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Title: Secret History of the Court of England, from the Accession of George the Third to the Death of George the Fourth, Volume I (of 2) - Including, Among Other Important Matters, Full Particulars of the Mysterious Death of the Princess Charlotte
Author: Hamilton, Lady Anne
Language: English
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ENGLAND, FROM THE ACCESSION OF GEORGE THE THIRD TO THE DEATH OF GEORGE THE
FOURTH, VOLUME I (OF 2)***
file which includes the original page images.
Transcriber's note:
Due to an accusation of libel, some pages had to be rewritten
and reprinted before the book was bound. Pages 1-24 were not
printed and are missing from the original. See the
Preface for more information.
Text in italics in the original is surrounded by underscores
(_italics_).
Text in a Gothic font in the original are surrounded by equal
signs (=Gothic=).
Characters superscripted in the original are surrounded by
curly braces (example: SAM{L}).
A row of asterisks represents a thought break or an ellipsis
in a poetry quotation. Other asterisks indicate censored names.
The original uses two kinds of blockquotes--one type has words
in a smaller font, and the other uses extra white space before
and after the quotation. The transcriber has used wider margins
to represent the smaller font and two blank lines before and
after to represent extra white space.
Variations in spelling and hyphenation have been left as in the
complete list follows the text.
SECRET HISTORY
OF THE
=Court of England=,
FROM THE ACCESSION OF GEORGE THE THIRD TO THE
DEATH OF GEORGE THE FOURTH;
INCLUDING, AMONG OTHER IMPORTANT MATTERS,
FULL PARTICULARS OF THE MYSTERIOUS DEATH
OF THE
PRINCESS CHARLOTTE.
BY THE RIGHT HONORABLE LADY ANNE HAMILTON,
_Sister of His Grace the present Duke of Hamilton and Brandon;
and of the Countess of Dunmore_.
"OF MEANER VICE AND VILLAINS, SING NO MORE,
BUT MONSTERS CROWN'D, AND CRIME ENROBED WITH POWER!
AT VICE'S HIGH IMPERIAL THRONE BEGIN,
AND BOLDLY BRAND SUCH PRODIGIES OF SIN;
WITH PREGNANT PHRASE, AND STRONG IMPARTIAL VERSE,
THE CRIMES OF LORDS AND CRIMES OF KINGS REHEARSE!"
VOL I.
LONDON:
PUBLISHED BY WILLIAM HENRY STEVENSON,
13, WELLINGTON STREET, STRAND.
1832.
"TO THE READER."
The source from whence this Work proceeds will be a sufficient guarantee
for the facts it contains. A high sense of duty and honor has prompted
these details which have for many years been on the eve of publication.
It will be worthy of the perusal of THE GREAT because it will serve as a
mirror, and they who do not see themselves, or their actions reflected,
will not take offence at the _unvarnished Picture_--it may afford
real benefit to the Statesman and Politician, by the ample testimony
it gives, that when _Justice is perverted_, the most lamentable
consequences ensue; and to that class of Society whose station is more
humble, it may unfold the designing characters by whom they have so
frequently been deceived. _They only_ are competent to detail the scenes
and intrigues of _a Court_, who have been most intimately acquainted
with it, and it must at all times be acknowledged, that it is a climate
not very conducive to the growth of Virtue, not very frequently the
abode of Truth--yet although its atmosphere is so tainted, its giddy
crowd is thought enviably happy. The fallacy of such opinions is here
set forth to public view, by one who has spent much of her time in _the
interior of a Court_, and whose immediate knowledge of the then passing
events, give ability to narrate them faithfully. Many, very many, facts
are here omited, which hereafter shall appear, and there is little
doubt, but that some general good may result from an unprejudiced and
calm perusal of the subjects subjoined.
"PREFACE."
How far the law of Libel (as it now stands) may affect is best to be
ascertained by a reference to the declaration of Lord Abingdon, in 1779,
and inserted, verbatim, at page 69--1st vol. of this "Secret History."
The following Pages are intended as a benefit, not to do injury. If the
facts could not have been maintained proper methods ought to have been
adopted to have caused the most minute enquiry and investigation upon
the subject. Many an Arrow has been shot, and innumerable suspicions
entertained from what motive, and by whose hand the bow was drawn, yet
here all mystery ceases, and an open avowal is made:--Would to Heaven
for the honor of human nature that the subjoined documents were
falsehoods and calumniations invented for the purpose of maligning
character, or for personal resentments--but the unusual corroboration of
_events_, _places_, times, and persons, will not admit the probability.
In the affair of the ever lamented Death of the Princess Charlotte, the
three important Letters commencing at page 369, vol. 1st, are of
essential importance, and deserve the most grave and deliberate
enquiry--for _the first time_ they _now_ appear in print. The subjects
connected with the Royal Mother are also of deep interest. The conduct
of the English Government towards Napoleon is introduced, to give a
true and impartial view of the _reasons_ which dictated such arbitrary
and unjust measures enforced against that _Great Man_, and which will
ever remain a blot upon the British Nation. These unhandsome
derelictions from honorable conduct could alone be expressed by those
who were well informed upon _private subjects_. Respect for the
illustrious Dead has materially encouraged the inclination to give
publicity to scenes, which were as revolting in themselves as they were
_cruel_ and _most heart-rending_ to the Victims: throughout the whole,
it is quite apparent that certain Persons were obnoxious to the Ruling
Authorities, and the sequel will prove, that _the extinction_ of such
Persons was resolved upon, let the means and measures to obtain that
object be what they might. During this period we find those who had long
been opposed in Political sentiments, to all appearance perfectly
reconciled, and adhering to that party from whom they might expect the
greatest honors and advancement in the State. We need only refer as
proofs for this, to the late "Spencer Percival," and "George
Canning"--who to obtain preferment joined the confederations formed
against an unprotected Princess, and yet who previously had been the
most strenuous defenders of the same Lady's cause.--Well may it be
observed that Vanity is too powerful,
"The Seals of Office glitter in their eyes,
They leave the truth, and by their falsehoods rise."
These remarks are not intended as any disparagement to the private
characters or virtues of those statesmen whose talent was great and well
cultivated, but to establish the position which it is the object of this
work to show that Justice has not been fairly and impartially
administered when the requirement was in opposition to the Royal wish or
the administration.
Within these volumes will also be found urgent remonstrances against the
indignities offered to the people of Ireland, whose forebearance has
been great, and whose sorrows are without a parallel, and who merit the
same regard as England and Scotland.--Much is omited relative to the
private conduct of persons who occupy _high stations_, but should it be
needful, it shall be published, and all the correspondence connected
therewith. It is true much honor will not be derived from such
explanations, but they are forthcoming if requisite.
The generality of readers will not criticise severely upon _the diction_
of these prefatory remarks; they will rather have their attention turned
to the truths submitted to them, and the end in view,--_that end_ is for
the advancement of the best interests of Society--to unite more closely
each member in the bonds of friendship and amity, and to expose the
_hidden causes_ which for so long a period have been barriers to
concord, unity, and happiness
"MAY GOD DEFEND THE RIGHT."
SECRET HISTORY,
_&c. &c._
The secret history of the Court of England, during the last two reigns,
will afford the reflecting mind abundant matter for regret and
abhorrence. It has, however, been so much the fashion for historians to
speak of kings and their ministers in all the fulsome terms of flattery,
that the inquirer frequently finds it a matter of great difficulty to
arrive at truth. But, fearless of consequences, we will speak of facts
as they _really occurred_, and only hope our readers will accompany us
in the recital with feelings, unwarped by party prejudice, and with a
determination to judge the actions of kings, lords, and commons, not as
beings of a _superior order_, but as _men_. Minds thus constituted will
have little difficulty in tracing the origin of our present evils, or of
perceiving
"How many that _command_ should be COMMANDED!"
We commence with the year
1761,
about which period George the Third was pressed by his ministers to make
choice of some royal lady, and demand her in marriage. They urged this
under the pretext, that such a connexion was indispensably necessary to
give stability to the monarchy, to assist the progressive improvements
in morality and religion, and to benefit all artificers, by making a
display at court of their ingenious productions. His majesty heard the
proposal with an aching heart; and, to many of his ministers, he seemed
as if labouring under bodily indisposition. Those persons, however, who
were in the immediate confidence of the king, felt no surprise at the
distressing change so apparent in the countenance of his majesty, the
cause of which may be traced in the following particulars:
The unhappy sovereign, while Prince of Wales, was in the daily habit of
passing through St. James' street, and its immediate vicinity. In one of
his favourite rides through that part of town, he saw a very engaging
young lady, who appeared, by her dress, to be a member of the Society of
Friends. The prince was much struck by the delicacy and lovely
appearance of this female, and, for several succeeding days, was
observed to walk out alone. At length, the passion of his royal highness
arrived at such a point, that he felt his happiness depended upon
receiving the lady in marriage.
Every individual in his immediate circle, or in the list of the privy
council, was very narrowly questioned by the prince, though in an
indirect manner, to ascertain who was most to be trusted, that he might
secure, _honorably_, the possession of the object of his ardent wishes.
His royal highness, at last, confided his views to his next brother,
Edward, Duke of York, and another person, who were the only witnesses to
the _legal_ marriage of the Prince of Wales to the before-mentioned
lady, HANNAH LIGHTFOOT, which took place at Curzon-street Chapel, May
Fair, in the year 1759.
This marriage was productive of _issue_, the particulars of which,
however, we pass over for the present, and only look to the results of
the union.
Shortly after the prince came to the throne, by the title of George the
Third, ministers became suspicious of his marriage with the quakeress.
At length, they were informed of the important fact, and immediately
determined to annul it. After innumerable schemes how they might best
attain this end, and thereby frustrate the king's wishes, they devised
the "Royal Marriage Act," by which every prince or princess of the blood
might not marry or intermarry with any person of less degree. _This act,
however, was not passed till thirteen years after George the Third's
union with Miss Lightfoot_, and therefore it could not render such
marriage _illegal_.
From the moment the ministry became aware of his majesty's alliance to
the lady just named, they took possession of their watch-tower, and
determined that the new sovereign should henceforth do even as their
will dictated; while the unsuspecting mind of George the Third was
easily beguiled into their specious devices. In the absence of the
king's beloved brother, Edward, Duke of York, (who was then abroad for
a short period) his majesty was assured by his ministers that no
cognizance would be taken at any time of his late unfortunate amour and
marriage; and persuaded him, that the only stability he could give to
his throne was demanding the hand of the Princess Charlotte of
Mecklenburgh Strelitz. Every needful letter and paper for the
negotiation was speedily prepared for the king's signature, which, in
due course, each received; and thus was the foundation laid for this
ill-fated prince's _future malady_!
Who can reflect upon the blighted first love of this monarch, without
experiencing feelings of pity for his early sorrows! With his domestic
habits, had he only been allowed to live with the _wife of his choice_,
his reign might have passed in harmony and peace, and the English people
now been affluent, happy, and contented. Instead of which, his unfeeling
ministers compelled him to marry one of the most selfish, vindictive,
and tyrannical women that ever disgraced human nature! At the first
sight of the German princess, the king actually shrunk from her gaze;
for her countenance was of that cast that too plainly told of the nature
of the spirit working within.
On the 18th of September, the king was _obliged_ to subscribe to the
formal ceremony of a marriage with the before-named lady, at the palace
of St. James. His majesty's brother Edward, who was one of the witnesses
to the king's first marriage with Miss Lightfoot, was now also present,
and used every endeavour to support his royal brother through the
"trying ordeal," not only by first meeting the princess on her entrance
into the garden, but also at the altar.
In the mean time, the Earl of Abercorn informed the princess of the
_previous_ marriage of the king, and of the then existence of his
majesty's wife; and Lord Harcourt advised the princess to well inform
herself of the policy of the kingdoms, as a measure for preventing much
future disturbance in the country, as well as securing an uninterrupted
possession of the throne to her issue. Presuming, therefore, that this
German princess had hitherto been an open and ingenuous character,
(which are certainly traits very rarely to be found in the mind of a
German of her grade) such expositions, intimations, and dark mysteries,
were ill calculated to nourish honorable feelings, but would rather
operate as a check to their further existence.
To the public eye, the newly-married pair were contented with each
other;--alas! it was because each feared an exposure to the nation. The
king reproached himself that he had not fearlessly avowed the only wife
of his affections; the queen, because she feared an explanation that the
king was guilty of _bigamy_, and thereby her claim, as also that of her
progeny, (if she should have any) would be known to be illegitimate. It
appears as if the result of these reflections formed a basis for the
misery of millions, and added to that number millions then unborn. The
secret marriage of the king proved a pivot, on which the destiny of
kingdoms was to turn.
At this period of increased anxiety to his majesty, Miss Lightfoot was
disposed of during a temporary absence of his brother Edward, and from
that time no _satisfactory_ tidings ever reached those most interested
in her welfare. The only information that could be obtained was, that a
young gentleman, named AXFORD, was offered a large amount, to be paid on
the consummation of his marriage with Miss Lightfoot, which offer he
willingly accepted.
The king was greatly distressed to ascertain the fate of his
much-beloved and legally-married wife, the quakeress, and entrusted Lord
Chatham to go in disguise, and endeavour to trace her abode; but the
search proving fruitless, the king was again almost distracted.
Every one in the queen's confidence was expected to make any personal
sacrifice of feeling whenever her majesty might require it; and,
consequently, new emoluments, honors, and posts of dignity, were
continually needful for the preservation of such unnatural friendships.
From this period, new creations of peers were enrolled; and, as it
became expedient to increase the number of the "privy cabal," the nation
was freely called upon, by extra taxation and oppressive burdens of
various kinds, to supply the necessary means to support this vile system
of bribery and misrule!
We have dwelt upon this important period, because we wish our countrymen
to see the _origin of our overgrown national debt_,--the real cause of
England's present wretchedness.
The coronation of their majesties passed over, a few days after their
marriage, without any remarkable feature, save that of an additional
expense to the nation. The queen generally _appeared_ at ease, though
she seized upon every possible occasion to slight all persons from whom
she feared any state explanation, which might prove inimical to her
wishes. The wily queen thought this would effectually prevent their
frequent appearance at court, as well as cause their banishment from the
council-chamber.
A bill was passed this year to fix the civil list at the annual sum of
EIGHT HUNDRED THOUSAND POUNDS, payable out of the consolidated fund, in
lieu of the hereditary revenue, settled on the late king.
Another act passed, introduced to parliament by a speech from the
throne, for the declared purpose of giving additional security to the
independence of the judges. Although there was a law then in force,
passed in the reign of William the Third, for continuing the commissions
of judges during their good behaviour, they were legally determined on
the death of the reigning sovereign. By this act, however, their
continuance in office was made _independent_ of the royal demise.
Twelve millions of money were raised by loans this year, and the
interest thereon agreed to be paid by an additional duty of three
shillings per barrel on all strong beer or ale,--the sinking fund being
a collateral security. The imposition of this tax was received by the
people as it deserved to be; for every labourer and mechanic severally
felt himself insulted by so oppressive an act.
The year
1762
was ushered in by the hoarse clarion of war. England declared against
Spain, while France and Spain became opposed to Portugal, on account of
her alliance with Great Britain. These hostilities, however, were not of
long duration; for preliminaries of peace were signed, before the
conclusion of the year, by the English and French plenipotentiaries at
Fontainbleau.
By this treaty, the original cause of the war was removed by the cession
of Canada to England. This advantage, if _advantage_ it may be called,
cost this country _eighteen millions of money_, besides the loss of
_three hundred thousand men_! Every friend of humanity must shudder at
so wanton a sacrifice of life, and so prodigious an expenditure of the
public money! But this was only the commencement of the reign of
imbecility and Germanism.
On the 12th of August, her majesty was safely delivered of a prince.
Court etiquette requires _numerous witnesses_ of the birth of an
heir-apparent to the British throne. On this occasion, however, her
majesty's _extraordinary delicacy_ dispensed with a strict adherence to
the forms of state; for only the Archbishop of Canterbury was allowed to
be in the room. But there were _more powerful_ reasons than _delicacy_
for this unusual privacy, which will hereafter appear.
On the 18th of September following, the ceremony of christening the
royal infant was performed by the Archbishop of Canterbury, in the great
council-chamber of his majesty's palace, and the young prince was named
George, Augustus, Frederick.
In this year, the city of Havannah surrendered to the English, whose
troops were commanded by Lord Albermarle and Admiral Pococke. Nine sail
of the line and four frigates were taken in the harbour; three of the
line had been previously sunk by the enemy, and two were destroyed on
the stocks. The plunder in money and merchandize was supposed to have
amounted to _three millions sterling_, while the sum raised by the
land-tax, at four shillings in the pound, from 1756 to 1760 inclusive,
also produced _ten millions of money_! But to what purpose this amount
was devoted remained a profound secret to those from whom it was
extorted.
In the November of this year, the famous Peter Annet was sentenced by
the Court of King's Bench to be imprisoned one month, to stand twice in
the pillory within that time, and afterwards to be kept to hard labour
in Bridewell for a year. The reader may feel surprised when informed
that all the enormity this man had been guilty of consisted in nothing
more than writing the _truth_ of the government, which was published in
his "Free Inquirer." The unmerited punishment, however, had only this
effect: it made him glory in suffering for the cause of liberty and
truth.
1763
was a continuation of the misrule which characterized the preceding
year.
In May, Lord Bute resigned the office of First Lord of the Treasury, and
the conduct of the earl became a question of much astonishment and
criticism. He was the foundation-stone of _Toryism_, in its most
arbitrary form; and there cannot be a doubt that his lordship's
influence over the state machinery was the key-stone of all the
mischiefs and miseries of the nation. It was Lord Bute's opinion, that
all things should be made subservient to the _queen_, and he framed his
measures accordingly.
The earl was succeeded by Mr. George Grenville. Little alteration for
the better, however, was manifested in the administration, although the
characters and principles of the new ministers were supposed to be of a
liberal description; but this may possibly be accounted for by the Earls
of Halifax and Egremont continuing to be the secretaries of state.
In this memorable year, the celebrated John Wilkes, editor of "The North
Briton," was committed to the Tower, for an excellent, though biting,
criticism on his majesty's speech to the two houses of parliament. The
queen vigorously promoted this unconstitutional and tyrannical act of
the new government, which was severely censured by many members of the
House of Commons. Among the rest, Mr. Pitt considered the act as an
infringement upon the rights of the people; and, although he condemned
the libel, he said he would come at the author fairly,--not by an open
breach of the constitution, and a contempt of all restraint. Wilkes,
however, came off triumphantly, and his victory was hailed with delight
by his gratified countrymen.
In the midst of this public agitation, the queen, on the 16th of August,
burdened the nation with her second son, Frederick, afterwards created
Duke of York, _Bishop of Osnaburgh_, and many other _et ceteras_, which
produced a good round sum, and, we should think, more than sufficient to
support this Right Reverend Father in God, at the age of--_eleven
months_!
Colonel Gréme, who had been chiefly instrumental in bringing about the
marriage of the Princess Charlotte of Mecklenburgh with the King of
England, was this year appointed Master of St. Catherine, near the
Tower, an excellent _sinecure_ in the _peculiar gift of the queen_!
The most important public event on the continent was, the death of
Augustus, third King of Poland, and Elector of Saxony, who had lately
returned to his electoral dominions, from which he had been banished for
six years, in consequence of the war. Immediately after his demise, his
eldest son and successor to the electorate declared himself a candidate
for the crown of Poland, in which ambition he was supposed to be
countenanced by the Court of Vienna; but he fell a victim to the
small-pox, a few weeks after his father's death.
During the year
1764,
much public anxiety and disquietude was manifested. Mr. Wilkes again
appeared before a public tribunal for publishing opinions not in
accordance with the reigning powers. The House of Commons sat so early
as seven o'clock in the morning to consider his case, and the speaker
actually remained in the chair for _twenty hours_, so important was the
matter considered.
About the end of this year, the king became much indisposed, and
exhibited the first signs of that mental aberration, which, in after
years, so heavily afflicted him. The nation, in general, supposed this
to have arisen from his majesty's anxiety upon the fearful aspect of
affairs, which was then of the most gloomy nature, both at home and
abroad. Little, indeed, did the multitudes imagine the _real_ cause;
little did the private gentleman, the industrious tradesman, the worthy
mechanic, or the labourer, think that their sovereign was living in
splendid misery, bereft of the dearest object of his solicitude, and
compelled to associate with the woman he all but detested!
Nature had not formed George the Third for a king; she had not been
profuse to him either in elegance of manners, or capacity of mind; but
he seemed more fitted to shine in a domestic circle, where his
affections were centred, and in that sphere only. But, with all
hereditary monarchies, _an incompetent person has the same claim as a
man adorned with every requisite and desirable ability_!
In this year, Lord Albermarle received TWENTY THOUSAND POUNDS as _his_
share in the Havannah prize-money; while _one pound, two shillings, and
six-pence_ was thought sufficient for a corporal, and _thirteen
shillings and five-pence_ for a private! How far this disbursement was
consistent with _equity_, we leave every honest member of society to
determine.
In December, a most excellent edict was registered in the parliament of
Paris, by which the King of France abolished the society of Jesuits _for
ever_.
Early in the year
1765,
the queen was pressingly anxious that her marriage with the king should
again be solemnized; and, as the queen was then pregnant, his majesty
readily acquiesced in her wishes. Dr. Wilmot, by his majesty's
appointment, performed the ceremony at their palace at Kew. The king's
brother, Edward, was present upon this occasion also, as he had been on
the two former ones.
Under the peculiar distractions of this year, it was supposed, the mind
of the sovereign was again disturbed. To prevent a recurrence of such
interruptions to the royal authority, a law was passed, empowering his
majesty to appoint the _queen_, or _other member of the royal family_,
assisted by a council, to act as regent of the kingdom. Although his
majesty's blank of intellect was but of short duration, it proved of
essential injury to the people generally. The tyrannical queen,
presuming on the authority of this bill, exercised the most unlimited
sway over national affairs. She supplied her own requirements and
opinions, in unison with her trusty-bought clan, who made it apparent
that these suggestions were offered by the king, and were his settled
opinions, upon the most deliberate investigation of all matters and
things connected therewith!
During the king's indisposition, he was most passionate in his requests,
that the _wife of his choice_ should be brought to him. The queen,
judging her influence might be of much consequence to quell the
perturbation of her husband's mind, was, agreeably to her own request,
admitted to the solitary apartment of the king. It is true he recognised
her, but it was followed by extreme expressions of disappointment and
disgust! The queen was well acquainted with all subjects connected with
his majesty's unfortunate passion and marriage; therefore, she thought
it prudent to stifle expressions of anger or sorrow, and, as soon as
decency permitted, left the place, resolving thenceforth to manage the
helm herself.
On the 31st of October, his majesty's uncle, the Duke of Cumberland,
died suddenly at his house in Upper Grosvenor-street, in the forty-fifth
year of his age; and on the 28th of December, his majesty's youngest
brother, Prince Frederick William, also expired, in the sixteenth year
of his age.
On December 1st,
1766,
his majesty's sister, Matilda, was married to the King of Denmark, and
the Duke of York was proxy on the occasion. Soon afterwards, his royal
highness took leave of his brother, and set out on a projected tour
through Germany, and other parts of the continent. The queen was most
happy to say "Adieu," and, for the first time, felt something like ease
on his account.
The supplies granted for the service of this year, although the people
were in the most distressed state, amounted to _eight millions, two
hundred and seventy-three thousand, two hundred and eighty pounds_!
In the year
1767,
the noble-minded and generous Duke of York was married to a descendant
of the Stuarts, an amiable and conciliating lady, not only willing, but
anxious, to live without the splendour of royal parade, and desirous
also of evading the flatteries and falsehoods of a court.
In August, the duke lived very retired in a chateau near Monaco, in
Italy, blessed and happy in the society of his wife. She was then
advancing in pregnancy, and his solicitude for her was sufficient to
have deeply interested a heart less susceptible than her own. Their
marriage was kept from public declaration, but we shall refer to the
proofs hereafter. In the ensuing month, it was announced that (17th
September) the duke "died of a malignant fever," in the twenty-ninth
year of his age, and the news was immediately communicated to the King
of England. The body was said to be embalmed, (?) and then put on board
his majesty's ship Montreal, to be brought to England. His royal
highness was interred on the evening of November 3rd, in the royal vault
of King Henry the Seventh's Chapel.
The fate of the duke's unfortunate and inconsolable widow, and that of
the infant, to whom she soon after gave birth, must be reserved for its
appropriate place in this history.
The high price of provisions this year occasioned much distress and
discontent, and excited tumults in various parts of the kingdom.
Notwithstanding this, ministers attempted to retain every tax that had
been imposed during the late war, and appeared perfectly callous to the
sufferings of the productive classes. Even the land-tax, of four
shillings in the pound, was attempted to be continued, though contrary
to all former custom; but the country gentlemen became impatient of this
innovation, and contrived to get a bill introduced into the House of
Commons, to reduce it to three shillings in the pound. This was carried
by a great majority, in spite of all the efforts of the ministry to the
contrary! The defeat of the ministers caused a great sensation at the
time, as it was the first money-bill in which any ministry had been
disappointed since the revolution of 1688! But what can any ministers do
against the wishes of a determined people? If the horse knew his own
strength, would he submit to the dictation of his rider?
On account of the above bill being thrown out, ministers had
considerable difficulty in raising the necessary supplies for the year,
which were estimated at _eight millions and a half_, including, we
suppose, secret-service money, which was now in great demand.
The king experienced a fluctuating state of health, sometimes improving,
again retrograding, up to the year
1768.
In his speech, in the November of this year, his majesty announced, that
much disturbance had been exhibited in some of the colonies, and a
disposition manifested to throw aside their dependence upon Great
Britain. Owing to this circumstance, a new office was created, under the
name of "Secretary of State for the Colonies," and to which the Earl of
Hillsborough was appointed.
The Earl of Chatham having resigned, parliament was dissolved. Party
spirit running high, the electioneering contests were unusually violent,
and serious disorders occurred. Mr. Wilkes was returned for Middlesex;
but, being committed to the King's Bench for libels on the government,
the mob rescued Wilkes from the soldiers, who were conducting him
thither. The military were ordered to fire on the people, and one man,
who was singled out and pursued by the soldiers, was shot dead. A
coroner's inquest brought this in _wilful murder_, though the higher
authorities not only acquitted the magistrates and soldiers, but
actually returned _public thanks_ to them!
At this period, the heart sickens at the relations given of the
punishments inflicted on many private soldiers in the guards. They were
each allowed only four-pence per day. If they deserted and were
re-taken, the poor delinquents suffered the dreadful infliction of five
hundred lashes. The victims thus flagellated very seldom escaped with
life! In the navy, also, the slightest offence or neglect was punished
with inexpressible tortures. This infamous treatment of brave men can
only be accounted for by the fact, that officers in the army and navy
either bought their situations, or received them as a _compensation_ for
some SECRET SERVICE performed for, or by the request of, the queen and
her servile ministry. Had officers been promoted from the ranks, for
performing _real_ services to their country, they would have then
possessed more commiseration for their brothers in arms.
We must here do justice to the character of George the Third from all
intentional tyranny. Many a time has this monarch advocated the cause of
the productive classes, and as frequently have his ministers, urged on
by the _queen_, defeated his most sanguine wishes, until he found
himself a mere cipher in the affairs of state. The king's simplicity of
style and unaffected respect for the people would have induced him to
despise the gorgeous pageantry of state; he had been happy, indeed, to
have been "the real father of his subjects." His majesty well knew that
the public good ought to be the sole aim of all governments, and that
for this purpose a prince is invested with the regal crown. A king is
not to employ his authority, patronage, and riches, merely to gratify
his own lusts and ambition; but, if need require it, he ought even to
sacrifice his own ease and pleasure for the benefit of his country. We
give George the Third credit for holding these sentiments, which,
however, only increased his regrets, as he really had _no power to
act_,--that power being in the possession of his queen, and other crafty
and designing persons, to whose opinions and determinations he had
become a perfect slave! It is to be regretted that he had not sufficient
nerve to eject such characters from his councils; for assuredly the
nation would have been, to a man, willing to protect him from their
vile machinations; but once subdued, he was subdued for ever.
From the birth, a prince is the subject of flattery, and is even
caressed for his vicious propensities; nay, his minions never appear
before him without a mask, while every artifice that cunning can suggest
is practised to deceive him. He is not allowed to mix in general
society, and therefore is ignorant of the wants and wishes of the people
over whom he is destined to reign. When he becomes a king, his
counsellors obtain his signature whenever they desire it; and, as his
extravagance increases, so must sums of money, in some way or other, be
extorted from his suffering and oppressed subjects. Should his ministers
prove ambitious, war is the natural result, and the money of the poor is
again in request to furnish means for their own destruction! Whereas,
had the prince been associated with the intelligent and respectable
classes of society, he might have warded off the evil, and, instead of
desolating war, peace might have shed her gentle influence over the
land. Another barbarous custom is, the injunction imposed upon royal
succession, that they shall not marry only with their equals in birth.
But is not this a violation of the most vital interests and solemn
engagements to which humanity have subscribed? What unhappiness has not
such an unnatural doctrine produced? Quality of blood ought only to be
recognized by corresponding nobility of sentiments, principles, and
actions. He that is debarred from possessing the object of his virtuous
regard is to be pitied, whether he be a king or a peasant; and we can
hardly wonder at his sinking into the abyss of carelessness, imbecility,
and even madness.
In February,
1769,
the first of those deficiencies in the civil list, which had occurred
from time to time, was made known to parliament, by a message in the
_name_ of the unhappy king, but who only did as he was ordered by his
ministerial cabal. This debt amounted to five hundred thousand pounds,
and his majesty was tutored to say, that he relied on the _zeal_ and
_affection_ of his faithful Commons to enable him to discharge it! The
principal part of this money was expended upon wretches, of the most
abandoned description, for services performed _against_ the welfare of
England.
The year
1770
proved one of much political interest. The queen was under the necessity
of retiring a little from the apparent part she had taken in the affairs
of state; nevertheless, she was equally active; but, from policy, did
not appear so. Another plan to deceive the people being deemed
necessary, invitations for splendid parties were given, in order to
assume an appearance of confidence and quietness, which her majesty
could not, and did not, possess.
In this year, Lord Chatham publicly avowed his sentiments in these
words: "Infuse a portion of health into the constitution, to enable it
to bear its infirmities." Previous to making this remark, his lordship,
of course, was well acquainted with the causes of the then present
distresses of the country, as well as the sources from whence those
causes originated. But one generous patriot is not sufficient to put a
host of antagonists to flight. The earl's measures were too mild to be
heeded by the minions of the queen then in power; his intention being
"to persuade and soften, not to irritate and offend." We may infer that,
had he been merely a "party man," he would naturally concur in any
enterprise likely to create a bustle without risk to himself; but, upon
examination, he appears to have loved the cause of independence, and was
willing to support it by every personal sacrifice.
About this time, the Duke of Grafton resigned his office of First Lord
of the Treasury, in which he was succeeded by that disgrace to his
country, Lord North, who then commenced his long and disastrous
administration. Dr. Wilmot was a friendly preceptor to this nobleman,
while at the university; but it was frequently a matter of regret to the
worthy doctor, that his lordship had not imbibed those patriotic
principles which he had so strongly endeavoured to inculcate; and he has
been known to observe, that Lord North's administration called for the
most painful animadversions, inasmuch as he advocated the enaction of
laws of the most arbitrary character.
Mr. Wilkes, previous to the meeting of the Commons in January, was not
only acquitted, but had damages, to a large amount, awarded him; and the
king expressed a desire, that such damages should be paid out of his
privy purse. The Earl of Halifax, who signed the warrant for his
committal to the Tower in 1763, was finally so disappointed that he
offered his resignation, though he afterwards accepted the privy seal.
It was during this year, that the celebrated "Letters of Junius" first
appeared. These compositions were distinguished as well by the force and
elegance of their style as by the violence of their attacks on
individuals. The first of these letters was printed in the "Public
Advertiser," of December the 19th, and addressed to the king,
animadverting on all the errors of his reign, and speaking of his
ministers in terms of equal contempt and abhorrence. An attempt was made
to suppress this letter by the strong arm of the law; but the effort
proved abortive, as the jury _acquitted_ the printer, who was the person
prosecuted. Junius (though under a feigned name) was the most competent
person to speak fully upon political subjects. He had long been the
bosom friend of the king, and spent all his leisure time at court. No
one, therefore, could better judge of the state of public affairs than
himself, and his sense of duty to the nation animated him to plead for
the long-estranged rights of the people; indeed, upon many occasions,
he displayed such an heroic firmness, such an invincible love of truth,
and such an unconquerable sense of honor, that he permitted his talents
to be exercised freely in the cause of public justice, and subscribed
his _addenda_ under an envelope, rather than injure his prince, or leave
the interests of his countrymen to the risk of fortuitous circumstances.
We know of whom we speak, and therefore feel authorized to assert, that
in his character were concentrated the steady friend of the prince as
well as of the people.
Numerous disquisitions have been written to prove the identity of
Junius; but, in spite of many arguments to the contrary, we recognize
him in the person of the Rev. JAMES WILMOT, D.D., Rector of
Barton-on-the-Heath, and Aulcester, Warwickshire, and one of his
majesty's justices of the peace for that county.
Dr. Wilmot was born in 1720, and, during his stay at the university,
became intimately acquainted with Dr. Johnson, Lord Archer, and Lord
Plymouth, as well as Lord North, who was then entered at Trinity
College. From these gentlemen, the doctor imbibed his political
opinions, and was introduced to the first society in the kingdom. At the
age of thirty, Dr. Wilmot was confidently entrusted with the most
_secret affairs of state_, and was also the bosom friend of the Prince
of Wales, afterwards George the Third, who at that time was under the
entire tutorage of Lord Bute. To this nobleman, Dr. Wilmot had an
inveterate hatred, for he despised the selfish principles of Toryism. As
soon as the Princess of Mecklenburgh (the late Queen Charlotte) arrived
in this country in 1761, Dr. Wilmot was introduced, as the _especial
friend_ of the king, and this will at once account for his being chosen
to perform the second marriage-ceremony of their majesties at Kew
palace, as before related.
A circumstance of rather a singular nature occurred to Dr. Wilmot, in
the year 1765, inasmuch as it was the _immediate_ cause of the bold and
decisive line of conduct which he afterwards adopted. It was simply
this: the doctor received an anonymous letter, requesting an interview
with the writer in Kensington Gardens. The letter was written in Latin,
and sealed, the impression of which was a Medusa's head. The doctor at
first paid no attention to it; but during the week he received four
similar requests, written by the same hand; and, upon the receipt of the
last, Dr. Wilmot provided himself with a brace of pocket pistols, and
proceeded to the gardens at the hour appointed. The doctor felt much
surprised when he was accosted by--_Lord Bute!_ who immediately
suggested that Dr. Wilmot should assist the administration, as _her
majesty_ had entire confidence in him! The doctor briefly declined, and
very soon afterwards commenced his political career. Thus the German
princess always endeavoured to inveigle the friends of the people.
Lord Chatham had been introduced to Dr. Wilmot by the Duke of
Cumberland; and it was from these associations with the court and the
members of the several administrations, that the doctor became so
competent to write his unparalleled "Letters of Junius."
We here subjoin an incontrovertible _proof_ of Dr. Wilmot's being the
author of the work alluded to:
[Illustration]
This is a fac-simile of the doctor's hand-writing, and must for ever set
at rest the long-disputed question of "Who is the author of Junius?"
The people were really in need of the advocacy of a writer like Junius,
for their burdens at this time were of the most grievous magnitude.
Although the country was not in danger from foreign enemies, in order to
give posts of command, honor, and emolument, to the employed sycophants
at court, our navy was increased, nominal situations were provided;
while all the means to pay for such services were again ordered to be
drawn _from the people_!
1771
was productive of little else than harassing distresses to the poor
labourer and mechanic. At this period, it was not unusual to tear the
husband from the wife, and the parent from the child, and immure them
within the damp and noisome walls of a prison, to prevent any
interposition on the part of the suffering multitudes. Yes, countrymen,
such tyranny was practised to ensure the _secrecy of truth_, and to
destroy the wishes of a monarch, who was rendered incompetent to act for
himself.
Various struggles were made this year to curb the power of the judges,
particularly in cases relating to the _liberty of the press_, and also
to destroy the power vested in the Attorney-General of prosecuting
_ex-officio_, without the intervention of a grand jury, or the forms
observed by courts of law in other cases. But the boroughmongers and
minions of the queen were too powerful for the liberal party in the
House of Commons, and the chains of slavery were, consequently, rivetted
afresh.
A question of great importance also occurred this year respecting the
privileges of the House of Commons. It had become the practice of
newspaper writers to take the liberty, not before ventured upon, of
printing the speeches of the members, under their respective names; some
of which in the whole, and others in essential parts, were spurious
productions, and, in any case, contrary to the standing orders of the
House. A complaint on this ground having been made by a member against
two of the printers, an order was issued for their attendance, with
which they refused to comply; a second order was given with no better
success. At length, one of the printers being taken into custody under
the authority of the speaker's warrant, he was carried before the
celebrated Alderman John Wilkes, who, regarding the caption as illegal,
not only discharged the man, but bound him over to prosecute his captor,
for assault and false imprisonment. Two more printers, being apprehended
and carried before Alderman Wilkes and the Lord Mayor, Crosby, were, in
like manner, discharged. The indignation of the House was then directed
against the city magistrates, and various measures adopted towards them.
The contest finally terminated in favor of the printers, who have ever
since continued to publish the proceedings of parliament, and the
speeches of the members, without obstacle.
In this year, the marriage of the Duke of Cumberland with Mrs. Horton
took place. The king appeared electrified when the matter was
communicated to him, and declared that he never would forgive his royal
brother's conduct, who, being informed of his majesty's sentiments, thus
wrote to him: "Sire, my welfare will ensure your own; you cannot
condemn an affair there is a _precedent for, even in your own
person_!"--alluding to his majesty's marriage with Hannah Lightfoot. His
majesty was _compelled_ to acknowledge this marriage, from the Duke of
Cumberland having made a confidant of Colonel Luttrell, brother of Mrs.
Horton, with regard to several important state secrets which had
occurred in the years 1759, 1760, 1761, 1762, and 1763.
This Duke of Cumberland also imbibed the _family complaint of_ BIGAMY;
for he had been married, about twelve months previous, to a daughter of
Dr. Wilmot, who, of course, remonstrated against such unjust treatment.
The king solemnly assured Dr. Wilmot that he might rely upon his
humanity and honor. The doctor paused, and had the courage to say, in
reply, "I have once before relied upon the promises of your majesty!
But"--"Hush! hush!" said the king, interrupting him, "I know what you
are going to say; but do not disturb me with wills and retrospection of
past _irreparable injury_."
The death of the Earl of Halifax, soon after the close of the session in
this year, caused a vacancy; and the Duke of Grafton returned to office,
as keeper of the privy seal. His grace was a particular favourite with
the queen, but much disliked by the intelligent and reflecting part of
the community.
The political atmosphere bore a gloomy aspect at the commencement of
1772,
and petitions from the people were sent to the king and the two houses
of parliament, for the repeal of what they believed to be unjust and
pernicious laws upon the subject of religious liberty. Several clergymen
of the established church prayed to be liberated from their obligation
to subscribe to the "Thirty-nine Articles." But it was urged, in
opposition to the petitions, that government had an undoubted right to
establish and maintain such a system of instruction as the ministers
thereof deemed most suitable for the public benefit. But expedience and
right are as far asunder, in truth, as is the distance from pole to
pole. The policy of the state required some _new source_ from whence to
draw means for the _secret_ measures needful for prolonging the
existence of its privacy; and it was therefore deemed expedient to keep
politics and religion as close together as possible, by enforcing the
strictest obedience of all demands made upon the clergy, in such forms
and at such times as should best accord with the political system of the
queen. In consequence of which, the petitions were rejected by a
majority of 217 boroughmongers against 71 real representatives of the
people!
An act, passed this session, for "Making more effectual provisions to
guard the descendants of the late king, George the Second, from marrying
without the approbation of his majesty, his heirs, and successors, first
had and obtained," was strenuously opposed by the liberal party in every
stage of its progress through both houses. It was generally _supposed_
to have had its origin in the marriage contracted but a few months
before by the Duke of Cumberland with Mrs. Horton, relict of Colonel
Horton, and daughter of Lord Irnham; and also in a private, though
long-suspected, marriage of the Duke of Gloucester to the
Countess-dowager of Waldegrave, which the duke at this time openly
avowed. But were there not _other_ reasons which operated on the mind
of the _queen_ (for the poor king was only a passive instrument in her
power) to force this bill into a law? Had she not an eye to her
husband's former alliance with the quakeress, and the Duke of York's
marriage in Italy? The latter was even more dangerous to her peace than
the former; for the duke had married a descendant of the STUARTS!
Lord Chatham made many representations to the king and queen of the
improper and injudicious state of the penal laws. He cited an instance
of unanswerable disproportion; namely, that, on the 14th of July, two
persons were publicly whipped round Covent Garden market, in accordance
with the sentence passed upon them; but mark the difference of the
crimes for which they were so punished: one was for stealing a bunch of
radishes; the other, for debauching his own niece! In vain, however, did
this friend of humanity represent the unwise, unjust, and inconsistent
tenour of such laws. The king was anxious to alter them immediately; but
the queen was decided in her opinion, that they ought to be left
entirely to the pleasure and opinion of the _judges_, well knowing
_they_ would not disobey her will upon any point of law, or equity, _so
called_. Thus did the nation languish under the tyrannical usurpation of
a _German_ princess, whose disposition and talents were much better
calculated to give laws to the brute creation than to interfere with
_English_ jurisprudence!
In November of this year, it was announced that the _king_ earnestly
desired parliament should take into consideration the state of the East
India Company. But the king was ignorant of the subject; though it was
true, the _queen_ desired it; because she received vast emoluments from
the various situations _purchased_ by individuals under the denomination
of cadets, &c. Of course, her majesty's will was tantamount to law.
The Earl of Chatham resolved once more to speak to the queen upon the
state of things, and had an audience for that purpose. As an honest man,
he very warmly advocated the cause of the nation, and represented the
people to be in a high state of excitement, adding, that "if they be
repelled, they must be repelled by force!" And to whom ought an unhappy
suffering people to have had recourse but to the throne, whose power
sanctioned the means used to drain their purses? The queen, however, was
still unbending; she not only inveighed against the candour and
sentiments of the earl, but requested she might not again be _troubled_
by him upon _such subjects_! Before retiring, Lord Chatham said, "Your
majesty must excuse me if I say, the liberty of the subject is the
surest protection to the monarch, and if the prince _protects the
guilty, instead of punishing them, time will convince him, that he has
judged erroneously, and acted imprudently_."
The earl retired; but "his labouring breast knew not peace," and he
resolved, for the last time, to see the king in private. An interview
was requested, and as readily granted. "Well, well," said the king, "I
hope no bad news?" "No bad news, your majesty; but I wish to submit to
your opinion a few questions." "Quite right, quite right," said the
king, "tell me all." The earl did so, and, after his faithful appeal to
the king, concluded by saying, "My sovereign will excuse me, but I can
no longer be a party to the deceptions pawned upon the people, as I am,
and consider myself to be, amenable to God and my conscience!" Would
that England had possessed a few more such patriots!
This year will ever be memorable in history as the commencement of that
partition of Poland, between three contiguous powers,--Russia, Austria,
and Prussia,--which has served as an example and apology for all those
shameful violations of public right and justice that have stained the
modern annals of Europe. The unfortunate Poles appealed in vain to Great
Britain, France, and Spain, and the States-general of Holland, on the
atrocious perfidy and injustice of these proceedings. After some
unavailable remonstrances, the diet was compelled, at the point of the
bayonet, to sign a treaty for the formal cession of the several
districts which the three usurpers had fixed upon and guaranteed to each
other. The partitioning _legitimates_ also _generously_ made a present
of an _aristocratic_ constitution to the suffering Poles.
In the year
1773,
commercial credit was greatly injured by extensive failures in England
and Holland. The distress and embarrassment of the mercantile classes
were farther augmented by a great diminution in the gold coin, in
consequence of wear and fraud,--such loss, by act of parliament, being
thrown upon the holders!
At this time, the discontents which had long been manifest in the
American colonies broke out into open revolt. The chief source of
irritation against the mother country was the impolitic measure of
retaining a trifling duty on tea, as an assertion of the right of the
British parliament to tax the colonies.
The year
1774
bore a gloomy and arbitrary character, with wars abroad and uneasiness
at home. The county of Nottingham omitted to raise their militia in the
former year, and in this they were fined two thousand pounds.
Louis the Fifteenth of France died this year of the small-pox, caught
from a country girl, introduced to him by Madame du Barré to gratify his
sensual desires. He was in the _sixty-fourth_ year of his age, and in
the fifty-ninth of his reign. The gross debaucheries into which he had
sank, with the despotic measures he had adopted towards the Chamber of
Deputies in his latter years, had entirely deprived him of his
appellation of the "Well-beloved." Few French sovereigns have left a
less-respected memory.
1775
was also a year of disquiet. The City of London addressed the throne,
and petitioned against the existing grievances, expressing their strong
abhorrence of the measures adopted towards the Americans, _justifying
their resistance_, and beseeching his majesty to dismiss his ministers.
The _invisible power of the queen_, however, prevented their receiving
redress, and the ministers were retained, contrary to all petition and
remonstrance. Upon these occasions, the king was obliged to submit to
any form of expression, dictated by the minister, that minister being
under the entire controul of the queen; and though the nation seemed to
wear a florid countenance, it was sick at heart. Lord North was a very
considerable favourite with her majesty; while his opponents, Messrs.
Fox and Burke, were proportionately disliked. The Duke of Grafton now
felt tired of his situation, and told the queen that he could no longer
continue in office; in consequence of which, the Earl of Dartmouth
received the privy seal.
The Americans, in the mean time, were vigorously preparing for what they
conceived to be inevitable--_a war_. Various attempts, notwithstanding,
were made by the enlightened and liberal-minded part of the community to
prevent ministers from continuing hostilities against them. That noble
and persevering patriot, Lord Chatham, raised his warning voice against
it. "I wish," said he, "not to lose a day in this urgent, pressing
crisis; an _hour now lost in allaying ferments in America, may produce_
YEARS OF CALAMITY! Never will I desert, in any stage of its progress,
the conduct of this momentous business. Unless fettered to my bed by the
extremity of sickness, I will give it unremitted attention; I will knock
at the gates of this _sleeping and confounded ministry_, and will, if it
be possible, rouse them to a sense of their danger. The recall of your
army, I urge as necessarily preparatory to the restoration of your
peace. By this it will appear that you are disposed to treat amicably
and equitably, and to consider, revise, and repeal, if it should be
found necessary, as I affirm it _will_, those violent acts and
declarations which have disseminated confusion throughout the empire.
_Resistance to these acts was necessary_, and therefore just; and your
vain declaration of the _omnipotence of Parliament_, and your
_imperious_ doctrines of the _necessity of submission_, will be found
equally _impotent to convince or enslave America_, who feels that
tyranny is equally intolerable, whether it be exercised by an individual
part of the legislature, or by the collective bodies which compose it!"
How prophetic did this language afterwards prove! Oh! England, how hast
thou been cursed by debt and blood through the impotency and villany of
thy rulers!
In the year
1776,
the Earl of Harcourt was charged with a breach of privilege; but his
services for the _queen_ operated as a sufficient reason for rejecting
the matter of complaint.
So expensive did the unjust and disgraceful war with America prove this
year, that more than _nine millions_ were supplied for its service! In
order to raise this shameful amount, extra taxes were levied on
newspapers, deeds, and other matters of public utility. Thus were the
industrious and really productive classes imposed upon, and their means
exhausted, to gratify the inordinate wishes of a German princess, now
entitled to be the cause of their misery and ruin. The queen knew that
war required soldiers and sailors, and that these soldiers and sailors
must have _officers_ over them, which would afford her an opportunity of
_selling commissions_ or of bestowing them upon some of her
_favourites_. So that these things contributed to her majesty's
_individual_ wealth and power, what cared she for the increase of the
country's burdens!
It is wonderful to reflect upon the means with which individuals in
possession of power have contrived, in all ages and in all countries, to
controul mankind. From thoughtlessness and the absence of knowledge, the
masses of people have been made to contend, with vehemence and
courageous enterprise, against their own interests, and for the benefit
of those mercenary wretches by whom they have been enslaved! How
monstrous it is, that, to gratify the sanguinary feelings of _one_
tyrant, thousands of human beings should go forth to the field of battle
as willing sacrifices! Ignorance alone has produced such lamentable
results; for a thirst after blood is never so effectually quenched as
when it is repressed by the influence of _knowledge_, which teaches
humility, moderation, benevolence, and the practice of every other
virtue. In civilized society, there cannot be an equality of property;
and, from the dissimilarity in human organization, there cannot be
equality in the power and vigour of the mind. All men, however, are
entitled to, and ought to enjoy, a perfect equality in civil and
political rights. In the absence of this just condition, a nation can
only be partially free. The people of such a nation exist under unequal
laws, and those persons upon whom injuries are inflicted by the partial
operation of those laws are, it must be conceded, the victims of an
authority which they cannot controul. Such was, unhappily, the condition
of the English people at this period. To prevent truth from having an
impartial hearing and explanation, the plans of government were obliged
to be of an insincere and unjust character. The consequences were, the
debasement of morals, and the prostitution of the happiness and rights
of the people. But Power was in the grasp of Tyranny, attended on each
side by Pride and Cruelty; while Fear presented an excuse for Silence
and Apathy, and left Artifice and Avarice to extend their baneful
influence over society. British courage was stifled by arbitrary
persecutions, fines, and imprisonment, which threatened to overwhelm all
who dared to resist the tide of German despotism. Had _unity_ and
_resolution_ been the watch-words of the sons of Britain, what millions
of debt might have been prevented! what oceans of blood might have been
saved! The iniquitous ministers who dictated war with America should
have suffered as traitors to their country, which would have been their
fate had not blind ignorance and servility, engendered by priests and
tyrants, through the impious frauds of church and state, overwhelmed the
better reason of the great mass of mankind! It was, we say, priestcraft
and statecraft that kindled this unjustifiable war, in order to lower
human nature, and induce men to butcher each other under the most
absurd, frivolous, and wicked pretences. Englishmen, at the commencement
of the American war, appear to have been no better than wretched
captives, without either courage, reason, or virtue, from whom the
queen's banditti of gaolers shut out the glorious light of day. There
were, however, some few patriots who raised their voices in opposition
to the abominable system then in practice, and many generous-hearted men
who boldly refused to fight against the justified resistance of the
Americans; but the general mass remained inactive, cowardly inactive,
against their merciless oppressors. The queen _pretended_ to lament the
sad state of affairs, while she did all in her power to continue the
misrule!
At the commencement of
1777,
the several states of Europe had their eyes fixed on the contest between
this country and the colonies. The French government assisted the
Americans with fleets and armies, though they did not enter into the
contest _publicly_. Queen Charlotte still persevered in her designs
against America, and bore entire sway over her unfortunate husband. The
country, as might be expected, was in a state of great excitement, owing
to the adoption of measures inimical to the wishes and well-being of the
people. The greater power the throne assumed, the larger amounts were
necessarily drawn from the people, to reward fawning courtiers and
borough proprietors.
This year, thirteen millions of money were deemed needful for the public
service, and the debts of the civil list a _second_ time discharged! At
this time, the revenue did not amount to eight millions, and to supply
the consequent deficiency, new taxes were again levied upon the people;
for ministers carried all their bills, however infamous they might be,
by large majorities!
In May, Lord Chatham again addressed the "peers," and called their
attention to the necessity of changing the proceedings of government.
Although bowed down by age and infirmity, and bearing a crutch in each
hand, he delivered his sentiments, with all the ardour of youth, in
these words: "I wish the removal of accumulated grievances, and the
repeal of every oppressive act which have been passed since the year
1763! I am experienced in spring hopes and vernal promises, but at last
will come your equinoctial disappointment."
On another occasion, he said, "I will not join in congratulation on
misfortune and disgrace! _It is necessary to instruct the throne in the
language of truth!_ We must dispel the delusions and darkness which
envelop it. I am old and weak, and at present unable to say more; but my
feelings and indignation were too strong to permit me to say less."
Alas! this patriot stood nearly alone. In his opinion, the good of the
people was the supreme law; but this was opposed to the sentiments of
the hirelings of state and their _liberal_ mistress.
As a last effort, the earl resolved to seek an audience of the queen,
and the request was readily complied with. The day previous to his last
speech, delivered in the House of Lords, this interview took place. His
lordship pressed the queen to relieve the people, and, by every possible
means, to mitigate the public burdens. But, though her majesty was
gentle in her language, she expressed herself positively and decisively
as being adverse to his views; and took the opportunity of reminding him
of the _secrecy of state affairs_. As Lord Chatham had once given his
solemn promise never to permit those secrets to transpire, he resolved
faithfully to keep his engagement, though their disclosure would have
opened the eyes of the public to the disgraceful proceedings of herself
and ministers. The noble earl retired from his royal audience in much
confusion and agitation of mind; and on the following day, April the
7th, went to the House, and delivered a most energetic speech, which was
replied to by the Duke of Richmond. Lord Chatham afterwards made an
effort to rise, as if labouring to give expression to some great idea;
but, before he could utter a word, pressed his hand on his bosom, and
fell down in a convulsive fit. The Duke of Cumberland and Lord Temple
caught him in their arms, and removed him into the prince's chamber.
Medical assistance being immediately rendered, in a short time his
lordship in some measure recovered, and was removed to his favourite
villa at Hayes, in Kent. Hopes of his complete restoration to health,
however, proved delusive, and on the 10th of May,
1778,
this venerable and noble friend of humanity expired, in the seventieth
year of his age.
The news of the earl's death was not disagreeable to the queen; and she
thenceforth determined to increase, rather than decrease, her arbitrary
measures. Ribbons, stars, and garters, were bestowed upon those who lent
their willing aid to support her system of oppression, while thousands
were perishing in want to supply the means.
Manchester, Liverpool, Glasgow, and Edinburgh, this year, were servile
enough to raise regiments at their own expense; but the independent and
brave citizens of London, steady to their principles, that the war was
_unjust_, refused to follow so mean an example!
The year
1779
exhibits a miserable period in the history of Ireland. Her manufactures
declined, and the people became, consequently, much dissatisfied; but
their distresses were, at first, not even _noticed_ by the English
parliament. At length, however, an alarm of _INVASION_ took place, and
ministers allowed twenty thousand Irish volunteers to _carry arms_. The
ministers, who before had been callous to their distresses, found men in
arms were not to be trifled with, and the Irish people obtained a
_promise_ of an extension of trade, which satisfied them for the time.
Large sums were again required to meet the expenses of the American war,
and, the minister being supported by the queen, every vote for supplies
was carried by great majorities; for the year's service alone _fifteen
millions_ were thus agreed to. As the family of the king increased,
extra sums were also deemed requisite for each of his children; and what
amounts could not be raised by taxation were procured by _loans_,--thus
insulting the country, by permitting its expenditure to exceed its means
of income to an enormous extent.
Many representations were made to Lord North, that public opinion was
opposed to the system pursued by ministers; but he was inflexible, and
the generous interpositions of some members of the Upper House proved
also unavailing. The independent members of the Commons remonstrated,
and Mr. Burke brought forward plans for the reduction of the national
expenditure and the diminution of the influence of the crown; but they
were finally rejected, though not until violent conflicts had taken
place, in which Lord North found himself more than once in the minority.
About this time, Mr. Dunning, a lawyer and an eminent speaker,
advocated, in a most sensible manner, the necessity of taking into
consideration the affairs of Ireland; but ministers defeated the
intended benefit, and substituted a plan of their own, which they had
previously promised to Ireland; namely, to permit a free exportation of
their woollen manufactures. The unassuming character of that oppressed
people never appeared to greater advantage than at this period, as even
this resolution was received by them with the warmest testimonies of joy
and gratitude.
There cannot be a doubt, that if the Irish had been honestly
represented, their honor and ardour would have been proverbial; but they
have almost always been neglected and insulted. The queen had taken Lord
North's advice, and acquainted herself with the native character of the
Irish, by which she became aware that, if that people generally
possessed information, they would prove a powerful balance against the
unjust system then in force. At this time, there was not an Irishman
acquainted with any _state secrets_; her majesty, therefore, did not
fear an explanation from that quarter, or she dare not have so oppressed
them.
To provide for the exigencies of state, twelve millions of money, in
addition to the former fifteen millions, were required this year; and
thus were the sorrows of a suffering people increased, and they
themselves forced to forge their own chains of oppression!
Numerous were the prosecutions against the press this year; among the
rest, Mr. Parker, printer of "The General Advertiser," was brought
before the "House of Hereditaries," for publishing a libel on one of its
_noble_ members. That there were a _few_ intelligent and liberal-minded
men in the House of Lords at this time, we do not wish to deny. The
memorable speech of Lord Abingdon proved his lordship to be one of
these, and, as this speech so admirably distinguishes _PRIVILEGE_ from
_TYRANNY_, we hope to be excused for introducing it in our pages. We
give it in his lordship's own words:
"MY LORDS,--Although there is no noble lord more zealously
attached to the privileges of this House than I am, yet when I
see those privileges interfering with, and destructive of, the
rights of the people, there is no one among the people more
ready to oppose those privileges than myself. And, my lords,
my reason is this: that the privileges of neither house of
parliament were ever constitutionally given to either to
combat with the rights of the people. They were given, my
lords, that each branch of the legislature might defend itself
against the encroachments of the other, and to preserve that
balance entire, which is essential to the preservation of all.
"This was the designation, this is the use of privilege; and
in this unquestionable shape let us apply it. Let us apply it
against the encroachments of the crown, and not suffer any
lord (if any such there be) who, having clambered up into the
house upon the ladder of prerogative, might wish to yield up
our privileges to that prerogative. Let us make use of our
privileges against the other house of parliament, whenever
occasion shall make it necessary, but not against the people.
This is the distinction and this the meaning of privilege. The
people are under the law, and we are the legislators. If they
offend, let them be punished according to law, where we have
our remedy. If we are injured in our reputations, the law has
provided us with a special remedy. We are entitled to the
action of _scandalum magnatum_,--a privilege peculiar to
ourselves. For these reasons, then, my lords, when the noble
earl made his motion for the printer to be brought before this
House, and when the end of that motion was answered by the
author of the paper complained of giving up his name, I was in
great hopes that the motion would have been withdrawn. I am
sorry it was not; and yet, when I say this, I do not mean to
wish that an inquiry into the merits of that paper should not
be made. As it stands at present, the noble lord accused
therein is the disgrace of this House, and the scandal of
government. I therefore trust, for his own honor, for the
honor of this House, that that noble lord will not object to,
but will _himself_ insist upon, the most rigid inquiry into
his conduct.
"But, my lords, to call for a printer, in the case of a libel,
when he gives up his author (although a modern procedure) _is
not founded in law_; for in the statute of Westminster, the
1st, chapter 34, it is said, 'None shall report any false and
slanderous news or tales of _great men_, whereby any discord
may arise betwixt the king and his people, on pain of
imprisonment, _until they bring forth the author_.' The
statutes of the 2d of Richard the Second, chapter 5, and the
14th of the same reign, are to the same effect. It is there
enacted, that 'No person shall devise, or tell any _false_
news or lies of any lord, prelate, officer of the government,
judge, &c., by which any slander shall happen to their
persons, or mischief come to the kingdom, upon pain of being
imprisoned; and where any one hath told false news or lies,
and cannot produce the author, he shall suffer imprisonment,
and be punished by the king's counsel.' Here, then, my lords,
two things are clearly pointed out, to wit, the person to be
punished, and what the mode of punishment is. The person to be
punished is the author, when produced; the mode of punishment
is by the king's counsel; so that, in the present case, the
printer having given up the author, he is discharged from
punishment: and if the privilege of punishment had been in
this House, the right is barred by these statutes; for how is
the punishment to be had? Not by this House, but by the king's
counsel. And, my lords, it cannot be otherwise; for, if it
were, the freedom of the press were at an end; and for this
purpose was this modern doctrine, to answer modern views,
invented,--_a doctrine which I should ever stand up in
opposition to, if even the right of its exercise were in us_.
