dispositions which troops usually do who halt for the night. This
encampment, besides impressing the Spaniards with the belief that they
intended to pass the night in repose, was necessary to the securing their
baggage and prisoners.
Rest seemed necessary and due to the Buccaneers after a toilsome day's
march, and so it was thought by the Spanish Commander, who seeing them
fortify their quarters, doubted not that they meant to do themselves
justice; but an hour after the close of day, two hundred Buccaneers
departed from their camp. The moon shone out bright, which gave them light
to penetrate the woods, whilst the woods gave them concealment from the
Spaniards, and the Spaniards kept small lookout. Before midnight, they
were near enough to hear the Spaniards chanting Litanies, and long before
daylight were in the road beyond the Spanish encampment. They waited till
the day broke, and then pushed for the camp, which, as had been
conjectured, was entirely open on this side. Two Spanish sentinels
discovered the approach of the enemy, and gave alarm; but the Buccaneers
were immediately after in the camp, and the Spanish troops disturbed from
their sleep had neither time nor recollection for any other measure than
to save themselves by flight. They abandoned all the intrenchments, and
the Buccaneers being masters of the pass, were soon joined by the party
who had charge of the baggage and prisoners. In this affair, the loss of
the Buccaneers was only two men killed, and four wounded.
In the remaining part of their journey, they met no serious obstruction,
and were not at any time distressed by a scarcity of provisions. Lussan
says they led from the Spanish encampment 900 horses, which served them
for carriage, for present food, and to salt for future provision when they
should arrive at the sea shore.
[Sidenote: Rio de Yare, or Cape River.] On the 17th of January, which was
the 16th of their journey, they came to the banks of a river by which they
were to descend to the _Caribbean Sea_. This river has its source among
the mountains of _Nueva Segovia_, and falls into the sea to the South of
_Cape Gracias a Dios_ about 14 leagues, according to D'Anville's Map, in
which it is called _Rio de Yare_. Dampier makes it fall into the sea
something more to the Southward, and names it the _Cape River_.
The country here was not occupied nor frequented by the Spaniards, and was
inhabited only in a few places by small tribes of native Americans. The
Buccaneers cut down trees, and made rafts or catamarans for the conveyance
of themselves and their effects down the stream. On account of the falls,
the rafts were constructed each to carry no more than two persons with
their luggage, and every man went provided with a pole to guide the raft
clear of rocks and shallows.
In the commencement of this fresh-water navigation, their maritime
experience, with all the pains they could take, did not prevent their
getting into whirlpools, where the rafts were overturned, with danger to
the men and frequently with the loss of part of the lading. When they came
to a fall which appeared more than usually dangerous, they put ashore,
took their rafts to pieces, and carried all below the fall, where they
re-accommodated matters and embarked again. The rapidity of the stream
meeting many obstructions, raised a foam and spray that kept every thing
on the rafts constantly wet; the salted horse flesh was in a short time
entirely spoilt, and their ammunition in a state not to be of service in
supplying them with game. Fortunately for them the banks of the river
abounded in banana-trees, both wild and in plantations.
When they first embarked on the river, the rafts went in close company;
but the irregularity and violence of the stream, continually entangled and
drove them against each other, on which account the method was changed,
and distances preserved. This gave opportunity to the desperadoes who had
conspired against their companions to commence their operations, which
they directed against five Englishmen, whom they killed and despoiled. The
murderers absconded in the woods with their prey, and were not afterwards
seen by the company.
[Sidenote: February, 1688.] The 20th of February they had passed all the
falls, and were at a broad deep and smooth part of the river, where they
found no other obstruction than trees and drift-wood floating. As they
were near the sea, many stopped and began to build canoes. Some English
Buccaneers who went lower down the river, found at anchor an English
vessel belonging to _Jamaica_, from which they learnt that the French
Government had just proclaimed an amnesty in favour of those who since the
Peace made with _Spain_ had committed acts of piracy, upon condition of
their claiming the benefit of the Proclamation within a specified time. A
similar proclamation had been issued in the year 1687 by the English
Government; but as it was not clear from the report made by the crew of
the _Jamaica_ vessel, whether it yet operated, the English Buccaneers
would not embark for _Jamaica_. They sent by two Mosquito Indians, an
account of the news they had heard to the French Buccaneers, with notice
that there was a vessel at the mouth of the river capable of accommodating
not more than forty persons. Immediately on receiving the intelligence,
above a hundred of the French set off in all haste for the vessel, every
one of whom pretended to be of the forty. Those who first arrived on
board, took up the anchor as speedily as they could, and set sail, whilst
those who were behind called loudly for a decision by lot or dice; but the
first comers were content to rest their title on possession.
The English Buccaneers remained for the present with the Mosquito Indians
near _Cape Gracias a Dios_, 'who,' says Lussan, 'have an affection for the
English, on account of the many little commodities which they bring them
from the Island of _Jamaica_.' The greater part of the French Buccaneers
went to the French settlements; but seventy-five of them who went to
_Jamaica_, were apprehended and detained prisoners by the Duke of
Albemarle, who was then Governor, and their effects sequestrated. They
remained in prison until the death of the Duke, which happened in the
following year, when they were released; but neither their arms nor
plunder were returned to them.
The _South Sea_ was now cleared of the main body of the Buccaneers. A few
stragglers remained, concerning whom some scattered notices are found, of
which the following are the heads.
[Sidenote: La Pava.] Seixas mentions an English frigate named _La Pava_,
being wrecked in the _Strait of Magalhanes_ in the year 1687; and that her
loss was occasioned by currents[88]. By the name being Spanish (signifying
the Hen) this vessel must have been a prize to the Buccaneers.
[Sidenote: Captain Straiton.] In the Narrative of the loss of the Wager,
by Bulkeley and Cummins, it is mentioned that they found at _Port Desire_
cut on a brick, in very legible characters, "Captain Straiton, 16 cannon,
1687." Most probably this was meant of a Buccaneer vessel.
[Sidenote: Le Sage.] At the time that the English and French Buccaneers
were crossing the _Isthmus_ in great numbers from the _West Indies_ to the
_South Sea_, two hundred French Buccaneers departed from _Hispaniola_ in a
ship commanded by a Captain Le Sage, intending to go to the _South Sea_ by
the _Strait of Magalhanes_; but having chosen a wrong season of the year
for that passage, and finding the winds unfavourable, they stood over to
the coast of _Africa_, where they continued cruising two years, and
returned to the _West Indies_ with great booty, obtained at the expence
of the Hollanders.
[Sidenote: Small Crew of Buccaneers at the Tres Marias.] The small crew of
French Buccaneers in the _South Sea_ who were a part of those who had
separated from Grogniet to cruise near _California_, and for whom Le
Picard had sought in vain on the coast of _New Spain_, were necessitated
by the smallness of their force, and the bad state of their vessel, to
shelter themselves at the _Tres Marias Islands_ in the entrance of the
_Gulf of California_. [Sidenote: Their Adventures, and Return to the West
Indies.] It is said that they remained four years among those Islands, at
the end of which time, they determined, rather than to pass the rest of
their lives in so desolate a place, to sail Southward, though with little
other prospect or hope than that they should meet some of their former
comrades; instead of which, on looking in at _Arica_ on the coast of
_Peru_, they found at anchor in the road a Spanish ship, which they took,
and in her a large quantity of treasure. The Buccaneers embarked in their
prize, and proceeded Southward for the _Atlantic_, but were cast ashore in
the _Strait of Magalhanes_. Part of the treasure, and as much of the wreck
of the vessel as served to construct two sloops, were saved, with which,
after so many perils, they arrived safe in the _West Indies_.
[Sidenote: Story related by Le Sieur Froger.] Le Sieur Froger, in his
account of the Voyage of M. de Gennes, has introduced a narrative of a
party of French Buccaneers or Flibustiers going from _Saint Domingo_ to
the _South Sea_, in the year 1686; which is evidently a romance fabricated
from the descriptions which had been given of their general courses and
habits. These _protegés_ of Le Sieur Froger, like the Buccaneer crew from
the _Tres Marias Islands_ just mentioned, were reduced to great
distress,--took a rich prize afterwards on the coast of _Peru_,--were
returning to the _Atlantic_, and lost their ship in the _Strait of
Magalhanes_. They were ten months in the _Strait_ building a bark, which
they loaded with the best of what they had saved of the cargo of their
ship, and in the end arrived safe at _Cayenne_[89]. Funnel also mentions a
report which he heard, of a small crew of French Buccaneers, not more than
twenty, whose adventures were of the same cast; and who probably were the
_Tres Marias_ Buccaneers.
