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Title: The History of Cuba, vol. 2
Author: Johnson, Willis Fletcher, 1857-1931
Language: English
As this book started as an ASCII text book there are no pictures available.
*** Start of this LibraryBlog Digital Book "The History of Cuba, vol. 2" ***
Etext transcriber's note:
Obvious typographical errors have been corrected; the original
orthography, including variation in the spelling of names, has been
retained.
The Index included at the end of this etext (which includes volumes 1
thru 4) appears at the end of volume four of The History of Cuba. It is
provided here for the convenience of the reader.
[Illustration: FRANCISCO DE ARANGO
One of the noblest names in Cuban history of a century and more ago is
that of Francisco de Arango y Parreño, advocate, economist and
statesman. He came of a family of noble lineage, and was born in Havana
on May 22, 1765. Among the great men of his day in Cuba, who were many,
he was one of the foremost, as the detailed story of his labors and
achievements in the chapters of this History abundantly attests. He
worked for the reform of the economic system of the island, for the
development of agriculture on an enlightened basis, for the extension of
popular education, and for the promotion of commerce. He urged upon King
Charles III plans for averting the evil influences of the French
Revolution, while securing the good results; and he set an example in
educational matters by himself founding an important school. Recognized
and honored the world over for his character, talents and achievements,
he died on March 21, 1837.]
THE
HISTORY OF CUBA
BY
WILLIS FLETCHER JOHNSON
A.M., L.H.D.
Author of "A Century of Expansion," "Four Centuries of
the Panama Canal," "America's Foreign Relations"
Honorary Professor of the History of American Foreign
Relations in New York University
_WITH ILLUSTRATIONS_
VOLUME TWO
[Illustration]
NEW YORK
B. F. BUCK & COMPANY, INC.
156 FIFTH AVENUE
1920
Copyright, 1920,
BY CENTURY HISTORY CO.
_All rights reserved_
ENTERED AT STATIONERS HALL
LONDON, ENGLAND.
PRINTED IN U. S. A.
CONTENTS
PAGE
CHAPTER I 1
Entering a New Era--The Freedom of the Seas--Progress of the
Slave Trade--Clandestine Commercial Operations and Political
Intrigues--The Genius of Governor Guazo--Attacking the
British and French--Close of a Notable Administration--Shipyards
at Havana--Havana Threatened by the British--Rivalries
in Cuban Politics--Foundation of the University of Cuba--Change
in Land Tenure--Copper Mining--Insurrections of the
Slaves--Glimpses of Social Life in Cuba.
CHAPTER II 18
The Administration of Guemez--Introduction of Reforms--Sanitation--Economic
and Fiscal Reforms--Monopolies in Trade--Further
Fortifications--Controversies Over the Slave Trade--Disputes
with Great Britain--Declaration of War--Conflicts in
Florida--Two British Expeditions--Admiral Vernon in the West
Indies--Attack upon Santiago--The War in Florida--Governorship
of Cagigal--Peace of Aix-la-Chapelle--Accession of Charles III--British
Plans for the Conquest of Spanish America--Some
Interesting Literature.
CHAPTER III 41
Some European Alliances--A Period of Peace for Spain--Reasons
for the British Attacks upon Cuba--The Family Pact Between
France and Spain--Spain's Break with Great Britain--Declaration
of War by George III--Havana Chosen as the Point
of Attack--The Albemarle-Pococke Expedition--Preparations at
Martinique--The Advance upon Havana.
CHAPTER IV 53
First Appearance of Yellow Fever in Cuba--Preparations to Resist
the British Attack--Divided Counsels--Arrival of the British
Fleet--Consternation of the Inhabitants--Velasco Chosen
as Commander of the Defense of Havana--Beginning of the Attack--Heroism
of the Spanish Commander--British Accounts of
the Fighting--Raids and Counter-Raids--British Reinforcements
from the American Colonies--British Tributes to Spanish Valor--Surrender
of the City--The Articles of Capitulation.
CHAPTER V 80
British Occupation of Havana--Attitude of the Cubans Toward
the British Conquerors--Departure of the Spanish Forces--British
Views of the Conquest of Cuba--A Controversy Over
Church Bells--Difficulties with the Spanish Clergy--Character of
Lord Albemarle's Administration--Troubles Over Taxation--Plots
Against British Rule--Corruption in Colonial Government--Political
Disturbances in England--The Making of Peace--Restoration
of Cuba to Spain.
CHAPTER VI 96
Far-Reaching Effects of British Rule in Cuba--A French Picture
of Life in Havana--A British Tribute to the City--Character
of the People--Economic Changes in the Island--The Commerce
of Havana--Defenses of the City--Not an Impregnable
Fortress.
CHAPTER VII 104
Departure of the British and Re-entry of the Spanish--The
New Spanish Governor--Antagonisms Between British and Spanish--A
Period of Reconstruction--Reclassification of Revenues--Military
Reorganization of Havana--New Provincial Administration--Establishment
of a Mail Service--End of a Noteworthy
Administration--Reform in Police Regulations--Expulsion of
Religious Orders--Suppressing Contraband Trading--Destruction
by Earthquakes--A Disastrous Hurricane--An Administration
Void of Complaints.
CHAPTER VIII 119
An Era of Peace in Cuba--Tribulations in Spanish Louisiana--Spain
Still Lagging Behind Other Colonial Powers--Fear of a
Republic--O'Reilly's Expedition from Cuba to Louisiana--His
Success--Effects of His Severity--The Tragic Prelude to Spanish
Rule--Louisiana an Appanage of Cuba.