But the right is not in us: it is a jurisdiction too summary
for the freedom of our constitution, and incompatible with
liberty. It takes away the trial by jury; which king, lords,
and commons, _have not a right to do_. It is to make us
accusers, judges, jury, and executioners too, if we please. It
is to give us an executive power, to which, in our legislative
capacities, we are not entitled. It is to give us a power,
which even the executive power itself has not, which the
prerogative of the crown dare not assume, which the king
himself cannot exercise. My lords, _the king cannot touch the
hair of any man's head in this country, though he be guilty of
high treason, but by means of the law. It is the law that
creates the offence; it is a jury that must determine the
guilt; it is the law that affixes the punishment; and all
other modes of proceeding are_ ILLEGAL. Why then, my lords,
are we to assume to ourselves an executive power, with which
even the executive power itself is not entrusted? I am aware,
my lords, it will be said that this House, in its capacity of
a court of justice, has a right to call for evidence at its
bar, and to punish the witness who shall not attend. I admit
it, my lords; and I admit it not only as a right belonging to
this House, but as a right essential to every court of
justice; for, without this right, justice could not be
administered. But, my lords, was this House sitting as a court
of justice (for we must distinguish between our judicial and
our legislative capacities) when Mr. Parker was ordered to be
taken into custody, and brought before this House? If so, at
whose suit was Mr. Parker to be examined? Where are the
records? Where are the papers of appeal? Who is the plaintiff,
and who the defendant? There is nothing like it before your
lordships; for if there had, and Mr. Parker, in such case, had
disobeyed the order of this House, he was not only punishable
for his contumacy and contempt, but every magistrate in the
kingdom was bound to assist your lordships in having him
forthcoming at your lordship's bar. _Whereas, as it is, every
magistrate in the kingdom is bound, by the law of the land, to
release Mr. Parker, if he be taken into custody by the present
order of this House._ Nothing can be more true, than that in
our judicial capacity, we have a right to call for evidence at
our bar, and to punish the witness if he does not appear. The
whole body of the law supports us in this right. But, under
the pretext of privilege, to bring a man by force to the bar,
when we _have our remedy at law; to accuse, condemn, and
punish that man, at the mere arbitrary will and pleasure of
this House, not sitting as a court of justice, is tyranny in
the abstract. It is against law; it is subversive of the
constitution; it is incompetent to this House_; and,
therefore, my lords, thinking as I do, that this House has no
right forcibly to bring any man to its bar, but in the
discharge of its proper functions, as a court of judicature, I
shall now move your lordships, 'that the body of W. Parker,
printer of the General Advertiser, be released from the
custody of the Gentleman Usher of the Black Rod, and that the
order for the said Parker, being brought to the bar of this
House be now discharged.'
"Before I sit down, I will just observe to your lordships,
that I know that precedents may be adduced in contradiction to
the doctrine I have laid down. But, my lords, _precedents
cannot make that legal and constitutional which is, in itself,
illegal and unconstitutional_. IF THE PRECEDENTS OF THIS REIGN
ARE TO BE RECEIVED AS PRECEDENTS IN THE NEXT, THE LORD HAVE
MERCY ON THOSE WHO ARE TO COME AFTER US!!!
"There is one observation more I would make, and it is this:
_I would wish noble lords to consider, how much it lessens the
dignity of this House, to agitate privileges which you have
not power to enforce. It hurts the constitution of parliament,
and, instead of being respected, makes us contemptible. That
privilege which you cannot exercise, and of right too, disdain
to keep._"
If the country had been blessed with a majority of such patriots as Lord
Abingdon, what misery had been prevented! what lives had been saved!
Early in the year
1780,
meetings of the populace took place in various parts of the kingdom, and
ministers were boldly accused of having prodigally and wastefully spent
the public money; while petitions were presented, praying "for a
correction of abuses in the public expenditure." Riots in many parts of
England were the consequences of unjustly continuing wars and taxation,
and several hundred people were killed and wounded by the military;
while many others forfeited their lives on the scaffold for daring to
raise their arms against tyranny. Lord George Gordon was also committed
to the Tower on a charge of high treason; but no jury of his countrymen
could be found to consider his undaunted attempt to _redress the
people's grievances as treasonable_, and he was, consequently,
_honorably acquitted_! The influence of her majesty, however, kept a
minister in office, though contrary to the sense of the wisest and best
part of the community; and a ruinous war was still permitted to drain
the blood and money of the many.
War might probably be considered by those in power a _legal trade_; but
was it not continued for the untenable purpose of avarice? We think it
was. There did not appear to be any rational hope for reform or
retrenchment, while men versed in corruption were so enriched, and had
an almost unlimited sway over the councils of the reigning authority.
Popular commotion was dreaded; yet the ministers could not be prevailed
upon to dispel the cause of anxiety by conciliatory measures,--by a
timely redress of grievances, by concession of rights, and by
reformation of abuses. If they had done so, they would have given
satisfactory evidence that government had no other object in view than
faithfully to discharge their duty, by adopting such plans as would
really benefit mankind, and furnish means to secure the comfort and
happiness of all men.
In the mean time, much distress was imposed upon the unfortunate king,
by the increasing and uncontroulable prodigality of some of his
children, especially of GEORGE. The queen would not hear of any thing to
his discredit, and thus what little of family enjoyment remained was
ultimately destroyed.
The unrestrained predilection of this youthful prince now became
habitual pursuits, and excesses of the most detestable description were
not unknown to him. Within the circle of his less nominally illustrious
acquaintance, every father dreaded the seduction of his child, if she
possessed any personal charms, while the mother feared to lose sight of
her daughter, even for a moment. It is not in our power to give an
adequate idea of the number of those families whose happiness he ruined;
but we well, too well, know the number was infamously great. The country
gave him credit for being liberal in political principles, and
generously disposed for reform. But little of his _real_ character was
then known; his faults, indeed, were named as virtues, and his vices
considered as _gentlemanly exploits_, so that his dissembled appearance
was received, by those unacquainted with him, as the sure and
incontestable mark of a great and noble soul. But, before our pages are
concluded, we fear we must, in duty, prove him a widely-different
character! It is true, his acquaintance with political characters was
chiefly amongst "the Whigs;" it may also be added that those "Whigs,"
so particularly intimate with this prince, did not gain much by their
connexion with him, but finally became as supine and venal as himself.
They determined that, as the heir-apparent, he should not be allowed to
suffer any deterioration of greatness, and the principles and practices
of so mighty an individual were considered by them to constitute a
sufficient patent for continual imitation.
At this period, Mr. Dunning moved his famous resolution to the House,
with unbending firmness and uncompromising fidelity. He said, "The
influence of the crown has increased, is increasing, and ought to be
diminished." It was carried by a majority of 233 against 215; but a
second resolution, which was to give effect to the first, was lost by a
majority of fifty-one votes.
In the year
1781,
William Pitt, the second son of the late Lord Chatham, delivered his
first speech in the Commons, in favour of the bill introduced by Mr.
Burke, on the subject of reform.
Lord North brought forward the budget on the 7th of March, containing
the various items needful for the service of the year. The amount so
calculated was _twenty-one millions of money_!--twelve of which were to
be raised by loans, the terms being very high. From this bold imposition
upon the public purse and credit, the ministry were much lowered in
public opinion.
During this year, the brave General Washington struck that decisive blow
which afterwards gave liberty to his countrymen. He kept General Clinton
at New York, in constant alarm; and then suddenly appeared before York
Town in full force, and obtained a grand victory over Lord Cornwallis,
who was there with his army. The American war consequently became more
unpopular than ever, and shortly after the meeting of parliament, in
March,
1782,
a resolution was moved, and _passed without a division_, declaring that
the House of Commons would consider as enemies to his majesty and the
country all who should advise the prosecution of offensive war in North
America!
Shortly after, Lord North resigned, and the Marquis of Rockingham was
placed at the head of the new administration. Amongst the promotions at
this time, was _Mr. Dunning!_ who, at _her majesty's request_, was
created Baron Ashburton, and also Chancellor of the Duchy of Lancaster.
A treaty of peace was now entered into with General Washington, and Sir
Guy Carleton was deputed to conduct the happy affair.
In the beginning of July, the unexpected death of the Marquis of
Rockingham threw the whole cabinet into extreme disorder; and another
resignation of ministers took place, on which occasion Mr. Pitt was
constituted "Chancellor of the Exchequer," _although only twenty-three
years of age_! Lord Shelburne accepted the office of premier, at the
request of the king, which gave great offence to Mr. Fox and the Duke of
Portland, who resigned. The country was little benefitted by this
change, as the money required for the service of the year was more than
twenty-four millions, of which thirteen had to be raised by loans.
In November, the provisional articles of peace were signed at Paris
between the Commissioners of England and those of the United States.
The Shelburne party were obliged to retire in
1783,
having, by their arbitrary measures, drawn upon themselves general
displeasure throughout the country.
Much surprise was created at the unexpected coalition of Lord North and
Mr. Fox, which was the natural result of the pressing case of the
prince, to whom the queen had confidentially entrusted his father's
breach of the law, in the solemnization of his marriage with herself.
The queen, in fact, used the prince's influence to prevail upon Mr. Fox
to join Lord North, as he was well informed upon all the circumstances
of the king's first marriage. Although the political sentiments of these
gentlemen were opposed, it was represented as a safe line of conduct, to
ensure the tranquillity of the kingdom. Thus, again, was every portion
of truth sacrificed to the WILL of the _queen_.
This year, the king agreed that the heir-apparent should receive fifty
thousand pounds per annum, and sixty thousand pounds to equip him
suitably to his dignity. In the mean time, it became a public fact, that
the prince had so deeply involved himself in debt as to be mean enough
to resort, through the medium of others, to borrow money (of various
amounts) of his tradespeople!
Before the conclusion of the year, the _Whig and Tory_ ministry were
ejected, to the entire satisfaction of nearly every individual in the
nation, who despised such an unholy alliance of opposite principles.
Mr. Pitt was now made "First Lord of the Treasury," which was a change
very satisfactory to her majesty, as, from the youth of the new
"premier," she augured her likely influence over the political
hemisphere to be increased. It was well known that her majesty did not
like any of the prince's associates, more especially Messrs. Fox and
Sheridan. Mr. Burke was not supposed to be so informed upon all
subjects; and, though much in the necessary confidence of the prince,
the queen presumed it was chiefly in procuring pecuniary accommodations.
It was not until an after period, that the _whole truth_ was stated to
her by the prince.
New taxes alone could furnish means for the immense additional annuities
now imposed upon the country; and thus were sums for every succeeding
year's demand increased.
At this period, the Prince of Wales and his next brother were associated
in dissipation of every kind. Their love of gaming was proverbial, and
their excess of indulgence in voluptuousness soon exhausted the income
allowed them by the country. Their caprices were various, but those of
the prince was most strikingly evinced in his abruptly declining his
engagements with the celebrated Mrs. Robinson. His usual plan was, when
fascinated by the appearance of a new object, to exert every nerve to
possess it. Presents, accompanied by the highest eulogiums, and
protestations of eternal love and constancy, were always pressed upon
the acceptance of the intended victim; and thus, by apparent devotion
and unconquerable passion, many were the delusions he practised, and the
outrages he committed, upon the unsuspecting virtue of woman.
Had a plebeian committed but _one_ act similar to those in which the
prince was so frequently the principal character, his _life_ must have
atoned for his fault, and a destitute family, in consequence, been
plunged into distraction. But, because the prince was of such
high-reputed family, he must, forsooth, be accounted a _noble-minded
gentleman_; and, instead of exposition and punishment, the venal and
hired press of the day launched out into the most fulsome eulogiums of
his _graceful, all-attracting elegance of style and manners_, without
even speaking of the _infamy_ of his amours, intrigues, and
debaucheries! Some writers, alas! are so fearful of speaking the truth,
lest they should offend the _side they have espoused_, or the
inclinations and political principles of those by whom they are likely
to be read, that they almost persuade themselves there is a sort of
_impropriety_ in presenting facts in their proper colours! But is it not
beneath the dignity of the press to act in so cowardly a manner?
In the year
1784,
(notwithstanding the dreadfully enormous weight of the "national debt,"
borrowed by the ministers upon nominal annuities, for which large
interest was given) the king was again solicited to assist the prince,
in order that his debts might be discharged. This request was refused,
and Messrs. Fox and Sheridan advocated the subject to no purpose.
During this year, much public display of talent was made in the House.
Mr. Pitt was now fully and entirely in her majesty's "confidence," and
he well knew if "the system" were to be continued, war must be carried
on, and oppression would increase rather than decrease. While engaged in
a private interview with the queen, upon various state subjects, Mr.
Pitt submitted his opinion upon the extravagance and improper pursuits
of the prince, adding, "I much fear, your majesty, in his delirium of
debauchery, _some expressions may escape him, to the injury of the
crown_!" "No," answered the queen, "he is too well aware of the
_consequences to himself_, if that transpired; so on that point I can
rely upon him." "Is your majesty aware," said Mr. Pitt, "that at this
time the prince is engrossed by a fair beauty? and I believe, from good
authority I may say, intends to marry her! He is now so much
embarrassed, that, at the suggestion of his trusty friend, Sheridan, he
borrows large amounts from a Jew, who resides in town, and gives his
bonds for much larger amounts than he receives; by this means, he is
actually involved in debt to the amount of above a million of money; and
the interest and principal must, some day, be _honourably_ discharged,
or else he must never ascend the throne; as the dishonour would cause
him eternal disgrace, if not an abdication." Truly, this was a fine
picture of England's future monarch!
In the year
1785,
Mr. Pitt caused prosecutions to be issued and enforced to check the
rising spirit of the Irish, as they appeared determined to press hard
until they received reform in the representation; and, in order to
divert the exasperated feelings of the people of England, as he stood
deeply pledged to the reformers, "_as a man and a minister_," to bring
in "a bill to amend the representation of the people," he moved, April
18th, for leave to bring it forward for the consideration of the House.
His plan was to transfer the right of election from thirty-six rotten
boroughs to the counties and principle unrepresented towns, _allowing a
pecuniary compensation to the owners of the disfranchised boroughs_, and
to extend the right of voting for knights of the shires to copyholders.
This minister suffered his motion to be negatived by 248 against 194!
Had there been honesty on the part of the minister towards the people,
unfettered by any _state secrets_, he would have been prepared to meet
the numerous opposers; but he found himself unable to serve the cause of
liberty and slavery at the same time, and so, to save his word of
promise, he did bring in "the bill," when he well knew it was impossible
to carry it under the then existing corruptions!
In the farce here played, under the management of that youthful
renegade,--PITT, we have a fair specimen of the way in which the English
have been treated. But there is a time rapidly approaching when the
supporters of despotism cannot thus delude their countrymen. The whole
nest of court sycophants, however, seem determined rather to see England
reduced to a state of the most grievous bondage than imagine one of
their own ill-gotten acres endangered, or the least of their absurd and
exclusive privileges called in question. But are such creatures, their
_imagined_ interests, and affected opinions, to triumph over the views
of the most virtuous patriots and wisest men of the present age? Forbid
it, Justice!
The year
1786
was ushered in under some peculiar circumstances of distress and alarm.
The king was evidently declining in health, and strong signs of
imbecility were apparent. He positively refused to see the prince upon
the subject of his debts, and was otherwise much distracted at the
recollection of various impositions upon the public, which might have
been avoided, if, in the moment of necessity, he had explained himself
fully to the nation, and pressed for an amelioration of all _unnatural_
and _uncivilized_ acts of parliament, detrimental to the peace, welfare,
and happiness of the sovereign and the subject.
In July, the prince was so beset with appeals from his numerous
creditors, that, partly to silence them, and partly to induce the House
to pay his long-standing arrears of borrowed money, he announced his
intention to give up his establishment, and, out of his annual income of
fifty thousand pounds, to reserve ten thousand, and appropriate forty
thousand for the benefit of his creditors.
In the early part of this year, the prince _was married_ to Mrs.
Fitzherbert. Messrs. Fox, Sheridan, and Burke were present upon the
occasion, as also were some of the relatives of the bride. After the
ceremony, Mr. Fox handed them into a carriage, and they drove to
Richmond, where they spent some days. In the interim, the queen was made
acquainted with the marriage. Her majesty requested an audience with the
prince, which was immediately complied with. The queen insisted on being
told if the news of his marriage were correct. "Yes, madam," replied he,
"and not any force under heaven shall separate _us_. If his majesty had
been _as firm_ in acknowledging _his marriage_, he might _now_ have
enjoyed life, instead of being a misanthrope, as he is. But I beg,
further, that _my_ wife be received at court, and proportionately as
your majesty receives her, and pays her attention, from this time, so
shall I render my attentions to your majesty. The lady I have married is
worthy of all homage, and my very confidential friends, with some of my
wife's relations, only, _witnessed_ our marriage. Have you not always
taught me to consider myself _heir_ to the first sovereignty in the
world? where then will exist any risk of obtaining a ready concurrence
from the House in my marriage? I hope, madam, a few hours reflection
will satisfy you that I have done my duty in following this impulse of
my inclinations, and therefore I wait your majesty's commands, feeling
assured you would not wish to blast the happiness of your favourite
prince." The queen presumed it would prove her best policy to signify
her acquiescence to the prince's wishes, and the interview terminated
without any further explanation or remonstrance; nevertheless, the
substance of the interview was immediately communicated to Mr. Pitt. The
extravagant expenditure of the prince, at this period, was so increased,
that he frequently promised _cent. per cent._ for advances of cash!
The Duke of Richmond, this year, proposed to erect _fortifications_ all
over England! Monstrous as this attempt to enslave the country must
appear, the power of Pitt brought the division of the House of Commons
on the bill exactly _even_, so that the speaker was obliged, by his
conscience, to give his casting vote _against_ so traitorous an affair!
The establishment of a sinking fund was next brought forward; and, on a
surplus of taxes appearing, amounting to NINE HUNDRED THOUSAND POUNDS,
new taxes were levied on the plea of making up this sum _ONE MILLION_,
which, with compound interest, was to be invariably applied to the
_reduction of the national debt_.
In the year
1787,
the queen received the wife of the prince (Mrs. Fitzherbert) _in the
most courteous manner in public_! The mental illness of the king became
now apparent to those around him, but it _was not spoken of publicly_.
In April, Mr. Newnham, member for the city of London, gave notice that
he should bring forward a motion, the intent of which was, "To address
the king, in order to procure his approbation to relieve the Prince of
Wales from all embarrassments of a _pecuniary_ nature," to which he
hoped the House would _cordially_ agree. This announcement created much
conversation, as well it might; and Mr. Newnham was earnestly solicited
to withdraw his motion, lest its results should do injury to the state,
and be productive of other inconvenience and mischief. The minister
(Pitt) said, "_that if Mr. Newnham persevered in pressing his motion
upon the notice of the House, he should be driven to make disclosures of
circumstances, which otherwise he believed it to be his imperative duty
to conceal_." Mr. Rolle (member for Devonshire) considered that an
investigation of this matter involved many questions of consequence,
which would affect both church and state. Messrs. Fox and Sheridan, with
some other _private_ acquaintances of the prince, were bold in their
language, and replied, that "the prince did not fear any investigation
of his conduct; and that respect or indulgence, by an affected
tenderness or studied ambiguity, would be disagreeable to the wishes and
feelings of his royal highness!"
A few days after this debate, Mr. Fox called the attention of the House
to the strange and extraordinary language used by Mr. Rolle, saying,
"that he presumed those remarks were made in reference to the base and
malicious calumny which had been propagated out of doors by the enemies
of the prince, in order to _depreciate_ his character, and injure him in
the opinion of the country!" Mr. Rolle replied to this by saying that,
"though the marriage could not have been accomplished under the formal
sanction of the law, yet if it existed _as a fact_, it ought to be
satisfactorily cleared up, lest the most alarming consequences should be
the result." Mr. Fox, in reply, said, "that he not only denied the
calumny in question, with respect to the effect of certain existing
laws, but he also denied the _marriage in toto_," adding, "though he
well knew the matter was illegal under every form of statute provided,
yet he took that opportunity to assert, _it never did happen_." Mr.
Rolle again asked, "Do you, Sir, speak from DIRECT OR INDIRECT
AUTHORITY?" Mr. Fox replied, "FROM DIRECT AUTHORITY." The House was now
anxious that Mr. Rolle should express his satisfaction; but he
positively and determinately refused, "as he wished every member of the
House to JUDGE for himself!" Now mark the result. Mr. Sheridan (the
bottle-companion of the prince) rose and declared warmly, "that if Mr.
Rolle would not be satisfied, or put the matter into some train for his
further satisfaction, his opinion was, the House ought to resolve, that
it was seditious and disloyal to propagate reports injurious to the
prince." But notice Mr. Pitt's reply, who rose, and protested against an
attack upon the freedom of speech in that House. Mr. Pitt, indeed, could
do no less than _stop the inquiry_; for if it had proceeded to any
greater length, the LEGITIMACY of the prince might have been
_doubted_!!!
The prince again sought advice to shield himself from his various
opponents, whose impertinent, yet honest expressions, might prove an
alloy to his character, and render void all his pretensions to even
_common honesty_! His royal highness _deigned_ to consult some persons
of consequence, but he could not receive any advice equal to his wishes.
At length, he saw the queen, and partly explained his difficulties and
debts, concluding his remarks by these _threatening_ words: "Unless the
king suggests _HIS DESIRE_ for the payment of these debts, I will
_EXPLAIN_ all this STATE MYSTERY; and I would receive a shot from a
musket, in preference to the galling insults which I well know the
_kingdoms_ infer _from these shameful arrears_." Again the _state
secrets_ operated! Again was TRUTH to be hidden in a napkin! The prince
retired from the audience; but the queen was no sooner disengaged than
Mr. Pitt was announced and introduced. The interview was short, but
decisive, and the minister departed on a mission to the prince at
Carlton House. There he promised that his royal highness should
immediately receive means to discharge his debts, and accordingly, on
the very next day, a message was laid before the House, and an address
voted to the king, to request him to grant out of the "civil list" the
sum of one hundred and sixty-one thousand pounds, to discharge the debts
of George, called Prince of Wales, with an additional sum of twenty
thousand pounds to finish the repairs of Carlton Palace. When this
infamous proposition was made, distress and wretchedness were at an
alarming height! But the king was more an object of pity than of blame.
Royalty, to him, was a deceitful bauble. Those who beheld it at a
distance saw nothing but greatness, splendour, and delight; but, could
they have examined it closely, they would have found toil, perplexity,
and care, its constant companions.
The king was now fast exchanging the bloom of youth for the languor of
age. He knew his duty was to repress calumny and falsehood, and to
support innocence and truth; and not only to abstain from doing evil,
but to exert himself in every way to do good, by preventing the
mischiefs evil counsellors might devise. Yet the _state secrets_ kept
him from acting as his heart dictated, and his mind soon lost all its
vigour!
The prince, from this time, was sure of the attainment of his wishes, if
within the power of the queen to bestow; and, from this conquest, he
gave loose rein to the impetuous desires of his wayward inclinations.
Splendid fêtes were given, money was lavished upon the most
insignificant and indecorous occasions; virtue openly insulted, in every
possible shape; and the man, who was expected shortly to reign over the
destiny of millions, was frequently exhibited to his friends as an
UNPRINCIPLED LIBERTINE, a NOTORIOUS GAMESTER, and an UNGRATEFUL SON! But
the rank of royal distinction, and the means he possessed to gratify his
lusts (being devoid of all positive integrity upon many points) were
sufficient causes of excuse in the estimation of himself and his
minions! His graceful bow and ensnaring address led many good-natured
people into a belief that he was really an honest man and a gentleman!
From the commencement of the year
1788,
the king's health again declined. His mind appeared full of gloomy
apprehensions and forebodings; sometimes he uttered the most incoherent
language; then, dissolving in tears, would ask after the health of the
several members of his family, and especially of his youngest daughter,
to whom he was more particularly attached. This state of aberration was,
however, strictly concealed from the public as long as possible by the
queen. Here, again, mark her German policy! Fearing she could not much
longer conceal the king's indisposition, she determined to consult her
favourite minister, and they resolved upon a proposition to give to the
_queen's_ care the charge of his majesty's person, presuming that step
was finally needful, as by its adoption _only_ could she retain an
opportunity of exercising _complete controul over her afflicted
husband_! On the reassembling of parliament, therefore, the project of
the queen was brought forward by Pitt, who, possessing a decided
majority, passed what resolutions he pleased. He contended, in
opposition to Fox, that the Prince of Wales had no more right to the
regency _than he had_! The debates upon this subject were long and warm;
but Pitt and the queen finally triumphed. The care of the king's person
and the disposition of the royal household was to be committed to her
majesty, who would, by this means, be vested with the patronage of _four
hundred places_, amongst which were the great offices of lord-stewart,
lord-chamberlain, and master of the horse! These "loaves and fishes"
offered the queen a fine opportunity of exercising her tyranny, and
further increasing her power!
Let us here digress a little, to reflect upon the _enviable_ state in
which her majesty was placed at this period.
Behold, then, the Queen of England, in the enjoyment of health,
surrounded with all the luxuries of life, knowing the _intricacies_ of
STATE INFAMY, and anxious to hold the reins of government in her own
hands, constantly closeted with the minister--ALONE! his years not half
so many as those of his royal mistress! See her confiding in his
secrecy, submitting her opinions for his decision, and knowing that
herself and her family are in his power! The man, who, after this
retrospect, pronounces there never was a _false step_, or a _deviation
from rectitude_, we venture to say is but very little acquainted with
humanity! It is also well known to more than one or two individuals,
that the Prince of Wales dared to _jest_ with her majesty upon the
occasional _private_ interviews she held with this minister; and his
royal highness was once seriously sent from her presence, in consequence
of a TRIFLING DISCOVERY he made. It therefore seemed the more requisite
that the _appearance_ of a rigid decorum must exist at court;
consequently, if any lady had been known to violate those bounds, she
must be excluded from royal favour, and never again enter the precincts
of the palace! Her majesty, it will be perceived from this, knew how to
put on the garb of virtue, if she possessed it not! Our love of
impartiality, however, obliges us to give an instance contrary to the
general edict of the queen. Her majesty was made fully acquainted with
Mrs. Fitzherbert's history, and therefore knew that this lady had been
left a widow--twice; and that she afterwards accepted the _protection_
of the Marquis Bellois, which intimacy was of considerable duration.
Yet, as soon as the prince _married her_, she was a general visitant at
court, and received the most especial and unlimited polite attentions
from the queen. Let this example suffice to shew her majesty's
_scrupulous_ delicacy!
In March,
1789,
the king was declared convalescent, so as to be able to resume his
duties, and defeat those air-drawn schemes of power, which his queen was
about to assume.
The insulted sovereign thus freed the people, for a time, from the
artful stratagems and devices arising from the charnel house of
oppression.
It is certain, that his majesty was free from all _violent_ paroxysms,
and generally manifested a quiet and unobtrusive disposition in all
things. But then this was the _utmost_ of his improvement. Reason's
empire was fatally shook, and the recollection of the past incapacitated
him for forming an opinion either upon the present or the future.
The queen, in the mean time, resolved not to be entirely debarred of her
prospects of patronage; for, under the specious disguise of kingly
authority, her majesty gave appointments and honours to the hirelings
around her, and carried "majorities" whenever she pleased.
It was not deemed prudent that the king should open the House in person;
therefore, the chancellor delivered the speech in the name of his
majesty.
During this session, Mr. Wilberforce pleaded ably for the abolition of
West Indian slavery, though to very little advantage.
Some excesses of an unhappy description were practised by the Duke of
York; but they were passed over without any public punishment or
parental rebuke, although a family of high respectability suffered the
loss of their only daughter, a most beautiful and accomplished girl,
nearly twenty years of age! She was a victim of the duke's sensuality,
and destroyed herself by poison soon afterwards,--such were the extreme
sentiments of honor and virtue entertained by her. Some of her family
yet live to mourn her loss and regret the privileges of royalty!
In this year a revolution broke out in France, and innumerable lives
were lost. The opposite views which Burke and Fox took of this event
dissolved the friendship that had so long existed between them.
In February,
1790,
the printer of "The Times" newspaper was fined ONE HUNDRED POUNDS for a
libel on the Prince of Wales, and the like sum for a libel on the
_equally-illustrious_ seducer, the Duke of York. If a verdict had been
given otherwise, royalty would have been humbled!
In this year, also, a most remarkable occurrence transpired. A very
respectable clergyman was induced to marry two persons upon an extreme
emergency, without their obtaining a license or the publishing of banns.
The clergyman was tried at Leicester for this offence, and sentenced to
be _transported for fourteen years_! Many appeals were made, in a quiet
and peaceable manner, to the judge. Expostulations upon the
disproportion of the punishment were also made by various classes of
society; but, alas! _the happiness of the subject was destroyed_, while
the higher authorities remained not only unimpeached, but defended!
During this session, the House was solicited to supply extra sums for
the expenditure of the _secret service_, to which, however, many voices
were raised in opposition. The prince and his former friends and
companions were now apparently in a state of disunion, as each one
appeared dissatisfied with the other.
Mr. Fox proved the most unremitting member of the House in the discharge
of his duties, opposing the increase of the national debt, and the
imposition of new taxes. The salary of the speaker of the House of
Commons, however, was advanced to six thousand pounds, remonstrance
proving of no avail.
About this time, the prince and two of his brothers became so
embarrassed by their imprudent conduct, that they found it expedient to
resort to some measure for the attainment of means to satisfy the
clamorous demands of their creditors. Jews and money-brokers were tried,
but to no effect; and their last resource seemed to be by obtaining the
amount desired upon their respective or joint bonds. Every likely person
was solicited to grant the loan; yet, after a long and mortifying
attempt, all their endeavours proved fruitless. A large interest was
offered, and had the parties been persons of indubitable integrity, many
of their countrymen would have gladly lent their money upon such terms;
but former inaccuracies paved the way for future misgivings. At length
the sum was furnished, from foreign houses chiefly,--the amount of which
was ONE MILLION!!! The princes received nearly half a million
immediately, and the other portion was to be paid according to the
stipulation,--the interest being fixed at _six per cent._ This interest,
however, was not paid upon its becoming due; consequently there was a
suspicion of unfair dealing; but of this subject we must treat anon.
A trifling dispute with Spain this year cost the country THREE HUNDRED
THOUSAND POUNDS!
The year
1791
was a period of continual debate and of harassing vexation, both at home
and abroad. In the mean while, the prince was engrossed in his pursuits
of pleasure, ever searching after variety in every possible shape. Such
also were the pursuits of his royal brothers.
It now becomes our painful duty to speak of the FEMALES of this
"_ILLUSTRIOUS FAMILY_."
It is one of the unnatural distinctions of royalty, and which is often
fatal to the happiness of society, that _their ways are not the ways of
the other sons and daughters of humanity_. Though royal blood is not of
itself considered a barrier against marriage, the very few persons that
are eligible to marry a king's daughter, besides the unsurmountable
difficulties which religion opposes to such unions, makes them almost
amount to absolute exclusion.
It would argue a callous heart not to feel the force of the above
reflection, while speaking of the royal daughters of Queen Charlotte.
They were at this period in the bloom of youth, in all the glowing
exuberance of health, but from the real enjoyment of which the miserable
etiquette of regal splendour, and the feigned prudery of their mother,
debarred them. In the full meridian of their state, possessing every
exterior advantage calculated to excite vulgar envy and admiration,
these royal ladies were less blessed, in reality, than the daughters of
peasants, who were free to marry the men of their choice. When this
secluded state of royalty is considered, the reflecting mind will feel
disposed to exercise charity and forbearance; but the subjects of our
present notice partook of _rather more_ of female frailty than ought to
have been allowed. We have heard, indeed, of the most desperate excesses
committed by _royal_ ladies, and are ourselves acquainted with an
_accoucheur_, who officiated under a circumstance of a lamentable
kind,--INDEPENDENT OF THE BIRTH OF CAPTAIN GARTH! Alas! were the crimes
of the court of Charlotte but painted in their true colours, how would
Virtue blush!--how would Honesty be abashed!--how would Credulity be
staggered! The slightest deviation from honor in a tradesman's daughter
is generally punished by eternal disgrace! For the present, we must
leave these very painful reflections; though we fear _truth_ will compel
us to renew the subject.
The revenue was, as usual, unequal to meet the extravagancies of the
royal family, and so was added every succeeding year an increase to the
already immense "NATIONAL DEBT."
The queen became now much disturbed by the dissatisfaction so generally
expressed by all classes of society, and she therefore resolved to give
the minister her opinion upon the subject. Mr. Pitt accordingly
presented himself, and was received with courteous attention. The queen
expressed her fears of an ill _ultimatum_, unless some plan could be
proposed to satisfy the desires of the people. After various
propositions were made and rejected, it was deemed prudent to resist any
and every motion which might be made in the Commons for reform in the
state of the representation, and to rule over the people by _force_, if
found needful.
The House met early in the year
1792,
and the king announced the marriage of his second son, Frederick, with a
daughter of the King of Prussia. In March, Mr. Pitt proposed to settle
thirty thousand pounds per annum upon their royal highnesses! The
Opposition remonstrated, but the motion was finally carried.
Much interest was excited upon the subject of the slave trade; and Mr.
Wilberforce urged the abolition of it in very warm and generous
language. Mr. Pitt was eloquent on this occasion, and pleaded, most
animatedly, in favour of its entire abolition; but the minister _was not
sincere_. A series of resolutions were ultimately agreed upon, and sent
up to the Lords for their concurrence.
The Duke of Clarence now commenced his parliamentary career, by
violently declaiming against the abolition of slavery and its advocates.
This caused it to be delayed, and the guilt of Britain increased.
The queen _appeared_ vexed at this circumstance, as she had imagined
such a concession would have given great satisfaction, without
decreasing her influence at home.
In a private conversation with an illustrious person, some days after
this defeat, Mr. Wilberforce said, "He did not believe the queen or the
minister were _truly desirous_ of the abolition of slavery; for, if it
had been intended by them to be carried, they would have secured it in
the Upper House."
After thus trifling with the wishes of the people, it appeared probable
that dissatisfaction might arise amongst the middle classes of society;
to provide against which, the establishment of a new police for
Westminster was proposed and carried.
The year
1793
commenced with the usual aspects, and power appeared to have had a
hardening influence upon the minds of statesmen. The crisis seemed near,
that some salutary and healing measure of reform in the state of the
representation must be adopted; for it was imprudent any longer to be
silent on the subject. Mr. Grey, therefore, moved the question in the
House, on the 30th of April, and was supported ably by Mr. Erskine and
others; but the minister (Mr. Pitt) repelled the motion, and spoke as
warmly for its withdrawal as he had formerly spoken in its defence, and
of its necessity. The result was prejudicial to the rights and
privileges of free-born men; the motion was dismissed, and a
royal proclamation issued against all seditious writings and
correspondences,--plainly proving that the crown needed the aid of
_spies and informers_, in order to continue its baneful and injurious
influence over a deluded and degraded people! Thus was an attempt to
obtain justice defeated by a combination of overbearing tyranny and
oppression; and thus was the "state automaton" moved at pleasure by the
secret springs of court intrigue and infamy, regulated by the queen! One
extreme generally leads to another, and so by degrees the freedom of the
constitution was changed to tyrannical fetters, under the assumed title
of "_improvements in our code of laws_," whilst distress continued, and
expostulation, as usual, proved fruitless.
Mr. Pitt, at this time, through a private channel, communicated his
desire to see Mr. Canning, who of course promptly attended. The premier
complimented Mr. Canning on his reputation as a scholar and a speaker,
and stated, that, if he concurred in the policy which government was
then pursuing, arrangements would be made to bring him into parliament.
These few words will briefly explain to future generations the manner of
introducing members to parliament by this minister.
Previous to this _honourable_ offer, Mr. Canning belonged to what was
then termed "the opposition faction," and among those who were the _most
violent_ in their opinions, _he_ had been considered and spoken of as
their _protégé_. But a seat in parliament from the hands of a prime
minister, who, however haughty and reserved in his general manners, had
perhaps, for that very reason, a peculiar power in fixing himself in the
minds of those whom he wished to please, was a tempting offer to a young
man, conscious of superior talent, but rendered by his situation in life
agreeably alive to such flattering and powerful notice. Our readers will
hardly feel surprised, then, at his after vacillating conduct, which we
shall have occasion frequently to notice.
The Prince of Wales now veered in his political expressions, and
deserted his former acknowledged principles, in obedience to the wishes
of the _queen_. The other male branches of the royal family were
revelling in the vortex of voluptuousness; and so expensive were their
amours and gallantries, in addition to their gambling transactions, that
they were continually involved in debt, and, for momentary relief,
borrowed sums of every person willing to run the risk of a loan, or
afraid to incur the royal displeasure.
The king was ignorant of the most dishonorable transactions in which his
sons were so deeply involved; what he did know was sufficient to make
him miserable. Their supplies and income were to an enormous extent; yet
his majesty was aware that the Duke of York's horses and carriage were
seized, while going down Piccadilly, and his royal highness obliged to
walk home!
Declaration of hostilities was announced between Great Britain and
France, and the year's supply amounted to TWENTY MILLIONS. To provide
this enormous sum, extra taxes were again levied upon the people.
We enter upon the year
1794,
with sorrow and indignation, as it was the commencement of an
all-important era in national affairs. The king beheld the critical
state of the empire with much sorrow and disquietude. The extravagant
and imprudent conduct of his sons also acted as a canker upon his heart.
In vain did he endeavour to represent to them, that to be worthy of
holding their rank in such a great nation, they ought to lay aside the
follies which had so long been practised by them; and as earnestly, yet
as vainly, did he press them to retire from the society of voluptuous
acquaintances, with whom he too well knew they were so deeply involved,
in various ways.
At this period of our history, we are grieved to record the tyrannical
acts of government, in apprehending a number of persons on the charge of
_treason_. Some of our readers will, doubtless, recollect the glorious
acquittal of Hardy, Tooke, and Thelwall; but there were others, less
fortunate. We would rather have been Claudius or Caligula, Nero,
Tiberius, or the _Christian_, blood-stained Constantine, than the man
who, in cold blood, could deliberately sign a warrant against those
patriotic martyrs, MUIR, SKIRVING, MARGAROT, PALMER, and GERALD, whose
only _crime_ consisted in having _SUPPORTED MR. PITT'S OWN ORIGINAL
SYSTEM OF REFORM_!
Our readers, at this distance of time, will reflect with amazement and
indignation, that on the 8th of February, 1794, the four first-named
citizens, without a moment's previous notice, were surprised in their
beds by the Newgate ruffians, chained and handcuffed like the vilest
felons, and thus conveyed to Woolwich, where they were sent on board a
transport ready to receive them. A few hours afterwards, the vessel
dropped down the river; but, during the short interval it remained at
Woolwich, all communication was cut off between them and their friends!
Even the wife of Margarot was denied admission to him! Such were the
positive orders of that illiberal and corrupt minister,--Mr. Henry
Dundas.
Let us hope that the day is for ever past when men can be thus treated
for merely giving vent to their complaints and sufferings. It is the
prerogative of affliction to complain, more sacred and natural than any
titles or immunities which _privileged_ persons enjoy! And whenever
_force_ is employed against _argument and reason_, though the contest
may be unequal, depend upon it that the cause of _TRUTH_ will
_ULTIMATELY PREVAIL_!
At this period, the Prince of Wales was involved in more than SIX
HUNDRED THOUSAND POUNDS, beside bonds and bills, signed by him, to a
very enormous amount; and, finding himself unable to procure any further
sums, he applied to the queen for assistance in this extremity. Her
majesty referred him to his father, and pressed him to yield to any
advice which the king might suggest, or any plan he might recommend.
A time was appointed for an interview, and the father and son entered
upon these very distressing and dishonorable transactions. After much
deliberation, the king observed, "that it was utterly impossible to ask
parliament for any relief, as it was all the minister could now do to
keep the wheels of state in motion; and, even to do that, it required
_immense loans_ to be raised, to make up the deficiency of the year's
current expenses." As a last resource, the king proposed that the prince
should MARRY, and that a lady of royal birth be selected, as agreeable
to the inclinations of the prince as possible. Upon such an event, the
minister would, no doubt, furnish means for his liberation, and a
sufficient income for the additional expenses attendant upon such an
alliance. The prince received the opinion of his father with varied
sensations, and requested time to think upon the proposition, when he
would announce the result of his cogitations.
Alas! how much are kings to be pitied! If their principles and
intentions be virtuous, what difficulties have they to surmount, what
sorrows to endure! This was a trying period for George the Third: on the
one hand, he saw the impropriety and cruelty of marriage merely for
state policy, and more particularly so in the present instance, as he
considered the prince's marriage with Mrs. Fitzherbert solemn and
binding in the sight of heaven, though certainly in direct opposition to
the _law_ of the country, which was _in operation at the time it was
solemnized_. On the other hand, it appeared that a royal marriage was an
event that would give great satisfaction to the people, and might,
perhaps, reclaim the prince from those considerable errors and obnoxious
pursuits in which he was so deeply entangled; for he associated with
some of the most unprincipled characters, of whom any person of
morality or _common decency_ would certainly have been ashamed.
Here again the gewgaw of royal parade was intended to entrap the
admiration of the ignorant. The vain pomp and pageantries of courts and
the splendour of fortune have ever been an _ignis fatuus_ to seduce the
people to their ruin. They have, alas! too often served as an useful
shelter to every excess of folly, every enormity of crime; while the
deepest distresses and the most urgent wants have not been allowed as an
extenuation for the slightest transgression, though committed to satisfy
the craving exigencies of famished nature! Had a _private_ individual
acted as this prince was about to do, would he not have become an
outcast from his family, and would not the whole world have abandoned
him? Yet, although the prince's example was ten thousand times more
contagious, all the breaches of faith of which he had been guilty
scarcely received the slightest animadversion! But so it was; common
interest united even those who were disunited by particular
discordances, and the _seeming_ harmony of the royal family may
undoubtedly be inferred to have arisen from their equal interest in the
success of the piece. Their private differences were apparently lost in
the immensity of the SECRETS by which the state chain was rivetted, as
if it were by adamant.
We must not suppose his majesty was all this time ignorant of the
situation of his nephew, the only child of his brother Edward; so far
from that being the case, he had caused him to be brought up privately,
and was regular in the discharge of the yearly expenses incurred on his
account at Eton. The queen presumed that her children were safely
seated, so long as the king's _first_ marriage should be concealed, and
therefore did not bestow many thoughts upon the happiness or misery,
fortune or misfortune, life or death, of this MUCH-INJURED YOUTH! Does
not nature revolt at this barbarity, this secret unfeeling conduct of
the queen? What mother could know a similar case, and not afford all the
generous tenderness of sympathy to mitigate the losses this _orphan_ had
sustained, not only of fortune, but of the fostering care of both his
parents?
The complicated wickedness of the court seemed now nearly approaching
its climax. Deception had been added to deception, until, to complete
the delusion, another victim must necessarily be added, in the person of
the Princess Caroline of Brunswick!
After conferences with Mrs. Fitzherbert, the queen, and a few others,
closely interested in the affair, had taken place, the prince acquainted
his father with his submission to the royal will, and requested to know
whom his majesty would recommend for his bride. The king suggested his
niece, the daughter of his sister, the Duchess of Brunswick, for whose
acceptance he urged the prince to send his miniature, and other
formalities, usual on such occasions. _The prince, with apparent
vivacity, acquiesced_; but his majesty thought that his son's language
wanted sincerity.
The evening was spent in revelry and debauchery by the prince and his
companions, and his royal highness swore "I will marry the Princess of
Brunswick, which," said he, "will be no marriage at all, and desert her,
of which I will give her timely notice." The miniature was painted
_flatteringly_, and the following letter from the prince accompanied it
to his intended wife:
_Copy of a letter written to the Princess Caroline of Brunswick, by
George Prince of Wales._
"1794.
"MADAM,
"The king my father, whom I highly respect and esteem, has just
announced to me that your hand is destined for me. I am obliged, by the
imperious force of circumstances to own, that this intelligence has
thrown me into despair, and my candour does not allow me to conceal my
sentiments from you. I hope that when you are acquainted with them, you
will aid me in breaking the ties which would unite us only to render us
unhappy; and which will be in your power to oppose, since _I_ am unable
to do so. You, Madam, are adored by your parents; I am aware that they
have allowed you the liberty of refusing all the princes who have been
proposed to you in marriage; refuse _me_ also, I conjure you in the name
of pity, to which I know you are no stranger. You do not _know_ me,
Madam; you therefore can have no cause to lament my loss. Learn, then,
the _secret_ and _unhappy_ situation of the prince whom they wish you
to espouse. I cannot love you; I cannot make you happy; my heart has
long ceased to be free. She who possesses it is the only woman to whom I
could unite myself agreeably to my inclinations. _You_ would find in me
a husband who places all his affections upon another. If this _secret_,
which I name to you in _confidence_, does not cause you to reject me; if
ambition, or any other motive of which I am ignorant, cause you to
condescend to the arrangements of my family, learn that, as soon as you
shall have given an heir to the _throne, I will abandon you_, never to
meet you more in public. I will then attach myself to that lady whom I
love, and whom I will not leave. Such is, Madam, my last and irrevocable
resolution; if you are the victim of it, you will be a _willing victim_,
and you cannot accuse me of having deceived you.
"I am, Madam,
"With great truth,
"Your's sincerely,
"GEORGE P."
After reading this very curious epistle, the reader may presume that the
princess was _indiscreet_ in her acceptance of the hand of a prince who
so _boldly_ professed himself averse to the union; but the following
letters of George the Third to herself and her mother, (the king's
sister) which accompanied the one of the prince, will afford some
explanation of her conduct:
_Copy of a Letter to Caroline, Princess of Brunswick, from her uncle,
George the Third._
"1794.
"My dearest Niece Caroline,
"It has afforded me very much pleasure to hear, by the means of my son
Frederick of York, that you merit my very best regard. I have no doubt
you have frequently heard of my very great and affectionate regard for
your dear mother, my sister; and I assure you I love her daughter for
her sake. I am well persuaded that my dear niece will not refuse the
pressing request of myself and her mother with respect to an alliance
with my son George, Prince of Wales, which I earnestly desire may be
arranged to take place as speedily as possible. I promise, most solemnly
promise, that I will be your friend and father upon every occasion, and
I entreat you to comply with this ardent desire of my heart, that my
agitated mind may once more be composed.
"I have explained to my sister the probable difficulties which my son
George may mention; but they must not have any weight in your mind and
conclusions. I beg you not to refuse this pressing petition of your most
"Sincere and affectionate
"Uncle,
"GEORGE R."
"P. S. Do not delay a reply an hour longer than can be avoided."
"_To Caroline, Princess of Brunswick,"
&c. &c. &c._
_Copy of a Letter to the Duchess of Brunswick, from her Brother, George
the Third._
"MY DEAR SISTER,
"I have endeavoured to excite and promote in the mind of my son George a
desire to espouse my dear niece Caroline. _This_, I am aware, he will
only consent to as a prudent step, by which his debts may be paid. I
will trust to your influence with Caroline that she may not be offended
with any thing he pleases to say. He may please to plead that he is
already married!--and I fear he will resort to any measures rather than
an honorable marriage. But as, in my former letters, I have explained my
wishes upon this subject, I therefore need not now repeat them. Tell my
dear niece she must never expect to find a mother or friend in the
queen; but _I will be her friend to my latest breath_. Give me your
support, my sister, and prevail upon my niece Caroline at all hazards.
"Your's affectionately,
"GEORGE R."
A courier was despatched with these preliminaries of a royal marriage,
and the prince again sank into the depths of vice. The queen saw her
path was rather difficult, and feared for the consequences; but she
resolved to exert every thought to devise the surest plan for future
safety. Her majesty did not assist the prince to any extent, because her
purse was of the greatest utility to her personal safety, and therefore
_promises_ were chiefly given to the clamorous and ruined creditors,
that, as soon as the prince was MARRIED, all debts would be discharged!
The reasons which prompted the parsimony of the queen were obvious to
those who knew her plans, though not to the public. She was aware of the
slight tenure she held, and the illegality of her marriage; the
unaccounted-for death of the king's eldest brother; the uncertainty of
the fate of his issue; fears for his future public appeals, and her
knowledge of the validity of his claims! Beside all this, the relatives
of the legally-married wife of the Duke (Edward) were of more
illustrious descent than even the queen herself; and from them she stood
in doubt, lest the untimely death of this lady and her husband, the
unfortunate Duke of York, as well as the privacy of their offspring,
should be brought forward in a public manner, or in any way which might
reflect dishonour upon the influence of the crown!
How much has guilt to fear from exposure by TRUTH! _Secrecy_ was the
ministerial watch-word then in vogue, and though fallacious and
destructive, as experience has demonstrated the principle to be, yet the
nation was cajoled by its influence, and even induced indirectly to
sanction measures the most desperate and ruinous that imagination can
depict!
The hireling part of the press, notwithstanding, strove to eternize this
awful and barbarous system, and thus assisted the minister to cherish
the growth of Ignorance. Indeed, it is an undeniable fact, that
the corruption of government pervaded every branch of Mr. Pitt's
administration; but surely this minister must have been sometimes afraid
that the people would discover the frauds and impositions practised upon
them, and demand satisfaction. Mr. Pitt, indeed, was an _apostate_, who,
at the beginning of his career, stood forth as the CHAMPION OF THE
PEOPLE'S RIGHTS; but no sooner had he gained possession of power, than
he at once threw off the mask, deserted his benefactors, who had trusted
and exalted him, maintained, with all his might, the utmost stretch of
the royal prerogative, owned himself the unblushing advocate of
influence and corruption, and the decided enemy of the human race! When
we reflect on the obduracy, perfidy, and ingratitude of "this pilot that
_gathered_ the storm," in whose breast neither shame nor pity seldom
found a residence, but as if dead to every noble passion of the soul, he
first exhausted the resources of the nation by his imposition of taxes,
and then enslaved it by his politics; when we reflect, we say, on the
conduct of this man, Sejanus and Rufinus, profligate and cruel as they
were, appear angels of light, and we cannot help feeling disgusted with
the age that tolerated such a minister! Secure in his parliamentary
majorities and the favours of his queen, he imagined the people at large
mere nonentities, and set them at defiance, while he must have laughed
at their tameness and stupidity! Did he not warmly commend the sentences
of proscription, imprisonment, and transportation, passed against his
countrymen solely for attempting to procure a reform of grievances, by
the very same means which he had himself previously employed? Did he
not, when every really-loyal subject in the realm was deploring the
disgraces and defeats of the British arms, insult the people with
affected serious congratulations on the successes that had been obtained
by the allied powers, and the happy change that had taken place in their
favour? Yes, reader, these acts may be taken as specimens of the policy
of the "heaven-born minister, that weathered the storm," as a certain
chancellor once imprudently designated Mr. Pitt.
The courier, bearing the despatches to the Princess of Brunswick,
arrived at the court of her father in October, where he delivered his
packet, and was entertained with generous and courteous attention. The
duke and duchess retired to peruse its contents, which they read with
agitation; and Hope and Fear strove tumultuously to gain an ascendency.
The king's letter was considered, in a certain degree, explanatory of
the follies of the prince, though it did not name any vices; and as it
also expressed a _confident opinion_, that, united to a person of
amiability and worth, like the princess, all good would ensue, the
parents of the princess were inclined to hope for a favourable result
from the alliance. The good opinion of the king, their brother, was an
extra inducement to the fond and indulgent parents of Caroline to plead
in behalf of her acceptance of this offer; and all must admit their
conduct to be natural and affectionate.
The letter of the prince was soon after delivered by the duke to his
daughter, accompanied by the remark, "I hope my dear Caroline will one
day be the happy queen of a free and happy nation. Retire, my child,
and, after thinking seriously, decide prudently." The princess retired,
and read the strange epistle written by the prince. She knew not, for
some considerable time, what to think, or how to decide. At length,
after a few hours of rest and enjoyment, the courier departed. He
arrived safely at St. James', and delivered the following reply to the
Prince of Wales:
_Copy of the Reply to George, Prince of Wales, from Caroline, Princess
of Brunswick._
"MY LORD AND COUSIN,
"I cannot express to your royal highness the feelings of surprise which
your letter has afforded me, neither can I rely _entirely_ upon what it
contains; because the accompanying letter of the good king, your father,
is so very opposite to its meaning. I thought that the ties of
relationship which exist between us would have obliged your royal
highness to treat with delicacy and honor the princess whom your king
destines for you. For my own part, my lord, I know my duty, and I have
not the power or the wish to break the laws which are wished to be
imposed upon me. I, therefore, have decided upon obeying the wishes of
those who have the right to dispose of my person. I submit, at the same
time, to the consequences with which your highness threatens me. But, if
you could read _that heart_ to which you impart such anguish, you would
perhaps have feelings of remorse from this barbarous treatment, in which
your royal highness appears to boast. I am now resolved to await from
_time_ and our _union_ the just regard I will endeavour to merit; and I
trust that your regret for what you have written will, in some measure,
avenge the wrongs you have so wantonly committed. Believe me, my lord,
that I shall not cease to offer my prayers for the happiness of your
royal highness; _mine_ will be perfect if I can contribute to your's.
"I am, for life, your most devoted Cousin,
"CAROLINE AMELIA OF BRUNSWICK."
We have given this and the preceding letters solely with a view of
forwarding the cause of truth, and shall leave our readers to draw their
own inferences as to the propriety or impropriety of the conduct of the
parties concerned.
Early in the ensuing year,
1795,
preparations were made, upon a moderate scale, to receive the Princess
of Brunswick as the intended wife of the heir-apparent.
The prince was still as _dissolute_ as ever, and associated with the
very dregs of society, of both sexes. Yet this same personage was about
to be allied, according to the outward usages of the church, to a
princess of the most opposite principles and sentiments! Many times has
he become the _father_ of innocent victims, who were doomed to perish in
a workhouse, or be consigned to a premature grave! How improbable then
was it, that his heart would ever feel affection for the issue of an
honourable connexion,--if it may be so called in _this_ case,--more
particularly when that was the last resource to extricate him from debt
and disgrace! Well, indeed, might his companions say, "the princess may
hear, in the joyful peal, (after her vows) the surer knell of her
happiness." Too well the result proved the truth of their prophetic
announcement!
Previous to the arrival of Caroline, it was arranged by the queen that
persons of distinction, upon whom her majesty could depend in this
instance, should attend her highness, and a selection was made
accordingly. The notorious Lady Jersey was one; of her character and
intriguing disposition, we need not say more than announce the fact,
that her favours had been at the command of the prince for a
considerable time. Her disposition was artful and cruel; indeed, unless
such qualities had been invested in her ladyship, the queen would not
have given her orders in a manner so undisguised and bold. Cruelty and
Vice are always inseparable companions.
At length, the princess arrived on these (to her) inhospitable shores.
On the 8th of April, the formality of a marriage ceremony took place, at
the palace of St. James. The king was particularly attentive to the
princess; but not so the queen, who manifested an unbending
haughtiness, and sometimes lost sight of etiquette so far, that sarcasm
was too evidently visible. The princesses were in too much fear of their
mother to bestow any particular attentions on the Princess of Wales,
except one of them, who, however, dare not publicly avow her sentiments.
On retiring for the night to Carlton House, the princess was attended
only by those invidious characters who had deliberately planned her
ruin. Several historians have recorded, that, by some inaccuracy or
defect in demeanour, the prince received an unexpected impression
unfavourable to her royal highness; but such _was not the case_. It is
true, that the conduct of the prince was any thing but gentlemanly;
though of this little notice was taken. Her royal highness resolved to
forbear from any unpleasant complainings, as she was now separated from
her much-beloved home and friends. She plainly saw the disadvantage of
her change; and, in the disappointment of her heart, frequently deplored
her cruel destiny. Many times has she been obliged to witness the
various favourites of the prince receiving those attentions and enjoying
those smiles which ought to have been her's only.
In a conversation with the prince, shortly after their nuptials, (if
such an appellation may be used) her royal highness said, "that, after
the candour with which I have explained myself, I certainly feel
entitled to the respectful attentions of your highness, and I cannot
endure the insults I am continually receiving from your mistresses and
coarse associates." This gentle remonstrance was repeated by this
"all-accomplished gentleman" when he next met his half-drunken
companions, and their infamy was heightened by maliciously abusing this
much-injured lady.
The prince's yearly income was augmented at his marriage with his cousin
to one hundred and twenty-five thousand pounds, besides having all his
debts discharged.
The princess now seldom saw her husband. His nights were spent in
debauchery, and he was frequently carried to bed, totally unconscious of
all around him. Gaming supplied his leisure hours, and scenes of
immorality were the common routine of each succeeding day. Such were the
deportment and character of the man, or _monster_, who was to be
invested with power over millions of brave, generous, and industrious
people! It was impossible for such an one to have retained in his
confidence a single upright and conscientious person. The soul sickens
at the retrospect; but we must pursue the revolting subject.
The king was, at this time, the only friend in whom the Princess of
Wales could repose any confidence, and to him she unburdened herself
unreservedly. His majesty was much incensed at the indignation heaped
upon the daughter of his sister, and, but for the apparent situation of
his niece, he would have recommended severer measures than he then
thought prudent.
In opposition to all remonstrance and advice, the prince gradually sunk
deeper into the vortex of sensuality, and very frequently expressed
himself in high hopes that the princess would soon "BE GOT RID OF." He
still remained ignorant of the confidence the princess had reposed in
her uncle; and well was it for her he was ignorant of it, as his passion
was extreme, and rage might have gained such a pre-eminence as to have
induced him to add _another FOUL DEED to his number_.
This fatal year, more than twenty-nine millions were required, eighteen
of which were raised by loans! Here may be observed how progressively
the "national debt" was incurred, partly for the immoderate extravagance
of those who ought to have acted as models for imitation at home, and
partly by unjust and destructive wars abroad! until Englishmen became
any thing and every thing but a free people. The discontents of the
tax-payers were loud and deep; but the ministers heeded them not!
On the 7th of January,
1796,
the Princess of Wales was safely delivered of a daughter, whose birth,
in some measure, assuaged the miseries of her forlorn condition. The
Duke of Clarence might have very frequently repeated his expressions,
delivered in the House of Lords in the preceding June, when he said,
"Unless suitable provisions were made for the prince, the Princess of
Wales, A LOVELY AND AMIABLE WOMAN, must feel herself torn from her
family, (although her mother was the king's sister) removed from all her
early connexions," &c. Ah! William Henry, were you prepared to prove
this to be a speech in favour of your cousin and sister-in-law? Was it
not _only_ for the aggrandizement of your spendthrift brother?
To oblige her majesty, the young princess was named CHARLOTTE. But what
a different character did the younger Charlotte prove from the elder!
Oh! that so sweet a disposition and so noble a mind should have been
crushed in the bud, and that, too, by one nearly allied to her by the
ties of nature!