It has been related that five Buccaneers who had gamed away their money,
unwilling to return poor out of the _South Sea_, landed at the Island
_Juan Fernandez_ from Edward Davis's ship, about the end of the year 1687,
and were left there. In 1690, the English ship Welfare, commanded by
Captain John Strong, anchored at _Juan Fernandez_; of which voyage two
journals have been preserved among the MSS in the Sloane Collection in the
British Museum, from which the following account is taken.
The Farewell arrived off the Island on the evening of October the 11th,
1690. In the night, those on board were surprised at seeing a fire on an
elevated part of the land. Early next morning, a boat was sent on shore,
which soon returned, bringing off from the Island two Englishmen. These
were part of the five who had landed from Davis's ship. They piloted the
Welfare to a good anchoring place.
[Sidenote: Buccaneers who lived three years on the Island Juan Fernandez.]
In the three years that they had lived on _Juan Fernandez_, they had not,
until the arrival of the Welfare, seen any other ships than Spaniards,
which was a great disappointment to them. The Spaniards had landed and had
endeavoured to take them, but they had found concealment in the woods; one
excepted, who deserted from his companions, and delivered himself up to
the Spaniards. The four remaining, when they learnt that the Buccaneers
had entirely quitted the _South Sea_, willingly embarked with Captain
Strong, and with them four servants or slaves. Nothing is said of the
manner in which they employed themselves whilst on the Island, except of
their contriving subterraneous places of concealment that the Spaniards
should not find them, and of their taming a great number of goats, so that
at one time they had a tame stock of 300.
CHAP. XXV.
_Steps taken towards reducing the =Buccaneers= and =Flibustiers=
under subordination to the regular Governments. War of the
Grand Alliance against =France=. The Neutrality of the =Island
Saint Christopher= broken._
Whilst these matters were passing in the _Pacific Ocean_, small progress
was made in the reform which had been begun in the _West Indies_. The
English Governors by a few examples of severity restrained the English
Buccaneers from undertaking any enterprise of magnitude. With the French,
the case was different. The number of the Flibustiers who absented
themselves from _Hispaniola_, to go to the _South Sea_, alarmed the French
Government for the safety of their colonies, and especially of their
settlements in _Hispaniola_, the security and defence of which against the
Spaniards they had almost wholly rested on its being the place of
residence and the home of those adventurers. To persist in a rigorous
police against their cruising, it was apprehended would make the rest of
them quit _Hispaniola_, for which reason it was judged prudent to relax in
the enforcement of the prohibitions; the Flibustiers accordingly continued
their courses as usual.
[Sidenote: 1686.] In 1686, Granmont and De Graaf prepared an armament
against _Campeachy_. M. de Cussy, who was Governor of _Tortuga_ and the
French part of _Hispaniola_, applied personally to them to relinquish
their design; but as the force was collected, and all preparation made,
neither the Flibustiers nor their Commanders would be dissuaded from the
undertaking, and De Cussy submitted. [Sidenote: Campeachy burnt.]
_Campeachy_ was plundered and burnt.
A measure was adopted by the French Government which certainly trenched on
the honour of the regular military establishments of _France_, but was
attended with success in bringing the Flibustiers more under control and
rendering them more manageable. This was, the taking into the King's
service some of the principal leaders of the Flibustiers, and giving them
commissions of advanced rank, either in the land service or in the French
marine. [Sidenote: Granmont.] A commission was made out for Granmont,
appointing him Commandant on the South coast of _Saint Domingo_, with the
rank of Lieutenant du Roy. But of Granmont as a Buccaneer, it might be
said in the language of sportsmen, that he was game to the last. Before
the commission arrived, he received information of the honour intended
him, and whilst yet in his state of liberty, was seized with the wish to
make one more cruise. He armed a ship, and, with a crew of 180 Flibustiers
in her, put to sea. This was near the end of the year 1686; and what
afterwards became of him and his followers is not known, for they were not
again seen or heard of.
[Sidenote: 1687.] In the beginning of 1687, a commission arrived from
_France_, appointing De Graaf Major in the King's army in the _West
Indies_. He was then with a crew of Flibustiers near _Carthagena_. In this
cruise, twenty-five of his men who landed in the _Gulf of Darien_, were
cut off by the Darien Indians. De Graaf on his return into port accepted
his commission, and when transformed to an officer in the King's army,
became, like Morgan, a great scourge to the Flibustiers and _Forbans_.
[Sidenote: Proclamation against Pirates.] In consequence of complaints
made by the Spaniards, a Proclamation was issued at this time, by the King
of _Great Britain_, James the IId, specified in the title to be 'for the
more effectual reducing and suppressing of Pirates and Privateers in
_America_, as well on the sea as on the land, who in great numbers have
committed frequent robberies, which hath occasioned great prejudice and
obstruction to Trade and Commerce.'
[Sidenote: 1688.] A twenty years truce had, in the year 1686, been agreed
upon between _France_ and _Spain_, but scarcely a twentieth part of that
time was suffered to elapse before it was broken in the _West Indies_.
[Sidenote: Danish Factory robbed by the Buccaneers.] The Flibustiers of
_Hispaniola_ did not content themselves with their customary practice: in
1688 they plundered the Danish Factory at the Island _St. Thomas_, which
is one of the small Islands called _the Virgins_, near the East end of
_Porto Rico_. This was an aggression beyond the limits which they had
professed to prescribe to their depredatory system, and it is not shewn
that they had received injury at the hands of the Danes. Nevertheless, the
French West-India histories say, 'Our Flibustiers (_nos Flibustiers_), in
1688, surprised the Danish Factory at _St. Thomas_. The pillage was
considerable, and would have been more if they had known that the chief
part of the cash was kept in a vault under the hall, which was known to
very few of the house. They forgot on this occasion their ordinary
practice, which is to put their prisoners to the torture to make them
declare where the money is. It is certain that if they had so done, the
hiding-place would have been revealed to them, in which it was believed
there was more than 500,000 livres.' Such remarks shew the strong
prepossession which existed in favour of the Buccaneers, and an eagerness
undistinguishing and determined after the extraordinary. Qualities the
most common to the whole of mankind were received as wonderful when
related of the Buccaneers. One of our Encyclopedias, under the article
Buccaneer, says, 'they were transported with an astonishing degree of
enthusiasm whenever they saw a sail.'
In this same year, 1688, war broke out in Europe between the French and
Spaniards, and in a short time the English joined against the French.
[Sidenote: 1689. July.] _England_ and _France_ had at no period since the
Norman conquest been longer without serious quarrel. On the accession of
William the IIId. to the crowns of _Great Britain_, it was generally
believed that a war with _France_ would ensue. [Sidenote: The English
driven from St. Christopher.] The French in the _West Indies_ did not wait
for its being declared, but attacked the English part of _St.
Christopher_, the Island on which by joint agreement had been made the
original and confederated first settlements of the two Nations in the
_West Indies_. [Sidenote: See p. 38.] The English inhabitants were driven
from their possessions and obliged to retire to the Island _Nevis_, which
terminated the longest preserved union which history can shew between the
English and French as subjects of different nations. In the commencement
it was strongly cemented by the mutual want of support against a powerful
enemy; that motive for their adherence to each other had ceased to exist:
yet in the reigns of Charles the IId. and James the IId. of _England_, an
agreement had been made between _England_ and _France_, that if war should
at any time break out between them, a neutrality should be observed by
their subjects in the _West Indies_.
This war continued nearly to the end of King William's reign, and during
that time the English and French Buccaneers were engaged on opposite
sides, as auxiliaries to the regular forces of their respective nations,
which completely separated them; and it never afterwards happened that
they again confederated in any buccaneer cause. They became more generally
distinguished by different appellations, not consonant to their present
situations and habits; for the French adventurers, who were frequently
occupied in hunting and at the _boucan_, were called the Flibustiers of
_St. Domingo_, and the English adventurers, who had nothing to do with
the _boucan_, were called the Buccaneers of _Jamaica_.
[Sidenote: 1690. July. The English retake St. Christopher.] The French had
not kept possession of _St. Christopher_ quite a year, when it was taken
from them by the English. This was an unfortunate year for the French, who
in it suffered a great defeat from the Spaniards in _Hispaniola_. Their
Governor De Cussy, and 500 Frenchmen, fell in battle, and the Town of
_Cape François_ was demolished.
The French Flibustiers at this time greatly annoyed _Jamaica_, making
descents, in which they carried off such a number of negroes, that in
derision they nicknamed _Jamaica 'Little Guinea_.' The principal
transactions in the _West Indies_, were, the attempts made by each party
on the possessions of the other. In the course of these services, De Graaf
was accused of misconduct, tried, and deprived of his commission in the
army; but though judged unfit for command in land service, out of respect
to his maritime experience he was appointed Captain of a Frigate.
No one among the Flibustiers was more distinguished for courage and
enterprise in this war than Jean Montauban, who commanded a ship of
between 30 and 40 guns. He sailed from the _West Indies_ to _Bourdeaux_ in
1694. In February of the year following, he departed from _Bourdeaux_ for
the coast of _Guinea_, where in battle with an English ship of force, both
the ships were blown up. Montauban and a few others escaped with their
lives. This affair is not to be ranked among buccaneer exploits, _Great
Britain_ and _France_ being at open War, and Montauban having a regular
commission.
CHAP. XXVI.
_Seige and Plunder of the City of =Carthagena= on the =Terra
Firma=, by an Armament from =France= in conjunction with the
=Flibustiers= of =Saint Domingo=._
[Sidenote: 1697.] In 1697, at the suggestion of M. le Baron de Pointis, an
officer of high rank in the French Marine, a large armament was fitted out
in _France_, jointly at the expence of the Crown, and of private
contributors, for an expedition against the Spaniards in the _West
Indies_. The chief command was given to M. de Pointis, and orders were
sent out to the Governor of the French Settlements in _Hispaniola_ (M. du
Casse) to raise 1200 men in _Tortuga_ and _Hispaniola_ to assist in the
expedition. The king's regular force in M. du Casse's government was
small, and the men demanded were to be supplied principally from the
Flibustiers. The dispatches containing the above orders arrived in
January. It was thought necessary to specify to the Flibustiers a
limitation of time; and they were desired to keep from dispersing till the
15th of February, it being calculated that M. de Pointis would then, or
before, certainly be at _Hispaniola_. [Sidenote: March.] De Pointis,
however, did not arrive till the beginning of March, when he made _Cape
François_, but did not anchor there; preferring the Western part of
_Hispaniola_, 'fresh water being better and more easy to be got at _Cape
Tiburon_ than at any other part.' M. du Casse had, with some difficulty,
kept the Flibustiers together beyond the time specified, and they were
soon dissatisfied with the deportment of the Baron de Pointis, which was
more imperious than they had been accustomed to from any Commander.
[Sidenote: Character of the Buccaneers by M. de Pointis.] M. de Pointis
published a history of his expedition, in which he relates that at the
first meeting between him and M. du Casse, he expressed himself
dissatisfied at the small number of men provided; 'but,' says he, 'M. du
Casse assured me that the Buccaneers were at this time collected, and
would every man of them perform wonders. It is the good fortune of all the
pirates in these parts to be called Buccaneers. These freebooters are, for
the most part, composed of those that desert from ships that come upon the
coast: the advantage they bring to the Governors, protects them against
the prosecution of the law. All who are apprehended as vagabonds in
_France_, and can give no account of themselves, are sent to these
Islands, where they are obliged to serve for three years. The first that
gets them, obliges them to work in the plantations; at the end of the term
of servitude, somebody lends them a gun, and to sea they go a
buccaneering.' It is proper to hint here, that when M. de Pointis
published his Narrative, he was at enmity with the Buccaneers, and had a
personal interest in bringing the buccaneer character into disrepute. Many
of his remarks upon them, nevertheless, are not less just than
characteristic. He continues his description; 'They were formerly
altogether independent. Of late years they have been reduced under the
government of the coast of _St. Domingo_: they have commissions given
them, for which they pay the tenth of all prizes, and are now called the
King's subjects. The Governors of our settlements in _Saint Domingo_ being
enriched by them, do mightily extol them for the damages they do to the
Spaniards. This infamous profession which an impunity for all sorts of
crimes renders so much beloved, has within a few years lost us above six
thousand men, who might have improved and peopled the colony. At present
they are pleased to be called the King's subjects; yet it is with so much
arrogance, as obliges all who are desirous to make use of them, to court
them in the most flattering terms. This was not agreeable to my
disposition, and considering them as his Majesty's subjects which the
Governor was ordered to deliver to me, I plainly told them that they
should find me a Commander to lead them on, but not as a companion to
them.'
The expedition, though it was not yet made known, or even yet pretended to
be determined, against what place it should be directed, was expected to
yield both honour and profit. The Buccaneers would not quarrel with a
promising enterprise under a spirited and experienced commander, for a
little haughtiness in his demeanour towards them; but they demanded to
have clearly specified the share of the prize money and plunder to which
they should be entitled, and it was stipulated by mutual agreement 'that
the Flibustiers and Colonists should, man for man, have the same shares of
booty that were allowed to the men on board the King's ships.' As so many
men were to embark from M. du Casse's government, he proposed to go at
their head, and desired to know of M. de Pointis what rank would be
allowed him. M. du Casse was a mariner by profession, and had the rank of
Captain in the French Navy. De Pointis told him that the highest character
he knew him in, was that which he derived from his commission as
_Capitaine de Vaisseau_, and that if he embarked in the expedition, he
must be content to serve in that quality according to his seniority.
M. du Casse nevertheless chose to go, though it was generally thought he
was not allowed the honours and consideration which were his due as
Governor of the French Colonies at _St. Domingo_, and Commander of so
large a portion of the men engaged in the expedition. It was settled, that
the Flibustiers should embark partly in their own cruising vessels, and
partly on board the ships of M. de Pointis' squadron, and should be
furnished with six weeks provisions. A review was made, to prevent any but
able men of the Colony being taken; negroes who served, if free, were to
be allowed shares like other men; if slaves and they were killed, their
masters were to be paid for them.
Two copies of the agreement respecting the sharing of booty were posted up
in public places at _Petit Goave_, and a copy was delivered to M. du
Casse, the Governor. M. de Pointis consulted with M. du Casse what
enterprise they should undertake, but the determination wholly rested with
M. de Pointis. 'There was added,' M. de Pointis says, 'without my
knowledge, to the directions sent to Governor du Casse, that he was to
give assistance to our undertaking, without damage to, or endangering, his
Colony. This restriction did in some measure deprive me of the power of
commanding his forces, seeing he had an opportunity of pretending to keep
them for the preservation of the Colony.' M. du Casse made no pretences to
withhold, but gave all the assistance in his power. He was an advocate for
attacking the City of _San Domingo_. This was the wish of most of the
colonists, and perhaps was what would have been of more advantage to
_France_ than any other expedition they could have undertaken. But the
armament having been prepared principally at private expence, it was
reasonable for the contributors to look to their own reimbursement. To
attack the City of _San Domingo_ was not approved; other plans were
proposed, but _Carthagena_ seems to have been the original object of the
projectors of the expedition, and the attack of that city was determined
upon. Before the Flibustiers and other colonists embarked, a disagreement
happened which had nearly made them refuse altogether to join in the
expedition. The officers of De Pointis' fleet had imbibed the sentiments
of their Commander respecting the Flibustiers or Buccaneers, and followed
the example of his manners towards them. The fleet was lying at _Petit
Goave_, and M. de Pointis, giving to himself the title of General of the
Armies of _France_ by Sea and by Land in _America_, had placed a guard in
a Fort there. M. du Casse, as he had received no orders from _Europe_ to
acknowledge any superior within his government, might have considered such
an exercise of power to be an encroachment on his authority which it
became him to resist; but he acted in this, and in other instances, like a
man overawed. The officer of M. de Pointis who commanded the guard on
shore, arrested a Flibustier for disorderly behaviour, and held him
prisoner in the fort. The Flibustiers surrounded the fort in a tumultuous
manner to demand his release, and the officer commanded his men to fire
upon them, by which three of the Flibustiers were killed. It required some
address and civility on the part of M. de Pointis himself, as well as the
assistance of M. du Casse, to appease the Flibustiers; and the officer who
had committed the offence was sent on board under arrest.