Those more immediately about the person of the Princess of Wales were
best capable to form an opinion of her maternal tenderness, and of the
prince's negligence. The proofs of affectionate solicitude on the part
of the mother, contrasted with the indifference of the father, deserve
public explanation. The first time the prince saw his child, his
countenance was not in the least illuminated by any ray of pleasure, as
he contented himself by merely observing, "It is a fine girl." The
princess afterwards acknowledged her disappointment, as she had hoped
his heart was not entirely debased, or his sense of virtue altogether
lost; but this fond, this very natural, hope was doomed to
disappointment, and while this desolate lady was nursing her
tenderly-beloved child, the prince was walking and riding out, openly
and shamelessly, with Mrs. Fitzherbert and Lady Jersey! Would not the
poor cottager have felt abashed to hear of his fellow-labourer's
similar conduct, even in the most humble station of life, who must, of
necessity, be devoid of ten thousand advantages this personage had
derived from birth and education? Yes, doubtless; and he who could so
act deserved no other appellation than that of a VOLUPTUOUS BRUTE.
It was much to be regretted at this time, that all the very heavy
taxation and increase of debt were said to be in consequence of the
"king's great predilection for the lavish expenditures of the royal
family, and his anxious determination to continue the disastrous war."
Such were not his majesty's desires, but exactly the reverse; though,
unfortunately, his opinions were always overruled by the queen.
A formal separation took place this year between the Prince and Princess
of Wales, and certainly her royal highness deserved much more general
sympathy than she then experienced. The nobility appeared uncertain
which side to espouse, and therefore, for want of _principle_ to do that
which their consciences said was right, they fell imperceptibly into
error; besides which, it was indispensably necessary, that those who
wished to stand well with the queen and prince must withdraw from all
intimacy with the Princess of Wales!
The immense amount for the supply this year was above THIRTY-EIGHT
MILLIONS!--about twenty of which were raised by loans!
In
1797,
the heavy burdens imposed on the people to supply the insatiate thirst
for war, and keep a gorgeous appearance at court, reduced the middle
classes of people to want and distraction. While the prince and his
fawning courtiers were revelling in every obscenity, and glutting
themselves with the prospect which still continued, that to-morrow would
be more abundant, thousands,--nay, millions,--in England and Ireland
were perishing for want of bread! During this unexampled period of
sorrow, the conduct of the ministry proved them to be perfectly
indifferent to the distresses of the people. Splendid entertainments, at
an immense expense, were frequently given, and the lofty halls of
palaces rang with the loud shouts of conviviality and profanity! Such
recitals may, to some persons, appear incredible, or too highly
coloured; but _we_ well know they did occur, though we do not wish to
shock the feelings of our readers by entering into the minutiæ of the
infamous conduct practised by the Prince of Wales and his courtiers.
Well might the prince, in his memorable letter to the princess in the
preceding year, say, "Our inclinations are not suited to each other." He
was correct; they were not suited; neither did the Princess Caroline
ever desire they should be, because General Lee could testify that the
prince had _more propensities than propriety suggested_!
In this most pressing and trying case, when the mind of the Princess of
Wales was wrought up to the greatest point of agony, she resolved upon
an interview with the queen, when her royal highness told her, that
Carlton House could no longer be inhabited by her, as the infamous
scenes she was too often obliged to witness were of a description so
notoriously abominable, that common decency was grossly outraged! Her
majesty supported the right of the prince to choose his own associates,
and at the same time stated, as her opinion, that it was very
disagreeable to the prince to have her in town at all, and it was proper
the princess should remove to some distance agreeable to herself, where
the prince might not be under the necessity of meeting her, when he had
occasion to spend any time at the palace.
It will readily be presumed, the princess left the presence of the
haughty queen with a heart full of disappointment and chagrin. Her royal
highness found herself surrounded by persons on whose confidence she
could not depend; because every one appeared in awe of the queen. She
was also neglected and insulted by the prince, who ought to have been
the first to protect her; but the smile of her infant still cheered her
gloomy moments.
This was the most disastrous period of the war: the Bank of England
stopped payment; mutinies broke out in the army and navy, which were
attended by much bloodshed; Ireland was on the verge of rebellion; and
the sum required for the year's service amounted to the abominable and
increased sum of FORTY-TWO MILLIONS OF MONEY, of which thirty-four
millions were raised by loans, and three millions by Exchequer Bills.
The premier also proposed to extort seven millions from the people by a
new impost, under the name of "the triple assessment!"
The year
1798
presented a continuation of grievances amongst most classes in humble
life. Revelry and uproarious riot, however, were ever to be found in the
residences of the royal, yet unnatural, husband of the Princess of
Wales; and each succeeding year seemed but to _improve_ him in all sorts
of infamous engagements. He had at his command some of the most
desperate and inhuman characters by which society was ever debased. One
in particular, M'Mahon, who would at any time seduce a female from her
home, under some specious pretence, in order to take her as a prize to
his master, whose favour thereby might be secured!
The intrigues of the Duke of York were also of a most abandoned
character; and the other brothers _merit_ some notice in the "Annals of
Infamy!" During Frederick's residence in Germany, he contracted habits
and indulged in excesses abhorrent to human nature, and we should be
spared much deep humiliation, as Englishmen, if we had not occasion to
recur again to these sickening facts; but the recording angel of TRUTH
forbids our silence, and we must not, therefore, disobey her mandate.
1799
will be remembered, and reference made to it, as long as humanity can
reflect upon the desolations and calamities occasioned by war. The
earth, in many quarters, was covered with "killed and wounded," while
the money of the tax-payers paid the _legal assassins_!
In the mean time, the minister at home was racking his brains how new
taxes might be levied, to supply the means for the continuation of
carnage. Property, liberty,--nay, even life itself, were deemed toys in
the hands of Mr. Pitt, whose passions seemed to centre in rapine,
enmity, and ambition. His heart was steeled against the cry of the widow
and the plaintive sigh of the destitute orphan. The queen's account in
the day of retribution must also be rather enormous, for the minister
acted in concert with her in this complicated trickery. Mr. Pitt and the
queen seemed to think their only part consisted in draining the
resources of the people to their last ability, and in refusing all
overtures of peace, whatever offers might be made.
This year, France made proposals of peace with these kingdoms, which
were _refused_, and war, desolating war, with all its attendant and
consequent horrors, still reared its "gory banners" over the principal
part of the world!
We will leave the contemplation of this heart-rending subject, and turn
to another, scarcely less revolting to humanity,--the conduct of the
Prince of Wales,--whose court was generally filled with a host of
harlots. His royal highness was anxious to get rid of the princess (his
wife) entirely, and most heartily did the queen concur in his wishes.
The difficult part of the task was, the consideration and organization
of those measures most likely to promote the desired end. The Princess
of Wales' letters, addressed to her family in Brunswick, had many times
been opened, and, not unfrequently, even _suppressed_! So that her
persecutions were now commenced.
The princess was too open and ingenuous in character to obtain the
queen's approbation, and therefore, after the several repulses which she
had received from her majesty, Caroline was justly incensed at her
uncalled-for unprovoked haughtiness, and overbearing manners. The
unsuspecting nature of the Princess of Wales, however, prevented her
from being aware of the infamous snares laid for her destruction at this
period. Her royal highness has many times been heard to say, "Had I been
suspicious, pray what should I not have feared? The queen, from the
first time I saw her, frowned upon me, and very little I said or did
pleased her; so I never thought I was an object of any consequence to
her majesty." These were the reasonings of native, unsophisticated
feelings, and well would it have been for the queen if her heart had
been equally open, and her language equally candid.
The year
1800
was a continuation of dissension and discord, both at home and abroad.
Twice in this year the king's life was attempted; once in Hyde Park, and
again, on the same evening, at Drury-lane Theatre; the first being by a
ball cartridge, and the latter by a pistol. In the court, the same
lavish display as formerly was continued, and the royal means were not
curtailed. It was _said_, that the king declined having more than one
course served up, but this was merely _nominal_; indeed, if it were as
stated, the country did not benefit much by the change, as the
allowances to royalty were, in many instances, very much increased,
instead of being decreased.
Such was the scarcity of provisions this year, that the generality of
the population existed upon a scanty portion of potatoes during the
twenty-four hours. Bread was not within the power of the poor to obtain,
as the quartern loaf, mixed with all sorts of deleterious ingredients,
sold for twenty-one pence!
This year was rendered of immortal memory by the union of Ireland with
England, which was effected by a profuse distribution of _money_ and
_titles_. Oh! disgrace to the Irish nation, ye servile few, who could
sell your country for selfish ends! To yield up "name and fame," and all
that is dear to honesty, for the sake of an "empty sound!"
The amounts required for this and the last year were nearly the same as
for 1798.
In the early part of the year
1801,
it was announced that the king had taken a severe cold, while hunting,
and, in consequence, was not able to visit the several concerts to which
he had previously given the promise of his attendance and patronage; but
his indisposition was _mental_, not bodily. His majesty was so
exceedingly distressed at the base and unworthy conduct of his son to
his niece, the Princess of Wales, that he said frequently, "It is more
than a father can bear!" Many times would he order his horse to be
brought, and, requesting his attendants not to follow him, pursue his
way towards Blackheath, where the princess then resided, sympathizing
with her sorrows, and, more especially, in the intended removal of her
child; for even at this early period, when the Princess Charlotte was
but four years of age, the queen would signify her commands that the
child should pass some days with her, either in London or Windsor,
whichever happened to be most convenient to her majesty.
Notwithstanding the extreme scarcity of money and the high price of
food, the queen and the younger branches of her family continued to give
their splendid entertainments, as expense was the last consideration
with the royal brood, when it was known the country supplied the means.
Oh! John Bull, thy gullibility has, for above half a century, been
_more_ than proverbial!
On the 29th of October, the king opened the house in person, and
announced the conclusion of war. Parliament then adjourned till after
the Christmas recess. England now exhibited the effects of an eight
years' war; the national debt had been DOUBLED, and internal distress
had become general; the poor were in a state bordering on starvation,
and commerce had the prospect of every foreign port being shut against
it; while the supplies required for the year amounted to nearly FORTY
MILLIONS.
The year
1802
was ushered in under the greatest embarrassments. The vitals of the
people were nearly destroyed by the enormous taxation they had endured
for so many years, and it was doubtless owing to the intolerable load
they had sustained, and still expected to have forced upon them, that
independent sentiments were proclaimed. They had a right to condemn the
usurping power of the queen, for producing all their troubles.
The recess having terminated, the House met. The chancellor came forward
to shew that the sovereign's pecuniary affairs were very much in arrear.
After introducing his plan of finance, he was obliged to inform the
House that certain taxes had been mortgaged by Mr. Pitt, (_who had now
resigned_) for which the present minister must provide. To defray this
expense, very heavy additional duties were imposed on beer, malt, hops,
&c. A considerable addition was also made to the assessed taxes, and
upon imports and exports. At this period, the whole of the "funded
debt," including the loans of the present year, amounted to _five
hundred and forty millions_, and the interest was annually _seventeen
millions sterling_!
On the 7th of May, Mr. Nichol moved that an address be presented to his
majesty, thanking him for the removal of Mr. Pitt from his councils,
when Lord Belgrave rose, and moved an amendment, expressive of the high
approbation of that House respecting the character and conduct of the
late minister and his colleagues! In the face of all opposition, Lord
Belgrave's amendment was carried by more than _four to one_, as also a
second motion, by Sir H. Mildmay, "that the _thanks_ of the House be
given to the Right Hon. Mr. Pitt." This was assurance in perfection!
These discussions only seemed to increase Mr. Pitt's popularity, and on
the occasion of his next birth-day, Earl Spencer, late first lord of the
Admiralty, gave as a toast to the company, "the pilot that weathered the
storm," instead of "the pilot who _gathered_ the storm!"
In the latter part of this year, much fear was excited, lest hostilities
should again arise between France and England, on account of the
ascendency of Buonaparte.
At the commencement of the year
1803,
the unhappy king, by the desire of his overbearing wife, directed a
message to the House, recommending "the embarrassed state of the Prince
of Wales to their attention," and, in consequence, sixty thousand
pounds annually were further settled upon his royal highness, to
continue for three years and a half. This sum, however, was not half
sufficient to meet his lavish engagements; and therefore Mr. Calcraft
had the hardihood to move, that "means be granted to enable the prince
to resume his state and dignity!" But this inconsistent and insulting
motion was "_too bad_," and, in defiance of even the boroughmongers, was
negatived.
The supplies voted for the public service this year amounted to above
FIFTY-SIX MILLIONS! We really wonder of what materials Englishmen were
composed to allow such iniquitous grants.
Ministers again declared war with France, and men and money were in no
inconsiderable request. The French Consul possessed himself of Hanover,
and threatened an invasion of England, which frightened ministers to put
the country in a state of defence. But was not this a political _ruse_?
Mr. Addington was not so popular as his predecessor in the capacity of
minister; he had not so much hardihood as Mr. Pitt, and was not
calculated to endure the load of obloquy which he received, as he
considered himself free from the charge of having destroyed the
prospects of his country by the immense debt then contracted; for that
was the arrangement of Mr. Pitt. Mr. Addington was merely a _tool_ in
the hands of others.
Those who knew the intricate and perplexed state of affairs within the
court were only able to judge how long Mr. Addington's ministry would
continue, and also, WHY it was brought into action. Alas! not merely or
intentionally to satisfy the liberal politicians, or to change any part
of the long misrule of the former minister. Widely opposite were the
motives which proved the main-spring to the meditated result. The queen
again intended to press the king for an increase of income, to a serious
amount, for her favourite spendthrift, and she asked the minister how it
might be best attained. The plan was therefore concerted, and as Pitt
dared not so soon again ask for further advances, a new minister _might_
be induced to do it, if shielded by the royal message.
If such conduct were not juggling and acting with the most abominable
treachery and hypocrisy, we must for ever give up our claim to the
possession of one iota of common understanding. As we proceed, we will
explain to the gentle or indignant reader, whichever he may be, in what
way our enormous "national debt," as it is called, was contracted, when
we have no doubt that he will be as incensed as ourselves, and will be
ready to exclaim, "Was this the policy pursued by that paragon of her
sex, Queen Charlotte?--she who was at all times revered for her _piety_,
and admired for her inexpressible and _unspotted virtue_!" Yes, reader,
the very same; the only difference is, you have formerly beheld her in
_borrowed_ plumes,--_we_ present her in _her own_!
Let us here recur to the consideration of the treatment, exercised
against the Princess of Wales by her abominable husband and his
vindictive mother. We formerly alluded to some confidential
communications made by her to his majesty. The suspicious and mean
characters then placed about her person reported to the queen every
interview which the king had with his daughter-in-law, and maliciously,
represented the imprudence of such an intimacy. From this time, the
Prince of Wales _professed_ to believe his father was _improperly_
interested in the cause of the princess, and spies were placed in
various situations, to give notice of all visits the princess received
and paid. Notwithstanding, the plotters' most ardent wishes were
disappointed, and they could not fix upon any action, which they were
able to prove, to affect her honour or virtue. In the mean time,
Caroline's only child was removed from her, without the enjoyment of
whose endearing society life was a mere blank.
In proportion as the prince was applauded, and the queen supported him,
so was the princess abused and insulted. With respect to pecuniary
affairs, every honest and upright person saw the strange disproportion
in the incomes of the several members of the family; for the princess,
who had to keep an entirely distinct and separate establishment at her
sole expense, was allowed no more than twenty-two thousand pounds per
annum, while the other members, who were chiefly expensive to the king,
had their salaries granted without reference to this subject. Yet it was
expected that the etiquette of rank should be maintained, and with an
equal ostentatious display as if means were proportionately provided to
defray such expenses. Although living upon the establishment of the
king, the queen's real independent income was fifty-eight thousand
pounds a year! Ought we not to ask why the princess was thus neglected
and shamefully insulted?--left in debt, and in extreme perplexity of
circumstances, for which the family must ever be considered mean and
unjust? How was her royal highness to act in such a trying case? If she
had retired to _private_ life, her enemies would have pronounced her an
improper person to retain the high station which she had formerly
occupied. If appearances were to be maintained, and royal splendour
continued, she must mix with _certain_ society, and debt be the
inevitable consequence. The princess felt there were points, beyond
which a virtuous, insulted female could not shew forbearance; and she,
therefore, resolved no longer to endure the galling yoke of oppression,
without farther explanation.
We now proceed to the year
1804,
which commenced amidst much political dissension at home, and
preparations for increasing desolation abroad.
His majesty's health now became very indifferent, and, in February, an
official bulletin announced his malady. It was reported to be a very
slight attack; though we are sorry to say it was, to the king,
productive of great pain and agitation of mind by the misrule of the
queen, and the improprieties of his family! Little did the nation at
large imagine that the family of the sovereign (to whose individual
income they had so promptly and munificently contributed) were the
causes of his acute anxieties! His sons were deeply embarrassed by PLAY,
their female connexions chiefly of the most abandoned character, and
their engagements in the world, generally speaking, far beyond their
powers to discharge. His daughters were also composed of the FRAILTIES
of human nature. Born and educated in a court, under the severe tuition
of their mother, they believed themselves of superior worth. The
pleasures and enjoyments of life were ever waiting for their
acquiescence, and their exercise on horseback, attended by _certain_
persons, occupying _certain_ stations in life, afforded them a variety
of opportunities for conversation, in which the _softest subjects_ met
the ear!
At this period also, the king's already-distracted mind was farther
embittered by what he considered the loss of virtue in one of his
daughters; and the agony he endured, lest the circumstance should
transpire to the public, would defy any language to depict.
After calmness, in some measure, was restored to his majesty's wounded
feelings, his health gradually improved, and, on the 29th of March, he
was declared to be convalescent.
On the resignation of Mr. Addington, Mr. Pitt again assumed the reins of
government, and appointed his _protégé_, Mr. Canning, treasurer of the
navy. Why do not the many biographers of this political character
explain the reason, if every thing were fair and straightforward, of his
quitting office in 1801, because the Catholic question was forbidden to
be mentioned, and returning to it in 1804, under an express stipulation
that no member of the government should agitate it contrary to the royal
inclination? Was the promise that had been given only binding for _three
years_? Was Mr. Canning's secession from office a trick? Was his return
to it a sacrifice,--a sacrifice of honour and principle,--to the
miserable gratification of obtaining _power_? Alas! the public had
little to thank Mr. Canning for; but they knew not, at that time, his
love of place and pension.
In October, it was said the king and prince were _reconciled_; but the
substance of that reconciliation was not made known to the nation. The
queen had resolved to oblige her favourite son, and promote his wishes,
by finally relieving him from any farther engagements with the princess,
his wife; though of the various abominable schemes then in action, the
king was kept entirely ignorant.
In this year, the health of Mr. Pitt began to fail; his ardour seemed
cooled, and he experienced short intervals of extreme debility and pain.
In the year
1805,
certain existing evils rendered it needful and expedient, in the
opinion of the ministry, that the English nation _should fear_ an
invasion from Buonaparte. We will say WHY they deemed it necessary.
Because the burdens of the poor were already immense, and it was
requisite to give an _excuse_ for stripping thousands of families of
their scanty apparel, their few mean and simple articles of furniture,
and their humble home, for the purpose of enabling the "hydra-headed
monster" of corruption to pursue his unlimited course over this insulted
nation! And what could be better to effect this object than alarming the
country with the fear of an invasion? The diabolical scheme too fatally
succeeded!
In order to strengthen the power of the queen at this period, Mr. Pitt
renewed his connexion with Mr. Addington, who was raised to the peerage
by the title of _Viscount Sidmouth_, and succeeded the Duke of Portland
as president of the council.
The minister, Mr. Pitt, cool as he was on many iniquitous subjects,
could not avoid feeling pangs of remorse at the continual impositions he
was _compelled_ by the queen to make (in various shapes) upon the
people. His unbending pride, however, would not permit him to name his
uneasiness to her majesty, as he well knew her inflexible temper and
disposition would not permit her to receive _any opinion_ in preference
to her own. He soon resigned his earthly vexation upon this point, as he
became so indisposed as not to be able to attend his political affairs,
and was obliged to seek for repose in retirement from active life.
At the commencement of the year
1806,
parliament was opened by commission; but the usual address was omitted,
on account of the absence of the minister, who, as before stated, was
then seriously indisposed.
On the 23rd of January, Mr. Pitt expired, in the forty-seventh year of
his age. He was said to have died insolvent. Be this as it may, forty
thousand pounds were voted as a plea to discharge his debts, as well as
means to defray the expenses of his funeral! Probably this was the best
laid-out money of the ministry for some time past. If the occasion had
occurred twenty years before, what an immense saving it had produced the
country!
The public life of Mr. Pitt will afford no room for praise to the
faithful and just historian. When the errors and praises of his
biographers shall have lost their force, future generations will behold
his character in its native colours. He must then appear either in the
light of an ungrateful hypocrite, or submit to the only alternative of
being reckoned a man of contracted mind. Even in private life, he was
not more amiable nor exemplary. The ministerial system which he had laid
down pervaded the internal economy of all his actions. He appeared to
imagine true dignity consisted in a coolness and reserve, (probably
acquired from his queen) that banished every suitor from his presence;
nor did he ever suffer a case of distress, however just or pressing the
claims might be, to divert him from the routine of office, or to extort
the least relief or comfort from himself. Negligent and careless in his
domestic concerns, he never permitted a single ray of generosity to
burst forth to animate the general frost of his character. He retained
his natural sullenness and reserve; even in the best moments of
convivial mirth, he never displayed a flexibility of disposition, or an
openness to conviction. Often as he was obliged to submit to the decrees
of necessity, whereon he imagined his continuance in office depended,
yet he never had the candour to acknowledge the weakness of any measure,
originating in himself, that brought on that necessity. But what a
departure was this from the principles of his illustrious ancestor, the
Earl of Chatham, who would never crouch to the authority of any
sovereign or cabinet, when militating against his own more enlightened
judgment. He resisted bribery, and generally succeeded in his views, or,
if baffled, resigned his office. The son of this nobleman, however,
pursued far different maxims, and pertinaciously clung to the douceurs
and infamy of office; for _infamous_ it most certainly was, to practice
measures his own sentiments condemned. Never did man accede to power on
more just or noble principles, and never did man forsake those
principles with less reserve. He forgot all obligations, and at a happy
crisis, when he might have availed himself of the occasion of honorably
fulfilling them, in advancing the liberty and happiness of the country,
he was eternally launching out into vapid and unmeaning encomiums on
the boasted excellencies of the British constitution, instead of
adhering to his solemn contract, of exerting all his influence and
abilities to reform its blemishes. With all the failings of this
minister, his caution and plausibility were admirably calculated to
entrap the confidence of the landed and monied interest, and he turned
it to the best account, labouring with all his zeal to inculcate a
belief of the flourishing state of the national finances, enforcing
every circumstance tending to confirm this belief, and concealing every
truth that would serve to diminish or destroy it. Will not such a man,
then, be regarded by posterity as a time-server and an apostate?
After the death of Mr. Pitt, Mr. Fox joined the ministry; and, at the
same time, Lord Sidmouth continued a member of the cabinet! But Mr. Fox
did not retain his situation long. His health soon after declined, and
he died on the 13th of September following.
Of this great statesman, we may say, "take him for all in all, we ne'er
shall look upon his like again." He was an unbending patriot; possessed
of great political ability, and loved, as well as advocated, the cause
of LIBERTY. Light and shade, however, were mixed in Mr. Fox's picture.
He permitted private friendship, in one instance, to over-balance his
public duty. We refer to the language used by him in the House of
Commons, in April, 1787, which must have been against his conscience. He
there _denied_ the marriage between the Prince of Wales and Mrs.
Fitzherbert, when, in fact, _he assisted at that very marriage_; but,
because he had engaged secrecy to the prince, he thought proper to utter
a direct falsehood rather than break his promise upon the subject!
Mr. Pitt's death was an unpleasant consequence to the usurping queen,
and perhaps impelled the ardour of her determination to get her
favourite son's divorce from his injured wife settled as soon as
possible. The scheme for this purpose, which seemed most practicable,
was the obtaining some document as evidence _against the moral character
of the princess_. By the queen's express desire, therefore, Lady Douglas
had removed her abode, nearly six years previously, close to Blackheath,
and was purposely employed to invent some dishonourable report against
the princess.
The Princess of Wales accidentally and innocently (on her part) became
acquainted with this lady, and from that period no pains were spared, on
the part of Lady Douglas and her husband, to increase that acquaintance,
until their diabolical object should be attained. The most assiduous
attentions and extravagant pains were used to entrap the generous mind
of the princess; but as the object in view proved of a very difficult
nature, so did the means for its accomplishment become equally numerous.
This intimacy commenced in 1801, and terminated in 1804; and during that
period did these base designing slanderers and ungrateful guests, by
secret application, obtain an opportunity to vilify, outrage, and
insult the princess, in connexion with _nearly_ every branch of the
royal family, who were too closely united in one general interest not to
assist each other.
The only patriotic members, the Dukes of Kent and Sussex, appeared much
wrought upon by the specious and abominable fabrication brought forward
by these unprincipled, time-serving, and heartless enemies of Caroline.
Although their statements and depositions were taken so fully, and
examined so closely,--although the prince pursued the subject with such
unfeeling barbarity,--yet the princess was acquitted, most honourably
acquitted. Indeed, to any rational inquirer, the wickedness of the
Douglas statement was, beyond doubt, most palpable. It was full of
improbabilities, of contradictions, and absurdities, which well merited
punishment. Had a similar insult or a flagrant transgression been
offered to the royal family in the person of any _other than the
Princess of Wales_, would not the whole royal phalanx, headed by the
queen, have arisen in defence of their _illustrious_ and _virtuous_
house? Nay, would not the insulting falsehoods and infamous assertions
have been proved treasonable? Yes, undoubtedly; but, because the injured
Princess of Wales was the INTENDED VICTIM OF A CONSPIRACY, although so
gloriously acquitted, yet no prosecution of her traducers followed;
neither did any branch of the royal family exemplify one pleasurable
feeling upon the conclusion of this disgracefully-iniquitous business!
Their chagrin was much more evident!
As if in this year a deluge of sadness and sorrow, in addition to all
other trials and injuries, were to fall upon the persecuted Caroline,
she had to suffer the heavy and irreparable loss of her father, William,
Duke of Brunswick, at the memorable battle of Jena, October 14th, in the
seventy-first year of his age.
The character of the venerable Duke of Brunswick is beyond praise; "his
NAME shall be his _monument_!" If at any period the Princess of Wales
needed the kind and soothing balm of friendship, it was at this trying
juncture. Her friends were few in number, and their friendship was of an
evanescent description. They sometimes professed their readiness to
serve her, and eulogised her greatness of mind and talent; yet, when
brought to the point by public opinion and inquiry, they very generally
expressed their sentiments _equivocally_, or with some portion of
hesitation calculated to injure, rather than benefit, the cause they
professed to serve. Mr. Canning and Mr. Whitbread were two of these
_particular_ kind of friends, as our after history will abundantly
testify.
How wretched must have been the Princess Charlotte at this period, who
was nearly deprived of all communication with her affectionate mother,
and without one friend to whom she could freely speak of her sorrows and
anxious wishes!
The year
1807
commenced with selfish men in office, who contrived selfish measures
for the continued purposes of corruption.
The king now became very imbecile; and the queen and the Prince of Wales
intimidated him from acting honourably towards the Princess of Wales, as
he had so committed himself by his fatal act of BIGAMY. As his mind
became proportionately depressed by the perplexities of his situation,
so did his conduct become more influenced as they desired it; until, at
length, he proved a mere automaton, to be moved at their pleasure!
In any case of vital importance to character, delay is dangerous;
because it causes suspicion, suspicion begets mistrust, and so on do
these injurious sentiments proceed, until, ere the time of trial
arrives, the injured party has suffered unjustly in a two-fold way. Thus
it was in the case of the unfortunate Caroline. To oblige the queen, his
majesty postponed seeing his daughter-in-law as long as it suited the
views of the designers against her happiness.
From the active part which Mr. Perceval had taken in defence of the
princess, especially in his book, which made much noise in the world at
this time, the queen thought it prudent to advise his being accommodated
with office. She made her will known to the prince, who was very happy
to concur in the suggestion, but only feared an obstacle in Mr.
Perceval's _rigid virtue_. This, however, was not insurmountable, and
Mr. Perceval was made "Chancellor of the Exchequer;" Mr. Canning,
"Secretary for Foreign Affairs;" and Lord Castlereagh, "Secretary for
the Department of War and the Colonies." Thus were two of the former
advocates of the Princess of Wales enlisted under the banners of her
most deadly enemies! As to the _honor_ they derived from their base
desertion of the cause of innocence, we leave our readers to judge.
The Prince of Wales, at this juncture, made no secret of his diabolical
intentions; for we well know that he has frequently raised the goblet to
his lips, and drank "TO THE SPEEDY DAMNATION OF THE PRINCESS." It was
very perceptible that the royal party were well aware of the injustice
practised towards the princess; but, charity being a virtue of little
worth in their ideas, they resolved to carry their plans into execution,
no matter at what cost.
The least the late _friends_ of the princess could do was, to remain
_silent_; but human beings can articulate sounds, and be oppositely
communicative with their optical faculties. An individual, who accepts
_place_ amongst those whom he formerly professed to despise, renders
himself an object of suspicion, if not of detestation.
For the present, we abstain from further remarks upon these two late
principal friends of the persecuted Princess of Wales.
Upon hearing of the Duke of Brunswick's death, the king could do no less
than solicit the duchess, his sister, to visit England. As the country
around her was in a deplorable state, and feeling desirous to see her
daughter, she determined to accept the invitation, and arrived at the
house of the Princess of Wales, at Blackheath, on the 7th of July, in
one of her royal highness' carriages.
The injured Caroline was so overpowered at this interview as to cause
the duchess much serious disquiet; for she plainly saw that her daughter
had great cause for sorrow, the particulars of which she was yet
ignorant. The princess afterwards appeared soothed; and this short
interview, cheered by a fond mother's presence, proved a solace to her
lacerated heart.
The king went from Windsor to see his sister, and the queen also from
St. James' Palace; the Princess Charlotte, and several other members of
the family, paid their respects to the duchess.
Thus, though common or decent attention was refused the daughter, while
mourning over her early misfortunes and recent losses, yet, when her
mother arrived, some little regard must be paid to _etiquette_, although
the daughter _was to receive the visiters_. But so it was. Poor Queen
Charlotte, how hard it was for her to vouchsafe or condescend to let
fall one smile upon Caroline!
After the opportunity this visit afforded the Princess Charlotte, the
mother and daughter were of necessity explicit, and they mourned over
the seeming hard destiny each was doomed to experience.
During the remainder of this year, the king became more and more
incapacitated for business of any sort; he could not even distinguish
any object by either its colour or size, and was led from one place to
another as if in the last stage of blindness. The long-continued
distractions of his mind, and the anxiety yet remaining, caused his
rational moments to be most gloomy. His favourite daughter was incurably
diseased with a scrofulous disorder, from which she suffered dreadfully,
and nature seemed fast declining. Throughout the whole of his family,
the poor monarch had but little gratification, as every individual
composing it was separately under her majesty's controul. To have
contradicted _her_ order or command would have been attended with no
very pleasant consequences. Her _look_ was sufficient to frighten every
one into obedience!
We now enter upon the year
1808,
in which the session of parliament was opened by commission, on the 21st
of January, the king's indisposition preventing him from going in
person.
At this period, a very strong sensation was excited against the
continuance of the pension list. The productive classes ascertained, in
a very correct way, how the fruits of their industry were devoured. In
consequence of which, they felt themselves imposed upon in the highest
degree; but resolved to try rational entreaty and petition ere they
resorted to acts of violence. The number of these dissatisfied classes,
in every large town, was immensely great, and they only needed _system_
to obtain, by their SIMPLE PETITION, what they so much desired; but the
authorities knew the incapacitated state of the sufferers, in the
absence of that _system_, and therefore very ungenerously refused their
appeal.
In March, the City of London (John Ansley, mayor) petitioned both Houses
for parliamentary reform, and the abolition of sinecure places and
pensions; but they received the expense attendant upon their exertions
for their reward, and the mortification of the ministers' apathy for
their satisfaction. Popular indignation, however, is not so easily
allayed; for, though extreme appearances may for a time be concealed,
they will eventually break forth with ten-fold force. The public
reasoned upon a rational ground, and was fully aware that their strength
was spent to support _enemies_. Their resolve to petition for freedom
was the dictate of an unerring and fixed principle, ever inherent in the
breast of man. The blandishments of folly, and the encouragement given
to imposition, have rendered the industrious and honest citizen a prey
to the lordlings of arbitrary power; and so long as he can assist to
supply means whereby their cravings may be satisfied, so long do they
seem to suppose he lives to a sufficient purpose. Under these
circumstances, the oppressed classes were perfectly justified in making
a stand against farther innovation; and also in resisting the
intolerable injustice in force against them. Still the administration
continued inexorable to the pressing prayers and miserable condition of
the people. The political disease, however, was rapidly advancing to a
crisis.
Similar distress and dissatisfaction existed at the commencement of the
year
1809:
provisions were dear, and labour scarce; yet an additional sum was
required for the state, to uphold its _secret_ machinations, and pervert
the ends of justice.
It will be remembered that, in this year, the celebrated Mrs. Mary Ann
Clark, formerly a mistress of the Duke of York, appeared at the bar of
the House of Commons, as evidence against him. Mr. Wardle, with an
intrepidity worthy of the cause in which he was engaged, took upon
himself the awful responsibility of preferring those serious charges
against the duke, which it were unnecessary for us here to repeat. The
public officers of the king volunteered their services to rescue his
royal highness from public odium by denominating the proceeding as a
_conspiracy_! In spite, however, of every artifice which a knowledge of
the law enables bad men to practice to defeat the ends of justice, there
were exposed to public view scenes of the grossest corruption, of the
most abandoned profligacy, of the most degrading meanness, and of the
most consummate hypocrisy. The contagion had reached every department of
the state; nor was the church exempted from its baneful influence. It
was fully proved that, not only subordinate situations, but even
deaneries and bishoprics (which had been supposed to be the rewards of
piety and learning) were applied for to his royal highness, through the
intervention of his mistress! A great majority of the boroughmongers, of
course, acquitted the duke from these charges, and talked of voting an
address of thanks to him for the manner in which he discharged his
official duties. Fortunately, however, the mode of investigation adopted
enabled every man in the kingdom to judge for himself. Englishmen, for
once, spoke out, and the duke was compelled to resign. This step on the
part of the _illustrious_ debauchee prevented further exposure, and
saved him from the severe and heavy weight of being _voted out of
office_, and degraded! Behold, then, reader, what the principles of Pitt
achieved! That minister always persuaded the male branches of the
family, that the queen's protection (through the medium of the minister)
would prove at all times a sufficient retreat and asylum, in case of
complaint or _refractory sensation_ of the people at their frequent
derelictions from duty and honor.
The fluctuations of the public funds was an opportune chance for
speculation, and the queen's love of money induced her to turn her
sources of information to the best account; she therefore acted in
concert with her broker, and immediately, upon any rise taking place,
she "sold out," and when gloom overspread the market, she "bought in."
By this speculation alone, the Duke of Kent acknowledged that his mother
realized _four hundred thousand pounds_! At the same period, her majesty
had another excellent speculation in hand; namely, the profits arising
from the sale of cadetships for the East Indies. Dr. Randolph and Lady
Jersey were the chief managers of these affairs, though her majesty
received the largest portion of the spoil. Dr. Randolph himself
acknowledged, that the queen had realized _seventy thousand pounds_ upon
this traffic alone! In one transaction with a candidate for a cadetship,
an enormous premium was required, and the applicant was very much
incensed, as it appeared to him to be nothing less than a bold
imposition. He expostulated; but Dr. Randolph made short of the affair
by refusing any further communication upon the subject. For once, Dr.
Randolph forgot his own interest, as also the _public character_ and
_safety_ of his royal mistress. The gentleman, shortly afterwards, was
visiting a friend in Paris, when the conversation turned upon the
English constitution, and the immense revenues of the kingdom. The
friend spoke in raptures upon the liberal feelings and generous
provisions exercised and provided towards, and for all, aspirants to
honor. At length, the visiter could no longer conceal his mortification
and chagrin, and he candidly explained every particular of his
correspondence with Dr. Randolph, in which her majesty's name was as
freely introduced as the doctor's. The astonishment and surprise of his
friend were great indeed, and he recommended him _to publish the whole
affair_ in France, and circulate it through the surrounding kingdoms. A
printer was sought for, who required a certain time to determine the
risk he should run in the undertaking; this was accordingly granted, and
the parties separated. As soon as the person intended to be employed
found the consequence attached to it, he communicated the important
information to a solicitor, of some eminence, in London, to whom he had
formerly been known. The affair was subsequently made known to the
queen's youngest son, and by him the queen was fully acquainted with the
probability of public exposure. An overwhelming infamy she well knew
would be inseparably attached to it. Her majesty had been accustomed to
deception, but hitherto she had not feared detection; but the moment of
her fancied security was the moment most likely to prove fatal to her
existence as a queen.
The Duke of Kent was unremitting in his exertions to obtain a settlement
of this nefarious affair, and _twenty thousand pounds_ were actually
paid for the _correspondence_, and _two thousand pounds_ given by the
queen (through the medium of the duke) to the person who effected the
settlement of the business, under the provision "that that business
might never transpire to the public." His royal highness was too well
aware of the general disposition of the queen, and her avaricious
character, not to _affect satisfaction_ at the high price her majesty
paid for silencing this unpleasant affair. It may be inferred, that if
the queen had committed herself by such flagrant acts of injustice as
these, there might be many more dishonourable transactions of a minor
description, occurring nearly at the same period. Yes, the inference is
correct, for her majesty was truly born and bred a German!
We will relate another instance of Queen Charlotte's ungenerous
conduct. She had the superintendence of the education of her daughters,
as far as related to the choice of their preceptors. Her majesty
appointed a very clever and scientific gentleman, who resided in London,
to teach herself and the six princesses--geography, astronomy,
arithmetic, and the nature of the _funds_. Besides which, he was asked,
as a _favour_, to settle the very deranged accounts of the princesses.
This accomplished and worthy gentleman also held of Princess Elizabeth a
bond for ten thousand pounds. After dancing attendance upon these
_illustrious_ individuals for twenty-six years, without receiving any
remuneration, though he had frequently pressed for payment of his
long-standing account, he again solicited a settlement with the queen;
but, as he only received abuse of an unmeasured description for his
pains, he determined to maintain himself and his large family out of the
profits of his private scholars, leaving the royal debt as a provision
for his children after him. His expenses were considerable in attending
the royal family, as he was always obliged to go full dressed in a bag
and silk stockings, to hire carriages to go down to Windsor, to live at
an inn, and to sleep there, if they chose to take lessons the two
following days, by which he was also often obliged to neglect and
disoblige his private scholars. For all this attendance, he received _no
remuneration whatever_; and Queen Charlotte had the heart to say, "I
think you have had remuneration sufficient by your youngest son
receiving a pension of eighty pounds a year for teaching the younger
princesses only writing!" The preceptor, however, still claimed _his
remuneration_, and was, at last, referred to the lawyers, who required
him to produce proofs of every lesson he gave, the day and the hour, for
twenty-six years! To their astonishment, he produced his diary, and such
clear accounts, that there was no contradicting them. But as lawyers are
never at a loss how to gain their ends, they next required him to
declare, upon oath, the name of each particular servant that had let him
in during the twenty-six years! This he could not do; and her majesty,
not to be behind the lawyers, advised they should plead the statute of
limitation! The lawyers, however, persuaded _her most excellent majesty_
that such a proceeding would be against her interest. After being
harassed about in this manner for a considerable time, the old,
care-worn, broken-hearted master was most injuriously persuaded to
suffer the business to be decided by _one_ arbitrator only, instead of
trusting to the laws of his country. The poor old gentleman never held
up his head afterwards, but always used to say he should leave all his
family beggars, which, alas! proved too true. He shortly after died at
his house in Manchester-street. He was a very worthy and an exceedingly
clever man. On one occasion, Mr. Pitt sent for him to solve some
difficulty in the finances of the country, for which none of the
ministers could account. He instantly set them all right by showing that
such an error was _possible_ to occur, though it very seldom did occur.
Besides the claims upon Queen Charlotte, the worthy preceptor had a bill
against the Princess Charlotte for eight hundred pounds. On applying to
the Prince of Wales for this money, he refused to pay it, and referred
him to the king, who was then quite deranged! The Princess of Wales knew
all these particulars, and told her daughter, the Princess Charlotte,
the desperate state of the poor man's family. Her royal highness spoke
to her uncle, the Duke of York, about it, who persuaded her that the
venerable master was an _old rogue_, who had robbed the princesses and
all the family, and her royal highness chose to believe him. That he was
a scientific man, his books and valuable mathematical instruments bore
ample testimony. These were sold after his death for eight thousand
pounds, which went to discharge his debts.
Many other instances might be recorded to prove the unfeeling and
barbarous behaviour of the queen; but this alone must be sufficient to
convince our readers how totally unfit her majesty was to reign over a
_free people_.
In the September of this year, Lord Castlereagh sent a challenge to Mr.
Canning, which was accepted; but the effects of the duel were not _very
serious_, though it subsequently led to the resignation of both. It is
hardly worth while, perhaps, to recur to this now-forgotten, and always,
as far as the public were concerned, insignificant business. Lord
Castlereagh acted as a vain and high-spirited man, who fancied his
confidence betrayed, his abilities called in question, and, like an
Irishman, saw but a short vista between an offence and a duel. Mr.
Canning, equally high-spirited, felt that he had got into a disagreeable
business, and that the fairest escape from it would be to fight his way
out. Lord Castlereagh's conduct, when we think of a sober and wise
statesman, is ridiculous. Mr. Canning's, when we picture to ourselves a
high-minded and frank-hearted gentleman, in spite of the _plausibility_
of explanations, is displeasing.
The wretched policy of this year required _fifty-four millions of money_
to support it.
1810
was ushered in under distressing and unsatisfactory circumstances. The
royal family were divided amongst themselves, and every branch seemed to
have a separate interest. Under these circumstances, it was not a matter
of surprise that _truth_ was now and then elicited; for it is a
veritable saying, that "when rogues fall out, honest men are gainers."
The king was at this time labouring under a severe attack of mental
aberration: the situation of the country, his children, and his own
peculiar sorrows, made impressions on his mind of the most grievous
description.
In a former work of our's, called "The Authentic Records of the Court of
England," we gave an account of the extraordinary and mysterious murder
of one Sellis, a servant of the Duke of Cumberland, which occurred this
year. In that account, we did what we conceived to be our duty as
historians,--we spoke the TRUTH! The truth, however, it appears, is not
always to be spoken; for his royal highness instantly commenced a
_persecution_ against us for a "malicious libel." We say _persecution_,
because almost every person is aware, that filing a criminal information
against an individual can be done only with a view of _preventing the
exposure of truth_, which, though such procedure be according to English
law, cannot be reconciled with the original intention of law, namely--to
do _justice_ both to the libelled and the libeller! In America, no such
monstrosities disgrace the statute-book; for there, if any person be
accused of _scandalum magnatum_, and can prove the truth of what he has
stated, he is honorably acquitted. Yet as we are not in America, but in
England,--the boasted _land of liberty_,--we must, forsooth, be seized
as _criminals_, merely because we wish to institute an inquiry into the
circumstances of the murder of an individual, whose assassin, or
assassins, have hitherto escaped the slippery hands of justice! We are
no cowards in regimentals, nor did we make our statement with a view of
slandering the royal pensioner. We would have willingly contended with
his royal highness in a court of law, if he had had the courage to have
met us on _fair grounds_. At the time we write this, we know not what
the judgment of Lord Tenterden,--we beg his lordship's pardon, we should
have said _the court_,--may be; but, whatever the punishment awarded, we
hope to meet it with that fortitude which never fails to uphold a man
"conscious of doing no wrong!" If the Duke of Cumberland, however,
imagines he can _intimidate_ us from speaking the _truth_ OUT OF COURT,
he has mistaken us. We are not, as we said in our first work, to be
prevented from doing whatever we conceive to be our duty. Though it may
not be in our power to prove _who_ was the murderer, the very suspicious
circumstances attending the death of poor Sellis fully warrant renewed
inquiry.
Passing over the various reports in circulation at the time of the
murder, we proceed to notice the very contradictory evidence brought
forward at the inquest. That we may not be accused of partiality, we
take the report of this _judicial_ proceeding from that Tory organ, "The
Morning Post," which, it will be observed, deals out its abuse with no
unsparing hand on the poor murdered man, whom it calls by the
_charitable_ appellation of _villain_, and sundry other hard names,
which had better suited the well-known characters of other persons, who
acted a prominent part in this foul business. After a few unmeaning
preliminaries had been performed,
"Mr. Adams addressed the jury, and informed them of the
violent attack that had been made upon the Duke of Cumberland;
and that there was very _little doubt but it was done by the
deceased_. He stated, the circumstances had been fully
investigated by the _privy council_ on Thursday, and that the
depositions of the numerous witnesses _had been taken before
Mr. Justice Read_, which he should read to them; after which
the witnesses would be called before them, and the depositions
would also be read to them, when they would have an
opportunity of altering or enlarging, and the jury could put
any question to them they thought fit."
In this address, some of the privileges of royalty are explained.
Because the murder had been committed in a palace, the privy council
must examine the witnesses _before_ they may be allowed to meet the
jury, and their depositions taken by a justice, under the influence of
the suspected party. The coroner may then tell the jury that there was
very _little doubt_ of the deceased person having attempted his master's
life, and afterwards cutting his own throat to avoid detection. Merciful
heaven! can this be called an impartial administration of justice? Are
such _careful_ proceedings ever adopted in the case of a poor man? To be
sure, the jury were told they might _ask any question they thought fit_;
but is it to be supposed that, after the INQUIRIES they had undergone,
the witnesses would let slip any thing likely to criminate themselves or
their royal master?
"The first affidavit that was read was that of his royal
highness the Duke of Cumberland, which stated, that about
half-past two o'clock on Thursday morning he received two
violent blows and cuts on his head; the first impression upon
his mind was, that _a bat had got into the room, and was
beating about his head_; but he was soon convinced to the
contrary by receiving a third blow. He then jumped out of bed,
when he received several more blows; from the _glimmering
light afforded from a dull lamp in the fire-place, and the
motion of the instrument that inflicted the wounds, they
appeared like flashes of lightning before his eyes. He made
for a door near the head of his bed_, leading to a small room,
to which the assassin followed him, and cut him _across his
thighs_. His royal highness not being able to find his
alarm-bell, which there is no doubt the _villain_ had
concealed, called with a loud voice for Neale (his valet in
waiting) several times, who came to his assistance; and
_Neale_, together with his royal highness, alarmed the house."
The blows of the assassin must have indeed been _slight_ to resemble "a
bat beating about the head of his royal highness;" but we cannot
understand how the _cut of a sword_ can bear any _similarity_ to the
beating of a little animal, like a bat! Poor Sellis, however, was but a
_little man_, and his weak arm might be still more enfeebled by the
consciousness of his ingratitude in attacking so _kind and liberal a
master_! Sellis had been the duke's page, or valet, for more than five
years, in daily, nay, almost hourly, personal communication with him;
and it must, therefore, appear very strange, if Sellis was really the
assassin, that his master did not _recognise him_! If the room was so
dark that the duke could not _see the person_ attacking him, it is
singular that the _assassin could see to strike his royal highness_, as
he did by "cutting him across his thighs, after he was out of bed!" As
the supposed murderer followed the duke, who thought it best to take to
his heels, we think his royal highness should have stated whether he
meant his thighs in _front_ or _behind_; but, of course, an examination
of the _scars_ would soon set this matter at rest! They would, no doubt,
be found _behind_, as it is _unreasonable_ to suppose that, in a _dark
room_, the _pursuer_ could have cut at the _pursued_ in front. The Duke
of Cumberland is a field-marshal, and a BRAVER man, IT IS SAID, never
entered the FIELD; but _in a dark room_, with a man little more than
half his weight, it would have been _cowardly_ to _fight_, particularly
as his royal highness might, IF HE HAD SO WISHED, have taken the weapon
out of Sellis' hand, and broken it about his head. No! no! the Duke of
Cumberland knew what was due to his honour better than to take so _mean_
an advantage of a _weak_ adversary, and therefore _coolly_ endeavoured
to ring his bell, that a more _suitable_ antagonist might be procured in
his valet _Neale_!
"Cornelius Neale, sworn.--He said he was valet to the Duke of
Cumberland, and that he was in close waiting upon his royal
highness on Wednesday night, and slept _in a bed in a room
adjoining the duke's bed-room_. A little before three o'clock,
he heard the duke calling out, 'Neale, Neale, I am murdered,
and the murderer is in my bed-room!' He went immediately to
his royal highness, and found him bleeding from his wounds.
The duke told him the door the assassin had gone out at; he
armed himself with a poker, and asked if he should _pursue_
him. The duke replied '_no_,' but to _remain with him_. After
moving a few paces, he stepped upon a _sword_; and, _although
in the dark_, he was convinced it was _covered with blood_; it
proved to be the _duke's own regimental sword_. _The duke and
witness then went to alarm the house, and got a light from the
porter._ The duke was _afraid the murderer was still in his
bed-room_. His royal highness was obliged to lean upon him
from the loss of blood, and he gave directions that no person
should be let out of the house. They called up the _witness'
wife_, who is the housekeeper, and told _her_ to call
_Sellis_. He then returned with the duke to his bed-room. At
that time the duke was very faint from the great loss of
blood. Upon examining the premises they found, in a second
adjoining small room, a pair of _slippers with the name of
Sellis on them_, and a dark lantern. The key of the closet was
in the inside of the lock, and, to his knowledge, the key had
not been in that state for _ten years_. He had reason to
believe the wounds of the duke had been given by a sword.
Sellis took out the duke's regimentals some time since, and
put them by again, but left out the _sword upon a sofa for two
or three days_. It is the same sword which he trod upon, and
it was in a bloody state.
"The foreman of the jury, (Mr. Place, of Charing Cross) asked
the witness if he thought the deceased had any reason to be
dissatisfied with the duke. He replied, on the contrary, he
thought Sellis had more reason to be _satisfied than any other
of the servants_; his royal highness had stood godfather for
one of his children, the Princess Augusta godmother. The duke
had shown him _very particular favour_ by giving him
apartments for his wife and family, with coals and candles.
"A juryman asked him if he ever heard the deceased complain of
the duke. The witness asked if he was obliged to answer that
question. The coroner informed him he must. He then stated
that about two or three years since the duke advanced their
board wages from 10_s._ 6_d._ a week to 14_s._, but at the
same time took off 3_s._ 6_d._, allowed for travelling. After
this regulation was adopted, a paper was drawn up by the
steward for the servants to sign, expressing their
satisfaction at the regulation, which the deceased _refused_
to sign, and said, 'he'd be d--d if he did, and none but
blackguards would sign it.' The steward told him the duke said
he must sign it, _or his wife and family must quit the
apartments he had given them_, as the rest of the servants had
signed it. He had never heard the deceased _complain_ since.
Within the last year, the _duke and royal family had been
extremely kind to him_. He had never given him an _angry
word_, although he had often made use of very _bad language to
him_; if he did, he never answered him. The deceased was of a
very malicious disposition. He would never be _contradicted_,
if he began a subject, for which reason he never wished to
have any conversation with him. He frequently quarrelled with
Mr. Paulet, one of the duke's servants, and fought with the
steward at Kew. Lately the deceased had a bad cold, and the
duke was so very _kind_ towards him in consequence, that he
took him _inside the carriage_ to Windsor. Sellis dressed the
duke on Wednesday night. _He had no doubt but Sellis intended
that he should be charged with being the murderer, to get him
out of the way._"
This Neale's evidence ought to be received with great caution. He slept
in the next room to the duke, and when called upon for his assistance,
stated his wish to pursue the murderer with a poker; but was prevented
by his master's "fear of being left alone!" In this _courageous_ offer
of Neale, however, he trampled upon a _sword_, which, although in _total
darkness, he was_ CONVINCED _was COVERED WITH BLOOD_!! We have no
intention to dispute _Neale's knowledge of this_, or that "it was his
master's own regimental sword!" There have been so many wonderful people
who could see AS WELL IN THE DARK AS IN THE LIGHT, and describe the
minutest particulars of an article as well with their EYES SHUT AS OPEN,
that we ought not to be surprised at any thing! Notwithstanding, many
persons WERE SURPRISED at the sagacity of Neale, not only in this, but
in many other particulars. If the duke, "covered with gore, accompanied
this servant to alarm the house," the traces of blood on the doors, &c.,
leading to _Sellis' room_, might be very _naturally accounted for_!
They, however, thought it better not to call Sellis THEMSELVES, but sent
NEALE'S WIFE TO DO IT!!! Although the duke pointed out to his
_confidential man_ the door through which the villain had ESCAPED, his
royal highness "felt afraid the murderer was STILL in his bed-room,"
which we have _no reason to doubt_! "A pair of slippers were left in an
adjoining room, with the name of SELLIS upon them." That Sellis left
them there, however, is rather IMPROBABLE; because it is natural to
suppose he would, if HE had been the murderer, have gone to his master's
room WITHOUT SLIPPERS, or shoes of any kind, to make as little noise as
possible. This circumstance, we are inclined to think, was a _planned
affair_, though badly executed; for we know that these slippers were
placed the _wrong way_,--a fact which will be hereafter proved. Through
the whole of Neale's evidence, not a word was said to show that Sellis
had the _least motive_ for murdering either the duke or himself. On the
contrary, "Sellis had every thing to expect from his master's living."
In concluding our remarks upon Neale's evidence, we point the attention
of our readers to the last sentence: "He had no doubt but Sellis
intended that he (Neale) should be charged with being the murderer, to
get him out of the way!" Now, as there was not the slightest evidence to
bear Neale out in this malicious assertion, we think, FOR HIS OWN SAKE,
he had much better have kept the expression to himself. Some of our
readers may not be aware of the _cause_ Sellis had given this
fellow-servant to hate him; but the following letter, addressed to B. C.
Stephenson, Esq., written by Sellis a few months before his death, will
elucidate this matter a little:
"_St. James', July 9th, 1809._
"SIR,--I am extremely anxious to know his royal highness'
decision concerning the evidence produced before you against
Mr. Neale, and I beg you, Sir, to have the goodness to relieve
me from this most disagreeable suspense. If I may, Sir, judge
from appearance, either his royal highness is not acquainted
with what has been proved, or his royal highness has entirely
forgiven him. Should the former be the case, Sir, I hope you
will have the goodness to acquaint his royal highness to the
full extent of the roguery of this man; and here it may be
necessary to say, that the witnesses you have examined are all
of them ready to take their oaths in a court of justice, and
there to assert what they have already said before you. But,
Sir, should his royal highness have forgiven him, then I must
be under the most disagreeable necessity to beg his royal
highness to have the goodness to dispose of me as his royal
highness may think proper, so that I may not have the
mortification to live and act in the same room with a man I
have _convicted as a rogue, and with whom no human being is
able to live on friendly terms_. Had it been his royal
highness' pleasure to have had this business in a court of
justice, the man would have been _transported at least for
seven years_; and what I am going to communicate to you now
is, I believe, transportation for life. I have been told,
Sir, that Mr. Neale cheats his royal highness in every thing
he buys; in two different articles I have already ascertained
this to be a fact; on the toothpicks he gains fifty per cent.,
by charging eighteen pence for that for which he only pays one
shilling, and on the soap he charges two shillings for that
which he pays eighteen pence, and should his royal highness
wish me to proceed with these discoveries, it will be found
that the _dishonesty of this man has no bounds_! The evidence
you have taken, Sir, and what I have communicated to Major
Thornton, with which also you must be acquainted, you must be
satisfied, that this man is as _great a villain as ever
existed_; NO OATH OR PROMISE IS BINDING WITH HIM; and he
relates alike that which he must have sworn to keep sacred in
his bosom, as he will a most trifling thing; and slanders and
THREATENS WITH PUBLIC EXPOSURE AND LARGE DAMAGES HIS
BENEFACTOR and only maker of his fortune, just as he would one
of his own stamp. Sir, to serve his royal highness, I have
always thought it as my greatest honour, and to serve him in
any situation that his royal highness may be pleased to place
me, shall always be the greatest pride of my life; but no
longer can I live with this monster. I have, Sir, served his
royal highness for nearly twelve years, and would rather
forego all my wishes and pretensions, and beseech his royal
highness to allow me permission to look out for another place.
To your goodness I trust, Sir, that you will lay my case
before his royal highness, and acquaint me with his royal
highness' pleasure.
"I have the honour to be, Sir,
"Your most obedient and most humble servant,
"J. SELLIS."
"B. C. STEPHENSON, Esq."
In this letter, enough is set forth to make us receive the evidence of
Neale with _caution_, if not to render him _unworthy of belief
altogether_. _Why_ the Duke of Cumberland retained Neale in his service
_after_ his peculating tricks had been discovered, and _after the_
THREAT he held out against his royal master, we must leave our readers
to discover.
"The jury proceeded to examine the bed-room of the royal duke,
which they found in a most distressing and horrible state. It
could not be discovered what his royal highness' _nightcap_
was made of, it being completely _soaked in blood_; the first
blow given his royal highness was providentially prevented
from proving fatal, from the duke wearing a _padded ribbon
bandage round his cap, and a tassel, which came in contact
with the sword_; the _bed-clothes generally were blooded; the
paper of the room, the prints and paintings, the door at the
head of the bed_ (through which his royal highness endeavoured
to make his escape) was _cut with the sword_ at the time the
_villain was cutting at the duke_, and the dark assassin must
have _followed_ his royal highness to the door of an
anti-room, which was _also spotted with blood_."
Supposing Sellis to be the _villain_ here meant, the wretched means he
took to accomplish the end in view were so inadequate, that it were
quite impossible for him to have done all the bloody work so minutely
related, from the _position in which the parties were placed_. The duke
was in a modern _high bed_, his _head well protected_ with "a padded
ribbon bandage," the only vital part of him that was above the
bed-clothes, and the _curtains drawn around him_. Sellis was _not taller
than the level of the bed-clothes_, and yet he chose a _SWORD_ to attack
his _recumbent master_!!! In a contest so unequal, the duke _might_ have
annihilated Sellis in a minute.
"The jury then proceeded to the room where the corpse of the
deceased _villain_ remained. They found it with the whole of
the body (except the head and feet) covered with blood; the
razor which did the deed in a bloody state. The deceased's
_neckcloth was cut through in several places. The drawers,
wash-hand basin-stand, and the basin, were also bloody._"
To some people, such a state of the room may appear any thing but
convincing of the _GUILT OF SELLIS_; yet, to such _sensible_ men as were
on the jury, _all_ confirmed the verdict afterwards recorded. _Sellis_,
from his neckcloth having been "cut through in several places," blood
being sprinkled in all parts of the room, and an appearance of some one
having _WASHED THEIR HANDS IN THE BASIN, MUST_ have been his own
murderer, and consequently the assassin of the Duke of Cumberland!
"After the examination of the rooms, the jury proceeded to the
investigation of the witnesses.
"Thomas Jones, a surgeon and apothecary, of the Strand, said
he had attended the Duke of Cumberland's household since the
year 1803. He knew the deceased well. _He never saw him in a
low or desponding way._ The last time he had seen him was on
Monday evening; he observed he was not very well, from a cold.
He had seen him on the Sunday previous, when he was very
anxious for the state of his child, having lately lost one. On
Tuesday the child got better. He observed nothing particular
about him for six weeks past, when he complained of a pain in
his chest. _He never complained to him of harsh treatment from
the duke._ He attended him four or five years since for a pain
in his chest, which he said was brought on by riding on
horseback. He understood he lived very happy with his wife.
His wife told him it was of no use his sending physic for the
pain in his chest, for he would not take it. _He never
observed any symptoms of derangement in him._"
It will here be perceived, that Sellis was neither _deranged_, nor had
the slightest cause for attempting his own life, or that of his master.
Is it not singular, that Mr. Jones mentioned nothing about the wound in
Sellis' throat, or the _methodical position_ in which the murdered man
was found? Was he permitted to examine the body? If he was not, dark
suspicion must ever attend upon those who refused _any_ medical man such
a privilege; and if he did view it, why not have given his opinion of
the matter? But this affords another proof of the unfairness of the
proceedings on this inquest.