The force furnished from M. du Casse's government, consisted of nearly 700
Flibustiers, 170 soldiers from the garrisons, and as many volunteer
inhabitants and negroes as made up about 1200 men. The whole armament
consisted of seven large ships, and eleven frigates, besides store ships
and smaller vessels; and, reckoning persons of all classes, 6000 men.
[Sidenote: April. Siege of Carthagena by the French.] The Fleet arrived
off _Carthagena_ on April the 13th, and the landing was effected on the
15th. It is not necessary to relate all the particulars of this siege, in
which the Buccaneers bore only a part. That part however was of essential
importance.
M. de Pointis, in the commencement, appointed the whole of the
Flibustiers, without any mixture of the King's troops, to a service of
great danger, which raised a suspicion, of partiality and of an intention
to save the men he brought with him from _Europe_, as regarding them to be
more peculiarly his own men. An eminence about a mile to the Eastward of
the City of _Carthagena_, on which was a church named _Nuestra Senora de
la Poupa_, commands all the avenues and approaches on the land side to the
city. 'I had been assured,' says M. de Pointis, 'that if we did not seize
the hill _de la Poupa_ immediately on our arrival, all the treasure would
be carried off. To get possession of this post, I resolved to land the
Buccaneers in the night of the same day on which we came to anchor, they
being proper for such an attempt, as being accustomed to marching and
subsisting in the woods.' M. de Pointis takes this occasion to accuse the
Buccaneers of behaving less heroically than M. du Casse had boasted they
would, and that it was not without murmuring that they embarked in the
boats in order to their landing. It is however due to them on the score of
courage and exertion, to remark, though in some degree it is anticipation,
that no part of the force under M. de Pointis shewed more readiness or
performed better service in the siege than the Buccaneers.
There was uncertainty about the most proper place for landing, and M. de
Pointis went himself in a boat to examine near the shore to the North of
the city. The surf rolled in heavy, by which his boat was filled, and was
with difficulty saved from being stranded on a rock. The proposed landing
was given up as impracticable, and M. de Pointis became of opinion that
_Carthagena_ was approachable only by the lake which makes the harbour,
the entrance to which, on account of its narrowness, was called the
_Bocca-chica_, and was defended by a strong fort.
The Fleet sailed for the _Bocca-chica_, and on the 15th some of the ships
began to cannonade the Fort. The first landing was effected at the same
time by a corps of eighty negroes, without any mixture of the King's
troops. This was a second marked instance of the Commander's partial
attention to the preservation of the men he brought from _France_. M. de
Pointis despised the Flibustiers, and probably regarded negroes as next to
nothing. He was glad however to receive them as his companions in arms,
and it was an honour due from him to all under his command, as far as
circumstances would admit without injury to service, to share the dangers
equally, or at least without partiality.
The 16th, which was the day next after the landing, the Castle of
_Bocca-chica_ surrendered. This was a piece of good fortune much beyond
expectation, and was obtained principally by the dexterous management of a
small party of the Buccaneers; which drew commendation even from M. de
Pointis. 'Among the chiefs of these Buccaneers,' he says, 'there may be
about twenty men who deserve to be distinguished for their courage; it not
being my intention to comprehend them in the descriptions which I make of
the others.'
[Sidenote: May. The City capitulates.] De Pointis conducted the siege with
diligence and spirit. The _Nuestra Senora de la Poupa_ was taken
possession of on the 17th; and on the 3d of May, the City capitulated. The
terms of the Capitulation were,
That all public effects and office accounts should be delivered to the
captors.
That merchants should produce their books of accounts, and deliver up all
money and effects held by them for their correspondents.
That every inhabitant should be free to leave the city, or to remain in
his dwelling. That those who retired from the city should first deliver up
all their property there to the captors. That those who chose to remain,
should declare faithfully, under penalty of entire confiscation, the gold,
silver, and jewels, in their possession; on which condition, and
delivering up one half, they should be permitted to retain the other half,
and afterwards be regarded as subjects of _France_.
That the churches and religious houses should be spared and protected.
The French General on entering the Town with his troops, went first to the
cathedral to attend the _Te Deum_. He next sent for the Superiors of the
convents and religious houses, to whom he explained the meaning of the
article of the capitulation promising them protection, which was, that
their houses should not be destroyed; but that it had no relation to money
in their possession, which they were required to deliver up. Otherwise, he
observed, it would be in their power to collect in their houses all the
riches of the city. He caused it to be publicly rumoured that he was
directed by the Court to keep possession of _Carthagena_, and that it
would be made a French Colony. To give colour to this report, he appointed
M. du Casse to be Governor of the City. He strictly prohibited the troops
from entering any house until it had undergone the visitation of officers
appointed by himself, some of which officers it was supposed, embezzled
not less than 100,000 crowns each. A reward was proclaimed for informers
of concealed treasure, of one-tenth of all treasure discovered by them.
'The hope of securing a part, with the fear of bad neighbours and false
friends, induced the inhabitants to be forward in disclosing their riches,
and Tilleul who was charged with receiving the treasure, was not able to
weigh the specie fast enough.'
M. du Casse, in the exercise of what he conceived to be the duties of his
new office of Governor of _Carthagena_, had begun to take cognizance of
the money which the inhabitants brought in according to the capitulation;
but M. de Pointis was desirous that he should not be at any trouble on
that head. High words passed between them, in consequence of which, Du
Casse declined further interference in what was transacting, and retired
to a house in the suburbs. This was quitting the field to an antagonist
who would not fail to make his advantage of it; whose refusal to admit
other witnesses to the receipt of money than those of his own appointment,
was a strong indication, whatever contempt he might profess or really feel
for the Flibustiers, that he was himself of as stanch Flibustier
principles as any one of the gentry of the coast. Some time afterwards,
however, M. du Casse thought proper to send a formal representation to the
General, that it was nothing more than just that some person of the colony
should be present at the receipt of the money. The General returned
answer, that what M. du Casse proposed, was in itself a matter perfectly
indifferent; but that it would be an insult to his own dignity, and
therefore he could not permit it.
The public collection of plunder by authority did not save the city from
private pillage. In a short time all the plate disappeared from the
churches. Houses were forcibly entered by the troops, and as much violence
committed as if no capitulation had been granted. M. de Pointis, when
complained to by the aggrieved inhabitants, gave orders for the prevention
of outrage, but was at no pains to make them observed. It appears that the
Flibustiers were most implicated in these disorders. Many of the
inhabitants who had complied with the terms of the capitulation, seeing
the violences every where committed, hired Flibustiers to be guards in
their houses, hoping that by being well paid they would be satisfied and
protect them against others. Some observed this compact and were faithful
guardians; but the greater number robbed those they undertook to defend.
For this among other reasons, De Pointis resolved to rid the city of them.
On a report, which it is said himself caused to be spread, that an army
of 10,000 Indians were approaching _Carthagena_, he ordered the
Flibustiers out to meet them. Without suspecting any deception, they went
forth, and were some days absent seeking the reported enemy. As they were
on the return, a message met them from the General, purporting, that he
apprehended their presence in the city would occasion some disturbance,
and he therefore desired them to stop without the gates. On receiving this
message, they broke out into imprecations, and resolved not to delay their
return to the city, nor to be kept longer in ignorance of what was passing
there. When they arrived at the gates they found them shut and guarded by
the King's troops. Whilst they deliberated on what they should next do,
another message, more conciliating in language than the former, came to
them from M. de Pointis, in which he said that it was by no means his
intention to interdict them from entering _Carthagena_; that he only
wished they would not enter so soon, nor all at one time, for fear of
frightening the inhabitants, who greatly dreaded their presence. The
Flibustiers knew not how to help themselves, and were necessitated to take
up their quarters without the city walls, where they were kept fifteen
days, by which time the collection of treasure from the inhabitants was
completed, the money weighed, secured in chests, and great part embarked.
De Pointis says, 'as fast as the money was brought in, it was immediately
carried on board the King's ships.' The uneasiness and impatience of the
Flibustiers for distribution of the booty may easily be imagined. On their
re-admission to the city, the merchandise was put up to sale by auction,
and the produce joined to the former collection; but no distribution took
place, and the Flibustiers were loud in their importunities. M. de Pointis
assigned as a reason for the delay, that the clerks employed in the
business had not made up the accounts. He says in his Narrative, 'I was
not so ill served by my spies as not to be informed of the seditious
discourses held by some wholly abandoned to their own interest, upon the
money being carried on board the King's ships.' To allay the ferment, he
ordered considerable gratifications to be paid to the Buccaneer captains,
also compensations to the Buccaneers who had been maimed or wounded, and
rewards to be given to some who had most distinguished themselves during
the siege;--and he spoke with so much appearance of frankness of his
intention, as soon as ever he should receive the account of the whole, to
make a division which should be satisfactory to all parties, that the
Buccaneers were persuaded to remain quiet.
[Sidenote: Value of the Plunder.] The value of the plunder is variously
reported. Much of the riches of the city had been carried away on the
first alarm of the approach of an enemy. De Pointis says 110 mules laden
with gold went out in the course of four days. 'Nevertheless, the honour
acquired to his Majesty's arms, besides near eight or nine millions that
could not escape us, consoled us for the rest.' Whether these eight or
nine millions were crowns or livres M. de Pointis' account does not
specify. It is not improbable he meant it should be understood as livres.
Many were of opinion that the value of the booty was not less than forty
millions of livres; M. du Casse estimated it at above twenty millions,
besides merchandise.
M. de Pointis now made known that on account of the unhealthiness of the
situation, he had changed his intention of leaving a garrison and keeping
_Carthagena_, for that already more Frenchmen had died there by sickness
than he had lost in the siege. He ordered the cannon of the _Bocca-chica
Castle_ to be taken on board the ships, and the Castle to be demolished.
On the 25th of May, orders were issued for the troops to embark; and at
the same time he embarked himself without having given any previous notice
of his intention so to do to M. du Casse, from whom he had parted but a
few minutes before. The ships of the King's fleet began to take up their
anchors to move towards the entrance of the harbour, and M. de. Pointis
sent an order to M. du Casse for the Buccaneers and the people of the
Colony to embark on board their own vessels.
M. du Casse sent two of his principal officers to the General to demand
that justice should be done to the Colonists. Still the accounts were said
not to be ready; but on the 29th, the King's fleet being ready for sea, M.
du Pointis sent to M. du Casse the Commissary's account, which stated the
share of the booty due to the Colonists, including the Governor and the
Buccaneers, to be 40,000 crowns.
What the customary manner of dividing prize money in the French navy was
at that time, is not to be understood from the statement given by De
Pointis, which says, 'that the King had been pleased to allow to the
several ships companies, a tenth of the first million, and a thirtieth
part of all the rest.' Here it is not specified whether the million of
which the ships companies were to be allowed one-tenth, is to be
understood a million of _Louis_, a million crowns, or a million livres.
The difference of construction in a large capture would be nearly as three
to one. It requires explanation likewise what persons are meant to be
included in the term 'ships companies.' Sometimes it is used to signify
the common seamen, without including the officers; and for them, the
one-tenth is certainly not too large a share. That in any military
service, public or private, one-tenth of captures or of plunder should be
deemed adequate gratification for the services of all the captors,
officers included, seems scarcely credible. In the _Carthagena_ expedition
it is also to be observed, that the dues of the crown were in some
measure compromised by the admission of private contributions towards
defraying the expence. The Flibustiers had contributed by furnishing their
own vessels to the service.
Du Casse when he saw the account, did not immediately communicate it to
his Colonists, deterred at first probably by something like shame, and an
apprehension that they would reproach him with weakness for having yielded
so much as he had all along done to the insulting and imperious
pretensions of De Pointis. Afterwards through discretion, he delayed
making the matter public until the Colonists had all embarked and their
vessels had sailed from the city. He then sent for the Captains, and
acquainted them with the distribution intended by M. de Pointis, and they
informed their crews.
CHAP. XXVII.
_Second Plunder of =Carthagena=. Peace of =Ryswick, in 1697=.
Entire Suppression of the =Buccaneers= and =Flibustiers=._
[Sidenote: 1697. May.] The share which M. de Pointis had allotted of the
plunder of _Carthagena_ to the Buccaneers, fell so short of their
calculations, and was felt as so great an aggravation of the contemptuous
treatment they had before received, that their rage was excessive, and in
their first transports they proposed to board the Sceptre, a ship of 84
guns, on board which M. de Pointis carried his flag. This was too
desperate a scheme to be persevered in. After much deliberation, one among
them exclaimed, 'It is useless to trouble ourselves any farther about such
a villain as De Pointis; let him go with what he has got; he has left us
our share at _Carthagena_, and thither we must return to seek it.' The
proposition was received with general applause by these remorseless
robbers, whose desire for vengeance on De Pointis was all at once
obliterated by the mention of an object that awakened their greediness for
plunder. They got their vessels under sail, and stood back to the devoted
city, doomed by them to pay the forfeit for the dishonesty of their
countryman.
The matter was consulted and determined upon without M. du Casse being
present, and the ship in which he had embarked was left by the rest
without company. When he perceived what they were bent upon, he sent
orders to them to desist, which he accompanied with a promise to demand
redress for them in _France_; but neither the doubtful prospect of distant
redress held out, nor respect for his orders, had any effect in
restraining them. M. du Casse sent an officer to M. de Pointis, who had
not yet sailed from the entrance of _Carthagena Harbour_, to inform him
that the Buccaneers, in defiance of all order and in breach of the
capitulation which had been granted to the city, were returning thither to
plunder it again; but M. de Pointis in sending the Commissary's account
had closed his intercourse with the Buccaneers and with the Colonists, at
least for the remainder of his expedition. M. du Casse's officer was told
that the General was so ill that he could not be spoken with. The Officer
went to the next senior Captain in command of the fleet, who, on being
informed of the matter, said, 'the Buccaneers were great rogues, and ought
to be hanged;' but as no step could be taken to prevent the mischief,
without delaying the sailing of the fleet, the chief commanders of which
were impatient to see their booty in a place of greater security, none was
taken, and [Sidenote: June.] on the 1st of June the King's fleet sailed
for _France_, leaving _Carthagena_ to the discretion of the Buccaneers. M.
de Pointis claims being ignorant of what was transacting. 'On the 30th of
May,' he says, 'I was taken so ill, that all I could do, before I fell
into a condition that deprived me of my intellect, was to acquaint Captain
Levi that I committed the care of the squadron to him.'
If M. de Pointis acted fairly by the people who came from _France_ and
returned with him, it must be supposed that in his sense of right and
wrong he held the belief, that 'to rob a rogue is no breach of honesty.'
But it was said of him, '_Il etoit capable de former un grand dessein, et
de rien epargner pour le faire réussir_;' the English phrase for which is,
'he would stick at nothing.'
On the 1st of June, M. du Casse also sailed from _Carthagena_ to return to
_St. Domingo_. Thus were the Flibustiers abandoned to their own will by
all the authorities whose duty it was to have restrained them.
The inhabitants of _Carthagena_ seeing the buccaneer ships returning to
the city, waited in the most anxious suspense to learn the cause. The
Flibustiers on landing, seized on all the male inhabitants they could lay
hold of, and shut them up in the great church. They posted up a kind of
manifesto in different parts of the city, setting forth the justice of
their second invasion of _Carthagena_, which they grounded on the perfidy
of the French General De Pointis ('_que nous vous permettons de charger de
toutes les maledictions imaginables_,') and on their own necessities.
Finally, they demanded five millions of livres as the price of their
departing again without committing disorder. It seems strange that the
Buccaneers could expect to raise so much money in a place so recently
plundered. Nevertheless, by terrifying their prisoners, putting some to
the torture, ransacking the tombs, and other means equally abhorrent, in
four days time they had nearly made up the proposed sum. It happened that
two Flibustiers killed two women of _Carthagena_ in some manner, or under
some circumstances, that gave general offence, and raised indignation in
the rest of the Flibustiers, who held a kind of trial and condemned them
to be shot, which was done in presence of many of the inhabitants. The
Buccaneer histories praise this as an act of extraordinary justice, and a
set-off against their cruelties and robberies, such as gained them the
esteem even of the Spaniards. The punishment, however merited, was a
matter of caprice. It is no where pretended that they ever made a law to
themselves to forbid their murdering their prisoners; in very many
instances they had not refrained, and in no former instance had it been
attended with punishment. The putting these two murderers to death
therefore, as it related to themselves, was an arbitrary and lawless act.