"Ann Neale, the housekeeper, said she was called up at about
three o'clock on Thursday morning by her husband; at the same
time she heard the duke saying, 'I am murdered.' She got up
with all possible speed, and saw the duke bleeding very much
in the valet's room: _she went with several others to the door
of the deceased, to call him; she found it fastened on the
inside_, and no answer was given to their calls. _She and
other servants went to another door, which opened to his
room_; as they approached the door, they heard a noise, as if
a man was gargling water in his throat. The porter entered
first, and he exclaimed, '_Good God! Mr. Sellis has cut his
throat._' He was a very _obstinate and quarrelsome man. He
would not bear contradiction, not even from the duke._ His
royal highness and Princess Augusta stood (by proxy) to his
last child. _The duke was very partial to him_, and allowed
his family to sleep in the house. His royal highness allowed
him to ride in his carriage with him, when travelling, since
his illness. The Princess Elizabeth gave his wife two pieces
of muslin lately. The Princess Augusta made her a present of
several articles of value. The principal acquaintance the
deceased had was a Mr. Greville, a servant to the Duke of
Cambridge, and Mr. and Mrs. Dupree, wax-chandlers. About three
weeks since, he told her Mrs. Marsh, the housekeeper to the
Royal Cockpit, was dead, and that he should speak to the duke
to give the place to his wife; and if he did not succeed with
Lord Dartmouth for that, he should apply to him to get his
wife a sinecure, as he had asked his royal highness to get him
a messenger's place, but he supposed the duke did not like to
part with him. She asked him about a week since if he had
succeeded. And he replied, he had not yet. He and his family
were in so much favour, that every court-day, when the queen
came to dress at the duke's apartments for the drawing-room,
Sellis' wife and children were had down for the queen and
princess to see them. On the last drawing-room the child the
princess stood for was had into the queen's private
apartments. A special privilege was granted to Sellis of a
bell being permitted to be put up, to ring him to the duke
from his family's apartments. The deceased would quarrel with
people sooner than give up a point."
This woman's description of the door of Sellis' room being fastened
inside was, doubtless, thought to be a very clever affair. Guilt,
however, generally betrays itself; for, instead of _bursting open the
door_ so secured, "she, and other servants, went to another door, which
opened to his room," and which door _WAS NOT FASTENED INSIDE_! Now would
not the first impulse of every person, _unconscious of crime_, in such a
peculiar situation as this woman was placed, have rather suggested the
BREAKING OPEN OF SELLIS' DOOR THAN GOING ROUND TO ANOTHER? If both doors
had been secured, the thing would have appeared a little more
consistent.
"Benjamin Smith, porter to the Duke of Cumberland, said, that
about a quarter before three o'clock, he was called up by the
duke and Neale, who said his royal highness had been murdered.
He got up, armed himself with a sword, and then called to the
soldiers on guard not to suffer any person to go out of the
house. He then went to call the deceased, but receiving no
answer, _he went to his family's apartments, and called
through the key-hole_. A child answered he was sleeping at the
duke's. He then, with several of his fellow-servants, _went to
Sellis' apartments again_, when, _on hearing the noise in his
throat, he supposed somebody else was murdered in the house_.
When he first saw the duke, he was covered with blood, and
Neale said the duke was murdered. There had not been any
quarrel between any of the servants and Sellis, to his
knowledge."
This was the porter described by the last witness as having exclaimed,
"_Good God! Mr. Sellis has cut his throat!_" There is, however, a little
difference between _his own statement and that of Mrs. Neale_; such as
his going "to his family's apartments" after "receiving no answer from
Sellis," and then "returning to Sellis' apartment, when, on hearing the
noise in his throat, he supposed _somebody else was murdered_!" If this
man thought that Sellis _cut his own throat_, as stated by Mrs. Neale,
what did he mean by saying, "he supposed _SOMEBODY ELSE WAS MURDERED_?"
Do not the porter's own words imply, that _Sellis had been murdered_,
and _not_ that he had _murdered himself_? Yet the jury _saw no
discrepancy in the evidence_!!!
"Matthew Henry Grasham, a servant of the duke's, said he armed
himself with pistols upon his being called up. _He was not
able to find his way to Sellis' apartments by the_ REGULAR
_door_, but found his way to _another_, when he and his two
fellow-servants were afraid to enter the room on account of
the groans and noise in the throat of the deceased, although
he had two pistols, and another had a sword. He had been so
much frightened ever since, that he had not been able to visit
the room where the body lay. _He considered Sellis a civil,
well-behaved man._ He seldom heard Neale and Sellis speak
together; did not suppose he ever heard them exchange ten
words together. The last time the duke went to Windsor, he
took Sellis inside the coach, because he would not expose him
to the morning air. He never observed Sellis to be low
spirited; he did not appear so well lately as in general, in
consequence of his having a cold."
This witness, it appears, although terribly alarmed, was unable to find
out the _regular_ door to Sellis' apartments, but found his way to
another, _more difficult of access_. Now, without denying the truth of
this statement, it seems rather singular that he should not have gone
the way he _knew best_; but, from his cowardly nature, he probably
followed Mrs. Neale, who appeared to know the EASIEST WAY OF GAINING
ADMITTANCE TO THE CHAMBER OF HORROR. Grasham also added his testimony to
almost all the other witnesses as to the _amiable character_ of the
murdered Sellis, as well as proving his perfect _sanity_.
"Mr. Jackson, a surgeon.--He had examined the body of the
deceased; he found the windpipe completely divided; _he had
seen larger wounds done by a man's own hands_; the arteries on
both sides were completely separated; he had no doubt but they
were done by a razor, or sharp instrument; the wound was five
or six inches wide, and an inch and a half deep. _He had no
other wound in his body_, and had no doubt but his throat
being cut was the cause of his death."
This was the only medical gentleman allowed to give evidence as to the
state of the murdered man's wounds. We are totally unacquainted with Mr.
Jackson, and cannot, therefore, be actuated by any malice towards him;
neither do we wish to accuse him with _interested_ motives when he made
the above statement. But _Justice_ asks, why was not the opinion of six
medical men, _at least_, recorded on this very momentous head? _We_
will, however, tell the reader _why_. One or two other professional
persons DID examine the body of poor Sellis, and, if they had been
ALLOWED TO GIVE THEIR OPINION, would assuredly have convinced every
honest man of the _IMPOSSIBILITY_ of Sellis being _HIS OWN MURDERER_.
One of these, Dr. Carpue, has frequently been heard to say, that "THE
HEAD OF SELLIS WAS NEARLY SEVERED FROM HIS BODY, and that EVEN THE JOINT
WAS CUT THROUGH!!!" Dr. Carpue has also stated, that "no man could have
the power to hold an instrument in his hand to cut ONE-EIGHTH of the
depth of the wound in the throat of Sellis!"
"Sergeant Creighton, of the Coldstream regiment of Foot
Guards, said, in consequence of the alarm of the duke being
murdered, he went with several men into the house; when they
came to the deceased's room, the servants were afraid to go in
on account of the noise; he in consequence took the candle
from them. He found the deceased dead, with his throat cut,
and a razor about _two yards from the bed_; the deceased was
quite dead, but not cold; the blood was then running and
frothing out of his neck. He did not _appear to have struggled
with any person, but had his hands quite straight down by his
side_. The deceased had on pantaloons and stockings."
Notwithstanding part of this man's evidence was _suppressed_, we have
here sufficient to prove that Sellis was _not_ his own murderer. No man,
after cutting his head nearly off, could possibly throw a razor "TWO
YARDS FROM HIS BED!"[172:A] A man, in the agonies of death, would rather
have _grasped the deadly instrument in his hand_; for this circumstance
has almost always been observed in those persons committing suicide.
Further than this, however, the witness states, "he did not appear to
have _struggled_ with any person, but had his HANDS QUITE STRAIGHT DOWN
BY HIS SIDE." Every man, who will not _abjectly resign his reason_,
cannot deny that such a position of the hands was contrary to the
NATURAL STRUGGLES OF A DYING MAN, and that it was quite impossible for
Sellis to have so SYSTEMATICALLY LAID OUT HIS OWN BODY! But the
_suppressed evidence_ of this sergeant, which afterwards appeared in
"The News," fully proved that the first impression of the duke's
servants was, that SELLIS HAD BEEN MURDERED, and not that he had
murdered himself! For Creighton says,
"On entering the house, accompanied by another sergeant, and
two or three soldiers, he met two servants, who told him that
the Duke of Cumberland had been _wounded_ and that _Sellis was
murdered_!"
[172:A] When the inquest was held, the razor was found on some
drawers in the room; but it was placed there by a Bow-street
officer, by _mistake_,--at least, so it was reported. We,
however, consider even the very partial evidence published in
the "Morning Post" quite sufficient to prove that poor Sellis
had nothing to do with the razor himself. Some one else must
have thrown it "two yards from the bed." The murdered man
could not possibly have so exerted himself after the
infliction of such a severe wound!
This witness also corroborated some other important points, for
instance:
"On the floor before the bed lay a white neckerchief, _cut in
several places_. On the opposite side of the room was a
wash-hand basin, with some water in it, which looked as if
some person had been _washing blood in it_! _The curtains were
sprinkled with blood, as well as several parts of the room_;
at that time it was _broad day-light_."
When we ask _why_ the "Morning Post" thought it _prudent_ to omit this
and much other important evidence, we could give the _because_; but our
readers will easily understand it!
"James Ball, a footman, said, upon the alarm being given, he
inquired of a female servant what was the matter. She informed
him the duke was murdered. He went down to the porter with all
possible speed, who desired him to _call Sellis_, which he
did, but could not gain admittance; he went to the _other
door_, when he saw the deceased with his throat cut on his
bed; the sight was so shocking, he drew back and almost
fainted. _His wife since told him he ate a hearty supper,
shook hands with her, and bid her good night at parting._ He
never quarrelled with the deceased. He understood the origin
of the quarrel between Sellis and Neale was Neale's taking a
newspaper out of Sellis' hand. The duke was particularly
partial to Sellis, and behaved better to him, he thought, than
to any other servant. Sellis and Neale were obliged frequently
to be in the same room together, but he never observed any
thing particular between them. _Sellis was a very sober man.
If he was not at the duke's apartments upon his business, he
was sure to be found with his family._ The duke continued his
kindness to the last. _He had heard Sellis say he could never
be friendly with a man (meaning Neale) who had treated him as
he had done._ Sellis used some years since to ride in the
carriage with the duke, but since a box has been made to the
carriage he was ordered by the duke to ride there. He objected
to that, saying it shook him very much."
This servant, like most of the others, was ordered to call Sellis, and
his evidence, in this particular, seems merely a REHEARSAL of the rest.
The corroboration which Ball here gave of the excellent character of
Sellis had been sufficient, one would think, for any jury to have
acquitted the poor fellow of any participation in the attempt upon the
duke, or with being his own murderer. In Ball's evidence, also, the
dislike which Sellis entertained towards Neale is again set forth, and
which, in our opinion, goes far to prove the occasion of it, which we
have before explained. Neale, in his evidence, attempted to turn this
dislike to his own advantage, by charging Sellis with the attack upon
his master, and with endeavouring to fix the crime upon him (Neale) out
of revenge! "A guilty conscience needs no accuser,"--a saying perhaps
never better exemplified!
"Thomas Creedy, a private in the Coldstream Regiment of
Guards, who was on duty, and the _first man who entered the
room of Sellis_. The servant being afraid, he trembled so much
that he let the _candle fall_, but he caught it up, and
prevented it from _going out_. After seeing Sellis' throat
cut, and hearing robbers were in the house, he looked under
the bed. _He did not see a coat in the room_, (which is very
small) although there _was a blue one belonging to Sellis,
with blood on the left cuff, and blood on the side_. He
observed a wash-hand basin _with blood on the sides, and blood
in some water_. The deceased did not appear to have struggled
with any one; _his head was against his watch at the head of
the bed_."
This was one of the soldiers who accompanied Sergeant Creighton; but
whether the sergeant or this man was the "first who entered the room of
Sellis," is not exactly clear. Creighton, in his evidence, says "IT WAS
BROAD DAY-LIGHT," and, therefore, why CANDLES were required is rather
difficult to comprehend! Yet, notwithstanding the _smallness of the
room_, "he did not see a coat, although (as he himself confidently
states) there was a blue one, belonging to Sellis." How could this
witness know it belonged to Sellis, whom he probably never saw alive? As
to "_blood being on the left cuff and on the side_," what proof did he
adduce of this, for _he himself never saw the coat at all_? He, however,
observed a wash-hand basin, in the very suspicious state described by
other witnesses, and gave the additional evidence of Sellis' head being
"against his watch at the head of the bed;" indeed, the poor man's head
only HUNG BY A SMALL PIECE OF SKIN, and his murderers had therefore
placed it in _that position_ to keep it from _falling off altogether_!
Is it not monstrous, then, that men could be found so lost to honor as
to record a verdict of _felo de se_?
"John Probert and John Windsor, two privates in the Guards,
said they were on duty opposite the duke's house at the time
of the alarm, and were _positive no person went out of the
house after the alarm was given_."
The evidence of these men merely shew, _THAT SELLIS WAS MURDERED BY SOME
ONE BELONGING TO THE HOUSE_, which we see no reason to dispute.
"Thomas Strickland, under butler to his Royal Highness the
Duke of Cumberland, said he saw the deceased in the duke's
bed-room about ten minutes before eleven o'clock on Wednesday
night; _he was surprised at seeing him there_, supposing him
to be in close waiting upon the duke. The deceased appeared to
have a _shirt in his hand_; he looked very earnest at him, but
had a _smile on his countenance_. _He went to take a cupfull
of light drink for the duke to take in the night, which it was
his duty to do. He never heard Sellis speak disrespectfully of
the duke._"
No satisfactory reason is here given _why_ this man should have felt
_surprised_ at seeing Sellis in the bed-room of his master; for Sellis
was there only in the performance of his _duty_, which the _witness
acknowledged_. How ardently have those connected with this black affair
endeavoured to fix the odium upon the murdered man! Yet how futile, to
all _reasonable men_, must appear their observations! Sellis, with a
"shirt in one hand," and "a cup of light drink" in the other, in the
Duke of Cumberland's bed-room, ought not to have created surprise in any
one, knowing the peculiar _situation which Sellis filled in the
household of his royal highness_! Did Strickland _really_ feel
_surprised_, or was he _anxious to say so_? But, it will be observed,
that even this witness confessed "he never heard Sellis speak
disrespectfully of the duke." Can it, then, be believed, _he_ was guilty
of the attack upon his royal master?
"Sarah Varley, housemaid to the Duke of Cumberland, said she
put two bolsters into the closet in the second anti-little
room adjoining on Wednesday night, they being only put upon
his royal highness' bed for ornament in the day-time; there
was _no lantern in the closet at the time she put them there,
and the dark lantern found in the closet is like one she had
seen on the deceased's dressing table. There was no sword or
scabbard when she put the bolster there._"
The dark lantern, sword, &c., were not in the closet when this woman
went there to put away the bolsters. Well, what of that? Might they not
have been put there _afterwards_? As to "the dark lantern found in the
closet being like one she had seen on the deceased's dressing table,"
proves nothing against Sellis, even if this lady had _positively sworn_
to its being _the same_. It were very easy to place a lantern in
_Sellis' room_, and _afterwards remove it to the aforesaid closet_! But
we have little doubt that _more than one_ dark lantern might have been
found on premises where so many _secret_ deeds had been done! To have
made this matter better evidence, why did not some kind friend write
_the name of Sellis on the lantern_, similar to the _plan adopted with
the slippers_? Such a scheme might have brought the _very_ scrupulous
jury to their verdict _three hours sooner_, at least!
"James Paulet, a valet to the duke, first saw his royal
highness in his room with Neale holding him up. The duke told
him he was murdered, and the murderers must be in his room.
The witness replied, he was afraid they should be all
murdered, on seeing all the doors opened. The duke insisted
they should both stay with him. _His royal highness repeatedly
called for Sellis._ In a short time after, some person called
at the door that _Sellis was found murdered_. _The duke
appeared very anxious for the safety of Sellis_, and as soon
as Surgeon Home had dressed _his_ wounds, he sent him to
attend to _Sellis_. Mr. Home _soon_ returned, and said _there
was no doubt but that the man had killed himself_. _Sellis
cautioned him not to be friends with Neale._ He complained to
him of the duke's making him ride in a _dickey_, as it shook
him much, and riding backwards made him ill. Sellis, however,
had the carriage altered to go easier, without asking the
duke's leave, at Windsor, and he had appeared content with it
ever since. Sellis often talked about leaving the duke's
service, saying, _he could not remain in the family if Neale
did_. He urged him to the contrary, reminding him how kind the
duke was to him and his family."
The duke's anxiety for the services of his faithful valet, Sellis,
manifested itself by his royal highness _repeatedly calling for
him_. "Some person called at the door that Sellis was found
_murdered_,"--another proof that the _first_ impression of the servants
was the _true one_! Indeed, TRUTH is ever uppermost in the mind; but
ARTIFICE requires _time to mature its plans_. We are sure that our
readers WILL ADMIRE, with us, the "ANXIETY of his royal highness for the
SAFETY of Sellis;" for, as soon as his wounds were dressed, the duke
sent HIS OWN SURGEON to attend Sellis! Where shall we look for greater
CARE or CONDESCENSION than this? How truly fortunate was the duke in
being blessed with so _expeditious_ and so _penetrating_ a surgeon! "Mr.
Home _soon_ returned, and said there was no doubt that the man had
killed himself!" Oh, talented man! who could perceive, _at a glance_,
that "the man had killed himself!" Dr. Carpue must never more pretend to
a knowledge of surgery, when his opinion can be set aside by a _single
glance_ of a man of such eminence in his profession as Mr. Home! As to
the joint in his neck being cut through, Mr. Home easily accounted for.
What! a man cut his own head off, and wash his hands afterwards! The
further testimony of Paulet only proves the dislike which Sellis
entertained for Neale, and the caution he gave to all the other servants
to avoid him.
"The widow of the deceased was examined. Her appearance and
evidence excited the _greatest compassion and interest_; it
tended to _prove he was a good husband, not embarrassed in his
circumstances, and that he had parted with her in the usual
way, without any suspicion on her part of what he had in
contemplation_."
Well, even this admission of the substance of the poor woman's evidence
is sufficient to throw discredit upon the jury, who, "after deliberating
for upwards of an hour, returned a verdict of _felo de se_." As Mrs.
Neale's evidence, however, "excited the greatest compassion and
interest," "The Post," acting impartially, ought to have printed it at
length, as tending to prove how little the _interest_ of Sellis was
involved in his master's murder, and how wholly unprepared the poor
woman must have been to find her husband accused of committing such a
deed. For instance:
"She never heard him complain of the treatment he received
from his royal highness; but, on the contrary, was highly
gratified by the kindness he and other branches of the royal
family had shewed him, particularly the present of muslin
which witness had received from the queen, and Princess
Augusta, standing godmother to his child. He was not
embarrassed in his circumstances, for she did not know of any
debt he owed, but one to the apothecary. Since the birth of
their last child, about eight months ago, he never spent an
evening out, but was always with his family, when not employed
with the duke. He belonged to no club or society. During his
illness, he was sometimes giddy, but never took the medicines
that were prescribed him by the surgeon, saying that regular
living was the best medicine. He sometimes talked of leaving
the duke's service, on account of his disputes with Neale; but
she remonstrated with him on his imprudence in entertaining
such a wish, when they had a good house and plenty of coals
and candles allowed them. The subject was not mentioned within
the last two years. After supper on Wednesday, he mixed a
glass of brandy and water, which he made her drink, as she was
troubled with spasms in the stomach. He partook of a little of
it, shook hands, and wished her a good night, and _she never
saw him more cheerful_. He took some clean linen away with
him, and said he would bring home the dirty linen _on the
following morning_. She said he was a tender father and an
affectionate husband."
Let every unbiassed individual read this, and then judge of the
monstrous and unnatural verdict returned by the jury! Some further
statements were given to us by a gentleman who received the
communication, a few years back, from Mrs. Sellis herself:
"The heart-broken widow said, that she had been brought up
from a child in the service of the Princess Augusta, and that
he had been many years in that of the Duke of Cumberland.
Their marriage had, therefore, taken place under the special
sanction of their royal master and mistress. They had one
child, a daughter, to whom the princess condescended to stand
godmother, and it was the practice of the parents, on the
return of every birth-day, to present the child in her best
array to her royal godmother, who always distinguished her by
some little present as a token of recognition. The birth-day
of the child was a few days _after_ the death of the father;
and the widow represents the conversation which occurred
between her and her husband on the evening of his death as
consisting, among other things, in consultations as to the cap
and dress in which the child should be presented to the
princess; so little did he appear to have in view the event
which followed. He was accustomed to spend all the time not
required on his attendance on his master with her, to whom he
was in the habit of communicating every little incident in
which he was concerned that he thought might be interesting to
her. On the night in question, he was just as usual, nothing
in his conversation or manner betokening the _least
agitation_, much less the contemplation of the _murder of his
master_, on whose favour, as she says, their whole hopes for
subsistence and comfort depended. According to her account, he
was habitually civil, sober, frugal in his little expenses,
and attentive to his duties. His wife and his child appeared
the whole world to him; and the poor woman declared, that when
he parted from her, but a few hours before the dreadful
catastrophe occurred, _the committal of a wrong towards the
duke appeared as improbable a proceeding from him as the
destruction of her and her child_. In fact, the one was
involved in the other; for when these circumstances came to
our knowledge a few years ago, she represented herself as in
temporary want and distress."
It was, however, thought PRUDENT to pension Mrs. Sellis and her
_mother_, who offered her remarks _very freely_ about this mysterious
transaction. They were both privately sent out of the country, (it is
believed to Germany) but, with all our efforts, we have not been able to
ascertain where they now reside, as their evidence had much assisted us
in proving the statements made in our work, entitled "The Authentic
Records," &c.
The public appeared much dissatisfied with the verdict of the jury, and
one or two publications spoke rather openly regarding the impropriety
and suspicious nature of the whole proceeding, throwing out some dark
insinuations against the royal duke. In order to counteract this, Sir
Everard Home, the _extraordinary man_ whose _perceptive_ faculties are
described on the inquest by the name of _Mr. Home_, published the
following declaration relative to it:
"Much pains having been taken _to involve in mystery the_
MURDER _of Sellis_, the late servant of his royal highness the
Duke of Cumberland, I feel it a public duty to record the
circumstances respecting it that came within my own
observation, which I could not do while the propagators of
such reports were before a public tribunal.
"I visited the Duke of Cumberland upon his being wounded, and
found my way from the great hall to his apartment by the
traces of blood which were left on the passages and staircase.
I found him on the bed, still bleeding, his shirt deluged with
blood, and the coloured drapery, above the pillow, sprinkled
with blood from a wounded artery, which puts on an appearance
that cannot be mistaken by those who have seen it. This could
not have happened had not _the head been lying on the pillow
when it was wounded_. The night ribbon, which was wadded, the
cap, scalp, and skull were obliquely divided, so that the
pulsation of the arteries of the brain were distinguished.
While dressing this and the other wounds, report was brought
that _Sellis was wounded, if not_ MURDERED. His royal highness
desired me to go to him, as I had declared his royal highness
out of _immediate danger_. A second report came, that Sellis
was dead. I went to his apartment, _found the body lying on
his side on the bed_, without his coat and neckcloth, the
throat cut _so effectually_ that he could not have survived
_above a minute or two_. _The length and direction of the
wound were such as left_ NO DOUBT _of its being given by his
own hand. Any struggle would have made it irregular._ He had
not _even changed his position_; his hands lay as they do in a
person who has fainted; they had _no marks of violence upon
them; his coat hung upon a chair, out of the reach of blood
from the bed; the sleeve, from the shoulder to the wrist, was
sprinkled with blood, quite dry, evidently from a wounded
artery_; AND FROM SUCH KIND OF SPRINKLING, THE ARM OF THE
ASSASSIN OF THE DUKE OF CUMBERLAND COULD NOT ESCAPE!
"In returning to the duke, I found the doors of all the state
apartments had marks of bloody fingers on them. _The Duke of
Cumberland, after being wounded, could not have gone any where
but to the outer doors and back again, since the traces of
blood were confined to the passages from the one to the
other._"
"EVERARD HOME."
We regret, with Sir Everard Home, that "so much pains should have been
taken to involve in mystery the murder of Sellis," but such pains were
taken in the PALACE, AND NOT BY THE PUBLIC! Sir Everard's description of
the matter, however, is only calculated to involve it in still greater
mystery and contradiction! For instance, "he found the body lying on his
_side_ on the bed, the throat so _effectually_ cut that he could not
have survived above a _minute or two_!" How a man could cut his throat
so _effectually_, when _lying on his side_, for "HE HAD NOT EVEN CHANGED
HIS POSITION," is rather a puzzling matter to people of common sense!
yet Sir Everard says, "_the length and direction of the wound were such
as left_ NO DOUBT OF ITS BEING GIVEN BY HIS OWN HAND!" In a conversation
we had with Mr. Place, the foreman of the jury, a few weeks since, that
gentleman informed us "_the man lived_ TWENTY MINUTES _after his throat
was cut_!!!" We do not mean to say that Mr. Place's knowledge of this
matter is to be put in competition with that of Sir Everard Home; but
Mr. Place urged this circumstance to us as CONFIRMATORY OF SELLIS HAVING
MURDERED HIMSELF. It is, therefore, very extraordinary that Sir Everard
Home did not set the talented foreman right upon this all-important
point, as it might have been the means of producing a _widely-different
verdict_! With regard to "the hands having no marks of violence upon
them," we can only say that such an account is contrary to the report of
other persons who _saw them_ as well as Mr. Home; for both his hands and
wrists BORE EVIDENT MARKS OF VIOLENCE! The desire which Sir Everard
manifests, in this account, to bring proof against Sellis for an attempt
to assassinate his master has more of _zeal_ than _prudence_ in it; for,
in speaking of the blood said to be found upon Sellis' coat, the learned
doctor asserts it to be "just such kind of sprinkling, the arm of the
assassin of the duke could not escape!" How ridiculous must such an
observation as this appear to any man, possessed of common
understanding! Sellis was reported to have used a SWORD in this
pretended attempt upon his master's life, _the length of which and the
position of the duke_ would render it next to impossible for _any blood
of the duke's to reach him_! The worthy knight further says, when
speaking of the matters in Sellis' room, "his coat hung upon a chair,
_out of the reach of blood from the bed_;" but several witnesses upon
the inquest stated that "blood was found all over the room, and the
hand-basin appeared as if some person had been washing blood in it."
What is the reason, then, why blood might not have been sprinkled upon
the _coat_ of the murdered man as well as "upon the curtains, on several
parts of the floor, and over the wash-basin?" _Why_ did Sir Everard Home
omit to mention these important particulars in his attempt to explain
away the "mystery of the murder of Sellis?" His description of the
dreadful wounds of his royal master are also rather at variance with the
idea the _duke himself gave of them_, "THE BEATING OF A BAT ABOUT HIS
HEAD!!" The skilful surgeon concludes his statement by saying, "The Duke
of Cumberland, after being wounded, could not have gone any where but to
the outer doors and back again, since the traces of blood were confined
to the passages from the one to the other;" when it will be observed in
_Neale's evidence_, that "the duke and witness went to alarm the house,
and got a light from the porter!!!" Now we may naturally suppose the
_porter slept at some distance from the duke_, and therefore either Sir
Everard Home or Neale must have made a _slight mistake_ in this
particular; for we cannot accuse two such _veritable_ personages with
_intentionally contradicting each other_!!
* * * * *
Having now carefully and dispassionately examined all the evidence
brought forward to prove Sellis an assassin and a suicide, we proceed
to lay before our readers a few particulars tending to confirm an
opposite opinion.
Mr. Jew, then in the household of the duke, and who probably is now
alive, (information of which fact might be ascertained by application to
the King of Belgium) _was inclined_ to give his deposition upon this
subject, in the following terms, alleging, as his reason, the very
severe pangs of conscience he endured, through the secrecy he had
manifested upon this most serious affair.
DEPOSITION.
"I was in the duke's household in May, 1810; and on the evening of the
31st, I attended his royal highness to the opera;--this was the evening
previous to Sellis' death. That night it was my turn to undress his
royal highness. On our arriving at St. James', I found Sellis had
retired for the night, as he had to prepare his master's apparel, &c.,
and to accompany him on a journey early in the morning.
"I slept that night in my usual room; but Neale, another valet to the
duke, slept in an apartment very slightly divided from that occupied by
his royal highness. A few days previous to this date, I was commanded by
my master to lay a sword upon one of the sofas in his bed-chamber, and I
did so. After undressing his royal highness, I retired to bed. I had not
long been asleep, when I was disturbed by Neale, who told me to get up
immediately, as my master the duke was nearly murdered! I lost no time,
and very soon entered his royal highness' bed-room. His royal highness
was then standing nearly in the middle of the chamber, apparently quite
cool and composed, his shirt was bloody, and he commanded me to fetch
Sir Henry Halford, saying, 'I am severely wounded.' The sword, which a
few days before I had laid upon the sofa, was then lying on the floor,
and was very bloody. I went with all possible haste for Sir Henry, and
soon returned with him. I stood by when the wounds were examined, none
of which were of a serious nature or appearance. That in his hand was
the most considerable.
"During this period, which was _nearly two hours_, neither NEALE nor
SELLIS had been in the _duke's room_, which appeared to me a very
unaccountable circumstance. At length, when all the bustle of dressing
the wounds (which were very inconsiderable) was over, and the room
arranged, the duke said, 'CALL SELLIS!' I went to Sellis' door, and,
upon opening it, the most horrific scene presented itself: Sellis was
lying perfectly straight in the bed, the head raised up against the
head-board, and nearly severed from the body; his hands were lying quite
straight on each side of him, and upon examination I saw him weltering
in blood, it having covered the under part of the body. He had on his
shirt, his waistcoat, and his stockings; the _inside_ of his hands were
perfectly clean, but on the outside were smears of blood. His watch was
hanging up over his head, _wound up_. His coat was carefully folded
inside out, and laid over the back of a chair. A razor, covered with
blood, was lying at a distance from his body, but too far off to have
been used by himself, or to have been thrown there by him in such a
mutilated condition, as it was very apparent death must have been
immediate after such an act.
"The wash-basin was in the stand, but was _HALF FULL OF BLOODY WATER_!
Upon examining Sellis' cravat, it was found to be cut. The padding which
he usually wore was covered with silk and quilted; but, what was most
remarkable, both THE PADDING AND THE CRAVAT WERE CUT, as if some person
had made an attempt to cut the throat with the cravat on; then, finding
the woollen or cotton stuffing to impede the razor, took it off, in
order more readily to effect the purpose.
"During the time the duke's wounds were being dressed, the deponent
believes Neale was absent, in obedience to arrangement, and was employed
in laying Sellis' body in the form in which it was discovered, as it was
an utter impossibility that a self-murderer could have so disposed of
himself.
"Deponent further observes, that Lord Ellenborough undertook to manage
this affair, by arranging the proceedings for the inquest; and also that
every witness was previously examined by him; also, that the FIRST JURY,
being unanimously dissatisfied with the evidence adduced, as they were
not permitted to see the body in an undressed state, positively refused
to return a verdict, in consequence of which, they were dismissed, and a
SECOND jury summoned and empannelled, to whom, severally, a special
messenger had been sent, requesting their attendance, and each one of
whom was directly or indirectly connected with the court, or the
government. That, on both inquests, the deponent had been omitted, and
had not been called for to give his evidence, though it must have been
known, from his personal attendance and situation upon the occasion,
that he must necessarily have been a most material witness. THE SECOND
JURY RETURNED A VERDICT AGAINST SELLIS, and his body was immediately put
into a shell, and conveyed away _a certain distance_ for interment. The
duke was _privately_ removed from St. James' Palace to Carlton House,
where his royal highness manifested an impatience of manner, and a
perturbed state of mind, evidently arising from a conscience ill at
ease. But, in a short time, he appeared to recover his usual spirits,
and being hurt but in a very trifling degree, he went out daily in a
sedan chair to Lord Ellenborough's and Sir William Phipps', although the
daily journals were lamenting his very bad state of health, and also
enlarging, with a considerable expression of sorrow, upon the magnitude
of his wounds, and the fears entertained for his recovery!"
The further deposition of this attendant is of an important character,
and claims particular consideration. He says,
"I was applied to by some noblemen shortly after this dreadful business,
and very strongly did they solicit me to make a full disclosure of all
the improper transactions to which I might have been made a party upon
this solemn subject. I declined many times, but at length conceded,
under a binding engagement that I should not be left destitute of
comforts or abridged of my liberty; and, under special engagements to
preserve me from such results, I have given my deposition."
(Signed) "JEW."
The fact of _two juries being summoned_ has been _acknowledged by the
coroner_, in his affidavit before the Court of King's Bench in April
last. The affidavit of this gentleman, however, contains so many
_errors_, that we here introduce an exposition of it, as given by the
talented D. Wakefield, esq., in shewing cause against the rule being
made absolute in the case of "Cumberland _v._ Phillips."
"Mr. Wakefield said it would be in the recollection of the
court, that this was a rule obtained by Sir Charles Wetherell,
for a libel contained in a publication relating to his royal
highness the Duke of Cumberland. He would not read the alleged
libel in detail now, but confine himself first to the
affidavit of Samuel Thomas Adams, the coroner who had held the
inquest on Sellis. It was necessary that he should read the
affidavit, as he had to offer several remarks upon it."
The learned counsel then read the affidavit, as follows:
=In the King's Bench.=
"Samuel Thomas Adams of No 9 Davis street Berkeley square in
the County of Middlesex solicitor maketh oath and saith that
he hath seen a certain book or publication entitled "The
Authentic Records of the Court of England for the last
Seventy Years" purporting to be published in London by J.
Phillips 334 Strand 1832 and that in the said book or
publication are contained the following statements or passages
which this deponent has read that is to say--"
[Here the deponent, _lawyer-like_, set out the whole of the pretended
libel, as published in the "Authentic Records," for the purpose of
putting us to all the expense and trouble possible.]
"And this deponent further saith that he was coroner for the
verge of the King's Palace at St. James's in the month of June
one thousand eight hundred and ten before whom the inquest on
the body of Joseph Sellis referred to in the aforesaid
passages extracted from the said book or publication was held
and that it is not true as stated in the aforesaid passages
that Lord Ellenborough undertook to manage the affair by
arranging the proceedings upon the said inquest or that every
witness or as this deponent believes any witness was
previously examined by the said Lord Ellenborough or that the
first jury for the reasons in the aforesaid passages alleged
or for any other reasons refused to return a verdict in
consequence of which they were dismissed and a second jury
summoned and empannelled to whom _severally a special
messenger had been sent_ requesting their attendance and each
of whom was directly or indirectly connected with the court or
the government. And this deponent further saith that it is not
true that any person was omitted as a witness whose evidence
was known or could be suspected to be material but on the
contrary this deponent saith that when the death of the said
Joseph Sellis was notified to him he as such coroner as
aforesaid was required to hold an inquest on the body of the
said Joseph Sellis and that it being required by a statute
passed in the twenty-third year of Henry the Eighth chapter
twelve that in case of death happening in any of the king's
palaces or houses where his majesty should then happen to be
and in respect of which death an inquest should be necessary
that the jury on such inquest should be composed of twelve or
more of the yeoman officers of the king's household to be
returned in the manner therein particularly mentioned he this
deponent in the first instance issued as such coroner as
aforesaid an order that a jury should be summoned composed of
the said yeoman officers of the king's household pursuant to
the directions of the said statute. But this deponent saith
that believing it to be important that the cause and
circumstances of the death of the said Joseph Sellis should be
investigated in the most public and impartial manner _he took
upon himself the responsibility of not complying with the
strict letter of such statute as aforesaid and countermanded
the first order as aforesaid for summoning such jury in
conformity to the said statute and instead thereof directed a
jury to be summoned consisting of persons not being yeomen
officers of the king's household_ but living at a distance
from and totally unconnected with the palace of St. James's
And this deponent further saith that thereupon his agent as
this deponent has been informed and believes took the
summoning officer to Francis Place of Charing Cross man's
mercer and that the said Francis Place then mentioned to the
agent of this deponent the names of many persons fit and
eligible to compose such jury and out of such persons so
summoned by the officer as aforesaid an impartial jury was
formed of which jury the said Francis Place was foreman And
this deponent saith that before such jury so summoned and duly
sworn he as coroner proceeded on the first day of June one
thousand eight hundred and ten to hold an inquest on the body
of the said Joseph Sellis And this deponent further saith that
the court which under other circumstances would have been a
close one he this deponent directed to be thrown open to the
public and all persons without distinction And this deponent
believes the same was done and that all persons without
distinction were admitted into such court amongst whom were
many reporters for the newspapers who attended for the purpose
of taking and did take notes of the proceedings and of the
depositions of the witnesses examined upon such inquest And
this deponent further saith that at the commencement of the
said inquest the several informations on oath of the principal
witnesses taken on that and the preceding day by John Reid
Esquire the then chief magistrate of the police were read over
and handed to the said jury to enable them the better to
examine such witnesses respectively and such witnesses were
respectively resworn before this deponent as coroner and
permitted to make any addition to their evidence so given
before the magistrate as aforesaid and that each and every of
such witnesses had full opportunities of making any addition
to such testimony which they thought proper And this deponent
further saith that all the circumstances of the case as far as
they could be collected were carefully and impartially
scrutinized by the said jury and that all the evidence which
could be collected and brought forward and that every person
was called before the said jury and examined as a witness and
no person was omitted to be called and examined who would
have been or who it could be supposed would have been a
material witness And this deponent further saith that in the
course of the inquiry the said jury proceeded to the apartment
where the body of the said Joseph Sellis had been first
discovered and was then lying and did then carefully view
examine and inspect the body of the said Joseph Sellis and all
the other circumstances deemed by them necessary to be
examined into and ascertained in any way touching the death of
the said Joseph Sellis And this deponent further saith that he
locked the doors of the apartment in which the body of the
said Joseph Sellis was found and did not permit the same to be
inspected nor the state and position of the said body to be
disturbed, from the first discovery of such body in the
aforesaid apartment until the same was inspected by the said
jury And this deponent further saith that on the conclusion of
the investigation the said jury immediately and unanimously
returned a verdict that the said Joseph Sellis voluntarily and
feloniously as a _felo de se_ murdered himself And this
deponent further saith that the proceedings upon the said
inquest were in all respects regular _except_ as to the jury
not consisting of the yeoman officers of the king's household
and that such proceedings were themselves conducted in the
most fair open and impartial manner and that the verdict so
found by the jury as aforesaid was a just true and honest
verdict and that there is not the smallest ground for
supposing or alleging any thing to the contrary
thereof[192:A]
"SAM{L}. THO{S}. ADAMS."
"_Sworn in Court the eighteenth
day of April 1832--By the Court._"
[192:A] Whatever our readers may think of this jumble of
words, we assure them it is _verbatim_ from the ORIGINAL
affidavit, which is WITHOUT POINTS, as lawyers consider such
matters unnecessary.]
"The first remark he had to submit to the court in this case
was, that a person who applied for an extraordinary remedy by
criminal information, must deny all the charges contained in
the libel. The rank of the illustrious individual in this case
made no difference with respect to that point. Now the court
would find, by the affidavit of Mr. Adams, the coroner, that
one of the main parts of this alleged libel, so far from being
contradicted, was SUBSTANTIATED,--he alluded to the fact of
there having been TWO JURIES summoned to inquire into the
circumstances relating to the death of Sellis. He did not mean
to say that that fact formed any justification for the
publication of the libel; but the fact itself was certainly
extremely important, and Mr. Adams' affidavit contained the
reasons why the mode pointed out by the act of parliament for
summoning juries in such cases had been departed from. The
fact of there having been two juries summoned was no doubt
sufficient to induce any person to believe that there was some
reason for that proceeding, which was not apparent on the face
of it. Mr. Adams had described the manner in which the jury
were summoned. He said he sent the summoning officer to Mr.
Place, man's mercer, of Charing-cross; but Mr. Place was not
the coroner for the verge of the King's Palace, and had no
authority to act. He would leave it to the court to form their
own opinion, whether or not this departure from the usual
course was or was not for the purpose of obtaining an
IMPARTIAL TRIAL. The affidavit showed that Mr. Adams had flown
in the face of the act of parliament, and the statement in the
Authentic Records, that there had been a second inquest, was
CORROBORATED by that affidavit. Mr. Adams had referred to the
act of parliament, as being that of the 23rd of Henry VIII.,
whereas it was that of the 33rd of Henry VIII.: that was no
doubt a trifling circumstance, but it tended to show the
manner in which Mr. Adams performed the duties of his office.
Mr. Adams had stated that summonses had been drawn up for
summoning TWO JURIES, but those for summoning the FIRST were
not used; but the reason he gave was most unsatisfactory. He
had no right to send to Mr. Place, and Mr. Place had no right
to act as coroner; and he (Mr. Wakefield) submitted that the
court ought to require an affidavit from Mr. Place to
corroborate what Mr. Adams had stated. He believed it would
not be difficult to show that the inquest might be quashed, as
being illegal; and it certainly might have been quashed if
Sellis had had any goods, which would have been subject to an
extent at the suit of the crown. At all events, Mr. Adams
might have been prosecuted for a breach of duty. There was
another point which, though of a trifling nature, he would
take the liberty of adverting to, in order to show that the
inquest was illegal. By the 28 Henry VIII. c. 12, the jury in
cases of this description were to be summoned from the verge
of the court. Now this applied to the court sitting at
Whitehall; but at the time in question the court was sitting
at St. James'. The summoning, therefore, was clearly not good,
and the jury, consisting of Mr. Place's junta, could not
legally hold an inquest on the body of Sellis."
Four other mistakes, also, in the coroner's affidavit were pointed out
by _Mr. Place_ himself in a letter to the public.
1. Mr. Adams says, "he issued an order to summon a jury of
persons of the king's household, but that he rescinded the
order, and summoned a jury of persons who lived at a distance,
and were wholly unconnected with St. James' Palace." Mr. Adams
must by these words mean that he summoned a jury from the only
place to which his power extended; namely, "the verge of the
court,"--a small space, and from amongst the few tradesmen who
resided within its limits. _I never before heard that he had
issued any order to summon a jury of persons of the king's
household._
2. Mr. Adams says, that his "summoning officer applied to
Francis Place, of Charing Cross, for the names of persons who
were eligible to compose a jury, and that out of such persons
an impartial jury, of which Francis Place was the foreman,
assembled on the 1st of June, 1810." Mr. Adams probably speaks
from memory, and is, therefore, incorrect. He might, to be
sure, have instructed his officer to apply to me; but, if he
did, it was a STRANGE PROCEEDING. The officer was in the habit
of summoning juries within the verge, and must have known much
better than I did who were eligible. The jurors could not have
been indicated by me, since, of seventeen who formed the
inquest, five were wholly unknown to me, either by name or
person; and amongst the seven who did not attend, there were
probably others who were also unknown to me. The number of
persons liable to be summoned is so small, that it has been
sometimes difficult to constitute an inquest, and there is no
room either for choice or selection.
3. Mr. Adams says, "the depositions of the witnesses were
taken by John Read, the then chief police magistrate, and were
read to the witnesses, who were severally asked if they had
any thing to add to them." This, if left as Mr. Adams has put
it, would imply negligence on the part of an inquest which was
more than usually diligent and precise. The depositions were
read, but not one of them was taken as the evidence of a
witness. Every person who appeared as a witness was carefully
and particularly examined, and the order in which the evidence
was taken, and the words used, differ from the depositions;
the evidence is also much longer than the depositions. Both
are before me. The inquest examined seven material witnesses,
who had not made depositions before Mr. Read.
4. Mr. Adams says "the jury _immediately_ and _unanimously_
returned a verdict that the deceased, Joseph Sellis,
voluntarily and feloniously murdered himself." The jury of
seventeen persons were every one convinced that Sellis had
destroyed himself, yet two of them did not concur in the
verdict,--one, because he could not believe that a sane man
ever put an end to his own existence; and another, because he
could not satisfy himself whether or no Sellis was sane or
insane.
FRANCIS PLACE.
_Charing Cross, April 19, 1832._
The very morning this letter was published, we called on Mr. Place, who
repeated the substance of it to us, adding that Sir Charles Wetherell
had sent a person to him for his affidavit, which he REFUSED in a letter
to the learned knight, condemning the whole proceeding of criminal
information. Mr. Place read a copy of this letter to us, and promised he
would publish it if ever a _sufficient reason_ presented itself. It was
an admirable composition, and did credit to the liberality of the
writer's opinions.
As to the affidavits of the Duke of Cumberland and Neale, they contain
nothing but what other people in similar situations would say,--_they
deny all knowledge of Sellis' murder, and of unnatural conduct_. Whoever
thought of requiring them to _criminate themselves_? But affidavits,
from interested persons are not worth much. The notorious Bishop of
Clogher, for instance, exculpated himself in a criminal information by
an affidavit, and the result was, the man who published the _truth_ of
that _wretch_ groaned in a jail!!! Sir Charles, therefore, had no
occasion to boast of the Duke of Cumberland's _charitable_ mode of
proceeding against us by _criminal information_, instead of commencing
an _ex-officio_ action; for in neither of these modes of procedure does
the _truth_ or _falsehood_ of the charge form an object of
consideration. We are, therefore, _prevented_ by the Duke of Cumberland
and his adherents from proving the _truth_ of the statements we made in
"The Authentic Records" _in a court of law_; but where resides the
_power_ that shall rob us of the glorious LIBERTY OF THE PRESS? We are
the strenuous advocates of the _right to promulgate_ TRUTH,--of the
right to scrutinize public actions and public men,--of the right to
expose vice, and castigate mischievous follies, even though they may be
found in a _palace_! The free exercise of this invaluable privilege
should always be conceded to the HISTORIAN, or where will posterity look
for _impartial information_? In this character only did we publish what
we believed, and _still believe_, to be the _truth_ in our former work
of "The Authentic Records," and which we have considerably enlarged upon
in our present undertaking, merely for the purpose of fulfilling our
sacred duty, and not with the idea of slandering any man! If the Duke of
Cumberland had proved our statement _false_, we would have freely
acknowledged our error, as every man ought to do who seeks fairly and
honorably to sustain a noble function in the purity of its existence. We
know there are writers who seek, not to enlighten, but to debase; not to
find amusement, but to administer poison; not to impart information,
either political, moral, or literary, but to indulge in obscenity,--to
rake up forgotten falsehoods, and disseminate imputed calumnies! To
such, the sanctuary of private life is no longer inviolable; the
feelings of the domestic circle are no longer sacred; retirement affords
no protection, and virtue interposes no defence, to their sordid
inroads. Upon offences like these, _we_ would invoke the fiercest
penalties of the law. The interests of society demand it, and the rights
of individuals claim it! But our strictures and exposures are of a
widely-different character,--not if they were _false_,--but because
their TRUTH must be apparent to every unbiassed individual in this
mighty empire! With this conviction alone we stated them, and even Sir
Charles Wetherell himself said we "seemed to have no other motive in
stating them only for the purpose of stating them!" We are not disposed
to comment upon this part of the learned counsel's speech, as it proves
all we want to prove regarding our motives.
* * * * *
This year was not less remarkable for the king's family sorrows than for
public grievances. His majesty was nearly childish and blind. The queen
dreaded the ascendency of the popular voice in favour of the Princess of
Wales, and the Princess Charlotte exhibited a resolute spirit, which it
was feared would end to the unhappiness of the puissant queen. The
Princess Amelia suffered under indescribable sorrows, both bodily and
mental, which ultimately terminated her earthly career on the 2nd of
November.
Many representations were made to the public of the numerous visits
made to the Princess Amelia by the king, and their affecting final
interview. We believe we may, with truth, say those representations were
erroneous; for the king's malady was of too serious a nature to admit of
any new excitement, and the peculiar regard he entertained for this
daughter would not allow his hearing of her sufferings in any shape,
without feeling the most acute pain.
The Prince of Wales also still pursued the most dissipated rounds of
pleasure, making his very name hateful to every virtuous ear. The house
of royalty, indeed, seemed divided against itself.
General historians say that the year
1811
was not marked by any very particular events of much interest, either to
kings or kingdoms; yet we must differ from them in this opinion,
inasmuch as, at its commencement, the Prince of Wales was appointed
_Regent_, and the king's person confided to the care of the queen,
conjointly with archbishops, lords, and other adherents of her majesty.
The session was opened on the 12th of February; and the speech,
delivered by commission, in the name of the regent, expressed _unfeigned
sorrow_ at the king's malady, by which the exercise of the royal
authority had devolved upon his royal highness. It also _congratulated_
parliament and the country on the success of his majesty's arms, by
land and sea, and did not forget to beg for further SUPPLIES,--_so much
required_.
Let us here inquire the cause that prevented the _amiable_ regent from
opening the session in person. Had his mistresses detained him too late
in the morning? or had they played a _designed part_ with him, to prove
their superior domination? or had he been in his most privately-retired
apartments, _conversing with a few of the male favourites of his
household in_ ITALIAN? If either of these do not give the true reason of
his absence, we may be sure to ascertain it upon inquiry of the vintner
or faro-table keeper. Here the different _degrees_ of morality,
contrived by custom and keeping the people in ignorance, are well
illustrated!
The queen was much at Windsor at this period, she being obliged, by
etiquette, to hear the bulletins issued by the physicians concerning his
majesty's health, or her _affection_ for the afflicted king would not
have produced so great a _sacrifice_ on her part.
In this year, the disgraced Duke of York was restored to his former post
of commander-in-chief; although, but a short period before, he was found
guilty of being privy to, if not actually and personally, disposing of
situations in the army, by which traffic, very large amounts had been
realized by one of his royal highness' mistresses.
The money required for this year's supply amounted to _fifty-six
millions_! The distress in all the manufacturing districts,
notwithstanding, was of the heaviest nature; while, instead of
ministers devising means to relieve the starving poor, oppressive
enactments were substituted.
Let it not here be supposed that we are condemning any constitutional
enactment of government. We only wish to see the interests of the poor a
little more regarded, instead of laws being made solely with a view of
aggrandizing the wealthy, whose eyes already stand out with fatness. Is
it not evident that the men at this period in power were resolved to
continue their system of corrupt administration, in despite of all
remonstrance and opposition? A long course of oppression had apparently
hardened them, and so far steeled their hearts against the petitions of
the suffering nation, that they actually seemed to delight in increasing
the heavy burdens which already preyed upon the vitals of the community.
Our readers may probably be aware that the visits of the Princess
Charlotte to her mother were always "few and far between;" but at this
period, the interviews became so uncertain and restricted, that they
could not be satisfactory either to the mother or the daughter. Some of
the attendants always remained in the apartment with them, _by the
regent's command_, to witness the conversation. For some time, the
princess contrived to write _privately_ to her mother, and obtained a
confidential messenger to deliver her communications. This was
ultimately suspected, and, after a close scrutiny, unfortunately
discovered, and immediately forbidden. Her royal highness was now in
her fifteenth year, in good health, and possessing much natural and
mental activity. It was not very probable, therefore, that the society
of FORMAL LADIES, every way disproportionate to herself in years and
taste, could be very agreeable to her, more especially when she knew
that these very ladies were bitter enemies to her adored mother. If the
Princess Charlotte had been allowed to associate with natural and
suitable companions, the very decisive feature of her character would
have rendered her the brightest ornament of society; but this was not
permitted, and England has great cause to mourn that she was not more
valued by her father and grandmother.
The elegant and accomplished Dr. Nott was now selected for the Princess
Charlotte's preceptor, and he ardently exerted himself to improve the
mind of his royal pupil. The very superior _personal_, as well as
mental, qualifications of the reverend gentleman, however, soon rendered
him an object of _peculiar interest_ to the youthful princess. The
ardency of her affections and the determinate character of her mind were
well known to her royal relatives. They, therefore, viewed this new
connexion with considerable uneasiness, and soon had occasion to suspect
that her royal highness had manifested too much solicitude for the
interest of her friend and tutor!
The Duke of York first communicated his suspicions on this subject to
the regent, and the prince immediately went to Windsor (where the queen
then was) to inform her majesty of his fears, and to consult what would
be the most proper and effectual measures to take. Her majesty was
highly incensed at the information, and very indignantly answered, "My
family connexions will prove my entire ruin." Her majesty, accompanied
by the prince, drove off directly for London, and the Princess Charlotte
was commanded to meet her grandmother in her chamber. With her usual
independent readiness, the princess obeyed the summons, and was ushered
into the presence of the haughty queen.
After some considerable period of silence, her majesty began to ask what
particular services Dr. Nott had rendered, or what very superior
attractions he possessed, to engage the attentions of her royal highness
in such an unusual degree, as was now well known to be the case. Her
royal highness rose up, and in a tone of voice, not very agreeable to
the queen, said, "If your majesty supposes you can subdue me as you have
done my mother, the Princess of Wales, you will find yourself deceived.
The Reverend Mr. Nott has shown me more attentions, and contributed more
to my happiness in my gloomy seclusion, than any person ever did, except
my mother, and I ought to be grateful to him, and I WILL, whether it
pleases your majesty or not!" The queen saw her purpose was defeated in
the attempt to intimidate her grand-daughter, and therefore, in a milder
manner, said, "You must, my dear, recollect, I am anxious for your
honour and happiness; you are born to occupy the highest station in the
world, and I wish you to do so becoming the proud character of your
royal father, who is the most distinguished prince in Europe." The queen
had scarcely concluded her sentence, when her royal highness burst
forth, in the most violent manner, and with an undismayed gesture, said,
"Does your majesty think I am always to be under your subjection? Can I
believe my royal father _so great and good_, when I have so long
witnessed his unremitted unkindness to my neglected mother? Neither do I
receive much attention from the prince; and my uncle of York is always
preaching to me about virtue and submission, and your majesty well knows
_he does not practise either_! Mr. Nott practises every amiability which
he enjoins, and I esteem him exceedingly _more than I do any other
gentleman_!" The queen was quite vexed at the unbending disposition
manifested by the princess, and desired her to retire, and reflect upon
the improper conduct of which she had been guilty, and, by humility and
contrition, to make a suitable atonement.
While walking out of the room, the princess appeared in deep thought,
and more tranquil; her majesty, imagining it to be the result of her own
advice, said, "The Princess Charlotte will never want a friend if she
abide by her grandmother's instructions, and properly maintain her
dignity of birth." Her royal highness returned to her former situation
before the queen, and exclaimed, "What does your majesty mean?" "I
mean," replied the queen, "that you must not condescend to favour
persons in _low life_ with your confidence or particular respect; they
will take advantage of it, and finally make you the tool to accomplish
their vile purposes." "Does your majesty apply these remarks to the Rev.
Mr. Nott?" hastily replied the princess. "I do," said the queen. "Then
hear me, your majesty; I glory in my regard for Mr. Nott. His virtues
are above all praise, and he merits infinitely more than I have to give;
but I resolve, from this moment, to give him all the worldly goods I
can; and your majesty knows that, by _law_, I can make a will, though I
am but little more than fifteen; and my library, jewels, and other
valuables, are at my own disposal! I will now, without delay, make my
will in his favour, and no earthly power shall prevent me. I am sorry
your majesty prefers _vicious and wicked characters, with splendid
titles_, to virtuous and amiable persons, destitute of such empty
sounds!" The princess left the room, and the queen was more disturbed
than before the interview.
The regent was soon made acquainted with the result, and recommended
that no further notice should be taken of the matter, hoping that the
princess would change her intention upon a more deliberate survey of the
subject. But in this opinion, or hope, his royal highness was
disappointed; for the princess that day signed a _deed_, whereby she
gave _positively_ to her friend and preceptor, Dr. Nott, her library,
jewels, and all private property belonging to her, and delivered this
instrument into his hand, saying, "I hope you will receive this small
token as a pledge of my sincere regard for your character, and high
estimation of your many virtues. When I am able to give you greater
testimonies of my friendship, they shall not be withheld." We need
hardly say that the divine was _delighted_ at the great attention and
unexpected generosity of her royal highness. He was more; for his heart
was subdued and affected.
A considerable period elapsed after this circumstance, when the queen
was resolved to recover the _deed_ at all hazards, as she feared, if the
validity of such an instrument were ever acknowledged, royalty would
suffer much in the estimation of the public. All the queen's deceptive
plans, therefore, were tried; but failed. The prince, at length, offered
a large amount as a remuneration, and finally persuaded the doctor to
give up the deed! Of course a good living was also presented to him, on
his retiring from the situation in which he had so long enjoyed the
smile and favour of his royal pupil.
The Princess Charlotte was mortified, beyond expression, at this
unexpected conduct on the part of her father and grandmother, and was
not very sparing in her expressions of dislike towards them. Mr.
Perceval (who was then premier) was requested by the prince to see her
royal highness, and to suggest _any_ terms of reconciliation between the
princess and the queen; but he could not succeed. "What, Sir!" said her
royal highness, "would you desire me to _appear what I am not_, and to
meet her majesty as if I believed her to be my sincere friend, when I
know I am hated for my dear mother's sake? No, Sir! I cannot do as you
desire; but I will endeavour to meet her majesty at all needful
opportunities with as much gentleness of manners as I can assume. What
indignities has not the queen offered to my persecuted mother? You well
know, Sir, they have been unmerited, and if her majesty insults the
Princess of Wales again in my presence, I shall say, 'your majesty
should regulate your family affairs better, and teach lessons of virtue
to your _daughters_, before you traduce the characters of other ladies!'
You, Sir, are the regent's minister, and in his confidence, so I may
venture to give you my candid opinion, and I do not consider that, by
doing so, I exceed the bounds of propriety. Will you, therefore, oblige
me by announcing to the prince, my father, that I am unalterably devoted
in heart to my mother, and while I wish to be a dutiful child to my
father, I must not even be that at the expense of principle and
honourable sentiments. My grandfather always had my respect and pity."
It is scarcely necessary to say, that Mr. Perceval retired with evident
symptoms of disappointment and chagrin. He immediately communicated the
result of his interview to the regent and the queen, who declined making
any further remonstrance, lest the princess should imagine they feared
her, or were at all intimidated by her bold decisions.
In this year, Lord Sidmouth moved to bring in a bill to alter the
"Toleration Act." His lordship stated, that this bill was calculated to
serve the interests of religion, and promote the prosperity of the
Church of England! But Lord Sidmouth, for once, was disappointed. The
sensation excited throughout the country was of an unprecedented
description; for, within forty-eight hours, no less than three hundred
and thirty-six petitions against it were poured into the House of Lords!
and the House was presented, on the second reading, with five hundred
more! It was consequently abandoned.
The supplies voted for the public and _private_ services were FIFTY-SIX
MILLIONS!
At the close of this year, the poor were perishing for want; yet the
court became more splendid than ever! The ill-fated sovereign was as
imbecile and as weak as an infant, and his representative a profligate
ruler. What a condition for England!
War still raged at the commencement of
1812.
We will not, however, record the scenes of devastation and horror
consequent from it; neither will we eulogize Lord Wellington for the
_victories_ he obtained. Much rather would we shed a tear at the
remembrance of the slaughtered victims to kingly or ministerial
ambition. Who that believes in the immortality of the soul can think of
these horrid engagements without shuddering at the immense and
inexpressible accountability of the destroyer? It would be utterly
impossible to give an idea of the number of WIDOWS and ORPHANS who have
had to mourn the consequences of _splendid_ victories, as a _wholesale
murdering of soldiers_ are denominated. How many _ducal coronets_ have
been purchased at the expense of human existence! Rather should our
brows never be encircled than at such an unnatural price!