If the women had been murdered for the purpose of coming at their money,
it could not have incurred blame from the rest. These remarks are not
intended in disapprobation of the act, which was very well; but too highly
extolled.
Having almost completed their collection, they began to dispute about the
division, the Flibustiers pretending that the more regular settlers of the
colony (being but landsmen) were not entitled to an equal share with
themselves, when a bark arrived from _Martinico_ which was sent expressly
to give them notice that a fleet of English and Dutch ships of war had
just arrived in the _West Indies_. This news made them hasten their
departure, and shortened or put an end to their disputes; for previous to
sailing, they made a division of the gold and silver, in which each man
shared nearly a thousand crowns; the merchandise and negroes being
reserved for future division, and which it was expected would produce much
more.
The Commanders of the English and Dutch squadrons, on arriving at
_Barbadoes_, learnt that the French had taken _Carthagena_. They sailed on
for that place, and had almost reached it, when they got sight of De
Pointis' squadron, to which they gave chase, but which escaped from them
by superior sailing.
[Sidenote: An English and Dutch Squadron fall in with the Buccaneers.] On
the 3d or 4th of June, the Flibustiers sailed from _Carthagena_ in nine
vessels, and had proceeded thirty leagues of their route towards
_Hispaniola_, when they came in sight of the English and Dutch fleet. They
dispersed, every one using his best endeavours to save himself by flight.
The two richest ships were taken; two were driven on shore and wrecked,
one of them near _Carthagena_, and her crew fell into the hands of the
Spaniards, who would have been justified in treating them as pirates; but
they were only made to work on the fortifications. The five others had the
good fortune to reach _Isle Avache_. To conclude the history of the
Carthagena expedition, a suit was instituted in _France_ against M. de
Pointis and the _armateurs_, in behalf of the Colonists and Flibustiers,
and a decree was obtained in their favour for 1,400,000 livres; but the
greater part of the sum was swallowed up by the expenses of the suit, and
the embezzlements of agents.
The Carthagena expedition was the last transaction in which the
Flibustiers or Buccaneers made a conspicuous figure. It turned out to
their disadvantage in many respects; but chiefly in stripping them of
public favour. [Sidenote: September. Peace of Ryswick.] In September 1697,
an end was put to the war, by a Treaty signed at _Ryswick_. By this
treaty, the part of the Island _St. Christopher_ which had belonged to the
French was restored to them.
In earlier times, peace, by releasing the Buccaneers from public demands
on their services, left them free to pursue their own projects, with an
understood license or privilege to cruise or form any other enterprise
against the Spaniards, without danger of being subjected to enquiry; but
the aspect of affairs in this respect was now greatly altered. [Sidenote:
Causes which led to the suppression of the Buccaneers.] The Treaty of 1670
between _Great Britain_ and _Spain_, with the late alliance of those
powers against _France_, had put an end to buccaneering in _Jamaica_; the
scandal of the second plunder of _Carthagena_ lay heavy on the Flibustiers
of _St. Domingo_; and a circumstance in which both _Great Britain_ and
_France_ were deeply interested, went yet more strongly to the entire
suppression of the cruisings of the Buccaneers, and to the dissolution of
their piratical union; which was, the King of _Spain_, Charles the IId.
being in a weak state of health, without issue, and the succession to the
crown of _Spain_ believed to depend upon his will. On this last account,
the kings of _Great Britain_ and _France_ were earnest in their endeavours
to give satisfaction to _Spain_. Louis XIV. sent back from _France_ to
_Carthagena_ the silver ornaments of which the churches there had been
stripped; and distinction was no longer admitted in the French Settlements
between Flibustier and Pirate. The Flibustiers themselves had grown tired
of preserving the distinction; for after the Peace of _Ryswick_ had been
fully notified in the _West Indies_, they continued to seize and plunder
the ships of the English and Dutch, till complaint was made to the French
Governor of _Saint Domingo_, M. du Casse, who thought proper to make
indemnification to the sufferers. Fresh prohibitions and proclamations
were issued, and _encouragement_ was given to the adventurers to become
planters. The French were desirous to obtain permission to trade in the
Spanish ports of the _Terra Firma_. Charlevoix says, 'the Spaniards were
charmed by the sending back the ornaments taken from the churches at
_Carthagena_, and it was hoped to gain them entirely by putting a stop to
the cruisings of the Flibustiers. The commands of the King were strict and
precise on this head; that the Governor should persuade the Flibustiers to
make themselves inhabitants, and in default of prevailing by persuasion,
to use force.'
Many Flibustiers and Buccaneers did turn planters, or followed their
profession of mariner in the ships of merchants. Attachment to old habits,
difficulties in finding employment, and being provided with vessels fit
for cruising, made many persist in their former courses. The evil most
grievously felt by them was their proscribed state, which left them no
place in the _West Indies_ where they might riot with safety and to their
liking, in the expenditure of their booty. Not having the same inducement
as formerly to limit themselves to the plundering one people, they
extended their scope of action, and robbed vessels of all nations. Most of
those who were in good vessels, quitted the West Indian Seas, and went
roving to different parts of the world. Mention is made of pirates or
buccaneers being in the _South Sea_ in the year 1697, but their particular
deeds are not related; and Robert Drury, who was shipwrecked at
_Madagascar_ in the year 1702, relates, 'King Samuel's messenger then
desired to know what they demanded for me? To which, Deaan Crindo sent
word that they required two _buccaneer_ guns.'
At the time of the Peace of _Ryswick_, the Darien Indians, having
quarrelled with the Spaniards, had become reconciled to the Flibustiers,
and several of the old Flibustiers afterwards settled on the _Isthmus_ and
married Darien women.
[Sidenote: Providence Island.] One of the _Lucayas_, or _Bahama Islands_,
had been settled by the English, under the name of _Providence Island_. It
afforded good anchorage, and the strength of the settlement was small,
which were conveniencies to pirates that induced them to frequent it; and,
according to the proverbial effect of evil communication, the inhabitants
were tempted to partake of their plunder, and assist in their robberies,
by purchasing their prize goods, and supplying them with all kinds of
stores and necessaries. This was for several years so gainful a business
to the Settlement, as to cause it to be proverbial in the _West Indies_;
that 'Shipwrecks and Pirates were the only hopes of the _Island
Providence_.'
[Sidenote: 1700-1. Accession of Philip Vth. to the Throne of Spain.] In
three years after the Peace of _Ryswick_, Charles the IId of Spain died,
and a Prince of the House of Bourbon mounted the Spanish Throne, which
produced a close union of interests between _France_ and _Spain_. The
ports of Spanish America, both in the _West Indies_ and in the _South
Sea_, were laid open to the merchants of _France_. The _Noticia de las
Expediciones al Magalhanes_ notices the great resort of the French to the
_Pacific Ocean_, 'who in an extraordinary manner enriched themselves
during the war of the Spanish succession.' In the French Settlements in
the _West Indies_ the name of Flibustier, because it implied enmity to the
Spaniards, was no longer tolerated.
On the breaking out of the war between _Great Britain_ and _France_ which
followed the Spanish succession, the English drove the French out of _St.
Christopher_, and it has since remained wholly to _Great Britain_. M. le
Comte de Gennes, a Commander in the French Navy, who a few years before
had made an unsuccessful voyage to the _Strait of Magalhanes_, was the
Governor of the French part of the Island at the time of the
surrender[90].
During this war, the Governors of _Providence_ exercised their authority
in granting commissions, or _letters of reprisal_; and created Admiralty
Courts, for the _condemnation_ of captured vessels: for under some of the
Governors no vessels brought to the adjudication of the Court escaped that
sentence. These were indirect acts of piracy.
The last achievement related of the Flibustiers, happened in 1702, when a
party of Englishmen, having commission from the Governor of _Jamaica_,
landed on the _Isthmus_ near the _Samballas Isles_, where they were joined
by some of the old Flibustiers who lived among the Darien Indians, and
also by 300 of the Indians. They marched to some mines from which they
drove the Spaniards, and took 70 negroes. They kept the negroes at work in
the mines twenty-one days; but in all this exploit they obtained no more
than about eighty pounds weight of gold.
Here then terminates the History of the Buccaneers of _America_. Their
distinctive mark, which they undeviatingly preserved nearly two
centuries, was, their waging constant war against the Spaniards, and
against them only. Many peculiarities have been attributed to the
Buccaneers in other respects, some of which can apply only to their
situation as hunters of cattle, and some existed rather in the writer's
fancy than in reality. Mariners are generally credited for being more
eccentric in their caprices than other men; which, if true, is to be
accounted for by the circumstances of their profession; and it happens
that they are most subjected to observation at the times when they are
fresh in the possession of liberty and money, earned by long confinement
and labour.
It may be said of the Buccaneers that they were, in general, courageous
according to the character of their leader; often rash, alternately
negligent and vigilant, and always addicted to pleasure and idleness. It
will help to illustrate the manners and qualifications of the Buccaneers
in the _South Sea_, to give an extract from the concluding part of
Dampier's manuscript journal of his Voyage round the World with the
Buccaneers, and will also establish a fact which has been mentioned before
only as a matter surmised[91]. Dampier says,
[Sidenote: Extract from Dampier.] 'September the 20th, 1691, arrived in
the _Downs_ to my great joy and satisfaction, having in my voyage ran
clear round the Globe.--I might have been master of the ship we first
sailed in if I would have accepted it, for it was known to most men on
board that I kept a Journal, and all that knew me did ever judge my
accounts were kept as correct as any man's. Besides, that most, if not all
others who kept journals in the voyage, lost them before they got to
_Europe_, whereas I preserved my writing. Yet I see that some men are not
so well pleased with my account as if it came from any of the Commanders
that were in the _South Sea_, though most of them, I think all but
Captain Swan, were incapable of keeping a sea journal, and took no account
of any action, neither did they make any observations. But I am only to
answer for myself, and if I have not given satisfaction to my friends in
what I have written, the fault is in the meanness of my information, and
not in me who have been faithful as to what came to my knowledge.'
Countenanced as the Buccaneers were, it is not in the least surprising
that they became so numerous. With the same degree of encouragement at the
present time, the Seas would be filled with such adventurers. It was
fortunate for the Spaniards, and perhaps for the other maritime Nations of
_Europe_, that the Buccaneers did not make conquest and settlement so much
their object as they did plunder; and that they took no step towards
making themselves independent, whilst it was in their power. Among their
Chiefs were some of good capacity; but only two of them, Mansvelt and
Morgan, appear to have contemplated any scheme of regular settlement
independent of the European Governments, and the time was then gone by.
Before _Tortuga_ was taken possession of for the Crown of _France_, such a
project might have been undertaken with great advantage. The English and
French Buccaneers were then united; _England_ was deeply engaged and fully
occupied by a civil war; and the jealousy which the Spaniards entertained
of the encroachments of the French in the _West Indies_, kept at a
distance all probability of their coalescing to suppress the Buccaneers.
If they had chosen at that time to have formed for themselves any regular
mode of government, it appears not very improbable that they might have
become a powerful independent State.
In the history of so much robbery and outrage, the rapacity shewn in some
instances by the European Governments in their West-India transactions,
and by Governors of their appointment, appears in a worse light than that
of the Buccaneers, from whom, they being professed ruffians, nothing
better was expected. The superior attainments of Europeans, though they
have done much towards their own civilization, chiefly in humanising their
institutions, have, in their dealings with the inhabitants of the rest of
the globe, with few exceptions, been made the instruments of usurpation
and extortion.
After the suppression of the Buccaneers, and partly from their relicks,
arose a race of pirates of a more desperate cast, so rendered by the
increased danger of their occupation, who for a number of years preyed
upon the commerce of all nations, till they were hunted down, and, it may
be said, exterminated. Of one crew of pirates who were brought before a
Court of Justice, fifty-two men were condemned and executed at one time,
in the year 1722.
FINIS.
FOOTNOTES:
[1] _Lebreles de pressa._
[2] The name _Saint Domingo_ was afterwards applied to the whole Island by
the French, who, whilst they contested the possession with the Spaniards,
were desirous to supersede the use of the name _Española_ or _Hispaniola_.
[3] _Historia General de las Indias_, por _Gonç. Hernandez de Oviedo_,
lib. 19. cap. 13. Also _Hakluyt_, vol. iii. p. 499, edit. 1600.
[4] _Camden's Elizabeth_, A. D. 1680.
[5] _Hist. des Antilles, par P. du Tertre._ Paris, 1667. Tome I. p. 415.
[6] _La Rochefort, sur le Repas des Carribes._
[7] _History of Brasil, by Robert Southey_, p. 17.
[8] In some of the English accounts the name is written _Bucanier_; but
uniformity in spelling was not much attended to at that time. Dampier
wrote _Buccaneer_, which agrees with the present manner of pronouncing the
word, and is to be esteemed the best authority.
[9] The French account says, that after taking possession of _Tortuga_,
the Adventurers divided into three classes: that those who occupied
themselves in the chase, took the name of Boucaniers; those who went on
cruises, the name of Flibustiers; and a third class, who cultivated the
soil, called themselves _Habitans_ (Inhabitants.) See _Histoire des
Avanturiers qui se sont signalez dans les Indes. Par. Alex. Ol. Oexmelin_.
Paris 1688, vol. i. p. 22.
[10] The Governor or Admiral, who granted the commission, claimed one tenth
of all prizes made under its authority.
[11] It is proper to mention, that an erroneously printed date, in the
English edition of the _Buccaneers of America_, occasioned a mistake to be
made in the account given of Narbrough's Voyage, respecting the time the
Buccaneers kept possession of _Panama_. See Vol. III. of _Voyages and
Discoveries in the South Sea_, p. 374.
[12] _Theatro Naval Hydrographico._ Cap. xi. See also of Peche, in Vol.
III. of _South Sea Voyages and Discoveries_, p. 392.
[13] _Not. de las Exp. Magal._ p. 268, of _Ult. Viage al Estrecho_.
[14] _Buccaneers of America_, Part III. Ch. xi.
[15] 'They never forfeit their word. The King has his commission from the
Governor of _Jamaica_, and at every new Governor's arrival, they come over
to know his pleasure. The King of the Mosquitos was received by his Grace
the Duke of Portland (Governor of _Jamaica_, A. D. 1722-3) with that
courtesy which was natural to him, and with more ceremony than seemed to
be due to a Monarch who held his sovereignty by commission.'--'The
Mosquito Indians had a victory over the Spanish Indians about 30 years
ago, and cut off a number; but gave a Negro who was with them, his life
purely on account of his speaking English.' _History of Jamaica._ London
1774. Book i. Ch, 12. And _British Empire in America_, Vol. II. pp. 367 &
371.
[16] _Case of His Majesty's Subjects upon the Mosquito Shore, most humbly
submitted_, &c. London, 1789.
[17] _Narrative by Basil Ringrose_, p. 5.
[18] _De Rochfort_ describes this animal under the name _Javaris_. _Hist.
Nat. des Isles Antilles_, p. 138, edit. 1665. It is also described by
_Pennant_, in his _Synopsis of Quadrupeds_, Art. _Mexican Wild Hog_.
[19] _Ringrose._ _Buccaneers of America_, Part IV. p. 10. The early
morning drum has, in our time, been called the _Reveiller_. Either that or
_a travailler_ seems applicable; for according to _Boyer_, _travailler_
signifies to trouble, or disturb, as well as to work; and it is probable,
from the age of the authority above cited, that the original term was _à
travailler_.
[20] _Narrative by Basil Ringrose_, p. 3.
[21] _Ringrose_, p. 11.
[22] _Ringrose_, Chap. ix.
[23] No. 48 in the same collection is a manuscript copy of Ringrose's
Journal, but varied in the same manner from the Original as the printed
Narrative.
[24] _Ringrose_, p. 44.
[25] _Ringrose_ and _Sharp_.
[26] _Sharp's Journal_, p. 72.
[27] _Buccaneers of America_, Part III, p. 80.
[28] Nos. 239. and 44. in the _Sloane Collection of Manuscripts_ in the
_British Museum_, are probably the charts and translation spoken of above.
No. 239. is a book of Spanish charts of the sea-coast of _New Spain_,
_Peru_, and _Chili_, each chart containing a small portion of coast, on
which is drawn a rude likeness of the appearance of the land, making it at
the same time both landscape and chart. They are generally without
compass, latitude, or divisions of any kind by lines, and with no
appearance of correctness, but apparently with knowledge of the
coast.--No. 44. is a copy of the same, or of similar Spanish charts of the
same coast, and is dedicated to King Charles II. by Bartholomew Sharp.