On the 13th of February, the restrictions formerly in force against the
prince regent terminated; and, properly speaking, it may be declared,
_he then assumed the kingly power_. One hundred thousand pounds were
voted for him, _professedly_ to meet the expenses attendant upon his
assumption of the regal authority.
This was a moment of triumph to the queen, and the sequel will prove
that her majesty took especial care to turn it to her own account. The
Duke of York was fully reinstated as "Commander-in-Chief," and,
therefore, ready ways and means presented themselves to her majesty. The
regent engaged that the queen should have the continued sanction of his
name and interest, in all the various ways she might require.
Accordingly, it was soon arranged, that _her majesty should receive an
additional sum of ten thousand pounds per annum_ FOR THE CARE OF HER
ROYAL HUSBAND'S PERSON!
We cannot pass by this shameful insult to the nation without making an
observation upon so _unnatural_ an act. If the queen were the kind and
affectionate wife she had so very frequently been represented to be,
could she have allowed herself to receive an immense payment for merely
doing her _duty_? But a more selfish woman, and a more unfeeling wife,
never disgraced humanity, as this wicked acceptance of the public money
fully testifies.
An additional nine thousand pounds annually were also granted to each of
the princesses, whilst places and pensions were proportionally
multiplied. In the case of Colonel M'Mahon, upon whom a private
secretaryship had been conferred, much very unpleasant altercation took
place in the House of Commons; but _bribery_ effected that which
argument proved to be _wrong_. It was a well-known fact, indeed, that
this individual was nothing more than a pander to the regent's lust, to
which infamous engagements and practices we shall hereafter refer.
On the 11th of May, as Mr. Perceval was entering the lobby of the House
of Commons, he received a shot in his left breast, and, after staggering
a few paces, fell down and expired. The assassin was tried on the 15th
and executed on the 18th of the same month. He defended his conduct on
the ground of having received much injury from the government, who had
denied redress of his grievances, and, therefore, thought he had only
done an act of justice in taking away the life of a member of so callous
an administration.
Agreeably to the regent's message, fifty thousand pounds were voted for
the use of Mr. Perceval's family, and two thousand annually to be paid
to his widow. In case of her demise, however, the same amount was to be
continued annually to such male descendant as might at that time be the
heir, for the term of his life.
Let us here inquire into the services which Mr. Perceval had rendered
his country to warrant ministers in this lavish expenditure upon his
family, one of whom now frequently intrudes his crude notions in the
House of Commons. Mr. Perceval had been for a long period the _pretended
friend_ of the ill-fated Princess of Wales. "The Book" which he
arranged, and which had been printed, but not published, in 1807, giving
the particulars of the "Delicate Investigation," improperly so called,
_was bought up_ in 1809, and as much as fifteen hundred pounds GIVEN
_for a single copy_. The rancour and malice of the unprincipled enemies
and calumniators of the open-hearted Princess of Wales had been much
exposed by Mr. Perceval, and by his apparent generous and manly defence
in her royal highness' favour, the storm materially abated. After a long
period, she was again received at court, and acknowledged _innocent_ of
the charges preferred by her assailants. Apartments were given to her at
Kensington Palace, and it appeared very probable that her wishes would
finally be completed, in the restoration of her beloved daughter to her
society. But mark the ensuing change. Mr. Perceval was chosen by the
regent to assist in his councils; and as no man can serve two causes at
the same time, Mr. Perceval deserted the princess, and became the
servile minister of the prince! Surely there must be something
supernatural in the smile of royalty, when, in some instances, principle
and conscience have fallen subdued before it! We know for an
_incontrovertible_ fact, that but a few months before Mr. Perceval's
acceptance of office, he delivered his sentiments concerning the
Princess of Wales to a particular friend, in these words: "I am
decidedly friendly to the Princess of Wales, because I am well satisfied
and assured her royal highness is a much-injured lady. I am also
convinced her mother-in-law had conceived an inveterate dislike to her
before she arrived in this country, on account of the objections
preferred by the prince against any connexion, except that which his
royal highness had already formed. From these unhappy circumstances, I
am obliged to believe, that the sufferings of her highness are unmerited
on her part, and very much increased by the dictatorial behaviour of her
majesty." At another interview with the same person, the following
question was put, unreservedly, to Mr. Perceval: "Do you, Sir, think her
royal highness has been deserving of the persecutions she has endured,
by any deviation from virtue and propriety?" "I do not think the
princess guilty," earnestly rejoined Mr. Perceval, "and I am fully
satisfied, in my own mind, that if there had not existed ungenerous
intentions on the part of the royal family, the affair would long since
have sunk into silence. There is a gaiety and levity about her royal
highness which is not usual with the _English_ ladies generally; but,
with all the exterior frivolity of the princess, when she chooses to be
lively, _I would prefer her infinitely to the professedly-modest and
apparently-reserved of the sex in high life_. I believe the princess to
be playful, and incautiously witty, in her deportment; but _I prefer
that to secret intrigue and infamous practices_."
We leave our readers to judge whether this simple declaration was not
honourable to the princess, and whether it does not correspond with
every speech delivered by this gentleman in his public and private
defence of her royal highness. Humanity, however, is weak, and the
ingratiating attentions of the prince were too powerful to be resisted
by Mr. Perceval. At his royal command, Virtue, Goodness, and Truth,
assumed the garb of Vice, Infamy, and Falsehood. "Oh, blasting privilege
of sovereignty! The bare scent of thy perfume spreads desolation to
society; changes man, the noblest of God's works, into a monster; and
the consequences of thy _unnatural existence_ will most probably produce
the engine to be used for _thine own destruction_!"
Shortly after the untimely death of Mr. Perceval, Lord Liverpool was
appointed first lord of the Treasury; Mr. Nicholas Vansittart,
chancellor of the Exchequer; and Lord Sidmouth, secretary of state for
the home department.
On the 17th of June, Mr. Vansittart brought forward his budget,--the
amount of the supplies required being more than sixty-two millions.
Certainly this was not a very exhilirating or agreeable prospect to the
nation of the retrenchments intended by the new ministry; but
notwithstanding the divisions on the subject, it finally received the
sanction of parliament. Had it not been for the corrupt state of the
representation, can we suppose it possible that such a sum would have
been permitted to be drawn from the starving multitudes, when there
existed such pecuniary distress in the manufacturing and commercial
districts, unequalled in former years?
The new parliament met for business on the 30th of November, and one of
its first acts was, to grant the sum of one hundred thousand pounds to
Lord Wellington for the part he had taken in legal slaughter!
It may, with propriety, be submitted here, how large a grant would have
been made to any man who should have presented a _plan for the
comfortable and honourable maintenance of the perishing millions_? We
fear any patriot, who had dared to press such a scheme would have soon
been consigned to a damp and dreary dungeon, charged with disaffection
to the monarch, or commanded, under _certain protection_, to set sail
for another country; and, if permitted to reach the destined shore,
there to be received and treated as one of the most infamous of the
human race! But in these days, the _will_ of the regent, supported by
the queen, was supreme law. There was not one who ventured to _insult
his dignity_ by speaking to him TRUTH!--not one _dared_ to stem the
torrent of his royal displeasure! It is true that, when Lord Liverpool
first entered office, he once _hinted_ to his royal master the general
voice of dissatisfaction which the people expressed; but the imperious
regent commanded silence upon all such subjects, and desired Lord
Liverpool never again to meet his highness, unless under a positive
resolve not even to give the most distant hint at matters so very
disagreeable to the royal ear, and which were of _no considerable
importance_! His lordship proved himself wanting in fortitude to set an
example to courtiers, and the principle of his mind was, consequently,
bartered for the _pleasure_ of being the _slave_ of a haughty prince,
who had "relinquished Justice, and abandoned Mercy!"
We must here refer to a most interesting circumstance with respect to
the Princess of Wales. Her royal highness was well aware of the bonds,
_still in existence_, given by the Princes George, Frederick, and
William, to the firm of Perigoux and Co., of Paris, which were to the
amount of several hundred thousand pounds, as we have before named; and,
in an open and friendly conversation with Messrs. Whitbread and
Perceval, the princess said, "The regent and the royal dukes engaged in
those bonds are perfectly aware they deserve severe exposure. Their
action was not only wicked, but their intention also; as every person in
any way acquainted with their concerns must be sure they undertook to
pay more than their means would ever permit, seeing how deeply the
country was in debt, and that the revenue did not then meet the annual
amount required. And," emphatically added the princess, "if the world
did but _know of the_ LIVES SACRIFICED _in this affair, to preserve the
good reputation of these princely brothers, I suppose royalty would not
gain much in the estimation of good people by the exposure_!"
The substance of this conversation soon afterwards transpired to the
Prince of Wales. There cannot be a doubt that his royal highness was
_afraid_, but he resolved not to _appear so_; and from that period, he
and the queen were the unalterable and bitterest enemies of the
princess, both publicly and privately. So, then, for the simple
expression of _truth_, to those who were already in possession of the
whole affair, was an injured princess to be pursued by the hounds of
destruction until her capture should be accomplished. The prince sought
an immediate divorce; but as the former attempts on this ground, in
the year 1806, had failed, there appeared great difficulty in the
attainment of his object. The former charges and gross calumnies were
declared false, and Lady Douglas had been shunned by all good and
strictly-honourable society; for, except where she was received in
compliment to the queen, her invitations were, indeed, but very few. The
old story was again resorted to, and as Mr. Perceval was now no more, a
bold attempt was resolved on, as the last resource, to obtain the
desired end.
Mr. Whitbread communicated to the Princess of Wales the scheme then
forming against her honour, and that the ministry were favourable to the
wishes of the regent. Her royal highness stood amazed at this unexpected
information. "What!" said the princess, "is not the Prince of Wales
satisfied with the former abuses he has poured upon me? Is he so
abandoned, being heir-apparent, as to risk his life, or engage the
vengeful disposition of the nation, in the punishment due to the crimes
he has committed against me? _If the generous English people were
informed of half the sufferings I have endured since my arrival in this
country, they would never be induced to yield obedience to the commands
of a prince whose virtues are not the least balance to his_ VICES! But,"
continued her royal highness, "I will go down to Windsor, and request an
interview with the queen." Mr. Whitbread remonstrated, and at last the
princess consented to write, and ask an audience. A courier was
despatched with it, and the _verbal_ reply of her majesty was, "She
would see the Princess of Wales, provided her royal highness was at
Windsor Castle by _eight o'clock in the evening_."
Not a moment was to be lost; the carriage was announced in a few
minutes, and the princess, attended by only one lady, entered it. "Drive
quickly," said her royal highness. It was only half-past seven when the
princess was announced. Her royal highness was received in courtly style
and unbending manner by her majesty, who, in her usual way, inquired
"the cause which gives me the pleasure of a visit, so very unexpectedly,
from the Princess of Wales?"
"Madam," answered her royal highness, "I am quite sensible of your
surprise at my hasty request and appearance; but as I am tired of
hearing the false reports in such general circulation in the court, I am
resolved to ask your majesty in person, if I am likely to experience any
renewal of those bitter persecutions which, in former years, were
agitated to my horror and surprise. I am well aware the regent would
not enter upon such a business, unless he had your majesty's sanction
and countenance, as well as assistance. Is it because Mr. Perceval is
dead, that your majesty thinks me so unprotected as to fall immediately
a prey to my base enemies?--if so, your majesty will be in the wrong;
for although Mr. Perceval forsook my interest when he engaged himself in
confidence to the regent, my husband, I never shall forget the gratitude
I owe him for former benefits, and his letters speak volumes of truths,
which it was entirely impossible for him to name or attest, unless his
mind had been duly influenced by the solid foundation upon which his
opinion was fixed."
Her majesty appeared vexed and astonished; then, assuming that hauteur
for which she was so remarkable, said, "I do not know, princess, that I
am under any necessity to answer your question, as it seems to me
improper to do so. The prince regent has an unquestionable right to
choose his ministers and counsellors, and also to engage their
attentions and services _for any purpose his royal highness may
please_,(?) and therefore I decline to answer any interrogatory upon the
subject. Your royal highness must be aware this interview and
conversation is very unpleasant to me, and I hope, in future, you will
not put me to the very disagreeable task of refusing you an audience, or
of permitting one, under similar circumstances. I must, therefore,
desire your royal highness will take some refreshment in the adjoining
room, and I wish you a very good evening."
It hardly need be told that the insulted Caroline did not stay to
partake of the proffered _hospitality_ of this German princess. To be
injured by the son, and insulted by the mother, was as much as human
feeling could endure, and the princess reached her home in a state of
mind little short of distraction. On the following morning, one of the
royal dukes called upon the princess, and told her, he was informed of
her journey to Windsor by an express from his mother, and also stated
his opinion that no measures of an unpleasant nature were in agitation.
The princess hastily answered, "Do you think I was not fully satisfied
of the regent's intention upon the subject before I resolved to visit
the queen? You forget, prince, that I am an injured lady. You know I was
brought into this country to afford money to pay my intended husband's
enormous debts, and to give him means to live in the greatest splendour
with his numerous mistresses! I am deprived of the society of my only
child! Injurious reports are circulated and received against my honour,
and I am not even permitted to exonerate myself from these vile and
slanderous imputations, because I am injured by the reigning authority."
The royal duke said, "I beg, my dear cousin, you will not permit the
harsh and unfeeling conduct of the queen to operate on your mind. _We
all know she is revengeful in the extreme_, but she always _favours
George_ in every thing; and, from her very bitter conduct to you, we are
well assured George is meditating some new scheme against you. One thing
I promise you: I will abide by you, even presuming any thing
_disreputable is proved_; and I only beg you will give me your _private_
confidence, that I may be prepared for the worst."
Her royal highness, hastily rising, said, "Sir, if you intended to
insult me, I feel it such; but if, from unguarded or not well-considered
language, you have so very improperly expressed yourself, then I am not
captious to place any ungenerous meaning upon your words! If my
rectitude did not rise higher in the scale of truth and uprightness than
that of your family, including _both sexes_, I should not have ventured
the close and determinate inspection into my conduct at the will or
command of my avowed foes! If it were not for my child's sake, I would
_satisfy you all_ that I am privy to TRANSACTIONS which one day or
another will be punished with the vengeance of heaven, and which I
solemnly believe to be my duty to explain, though it may even cause 'the
cloud-capp'd towers and gorgeous palaces' to fall into one general heap
of ruins!"
The duke was almost petrified with the language and manner of the
princess, and strongly urged the necessity of _silence_ upon any and all
of the unfortunate or dishonourable transactions in which the family had
been engaged, observing, "Your own welfare depends upon their's, and
that is a consideration of positive importance, which I hope your royal
highness will justly appreciate!"
This suggestion of the cowardly duke produced the opposite effect to
that which was intended; the princess declared that the mean sentiments
of the queen had also found way into the minds of her sons, and instead
of proving their royal descent by greatness of mind and action, they
condescended to suggest self-preservation and self-enjoyments in
preference to an open avowal of truth, and an honourable meeting with an
enemy. "And," hastily said her royal highness, "is this, Sir, a specimen
of the character of the English royal family? What would my ever dear
and lamented father have thought of such principles and opinions?
Doubtless, he would rather have followed his daughter to the tomb, and
have seen her remains deposited with his ancestors, than have had her
associated with persons who could sacrifice HONOUR for mean and paltry
conveniences. Your royal highness must be well assured, that I am not a
stranger to the unfounded and most abominable assertions or suggestions
issued against my child's legitimacy; certainly, if I am only the
Princess of Wales _nominally_, then my daughter bears a surreptitious
title, and if either of us is considered as an obstacle to the interests
of the nation, why are not the assertions upon that point made in an
honourable and open manner. You well know, Sir, that I would sacrifice
any thing and every thing for the happiness and future prosperity of my
child; but I must be fully convinced, that _my_ destruction of rights
or enjoyments of privileges would not produce the entire annihilation of
_her's_ also. I must be made to understand that the mother and child
have separate interests, and that insults received by one are not
dishonourable to the other. I have also another powerful objection to
keep silence upon these heart-rending and distracting subjects, which
is, Charlotte's deep-rooted aversion to those persons who have insulted
me most. This feeling assures my mind that I ought not to shrink from
any avowal of truth which I may in justice to this generous nation be
called upon to make, and nothing less than my child's safety shall keep
me from making a disclosure of the unmerited and most incomparable
wicked conduct manifested towards me. If I find that likely to operate
against my daughter's happiness, I will forbear; but not upon any other
ground."
The determined manner of her royal highness fully satisfied the abashed
duke that the sentiments thus boldly expressed were the unalterable
principles entertained by the princess, and would only gather energy and
force by opposition and remonstrance; he therefore very soon afterwards
took his leave, and gave the outline of the conversation to his _august_
mother, BY WHOSE EXPRESS WISH THE INTERVIEW HAD TAKEN PLACE.
The queen was posed by the firmness her royal highness had displayed;
and, in reply to the communication, said, "I will not be disappointed by
this seeming boldness; the princess shall _feel my_ POWER. She shall see
Charlotte still less; the restrictions shall be enforced with greater
severity, and she shall repent of her stupidity. Does the Princess of
Wales imagine that I am to submit to _her_ opinions upon my conduct, or
to _her_ abuse of any of my family? _My only fear is that the daughter
will prove_ AS UNBENDING AND AS DETERMINATELY RESOLUTE _as the mother
is_, and I am therefore resolved to separate them as much as possible."
The result proved the queen's indignation and resentful disposition; as,
immediately, a council was held upon the subject, and her majesty was
positive in her instructions, that the restrictions between the Princess
of Wales and her daughter should be more rigidly enforced.
At the commencement of the year
1813,
the princess found her situation more irksome than ever; and she
resolved, therefore, to inform the prince regent of the hardships of her
case, soliciting his royal highness to inform himself of all or any part
of her behaviour or demeanour, to which the queen had made such heavy
objections. The following is an exact copy of the letter of her royal
highness to the prince:
_27th Jan., 1813._
"SIR,
"On the 14th of this month, I transmitted to the hand of your royal
highness a letter relative to the cruelty and injustice of my
situation, in reference to my beloved child's separation from me, the
most heart-rending point upon which you could so severely afflict me.
Why does your royal highness refuse to answer my simple, but honest and
honourable inquiry? What have I not endured since the moment I became
your princess and wife? Heaven only knows, and heaven only can avenge my
wrongs. It is now more than seventeen years since I gave birth to your
lovely daughter, Princess Charlotte of Wales, at which time I did most
certainly hope and also believe, that her royal father's affectionate
recollections of her mother would not only revive, but be exemplified.
Yet to this time, your royal highness has not evinced one spark of
regard to the consort you vowed 'to love and cherish.'
"More than this, my lord and husband, you permit her majesty to usurp
such extreme authority over me, and insult me in every possible way.
Why, my lord, I ask, do you allow these indignities to be imposed upon
your cousin and wife, (so called) the mother of the heiress to the
throne of these united kingdoms? If I had deserved such treatment, I
should most naturally have avoided all scrutiny; but, that I have
endeavoured to obtain all possible investigation into my conduct, I need
only refer to my several correspondencies with your august father, your
brother of York, privy council, &c. &c.
"I cannot conclude without saying, if you refuse me justice, I will
leave indisputable proofs to this insulted nation that its generosity
has been abused, though, at the same time, I would save _you yourself_
from IGNOMINY at the hazard of my liberty. To the queen, I never will
bow. Her majesty WAS, IS, and EVER WILL BE, A TYRANT to those she may
imagine obstacles in her path. Perhaps her majesty presumes I am not an
object of material consequence; but time will develop all these things.
If this letter meet not with your royal approbation, I can only regret
it, and waiting your reply,
"I am, ever,
"Your faithful and devoted
"CAROLINE."
"P.S. I entreat your royal highness to inform yourself of every part of
my conduct which may at any time have been esteemed derogatory; and,
while I beg this favour, I trust your royal highness will never again
submit to the unprincipled, slanderous, and abominable aspersions cast
upon my character. Let me suggest, my lord, that TRUTH MUST PREVAIL,
SOONER OR LATER. After the most deliberate, careful, and scrutinizing
investigations, I only beg to be punished with the most extreme rigour,
if I am found GUILTY; but if free from guilt, I ought to say, I have an
indisputable right to be ACKNOWLEDGED SO!"
"_To his Royal Highness,
the Prince Regent._"
This letter was not noticed when the commissioners sat on the 23rd of
February; and Lord Liverpool never even mentioned it when communicating
with the princess, or when he had the private interview with her royal
highness, by the regent's request.
We should not act with justice or honour if we neglected to state this
_omission_; because the letter reflected much credit upon the princess,
and ought to have been the first read when the council assembled. The
result of this new inquiry, however, was what the vindictive queen
intended it should be; for the almost-distracted Princess of Wales was
refused the natural privilege of intercourse with her only daughter!
In the mean time, every opportunity was gladly embraced to detract the
character of the princess. Base inuendos and malicious remarks were
incessantly poured forth against her, until her life became one
continued scene of sorrow and abuse, caused by those from whom she ought
to have experienced protection. Under these imputations, the princess
again appealed, by an address to the Speaker of the House of Commons;
and, after many inquiries and replies, the subject was dismissed with an
acknowledgment, that "_Her royal highness is declared free from all
imputation._"
We must not here forget to mention, that Mr. C. Johnstone submitted a
motion, on the 5th of March, "to request the prince regent will permit
the copy of a certain report, made in 1806, to be laid before the
House;" but Lord Castlereagh opposed it, as being _unnecessary_, and
the document was consequently refused.
Notwithstanding the disgust manifested by every honest Englishman at the
base conduct of Sir John and Lady Douglas, when they preferred their
abominable charge against the character of the Princess of Wales in the
year 1806, they had the hardihood to present a petition to the House
this year _to re-swear to the truth of their former depositions
concerning the conduct of the Princess of Wales_! No proceedings, of
course, took place in consequence of this attempt still to propagate
their calumnies; but a motion was made by Mr. C. Johnstone, a few days
afterwards in the House of Commons, "That the petition of Sir John and
Lady Douglas ought to be regarded as an audacious attempt to give a
colour of truth, in the eyes of the nation, to evidence which they had
delivered touching the conduct of her royal highness the Princess of
Wales, and which evidence was a foul and detestable endeavour to bring
the life and honour of her royal highness into danger and suspicion."
This resolution, however, could not be passed, in consequence of the
House _not being in possession of the evidence_, which was refused, as
we have just stated, by Lord Castlereagh; but many members expressed
their agreement with the _sentiments_ of the resolution.
What was the _real_ reason for not _prosecuting_ Sir John and Lady
Douglas, after the House had rejected their petition with such
indignation, on the motion of Mr. Johnstone, it is not very easy to
divine; that alleged by Lord Castlereagh is most certainly not a
_satisfactory_ one. It has been often insinuated, that if the conspiracy
against the life and honour of the Princess of Wales did not originate
with her royal relatives, it was certainly fostered and brought to
maturity by persons connected with the queen and the prince regent; and
the evidence of Bidgood and Cole very much favours that opinion. If the
Douglases, and Bidgood and Cole, were the "suborned traducers," to which
her royal highness alluded in one of her letters to the prince about
this time, the impunity with which the knight and his lady were suffered
to continue at large cannot excite surprise. This impunity, the report
that Bidgood had received a pension of one hundred and fifty pounds a
year, and the direct interference of the Prince of Wales in promoting
the inquiry, and in entering his caveat to prevent the princess being
received at court, have thrown a suspicious veil around this part of the
proceedings, which will not be very soon removed.
On the 23rd of March, the Princess of Wales had to bear another severe
stroke of fortune, in the death of her mother, the Duchess of Brunswick,
who was interred with much funeral pomp, at Windsor, on the 31st. This
melancholy event, following so closely after her late persecutions, was
as much as the princess could endure; and had it not been for the
sympathetic attentions of one confidant, her royal highness would, no
doubt, have sunk under her immense load of sorrow.
In July and August, the princess devoted the greater portion of her time
to correspondence with the prince, her husband. Very many of the letters
could not, we think, have met the eye of the regent, or answers must
have been sent, if only in common courtesy, as the prince knew _his_
honour, and also that of his family, were at stake. We have _transcripts
of all these letters_; but shall content ourselves with only introducing
_the last she wrote to his royal highness previous to her going abroad_.
The following is a literal copy of it:
"_23rd of Aug., 1813._
"SIR,
"I have waited, with most anxious feelings, to receive an acknowledgment
of the safe receipt of several important communications which I
addressed to you as 'private and confidential.' To this hour I have not
received a reply, and I therefore take up my pen for the last time upon
this most disagreeable business. To you it is well known, that the good
king, your father, has invariably treated me with the most profound
respect, and proper attention; and his majesty would have done me more
essential service long since, had it not been for the oath he gave to
Lord Chatham, to preserve from all _public_ investigation the connexion
formed in 1759 with the Quakeress.
"I am aware, Sir, that you may say I intrude myself upon your royal
notice very frequently; but I think and feel it to be my indispensable
duty and privilege. I have lately had an interview with Lord Liverpool;
but his lordship cannot serve your royal highness and the persecuted
Princess of Wales. I, therefore, shall not submit myself to any further
interviews with his lordship, by my own request. As I intend this letter
as a _final appeal_ and _explanation_ to your royal highness, I beg to
ask your forbearance and lenity on account of its length and detail.
"Your royal highness has not forgotten how strangely I was allured from
my father's court to receive your hand in marriage (the letters of 1794
bear me witness). You cannot have forgotten the kind reception of the
king, your father, on my arrival in the metropolis of this empire, and
the sarcastic manners of the queen. Two days had scarcely passed after
our marriage, when you commanded me to receive Lady Jersey upon all
occasions, although your royal highness was too well acquainted with the
deep-laid schemes formed by her majesty against me, which were to be put
into execution by Lady Jersey; and when I most humbly requested of you,
that I might be secluded from all society rather than endure that which
was so hateful to me, your royal highness cannot have forgotten the
inhuman reply you made me, '_The Princess of Brunswick has answered
every purpose I desired, inasmuch as my debts are to be settled, and my
income augmented, and I will provide an heir to the throne more worthy
of popular regard than any descendant of my father's family could ever
prove._' These, Sir, were words of so heavy and doubtful a character,
that from that moment I never forgot them; and from the hour in which my
Charlotte was born, I have feared for her health and happiness. How your
royal highness could thus insult me, you can best imagine.
"Another most material grievance imposed upon me was, your unnatural
remark to Lady Jersey, in my presence, '_that you thought the king_ TOO
FOND _of the Princess of Wales; and if her royal highness had any
children, his majesty would no doubt be the_ FATHER, INSTEAD OF THE
GRANDFATHER.' Lady Jersey's reply will never be effaced from my memory,
while reason holds her empire: '_Yes, my prince, and you deserve it, if
ever you notice the Princess of Wales again in the character of a
husband or lover._' Your royal highness may remember I instantly left
the room, more deeply insulted and wounded than language can describe.
From that time, I was aware of my cruel fate, and I did deeply deplore
the necessity which had forced me from the much-loved scenes of my
infancy and youthful years.
"The very remarkable request of Mr. Pitt, in 1800, for a private
interview with me, was another cause for disquiet to my mind; but I
acceded immediately, and he accordingly was admitted. The object of that
minister's visit was to solicit my silence upon the subject of the
_bondholders, whose fate had caused so great an interest in several
countries_, and whose families had been the _victims_ of their ready
acquiescense to the wishes of the royal princes. '_But_' said Mr. Pitt,
'_these affairs are of as much consequence to your royal highness as
they are to the other members of the royal family; and if matters of
this kind are to be canvassed publicly, your royal highness may rest
assured that ere long your family will not be permitted to occupy the
exalted rank and station they now enjoy. I therefore most earnestly
recommend that your royal highness does not name these subjects to any
of the anti-ministerial party, who are not at present in possession of
the circumstances._' I do not doubt but Mr. Pitt laid the whole of this
conversation before your royal highness, and he must have noticed the
very cool and guarded reception I gave him. To have behaved openly to
Mr. Pitt was impossible, as I knew too well his avowed hostile feelings
against me. But a few days had elapsed after this interview, when I had
the pleasure of seeing the good king. I now take the liberty of laying
before your royal highness the substance of our conversation. 'My dear
daughter,' said his majesty, 'I hear Pitt has paid you a confidential
visit,' 'Yes, Sire, he has,' I replied. 'What was the object of it?'
'Upon the subject of the bondholders, your majesty.' '_I hope you made
no rash promise?_' said the king; 'None, Sire.' '_Why could not Pitt
have called upon you at a more suitable hour, Caroline?_' 'I do not
know, Sire; but I plainly saw Mr. Pitt did not think much etiquette was
necessary to the Princess of Wales, as _he well knew it was my dinner
hour_; and yet I was determined not to refuse myself, as I was perfectly
sure the whole of the affair would be reported to the queen.' 'CAROLINE,
MY NIECE,' said the king, 'DO NOT, PRAY DO NOT, FEAR PITT, OR ANY OF MY
FAMILY. I WILL PUT YOU IN POSSESSION OF SOME AFFAIRS WHICH WILL SOON
SILENCE THEM ALL; AND BEFORE THE END OF THIS WEEK I WILL SEND YOU A
SMALL PARCEL OF IMPORTANT PAPERS, BY THE HAND OF A TRUSTY MESSENGER.'
"Your royal father most scrupulously kept his word, and enclosed me the
PROOFS he had named, and promised to send. Many times since then have I
informed your royal highness that I was in confidence upon those
subjects; but you have never condescended to acknowledge those
communications, or expressed one sentiment of obligation for the strict
silence I have observed. I have been restrained only from the most
ARDENT AND PARENTAL AFFECTION TO MY LOVELY DAUGHTER, or long ere this I
WOULD HAVE PROCLAIMED THE EXTENT OF THE WRONGS I HAVE ENDURED FROM SOME
OF THE ILLEGAL AND UNJUST IMPOSITIONS PRACTISED UPON ME AND THE BRITISH
NATION. Your royal highness knew at the moment you met me at the altar
in the palace, that you were already the affianced husband of Mrs.
Fitzherbert, and you were well aware that if my uncle, the king, had
known of that former circumstance, he would have prevented the
left-handed marriage taking place. In this his majesty was deceived, and
I have been the victim of your intentional imposition. It has generally
been supposed by your royal highness' family connexions, that there was
some impropriety or defect by which you received an unfavourable opinion
of me in the early part of our fatal marriage; and, in my presence, your
royal highness has insulted me by such insinuations, though you well
know I was not the OFFENDER, but the OFFENDED!!! Up to this period, I
have buried your royal highness' UNNATURAL CONDUCT to me in my own
bosom; but if I am to be so injured, and if my character is to be so
vilified, I shall EXPLAIN MYSELF TO THE NATION, and think I am
performing an imperative duty. Your royal highness cannot have forgotten
_THE OUTRAGE YOU COMMITTED BY ENTERING MY CHAMBER AT MONTAGUE HOUSE, AND
YOUR DENIAL OF IT TO THE QUEEN, YOUR MOTHER, FOR THE AVOWED PURPOSE OF
TRADUCING MY HONOUR_. Had I not then been restrained from explanation
upon those base designs, by an unalterable love to my _child_, I should
have exposed the infamous conduct you manifested towards me.
"I name these things, Sir, to prove to you the inviolable honour I have
observed, in despite of all the insults and provocations I have received
from your royal highness and the queen, and also from the creatures
employed to ruin me in the estimation of this generous English nation. A
_time will come when the secrets of my life will be_ PUBLISHED TO THE
WORLD; _then let the unprejudiced judge_.
"I remain, Sir,
"Your royal highness' most
"Faithful wife and cousin,
"CAROLINE P."
"_To his Royal Highness,
the Prince Regent._"
It is more than probable that the confidentially-private and notorious
secretary (M'Mahon) was the receiver of these appeals and documents,
who, possessing the most unbounded assurance in the ability of his royal
master's coadjutors to carry any plan into execution, or to prevent
vexatious trouble to any extent, _suppressed them_ at the moment when
they might have proved of the greatest consequence to her royal
highness. We cannot wonder at this, when we take into account the
character of this private secretary, who dared to violate the rights of
friendship, and break through the most sacred ties of conjugal
affection, treating the honourable engagements of persons in general as
matters of minor consequence! Were this depraved man now an inhabitant
of the earth, we would ask him if his recollection could furnish the
_number_ of inroads he had made upon the abodes of innocence and beauty,
to gratify his royal patron. We could ourselves name several instances;
but one will suffice, which we copy from the manuscript of a friend, and
the substance of which has been before published.
The private secretary of the prince (M'Mahon) was accustomed to retire
for _recreation_ to Bath, at certain periods. At the time to which we
now advert, he was travelling to that city, and, at Marlborough, a
respectable and venerable gentleman, accompanied by two young ladies,
took their seats in the stage coach. The courtier was not wanting in
attentions, and, in reply to his numerous questions, he soon received
the information, "that the gentleman was a _poor_ clergyman, residing
near Marlborough; that the two young ladies were his daughters, whom he
then was accompanying to visit a relation at Bath." M'Mahon's polished
manners, added to the fixed determination of sacrificing these ladies to
his royal master's desires, had the hoped-for effect, and the deluded
party was anxious to cultivate further acquaintance with the stranger.
Two days after their arrival, the intriguing secretary wrote and
despatched the following letter to the prince:
"(MOST PRIVATE.)
"_Bath, Sunday Evening._
"SIR,--Ever alive to the obtaining possession of any object
which may contribute to your royal pleasures, I hasten to
inform your royal highness, that chance has thrown me into the
company of two most lovely girls, the daughters of an indigent
curate, and who, from their apparent simplicity and ignorance
of the world, may be soon brought to comply with the wishes of
your royal highness. I shall immediately devise some plan by
which they may be induced to visit the metropolis, and the
remainder of my task will then not be difficult of execution.
The prize is too valuable to be lost sight of; the elder of
the girls bears some resemblance in her form and make to
Hillisberg, although it is evident that the whole fullness of
her growth has not yet developed itself. The younger is more
of a languishing beauty; but, from the knowledge which I
possess of your royal taste, the elder will be the object of
your choice.
"I have the honour to remain, &c. &c.
"JOHN M'MAHON."
"To his Royal Highness the
Prince Regent, &c. &c."
The intimacy at Bath was cultivated. M'Mahon promised to intercede for
the interest of the worthy clergyman, and afterwards engaged to ensure
him promotion.
In the midst of explanations, promises, and engagements, M'Mahon was
summoned to town by the royal order. Ere he departed, he promised,
instantly upon seeing the prince, to lay their case before him, and
dwelt in vivid terms upon the effects of such a representation. Within
the ensuing fortnight, the clergyman received a letter from him,
announcing "that a vicarage was vacant, in the gift of the crown, to
which he should receive the presentation." M'Mahon again visited Bath,
and recommended the clergyman and family to take up their abode in the
metropolis. For this purpose, he had engaged apartments in the house of
Mrs. General Hamilton, in Gloucester-place, to which they soon resorted.
In the mean time, M'Mahon informed the clergyman that his induction
would shortly take place, and that, in the interim, he must employ
himself in the most agreeable manner, as also his daughters, in such
amusements as the town afforded. Mrs. Hamilton was also pleased to say
she would be their conductor and companion upon all occasions. The lady
just named was a gay, though _unsuspected_, character. Shortly after
this period, at an evening party, M'Mahon introduced Colonel Fox, "a
gentleman," he said, "allied to the noblest families, and of an immense
fortune."
If our readers should here inquire, _who_ was Colonel Fox? we
answer,--the Prince of Wales.
We hasten to the conclusion of this most infamous history. The deceived
clergyman was informed that he must proceed to a village in
Leicestershire, where his induction would instantly take place; and he,
therefore, hastily took leave of his daughters, with an assurance that
they were in the best society. Indeed, Mrs. Hamilton had evinced such
interest and apparent solicitude in their happiness, that his heart was
relieved from any doubts for their safety. This amiable father took
leave of his children in the most affectionate manner; but little did he
imagine that embrace would be the last he should ever receive from
them,--yet so it proved. A short time after, early in the day, M'Mahon
called upon Mrs. General Hamilton, expressing the necessity of her
seeing her solicitor upon some affairs relative to the estate of her
deceased husband.
The carriage was ordered, and the secretary promised to remain with the
younger, while the elder sister accompanied Mrs. Hamilton. "We will
first drive to Taylor's, in Bond-street," said Mrs. Hamilton, "he has
some commissions to execute for me," and accordingly they were set down
there.
The obsequious shoe-maker requested them to walk into the drawing-room,
which they did; and in a few minutes Mrs. Hamilton said, "I will now
step down, and transact my business with Taylor." In a short time she
returned, saying, "How truly fortunate we are; Colonel Fox has just
entered the shop, and, being informed _you_ are here, has solicited
permission to keep you company until I return from my solicitor's; _you_
cannot refuse the request;" and then, without waiting a reply, she left
the room. The _pretended_ Colonel Fox entered; he professed _eternal
love_ and _unalterable constancy_; and, within one hour, this lovely,
but most unfortunate, female was added to the infamously-swelled list of
the prince's debaucheries and cruel seductions. The younger sister
_still lives_--a melancholy proof of outraged and insulted honour.
We have given this detail to satisfy the scrupulous portion of society,
that the prince merited a thousand-fold more exposure and execration
than he ever received.
At this period, Mr. Whitbread was very pressing with the Princess of
Wales, advising her to make a tour upon the continent, in order to
divert her mind from the provocations she was so frequently called upon
to endure. Upon one occasion, he urged the subject with considerable
warmth, and his great earnestness surprised her royal highness. With her
usual readiness, she said, "I feel sure Mr. Whitbread does not intend
any thing disagreeable in these remarks; but, Sir, are you aware that
Mr. Canning has been pressing the same opinion upon my notice? and I do
not comprehend _why_ this suggestion is made by you also. If I go away,
shall I not leave my beloved child exposed to the determinate will and
caprice of the queen, and others, who, doubtless, will vex her as much
as possible? Are you, Sir, _requested_ to represent this to me, or is it
your private opinion?" Mr. Whitbread replied, "It is _my personal
opinion_, and solely to provide against any unhappy effects arising from
the queen's displeasure, which," he added, "I well know is unbounded."
On the 27th of May, the princess went to the Opera House. It was her
first appearance in public since her triumphant acquittal. Her royal
highness was received with considerable acclamations, while even her
enemies were compelled to acknowledge "the dignity, delicacy, and
feeling, pre-eminently displayed in her behaviour."
On the 30th, the regent gave a grand supper and ball, but the princess
was not invited.
The supplies required for the service of this year amounted to upwards
of one hundred and twenty millions!
Endless vexations and anxieties attended the Princess of Wales up to the
year
1814;
but the public voice cheered her to the ultimate defeat of her base
enemies.
The transactions of this year do not reflect much credit upon certain
mis-named _illustrious_ individuals, and can never fail to excite
contempt in the minds of the British people. The Douglas party were
promised _rewards_, which they could not obtain, except in a less
degree, as it was alleged they had failed in a principal part of their
unworthy undertaking; namely, the degradation of the princess, by a full
and unlimited verdict against her royal highness, agreeable to the
charges they had preferred.
The disappointed queen was indignant, beyond bounds, at the honourable
acquittal of the Princess of Wales. "What!" said her majesty, "am I for
ever to be disappointed by the adroit talents of the princess, whose
very name I hate! It must not be. If she be recognised as an unblemished
character, I am well satisfied the odium of the whole proceeding will
fall upon _me_; and rather would I prefer death than suffer her royal
highness to triumph over me!"
Lord Castlereagh was then consulted by the queen, and he engaged to do
his utmost against the princess; and the regent again suggested the idea
of her going abroad, when steps, more effectual, might be taken to ruin
her character. Lord Castlereagh, therefore, the next day informed the
princess, by a note, "that for the present time all interviews with the
Princess Charlotte must cease."
On the 7th of January, the Princess of Wales gave an entertainment at
Montague House, where a select party was invited, in honour of the
Princess Charlotte's birth-day, who had now attained her eighteenth
year.
An unexpected event, about this period, gave the Princess Charlotte an
interview with her mother for nearly two hours, in which these
affectionate relatives enjoyed an undisturbed conversation. The Princess
Charlotte was very explicit in her communications to her dear mother on
the severity of the queen, during the time she had lately spent with her
majesty at Windsor; and, among other observations, remarked, "HER
MAJESTY IS A TYRANT TO ALL AROUND HER. If you walk out with the queen,"
continued the charming and noble princess, "you are sure to be told your
pace is disagreeable,--either too quick or too slow. If you feel
pleasure in seeing any sweet pretty plant, and express admiration of its
several beautiful colours, and its various delicate appearances, you are
sure to be told, such observations prove your _want of taste and
judgment_. Indeed, my dear mother, I like anybody better than my
_disagreeable grandmother_, and I can never permit myself to remain with
her so long again. When I am at the castle, I am seldom _allowed to see
my grandfather_, the king; and, when I do, he scarcely looks at me, and
seems extremely unhappy. When my royal father goes to the castle, he is
always with the _queen alone_, and very rarely pays a visit to the
king." Such was the ingenuousness of the Princess Charlotte. She would
immediately speak the _truth_, and defy all results, rather than act
with dissimulation to please or conciliate any one. This was the longest
interview which was to fall to the lot of these high-spirited and
generous-minded personages. Alas! their destiny might have been
pourtrayed by the pen of cruelty, and traced in characters of blood! At
parting, the princess most tenderly embraced her mother, and that parent
for the moment forgot all her sorrows. But what was her agitation, when
her ONLY HOPE was saying, "Farewell!" Agonizing--beyond all
expression--agonizing! We must sympathize with such sorrows, and admit
the propriety of the remark of the Princess of Wales at this separation,
"My life has already been too long, since it has been one continued
scene of misfortune!"
The prince regent now paid a visit to the Duke of Rutland, for the
avowed purpose of standing sponsor to the young marquis, the duke's son
and heir. The preparations for the reception and accommodation of his
royal highness were upon the most magnificent scale, which, we are sorry
to relate, were little else than thrown away. In the evening, the
sparkling goblet was so freely emptied by the royal guest, that he was
obliged to be _carried_ to the chamber prepared for him. Do not imagine,
gentle reader, that we are disposed to dwell ill-naturedly on the
mischances of this luckless night; but the prince was unfortunate, and
committed such sins and transgressions in this ducal apartment, and IN
_the bed_ prepared for him, that, at a very early hour, his carriage was
ordered, and his royal highness was on the road to London! The domestics
at Belvoir Castle were left to relate this very disagreeable incident,
and testify that the means required for the _purification_ of their
master's premises were of no common quality!
However facetiously we may have spoken of this "untoward occurrence,"
yet we recoil with disgust and indignation from such scenes. How
revolting is the reflection that this was the prince invested with
_kingly authority_, and to whom so many millions of intelligent beings
were looking for the redress of their grievances, and the amelioration
of their many miseries!
The king's indisposition increased in the early part of this year, and
the over-bearing tyranny of the queen consequently knew no bounds. In
May, she addressed several notes to the Princess of Wales to forbid her
appearance at the drawing-room, to which her royal highness replied very
spiritedly. Some of these letters were afterwards published, but several
were suppressed. It was at this time that the prince expressed his
unalterable determination "never again to meet the princess, either in
public or private," and the queen was the person who communicated his
royal highness' unmanly vow to the princess.
About three weeks after this announcement, some illustrious foreigners,
who were formerly intimate with the family of the princess, paid her
royal highness a visit; and, on the ensuing day, they received her royal
highness' invitation to dine with her on that day se'nnight. It was
accepted with pleasure; but, only about an hour previous to the
appointed time for dinner, an apology was sent, asking pardon for the
delay, which was said to be _unavoidable_, as the impediments arose from
the COMMANDS OF THE REGENT, which had only been communicated to them a
few hours before! Upon Mr. Canning's next visit to the princess, he
explained the reason of this shameful conduct, by saying, "that Colonel
M'Mahon desired, as a compliment, they would dine at Carlton House that
day, and expressed an apology for the _shortness of the invitation_, as
the regent had some days before given him his instructions to invite
them, but that he (the colonel) had FORGOTTEN IT IN THE HURRY OF
BUSINESS. Now," added Mr. Canning, "I know this story to be an
invention; for it was only on the very morning of the day appointed by
your royal highness that a brother of the regent heard of their intended
visit, and informed him of it; and the prince then commanded M'Mahon to
invite the party to dine at Carlton House, which they could not refuse,
as etiquette would forbid their accepting any engagement in preference
to that of the regent." Was there ever a more artful and vindictive
piece of business concocted? How worthy was the master of such a
scheming servant as M'Mahon!
In June, the allied sovereigns arrived in London, and fêtes and
festivals followed in close succession. New honours were conferred upon
several persons, who had been leaders in the late war. Lord Wellington
was created Marquis of Douro and Duke of Wellington. To support this new
dignity, four hundred thousand pounds were granted to him by the
boroughmongering majority!
In consequence of the queen's edict, the Princess of Wales was excluded
from the drawing rooms, held in honour of the illustrious guests; and
this extra piece of persecuting malice sufficiently attested the
_littleness_ of the minds of her too powerful enemies.
Under these trying circumstances, Mr. Canning and Mr. Whitbread again
urged their advice, that it would be better for all parties if the
princess absented herself for a period, as the queen was so severe to
the Princess Charlotte, in consequence of her regard for her mother.
This consideration was enough for the fond parent. "Yes," said her royal
highness, "for the sake of my child, I will leave England; I feel
assured that my afflicted father-in-law, the king, cannot long survive;
he is falling very gradually. But the crisis may be sudden; in that
case, you know my situation; and what has been refused to the Princess
of Wales cannot, I presume, be refused to the Queen of England! In
making this reference, I merely and only mean, that I have hitherto been
treated with the most unmerited severity, and the greatest injustice;
this, I hope, will not be permitted in the event of my being queen. I
name this to satisfy you, as my friends, that whenever I can return to
this country with safety to my child, and honour to my few zealous
friends, I shall not lose one moment in answering the summons."
On the 4th of June, Lord Castlereagh moved in the committee of the
House, that fifty thousand pounds be annually paid to her royal highness
the Princess of Wales. Mr. Whitbread offered some very correct and
spirited remarks upon the subject, and the motion was agreed to. The
princess, in the most generous manner, wrote to the Speaker on the 5th,
declining to receive more than thirty-five thousand, adding, as a reason
for this, her dislike to increase the already heavy burdens imposed upon
the nation.
The ill-natured manner in which this most honourable act was received is
best explained in the words of Lord Castlereagh, who, on the 8th, called
the attention of the House to the letter of the princess, and concluded
by saying, "It is not my duty to vote the public money to a _subject_
who is not inclined to receive it." Her royal highness certainly was not
much indebted to Lord Castlereagh for his very elegant and noble mention
of her name, thus made; and the most dim-sighted person might have
easily seen that "if the vessel came safe to shore," a _marquisate_
would be the reward of the pilot.
The Princess of Wales at length requested leave of the ministers to go
abroad. This was very readily granted; and, after some arrangements for
correspondence, her royal highness prepared to depart. A very short
interview was permitted with the child of her hopes and affections,
while even that was attended by the ladies in waiting. They separated
_then--TO MEET NO MORE IN THIS WORLD_!
It was during this affecting interview that her royal highness committed
some letters of importance to the care of her noble-minded daughter;
and, as it appeared impossible for any _private_ conversation to pass
between them, a letter accompanied the others, addressed to the
Princess Charlotte by her afflicted mother, of which the following is a
transcript:
"_Copy of a letter to my dear Charlotte, Princess of Wales._
"_1814, June 7th._
"MY DEAREST CHILD,
"I deposit to your keeping a small parcel, of letters for my
much-esteemed friend, Lady *******. I well know her generous disposition
will cause her to endure a vast load of sorrow on my account, and, from
these documents, the nation may one day _be bold_. I must tell you, my
dearest child, that in conformity to my father and mother's opinion, I
became the wife (so called) of your father. Well do I remember the time
when my dear father, the Duke of Brunswick, entered my library, (holding
in his hand a letter) saying, 'Caroline, my love, I desire you will give
your attention to the request of your most excellent uncle, the King of
England, and, without any demur, engage to marry your cousin George. He
is undoubtedly the most _elegant man_ and the most ACCOMPLISHED
GENTLEMAN in Europe. Very unfortunately, this prince has been captivated
by the many beautiful ladies surrounding the court; but although he may
have committed himself in _formal engagements_, yet the prince is the
most ready, desirous, and expectant supplicant for your hand!' I
started, and exclaimed, 'What, my dear sire?' The sequel, however, is
sufficient. I came to England. I was received heroically by the people,
flatteringly by the persons deputed to attend me, and sarcastically by
the queen, my aunt; but most pleasantly by the king, my uncle, and the
prince, my destined husband. After my marriage with the prince, your
father, I soon had occasion to regret my change of situation. However, I
strove to conceal my disappointment and chagrin, and appeared as lively
as if I had no cause for regret. Speedily after my marriage, I was
informed that the prince was not my _legal_ husband; that, some time
previous to our marriage, he had been united to Mrs. Fitzherbert, and
therefore our engagement was null and void! I opened the sorrows of my
heart to the good king. 'Ah! Ah!' said his majesty, 'I will befriend
you, but my family will prove my ruin. They care not for any thing
beside their own ease, and they, sooner or later, will _lose the crown_
by such improper conduct. The disposition of my son George is
_unrelenting_; but I will tell you, my dear niece, that you may subdue
his public injurious mention of your character, if you make use of
proper means. My son is so lascivious, that if you would attempt to hide
his defects, they would speedily become more apparent.' In the course of
conversation, his majesty informed me of the untimely end of his BROTHER
EDWARD, and also of the MARRIAGE and ISSUE of that brother, who, he
stated, had been educated for the _church_; and also, that he had
frequently seen him during his residence at Eton with no small degree of
affection and regret, and had even appointed interviews with the
individual under whose care he was placed, to adopt plans for his
welfare. I confess, my dear Charlotte, I was quite unprepared for this
exposition, and I answered with much warmth, 'Does your majesty mean to
say, that his royal highness left issue which has never been
acknowledged?' 'I do, indeed,' replied the king, 'and though the affair
has been hitherto kept from the public, yet I fancy it will, one day or
another, be made known.' My dear Charlotte will conceive how much I felt
upon these singular explanations. I long to tell you more upon the
subject, but as our confidential messenger is waiting, I must conclude
by subscribing myself
"Your very affectionate mother,
"CAROLINE."
The persecuted wife of the heir-apparent now prepared to leave England.
Her royal highness went to Worthing on the 2nd of August, and on the 9th
embarked for the Continent, with a heart heavily charged with the most
poignant feelings.
The evening of her departure was spent in rioting and drunkenness by the
inhabitants of Carlton House, as they had now attained a portion of
their dishonourable object, and, in a great measure, relied upon final
success. The entertainments given at this period by the "unparalleled
prince" were of the most dazzling and costly description. The massive
services of richly-chased gold, and the viands served upon them, in
addition to every luxurious appendage, were daily superseded by others,
still more rare and expensive than the preceding ones. Hundreds of
thousands were thus lavished on useless pomp, while, perhaps, a poor
tradesman, who had received _the honour_ of an order by command of the
prince, and had borrowed the larger portion of the means to enable him
to execute it, solicited, in the most humble manner, a portion of his
debt; but, alas! solicited in vain; and, after daring to press his
destitute and ruined condition several times, is probably forbidden ever
to ask for the settlement again, but to wait the royal pleasure. His
impatient creditors, in the interim, arrest him; he is carried to a
prison, and, in the agony of his soul, commits suicide. Many a wife and
family of children have thus been reduced to a workhouse, and the
greater number of them afterwards thrown upon the town! But--these are
some of the privileges of royalty!
The reminiscences of the queen were sometimes rather painful; and,
shortly after she had driven her daughter-in-law from the country,
symptoms of melancholy were observed. Her physicians, therefore,
recommended a change of air; and, in order to amuse her majesty, it was
proposed that she should repair to Brighton for a short time,
accompanied by the princesses.
The Princess Charlotte, after the departure of her much-beloved mother,
appeared very unhappy, and, from that time, saw her father and
grandmother as seldom as possible. They well knew she was favourable to
her mother's cause, in opposition to their's, not only from the very
great affection which she naturally felt for her mother, but also from
the numberless proofs she had observed of the honourable motives by
which the conduct of the Princess of Wales had been influenced. To these
might be added the opinion of the virtuous part of the nation upon the
subject, and the very great respect at all times paid to her royal
highness by those persons who were _independent_ of the royal family and
the government.
Upon her majesty's return to Windsor, she found the king something
improved in natural spirits, but desirous not to be troubled with
unnecessary visiters. This slight improvement was, however, but of short
duration; for, in a few days afterwards, this distressingly-afflicted
sovereign relapsed into insensibility, and frequently became very
boisterous in his conduct.
The amount required for this year's service was upwards of one hundred
and sixteen millions, twenty-seven of which were raised by loans.
The year
1815
commenced under numerous public and private difficulties. The regent
found himself in a very unpleasant situation, being under a necessity of
increasing the number of the various orders of knighthood, in order to
preserve himself a sufficiency of adherents. A strange concatenation of
events had also placed the rest of the royal family in an uneasy
position. The Duke of Kent, some considerable time before, entered into
a positive engagement with a foreign princess, by solemnly promising her
marriage; yet, upon requesting his mother's approbation of the choice he
had made, how great was his surprise and indignation to find that she
would not listen to it! But, hastily snatching up the letter a second
time, she said, "It is impossible such things can be permitted; we need
money too much in our own family to squander it upon these
miserably-poor connexions." This indignant lady quite forgot, or did not
wish to remember, her own origin, and the _great wealth_ she had brought
to this country. Ere this self-important personage had said so much, she
should have called to mind the many _noble_ acts by which she had been
distinguished above all other royal ladies, and ought to have reflected,
how many thousands had suffered privations and want to permit her royal
self and family to live in splendour, and how many had been privately
disposed of to satisfy her inordinate ambition and insatiable thirst for
power!
Her majesty had also another mortification to endure in the marriage of
her hopeful son, the Duke of Cumberland, with the Princess of Salms.
Lord Castlereagh, always happy to take from the people, had the audacity
to propose an additional grant to the Duke of Cumberland upon his
alliance with a lady so congenial to the taste and talents of his royal
highness! The House of Commons, however, opposed this grant, and several
members made the most severe, though _just_, remarks upon the character
of Ernest Augustus on this occasion.
"Mr. R. GORDON rose, and declared that he could not reconcile
it to his sense of duty to allow this motion to pass with a
silent vote against it. He was astonished at the observation
of the noble lord (Castlereagh) who brought forward this
motion last night, that he did not apprehend any opposition,
while he agreed with the noble lord that it must be painful to
hear any reflections upon the character of the individual
referred to, or any comments whatever at all likely to
depreciate the consequence of the illustrious family to whom
that individual belonged. But ministers alone were to blame in
_dragging_ the Duke of Cumberland before that House. If any
reflections were thrown out against that individual, it was
the fault of ministers in _forcing_ him upon the consideration
of that House. _After what had_ NOTORIOUSLY PASSED WITH
RESPECT TO THIS INDIVIDUAL, _and his connexions,--after the_
RUMOURS _that were afloat upon the subject,--he could not, by
any means, concur with the noble lord, that this was not to be
regarded as a_ PERSONAL _question!_"
"Mr. BENNET said, the Duke of Cumberland, of all the branches
of the royal family, was the _only one_ who could come to that
House, and make an application for money, which he should feel
_compelled to oppose_! He appealed to every person in the
committee, whether they did not hear, out of that House,
_every individual in the country express_ ONE UNIFORM FEELING
_with respect to that personage,--a feeling decidedly averse
from any disposition to concur in such a grant as was now
proposed_. It was impossible even to go to what was called
_fashionable_ society, without hearing the _same feeling of
disrespect expressed_!!!"
"Lord NUGENT disapproved of the grant proposed, with reference
to the time in which, to the manner in which, and to the
_person_ for whom, the grant was proposed. He differed with
his honourable friend who spoke first in the debate, not in
his vote, but in that he did not admit public rumour to
influence his vote. For his own part, he voted mainly on
evidence which could come before the House only by public
rumour,--public rumour uncontradicted and unencountered!!!"
"Lord A. HAMILTON thought the House was called upon to
consider the _merits of the individual_ before it assented to
this proposition, unless it were assumed that, upon the
marriage of any branch of the royal family, the House was
bound to grant an additional allowance, without any
consideration of the nature of the marriage, which was a
proposition too preposterous to be maintained! The intimation,
too, which he understood to be authentic, that it was the
intention of the Duke of Cumberland not to reside in this
country, furnished another argument against the present
measure; nay, it was stated that the grant was brought forward
upon the _settled condition that his royal highness should fix
his residence_ ELSEWHERE!"
"Mr. METHUEN contended that the House ought to shew, by its
vote that night, that it was not inattentive to the _morals_
of the country, and that therefore he should oppose the grant,
not from the slightest personal motives, but merely in the
conscientious discharge of what he conceived to be his duty."
"Sir H. MONTGOMERY said, that when the present bill was first
brought into the House, he voted for it, because he thought
the proposed sum was no more than what was necessary; but,
from what he had heard since, he almost fancied he had done
something very wrong! In the present case, however, he really
saw nothing which would warrant the House in putting such a
_stigma_ upon his royal highness as _would be conveyed by
refusing the grant_!"
The House of Commons DID REFUSE THE GRANT, though only by a small
majority. But this majority was sufficient, according to Sir H.
Montgomery, one of his royal highness' _admirers_, to cast a STIGMA on
the Duke of Cumberland!
As soon as the Princess of Wales was known to have left Brunswick, and
while proceeding to Geneva, persons were despatched from the British
Court to watch all the movements and pursuits of her royal highness, and
to report accordingly, through agents appointed for the mean purpose.
Our country's money was used upon this base business with no sparing
hand. Mr. Whitbread, being perfectly aware that these secret
contrivances were put into execution, felt more in fear of some evil
result to the princess than if she had remained in England. He, as well
as many others, knew that assassination was of very frequent occurrence
in Italy, and more than once expressed himself anxious to see the
princess safely landed again on our shores. But this was not permitted;
for, on the 6th of July, this patriot committed suicide, while in a
state of mental aberration. He fell a sacrifice to the intensity of his
feelings upon several most important subjects.
As a man of firm principles, Mr. Whitbread was justly entitled to the
praise of his countrymen. He never allowed himself to be bribed into
dishonourable actions; and we cannot, therefore, attribute his unhappy
end to the stings of conscience. The man whose life, or a principal
portion of it, has been spent in furthering the wily schemes and
treacherous plans of others may, very probably, in the midst of enjoying
the reward of his villanous conduct, be struck by memory's faithful
reflection, and, afraid of exposure, prefer instant death; but the
patriot who loves his country, and has largely contributed to the
defence of justice and liberty, finding his exertions of no available
use, and sick at heart at the insults levied against the oppressed, may
be driven by despair to rush into the presence of his Maker by his own
act. This latter case, no doubt, applies to the patriot whose untimely
end we are now lamenting. It was Mr. Whitbread's glory to be an
Englishman,--it is his country's boast that he used his energies for her
general benefit. He actively and fearlessly investigated the cause and
nature of abuses, was the ready advocate of the oppressed, and the
liberal friend of all mankind!
The amount required for the service of this year was one hundred and
sixteen millions, which was obtained from the heavily-taxed people,
earned by the sweat of their brow, and consequently by robbing their
starving families of comforts!
From such oppressive exactions, the present _domineering_ TORY
ARISTOCRACY has reared its unblushing and hydra head. It was engendered
in Deception, brought forth by Infamy, nursed by Indolence, educated by
Sovereign Power, and has long lived the life of an Impostor--daring and
hardy! We venture to predict, however, that its reign is drawing to a
close; for the eyes of the whole nation are now fixed upon it, and its
excrescences are discovered! Yes, the monster has outwitted itself, and
from its seat will speedily shoot forth the TREE OF LIBERTY. May its
fruits prove healing to nations! Merit will then be rewarded, Industry
recompensed, Commerce revive, and Tranquillity reign in society. Kings
will learn to do justice, sanguinary laws will be abolished; and thus
the millennium of Peace and Joy will be established on a basis
illustrious and impregnable!
At the commencement of the year
1816,
the intended marriage of the Princess Charlotte of Wales with Prince
Leopold of Saxe Cobourg was announced, which had received the sanction
of the regent. This intended union appeared to us, for many reasons,
highly improper, and too closely allied to the circumstances of George
the Third. We knew, for a considerable period before this announcement,
that Leopold had been paying the most devoted attentions to a lady of
great merit and accomplishments; and, also, that marriage had been
promised. We likewise did not believe the prince was a Protestant from
conviction, if he professed so to be; and feared that, if finally the
husband of the princess, he would only be a convert to our "established
religion" from _convenience_, but really and in truth, by inclination
and education, a _Catholic_. We do not name the religious sentiments of
the prince as any degradation or disqualification to his character as a
man or as a prince, but simply to shew that his principles prohibited
his entrance, by marriage, into the English royal family; for the royal
marriage act expressly declares "such marriages shall be null and void."
While staying at the city of Augsburgh, in the early part of this year,
we heard various reports upon the subject in question, and the paper of
the day having met our eye, what were our feelings when we read the
annexed paragraph!
"_Augsburgh, January 10th._
"The Gazette of this city contains the following article, from
Vienna, of January 3rd: 'Yesterday was celebrated, in the
Cathedral Church of St. Stephen, in the presence of the
reigning Duke of Saxe Cobourg, the MARRIAGE of his brother,
_Prince Leopold_, with the young and beautiful Countess of
Cohaky, according to the rites of the _Catholic_ church.'"
In contemplating this circumstance, every honest man must view the
conduct of Leopold with indignation. Example is generally considered
preferable to precept, and Leopold embraced this opportunity of shewing
himself a convert to such doctrine. George the Third committed BIGAMY;
his son George did the same; and the remaining Hope of England was
destined to be a victim to similar wickedness!
After some formal correspondence, the regent sent a message to both
houses of parliament, on the 14th of March, to announce the marriage
contract of his daughter, the Princess Charlotte, with his serene
highness the Prince Leopold of Saxe Cobourg. Sixty thousand pounds were
voted to the illustrious couple, annually; and, in case of _her royal
highness' demise_, FIFTY THOUSAND POUNDS PER ANNUM were to be paid to
the PRINCE _for his life_. Sixty thousand pounds were also granted for
their outfit.
Well may foreigners exclaim, "How generous are the great English
people!" Alas! it was not the act of the _people_; but the absolute will
of Imbecility, Ignorance, and Impudence, which we shall have further
occasion to illustrate.
We must now refer our readers to the former expectation of marriage
between the Princess Charlotte and the Prince of Orange. That union was
much desired by the regent, because the Prince of Orange had promised
unrelenting opposition to the Princess of Wales. As soon as the Princess
Charlotte, however, became aware of this, she determinately refused to
see the prince again; and we well know that the Duchess of Oldenburgh
took every possible opportunity to press Prince Leopold upon her notice.
Up to the moment of the marriage, the Princess Charlotte did not hear or
know a single word about the _former_ serious engagement of her
affianced husband, except the mean and paltry report, that "he had been
very voluptuous in his gratifications, and was then desirous of bidding
an eternal adieu to those who had formerly led him _astray_!" On the
other hand, Charlotte was tired of the overbearing and indiscriminate
conduct of her grandmother, the queen; and therefore resolved to free
herself from such restraint.
Previous to the marriage, Prince Leopold solemnly promised to fulfil
every iota of the Princess Charlotte's wish, with respect to her abused
and insulted mother; and further engaged, that he never would permit or
allow himself to be made a party, directly or indirectly, to injure the
Princess of Wales, or to prevent any correspondence between the daughter
and mother, of which her royal highness the Princess Charlotte might
approve. But of what signification were the promises of such a faithless
man!
The former marriage of the prince was not considered by the queen a
sufficient impediment to his union with her grand-daughter; and she used
her utmost ability to suppress any representation contrary to the
interest of his serene highness. "The Augsburgh Gazettes" were,
therefore, bought up at an immense expense, to save the character of
this prince from public animadversion, and consequent contempt and
hatred.
On the 21st of February, Prince Leopold arrived at the Clarendon Hotel.
Lord Castlereagh waited upon his serene highness, and, on the following
day, Sir B. Bloomfield arrived from Brighton, with the regent's command
to invite the prince to the Pavilion.
Early on the ensuing morning, the prince and Sir B. Bloomfield left town
for Brighton; and his serene highness was received with as much warmth
and friendship by the regent as if he had been an old acquaintance, or
an especial friend in iniquity!
On the 27th, the queen, accompanied by the Princess Charlotte and two of
the princesses, arrived at the Pavilion, from Windsor Castle; the
interview was short between Leopold and his intended bride. The family
resolved that the marriage should take place as soon as possible. The
royal ladies returned to Windsor, and the prince remained at Brighton
with the regent.
At the time such immense sums were voted for this intended marriage and
outfit, large means were also required for the support of our expensive
establishments at home, which ought to have prevented any squandering of
money upon _foreigners_, for we could never consider Prince Leopold as
one of the royal family of _England_.
Mr. Vansittart, however, was very eloquent, _in his way_, in setting
forth "the great, the incomparably great" station occupied by this
country amongst the nations of the earth! In truth, we will tell the
precise state of our _then greatness_. Our jails were crowded with
farmers and the best of our tradesmen; our streets and roads swarmed
with beggars, nearly dying from filth and want; agriculture languished,
and commerce was paralyzed!
After some delay, caused by circumstances not very _honourable_ to
Prince Leopold, the marriage took place on the 2nd of May; and a very
general report obtained credit that Prince Leopold pronounced his
responses very tremulously, scarcely articulating his portion of the
ceremony. This could hardly be wondered at, as he well knew the
sacrifice of honour he was then making, and the inconstancy of his
former sacred vows!
We pass over the time between the marriage and when the Princess
Charlotte was declared _enceinte_. This occurred twice; but, after one
disappointment, the accouchement was expected with all the ardour of
English anticipation.
The princess had generally expressed her opinion, that mankind, in
reason, policy, philosophy, and religion, were all of one great family;
and hence arose her extreme aversion to the pomp and magnificence of the
court. Indeed, the princess shewed herself very frequently to the
public, and was so free and gracious in her manners, that she appeared
in a natural English character, far opposed to the German pompous style.
A circumstance of no inferior import occurred at this period, which gave
suspicion to the inquiring spirit of the liberal part of the English
nation. This was--the return to office of George Canning! By the Tories,
the event was regarded as a last resource; by the Whigs, his accession,
under royal favour, was considered a token of victory. Each party was
positively assured of an undeviating principle in this gentleman's
character; but each one had to learn that the opinion was erroneous.
In this year, died two individuals, who had formerly been the bosom
companions of royalty. One of these, Mrs. Jordan, expired on the 5th of
July, near Paris, and was buried in the cemetery of St. Cloud; her body
was put into a _thin shell, stained black_, with no ornament whatever.
Mrs. Jordan had lived in Paris for some time in great privacy and
poverty, under the assumed name of Mrs. James. Is not the newly-created
Earl of Munster, and one or two other _great_ personages, the issue of
this unfortunate lady's singular engagement with the prince of some
great nation? The other character was Richard Brinsley Sheridan, the
favourite companion and devoted servant of the Prince of Wales. Let his
scanty means of subsistence be remembered whenever the name of the
prince regent is mentioned. Yes, reader, the man who had devoted his
highly-improved and naturally-eloquent abilities to the cause of this
regent was permitted to die in the course of an arrest!
The sorrows and disappointments which Mrs. Jordan underwent in this
world were of the most agonizing description. Oh! why is it tolerated
that royalty should be allowed to exercise the prerogative of inflicting
the deepest wounds without the possibility of the injured party ever
receiving redress? Is it not contrary to all laws, both human and
divine, to suppose "the king can do no wrong?" If a prince commit an act
of injustice, ought he not to be equally amenable with the peasant to
the laws of his country? _We_ think so, and hope to see the day when the
whole world will acknowledge its justness, and _act_ upon its principle.
Upon the retrospect of Mr. Sheridan's life, we are forcibly struck by
the ingratitude practised towards him by his royal master. The vices he
had contracted were the results of his acquaintance with this
"all-accomplished prince," and during the period of his successive
debaucheries with him, he frequently added his name to notes of hand,
upon sight, or at a longer date, for the prince's extravagancies, or to
meet any demand that might be required upon a run of ill luck at the
gaming-table. Even the debt for which he was arrested was contracted
under the last-mentioned circumstances, and had been paid by a note
given _solely_ for the regent's use by this unfortunate courtier. As
soon as the country became informed of the unkindness Sheridan had
experienced, they saw the character of the prince in its true light,
forming their opinions from FACTS only, and not from the sophistical
meaning given to his actions by the absolute prince himself, or by the
parasites in his service. Honest men could not help grieving at the
reflection, that the money produced by their labour, and even at the
expense of depriving their families of comforts, was being squandered
away at gambling-tables, upon unworthy characters, and in unwarrantable
undertakings. The indignation caused by the base treatment of Mrs.
Jordan and Sheridan manifested itself in several publications of the
day, and many facts were elicited relative to these two unfortunate
individuals; indeed, there was scarcely a subject in the realm, at all
acquainted with their shameful desertion, who did not indulge in some
bold expression of disgust and abhorrence at the disgraceful conduct of
certain _illustrious_ individuals, as being the causes of their
multiplied sorrows and sufferings.
There was a time when monarchs and peers would have lived on the meanest
food, merely sufficient to sustain human nature, in order to discharge
the debts of a faithful servant; and it is well known, that, to reduce
the pressure of taxation or impost upon the poorer classes of society, a
certain sovereign even pawned his jewels! But, alas! this reign and
regency did not present such an endearing feature to the nation; on the
contrary, "the regent of blessed memory" would rather have pawned his
subjects than have relaxed in his extravagant pleasures!
The marriage of the Princess Mary with her cousin the Duke of
Gloucester took place in July, and gave "general satisfaction;" though
his royal highness never benefitted the people in any other way than
_honouring_ them by accepting their bounty!
About this time, a considerable sensation was produced by the
re-appearance of Mrs. Fitzherbert in the gay circles of fashion. The
public journals noticed such an unexpected circumstance with timid
expression, and professed that delicacy prevented any explanatory
remarks! Ignorance and Avarice were more probably the obstacles in the
way; but it would have better become writers, who pretended to
patriotism and independence of character, to have stated unhesitatingly
what they _did know_ of the intentions of the royal plotters; they
certainly might have paid a fine, or endured some imprisonment for
speaking the _truth_; yet he who faulters when his country's weal is at
stake is unworthy the name of--- Briton!
The regent appeared now more determined than ever to procure a divorce
from the Princess of Wales, and the means how this might be accomplished
were put in active preparation. All the ungenerous and mean expedients
hitherto used had been unavailing to produce the desired end. Spies had
not succeeded, and a bolder invention had therefore become necessary. At
the various courts connected with the "Holy Alliance," the princess had
received very little attention; but in every circle where her royal
highness appeared, which was uninfluenced by the crown, she was
received rapturously, and treated most respectfully.
Previous to the conclusion of this year, a naval captain was offered ten
thousand pounds if he could, by any stratagem, obtain PROOF of
adulterous intercourse between the princess and any person of rank
whatever. The _personage_ who made this offer is NOW ALIVE, and if this
statement of simple truth meet his eye, surely the blush of shame will
die his hardened cheek.
The Baron Ompteda was also employed in this foul and diabolical plot,
and, as a reward for his services, he has received a sufficiency from
the hard-earned money of the tax-payers of this kingdom. We suggest that
it had been quite in character to have presented the same in a purse,
with "THE REWARD OF VILLANY" inscribed upon it.
We will here lay before our readers a plain statement of facts, relative
to the persecutions which the unfortunate Princess of Wales endured
abroad, and which is extracted from an original letter now in our
possession:
"For some days past, there have been inserted in several of the papers
various pretended extracts of letters from Milan, Munich, and other
places, respecting the Princess of Wales, and giving a most erroneous
statement of an affair that occurred some months since in her royal
highness' family. You may depend upon the following, as being an
authentic narrative of the transaction alluded to. An Hanoverian baron
was observed to follow the princess' route wherever she went. He was
always received by her royal highness with the attentions due to his
rank. On the princess' return to Milan from her long voyage, the baron
was still there, and paid his respects to her royal highness as usual;
but reports having come to the ears of her household, that the baron had
made use of expressions in society highly injurious to her royal
highness, one of the gentlemen in her suite, an English officer, sent
the baron a challenge, and this conveyed, in terms too plain and
unequivocal to be misconstrued, that he accused him of 'a most infamous
and unmanly return for the kindnesses he had received from her royal
highness,' and called upon him to 'meet him at eight o'clock the next
morning at Bartassima, (half way between Milan and Como) there to answer
for this sacred charge against his honour as a gentleman and a man, who
had ever received the most marked hospitality at the hands of the
princess, and who had committed the greatest act of hostility against
the very first of virtues.'
"This challenge was delivered to the baron by the hands of the Baron
Cavalotti, a friend of the English officer. The answer to this direct
challenge was an attempt to explain away the charge imputed to him; but
an acceptance of the challenge, claiming his right to the choice of
weapons, and saying that he would fight in Switzerland, but that his
intended second was absent; in two days he would send him to settle the
time and place.
"Just at this period, a discharged servant of her royal highness wrote a
letter to the chief magistrate of Como, saying that his conscience
touched him, and that he was desirous of making a confession of the part
he had acted in a treacherous confederacy with the Hanoverian, in whose
pay he had been for the preceding ten months, to disclose to him every
transaction of the household, to procure false keys to her royal
highness' apartments and drawers, &c. &c. This was made known to her
royal highness. She treated all that he could have obtained by such
insidious means with contempt; and actually took the footman, who had
thus acted as a spy upon her actions, again into her service, on his
imploring her pardon; but another accomplice was delivered over to the
police, to be tried and punished.
"The very next day after this discovery, her royal highness gave a grand
entertainment, at which the Governor of Milan and all the principal
nobility were present. When the princess communicated the whole affair
to the governor, he expressed his indignation at the scandalous conduct,
and having learnt that a challenge had passed from one of her gentlemen
to the baron, said that certainly that person was unworthy to be treated
as a gentleman. The Hanoverian knew nothing of all this; but, according
to his promise, sent Count Cantenogh, one of the chamberlains to the
Austrian Emperor, to Como, who, having met the British officer, said he
was not much acquainted with the Hanoverian who had requested him to be
his second in an affair of honour; that he was anxious to have the
matter fully investigated; and trusted that, if the baron should prove
his innocence of the language imputed to him, the British officer would
be satisfied that he had acted hastily. But, in case he was not
satisfied, he was further instructed to say, that the baron wished the
meeting to be in Germany, on the confines of France, instead of
Switzerland, and time could not be convenient to him sooner than three
weeks, a month, or more, from that time, as he had to go to Hanover to
settle his affairs in the interim. The Englishman then related to Count
Cantenogh the disclosures that had been made the day before, and
submitted to him whether such behaviour did not render his principal
unworthy the support of a man of honour, or to be met as a gentleman.
The count declared that he could not be the second of such a person;
that he must justify himself from this infamous charge, or choose
another friend. With this, the count returned to Milan, and a message
was soon after delivered to her royal highness, from the governor, to
say that the Hanoverian baron had received orders to quit the Austrian
dominions, which he had accordingly done.
"This curious affair made a considerable noise at the time, which was
the beginning of November last, and is, we suppose, the foundation of
the stories which have lately been circulated and misrepresented."
"In the summer of 1815, another wicked secret plot was formed against
the princess, the origin of which it is not difficult to guess. The
princess was narrowly watched, and attempts were made to seduce her
people; but only one, Piqueur Crade, was so weak as to yield, and to
promise Baron O** to conduct him into the apartments of the princess by
means of false keys. The plot was, however, discovered, and the piqueur
turned away. The man wrote to the Chevalier Tommassia, confessed that he
had let himself be seduced by Baron O** to betray his mistress, and
begged for mercy. The princess thought it proper to acquaint the
governor, Count Sawrau, with this event, and Baron O** was forced to
leave the dominions of his Majesty the Emperor. Hownham, the princess'
private secretary, challenged the baron, but the latter has hitherto put
it off. Since this affair, the princess is very cautious, particularly
towards Englishmen whom she does not know; but she conceals herself from
nobody, only she will not be the object of calumny, and of a shameful
_espionage_, of which she has already been the victim. What has happened
gives ground to fear still greater enormities.
"An event, which took place at Genoa, has more the appearance of an
attempt at _assassination_ than robbery. Some armed men penetrated,
during the night, into the house of the princess, and almost into her
bed-chamber. An alarm being given, one of the servants fired upon these
people, and pursued them, but in vain. It is not yet discovered what
were their intentions. But let a veil cover all this. Her first master
of the horse, Schiavini, has kept a circumstantial account of her
journey to the Holy Land. The princess went from Genoa to the island of
Elba, thence to Sicily and Barbary, then to Palestine. She visited
Jerusalem, Athens, &c., and was every where received with the honours
due to her rank.
"By the assistance of several _literati_, she obtained a collection of
valuable antiquities, for which object she spared no expense. Wherever
the princess appeared, she left behind her grateful recollections by her
beneficence. At Tunis, she obtained the freedom of several slaves. The
princess is now employed in writing the history of her life, which she
will make public when the time comes.
"By this, she will throw great light on many facts which are now
involved in obscurity."
We need hardly offer a remark upon the vindictive measures, so fully set
forth in this narrative, exercised against the unfortunate Princess of
Wales. It will not be difficult for our readers to recognize the REAL
INSTIGATORS of the many annoyances she endured; _their names_ will be
handed down to future generations as the "Oppressors of Innocence,"
while the finger of Scorn will mark the spot where lies their "SORDID
DUST."
The calamitous situation of the nation at this time became truly
appalling. Subscriptions were entered into for the purpose of relieving
the distresses of the poor, and her majesty's name was put down for the
insignificant sum of three hundred pounds! If we were to be prolix in
our account of this German lady's _discretionary_ liberality, the
details, we fear, would not interest our readers. She was only liberal
when her own interest was at stake!
Early in
1817,
the queen became indisposed, so much so as to cause alarm amongst her
partisans for the issue. It was deemed expedient that the prince regent,
who was then at Brighton, should be informed of the circumstance, and
the Duke of York set off in the night to convey the intelligence to him.
Why a courier could not have been forwarded, we do not pretend to say;
but deception and mystery always attended the royal movements. Shortly
afterwards, however, her majesty was declared convalescent, and the
family were gratified by her recovery, being well assured that her
assistance would be of the most essential consequence to the completion
of the regent's wishes in the intended divorce.
In February, the "Habeas Corpus Act" was suspended, and, upon _suspicion
only_, were Mr. Evans and his son seized and committed to prison on a
charge of treason. They observed at the time, with great truth, "Poor
devoted England! she cannot be called our country, but our grave!" This
was confirmed by Lord Sidmouth, who rendered his every service in this
disgraceful business, and was at all imaginable pains to prove, that his
master, the regent, was the "Vicegerent of heaven, and had all power
upon earth."
The country was now elated by the information that the Princess
Charlotte was likely to give an heir to the throne; because the people
hoped that her progeny would prove more worthy of a crown than some of
the sons of her austere grandmother. Upon this amiable princess, indeed,
the English people had long placed their hopes, and they lived in
anxious expectation to see the then existing tyranny superseded by a
better form of government, under her auspices. In the mean time, every
member of the royal family appeared more interested for the health of
the queen than for the Princess Charlotte. Her majesty had experienced
several relapses; but, after each attack, when she appeared in public,
no symptoms of previous indisposition were visible.
Lords Liverpool, Castlereagh, and Sidmouth, and the _accommodating_
George Canning, were now the arbiters of the fates of nations; their
will was no sooner expressed than it passed into a law; and, while
revelling at the festive board with their puissant prince, the country
was writhing in the most pitiable condition. Even bread and water were
not always within the poor man's grasp, and the starved peasantry of
Ireland, in open defiance of military power, were living by stealing and
eating raw potatoes, to enable them to eke out their most miserable
existence! Under this humiliating condition, their rights and liberties
were suspended, and it was made "treason and sedition" to murmur or
complain.
When the tyrannical King John oppressed his subjects, and endeavoured to
usurp despotic power, the barons assembled around him, and, unsheathing
their swords, swore, "The laws of England shall not be changed!" But the
days of chivalry were past! Lord Castlereagh was now our dictator, and a
standing army of one hundred and forty thousand men, to enforce his vile
and unconstitutional measures, destroyed even the chance of
emancipation. We may add, in the words of our immortal bard, that his
lordship was a _man_,
"Ay, and a _bold_ one, that dare look on that
Which might appal the devil!"
The galling distresses of the people, at this period of national
calamity and misrule, drove them to the commission of violent acts, and
the diligence of well-chosen officers and prosecutors, with the
partiality of judges, supplied the defect of evidence needful for
punishment. The law was actually made a snare, while vice received
encouragement and rewards, when on the side of the oppressors. This was
not solely confined to the higher tribunals, but was also apparent in
almost every inferior court. Indeed, Lord Sidmouth sent a circular
letter to all lieutenants of counties, recommending even "justices of
the peace to hold to bail persons publishing alleged libels!!!" The
whole ministry proved themselves to be uninfluenced by the dictates of
_equity_, or those principles of _moderation_ which distinguished some
of our noble ancestors. Power was every thing with Castlereagh and his
associates, assisted by the MITRED HEADS of the "established church,"
who were ever his zealous friends in the cause of tyranny! Be it, then,
our duty to tear the mask of hypocrisy aside, and exhibit the deformity
of Power, more especially when disguised under the specious form of
PIETY. He who can assume the sanctity of a SAINT, and perform the deeds
of a RUFFIAN, will not be spared in our explanations of TRUTH! The title
of "Right Reverend Father in God" shall not cause us to be dismayed, if,
by their _reverend_ works, they prove themselves to be the children of
the devil! We are not what _pretended pious_ people term INFIDELS; but
we detest to see the tools of power endeavour to subdue the nation in
the garb of godliness, insulting the _poor_ with orders for "general
fasts," while they themselves are indulging in the most riotous
excesses!
We must now, as honest and fearless historians, record the most
cold-blooded and horrible CRIME that was ever perpetrated in this or any
other Christian country!
"'Tis a strange truth. O monstrous act!
'Twill out, 'twill out!--I hold my peace, sir? no:
No, I will speak as liberal as the air!"
We are almost ready to murmur at Providence for permitting some of the
assassins to escape from this world without meeting the punishment they
merited. One or two, however, still remain to pollute the earth, and
upon whom we yet hope to see justice administered!
Every honest heart was full of bitterness and anguish, when it was
announced, "The PRINCESS CHARLOTTE is DEAD!" The heavy-tolling bell, the
silence of the streets, and the mute astonishment of all who met and
parted, exhibited signs of unfeigned sorrow. In an _unexpected_ moment,
the hopes of this great nation were brought to nought! Her royal
highness was England's star of promise,--the beacon which it was
expected would light the traveller to escape the quicksands of
destruction!
On the 5th of November, at nine in the evening, this exemplary princess
was safely delivered of a male child, said to be still born; and
although pronounced at that time, by her accoucheur, to be doing
extremely well, yet, at half-past two on the morning of the 6th, her
royal highness expired! Sir Richard Croft announced to Prince Leopold
the heart-rending intelligence; and a messenger was instantly sent to
the prince regent (to whom a former communication of fearful import had
been made) and also to the queen at Bath. All the royal family then in
England hastened to London, _report said_, "nearly destroyed with
grief."
Special messengers were also despatched with the melancholy information
to the Duke of Kent, who was at Brussels, and to the Duke of Cambridge,
at Hanover; but the MOTHER of the late princess was entirely
_neglected_. Etiquette and respect were attended to in the cases which
least required notice, and omitted in the situation which really
demanded, in common decency and justice, the most prompt consideration.
The prince regent arrived at Carlton House at four o'clock on the fatal
morning, and was informed by Lord Bathurst and the Duke of York of the
event. The regent had been, for ten or twelve days, sojourning with the
Marquis, or _Marchioness_, of Hertford, at their seat near Sudbury. In
contradiction to several either servile or ignorant historians, we
fearlessly say that it was not unexpected news to his royal ear! In the
course of the ensuing day, a letter was written and delivered to Dr. Sir
Richard Croft, announcing the prince regent's offer of thanks for the
attention paid to the Princess Charlotte, and assuring the doctor that
the prince was fully satisfied with his skill and superior merit;
concluding with these words: "As it is the _will of Divine Providence_,
his royal highness is in duty bound to submit to the decree--_of
heaven_."
Prince Leopold was not so hasty in returning his thanks for the
attentions of Dr. Croft, though much better able to judge of the matter
than the regent; for _he_ was many miles off, and could not _personally_
know any thing of the matter.
Notwithstanding the professed deep sorrow and grief of the prince
regent, however, we can announce that his royal highness did not permit
himself to relax in any pursuit of pleasure, except that of openly
exhibiting himself; for, on the ensuing evening, we ourselves were not
very distant from Carlton House, and can testify to this fact. He and
his brother of York were not in _very great_ anguish upon the occasion;
they pledged each other in quick succession, until the circumstance
which had caused their meeting was entirely forgotten by them. "I drink
to the safety of the regent," said the duke, "and _I_ to the safety of
_York_," retorted the prince. These remarks created irritability, and
the prince very warmly replied, to an interrogation of his brother,
"What would _you_ think if the ghost of Edward Augustus stood at your
elbow?"
How very different was the report issued to the world! The daily papers
stated that "the extreme sorrow of the regent had produced an unusual
sensation of pain in the head of his royal highness." We were not
surprised at this announcement; though we had hoped to have heard the
royal _heart_ was affected upon a review of his past enormities!
We regret to say, that when the Princess Charlotte was in daily
expectation of her accouchement, she was not soothed by the attentions
of any of her female relatives. It is true they had not, by any former
acts of kindness, given her occasion to expect it; but the disrespect
shewn to her royal highness was chiefly owing to the affection for, and
defence of, her persecuted mother, which, though perfectly _natural_ and
praiseworthy, displeased certain high and powerful personages. The
_queen_ (that boasted paragon of goodness!) was one hundred and eight
miles distant, and the hearts of all the family seemed as if estranged
from virtuous and honourable feelings. Her majesty, with the Princess
Elizabeth, left Windsor Castle for Bath, on the morning of the 3rd of
October, for the avowed purpose of drinking the waters. On the 27th of
the same month, the prince regent, accompanied by Sir B. Bloomfield,
left London for the seat of the Marquis of Hertford, at Sudbury, in
Suffolk. The Duke of Clarence was also absent. It is true that the
cabinet ministers, whose presence was required by precedent and state
necessity, were in waiting; but how far their services could be
agreeable or beneficial to a young female in such a situation, we are at
a loss to discover. Alas! _that parent_ who ought to have been present,
and who would most joyfully have flown on the wings of maternal
affection, was denied the privilege. But while the daughter was
struggling in the agonies of a cruel death, the mother was a wanderer in
a foreign land, and beset with snares laid for her destruction also!
During the pregnancy of the Princess Charlotte, the prince, her husband,
was chiefly her companion. Her choice of an accoucheur fell upon Dr. Sir
Richard Croft, as he was considered the most able and skilful man in his
profession. The ladies in attendance upon her royal highness were unfit
to render advice or assistance upon any emergency, as neither of them
had been a mother. The princess, when in an advanced state of pregnancy,
was kept low, and scarcely allowed animal food, or wine, to both of
which she had previously been accustomed. Between the fifth and seventh
months, her royal highness was bled several times, and still kept upon
very low diet. Claremont, the place chosen for the eventful period, was
sixteen miles from town, and when any pressing occasion required the
attendance of a surgeon or physician from London, the distance caused a
considerable delay. Her royal highness' confinement was expected to take
place about the end of October, and the period between that time and the
final issue was strongly marked by symptoms of approaching labour. Her
royal highness was in extreme pain for more than forty-eight hours, yet
each bulletin declared, "The princess is doing extremely well." At
half-past twelve, A.M. her royal highness became uneasy and very
restless; she exhibited much difficulty of breathing, and at half-past
two--EXPIRED!
The substance of this detail found its way into the daily journals, and
excited, as it was naturally calculated to do, much remark and inquiry.
The generally-received opinion was, that the lamented heiress to the
crown had been _wantonly_ suffered to perish, from the folly of
etiquette, or some other unnatural and unexplained cause. We, however,
are not bound to surrender our judgment to a journalist, or to subscribe
to the opinion of any man less acquainted with a particular subject than
ourselves; and, upon this melancholy and tragical event, therefore, we
shall dare to give utterance to TRUTH. In doing so, we beg to state that
we are not influenced by personal resentment, but, in the discharge of
our task, are determined only to award "honour where honour is due."
The labour of the princess was commenced under extreme debility; and, at
an early period, it appeared very probable that _surgical_ assistance
would be finally requisite; yet no provision was made for such
assistance! The bulletin of Wednesday morning, eight o'clock, signed by
the attending practitioners, was rather doubtfully expressed. The second
bulletin, at ten in the evening, was confidently affirmative of the
_well-doing_ of the royal patient. Dr. Sims affixed his signature to
these bulletins, but he had not seen her royal highness since the first
pang she had experienced. How this gentleman could allow his name to be
thus affixed to a declaration, of the truth of which he was totally
ignorant, we know not; but it was said, by the time-serving press, "that
Dr. Sims being unknown to the princess, his appearance in her chamber
might have alarmed her." The folly of this excuse is best exposed by
supposing that if, at this trying moment, Dr. Croft had been ill, and
unfit to attend the princess, would she have been left to perish for
lack of assistance? We think not; for this would have given too plain an
idea of the expectations of certain parties. The public papers announced
that the letter summoning Dr. Sims to Claremont was written on Tuesday
morning, yet he did not arrive until Wednesday morning at three o'clock.
It was further stated, that the nurse discovered the dreadful change in
her royal highness by the difficulty manifested in swallowing her gruel,
and that she was so alarmed by this appearance of spasm, that she
immediately called the faculty out of their beds, as well as Prince
Leopold. Another journalist stated a contrary case. But _we know_ that,
although some beverage was administered to the princess, it was NOT
GRUEL; for her royal highness had a great aversion to gruel, and could
never be prevailed on to take it. Soon after her royal highness took the
liquid, she was afflicted in a most _unusual way_, though only for a
short time. The low state of muscular strength, to which the princess
had gradually been reduced, certainly required greater nourishment than
was given to her; and in this professional treatment, therefore, the
accoucheur acted unwisely as well as unskilfully, to say the least of
it. That most eminent practitioner, Dr. Thynne, made it an invariable
rule, after a protracted birth, to revive the mother, by giving a
tea-spoonful of egg, beat up with wine, from time to time. The symptoms
of not being able to swallow, and the convulsive action of the body,
were plainly indicative of a dying patient; but the real cause of the
patient's dying was then a mystery, except to two or three individuals.
The public journals of the day called loudly upon the gentlemen who
attended the Princess Charlotte, as her accoucheurs, to give all
facility for an investigation of their whole mode of treatment, adding,
that "if they be conscious that they have acquitted themselves well,
they will have no objection to an investigation of their conduct, and
cannot consider themselves placed in a worse situation than the captain
of a king's ship, who, in the event of the loss of his vessel, is
obliged to undergo a trial by court martial." To this and similar
appeals, the ministers promptly replied, "that it was _impossible_,
after the prince regent had been pleased to express his approbation and
award his thanks, as it would seem to _reflect_ upon the prince, who
alone was endowed with the sovereign power to act in the case." This
royal cant-phraseology, however, failed to lull suspicion; for the
attending circumstances were of a nature too horrible to be buried in
oblivion! If all had been correct, why refuse inquiry, particularly when
it was solicited by nine-tenths of the nation?
The queen left Bath on Saturday, the 8th of November, and arrived at
Windsor in the evening. The next day, the prince regent went from
Carlton House to Windsor to see the queen; but the privacy of the visit
did not permit it to be of long duration. We are able to give the
particulars of this interview.
Her majesty's mind had been disturbed by the receipt of a letter, from a
medical gentleman, upon the subject of the _untimely_ death of the
Princess Charlotte. No time was to be lost. The prince was requested
immediately to see his royal mother; and, on his arrival, her majesty
presented him with the letter, the contents of which proved, beyond
doubt, that the writer had been an _eye-witness_ to some particular
events connected with the dissolution of the much-lamented and
tenderly-beloved princess.
The letter commenced with the most respectful dedication to royalty, and
prayed for an extra extension of candour and patience by her majesty,
while the facts of which it was composed were examined and duly
considered. The writer then proceeded,--"I am perfectly satisfied your
majesty could not be _personally_ aware of the case, because of the
distance your majesty then was from Claremont; but I submit it to your
majesty's good feeling and judgment, if the particulars attendant upon
this most lamentable loss ought not immediately to be most strictly
inquired into. Refusal to do this, or to permit it being done, will only
aggravate the matter, instead of setting the question at rest for ever.
The public well know that all was not as it ought to have been,--that
something had been neglected or imprudently attempted, that ought to
have received a widely-different attention. As a proof that I do not
intrude my remarks and remonstrances improperly, or without information
upon the nicest points of the case, I will give reasons for my
dissatisfaction. From the first moment Sir Richard Croft was placed in
attendance upon her royal highness, there was no reason to anticipate or
fear any unhappy results. The natural appearances were unequivocally
satisfactory. Previous to the delivery, the infant was not supposed to
be dead. It was quite unnecessary and unnatural to inform the princess
that the child was still-born; such a communication is very seldom made
to any female at such a moment. Camphor julaps are very seldom
administered to a healthy patient, or where the stomach is sound,
immediately after delivery, as the effect would generally be to produce
irritation, sickness, and convulsion. Dr. Croft ought not to have
retired to bed, presuming that her royal highness was so indisposed as
to cause her incessant moaning, _which was really the case_. More than
this, your majesty, about noon of the Wednesday, Dr. Croft said, 'I
believe the princess might very quickly be delivered by having recourse
to an _operation_; but I dare not perform it without the _presence_ and
_sanction_ of her royal father, the prince regent.' I hope (continued
the writer) that your majesty will see this plain statement in its own
character, and that you will save all future disclosures of an
unpleasant nature, by your timely recommendation of the subject to the
prince regent, your son. Your majesty may believe I am induced by
vindictive motives to offer these remarks; but that would prove an
incorrect opinion; and unless your majesty causes a very prompt inquiry
to be permitted upon the facts of this case, I fear yourself and family
will finally have cause to regret the delay."
The prince was much displeased that any subject should have dared to
take such a liberty as to speak or write an unpleasant TRUTH to any of
his _noble_ family,--more especially to the _queen_. It was an
unpardonable transgression; yet, as the gentleman had given his name and
address, it was a very delicate affair. The queen had so often witnessed
the prostration of the multitudes of fashion's votaries, that she
imagined much might be accomplished by commanding an interview, and
subduing the voice of inquiry and truth by the splendour of pageantry,
and the intoxicating smile of royalty. By her majesty's command,
therefore, an interview took place. With her general air of confidence,
the queen said, "I presume, Sir, you are the author of this letter?" "I
am, please your majesty." "And what," said the queen, "am I to
understand from such an unaccountable appeal to me and my family?" "I
beg your majesty's pardon personally, as well as previously by letter,
but I deemed it my duty to inform your majesty of my information upon
the subject in question, and I am very sorry if your majesty does not
think it necessary to have the most prudent means used to satisfy the
public inquiry." The queen was very gracious, and smiling, said, "I will
name your good intentions to the prince regent, and I will not forget
them myself; but I can satisfy you, that your opinions upon the subject
of your communication to me are incorrect." The gentleman rose, and was
about to retire; but the queen had not attained her object. Her majesty,
therefore, hastily said, "I trust you are convinced of the impropriety
of your former opinions?" "No, please your majesty, I never can change
my opinions upon this subject until I lose my principles, and I trust
sincerely that I shall never endure such an humiliation while I retain
my reason. But," added the gentleman, "your majesty must be well assured
that I am acquainted with the greater portion of your family; yea, very
intimately acquainted, not indecorously so, but in the discharge of my
professional engagements. Your majesty well knows that I saw the
lamented Princess Charlotte just before the unhappy event, and also am
not ignorant of the constitution of your majesty's _daughters_. I
therefore am bold to assert, that the death of her royal highness was
not, and is not to be, naturally accounted for! It is true, that I am
not known to the world in the capacity of accoucheur to your family; but
your majesty knows, I have been your trusty and confidential servant
upon more occasions than one; and I am now resolved to relinquish the
royal favour, if it must be purchased at such an unknown expense."
The queen retired, and so did the heart-stricken gentleman; but their
ruminations and consequent determinations were very dissimilar. Her
majesty was endeavouring to evade explanation; the gentleman, meditating
upon the most prudent plan for adoption to put a period to the agitated
feelings of the public.
The reader may imagine that this professional person had been previously
selected to render his services to some members of this illustrious
family, which was actually the case. He had travelled more than twenty
miles in the royal carriage, and had performed the most delicate
offices. He knew royalty was not exempt from frailty, and that rank did
not preserve its possessors from the commission of crime. Denial of this
would prove abortive, for the gentleman LIVES, and would, if called
upon, assert the same even at the expense of life. He does not fear the
interdiction of a crowned head! neither would he shrink under "a special
commission." He wields the two-edged sword of _truth_, and therefore
defies the strong arm of power. He has seen enough of the wily snares of
courtiers, and has retired from the unhallowed association with
feelings of disgust, contempt, and detestation. The adulation of the
parasites of royalty is odious to his ear; and, to save the increasing
stings of an offended conscience, he is now publicly explicit upon this
hateful subject. Despising secrecy and infamy, he openly avows enmity to
such characters as are leagued against the peace and happiness of
society; and their intentions to perpetuate their unjust, partial, and
devastating system, must be checked by the information of those persons
who are privy to the cause, as well as to the effects, of their
overgrown power.
The day after this unpleasant interview, the queen paid a visit to the
king; and, as nearly two months had elapsed since her majesty visited
her husband, it was productive of great anxiety on the part of the royal
sufferer. The daily papers stated that "his majesty was much improved,
and very tranquil, in consequence of the queen having paid him a visit."
Does not this neglect of the poor afflicted king reflect disgrace upon
her majesty? The wife who forgets her duty to the man she has espoused
is undeserving the respect of society. _Who_ was Queen Charlotte, that
the eyes of the public should be blinded, or their tongues mute, upon
this apathy and unfeeling demeanour to the king, her husband, who had
raised her from comparative poverty to affluence and greatness? Had
similar inattention been manifested by the wife of a peasant, her
neighbour's reproach would not have been wanting; but every one seemed
afraid of impugning the character of a _queen_, so celebrated for
_amiability_ and _virtue_! A few days after the interment of the
Princess Charlotte and her infant, the queen again went off for the city
of Bath! and we assert, without fear of contradiction, that her
majesty's eye was never observed to be dim upon this most melancholy
occasion. Let the world judge if such unfeeling deportment agreed with
her majesty's reported sorrow.
On the 19th of November, the Princess Charlotte and her infant were
consigned to the tomb. The Dukes of York and Clarence were supporters to
the chief mourner, Prince Leopold; and, after the ostentatious parade of
funeral pomp, they retired without much appearance of sorrow. It was
said that a king, or prince invested with royal power, could not attend
the ceremony, or join in the cavalcade of a funeral. The regent,
therefore, was not present at the closing scene of his child's hard
destiny. But royalty has many privileges; distinct from the common herd
of mankind. It must not, for instance, reside in the same habitation
with a corpse, lest its delicately-refined nerves should sustain injury,
or be excited to an extreme point of agony!
The body of the unfortunate Charlotte was reported to have been
embalmed, but the heart only was extracted; THE INTESTINES WERE NOT
REMOVED! This was an unprecedented circumstance, as upon all former
occasions this barbarous custom had been permitted. The surgeon who
accompanied Prince Leopold from Germany was solicited to say _why_ this
form had been omitted; and his suspicious reply was, "Neither now, nor
at any future time, shall any power on earth induce me to speak one word
upon the subject." He was then requested to give into the hand of Prince
Leopold a sealed letter upon the subject; this he also positively
refused to do, adding, at the same time, "the prince would not receive
it." Very shortly afterwards, a letter _was_ conveyed into the prince's
hand, offering "to communicate certain facts relative to the demise of
the late princess, his consort, if he pleased to express his willingness
to receive the same." His serene highness never paid attention to that
letter.
It was said, at the time of her royal highness' death, that Prince
Leopold was so angry with the nurse (Mrs. Griffiths) that he turned her
out of the house, without permitting her to stay to attend the funeral.
One thing, however, is certain, that she has several sons in different
public offices. To one of these, her favourite, she said, (when
labouring under the effects of a dreadful illness she had shortly after
the princess' death) "I have never kept but one HORRID SECRET from you,
which has always weighed upon my mind; but I cannot communicate it,
unless I am sure of death the next minute!"
This Mrs. Griffiths certainly knows more about the death of her late
royal mistress than she has yet thought proper to communicate; though,
in one of her moments of compunction, she confessed to a friend of
our's, that the Princess Charlotte had actually been POISONED, and
related the way in which she found it out. Mrs. Griffiths stated, that,
"after giving her royal highness some BROTH (not gruel) she became
dreadfully convulsed; and, being struck with the peculiarity of the
circumstance, she examined the cup from which her royal highness had
drank. To her astonishment, she there perceived a _dark red sediment_,
upon _tasting which_, HER TONGUE BECAME BLISTERED!!!" Mrs. Griffiths
immediately asked Dr. Croft what he had administered to the princess;
but she received no satisfactory answer. A few hours after this,
however, the doctor said sufficient to prove that the princess had been
MURDERED! As Mrs. Griffiths is now alive, we challenge her to deny this
statement, if incorrect.
The lamented princess was treated most cruelly by all around her, and
one of the higher household asserted, that he believed her royal
highness was left "two hours in the agonies of death, without any person
going near her!" Mrs. Lewis, her waiting woman, has denied this
statement; but it is well known, that Mrs. Lewis was placed as a _spy_
about her royal highness even from her infancy.
The last time the prince regent was at Claremont, not long before the
princess' confinement, a most respectable gentleman heard him say, "A
child of the Princess Charlotte shall never sit upon the throne." Did
not this speak volumes as to her intended destruction? Surely no one can
doubt, after these disclosures, that the Princess Charlotte fell a
victim to a vile conspiracy.
The murder of the Princess Charlotte proved the signal for letting loose
the hounds of destruction upon her heart-broken mother. On the morning
of the second day after her majesty's return to Bath, a lady had a
private audience with her. The object of the interview was, to offer the
services of her husband (an officer in the navy) in the impeachment and
intended destruction of the honour of the Princess of Wales. "What
situation does the person occupy?" said the queen. "He is a lieutenant,
please your majesty." "What would be deemed a sufficient recompense for
his attentions?" said her majesty. "Your majesty's good opinion is all
my husband aspires to," said the lady; and, after a few unmeaning
expressions of civility, she retired. Lord Liverpool was consulted, and
gave his opinion that the person in question could not be implicitly
relied on; and a messenger was therefore sent to the gentleman,
according to the address left by his wife, declining the offered
service; and stating that "her majesty had no unkind or ungenerous
feelings towards the Princess of Wales, and had quite misunderstood the
offer, having supposed it to be made under very opposite circumstances."
The lady was recommended to the queen's notice by Lord Castlereagh,
though doubts were entertained whether the lieutenant might be trusted,
as he was believed to be anti-ministerial.
We here relate another fact, relative to the Princess of Wales'
persecutors:--A certain personage sought for an interview with an
individual whom we will disguise under the name of Captain Rock. "Well,"
said his royal highness to the captain, "I wish to engage your
services; you are well acquainted with Italy; we expect the Princess of
Wales will be at Pisa in about three months, and as you have served us
before, we suppose you will have no objection to do so again; you shall
not want for cash." The offer was accepted, and his royal highness
_wrote_ this offer upon paper, and a sum was advanced on the evening of
the same day. This mean slave of power departed; but, before following
the instructions of his royal employer, went off to London, and
communicated to Lord Castlereagh his mission, requiring five hundred
pounds more, declaring the _written_ promise should strictly be
enforced, as he had been a loser by his former services. The amount
demanded was given. "I assure you, my lord," said the captain, "I will
execute my commission well; but I must also be paid well." Lord
Castlereagh assented, and this unmanly spy took his leave of England to
wait the expected arrival of the princess at Pisa.
These proceedings against her royal highness soon manifested themselves
in a commission being appointed at Milan; and rumours were circulated in
this country that her conduct was at variance with propriety.
Mr. LEECH, a Chancery barrister of some eminence, and who was
subsequently elevated to the situation of Vice-Chancellor, and is now
Master of the Rolls; Mr. COOK, also a barrister, and a writer of great
eminence on the subject of bankruptcy; Mr. POWELL, a gentleman of
private fortune and connected with the court; a Colonel BROWN, the
impropriety of whose conduct met with general disapprobation; and Lord
STEWART, the cowardly lordling who had repeatedly vilified the character
of the princess, and had even personally insulted her, were selected as
the individuals proper to conduct an inquiry into the character and
conduct of her royal highness, during her residence on the Continent. To
Milan they repaired. A person by the name of Vimercati was selected as
the Italian agent. Colonel Brown was stationed to assist him. Salaries
were of course attached to their respective offices, and each individual
had his post assigned him. Vimercati was invested with the greater part
of the management of this affair, and the nature of his conduct and
proceedings cannot but excite mingled feelings of surprise and horror.
By this commission, witnesses were first obtained, then examined, and
re-examined; exorbitant prices were offered to them for their testimony,
and threats were made to those who shewed, or pretended to shew, any
dislike subsequently to appear to verify their statements. Rastelli,
afterwards a witness, was employed as _courier_, and to him was
delegated the all-powerful argument of a _long purse_. Dumont, while in
the hands of this commission, carried on a correspondence with her
sister, (who was still in the queen's service) through the medium of
Baron D'Ompteda, (the villain we mentioned a few pages back) for the
purpose of obtaining information from her majesty's servants. And Omati
was paid by D'Ompteda for stealing papers, for the use of the
commission, from his master, who was her majesty's professional agent at
Milan. These are facts proved by witnesses whose characters are
irreproachable, and whose evidence is as well written as parole.
The year
1818
was a dark and troubled period,--a period of great private distress,--so
that the minds of men were bent with more acerbity than usual upon the
redress of public grievances. The country, borne down by debt, harassed
by taxation, which had no longer for its excuse a monopoly of commerce,
looked naturally enough to the source from which these calamities had
flowed. They found the theory and the practice of the constitution at
variance, and hearing they had a right to be taxed by their
representatives, they thought it hard and unjust that over the great
majority of those who taxed them they had no controul. Retrenchment and
economy were what they required. They considered parliamentary reform
would be the means of producing economy and retrenchment. Public
meetings in favour of parliamentary reform were, therefore, held,
resolutions in favour of it passed, and petitions in favour of it
presented to the two houses of parliament; the energies of a free people
were roused, and great excitement prevailed. When a country is thus
agitated, a minister must resist with vigour, or yield with grace.
Unjust and violent demands should be met with resistance; but sober and
legitimate requests, with concession. When weakly opposed, they are
obtained by immediate violence; successfully refused, they are put off
for a day, or postponed for a week or a year; but they are not got rid
of. Lord Castlereagh and Mr. Canning, however, were vain enough to think
otherwise.
Parliament was opened by commission in January. The speech referred to
the continued indisposition of his majesty, and the death of the
Princess Charlotte; but without promising an inquiry into the _cause_ of
her untimely end! An address was voted in the Commons' House, according
to custom, though Sir Samuel Romilly was not wanting in his expressions
of severe opposition to the course ministers were pursuing. He stated,
"that the despotic conduct of the ministry had produced in the minds of
the people a determination to withstand any further infringement upon
their rights and privileges."
Totally regardless of the sufferings of an over-burdened people,
however, and during the very heavy and calamitous sorrows of the middle
and lower classes, the chancellor of the Exchequer had the effrontery to
move "that one million of money be raised for the purpose of supplying
the deficiency of places of worship belonging to the establishment, by
building new churches and chapels of ease, where the increase of
population rendered it needful." How applicable are the words of
Tartuffe to the advocates of this measure! "With one hand, I have
encouraged spies, suborned perjury, and committed murders; and with the
other, built churches,--_but not with my own money_!" The bill passed,
and an extra "plume of worldly-mindedness" was consequently placed in
the cap of hypocrisy! Oh! that the pure religion of our Saviour should
be thus perverted! His kingdom was not of this world, neither did he
luxuriate in the "good things" of the earth. Did he wear lawn sleeves
and a mitre? Did he loll in gaudy carriages, and look down with
supercilious contempt on his poorer brethren? Did he require _theatres_
for his churches, or _perfumed_ divines to preach his gospel? Did he
interfere with political matters, and exert his energies to enslave the
people? We leave these questions to be answered by those locusts of the
land, commonly called _bishops_ of the _established_ church; at the same
time we call upon them to reflect, whether, if hereafter they should
feel inclined to recall the opportunity of conciliating the respect of
the country, they will not have the misfortune of finding it much too
late!
If our readers were to look over the singular parliamentary proceedings
at this gloomy period of our history, they would be forcibly struck with
the littleness, servility, and the utter want of intellectual calibre,
so fully set forth in the characters of those who conducted the solemn
mockery of legislation. The most unjust and arbitrary laws were put in
force, and the public money allowed to be squandered, without the least
inquiry. As a proof of this last remark, we need only mention the fact
of _ninety thousand pounds_ being voted for the department of the
"Master of the Horse," who kept thirty saddle and twenty-eight carriage
horses for the use of his majesty, yet the king had never been out of
the castle for more than seven years! This disgraceful squandering of
money was carried on, too, when honest citizens and affectionate fathers
were incapable of providing bread for themselves and families! Indeed,
Lord Liverpool seemed resolved to push the country to its utmost verge,
by proposing and sanctioning every expensive outlay. He was, with Lords
Castlereagh and Sidmouth, the author of many plans to perplex,
impoverish, and subdue the people, in which plans the _bishops_ most
zealously assisted. Every contrivance that had the sanction of the queen
was sure to be _well-managed_, till Justice herself was set at open
defiance.
Our readers will recollect our former statements respecting the Princess
Charlotte, and we think the circumstance we are now about to relate will
not operate against the proofs we have adduced concerning her untimely
end.
Dr. Sir Richard Croft, the accoucheur of that lamented princess, had
been engaged to attend the lady of the Rev. Dr. Thackeray, at her house,
86, Wimpole-street, Cavendish-square. Sir Richard went there on Monday,
the 9th of February, and remained in attendance until Thursday morning,
at eleven o'clock, when, finding his continued presence unnecessary, he
went out for a short time to fulfil his other engagements. An apartment
on the floor above that occupied by Mrs. Thackeray was appointed for
the residence of Sir Richard. In this chamber, there were two pistols
belonging to Dr. Thackeray, hanging within the reach of Dr. Croft. Sir
Richard retired to bed at half-past twelve, and about one, Dr. Thackeray
heard a noise, apparently proceeding from the room occupied by Dr.
Croft, and sent a female servant to ascertain the cause; she returned,
saying, "the doctor is in bed, and I conceive him to be asleep." A short
time after, a similar noise was heard, and the servant was sent again.
She rapped at the door, but received no answer. This circumstance
created alarm; in consequence of which, the door of his apartment was
broken open. Here an awful spectacle presented itself. The body of Sir
Richard was lying on the bed, shockingly mangled, his hands extended
over his breast, and a pistol in each hand. One of the pistols had been
loaded with slugs, the other with ball. Both were discharged, and the
head of the unfortunate gentleman was literally blown to pieces.
On the inquest, Doctors Latham and Baillie, and Mr. Finch, proved that
the deceased had, since the death of the Princess Charlotte, laboured
under mental distress. He had frequently been heard to say, that "this
lamentable occurrence weighs heavily on my mind, and I shall never get
over it." Mr. Finch said, he was well aware that the deceased had been
labouring under derangement of intellect for a considerable time past;
and he should not have reposed confidence or trust in him on any
occasion since the lamented catastrophe alluded to. The jury returned a
verdict, "that the deceased destroyed himself while in a fit of
temporary derangement."
During the inquest, the newspaper reporters were denied admission, which
circumstance gave rise to various rumours of a suspicious tendency. This
was certainly an unconstitutional act; but we will, as honest
historians, speak candidly upon the subject. Delicacy to surviving
friends must not prevent our detail of facts.
It will appear evident, then, that Sir Richard had not been perfectly
sane since the ever-to-be-regretted fatal event at Claremont. Was it not
therefore astonishing, that his professional as well as other friends,
who were _suspicious_, if not _fully aware_, of the doctor's
derangement, should have been silent upon this important point, and have
allowed Sir Richard to continue in the exercise of his professional
practice? Did they not, by such silence, contribute to the peril of
females in the most trying moment of nature's sorrow? The
_disinterested_ reader will, doubtless, join us in our expressions of
indignation at such wanton and cruel conduct.
The letter written to Sir Richard, by order of the prince, proves
nothing but the folly of those who advised it. That letter was not
calculated to remove any of those suspicions respecting the untimely
death of the Princess Charlotte, which rolled like heavy clouds over the
intelligent minds of the greater portion of the nation; neither was it
likely to hush the spirit of _inquiry_, because its details were
evidently meant to prevent any special explanation. The Marquis of
Hertford, chamberlain to the regent, well knew, at this period, how to
estimate _medicinal cause and effect_!
Presuming my Lord Bloomfield to have been an actor in "the tragedy," we
cannot help thinking that his reward was more than adequate to the
_services_ performed. His pension of twelve hundred pounds per annum was
dated December, 1817. What extraordinary benefits had he rendered to
this oppressed nation to merit such an income? We ought also to mention,
that, after this period, we find his lordship named as "envoy and
minister-plenipotentiary in Sweden," for which he received the annual
sum of four thousand, nine hundred pounds, and, as colonel of artillery,
one thousand and three pounds, making in all the enormous annual sum of
seven thousand, one hundred, and three pounds!
These remarks are not intended to wound the feelings of private
families; but are made with a view to urge a strict investigation into
the cause of the Princess Charlotte's death. We are well aware that many
_great_ persons have reason to fear the result of such an inquiry, yet
the injured ought to have justice administered, even at the "eleventh
hour," if it cannot sooner be obtained. Many a murderer has been
executed twenty, or even thirty, years after the commission of his
crime!
Though at this time ministers had a parliament almost entirely devoted
to their wishes, there were a few members of it who vigorously opposed
unjust measures, and they could not always carry their plans into
execution. The amount solicited for the Duke of Clarence upon his
intended marriage with the Princess of Saxe Meiningen is a proof of
this; for, although the regent sent a message to the House to accomplish
this object, it was at _first_ refused, and the duke did not gain his
point till a considerable time afterwards.
In this year, the Duke of Kent was united to a sister of Prince Leopold.
In September, while most requisite to her party, the queen was taken
ill. Bulletin followed upon bulletin, and the disorder was reported to
increase. Some of the public papers announced, that her majesty had
expressed an ardent desire to witness a _reconciliation_ between the
Prince and Princess of Wales, as she imagined her dissolution was now
near at hand. The report, however, was as false as it was unlikely; for,
only a month before this period, _spies_ had been despatched to obtain
witnesses, _of any description_, against the honour of the princess, by
which means her enemies hoped to accomplish their most ardent desires.
Queen Charlotte's _conscience_ was not of a penetrable nature as her
bitter enmity to the Princess of Wales continued even to her death!
With her majesty, it had ever been an invariable maxim, that "might
constitutes right;" but the reflections of her mind, while surveying the
probability of a speedy dissolution, must have been of a complexion too
dreary to be faithfully pictured. She,--who had been the arbitress of
the fates of nations, whose commands none dared dispute or disobey, and
at whose frown numberless sycophants and dependents trembled,--was now
about to face the dread enemy of mankind! The proud heart of Queen
Charlotte must have been humbled at the thought of meeting HER Judge,
who is said to be "no distinguisher of persons."
During her indisposition, the queen seemed much impressed with the idea
that she should recover, and it was not till the 2nd of November that
the physicians deemed it requisite to acquaint the queen of her danger.
The intelligence was given in the most delicate manner possible; yet her
majesty exhibited considerable alarm at the information. It was
pressingly hinted by the princesses to their mother, that the sacrament
ought to be administered; but the queen positively refused the "holy
rite," saying, "It is of no use, as I am unable to take it." One of the
princesses immediately said, "You do not mean to say that you MURDERED
THE PRINCESS CHARLOTTE?" "No," faintly answered the queen, "BUT I
CONNIVED AT IT!" We pledge ourselves to the truth of this statement,
however incredible it may appear to those who have considered Queen
Charlotte as "a pattern to her sex." When the general servility of the
press to royalty is taken into consideration, it is hardly to be
wondered at that people are misinformed as to the real characters of
kings and queens. Take the following false and most inconsistent
eulogium, copied from the "Atlas" newspaper, as an example of this
time-serving violation of truth:
"Queen Charlotte's _constant attendance on the king_, and her
GRIEF FOR THE LOSS OF HER GRAND-DAUGHTER, gained ground on her
constitution; and her majesty expired at Kew, on the 17th of
November, 1818. _In all the relations of a wife and mother_,
the conduct of the queen had been EXEMPLARY. Pious, without
bigotry; virtuous, but not austere; serious, yet capable of
the most perfect enjoyment of innocent pleasure;
unostentatious, economical, adorned with all domestic virtues,
and not without the charities of human nature, the queen had
lived respected, and she died full of years and honour,
regretted by her subjects, and most by those who knew her
best. If her talents were not shining, nor her virtues
extraordinary, she never employed the first in faction, nor
bartered the second for power. She was occasionally accused of
political interference, by contemporary jealousy; but history
will acquit her of the charge. She was a strict moralist,
though her conduct to one part of her family (the heroic
Caroline, we suppose) was perhaps more RIGOROUS than JUST. Her
proudest drawing-room was the hearth of her home. HER
BRIGHTEST GEMS WERE HER CHILDREN, (heaven save the mark!) _and
her greatest ambition to set an example of_ MATRONLY VIRTUE
_and feminine dignity to the ladies of her adopted country_!"
We should absolutely blush for the writer of this paragraph, did we
think that he really _meant_ his panegyric to be taken _literally_. For
the sake of _common honesty_, however, we will not suppose he so
intended it; he must be some severe critic who adopted this style as the
_keenest kind of wit_, for
"Praise undeserved is satire in disguise!"
The _august_ remains of this royal lady were, on the 2nd of December,
deposited in the vault prepared for their reception, with all the
parade usual on such expensive occasions. We will not detain our
readers by describing the funeral pomp, though we cannot avoid noticing
that the body was not opened, but immediately enclosed in prepared
wrappers, and very speedily deposited in the first coffin, which was a
leaden one. Indeed, her majesty was not in a fit state to undergo the
usual formalities of embalming, &c. Her body was literally a moving mass
of corruption.
Let us now sum up the mortal train of evils which were so _generously_
nourished "by the departed," for virtues she had none. The power of
royalty may intimidate the irresolute, astonish the uninformed, or bribe
the villain; but, as we do not claim affinity with either of these
characters, we honestly avow, that her majesty did not deserve the title
"of blessed memory." At the commencement of her alliance with the
much-to-be-pitied George the Third, she took every advantage of his
weakness, and actually directed the helm of government _alone_, which
untoward circumstance England has abundant cause to remember!