[29] _Sharp's Manuscript Journal. Brit. Mus._
[30] Morgan continued in office at _Jamaica_ during the remainder of the
reign of King Charles the IId.; but was suspected by the Spaniards of
connivance with the Buccaneers, and in the next reign, the Court of
_Spain_ had influence to procure his being sent home prisoner from the
_West Indies_. He was kept three years in prison; but without charge being
brought forward against him.
[31] _British Empire in America_, Vol. II. p. 319.
[32] _Dampier_, Vol. I, p. 73.
[33] In the Sloane Collection, _Brit. Mus._
[34] _Cowley's MS. Journal. Sloane Collection_, No. 54.
[35] See also _Pernety's Journal_, p. 179, English translation.
[36] _Dampier's Manuscript Journal_, No. 3236, _Sloane Collection, British
Museum_.
[37] The writer of Commodore Anson's Voyage informs us that Juan Fernandez
resided some time on the Island, and afterwards abandoned it.
[38] _Dampier's Voyages_, Vol. I, Chap. 5.
[39] The latter part of the above extract is from Cowley's
Manuscript.--Captain Colnet when at the _Galapagos_ made a similar remark.
He says, 'I was perplexed to form a conjecture how the small birds which
appeared to remain in one spot, supported themselves without water; but
some of our men informed me that as they were reposing beneath a prickly
pear-tree, they observed an old bird in the act of supplying three young
ones with drink, by squeezing the berry of a tree into their mouths. It
was about the size of a pea, and contained a watery juice of an acid and
not unpleasant taste. The bark of the tree yields moisture, and being
eaten allays the thirst. The land tortoise gnaw and suck it. The leaf of
this tree is like that of the bay-tree, the fruit grows like cherries; the
juice of the bark dies the flesh of a deep purple.' _Colnet's Voyage to
the South Sea_, p. 53.
[40] _Dampier_, Vol. I, p. 112.
[41] _Dampier_, Vol. I, Chap. 5. This description does not agree with the
Spanish Charts; but no complete regular survey appears yet to have been
made of the Coast of _New Spain_.
[42] _Dampier_, Vol. I, Chap. 5.
[43] _Ibid._
[44] _Dampier_, Vol. I, Chap. 6.
[45] _Dampier_, Vol. I, Chap. 6. To search for this wreck with a view to
recover the treasure in her, was one of the objects of an expedition from
_England_ to the _South Sea_, which was made a few years subsequent to
this Buccaneer expedition.
[46] _Dampier_, Vol. I, Chap. 6.
[47] _Manuscript Journal in the Sloane Collection._
[48] See _Cowley's Voyage_, p. 34. Also, Vol. III. of _South Sea
Discoveries_, p. 305.
[49] _Dampier_, Vol. I, Chap. 6.
[50] Dampier.
[51] _Wafer's Voyages_, p. 196.
[52] _Dampier_, Vol. I, Chap. 7.
[53] _Journal du Voyage au Mer du Sud, par Rav. de Lussan_, p. 25.
[54] _Dampier_, Vol. I, Chap. 8.
[55] _Dampier._
[56] _Voyage and Description_, &c. _by Lionel Wafer_, p. 191, and seq.
London, 1699.
[57] _Dampier. Manuscript Journal._
[58] _Wafer's Voyages_, p. 208.
[59] _Colnet's Voyage to the Pacific_, pp. 156-7.
[60] _Journal of a Cruize to the Pacific Ocean, by Captain David Porter,
in the years 1812-13 & 1814._
[61] _Cruising Voyage round the World, by Captain Woodes Rogers, in the
years 1708 to 1711_, pp. 211 and 265, 2d edition. London, 1718.
[62] _Wafer's Voyages_, p. 214 & seq.
[63] _Dampier_, Vol. I. Chap. 13, p. 352.
[64] _Wafer's Voyages_, p. 220.
[65] _Dampier_, Vol. I, Chap. 8.
[66] _Dampier_, Vol. I, Chap. 9.
[67] Late Observations place _Acapulco_ in latitude 16° 50' 41'' N, and
longitude 100° 0' West of _Greenwich_.
[68] _Dampier._
[69] See Chart in Spilbergen's Voyage.
[70] _Dampier's Manuscript Journal._
[71] _Dampier_, Vol. I, p. 257.
[72] In some old manuscript Spanish Charts, the _Chametly Isles_ are laid
down SE-1/2S about 12 leagues distant from _Cape Corrientes_.
[73] According to Captain Vancouver, _Point Ponteque_ and _Cape
Corrientes_ are nearly North and South of each other. Dampier was nearest
in-shore.
[74] The Manuscript says, the farthest of the _Chametlan Isles_ from the
main-land is not more than four miles distant.
[75] _Dampier_, Vol. I, Chap. 9.
[76] _Manuscript Journal._
[77] Dampier's Reckoning made the difference of longitude between _Cape
Corrientes_ and the _Island Guahan_, 125 degrees; which is 16 degrees more
than it has been found by modern observations.
[78] _Dampier._ _Manuscript Journal_, and Vol. I, Chap. 10. of his printed
Voyages.
[79] The Ladrone flying proa described in Commodore Anson's voyage, sailed
with the belly or rounded side and its small canoe to windward; by which
it appears that these proas were occasionally managed either way, probably
according to the strength of the wind; the little parallel boat or canoe
preserving the large one upright by its weight when to windward, and by
its buoyancy when to leeward.
[80] _Dampier_, Vol. I, Chap. 11.
[81] _Dampier_, Vol. I, Chap. 14. The long Island is named _Basseelan_ in
the charts; but the shape there given it does not agree well with
Dampier's description.
[82] M. de Surville in 1769, and much more lately Captain A. Murray of the
English E. I. Company's Service, found the South end of _Monmouth Island_
to be in 20° 17' N.
[83] _Manuscript Journal._
[84] In the printed Voyage, the shoal is mistakenly said to lie SbW from
the East end of _Timor_. The Manuscript Journal, and the track of the ship
as marked in the charts to the 1st volume of _Dampier's Voyages_, agree in
making the place of the shoal SbW from the West end of _Timor_; whence
they had last taken their departure, and from which their reckoning was
kept.
[85] _A Voyage by Edward Cooke_, Vol. I, p. 371. London, 1712.
[86] _Raveneau de Lussan_, p. 117.
[87] _'Ce moyen êtoit a la verité un peu violent, mais c'etoit l'unique
pour mettre les Espagnols à la raison.'_
[88] _Theatro Naval._ fol. 61, 1.
[89] _Relation du Voyage de M. de Gennes_, p. 106. Paris, 1698.
[90] Père Labat relates a story of a ridiculous effort in mechanical
ingenuity, in which M. de Gennes succeeded whilst he was Governor at
_Saint Christopher_. 'He made an Automaton in the likeness of a soldier,
which marched and performed sundry actions. It was jocosely said that M.
de Gennes might have defended his government with troops of his own
making. His automaton soldier eat victuals placed before it, which he
digested, by means of a dissolvent,'--_P. Labat_, Vol. V. p. 349.
[91] See p. 207, near the bottom.
* * * * *
Transcriber's Note: Illustrations have been moved. Some sidenotes have
been moved, separated or merged. Some repetitive sidenotes have been
deleted. The following changes were made in the transcription of this
work:
to settle what constitues[constitutes] occupancy.
recommended to King Ferdinand to recal[recall] Ovando.
Pere[Père] Labat describes
first cruisers againt[against] the Spaniards were English
['Camoes de Gama': Macron on e in Camoes is now omitted.]
Vattel has decribed[described] this case.
during a time of peace betwen[between]
apppearance[appearance] of the land
and was no[not] otherwise clad than
the rest of his sqadron[squadron]
The fruit is like the sea chesnut[chestnut]
The same kind of maoeuvring[manoeuvring]
of the _S[ta] Maria de l'Aguada_
and it was in[an] honour due from him
who granted the commisson[commission]
at _Saint Christopher_. [']He made an Automaton
by means of a dissolvent,[']--_P. Labat_,
[oe ligatures: ligature now omitted.]
* * * * *
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