The next brother to the king, (Edward) whom we have before mentioned,
was most unexpectedly and unaccountably sent abroad, notwithstanding his
being next in succession. His royal highness' marriage with a descendant
of the Stuarts, though strictly legal, was never acknowledged by Queen
Charlotte, and his only child, soon after its birth, was thrown upon the
compassionate attention of strangers. As there is something so horrible
relative to the death of this amiable duke and duchess, and something
so heartless and cruel in the treatment to which their only son has been
subjected, we are induced, for the sake of truth and justice, to lay a
brief statement of the matter before our readers.
* * * * *
Historians have either been treacherous or ignorant of the circumstances
connected with the case of this Duke of York, who was the second son of
Frederick, Prince of Wales, and next brother of George the Third. Most
writers have represented "that he died in consequence of a malignant
fever," as we have before mentioned; but one historian ventured to
assert that "Edward, Duke of York, was ASSASSINATED in September, 1767,
near Monaco, in Italy!" This statement, we are sorry to say, is but too
true, which caused the book containing it to be bought up at an immense
expense. The unhappy widow of his royal highness was then far advanced
in pregnancy, and very shortly after this melancholy, and (to her)
irreparable loss, she came over to England, and took up her residence at
Haverford West, in South Wales. At this place, her royal highness gave
birth to a son, whose baptism was duly entered in the register of St.
Thomas' parish. What afterwards became of this illustrious lady,
however, is not known; but her infant was, shortly after its birth,
conveyed to London, and placed, by George the Third, under the immediate
care and protection of a tradesman and his wife, by whom he was
represented to be their own son. This tradesman, although only
twenty-seven years of age, enjoyed the particular confidence of his
majesty, and has been known to walk with the king by the hour, in the
gardens adjoining Buckingham House, conversing with all the familiarity
of an old acquaintance or an especial friend, and who at all times could
command an interview with his majesty, or with the ministers. When about
twelve years old, this ill-fated offspring of the duke was placed at
Eton, upon which occasion his majesty took especial notice of the youth,
and was in the habit of conversing very freely with him. He had not been
long at Eton when his majesty allowed him to go with his _reputed_
father to see the hounds throw off at Taplow Heath; a chaise was ordered
for this purpose, and they arrived just before the deer were let out.
Upon their alighting, the king rode up to them, and expressed his very
great satisfaction at the appearance of the youth; and, after asking
many questions relative to the arrangements made for him at school,
said, "Well, my little fellow, do you be a good boy, and you shall never
want friends. Good bye, good bye; the deer will soon be out!" His
majesty then rode back to his attendants. Whenever George the Third
passed through Eton, it was his invariable practice either to speak to,
or inquire after, this youth, in whose welfare he ever appeared deeply
interested. From Eton, he was removed to college; and after this period,
vexations of an unpleasant nature were experienced by this orphan: his
income was too limited, and unkindness and illiberality were too
frequently his portion; even during severe indisposition, he was
permitted to languish without being supplied with sufficient means to
procure the needful restoratives. His life now became little else than
one continued scene of unhappiness; his associates at the university
were well acquainted with these facts, and appeared deeply interested in
his welfare, regretting that the mind and talent of such an amiable and
promising youth should be enervated by the severity or inattention of
his connexions. But as he had been severely rebuked for making a
complaint, and offering a remonstrance, he resolved to suffer in "silent
sorrow," much to the injury of his mental enjoyments. During a vacation,
and previous to his removal from college, a dispute arose amongst the
members of his reputed father's family upon the subject of religion. The
debate at length assumed a formidable appearance, and bigotry plainly
supplied the place of sound reasoning. The family separated in the
evening, each displeased with the other, and all, except one individual,
at issue with the royal protégé. Early in the ensuing morning, this
dissentient member of the family requested the favour of an interview
with the illustrious youth, and remarked, that the occurrence was not a
matter of surprise, as the very peculiar circumstances connected with
the reputed father of the young gentleman were of a most serious
description. "To what do you allude?" said the youth. "You ought to
know," answered this honourable friend, "that you have no right to
submit to insult here. You are the highest person in this house, and
are, by your rank, entitled to the greatest respect from every one. Your
_pretended_ father forgets his duty and his engagements, when he permits
you to be treated with disrespect; and if his majesty knew these
circumstances, your abode would soon be changed; and your profession
would be abandoned. The king never would allow an indignity to be
offered to you in any way, much less by the person into whose care he
has so confidingly entrusted you." "What!" said the young prince, "am I
not the son of Mr. ******? but, if I am, why should his majesty take so
much interest in my case?" "No," answered his informant, "you are not
the son of Mr. ******. But ask no more; my life might probably pay for
my explanation!" From this period, the subject of our memoir was treated
with the greatest unkindness and personal indignity by almost every
member of his reputed father's family. Indeed, the imperious behaviour
of the elder branches was such as could not be passed over in silence;
in consequence of which, the high-spirited and noble victim was sent
back to college for the remainder of the vacation, with little more in
his purse than would defray the expenses of the journey; but the command
was peremptory! After remaining some time in utter destitution, the
royal protégé wrote to request an early supply of cash, naming for what
purposes. This appeal was considered as the effect of extravagance and
profligacy, and, instead of being properly complied with, was answered
with acrimony, every thing the reverse of parental feeling. Under these
heart-rending circumstances, did this ill-fated son of Prince Edward
labour for nearly four years at the university,--not daring to make any
further appeals to the austere, impatient, and arbitrary person, to
whose care the king had so fully, though _secretly_, entrusted him. At
length, however, a severe illness was the consequence; and censure, in
no very measured terms, was heaped upon the unfeeling character who had
so cruelly immolated a promising and worthy young gentleman, and who, he
well knew, was of the most illustrious descent. Those who were
acquainted with the particulars of the case were most incensed against
such heartless conduct. Mr. ****** had undertaken the important charge
of seeing this protégé able to realize the ardent wish of his majesty,
either as a legal or clerical character, and thereby, in some degree,
provided for. But, while his majesty's nephew was refused means to live
respectably, and excluded from all youthful amusements, the real sons of
his reputed father were allowed all the pleasures and enjoyments of
life. At his final removal from college, this ill-treated prince
represented to his unfeeling guardian that he should take greater
pleasure in pursuing legal to clerical engagements; but his wishes in
this, as in most other matters, were totally disregarded, and the church
was destined, by arbitrary will, to be his profession. He, therefore, at
the proper age, was compelled to take orders, and enter upon a
profession he had not chosen. As the home of his reputed father was
scarcely to be endured, a curacy was eagerly accepted, and the son of
the Duke of York, the nephew of George the Third, was transformed into
"a clergyman of the church of England!!!" Here he toiled in an obscure
village, scarcely receiving sufficient means to discharge the small
demands required for his maintenance!
Shortly after this, the principal of the living died insolvent, and the
little remuneration due to the curate could not be obtained. In this
distressing state of affairs, the persecuted prince could obtain no
settlement from his guardian; yet from comparative nothingness, this man
was raised to affluence, and was then living in much style, keeping his
carriage and horses, inhabiting a mansion of very superior description,
and the whole of his family enjoying every superfluity of life. _He_,
however, on whose sole account this sumptuous appearance was bestowed,
was "eating the bread of Carefulness, and reposing upon the couch of
Sorrow!" We need not enter more fully into the case of this unfortunate,
but worthy, descendant of Prince Edward, than say, that, from the
commencement of his studies to a very recent period, he has been the
VICTIM OF POWER! His sufferings and his sorrows have been too great for
language to describe; and, but for the blessings of a fine constitution,
he must have fallen under them. But, if he be called upon in a suitable
manner, we doubt not that he has yet preserved to him sufficient of his
natural courage, though in his 65th year, to make "False Accusation
blush, and Tyranny tremble at Patience!"
We claim the attention of our readers while we offer PROOF that our
assertions are founded upon the glorious principle of TRUTH. We have
ourselves, to elucidate this matter, examined all the registers of the
various parishes in Carnarvonshire and Carmarthenshire, and found every
register complete from 1760, until we came to that of St. Thomas,
Haverford West, at which place we could not find a single register
before the year 1776. To substantiate this fact, we subjoin the
following certificate of the parish clerk:
"Haverford West,
"Parish of St. Thomas.
"There are no registers in the possession of the present rector of the
above parish, prior to the year 1776.
(Signed) "JOSEPH LLOYD MORGAN,
"Parish Clerk."
"13th Sept., 1831."
Here, then, is a BLANK for which no apology can be received,--no
obsequious profession of sorrow or regret can compensate. We presume to
declare that if the parish registers throughout the whole of the United
Kingdoms be investigated, a similar defect will not be found. We are,
therefore, justified in supposing that this defect arose _solely_ and
_entirely_ from concerted measures, to keep the subject of our memoir
from ever having it in his power to bring _legal_ proof of his noble
descent.
The time will probably arrive when we may be permitted to enter more
fully into this atrocious business, and then we shall not spare the
"Oppressors of Innocence," for truth is bold, and not always to be
defied! It would have been better for such oppressors to have never seen
the light than to have gained their wicked purposes by such an unmanly
sacrifice of the rights of nature. Every individual ought to feel
interested in the full and fair explanation of this chicanery; for if
such misdeeds are suffered to remain unpunished, a safeguard is offered
to future tyrants! Startling facts like these speak volumes, and any
honest and upright member of the community will not need more than their
simple avowal to rouse his indignation. Such encroachments on the rights
of individuals call aloud for retributive justice, and we trust the call
will not long be made in vain. Surely there is yet sufficient virtue
left amongst us to prevent this once great nation from being sacrificed
to the fluctuating interests or wayward prejudices of ministers, or even
of a monarch! It is high time to shake off all lethargy! This, as well
as many other subjects, which we have exposed,--_deserve_,--nay,
DEMAND,--_parliamentary investigation_. Hitherto, some dreadful
infatuation seems to have presided over the councils of this country.
Insatiable ambition has caused all the horrors imposed upon the United
Kingdoms, and has plunged a professedly free and great people into debt
and disgrace. Indolence now, therefore, is only comparable with the
conduct of a prodigal, who has wasted his estate without reflection, and
then has not the courage to examine his accounts; far be this from
Britons!
* * * * *
From this digression, we return to the consideration of Queen
Charlotte's character. The open and virtuous conduct of the Earl of
Chatham, and his rebuffs from the queen in consequence thereof affords
another proof of the domination which her majesty endeavoured to
exercise over all advisers of the crown. The imbecility of the king,
owing to circumstances formerly noticed by us, as well as the horrors of
a ruinous war, must also be ascribed to the dictatorial conduct of Queen
Charlotte. The unjustifiable hatred her majesty imbibed against the
Princess of Wales, and the consequent unfeeling demeanour she exhibited
to that victim, would of itself be sufficient to refute the praises of
her minions, and stamp her name with everlasting infamy. But many other
convincing proofs are upon record. Her majesty well knew that the
country was bending under an enormous load of debt, which encumbered its
inhabitants; she knew of their sufferings and complaints; but the
appealing voices of reason and supplication were never deemed worthy of
her attention. What traits of "matronly" goodness or natural affection
did she exhibit for the Princess Charlotte, when advancing to the hour
of her peril? And what proofs have we of "her grief for the loss of her
grand-daughter" so satirically ascribed, by the writer quoted a few
pages back, to be one of the causes of her majesty's last illness? Alas!
her majesty's abject, though horrible, confession on her death-bed,
relative to this unfortunate princess, too fatally corroborated the
infamy of her general conduct! We need not proceed farther with her
majesty's character; this, this unnatural act is enough to chill the
blood in the veins of every human being!
At this time, very little was said of the afflicted king; indeed the
bulletins assumed such a sameness of expression, that the country
thought there was not satisfactory evidence to prove the sovereign was
_really alive_. His majesty's disorder did not require that close and
solitary confinement so arbitrarily imposed upon him. If he had been a
private gentleman, associated with an affectionate wife and dutiful
children, would he not have frequently been persuaded to take an airing
in an open carriage? But how infinitely superior were the facilities
attendant upon the situation of the king than could possibly be
possessed by any private gentleman! His majesty had long been
languishing, and was, at the commencement of
1819,
insensible to all around him. Death was evidently making rapid strides,
and yet the bulletins continued of the same general expression.
At this time, we had the honour of being personally acquainted with one
of the king's sons, whose integrity has ever been considered
unimpeachable, both in his public and private character. The information
we received relative to the KING'S DEATH came directly from his royal
highness.
It will be remembered, that much doubt prevailed upon the reality of the
king's existence, and numerous bets were entered into upon the subject
by persons in the higher circles. Notwithstanding this, on the 25th of
January, the Earl of Liverpool introduced a motion to the House of Lords
for the purpose of nominating the Duke of York to the office of
"guardian to the king," as, in consequence of the demise of her majesty,
that trust had become vacant. Much altercation ensued. The duke's former
delinquencies had not been forgotten, and the country was tired with the
subjection they then endured from the IMPOSING privileges of royalty.
But, in despite of all opposition and remonstrance, the care of the
king's person was committed to the Duke of York, for which his royal
highness had the unblushing effrontery to receive TEN THOUSAND POUNDS A
YEAR FOR VISITING HIS DYING FATHER TWICE A WEEK!!! What an unprecedented
example of avarice and undutifulness was here manifested by a son to his
parent, who would have travelled the same distance any time to have
gratified his passions! Oh, Shame! where is thy blush? Oh, Infamy, art
thou not now detected? A few weeks after this motion had received the
approbation of the agents of corruption, the long-afflicted and
disappointed GEORGE THE THIRD DIED! but the event was carefully
concealed from the public. PRAYERS WERE STILL READ IN CHURCHES FOR HIS
RECOVERY, though the bishops knew they were _mocking heaven_, by praying
for the life of one who was _already dead_! Ye sticklers for upholding
the present impious system of church government, what say ye to this?
Could Infamy and Blasphemy go any farther? And yet those at the head of
this system are still allowed to insult the country by proposing general
fasts to people already starving, as well as impiously accusing the
Almighty with spreading distress and pestilence over the land which they
themselves have laid waste by their rapacity and worldly-mindedness!
While the clergy were praying for the life of the _deceased_ king to be
preserved, the apartments formerly in the occupation of his majesty were
kept in the same state as when the monarch was alive, and the royal
body, after being embalmed, was placed in a leaden coffin of needful
substance. Our royal informant went on to state, that these impositions
were practised upon the public to give time for selecting proper persons
to be despatched to Milan, or elsewhere, to gain intelligence what the
Princess of Wales intended upon the demise of the king, as, in that
event occurring, her royal highness would become queen consort.
Notwithstanding all this cunning and trickery, her royal highness was
informed of the death of her father-in-law many months before it became
publicly known. A junior branch of the royal family wrote to her, "The
king is now dead, but this event will not be made known to the nation
till certain arrangements are made, on behalf of the prince regent, _to
degrade you_; and either keep you abroad for the remainder of your life,
void of your title as Queen of England, and with other restrictions, or
to obtain witnesses, and, giving you the _form_ of a trial, insult and
destroy you!" Her royal highness, however, was precluded from _acting_
upon this information by her correspondent, who enjoined her to the
strictest secrecy till the event should be made known to her by the
ministers of the crown.
In the mean time, every opportunity to suppress unpleasant inquiries or
investigations upon subjects connected with royalty and the time-serving
ministry were carefully embraced. That unparalleled junto, Liverpool,
Castlereagh, Sidmouth, and others of the same profession, not forgetting
our dear venerable Lord Eldon and the _pious_ bishops, were well aware
of George the Third's death, at the time it happened. They had, indeed,
been expecting it for some time; yet these were the persons who assisted
to deceive the public mind, and prevent the straightforward
acknowledgment of TRUTH! The evidence we have adduced of this fact is so
palpable and strong, that he who can resist its force must be strangely
void of perception, or else have made a previous resolve not to suffer
himself to be the subject of conviction.
In the early part of May, several persons were introduced at court, and
received the royal smile, on being appointed to investigate the private
conduct of the Princess of Wales. Their _purses_ were also amply
supplied by the royal command, and if further sums were found needful,
they received letters of credit upon the principal banking houses named
in the route they had to take. If any person in the common ranks of life
gives away that which is not his to give, he renders himself liable to
transportation; but it is said, a "king can do no wrong!" The most
disreputable of society were solicited to give information against the
Princess of Wales, either with regard to any public or private
intelligence they might have received; the most liberal offers were also
made to remunerate the persons so inquired of. After an immense expense,
information, though of a doubtful character, against the princess was
obtained, ONLY BY PURCHASE; and various were the despatches sent over to
this country, and answered by the ministerial plotters, who exerted all
their energies to bring the business to a consummation.
During such disreputable transactions, the princess knew the _real_
cause of all the attempts to insult and degrade her character; and she,
therefore, without delay, advised with her legal friends what steps were
most proper to take. Alas! the princess was doomed only to receive fresh
insults; delay followed delay; excuses of the most palliative
description were used, instead of sound advice and positive opinion, and
it appeared as if every hand were raised against her! Indeed, the
perplexed and mortifying situation of the princess was attended with
such dangerous consequences, that, had she not been a most _courageous_
woman, and supported by her _innocence_, she must have sank under her
fears. Driven into exile, abandoned by the ministry, deserted by her
friends, through the bribery of her enemies, attacked by her _nearest
relations_, the only resource she had left was in committing her person,
her sceptre, her crown, and her honour, to the care of the
representatives of the British people. For our own parts, we cannot
forget that when she was accused before parliament on a former occasion,
the whole nation was melted into tears, or inflamed with rage; and,
except those princes and their minions, who should have felt for her the
most, there was found but one heart, one will, and one voice, on the
subject throughout the kingdoms! Nor can it have escaped the observation
of our countrymen, that all those persons, originally employed in
bringing to trial this illustrious and virtuous woman, have been
munificently rewarded; while those who advocated her cause, and stood
between her and the axe uplifted for her destruction, have experienced
nothing but the blackest calumny and detraction.
Lord Moira, the author of the first investigation, was made Marquis of
Hastings, and Governor-General of India. This individual, however,
desired his _right hand might be amputated immediately after his
decease, as an expiatory judgment against himself, in having signed
dishonourable deeds to injure the happiness of the princess_. Conant,
the poor Marlborough-street magistrate, who procured the attested
evidence for impeachment, was created Sir Nathaniel, with an increase of
a _thousand pounds_ a year, as chief of all the police offices. The
Douglases were all either elevated to wealth, office, or rank. The
Jerseys stood in the sunshine of the court; and the Rev. Mr. Bates, then
editor of the "Herald," and her bitterest enemy, was created a baronet,
and promoted high in the church! Such was the fortune of her accusers;
but how different was that of her supporters!
In June, the Chancellor of the Exchequer submitted his plan of finance.
It proved that the revenue was reduced eighteen millions, to meet which,
extra loans were proposed to be raised and new taxes enforced. In doing
this, the Speaker of the House of Commons, in the address to the regent,
said, "In adopting this course, his majesty's faithful Commons do not
conceal from themselves that they are calling upon the nation for a
_great exertion_; but, well knowing that honour, character, and
independence have at all times been the first and dearest objects of the
hearts of Englishmen, we feel assured that there is no difficulty that
the country would not encounter, and no pressure to which it would not
_cheerfully_ submit, to enable us to maintain pure and unimpaired that
which has never yet been shaken or sullied,--our public credit, and our
national good faith." Now let us ask the reason why an extra immense
burden of taxation was to be levied upon the people. The queen was
_acknowledged_ to be dead, and certainly could not be chargeable to the
nation by her personal expenditure or allowance. The king was also
_dead_, though _his income was received as usual_! as well as the Duke
of York's _ten thousand pounds for attending him_!!! Royal and
ministerial extravagance likewise caused the useless outlay of twenty
thousand, five hundred pounds, for SNUFF-BOXES, besides twelve hundred
guineas as presents to three GERMAN BARONS. The gift of _an axe_ or _a
halter_ would have better accorded with the financial state of the
empire!
The prince regent closed the session in person on the 13th of July; and,
at the conclusion of his speech, adverted to the _seditious spirit_
(what sensible man could feel surprised at it?) which was evident in the
manufacturing districts, and avowed a firm determination to employ the
powers provided by law for its suppression, instead of promising the
people redress of grievances!
In Glasgow, Leeds, Manchester, and Stockport, the meetings of the
inhabitants now became very numerous, while all means were taken by the
local authorities to provoke general confusion.
On the 16th of August, the MEMORABLE MEETING at Manchester took place,
for the purpose of petitioning for a reform in the representation. The
assembly consisted of from sixty to one hundred thousand persons, who
conducted themselves in the most peaceable manner. The assembled
multitude, however, were suddenly surprised by the arrival of the
Manchester yeomanry cavalry; to which were afterwards added a regiment
of the Cheshire yeomanry, and a regiment of huzzars,--the outlets being
occupied by other military detachments. The _unarmed_ thousands were now
driven one upon another, and many were killed and wounded, while others
were ridden over by the horses. The number ascertained to have been
killed were eight men, two women, and one child; but the wounded were
about six hundred! How well the words of a celebrated author apply to
this diabolical proceeding: "A kingdom for a stage, princes to act, and
to behold the grand effect; but at their heels, leashed in like hounds,
may not sword, famine, fire, crouch for employment?" Numerous
imprisonments followed, and many poor families were consequently
deprived of support.
Historians are at issue whether or not the riot act was read before the
scene of carnage commenced, as it is unconstitutional to send a military
force _to act_ before so doing. We, however, confidently assert IT WAS
NOT READ in the hearing of any of the populace, neither was it at all
likely that the soldiers could have come so suddenly and unexpectedly
upon the multitudes, unless by previous order and arrangement. Further
than this, an hour ought to have transpired after such reading before a
soldier or civil officer could be authorised to interfere in dispersing
the meeting. As a proof of the corresponding features of this unexampled
and murderous business, a letter was written by the _pious_ Lord
Sidmouth, _in the name of the regent_, to the Earl of Derby, presenting
thanks for the vigorous and able conduct of the magistracy and military
of Manchester on the 16th. Thus were the lives and liberties of the
open-hearted population of these kingdoms allowed to be at the controul
of an impotent and heartless statesman; for it appeared that the regent
was not at hand to have given his assent to this unparalleled piece of
barefaced audacity. Lord Sidmouth should have been more careful of
dates, as the "royal dandy" was at that time taking a little pleasure
near the Isle of Wight. But the following particulars will explain the
_systematic_ plan of this cold-blooded massacre:
Mr. H. N. Bell, before this period, was confidentially employed at the
office of the secretary of state, in the capacity of genealogist, under
the immediate controul of Lord Sidmouth. Some considerable period before
the melancholy butchery, he was engaged to proceed to Manchester, in
company with two other persons, for the avowed purpose of inflaming the
public mind against the ministry. He went, and the result was as his
patron and employer, Lord Sidmouth, desired it. Mr. Bell and his
associates expressed to the people of Manchester, that they need not
remain in their then starving condition, if, in an orderly and peaceable
manner, they were to assemble on some convenient spot, and unanimously
resolve to petition for a reform, so much needed, in the representation.
These tools of the secretary of state told the famishing multitudes,
that if they pleased to enjoy happiness and plenty, together with civil
liberty, they had now an opportunity of accomplishing their most earnest
wishes. Under their influence, clubs and unions were soon formed, and
public notices were ultimately given, that a general meeting would take
place on the 16th of August.
These preliminary arrangements being completed, the _soldiery_ had
instructions to be ready. The result was as before stated; and Mr. Bell
and his accomplices returned to London as soon as their object was
attained. The Duke of York acted a prominent part in this plot, from his
military facilities; but the besotted prince was persuaded to get out of
the way until the affair should be concluded.
Mr. Bell proved very useful in the office of the secretary, and as he
had once forfeited his own good opinion, by lending himself to the
diabolical plot just mentioned, he made no further scruple, but became a
passive engine, directed in his actions by the command of ministers and
state empirics. Lord Sidmouth was dissatisfied with the Manchester
business; he had hoped that many more might have been brought to suffer
the extreme penalty of the law, thereby affording an awful example to
deter others from daring to question the excellency of the government
under which they lived, and the generous disposition of the governors.
We are aware that some people attributed this affair to the magistracy;
but they would not have dared to interfere in such a manner as they did,
unless sanctioned and supported by the higher powers. The cause of a
selfish, cruel, and despotic ministry, required the assistance of
corresponding heartless servants, and they obtained it. Lord
Castlereagh, however, threw out many insinuations that the Manchester
plot was a very bold and desperate undertaking; but the _pious doctor_
"laid the flattering unction to his soul of its _expediency_," believing
some such infamous procedure needful to rivet the iron sceptre of
despotism. How well does the repentant language of a certain wicked king
apply here!
"My fault is past. But, O, what form of prayer
Can serve my turn? Forgive me my foul murder!--
That cannot be, since I am still possess'd
Of those effects for which I did the murder!
* * * * *
In the corrupted currents of this world,
Offence's gilded hand may shove by justice;
And oft 'tis seen, the wicked prize itself
Buys out the law!"
This has proved but too true, as well in the Manchester affair as in
many other diabolical state proceedings. The little value, indeed, which
the ministers of this period entertained for human life ought never to
be pardoned. Property, if seized or lost, may be restored; or if not,
man may enjoy a thousand delightful pleasures of existence without
riches. The sun shines as warmly on the poor as on the rich; the gale of
health breathes its balsam into the cottage casement on the heath no
less sweetly and salubriously than in the portals of the palace. But can
the lords of this world, who think so little of the lives of their
inferiors in wealth, with all their boasted power, relume the light of
the eye once dimmed by the shades of death? "Accursed despots!" as a
talented author well observes, "shew the world your authority for
taking away that which ye never gave, and cannot give; for undoing the
work of God, and extinguishing the lamp of life which was illuminated
with a ray from heaven! Where is your CHARTER TO PRIVILEGE MURDER?" All
the gold of Ophir, all the gems of Golconda, cannot buy a single life,
nor pay for its loss,--it is above all price. Yet when we take a view of
the proceedings of Lord Sidmouth's junto, we are led to believe any
thing of more value than human life. Crimes which had very little moral
evil, if any, and which, therefore, could not incur the vengeance of a
just and merciful God, were unceremoniously punished with death by this
minister. Men, for instance, were liable to be shot for meeting
peaceably together and making speeches, though proceeding from the
purest and most virtuous principles, from the most enlarged benevolence,
from wisdom and unaffected patriotism; or for such speeches as might
proceed from mere warmth of temper, neither intending nor accomplishing
any mischief. Was not such the case in that horrible affair which we
have just related? But despots are ever frightened at their own shadows;
they tremble and become offended at the least alarm, and nothing but the
blood of the accused can expiate the offence. It is, however, from such
savage acts of barbarity that the Goddess of Liberty is aroused; it is
from the tyranny of her jailors that she eventually makes a progress
irresistible, and carries with her fires destined to consume the throne
of every despot that cannot bear the light! Various motions have been
made since that accursed day to bring the _surviving_ actors in the
Manchester tragedy to condign punishment. Amongst the foremost in this
laudable endeavour stands Mr. Hunt; but his efforts have hitherto proved
unavailing. Although we disapprove of the general conduct of the member
for Preston, the meed of praise ought not to be withheld from him for
the admirable speech he delivered, relative to this subject, in March,
1832, as follows:
"Mr. HUNT said the grossest misrepresentations had been made
in parliament respecting that occurrence; and he felt that it
was a matter deeply to be regretted, that there was not in the
House of Commons, at the time, some person who had witnessed
the transaction, and who could put the House in possession of
the real facts. There was a hope, however, that the present
government would grant an inquiry for which he was about to
apply, in conformity with the prayer of the petitions which he
had just presented, and with the desire of his constituents.
He proceeded to detail the circumstances under which the
meeting of the Manchester reformers, at which he presided,
took place. He described the horrible scene which ensued upon
the dispersion of the meeting by an unprovoked and unresisted
charge of the yeomanry cavalry. The House would have some
notion of the violence and cruelty of the military from this
fact, that when a number of men, women, and children had
crowded into a small court, from which there was no
thoroughfare, one of the yeomanry drove them out, whilst
another struck at each of them with his sabre, as they came
out. The number of persons killed on that day amounted to
fifteen, while the maimed and wounded were no fewer than four
hundred and twenty-four. It was true that it might be said
that some of these did not suffer from the sabres of the
yeomanry, but a very large proportion, he would take on
himself to say, were wounded in that manner; and, at all
events, it was quite certain, that no accident whatever would
have occurred but for the outrageous attack that had been made
on the peaceable multitude. Nor was it men alone that
suffered. Women were cut down also. And were these men to be
called soldiers? Was this their way of showing their high
courage and their honour by cutting down _inoffensive
females_? He would ask any man of humanity in that House,
whether such disgraceful acts ought to be passed by unnoticed
and unpunished, merely because it could be said that twelve
years had elapsed since the transaction had taken place? But
another excuse that perhaps might be made was, that the
meeting was an illegal one. In answer to that, however, he
would take on himself to say, that in his opinion, and in the
opinion of those who constituted the meeting, they were as
legally, aye, and as meritoriously assembled, as that House
was assembled; and for as useful a purpose. No one was
insulted--no tumult took place--no symptoms of riot were
evinced; and yet was it for a moment to be said, that in such
a country as this, where there was a continual boast of the
_omnipotence of justice_, such things were to be passed over
_without notice and without censure_? He could assure the
House, that if this inquiry was not granted, there would be
thousands of hearts rankling dissatisfied and discontented,
and which could never be set at ease till _justice was
awarded_. The petitioners, in whose name he was speaking,
recollected that _Earl Grey_, and many of his _colleagues_,
expressed, _at the time of this outrage_, a desire for an
investigation into the matter. And how was that inquiry then
resisted? First, by the production of official documents,
emanating from the guilty party themselves; and next, by
allusion to the trial at York; and the cry that the courts of
justice were open to those who had any complaint to make. But
the courts of justice were _not_ open; for the relations of
those that were killed had gone to those courts of justice,
and even there _all retribution had been denied them in the
most cruel and indifferent manner_! Nor was this all. All
sorts of calumnious statements were allowed to be made in the
House of Commons as to the conduct of the mob, by paid spies
of the government. The general presumption was, that it was
the intention of the Manchester meeting, had it not been
interrupted, to pass resolutions similar to those passed at
Smithfield, declaratory that without a reform in parliament,
taxes ought not to be paid; and he believed that that
presumption was the main reason why he had been found guilty.
But now, what an alteration had taken place! It was only the
other day that 150,000 persons had met at Birmingham, and
actually made a declaration to the same effect; and yet they
were not cut down--the yeomanry had not been called out to act
against them. This motion for a select committee had, in a
manner, become absolutely necessary; for when he had moved for
the correspondence that had taken place between Lord Sidmouth
(then the secretary of state) and the lord lieutenant of the
county, that correspondence had been refused; and, therefore,
he had no other course to pursue than to ask for a committee
for general inquiry into the whole question. Some part of Lord
Sidmouth's correspondence, however, was before the public; for
he had in his hand that letter of his lordship's in which he,
in the name of the prince regent, thanked the magistracy for
the way in which they had acted--yes, actually thanked them
for having directed the execution of these COLD-BLOODED
MURDERS,--by which name he must call those deeds, and by which
name they were ever designated in that part of the country
where they had been committed. The consequence of this letter
was, that the parties, so far from shrinking abashed as they
ought, actually gloried in the share they had taken in the
transaction; and, in particular, he might mention that an
Irishman of the name of Meagher, who was the trumpeter on that
occasion, had boasted, when he returned to Ireland, that he
had in one day spilled more Saxon blood than had ever been
spilled by any one of his countrymen before! The real truth of
the matter was, in spite of the false colouring that
interested parties had endeavoured to put on it, that the
meeting at Manchester was neither more nor less than a reform
meeting, that every thing was going on peaceably, that not
even so much as a pane of glass was broken, and though the
government took the trouble to send Messrs. Oliver and Castles
among the people to corrupt them, they were not able to
succeed in their virtuous endeavours. As to his own personal
feeling on the subject, he was quite willing to remember that
twelve years had elapsed, and in that recollection to drown
the memory of all he had himself suffered in consequence of
the transactions of that day. It was enough for him, when he
recollected the object of that meeting, to see the noble lord
introduce such a measure of reform as he had never expected to
see any government in this country introduce; and which,
though it did not go the length that he could have desired,
fully admitted the allegation, that the present House of
Commons was not chosen by the people,--the allegation on which
he had all along built his own proposition of reform. This, he
repeated, was quite enough to wipe away any personal
resentment that he might ever have felt. But if not--if he
still were vindictive--what revenge might he not find in the
events that had since taken place! Who was the prime minister
of that day? The Earl of Liverpool! And where was the Earl of
Liverpool? Who were the principal officers of state of that
day? Lord Sidmouth, Mr. Canning, and Lord Castlereagh! Of
these, Lord Sidmouth alone remained; and where was Mr.
Canning? Where Lord Castlereagh, and how did he go out of the
world? A remarkable fact it was, that two years afterwards,
on the very anniversary of that fatal 16th of August, while he
was lying in prison, the very first letter that he opened
detailed to him the end of that minister. Who was the reigning
prince of that day?--George the Fourth--where was he? They had
all gone to answer for their deeds at a tribunal where no jury
could be packed, where no evidence could be stifled, and where
unerring justice would be meted out to them! To carry this
further, if it needed it, he might mention that two of those
very yeomanry committed suicide on the very anniversary of the
16th of August, and many were now to be seen walking about the
streets of Manchester, objects of a horrid pity. He would not
say that all this was a just judgment on these participators
in the murders of Manchester: but one might almost fancy, that
though a House of Commons could not be found to deal out
impartial justice, there was still a wise Providence over all,
which, by its interference, had taken care not to let the
guilty escape; and, as a climax to the whole, he hoped to live
to see the day when the noble lord who yet lived should be
brought to the bar of justice for having sent Castles, and
Edwards, and Oliver, as spies, for the purpose of instigating
the peaceful people to revolt. Nor was this all. Other
retribution had taken place; the government of that day and
its friends had not only countenanced this destruction of the
people for the sake of shewing their enmity to reform, but had
actually undertaken a continental war with the same objects in
view; and yet now those very persons saw a reform taking place
in spite of themselves, and had even been condemned
unsuccessfully to battle its progress night after night in
that House. He would say this too, that if this committee of
inquiry should be refused, and if he should live a few years
longer, he did not doubt that he should see the day arrive
when a much heavier retaliation, in another way, would take
place. He himself desired no such thing; but was it in the
character of human nature that persons who had been so deeply
injured should sit down quiet and satisfied, when every thing
in the shape of redress was denied them? But he trusted that
the government would not refuse this motion for inquiry;
should, however, such a refusal be given, he should feel it to
be his duty to bring the question again and again before the
country, as often as the forms of the House would allow. In
making his proposition to the House, he had not provided
himself with a seconder; but, after what had taken place, he
would call on the noble Chancellor of the Exchequer to second
the motion. The noble lord had, twelve years ago, pretty
freely expressed his opinion as to the transaction; and, he
presumed, that that opinion had not been altered by the lapse
of time. The laws of England and of every country had always
been unanimous in expressing their abhorrence of the crime of
murder; and it was because he charged those parties with being
guilty of a deliberate and cold-blooded murder that he
demanded an inquiry, in the name of justice and retribution."
We offer no apology for introducing this eloquent and manly appeal in
behalf of long-delayed justice. The popularity or unpopularity of Mr.
Hunt forms no consideration in our minds; nay, even if the Duke of
Cumberland himself (much as we loathe his character!) had been its
author, it should still have found a place in our volume. How the
ministers could reconcile it with their duty, both to God and man, to
_refuse_ the inquiry, we are at a loss to determine, particularly as
each of them formerly expressed a desire for it! It is really
astonishing with what different eyes men see things when in office and
when toiling to get in!
In the October of this year, the Princess of Wales removed to
Marseilles, weary of the attempts to traduce and insult her character by
hirelings from the English court. A friend of our's had the pleasure of
enjoying her royal highness' confidence at this period, and, after her
removal to Marseilles, the persecuted Caroline made the following
observations: "What could I do, when I found such base attempts made to
destroy my reputation by the most disreputable characters? I left Milan,
and I have carefully preserved a journal of each day's history, which,
upon perusal, will do much more than _merely satisfy_ the nation, to
which my heart so fondly clings." "I wished," added the princess, "very
ardently to have gone to England in the early part of this year, and I
had resolved to do so; but my legal advisers prevented me, expressing
their opinion that they should see me first." It is a fact that the
interview with Mr. Brougham, so much desired in April, 1819, was not
granted until a later period in 1820! Might not an earlier arrangement
than this very probably have put the enemy to flight? The princess was
not ignorant of the demise of the king, as we have before stated; and
the source from which her royal highness received that information was
too worthy of reliance to be doubted. Yet, being bound in honour to
conceal the information and informant, both were kept in profound
silence. It was generally supposed, however, that this event had taken
place, because no man, afflicted as his majesty was said to be, could
possibly exist for any lengthened period. But in the then art of
governing, there were frequently many circumstances which were highly
necessary to be concealed from the knowledge of the people. That
precious trio, Sidmouth, Castlereagh, and Canning, environed the throne,
and their dictatorial will was soon converted into law. Under their
auspices, the already enormous standing army was still increased; while,
like the tyrannical son of Philip, when he reprimanded Aristotle for
publishing his discoveries, they whispered to their myrmidons, "Let us
diffuse darkness round the land. Let the people be kept in a brutal
state. Let their conduct, when assembled, be riotous and irrational as
ignorance and _our spies_ can make it, that they may be brought into
discredit, and deemed unfit for the management of their own affairs. Let
power be rendered dangerous in their hands, that it may continue
unmolested in our own. Let them not taste the fruit of the tree of
knowledge, lest they become as wise as ourselves!" Such were the
political sentiments of those at the head of affairs at this
period;--how successfully they acted upon them is too well known.
The session opened in November, and never did ministers commit
themselves more than by the speech then put into the mouth of the
regent. It contained little else than vindictive sentiments, breathing
vengeance on all who dared oppose the "powers that be," but seemed
utterly forgetful of this good advice, "It is the sovereign's duty to
ease with mercy's oil the sufferer's heart."
The infamous and notorious "Six Acts" were introduced this session by
"the Oppressors," the principal object of which was to impose further
restrictions on the freedom of the press. This plan was considered
likely to be the most successful, as well as the most insidious, mode of
abolishing the few liberties remaining to Englishmen. Ministers thus
thought to leave the FORM of our dearest safeguard untouched, and so
gradually annihilate its ESSENCE. The voracious worm eats out the kernel
completely, while the husk continues fair to the eye, and apparently
entire. The husbandman would crush the insect, if it commenced the
attack on the external tegument; but it carries on the work of
destruction with efficacy and safety, while it corrodes the unseen
fruit, and spares the outside shell. At this despotic period, the press
was erected as a battery by the people to defend the almost vanquished
citadel of their liberty; but, by these acts, Castlereagh, instead of
attacking this citadel, opened the dams, locks, and flood-gates, so that
the waters might secretly undermine its foundation, when he hoped to see
it fall ingloriously into the hands of its enemies. While these base
deeds were being accomplished, no thoughts were bestowed upon the
people's wretchedness, which stood in dread array against ministerial
imbecility. Indeed, the servile papers in the pay of government not only
stoutly denied that such distress existed, but made the grossest
attempts to impose on the public credulity. Let any one read such papers
of the period we are speaking, if the employment be not too nauseous,
and they will there see KNOWN FACTS, if they militated against the
credit of the voluptuous regent, or his government, either DOUBTED or
DENIED; uncertain victories extolled beyond all resemblance to truth;
and defeats, in the highest degree disgraceful and injurious, artfully
extenuated. Notwithstanding all this effrontery and falsehood, the "Six
Acts" were still thought necessary to gag that which corruption and
bribery could not render quite inefficient in the cause of truth. While
contemplating such acts of tyranny, we are led to exclaim with Cato,
when seeking out the little barren spot of Utica, "Wherever there is a
regard for LIBERTY, JUSTICE, and HUMANITY, there will we gladly take up
our abode; for there we shall find a country and a home!"
The extraordinary events that occurred in the year
1820
are so closely interwoven with the weal and wo of the British people,
that it may be considered as one of the most serious periods in English
history.
On the 15th of January, the Duke of Kent became indisposed with a severe
cold. On the 17th of the same month, it was reported, "that his royal
highness' illness had assumed most alarming symptoms;" and Sir David
Dundas went off expressly to Sidmouth to attend his royal highness. The
duke's disorder increased, and at half-past one, P. M., January 23rd,
this prince was deprived of his mortal existence, in the fifty-third
year of his age. But a few days before, his royal highness was in good
health, and in the prime of life! The public will one day be made
acquainted with the particulars of the REAL CAUSE of his death. At
present, we shall only observe, that his royal highness was too virtuous
to be allowed to live long in a vicious court!
The public journals dwelt with much force upon the kind attentions and
tender offices performed by the duchess, which, if true, were only what
every good wife ought to have done. Who can be nearer to a wife than her
husband? and what lady of feeling and integrity would not blush to be
negligent in the best services and the most unwearied attentions to the
ordained partner of her life? Royalty, however, has so many and such
peculiar privileges, that what is considered _wonderous grace_ with them
is merely thought _common decency_ in the vulgar part of Adam's
offspring.
About this time, the king's health was stated to be "very much on the
decline," (hypocrisy!) and the journals announced "that George the Third
expired without a struggle, on the 29th of January, in the eighty-second
year of his age, and the sixtieth of his reign." But we have the
gratification of setting history right in this particular. Of course,
the letters and notices of this intelligence were immediately forwarded
by the appointed messengers to the several foreign courts. It would be
unnecessary for us here to offer any remark upon the character of George
the Third, as we have previously noticed the origin of that unhappy
disease which so lamentably afflicted him during the latter years of his
truly unfortunate life. His majesty bequeathed a sum of money to each of
his sons; but George the Fourth thought proper to withhold the Duke of
Sussex's portion. This unjust act was the primary cause of the quarrel
between these royal brothers, which lasted till the death of George the
Fourth. But, as "kings can do no wrong," little was thought of his
majesty's dishonesty. Monarchs are aware of their privileges, and have,
therefore, in many instances, not scrupled to commit the most heinous
crimes. His late majesty was one of this kind, and yet he was called
"His most gracious, religious, and benevolent majesty!" What a
profanation of terms were these!
As a necessary preliminary to a new reign, George the Fourth was
proclaimed in London on the 31st of the same month.
In February, a _pretended_ mysterious political plot was publicly
adverted to, by the name of "The Cato-street Conspiracy." It was said
that information having been received at Bow-street, that a meeting of
armed persons was to be held at a house in Cato-street, Mary-la-bonne,
and, as the magistrates feared something serious would be the result,
they forwarded a formidable body of their officers to the place. On the
arrival of these persons, they found the number of men amounted to
thirty, armed with guns, swords, daggers, and other weapons, and
appeared ready to leave the place, which was a hayloft at the top of the
house. The officers demanded an entrance, which was refused. Captain
Fitzclarence then arrived, with a party of the guards, and a scene of
much violence ensued. Some of the party were taken to Bow-street, which
was lined with soldiers. The result proved serious to a police officer,
named Smythers, who was stabbed in the affray, which produced his death;
and it was sworn, that Arthur Thistlewood inflicted the wound.
This heart-rending tragedy was generally thought to have been produced
by _government spies_; indeed, several newspapers stated as much at the
time. We, however, KNOW such to have been the case, and that the
characters of "blood-hounds" were but too well performed. Our bosoms
swell with indignation at the recollection of such monstrous plots
against the lives and liberties of our countrymen, and we regret that
the plotters did not fall into their own snares.
On the morning after this lamentable occurrence, a "Gazette
Extraordinary" was issued, signed "SIDMOUTH," offering one thousand
pounds for the detection of Arthur Thistlewood, who stood charged with
the crime of high treason. The reward had the desired effect, as he was
soon apprehended. Three of his companions were afterwards taken, and
FIVE MARTYRS, in all, suffered as traitors on the 1st of May.
Let us not, in common with hirelings, talk of the "wisdom of ministers,"
and the "bravery of the guards," combined with the several loathsome
execrations on artificers and agriculturists; but let us inquire, is
there no resemblance to be observed between this conspiracy and the
Manchester massacre? The intelligent reader will not find the similarity
difficult to trace.
The queen's return to England being now expected, Mr. Canning resigned
his place in the cabinet as president of the Board of Controul, and
retired to the Continent. One of his biographers says, "His conduct on
this occasion, according to universal consent, was marked by the most
perfect correctness and delicacy of feeling." Perhaps it might be so
considered by some people; but to us it does appear that a man of sound
public principles, of high and honourable private feelings, had no
middle course to take at this juncture. Either the Queen of England was
GUILTY, or she was the MOST PERSECUTED AND AGGRIEVED OF WOMEN. Will any
one say that, in the _first_ instance, it was the duty of a minister of
high station to desert the painful, but responsible, situation in which
he stood, from any feeling of esteem or attachment to an individual so
unworthy? In the other case, if Queen Caroline, as almost every body
believed, and as Mr. Brougham _solemnly swore he believed_, was
INNOCENT, was there any circumstance or consideration upon earth,--the
wreck of ambition, the loss of fortune, or the fear of even death
itself,--which should have induced an English gentleman, a man of
honour, a man who had the _feelings of a man_, to leave a FEMALE, whom
he called "FRIEND," beneath the weight of so awful an oppression? To us,
we must confess, Mr. Canning's conduct on this occasion appears one of
the greatest blots we are acquainted with upon his public and private
character, the almost unequivocal proof of a mind unused to the habit of
taking sound and elevated views of the human action. Mr. Canning had,
during a long career,--a career continued through nearly thirty
years,--been the forward and unflinching opponent of popular principles
and concessions. He had never once shrunk from abridging the liberties
of the subject; he had never once shown trepidation at any extraordinary
powers demanded by the crown. With his arms folded, and his looks erect,
he had sanctioned, without scruple, the severest laws against the
press; he had advocated the arbitrary imprisonment of the free citizen;
he had eulogized the forcible repression of public meetings; and he had
constantly declared himself the determined enemy of parliamentary
reform. The only subject on which he professed liberal opinions (the
Catholic question) was precisely that subject to which the great bulk of
the community was indisposed. Such had been the career, such was the
character, of Mr. Canning up to the time of his cowardly desertion of
the injured Caroline, Queen of England!
Her majesty was now daily expected to land upon our shores; and powerful
as was the arm of tyranny, her arrival was much feared by her husband
and his ministers.
We have before mentioned that the queen desired several times, _most
particularly_, to see Mr. Brougham. It is true that various places for
meeting had been appointed; but some apology or other was invariably
made by the learned gentleman. Her majesty finally wrote that she should
be at St. Omers on a certain day, ON HER WAY TO ENGLAND, in the
metropolis of which she was resolved to arrive as soon as possible. Her
majesty had previously appointed Mr. Brougham her attorney-general,
desiring he would choose a solicitor to act with him, and he named Mr.
Denman. One excuse for not attending to his appointment with the queen,
Mr. Brougham ascribed to his electioneering business in Westmoreland;
and another was, Mrs. Brougham's being in a situation too delicate for
him to leave her. Such excuses ought not to have prevented Mr.
Brougham's giving his attention to the important business of the queen;
indeed, he was once within four leagues of her majesty's abode, with a
CERTAIN LETTER in his pocket from the _highest authorities_; but Mr.
Brougham did not venture to lay it before the queen, nor did he seek for
an interview. The commission thus entrusted to this learned gentleman
was the same which Lord Hutchinson undertook some time afterwards.
The queen felt very indignant at Mr. Brougham's so repeatedly declining
his engagements, and wrote to Lord Liverpool to request his lordship
would send a frigate to convey her to England. Fearing, however, that
this might be against the state projects then in contemplation, the
queen, by the same post, wrote to her former friend and lady in waiting,
Lady Anne Hamilton, to repair to her immediately at St. Omers, and
attend her in her former capacity; and also, to Alderman Wood, that if
Lord Liverpool refused or delayed to send a frigate, the Alderman would
hire a vessel for the purpose of bringing her to this country
immediately.
Little time was lost in obeying these commands of the Queen of England.
In the mean time, Mr. Brougham wrote to her majesty, requesting leave to
meet her at Calais; to which the queen replied, she should choose to see
him at the inn at St. Omers. Shortly after the arrival of her majesty's
lady in waiting and the alderman, Mr. Brougham was announced, and
informed her majesty that he was accompanied by Lord Hutchinson, (now
Lord Donoughmore) the KING'S PARTICULAR FRIEND, who was the bearer of a
message to her majesty from the king, and asked leave when he might have
the honour of introducing him to her majesty. "No, no, Mr. Brougham,
(said the queen) no conversations for me; he must put it in writing, if
you please; we are at war at present." "But, madam, it is impossible
that so many scraps of different conversations can be properly
arranged." "Then, I don't see Lord Hutchinson," said the queen. "Madam,
if you insist upon it, it shall be done; and when will your majesty be
pleased to receive it?" "To-morrow morning you may bring it me; and so
good evening to you, as I suppose you are fatigued with your journey."
The next morning, Mr. Brougham arrived with Lord Hutchinson's letter,
which the queen opened and read in Mr. Brougham's presence; in the
conclusion of that letter, her majesty was earnestly entreated to wait
the return of a courier from Paris. "PARIS! PARIS!" said the queen,
"what have I to do with PARIS?" Mr. Brougham, in _much confusion_, said,
"Your majesty MUST HAVE MISTAKEN; it must mean _Calais_; my friend is
too honourable to mean any thing of that kind, or to do any thing
wrong." "No, no, Mr. Brougham; Paris, Paris! Look there!" pointing the
sentence out to him. Then added the queen, "You will come and dine with
me to-day." "May not I bring Lord Hutchinson with me, please your
majesty?" "Certainly not." "But I hope you will see Lord Hutchinson?"
"Yes; let him come directly." The queen then assembled her whole
household, and received his lordship in the midst of a _formal circle_,
talked upon indifferent subjects for about a quarter of an hour; then
rose, and, gracefully courtesying, left the room. Most of the household
followed; and Mr. Brougham, with his friend, Lord Hutchinson, did not
remain long behind. Mr. Brougham afterwards returned; but appeared
exceedingly disconcerted. Lady Hamilton was present, and tried to draw
him into conversation upon various subjects; but he answered, rather
abruptly, "You and the alderman are leading the queen to her
destruction." The lady replied, that was a mistake; she did not
interfere in political affairs. Mr. Brougham begged pardon, and the
subject was ended by the queen entering the room to dinner. The dinner
passed off very well; her majesty appeared in good spirits, as did Mr.
Brougham. It was the queen's general practice not to sit long after
dinner; she, therefore, soon retired with her lady; and the gentlemen
adjourned to the drawing-room to await the serving of coffee. By her
majesty's orders, her maids were waiting with her travelling dress, with
the carriages all ready in the court-yard, in the first of which her
majesty immediately seated herself, as also Lady Hamilton and Alderman
Wood. The moment before her majesty drove out of the yard, she desired
her maître d'hôtel to inform Mr. Brougham "that the queen would drink
coffee with him _in London_;" yet five minutes had not elapsed from
leaving the dinner-table to her driving out from the inn, as fast as
four post-horses could convey her. This was the only time her majesty
was ever known to show fear; but, at the appearance of any horseman, she
became very much agitated from the supposition that she should be
detained in France, under a PRETENCE of not having a correct passport,
the want of horses, or some such trivial excuse. The queen was aware
that the King of England had, not long before, placed Louis the
Eighteenth upon the throne of France; therefore he could not object to
_any_ proposition her husband thought proper to require. Her majesty
also KNEW that a courier had been despatched to PARIS, and that that
courier was one of _Mr. Brougham's brothers_! Mr. Brougham himself
actually joined with Lord Hutchinson in trying to persuade her majesty
to remain in France till the return of the courier. The queen's active
and intelligent mind saw every thing at a glance, and she _acted_ with
the promptitude of her character. Alderman Wood proposed that her
majesty should rest that night at D'Estaing's fine hotel at Calais,
instead of sleeping on board a common packet, which would not sail till
the morning. "No, no," said the queen, "drive straight to the shore;"
and out she got like a girl of fifteen, and was in the packet before any
one else. "There," said her majesty, "now I can breathe freely--now I am
protected by English laws." The queen was hardly seated, when Alderman
Wood presented her with a note from Mr. Brougham, entreating her
majesty to return, if only for the night, to D'Estaing's, and promising
that no harm should happen to her. "No, no," replied the queen, "I am
safe here, and I WILL NOT TRUST HIM;" and then threw a mattress in the
middle of her cabin, with some blankets, and slept there all night. In
the morning, when her majesty was about to land at Dover, she seemed a
little intimidated, in consequence of the dense multitude through which
she had to pass. Her majesty's fears, however, were entirely groundless,
as she soon found the hearts of Britons were friendly to her cause,
though they exemplified it rather roughly; for her feet were never
permitted to touch the ground from the time her majesty left the vessel
till her arrival at the inn, which she availed herself of with feelings
of the most gratifying description, at the sympathy manifested in the
cause of persecuted virtue.
As soon as her majesty could procure horses, she set forward to
Canterbury, where she was received with similar acclamations. The
populace insisted upon drawing her majesty out of the town, and then
would not suffer the horses to be put to without her personal
entreaties. Thousands of blessings were poured on her head, without one
dissenting voice; and in this manner did her majesty proceed all the way
to London.
The queen took up her abode at 77, South Audley-street, until another
more suitable residence could be provided for her. The family of
Alderman Wood, who previously inhabited this house, left it immediately
after receiving intelligence that her majesty would make a temporary use
of it, and they occupied apartments at Flagdon's hotel.
On the ensuing day, several of the nobility and members of the House of
Commons called to inquire after her majesty's health. On the ninth of
this month, her majesty removed from South Audley-street to 32,
Portman-square, the residence of the Right Honourable Lady Anne
Hamilton, by whom the queen was attended. Her ladyship's servants were
continued, and her majesty was much pleased with the respectful and
generous attentions rendered.
On the 16th, the queen received an address from the common council of
the city of London, to which she returned an answer, so feelingly
expressed, as to excite the sympathy and admiration of all present.
On the afternoon of the sixth day of the queen's entry into London, a
message was delivered from the king to both houses of parliament,
communicating certain reports and papers respecting the queen's
misconduct while abroad. On the following Thursday, a committee was
appointed in the House of Lords; but the queen transmitted a
communication to the House of Commons, protesting against the reference
of her accusations to a SECRET TRIBUNAL, and soliciting an open
investigation of her conduct.
Thus was commenced a prosecution in principle and object every way
calculated to rouse the generous and constitutional feelings of the
nation; and the effects were without a parallel in the history of all
countries! Could a more outrageous insult possibly have been offered to
her dignity, to the honour of her husband the king, or to the morality
and decency of the community at large?
Up to this time, Prince Leopold had not tendered his respects to her
majesty; yet he was the widowed husband of the queen's only and
dearly-beloved daughter! His serene highness had been raised from a
state of comparative poverty and obscurity to be honoured with the hand
of England's favourite princess, from whose future reign was expected a
revival of commerce and an addition of glory. Though this prince was
enjoying an annual income of FIFTY THOUSAND POUNDS from the country;
though he had town and country residences, of great extent and
magnificent appearance; though he abounded with horses and carriages;
yet not one offer did he make of any of these superfluous matters to the
mother of his departed wife, by whose means he had become possessed of
them all! Gratitude, however, is generally esteemed a _virtue_, and
therefore a German prince could not be supposed to know any thing about
it.
About this period, her majesty received numerous communications, tending
to prove the infamous proceedings against her to have been adopted
without reference to honour or principle, and to warn her from falling
into the snares of her mercenary and vindictive enemies. We lay before
our readers the following, as sufficient to establish this fact.
"An officer of the frigate which took her majesty (when Princess of
Wales) to the Continent averred, in the presence of three
_unimpeachable_ witnesses, that a very few days before her majesty's
embarkation, CAPTAIN KING, while sitting at breakfast in his cabin with
the surgeon of the frigate, received a letter from a _brother of the
prince regent_, which he read aloud, in the presence of the said
surgeon, as follows:
"DEAR KING,
"You are going to be ordered to take the Princess of Wales to the
Continent. IF YOU DON'T COMMIT ADULTERY WITH HER, YOU ARE A DAMNED FOOL!
You have _my_ consent for it, and I can assure you that you have that of
_MY BROTHER, THE REGENT_.
"Your's,
(Signed) ********.
"The officer who made the above statement and declaration is a most
CREDITABLE PERSON, and the witnesses are all in this country."
"_London, May 7th, 1820._
"Furnished to supply the queen with PROOF that the _royal duke_ in
question is leagued against her, in accordance with the WISHES OF THE
KING!"
"PRIVATE DOCUMENT.
"Captain King's agent is Mr. STILLWELL, 22, Arundel-street, Strand,
London; and the surgeon, who was present during the period the royal
duke's letter was read, is JAMES HALL. The witnesses were--Mr.
FRESHFIELD, 3, Tokenhouse-yard; Mr. HOLMES, 3, Lyon's-inn; and Mr.
STOKOE, 2, Lancaster-court; as also before BARRY O'MEARA.
(Signed) "BARRY E. O'MEARA."
On the 24th of June, a deputation of the House of Commons was appointed
to wait upon her majesty with the resolutions adopted by the House on
Thursday, the 22nd. They arrived at a quarter past one o'clock. Mr.
Wilberforce and Mr. S. Wortley occupied the first carriage. At their
appearance, strong symptoms of displeasure were indicated. They were
then introduced to the queen, Mr. Brougham standing at her majesty's
right hand, and Mr. Denman at her left. They severally knelt and kissed
her majesty's hand. Mr. Wilberforce then read the resolutions, and her
majesty replied to them. On their departure, Mr. Brougham accompanied
the deputation to the door; and, after they had taken their seats in the
carriages, Mr. Brougham returned to shake hands with them, although the
multitudes assembled outside hissed them exceedingly.
Her majesty's answer to the before-mentioned resolutions was superior to
the tricks of her enemies. In it the queen refused terms of
conciliation, unless they accorded with her duty to her own character,
to the king, and to the nation! "A sense of what is due to my character
and sex," said the queen, "forbids me to refer minutely to the REAL
CAUSE of our domestic differences!" Indeed, her majesty's reply was an
appeal to those principles of public justice, which should be alike the
safeguard of the highest and the humblest individuals. Mr. Wilberforce
exposed himself to much censure upon the part he had taken in the House;
and, as he so unhesitatingly hinted at the awful contents of the "Green
Bag," he said, "by suppressing her own feelings, the queen would endear
herself to the country." We suppose Mr. Wilberforce meant, that, by
suppressing her own feelings of honour, she would gratify the honour of
the country; and, by again quitting it, demonstrate her gratitude for
its unshaken loyalty; but the queen was firm in her resolve to _claim
justice_, whether it was given or withheld.
In considering these base endeavours to injure innocence, in order to
raise the _noble_ character of a voluptuous prince, we cannot help
remarking that POWER was the _only_ weapon of the vitiated monarch,
while RIGHT and JUSTICE formed the shield of the oppressed Queen of
England! Indeed, every man, glowing with the sincere love of his
country, and actuated by that honourable affection for its welfare,
which takes a lively and zealous interest in passing events, must have
considered such proceedings against her majesty fraught with inevitable
evil. If her innocence, according to the prayers of millions of her
subjects, should be made manifest, the public indignation would be sure
to be roused, and probably prove resentful. The evidence was known to be
of a description on which no magistrate would convict a common
pickpocket, and therefore if the legislature should even be induced to
consider her majesty guilty of the charges preferred against her, public
opinion would certainly refuse to ratify the sentence, and turn with
disgust from those promulgating it. In either case, those venerable
tribunals, consecrated by our forefathers, must lose that beautiful,
that honourable, that unbought, homage which a free people have ever
been proud to pay them. No Englishman, we say, accustomed to reverence,
with a prejudice almost sacred, the constitution of a parliament,
_majestic even in its errors and infirmities_, could contemplate,
without pain, the possibility,--nay, the almost certainty,--that the
hour was not far distant when the whole nation would look with cold
indifference, or gloomy distrust, on the acts of a senate, their
generous obedience to which (though it had been accompanied with
suffering, and followed by privation) had been "the admiration of the
whole world."
On the 6th of July, Sir Thomas Tyrwhitt, usher, of the black rod, waited
upon her majesty with a copy of the "Bill of Pains and Penalties"
against her, presented the previous day to the House of Lords, and which
was forwarded by order of their lordships. Her majesty went into the
room where the deputation were waiting, and received a copy of this bill
with great calmness. Upon an examination of the abominable instrument,
her majesty said, "Yes, the queen who had a sufficient sense of honour
and goodness to refuse the base offer of fifty thousand pounds a-year of
the public money, to spend it _when, where, how, and with whom she
pleased_, in banquetings, feastings, and excesses, providing it were in
a foreign country, and _not at home_, has sufficient resolution to await
the result of every investigation power can suggest." Like another
Cleopatra, our insulted queen might have played "the wanton" with
impunity; her imperial bark might have displayed its purple streamers,
swelled with the softest Cyprian breezes. It might have sailed
triumphantly down the Adriatic, to meet some highly-favoured lover! Yes,
by desire of the king, her husband, the queen was requested to accept
any terms beside those of a legitimate character. But her majesty
preserved her usual firmness and serenity of mind during the unequalled
proceedings instituted against her, and frequently repeated the
unequivocal expression, "Time will furnish sufficient proof of my
innocence."
On the 5th of August, the queen took possession of Brandenburgh House,
formerly the residence of the Margravine of Anspatch, situated near the
Thames, and in the parish of Hammersmith. Her majesty left Lady
Hamilton's house at four o'clock, attended by her ladyship, and
accompanied by Dr. Lushington, in an entirely new and elegant open
carriage, drawn by four beautiful bay horses. They drove off amidst
united shouts of applause from the assembled people.
Will future generations believe the historian's tale, that a
queen,--yes, a brave and virtuous Queen of England too!--was refused a
house and a home by the sovereign, her husband? That she, who was lured
from her princely home, arrived in the centre of England, and was denied
a resting place by the king and his ministers! In consequence of which,
she was necessitated to take up her abode in the mansion of a late lord
mayor for the space of three days, and then to accept the use of the
house of her lady in waiting for nearly two months; while there were
palaces totally unoccupied, and even mouldering into decay for want of
being inhabited! This statement will, doubtless, appear overdrawn to
future generations; but there are thousands now living who can testify
to its accuracy. Ministers, indeed, entered into compact with Deception,
and so glaringly committed their sentiments and characters, that, to
preserve their own pretended _consistency_, they would have even
uncrowned the king himself! A feverish sensation now pervaded the whole
public mind, and from the highest to the lowest, the case of the queen
was one universal theme of conversation.
On the 6th of August, her royal highness the Duchess of York died. Up to
a very late hour of the day on which this occurred, no official
communication had been made to the queen; but, in consequence of the
event, her majesty requested to postpone several addresses which she had
previously appointed to receive.
On the 7th, the queen sent a letter to the king, but it was returned
from Windsor unopened, with a communication that "Such a letter
addressed to the king cannot be received by his majesty, unless it
passes through the hands of his minister." Why, after the refusal to
receive this letter, should the princess be blamed for permitting its
contents to be published? If the king were under obligations of such a
description as to incapacitate him from exercising his own judgment, and
giving his own opinion, was he fit to administer the laws, or ought he
to have sanctioned the appeal of miscreants who sought their own, and
not their country's, good? Let us consider the delays attending this
letter. It was sent to Windsor, directed _expressly for the king_,
accompanied with a note, written by the queen, to Sir B. Bloomfield,
desiring it might be immediately delivered into the king's hand. Sir B.
Bloomfield was absent, and Sir W. Keppell, as the next in command,
received it, and forwarded the same to Sir B. Bloomfield, at Carlton
House, immediately, who returned the letter on the 8th to her majesty,
saying, "I have received the king's commands and general instructions,
that any communications which may be made should pass through the hands
of his majesty's government." The queen immediately despatched a letter
to Lord Liverpool, enclosing the one she had addressed to the king, by
the hands of a messenger, in which her majesty desired the earl to
present it. Lord Liverpool was then at Coombe Wood, and wrote in reply,
that he would "lose no time in laying it before his majesty." Up to the
11th, no reply had been received; and the queen wrote to Lord Liverpool
again, to know if further communication were needful. Lord Liverpool
replied, that he had not received the king's commands upon the subject,
and therefore could not give any positive answer relative to it. How
does this strange and incomprehensible conduct appear to any unbiassed
Englishman? Was the king, who ought to be the dispenser of the laws, to
be free from imputation, when he thus exposed his unrelenting temper and
unbending determination, wherever his private inclinations were
concerned? We dare avow, if that letter could have been answered, it
would; but its contents were unanswerable! "Aye," said the hireling
Castlereagh, "it is no matter what the conduct of the Princess of Wales
has been; it is the king's desire that he may no more be obliged to
recognise her in her former character of Princess of Wales." Oh! most
sapient speech of a most sapient lord; truly this was a bold doctrine to
broach, that kings have a right divine to subdue, injure, oppress, and
govern wrong!
We pass by the number of addresses presented to her majesty at this
period, and also the not-to-be-mistaken expression of public opinion
against the projector of her injuries. Were they not concocted by the
authority of the monarch, her husband? Was it not by his _divine_ decree
that his consort's name was erased from the liturgy? Did he not send
down to parliament that message which denounced his queen a criminal?
Yet, after all this, Lord Liverpool said, "The king has no _personal_
feeling upon the subject." Very true, his majesty could not have any
_personal_ feeling towards the queen; his royal feelings had always been
confined to the libidinous and the most obnoxious of society! Had he
been a worthy and upright plaintiff against the most unfortunate of
defendants, would he have scrupled to have shewn himself in his regal
chair upon the continued debates arising from this most important
question; and would not a sense of greatness and virtue, _had he
possessed either_, after hearing the infamous statements of _false
witnesses_, have influenced him to _decline further proceedings_, though
his pride might have withheld an acknowledgment of error? This line of
honest conduct was not followed, and we are therefore obliged to brand
him as one of the most despicable and mean of the human race!
During the disgraceful proceedings against the queen, such was the
public feeling in her favour, that the peers actually feared for their
personal safety in going to and returning from the House. This
threatened danger was, as might be expected, properly guarded against by
the _military_, who poured into London and its environs in vast numbers.
The agitated state of the public mind probably was never more decidedly
expressed than on the 19th of August, the day on which the trial
commenced. At a very early hour in the morning, workmen were employed in
forming double rows of strong timber from St. Margaret's church to the
King's Bench office on the one side, and from the upper extremity of
Abingdon-street on the other, so as to enclose the whole area in front
of the House of Lords. This was done to form a passage to the House,
which was devoted exclusively for the carriages of the peers, to and
from the principal entrance. Within this extensive area, a large body
of constables were stationed, under the controul of the high bailiff and
high constable, who were in attendance before seven o'clock. A very
strong body of foot-guards were also posted in the King's Bench office,
the Record office, and in the other apartments, near or fronting the
street. Westminster Hall was likewise appropriated to the accommodation
of the military. All the leading passages from St. Margaret's church
into Parliament-street were closed securely by strong partitions of
timber. The police-hulk and the gun-boats defended the river side of
Westminster, and the civil and military arrangements presented an
effectual barrier on the opposite side. At nine o'clock, a troop of
life-guards rode into the palace yard, and formed in line in front of
the principal gate of Westminster Hall; they were shortly afterwards
followed by a detachment of the foot-guards, who were formed under the
piazzas of the House of Lords, where they piled their arms. Patrols of
life-guards were then thrown forward, in the direction of
Abingdon-street, who occasionally formed near the king's entrance, and
at intervals paraded.
At half-past nine, a body of the Surrey horse-patrol rode over
Westminster-bridge, and for a short time paraded Parliament-street,
Whitehall, and Charing-cross; they afterwards drew up near the barrier
at St. Margaret's church. The peers began to arrive shortly afterwards;
the lord chancellor was in the House _before eight o'clock_. The other
ministers were equally early in their attendance.
At a quarter before ten, an universal cheering from a countless
multitude, in the direction of Charing-cross, announced to the anxious
spectators that the queen was approaching. Her majesty, attended by Lady
Anne Hamilton, had come early from Brandenburgh-house to the residence
of Lady Francis, St. James' Square, and from thence they departed for
the House of Lords, in a new state carriage, drawn by six bay horses. As
they passed Carlton Palace, the Admiralty, and other such places, the
sentinels presented arms; but, at the Treasury, this mark of honour was
omitted.
When the queen arrived at the House, the military stationed in the front
immediately presented arms. Her majesty was received at the door by Sir
T. Tyrwhitt and Mr. Brougham; and the queen, with her lady in waiting,
proceeded to an apartment prepared for their reception. Shortly
afterwards, her majesty, accompanied as before, entered the House by the
passage leading from the robing-room, which is situated on the right of
the throne.
During this initiatory part of the trial, and until nearly four o'clock,
her majesty was attended by Lord Archibald Hamilton and his sister Lady
Anne, who stood close to the queen all the time.
Upon returning from the House in the same state in which her majesty
arrived, she was greeted by the most enthusiastic acclamations and
shouts of applause from every class of society, who were apparently
desirous to outvie each other in testimonies of homage to their
ill-fated and insulted queen.
Each succeeding day of the pretended trial, her majesty met with a
similar reception; and, during the whole period, addresses were lavishly
poured in upon her, signed by so many persons, and testifying such
ardent regard and devotion, that every moment of time was necessarily
occupied with their reception and acknowledgment. Thus, though the queen
was insulted by the king and the majority of the peers, it must have
afforded great consolation to her wounded feelings, while witnessing the
enthusiasm and devotion manifested in her cause by all the really
honourable of the community. We say _really honourable_, because her
persecutors were either actuated by "filthy lucre," or by a desire to
recommend themselves, in some way or another, to the favour of the king
and his ministers.
To justify these remarks, we here present our readers with a list of
those time-serving creatures who voted against the queen, with the
annual amounts they were then draining from the country:
The Duke of York,[360:A]with immense patronage, nearly
100,000_l._; and the Duke of Clarence, 38,500_l._; but we must
not suppose her majesty's BROTHERS voted through _interest_;
their _virtuous minds could not tolerate her iniquities_!!!
DUKES.--Wellington, 65,741_l._, including the interest of
700,000_l._, which he received to purchase estates;
Northumberland, possessing immense patronage and family
interest; Newcastle, 19,700_l._; Rutland, 3,500_l._; Beaufort,
48,600_l._; and Manchester, 16,380_l._
MARQUISES.--Conyngham(!) 3,600_l._, but the exact sum his wife
received, we have not been able to ascertain; Thomond,
13,400_l._; Headfort, 4,200_l._; Anglesea, 11,000_l._;
Northampton, 1,000_l._; Camden, 4,150_l._; Exeter, 6,900_l._;
Cornwallis, 15,813_l._; Buckingham, 5,816_l._; Lothian,
4,900_l._; Queensberry, great family interest; and Winchester,
3,200_l._
EARLS.--Limerick, 2,500_l._; Ross, governor of an Irish
county; Donoughmore, 4,377_l._; Belmore, 1,660_l._; Mayo,
15,200_l._; Longford, 7,369_l._; Mount Cashel, 1,000_l._;
Kingston, 6,400_l._; St. Germains, brother-in-law to Lord
Hardwicke, who received 7,700_l._; Brownlow, 4,400_l._;
Whitworth, 6,000_l._; Verulam, 2,700_l._; Cathcart,
27,600_l._; Mulgrave, 11,051_l._; Lonsdale, 14,352_l._;
Orford, 6,700_l._; Manvers, 4,759_l._; Nelson, 15,025_l._;
Powis, 700_l._; Liverpool, 33,450_l._; Digby, 6,700_l._; Mount
Edgecumbe, 400_l._; Strange, 13,988_l._; Abergavenny,
3,072_l._; Aylesbury, 6,300_l._; Bathurst, 15,423_l._;
Chatham, 13,550_l._; Harcourt, 4,200_l._; Warwick, 6,519_l._;
Portsmouth, _non compos mentis_; Macclesfield, 3,000_l._;
Aylesford, 6,450_l._; Coventry, 700_l._; Abingdon, 2,000_l._;
Shaftesbury, 6,421_l._; Cardigan, 1,282_l._; Balcarras,
46,050_l._; Winchelsea, 6,000_l._; Stamford, 4,500_l._;
Bridgewater, 13,700_l._; Home, 2,800_l._; and Huntingdon,
200_l._ We must not here omit Lord Eldon, whose vote would
have been against her majesty if it had been required; his
income amounted to 50,400_l._, with immense patronage.
VISCOUNTS.--Exmouth, 10,450_l._; Lake, 7,300_l._; Sidmouth,
17,025_l._; Melville, 18,776_l._; Curzon, 2,400_l._; Sydney,
11,426_l._; Falmouth, 3,578_l._; and Hereford, 1,200_l._
ARCHBISHOPS.--Canterbury, 41,800_l._; Tuam, 28,000_l._; both
with immense patronage.
BISHOPS.--Cork, 6,400_l._, besides patronage; Llandaff,
1,540_l._, with twenty-six livings in his gift; Peterborough,
4,140_l._, with an archdeaconry, six prebends, and thirteen
livings in his gift; he had also a pension granted him by the
king's sign manual, in 1804, of 514_l._-4,654_l._;
Gloucester, 3,200_l._, twenty-four livings, besides other
patronage, in his gift; Chester, 4,700_l._, with six prebends
and thirty livings in his gift; he has also a son in the
_secret_ department in India, 2,000_l._, and another a
collector in India, 2,500_l._, as well as sons in the church
with benefices to the amount of 2,750_l._-11,950_l._; Ely,
21,340_l._, and the patronage of one hundred and eight
livings; St. Asaph, 6,000_l._, his son has two livings in the
church, 1000_l._, and he has ninety livings in his
gift,--7,000_l._; St. David's, 6,260_l._, besides one hundred
livings, prebends, and precentorships in his gift; he has also
a relation in the church, with two livings,
1,000_l._-7,260_l._; Worcester, 9,590_l._, besides the
patronage of one archdeaconry and twenty-one livings; London,
10,200_l._, with ninety-five livings, twenty-eight prebends,
and precentorships in his gift.
LORDS.--Prudhoe, 700_l._; Harris, 3,800_l._; Meldrum, of the
Gordon family, who annually devour about 30,000_l._; Hill,
9,800_l._; Combermere, 13,500_l._; Hopetoun, 15,600_l._;
Gambier, 6,800_l._; Manners, 21,500_l._; Ailsa, _expectant_;
Lauderdale, 36,600_l._; Sheffield, 3,000_l._; Redesdale,
5,500_l._; St. Helens, 1,000_l._; Northwick, 1,500_l._;
Bolton, 4,000_l._; Bayning, 1,000_l._; Carrington, 1,900_l._;
Dunstanville, 1,500_l._; Rous, _motive unknown_; Courtown,
9,800_l._; Galloway, 9,845_l._; Stuart, 15,000; Douglas,
2,500_l._; Grenville, 4,000_l._; Suffield, brother-in-law to
the _notorious Castlereagh_,--need we say more to point out
_his_ motive for voting against the queen? Montagu, 3,500_l._;
Gordon, 20,990_l._; Somers, 2,000_l._; Rodney, 6,123_l._;
Middleton, 700_l._; Napier, 4,572_l._; Gray, 200_l._, with
great family interest; Colville, 4,600_l._; Saltoun,
3,644_l._; Forbes, 8,400_l._; Lord Privy Seal, 3,000_l._; and
Lord President, 4,000.
[360:A] The Duke of Sussex excused himself from taking part in
the proceedings against the queen on the plea of being so
nearly related to her majesty. When this was stated in the
House of Lords, the Duke of York said, "My lords, I have as
much reason, and, _heaven knows_, I would as anxiously desire
as my royal relative to absent myself from these proceedings;
but when I have a DUTY imposed upon me, of _such magnitude as
the present_, I should be _ashamed_ to offer such an EXCUSE!"
It is astonishing how any man, who had _outraged virtue_ and
violated HIS DUTY in a thousand ways, could, unblushingly,
thus insult the English nation!
Notwithstanding this phalanx of corruption being arrayed against one
virtuous female, after an unexampled multiplication of abuse and
perjury, on the fifty-first day of the proceedings, the infamous bill
was LOST, and, with it, the pretensions to uprightness and manly feeling
of every one who had voted for it! What was the dreadful, the
overwhelming, responsibility of those who had ventured to prosecute, of
all others, a great, a noble, a glorious woman, (we speak
unhesitatingly, for we speak from the EVIDENCE OF HER OWN PUBLIC ACTS)
by a "Bill of Pains and Penalties," which was so far from being a part
of our common law, that that was necessarily sacrificed in order to give
effect to this? The mock trial was supported by the evidence of
witnesses who, day after day, perjured themselves for the sake of
wealth, and by the ingratitude of _discarded_ servants, treacherous
domestics, and cowardly calumniators; evidence, not only stained with
the infamy of their own perfidy to their generous benefactress, but
polluted with the licentious and gross obscenity of their own debased
instincts, for we cannot call their cunning by any other name. This,
Englishmen! was the poison, this the vast and sweeping flood of
iniquity, which was permitted by the government to disseminate itself
into the minds of the young, and to inundate the morals of the whole
country! A great moral evil was thus done; but the antidote luckily went
with it. The same press, upon which the absurd, foolish, and dangerous
imbecility of incompetent and unmanly ministers imposed the reluctant
office of becoming the channel for the deluge of Italian evidence, also
conducted the refreshing streams of national sympathy and public
opinion! The public sustained their own honour in upholding that of
Caroline, Queen of England! When that public beheld her intelligent
eyes, beaming with mind and heroism; when they heard of her pure
beneficence, holy in its principle, as it was unbounded in its sphere;
when they felt her glowing affection for a devoted people; when they
observed her, scorning alike the weakness of her sex and the luxury of
her station,--actuated solely by the mighty energies of her own
masculine sense and powerful understanding,--braving fatigue and danger,
traversing the plains and mountains of Asia, the sands and deserts of
Africa; and contemplating the living tomb of ancient liberty in modern
Greece; when they heard of this dauntless woman sailing over foreign
seas with a soul of courage as buoyant and as mighty as the waves that
bore her; but, above all, when they knew of her refusing the glittering
trappings and the splendid price of infamous security, to face
inveterate, persecuting, and inflexible enemies, even on their own
ground, and surrounded by their own strength and power, they felt
confident that such a woman must be at once a favourite of heaven, a
great queen, and a blessing to the people, who fervently offered up
their prayers for her safety and her triumph! It will readily be
supposed, then, with what joy the result of this important and
unprecedented investigation filled the hearts of thousands, which
manifested itself by shouts of exultation from the centre of the
metropolis, and was re-echoed from the remotest corners of the land, by
the unbought voices of a brave and generous people, who considered the
unjust proceedings alike "derogatory to the dignity of the crown and the
best interests of the nation."
From the very commencement of the queen's persecution, her majesty's
counsellors appeared more in the capacity of MEDIATORS in the cause of
_guilt_ than as _stern, unbending, and uncompromising champions of
honour and truth_! In one of Mr. Brougham's speeches, he declared the
queen had no intention to _recriminate_; but Mr. Brougham cannot, even
at this distance of time, have forgotten that, when her majesty had an
interview with him after this public assertion on his part, she declared
herself INSULTED by such a remark, as her case demanded all the
assistance it could possibly obtain from every legal quarter. Another
peculiar trait of defection was conspicuously displayed during this
extraordinary trial. The letter we gave a few pages back, written by an
illustrious personage to the captain of the vessel in which the princess
went in the memorable year 1814, offering him a reward to procure any
evidence of improper conduct on the part of her royal highness, was
submitted to Mr. Brougham, and shortly afterwards, at the supper table
of the queen, he said aloud, that he HAD SHEWN THAT LETTER TO THE
OPPOSITE SIDE OF THE COURT; and when remonstrated with for such
extraordinary conduct, his only reply was, "Oh, it will do very well;"
and soon after left the room. This and many other singular acts of the
learned gentleman will seem surprising to his admirers. Such suspicious
conduct, indeed, is hardly to be accounted for; but we could not dispute
the evidence of our own senses!
At this period, a lady of her majesty's household received a note from a
young person, stating the writer to be in possession of some papers of
GREAT CONSEQUENCE TO THE QUEEN, which she wished to deliver to her
majesty. A gentleman was sent to the writer of the note, and her
information to him was, in substance, as follows:
That certain property, of a large amount, had been bequeathed to her;
but that for many years she had been deprived of all interest arising
from it. That Dr. Sir Richard Croft, accoucheur to her late royal
highness, the Princess Charlotte, was an attendant witness to the will
of her mother, by whom the property had been willed,--her father having
engaged, upon his return from abroad, to put his daughter in possession
of her rightful claims, proving her descent, &c. That, during her
unprotected state, her guardian had caused her to sign bonds to an
enormous amount; and, in consequence, she had been deprived of her
liberty for nearly twelve months. As Dr. Sir Richard Croft was her
principal witness and friend, she frequently consulted him on different
points of her affairs, and also gave him several private letters for his
inspection; but these letters not being returned to her when she applied
for them, she reproached the doctor with his inattention to her
interests. In consequence of this, Dr. Croft called upon her, and
promised to send the letters back the next day. The doctor accordingly
sent her a packet; but, upon examination, she found them to be, _not the
letters alluded to_, but letters of VAST IMPORTANCE, from the HIGHEST
PERSONAGES in the kingdom, and elucidating the most momentous subjects.
Some time after, she sealed them up, and sent a servant back with them,
giving him strict injunctions to deliver them ONLY into Sir Richard's
hand. While the servant was gone, the doctor called upon her, and, IN
GREAT AGITATION, inquired if she had received any other letters back
besides her own. She replied she had, and said, "Doctor, what have you
done?" He walked about the room for some time, and then said, abruptly,
"I suppose you have read the letters?" She replied, "I have read enough
to make me very uncomfortable." After some further remarks, he observed,
"I am the most wretched man alive!" He then said he would communicate to
her all the circumstances. Sir Richard commenced his observations by
stating, that he was not the perpetrator of the deed, but had been made
the instrument of others, which the letters proved. He then alluded, by
name, to a NOBLEMAN; and said the circumstance was first discovered by
the NURSE'S observing that a SEDIMENT WAS LEFT AT THE BOTTOM OF THE CUP
IN WHICH THE PRINCESS CHARLOTTE TOOK HER LAST BEVERAGE, and that Mrs.
Griffiths directly charged the doctor with being privy to the act. He
examined the contents of the cup, and was struck with horror at finding
that it was the SAME DESCRIPTION OF MEDICINE WHICH HAD BEEN OBTAINED
FROM HIS HOUSE, A FEW DAYS PREVIOUS, BY THE NOBLEMAN BEFORE ALLUDED
TO!!! However, he endeavoured to persuade the nurse that she was
mistaken; "but," said the doctor, "the more I endeavoured to persuade
her, the more culpable, no doubt _I_ appeared to her."
Sir Richard said he was farther strengthened in his suspicions of the
said nobleman by a conversation he had had a few days before with his
lordship, who said, "If any thing should happen to the princess,--IF SHE
WERE TO DIE,--it would be a melancholy event; yet I consider it would,
in some considerable degree, be productive of good to the nation at
large." Dr. Croft asked him how he could say so. "Because," said the
nobleman, "every body knows her disposition sufficiently to be
convinced, that she will ever be blind to her mother's most unequalled
conduct; and I think any man, burdened with such a wife, would be
_justified_ in using ANY MEANS in seeking to get rid of her! Were it my
case, the friend who would be the means of, or assist in, releasing me
from her shackles, I should consider would do no more than one man ought
to do for another so circumstanced." Dr. Croft then said, he went to
this nobleman directly after the death of the princess, and charged him
with committing the crime. He at first denied it; but at length said,
"It was better for one to suffer than that the whole country should be
put into a state of confusion, which would have been the case if the
princess had lived," and then alluded to the Princess of Wales coming
into this country. The nobleman exonerated himself from the deed; but
said "IT WAS MANAGED BY PERSONS IMMEDIATELY ABOUT THE DOCTOR'S PERSON."
At this part of the narrative, the doctor became very much agitated, and
the lady said, "Good God! who did do it?" To which question he replied,
"_The hand that wrote that letter without a name, in conjunction with
one of the attendants on the nurse!_" The lady further stated, that the
doctor said, "Certain ladies are depending upon me for my services as
accoucheur, and I will not extend life beyond my attendance upon them."
This conversation took place just after the death of the Princess
Charlotte.
Before Dr. Croft left the lady, she informed him of her anxiety to
return the letters as soon as she discovered their importance, and
mentioned that the servant was then gone with them. Sir Richard quickly
exclaimed, "You bid him not leave them?" and inquired what directions
had been given to the servant. Having been informed, he said, "Don't
send them again; keep them until I come and fetch them, and that will be
to-morrow, if possible." But the lady never saw him afterwards, and
consequently retained the letters.
The gentleman then received exact copies of all the letters before
alluded to. We here present our readers with three of the most
important, which will substantiate some of our former statements.
COPY OF A LETTER FROM SIR B. BLOOMFIELD TO DR. SIR RICHARD CROFT.
"MY DEAR CROFT,
"I am commanded by his royal highness to convey to you his solicitude
for your health and happiness; and I am to inform you, that the aid of
so faithful a friend as yourself is indispensable. _It is by her
majesty's command I write this to you._
"We have intelligence by the 20th ult. that the Princess of Wales is to
take a road favourable to the accomplishment of our long-desired wishes;
that we may keep pace with her, there is no one upon whose fidelity we
can more fully rely than you yourself.
"A few months relaxation from the duties of your profession will banish
all gloomy ideas, and secure the favour of her majesty.
"Come, my boy, throw physic to the dogs, and be the bearer of the happy
intelligence of a divorce, to render ourselves still more deserving the
confidence of our beloved master, whose peace and happiness we are bound
in duty to secure by every means in our power.
"Remember this: the road to fortune is short; and let me see you to-day
at three o'clock, without fail, in my bureau.
"Yours faithfully,"
**********.
"Carlton House,
"Monday, 9th November, 1817."
COPY OF A LETTER FROM DR. CROFT TO HIS ROYAL HIGHNESS THE PRINCE REGENT.
"The gracious assurance of his royal highness for my happiness was this
day conveyed to me, by _the desire of her most gracious majesty_.
"The many former favours and kindnesses bestowed by my royal benefactor
is retained in my mind with the deepest sense of gratitude.
"That I regret, with heartfelt grief, the invisible power that
determined my inevitable misery, and marks the hand that gave the blow
to my eternal peace. Could no other arm inflict the wound than he who,
in happier moments, indulged me with the most apparent unfeigned
friendship? That I shall not, to my latest breath, cease to complain of
such injustice, heaped upon me in the eyes of the world, and before the
nation, who at my hands have lost their dearest hopes.
"My conscious innocence is the only right I plead to a just and Almighty
God! That I consider this deed of so foul a nature as to stamp with
ignominy, not only its perpetrators, but the throne itself, now to be
obtained by the death of its own offspring, _and that death enforced by
the Queen of England_, whose inveterate hatred is fully exemplified, by
heaping wrongs upon the unfortunate partner of your once happy choice,
who now only impedes your union to another.
"To remove now this only remaining obstacle, I am called upon by the
ministers. With a view of tranquillizing my mind, every restitution is
offered me. But, no doubt, many will be found amongst them, who can,
without a pang, enjoy the reward of such services--_as her majesty will
most liberally recompense_.
"It has ever been my highest ambition to fulfil the arduous duty of my
situation; to be rewarded by upright encomiums; and to merit, as a
subject and a servant, the approbation of my most gracious benefactor,
as conveyed to me on the 9th of this month by Sir B. Bloomfield, would
have been a sufficient recompense to me under any circumstances of life.
"I can, therefore, only assure his royal highness, with unfeigned
sincerity, that I should feel happy upon any occasion to forfeit my life
for his peace and happiness; nor can I more fully evince the same than
by assuring his royal highness, that this melancholy circumstance shall
be eternally buried in my mind.
(Signed) "RICHARD CROFT."
"November 10th, 1817."
COPY OF A LETTER FROM QUEEN CHARLOTTE TO DR. CROFT.
"We are sensible how much it were to be desired that the obligations
provided for could have been traced without the necessity of our
writing. But we are yet more sensible how much it is our duty to promote
the happiness of our most dear and most beloved son, who so justly
deserves the efforts which we make for him. Whatever price will cost our
tender love, we shall at least have the comfort, in the melancholy
circumstance of this juncture, which our kingdom most justly laments
with us, to give to our subjects a successor more worthy of the
possession of our crown, either partly or wholly, than the detested
daughter of our dearest brother, who, by her conduct, has brought
disgrace upon our royal house, and whom now we will, for us, and our
descendants, without difference of the substance of blood and quality,
that she shall at all events be estranged from us and our line for ever.
To this end, we believe the method concerted by our faithful friends at
Trieste is the most effectual to ensure it, not by divorce; be it by
whatever means which may seem effectual to our friends, to whom we
grant full power in every thing, as if we ourselves were present, to
obtain the conclusion we so much desire; and whosoever shall accomplish
the same shall be placed in the immediate degree with any peer of our
kingdom, with fifty thousand pounds, which we guarantee to our worthy
friend, Sir Richard Croft, on whom we can rely in every thing,--his
services being considered unavoidable on this occasion. And for the
better security of all, we promise the bearer hereof, being in every
part furnished with sufficient power to write, sign, and secure, by
letter or any other obligation, in our name, and which is to be
delivered to Sir Richard Croft before his departure from
London,--reminding him of his own engagements to the secrecy of this
also,--whereunto we put our name, this 12th day of November, 1817.
"Let him be faithful unto death.
(Signed) "C. R."
Who can peruse these letters, and the particulars with which they are
accompanied, without being shocked at the dark and horrible crime proved
to have been committed, as well as those deep-laid plans of persecution
against an innocent woman, which they unblushingly state to have had
their origin in the basest of motives,--to gratify the vindictive
feelings of her heartless and abandoned husband! It must appear
surprising to honourable minds that these atrocities did not find some
one acquainted with them of sufficient virtue and nerve to drag their
abettors to justice. But, alas! those who possessed the greatest
facilities for this purpose were too fond of place, pension, or profit,
to discharge such a duty. Queen Caroline, at this period, resolved to
ask for a public investigation of the causes and attendant circumstances
of the death of her daughter, and expressed her determination to do so
in the presence of several noblemen. Her majesty considered these and
other important letters to be amply sufficient to prove that the
Princess Charlotte's death was premeditated, and procured unfairly. Her
majesty also knew that, in 1817, a most respectable resident of
Claremont publicly declared that the regent had said, "_NO HEIR OF THE
PRINCESS CHARLOTTE SHALL EVER SIT UPON THE THRONE OF ENGLAND!_" The
queen was likewise _personally_ assured of the truths contained in the
letter signed "C. R." dated 12th of November; for the infamous Baron
Ompteda, in conjunction with another similar character, had been
watching all her movements for a length of time, and they were actually
waiting her arrival at Trieste, at the time before named, while every
one knew they had a coadjutor in England, in the person of Souza Count
Funshall!!!
Her majesty was also well acquainted with the scheme of the king or his
ministers, that the former or the latter, or both conjointly, had caused
a work to be published in Paris, the object of which was "to set aside
the succession of the Princess Charlotte and her heirs, (under the plea
of the illegality of her father's marriage) and to supply the defect by
the DUKE OF YORK!" Lord Moira offered very handsome terms to an author,
of some celebrity, to write "Comments in favour of this book;" but he
declined, and wrote explanatory of the crimes of the queen and her
family. This work, however, was bought up by the English court for seven
thousand pounds! In this book of comments was given a fair and impartial
statement of the MURDER OF SELLIS, and, upon its appearance, a _certain
duke_ thought it "wisest and best" to go out of this country! _Why_ the
duke resolved to seek safety in flight is best known to himself and
those in his immediate confidence; but to uninterested and impartial
observers, such a step was not calculated to exonerate the duke's
character. This took place at a very early period after the murder had
been committed in the palace of St. James, and all the witnesses were
then ready again to depose upon the subject, as well as those persons
who had not been permitted to give their evidence at the inquest.
Another examination of the body of Sellis might have been demanded,
though doubtless in a more public manner than before, as it was not
supposed to be past exhumation! The people reasoned sensibly, when they
said, "The duke certainly knows something of this awful affair, or else
he would cause the strictest inquiry, rather than suffer such a stain
upon his royal name and character, which are materially injured in
public opinion by the royal duke's refusal to do so, and his sudden
determination to go abroad." The duke, however, _did_ go abroad, and did
not return until inquiry had, apparently, ceased.
Such were the remarks of Caroline, Queen of England, upon these serious
subjects, of which she felt herself competent to say more than any other
subject in the realm. The secret conduct of the government was not
unknown to her majesty, and her sufferings, she was well aware, had
their origin in STATE TRICK; while fawning courtiers, to keep their
places, had sacrificed _truth_, _justice_, and _honour_. "Then," said
the queen, "can I wonder at any plan or plans they may invent to
accomplish the wish of my husband? No; I am aware of many, very many,
foul attempts to insult, degrade, and destroy me! I cannot forget the
embassy of Lord Stewart, the base conduct of that most unprincipled man,
Colonel Brown, and other unworthy characters, who, to obtain the favour
of the reigning prince, my husband, condescended to say and do any and
every thing prejudicial to my character, and injurious to my dignity, as
the legitimate princess of the British nation; and for what purpose is
this extraordinary conduct pursued? Only to gratify revengeful
inclinations, and prevent my full exposures of those odious crimes, by
which the honour of the family is and will ever be attainted! But,"
added her majesty, "the untimely, unaccountable death of my Charlotte
is, indeed, heavy upon my heart! I remember, as if it were only
yesterday, her infant smile when first I pressed her to my bosom; and I
must always feel unutterable anguish, when I reflect upon the hardships
she was obliged to endure at our cruel separation! Was it not more than
human nature was able to endure, first to be insulted and deceived by a
husband, then to be deprived of an only and lovely child, whose fondness
equalled her royal father's cruelty? Well may I say, my Charlotte's
death ought to be explained, and the bloodthirsty aiders in the scheme
punished as they really merit. Who are these proud, yet base,
tyrants,--who, after destroying the child, still continue their plans to
destroy her mother also? Are they not the sycophants of a voluptuous
monarch, whose despotic influence has for a long period destroyed the
liberties and subverted the rights of the people, over whom he has
exercised such uncontrouled and unconstitutional power? And what is the
MORAL character of these state hirelings, (continued the queen) who
neither act with judgment, or speak with ability, but who go to court to
bow, and cringe, and fawn? Alas! is it not disgraceful in the
extreme?--are they not found debasing themselves in the most infamous
and unnatural manner? From youth, have not even some of the late queen's
sons been immoral and profane? Was not one of them invited to dinner, by
a gentleman of the first rank, during his stay in the West Indies, and
did he not so conduct himself before one of the gentleman's daughters,
that his royal highness was under the necessity of making a precipitate
retreat? Yet this outrage upon decency was only noticed by one fearless
historian! And amongst the courtiers, where is morality to be found? Yet
these individuals are the judges, as well as the jury, and are even
empowered to assault, insult, and reproach the consort of the first
magistrate, their sovereign the king! But he is in their power; guilt
has deprived my lord and husband of all ability to set the perfidious
parasites at defiance! If this were not the case, would his proud heart
have allowed him to be insulted by my Lord Bloomfield, or Sir W.
Knighton? No; the answer must be obvious. Yet such was actually the
fact, as all the _private_ friends of his majesty can testify. My honour
is indeed insulted, and yet I am denied redress. I suspected what my
fate would be when so much equivocation was resorted to during my
journey to this country. I was not treated as any English subject,
however poor and defenceless, ought to expect; far otherwise, indeed. I
waited some months to see Mr. Brougham, and was disappointed from time
to time, until I determined to return to England in despite of all
obstacles. I reached St. Omers on the 1st of June; Mr. Brougham did not
arrive until the evening of the 3rd; he was accompanied by his brother
and Lord Hutchinson; and I judged from their conversation, that my only
safety was to be found in the English capital. Propositions were made
me, of the most infamous description; and, afterwards, Lord Hutchinson
and Mr. Brougham said, 'they understood the outline of those
propositions originated with myself.' How those gentlemen could indulge
such an opinion for one moment, I leave the world to judge. If it had
been my intention to receive fifty thousand pounds per annum to remain
abroad, UNQUEENED, I should have reserved my several establishments and
suite. I was requested to delay my journey until despatches could be
received; but my impatience to set my foot once more on British ground
prevented my acquiescence. I had been in England a very short time, when
I was most credibly informed the cause for soliciting that delay;
namely, that this government had required the French authorities to
station the military in Calais, at the command of the English consul,
for the express purpose of seizing my person, previous to my
embarkation! What would not have been my fate, if I once had been in the
grasp of the Holy Alliance!! This fact will satisfy the English people,
that the most wicked plans were organized for my destruction. The
inhabitants of Carlton House were all petrified upon my arrival, having
been assured that I never should again see England, and that my legal
adviser had supported the plan of my remaining abroad, and had expressed
his opinion that I should accept the offer. It is also a solemn fact
that, at that period, a PROCESS OF DIVORCE, in the Consistory Court in
Hanover, was rapidly advancing, under the direction of Count Munster;
and, as the king is there an arbitrary sovereign, the regal will would
not have found any obstacle. When the day of retribution shall arrive,
may God have mercy upon Lords Liverpool, Castlereagh, and their vile
associates,--even as they wished to have compassion upon their insulted
and basely-treated queen! Had I followed my first opinion after these
unhandsome transactions, I should have changed my counsel; but I did not
know where to apply for others, as I too soon found I was intended to be
sacrificed, either privately or publicly. Devotion in public characters
is seldom found to be unequivocally sincere in times of great trouble
and disappointment! What is a defenceless woman, though a queen, opposed
to a despotic and powerful king? Alas! but subject to the rude
ebullition of pampered greatness, and a mark at which the finger of
scorn may point. Well may I say--
"Would I had never trod the English earth,
Or felt the flatteries that grow upon it!
Ye have angels' faces; but heaven knows your hearts.
What will become of me now, wretched lady?
I am the most unhappy woman living.
No friend, no hope, no kindred, weep for me;
_Almost no grave allowed me_! Like the lily,
That once was mistress of the field, and flourished,
I'll hang my head, and perish!"
A very few weeks after making these remarks, her majesty, in
correspondence with a friend, wrote as follows:
"I grow weary of my existence. I am annoyed upon every occasion. I am
actually kept without means to discharge my honourable engagements. Lord
Liverpool returns the most sarcastic replies (if such they may be
called) to my notes of interrogation upon these unhandsome and unfair
delays, as if I were an object of inferior grade to himself. I think I
have sufficient perception to convince me what the point is to which the
ministers are now lending their ready aid, which is nothing less than to
FORCE ME TO RETURN ABROAD! This they never shall accomplish, so long as
my life is at all safe; and in vain does Mr. WILDE press upon my notice
the propriety of such a step."
Illuminations and other rejoicings were manifested by the people at the
queen's acquittal; but the state of her majesty's affairs, as explained
in the above extract, were such as to preclude her receiving that
pleasure which her majesty had otherwise experienced at such testimonies
of the affectionate loyalty of the British people.
We must now proceed to the year
1821,
in which pains and penalties supplied the place of kindness, and the
sword upheld the law! while men who opposed every liberal opinion
hovered around the throne of this mighty empire. In the hardness of
their hearts, they justified inhumanity, and delighted to hear the clank
of the chains of slavery. They flattered but to deceive, and hid from
their master the miseries of his subjects! This was base grovelling
submission to the royal will, and not _REAL LOYALTY_; for loyalty does
not consist in a slavish obedience to the will of a tyrannical chief
magistrate, but in a firm and faithful adherence to the law and
constitution of the community of which we are members. The disingenuity
of Lord Liverpool and his coadjutors, however, who were impelled by high
church and high tory principles, wished to limit this comprehensive
principle, which takes in the whole of the constitution, and therefore
tends to the conservation of it all in its full integrity, to the
_person_ of the king, because they knew he would favour their own
purposes as well as the extension of power and prerogative,--the
largesses of which they hoped to share in reward for their sycophantic
zeal, and their mean, selfish, perfidious adulation. With such views,
the king's ministers represented every spirited effort in favour of the
people's rights as originating in _disloyalty_. The best friends to the
English constitution, in its purity, were held up to the detestation of
his majesty, as being disaffected to his person. Every stratagem was
used to delude the unthinking part of the people into a belief that
their only way of displaying loyalty was to display a most servile
obsequiousness to the caprices of the reigning prince, and to oppose
every popular measure. The ministers themselves approached him in the
most unmanly language of submission, worthier to have been received by
the Great Mogul or the Chinese emperor than the chief magistrate of a
professedly free people. In short, George the Fourth only wished to be
feared, not loved. The servile ministry fed this passion, though they
would have done the same for a Stuart, had one been in power. It was not
the man they worshipped, but the _power_ he possessed to add to their
_own dignity and wealth_! Let us not here be misunderstood. We are
willing to award honour to the person of a man invested with kingly
power, provided his deeds are in accordance with his duty, though not
otherwise. A good king should be regarded with true and sincere
affection; but we ought not to pay any man, reigning over a free
country, so ill a compliment as to treat him like a despot, ruling over
a land of slaves. We must, therefore, reprobate that false, selfish,
adulatory loyalty, which, seeking nothing but its own base ends, and
feeling no real attachment either to the person or the office of the
king, contributes nevertheless, by its example, to diffuse a servile,
abject temper, highly injurious to the spirit of freedom.
Though "the bill" was now ingloriously abandoned by Lord Liverpool, the
queen received but little benefit. Her majesty was even refused means to
discharge debts unavoidably contracted for the bare support of her table
and her household. As a proof of the economical style of her living, we
witnessed one evening a party of friends sitting down to supper with her
majesty, when a chicken at the top and another at the bottom of the
table were the _only dishes_ set before the company. What a contrast
this would have presented to the loaded tables, groaning under the
luxurious display of provisions for gluttony, in the king's several
residences, where variety succeeded variety, and where even the veriest
menial lived more sumptuously than his master's consort!
On the 5th of May, the Emperor Napoleon Buonaparte expired at St.
Helena, having endured captivity, under the most unfavourable
circumstances, and with a constitutional disease, more than six years
and a half. As we shall have occasion, in our second volume, to speak of
this illustrious man and his cruel treatment by our government, it would
be unnecessary to say more in this place than merely give an outline of
his extraordinary career. Napoleon was born at Ajaccio, the capital of
Corsica, August 15, 1769; and was, consequently, fifty-two years of age,
wanting three months, when he died. He was the eldest son of a lawyer,
of Italian descent, and his family had pretensions to ancestry of high
birth and station in Italy. He was educated in the _royal_ military
school; and first attracted notice when, as an officer of engineers, he
assisted in the bombardment of Toulon in 1793; next signalized himself
by repressing an infuriated mob of Parisians in 1795, which caused his
promotion to the command of the army of Italy; was made first consul in
1799; elected emperor in 1804; "exchanged" the sceptre of France and
Italy for that of Elba (so it was expressed in the treaty of
Fontainbleau) on the 11th of April, 1814; landed at Cannes, in Provence,
on the 1st of March, 1815; entered Paris triumphantly, at the head of
the French army, a few days afterwards; fought the last fatal battle of
Waterloo on the 18th of June in the same year; abdicated in favour of
his son; threw himself upon the generosity of the English, through
promises made to him by Lord Castlereagh; was landed at St. Helena on
the 18th of October, 1815; and died as before stated, a victim to the
arbitrary treatment of our government, which we shall presently prove.
Leopold now (in July) called upon her majesty, for the first time since
her return to this country. His serene highness was announced and
ushered into the presence of the mother of his late consort. The queen
appeared exceedingly agitated, though her majesty did not urge one word
of complaint or inquiry at the delay of the prince's visit. Previous to
the departure of Leopold, the queen appeared much embarrassed and
affected, and, addressing the prince, said, "Do you not think that the
death of my Charlotte was too sudden to be naturally accounted for? and
do you think it not very likely that she died unfairly?" The prince
replied, "I also have my fears; but I do not possess any PROOF of it."
He then said, "My suspicions were further excited by the _EXCESSIVE JOY_
the royal family shewed at her death; for the Regent and the Duke of
York got DRUNK upon the occasion." These, we pledge ourselves, were his
highness' OWN WORDS, _verbatim et literatim_.
About this time, when the coronation was expected to take place in a few
days, her majesty, in writing to one of her firmest friends, said,
"I do not foresee any happy result likely to ensue from my attempting to
get into the Abbey; for my own part, I do not think it a prudent step.
My enemies hold the reins of power, and _most_ of my professed friends
appear rather shy; so I fear the advice I have received upon the
subject. Alderman Wood intends to go in his civic capacity, which, to
me, is very unaccountable indeed; for certainly, if I ever required the
assistance and presence of my _real_ friends, it is most probable I
shall need both at such a period. I can unbosom myself to you, for _I
know you to be my real friend_; believe me, I do not assure myself that
I have another in the whole world! To _you alone_ can I speak freely
upon the death of my child and her infant, and I dare tell _you_, I yet
hope to see the guilty murderers brought to condign punishment. I say,
with Shakespeare,
"'Blood will have blood!
Stones have been known to move, and trees to speak,
To bring forth the secret man of blood.'
"Such is my earnest hope; may it yet prove true in the case of my lovely
departed daughter. While her remains are dwelling in the gloomy vault of
death, her father and his associates are revelling in the most
abominable debauchery, endeavouring to wash that,--THE FOUL STAIN, THE
ETERNAL STAIN,--from their remembrance. Still I live in expectation
that the dark deed will be avenged, and the perpetrators meet with their
just reward.
"The deep-rolling tide of my enemies' success against me will find a
mighty barrier, when all shall be explained, in the simple and
unaffected language of truth. Weak and presumptuous as my Lord Liverpool
is, I did not believe he would dare to promise one thing, and act the
reverse before the world. I did think he was too anxious to retain A
NAME for honour, if he merited it not; but I am deceived, and very
probably not for the last time. You will sympathize with me; I labour
under the pressure of many heavy misfortunes, and also under the
provocation of great and accumulated injustice. Yes, and though so
unfortunate, I am scarcely at liberty to lament my cruel destiny. These
things frequently hang heavy, very heavy, upon my heart; and I sometimes
reflect, with inexpressible astonishment, upon the nerve with which I
still bear up under the trying burden. For more than fourteen years I
have been a victim to perjury and conspiracy; my enemies were in ambush
in the shade, but they aimed at me poisoned arrows; they watched, most
eagerly watched, for the moment in which they might destroy me, without
its being known who drew the bow, or who shot the shaft. You, my friend,
know that I delight in disseminating happiness. My bliss is to diffuse
bliss around me; I do not wish misery to be known within the circle of
my influence. I covet not the glory arising from the carnage of battle,
which fills the grave with untimely dead, or covers the earth with
mutilated forms. I wish you distinctly to understand me upon these
several subjects. I have not any personal feelings against the king, in
my own case. I do assuredly pity his majesty, that he should allow
himself to be a tool in the hands of a wicked ministry; but my cause for
sorrow is, that he should leave this world without exposing the base
schemes formed against the SUCCESSION and LIFE of his royal daughter. If
his majesty will make restitution upon this point, my anxieties would be
in some degree relieved, although nothing on this side the grave will
ever make any atonement for the loss of such an amiable and well-formed
mind. Well indeed may his majesty be afraid to be left alone; well may
he discharge all persons from naming the departed child he ought to have
protected; at this I do not wonder, for guilt produces terror and
dismay.
"I cannot conclude this without adverting again to the pecuniary
difficulties I have to endure. For nearly eight years, I have given up
fifteen thousand pounds per annum out of the annuity allowed me by
parliament. This amounts now to above one hundred thousand pounds; yet,
notwithstanding this, I am refused means to live in a respectable style,
to say nothing of regal state. All the royal family have had their debts
paid, and the Duke of Clarence received his _arrears_. The chancellor of
the Exchequer promised I should receive an outfit, if the prosecution
against me failed. It did fail; but I have received no outfit at
all,--not even the value of one shilling,--so that, of necessity, I am
involved in debt to the amount of thirty thousand pounds. How
differently was the late Queen Charlotte situated; and, since her
demise, more than twenty thousand pounds per annum have been paid in
pensions to her numerous and already wealthy household! while I am
incapable to acknowledge my real sentiments to those who have been
generous to me, even at the expense of being unjust to themselves,
unless I do it from borrowed resources.
"You will not feel surprised at these remarks. Alas! I wish it were not
in my power to make more serious ones; but I will await, with firmness,
the coronation.
"Believe me ever,
"Your faithful and grateful friend,
"C. R."
Nearly at the same time, the following letter was forwarded to the same
friend of the queen, by a professional gentleman, who had for some time
been employed to arrange some of her majesty's affairs:
"You may indeed rest assured that no consideration shall induce me to
give up 'The Documents' I hold, relative to the queen and her lost,
though lamented, daughter, unless you require me to return them to her
majesty, or to entrust them into your own care. For, as I obtained them
from no other motive than to serve the queen, so I will certainly retain
them and use them in this noble cause, without regard to any personal
consideration, or convenience, until that object be fully accomplished;
and feeling (as you do) the very great importance of such proofs, I will
defy all the power of the enemy to dispute the matter with me. Yet, at
the same time, I am very candid to acknowledge, that it is my confident
opinion every effort will be used to suppress all testimony which may
have a tendency to bring THE FAMILY into disgrace. With whom to trust
this business, I am at a loss to determine, as it would no doubt be
considered rather a ticklish affair. I have thought of Dr. Lushington;
but, as you are better acquainted with this learned gentleman's
sentiments and opinions upon her majesty's case than I am, I beg to
submit the suggestion for your serious deliberation. No time ought to be
lost; every thing that CAN be done OUGHT to be done, without delay. The
queen is placed in the most serious situation. You ought not to forget,
for one moment, that her enemy is her sovereign; and such is the utter
absence of principle manifested to this illustrious lady since her
left-handed marriage with the son of George the Third, that every person
must fear for her safety, unless their hearts are hard as adamant, and
themselves actors in the villanous tragedy.
"I give my opinion thus boldly, because I know your fidelity to the
queen to be unshaken, even amidst all the rude and unmanly clamours
raised against her friends by the agents of her tyrannical husband. This
is, and ought to be, your satisfactory reflection,--that you have been
faithful to this innocent and persecuted queen, from _principle alone_.
'Honourable minds will yield honourable meed,' and to such you are
justly entitled. To-morrow evening, I intend to give you further
intelligence, as I am now going out for the purpose of meeting an
especial enemy of her majesty, by whose rancour I may judge the course
intended.
"I have the honour to be,"
&c. &c. &c. ******.
Continuation from the same to the same, two days after the foregoing.
"I am sorry to say my fears were not groundless, as I learn, from the
first authority, that the king has changed his opinion, and the queen
will not be allowed to enter the Abbey. The seat provided is otherwise
disposed of. If her majesty's attorney and solicitor generals would
_now_, without any loss of time, press 'The Documents' upon the notice
of the ministers, either by petition or remonstrance, I think the
ceremony would be postponed, and justice be finally administered to the
queen. But if they delay this, they may assure themselves the cause of
their royal mistress will be lost for ever. Her majesty's proofs are too
astounding to be passed over in silence; they would forcibly arouse the
guilty, and SUCH FACTS at SUCH A TIME ought to be instantly published. I
should not express myself with such ardour upon these solemn points, if
I had not made myself most minutely acquainted with every bearing of the
subject; and I give you my decisive _legal opinion_, that 'The
Documents' in question contain a simple statement of facts, which no
judge, however instructed, and no jury, however selected, or packed,
could refute. If, however, fear should get the better of duty, I do not
doubt sooner or later the country will have cause to repent the apathy
of those individuals who were most competent to do, or cause justice to
be done to this shamefully injured queen.
"I have not entered upon these opinions from interested views, and I am
well convinced your motives do not savour of such baseness; but as
disinterestedness is a scarce virtue, and so little cultivated in this
boasted land of liberty, I warn you to avoid the ensnaring inquiries of
those by whom you may most probably be assailed.
"I also must remind you that, at the present moment, her majesty is
watched in all directions. Major Williams is employed by the government
to be a spy upon all occasions, and drove his carriage with four grey
horses to Epsom last races, and remained upon the ground until the queen
drove away. At this time, he occupied an elegantly furnished house in
Sackville-street. P. Macqueen, M. P., a protégé of Lord Liverpool's, was
doubtless the person who arranged the business with the premier. If this
be considered dubious information, I will forward you PROOFS which will
set the matter at rest.
"I scarcely need tell you that the case of her majesty is one
unprecedented in history, and unheard of in the world. The king and his
ministers have resolved upon her destruction, and if the royal sufferer
be not destroyed by the first plans of attempt, I indeed fear she will
fall a victim to similar plans, which, I doubt not, are in a forward
stage of preparation against her; and how can the queen escape from the
grasp of such powerful and dishonourable assailants? All their former
arrangements and stratagems, to which they subscribed, failed, decidedly
failed; but the malignity which instigated those plans will, without any
question, furnish materials for new charges, and supply the needful
reserve to complete the destruction of a lady, whose talents are envied,
whose knowledge of affairs in general is deemed too great, and whose
information upon FAMILY SECRETS render her an enemy to be feared.
"I see in this mysterious persecution against the queen, the intended
annihilation of the rights and privileges of the nation at large; and I,
therefore, protest against the innovation. I argue, that which was
unconstitutional and unprincipled in William the Third is equally
dangerous and unconstitutional in George the Fourth! If such
unprecedented injustice be allowed in the case of her majesty, where
must we look for an impartial administration of justice? and how may we
reasonably expect that violence will not be offered, if other means
fail, to accomplish the intended mischief? In case of indisposition,
what may not occur! May not the life of her majesty be in the greatest
jeopardy, and may not a few hours terminate her mortal existence? These
are questions of vital importance; they do not only materially affect
the queen, but, through the same medium, they most seriously relate to
every individual of the community; and, if the constitution is not to be
entirely destroyed, the queen must be honourably saved from the
overpowering grasp of her relentless oppressors. Her majesty reminds me
of the words of Seneca: 'She is struggling with the storms of
Adversity, and rising superior to the frowns of Persecution; this is a
spectacle that even the gods themselves may look down upon with envy.'
"I verily believe that bold and energetic measures might set this
question at rest for ever, but time lost is lost for ever; and, in my
opinion, retribution can only slumber for a short period. I beg and
entreat you not to be subdued or deterred by the arrogance of
inconsistent power. The nation is insulted, the independence of the
country is insulted; its morality and patience have been outraged!
"What could I not add to this page of sorrow, this blot upon our land?
But I have acted openly and honourably to you in this unparalleled case,
and have, in so acting, only done my duty.
"Excuse haste, and allow me the honour to remain
"Your most obedient and respectful servant,
******.
"July 12th."
Such are the recorded sentiments of a professional gentleman, who
volunteered his services to the queen at this period of anxious
expectation. He hailed, or affected to hail, the appearance of the star
of liberty, whose genial rays should dispel the gloom of the desolating
power of her enemies. But, alas! how soon were such opinions changed by
the _gilded_ wand of ministerial power! _Pension_ reconciled too many to
silence upon these all-important subjects; even he, who wrote thus
boldly in defence of an injured queen and her murdered daughter, shortly
afterwards acted the very reverse of his duty for the sake of paltry
gain! But, independent of the lavish means which ministers then
possessed of bribing those who felt inclined to bring these criminal
matters before a public tribunal, an unmanly fear of punishment, as well
as an obsequiousness to the king and some of his _particular_ friends,
operated on the dastardly minds of pretended patriots and lovers of
justice. There is also an habitual indolence which prevents many from
concerning themselves with any thing but that which immediately affects
their pecuniary interest. Such persons would not dare to inquire into
the actions of a sovereign, however infamous they might be, for fear of
suffering a fine or imprisonment for their temerity. The legal
punishments attending the expression of discontent against the king are
so severe, and the ill-grounded terrors of them so artfully
disseminated, that, rather than incur the least danger, they would
submit to the most unjust and tyrannical government. They would even be
content to live under the Grand Seignior, so long as they might eat,
drink, and sleep in peace! Had the lamented Princess Charlotte been the
daughter of a cottager, the mysterious circumstances attending her death
would have demanded the most public investigation. But, because a
powerful prince had expressed his SATISFACTION at the treatment she
received, it was deemed impertinent, if not treasonable, for any other
individual to express a wish for further inquiry! Yet such is the effect
of political artifice, under the management of court sycophants, that
the middle ranks of people are taught to believe, that they ought not to
trouble themselves with matters that occur in palaces; that a certain
set of men come into the world like demigods, possessed of right, power,
and intellectual abilities, to rule the earth without controul; and that
free inquiry and manly remonstrance are the sin of sedition! Thus many
people are actually terrified, through fear of losing their wealth,
their liberty, or their life, into silence upon subjects which they
ought, in duty to their God, under the principles of justice, fearlessly
to expose. "Better pay our taxes patiently, and remain quiet about state
crimes," say they, "than, by daring to investigate public measures, or
the conduct of great men, risk a prison or a gibbet!" But let us hope
that such disgraceful sentiments are not _now_ to be found in the breast
of any Englishman, however humble his condition. Our noble ancestors
were famed for seeing justice administered, as well to the poor as to
the rich. If, therefore, we suffer _personal_ fear to conquer duty, we
are traitors to posterity, as well as cowardly deserting a trust which
they who confided it are prevented by death from guarding or
withdrawing. We know that this justice has been lamentably neglected,
though we do not yet despair of seeing it overtake the guilty, however
lofty their station may be in society.
END OF THE FIRST VOLUME.
Printed by W. H. STEVENSON, 5, Whiskin Street, Clerkenwell.
* * * * * *
Transcriber's note:
The following corrections have been made to the text:
Page i: Of meaner vice and villains[original has villians]
Page iii: climate not very conducive[original has condusive]
Page 51: the forms observed[original has oberved] by courts
Page 99: result was prejudicial[original has prejudical] to
the rights
Page 110: I have endeavoured to excite[original has exite]
Page 131: French Consul possessed[original has possesed]
himself
Page 204: "I do," said the queen.[original has comma]
Page 209: voted for the use of Mr. Perceval's[original has
Peceval's] family
Page 249: "[quotation mark missing in original]Your very
affectionate mother
Page 249: "[quotation mark missing in original]CAROLINE."
Page 257: such marriages shall be null and void.[period
missing in original]
Page 261: Charlotte was declared _enceinte_[original has
enciente]
Page 299: awful spectacle presented itself.[period missing in
original]
Page 316: duke's[original has dukes] former delinquencies
Page 329: where[original has were] there was a continual boast
Page 361: Edgecumbe,[original has semi-colon] 400_l._
Page 362: with two livings, 1,000_l._[original has extraneous
comma]-7,260_l._
Page 366: [original has extraneous quotation mark]That certain
property, of a large amount
*** End of this LibraryBlog Digital Book "Secret History of the Court of England, from the Accession of George the Third to the Death of George the Fourth, Volume I (of 2) - Including, Among Other Important Matters, Full Particulars of the Mysterious Death of the Princess Charlotte" ***
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