CHAPTER IX 129
Administration of the Marquis de la Torre--One of Cuba's Best
Governors--Cleansing and Paving the Streets of Havana--New
Public Buildings--Harbor Improvements--The First Theatre--Trinidad,
Santiago and Puerto Principe also Renovated--Founding
of Pinar del Rio and Other Towns--Reforms in Government--Havana
a Beautiful and Prosperous City--Turgot's Warning
to Spain Unheeded--Interest in the North American Revolution--Tariff
Reform--The Currency--Jurisprudence.
CHAPTER X 145
Rise of the United States--Spanish Interests Involved--Negotiations
Over Florida--Alliance Between France and Spain--Cuba's
Intense Interest in the War Against Great Britain--Disaster
to an Expedition from Havana--Operations at Mobile--Cuban
Reconquest of Pensacola and Florida--An Early Prohibition
Decree.
CHAPTER XI 153
An Ill-Managed Armada--Neutrality Violated in Warfare upon
Commerce--An Orgy of Privateering--Rodney's Exploits--Cagigal's
Expedition to the Bahamas--Rodney's Menace to Havana--The
First Newspaper in Havana--Negotiating for General
Peace--Spanish Chagrin at American Independence--More
Liberal Trade Laws for Cuba--Insurrection in Peru--Peace and
Prosperity in Cuba--Wasteful Forestry--Visit of an English
Prince--Improvements and Reforms in Havana--Foundation of
the Sociedad de Amigos--Reign of Charles IV--Godoy, "Prince
of the Peace"--Ecclesiastical Changes in Cuba--Economic
Ills--Administration of Las Casas--A New Census--Disastrous
Hurricane--The Society of Progress--Advance in Commerce,
Agriculture, Literature and Education--Work of Francisco de
Arango--The Tomb of Columbus.
CHAPTER XII 186
Influence of the French Revolution in Spain--Toussaint Louverture--Cession
of Santo Domingo to France--The Peace of
Basle--Panic and Chaos in Spain--Advantages Gained by Cuba--A
Civic Awakening in the Island--Dr. Romay's Introduction
of Vaccination--Defense Against the Slave Revolt of Santo
Domingo--The Work of Santa Clara--British Capture of Trinidad--Fears
for the Safety of Cuba--Administration of Someruelos--Founding
of the Intendencia--Expansion of Commerce--The
Slave Trade--Extent and Conditions of Slavery--Rise of
the Emancipation Movement--Importance of Negro Labor to
Cuba.
CHAPTER XIII 215
The Land Problem in Cuba--Lands Withheld from the Real
Workers--Indolence Induced by Lack of Opportunity--Manners
and Customs of the Cuban People at the End of the
Eighteenth Century--Lawyers and Land Titles--Prices of Land--Live
Stock, Sugar and Tobacco--Primitive Sugar Factories--Progress
of Agriculture--Obstacles to Economic Progress--Restrictions
upon Commerce and Travel.
CHAPTER XIV 231
Conditions Accompanying the Rise of Wealth--Strange Mixture
of Immorality and Religion--Seclusion of Cuban Women--Amusements
and Entertainments--The Bull Ring--The Cock
Pit--The Beginning of Literary Activity and Intellectual Life--The
Drama in Cuba--Musical Culture--Dancing--Architecture--Home
Life--Backward State of Education--Printing and
Publishing--Suggestive Articles in the Press--The Beginning of
Cuban Literature.
CHAPTER XV 256
Rise of Relations Between Cuba and the United States--Early
Interest of the United States in Cuba--Action of Congress
in 1811--"The Ever Faithful Isle"--First Overtures for Annexation--George
Canning and British Policy Toward Cuba--Policy
of John Quincy Adams--Utterances of Jefferson and Clay--American
Attitude Toward British and French Designs--Mexico
and Colombia Restrained from Conquest.
CHAPTER XVI 267
Spain in Her Decline--The Napoleonic Wars--The Constitution
of 1812--Revolt of Spain's South and Central American
Colonies--Cuba the "Ever Faithful Isle"--Reasons for Her Loyalty
to Spain--Origin of the Cuban Spirit of Independence--An
Age of Intellectual Activity--The Rise of Cuban Literature and
Scholarship--Refugees in Cuba.
CHAPTER XVII 278
The First Cuban Census--The Second Census and Humboldt's
Comments Thereon--Distribution of the Population by Races--Effects
of the Slave Trade on Population--The Census of 1817--Subsequent
Enumerations--Discrepancies in Statistics--Character
of the Negroes of Cuba--The Birth Rate.
CHAPTER XVIII 290
Early Records of the Slave Trade--Participation by the Portuguese,
French and British--Statistics of Slave Importations--Illegality
No Bar--Relations Between Masters and Slaves--Efforts
to Ameliorate the Conditions of Slaves--Introduction of
Chinese Labor--Free Negroes--Religious Training of Slaves--Punishments
of Slaves--Fear of Servile Insurrections.
CHAPTER XIX 302
The Administration of Santa Clara--Someruelos--Great Fire
in Havana--Architectural Progress--Fear of Invasion--A French
Fiasco--Hostility to Napoleon--Loyalty to an Unworthy King--Napoleon's
Designs upon Cuba--The Aleman Episode--Arango
and the Chamber of Commerce--Conflict with Godoy--Arango in
the Cortes--Arbitrary Administration of Cienfuegos--Opposition
to Street Lighting--Political Changes--Cagigal's Diplomatic
Administration--Mahy the Reactionary.
CHAPTER XX 319
Good and Bad Deeds of Vives--A Royal Decree that Proved
a Boomerang--Dangers of the Slave Trade Perceived--Apprehension
of Intervention by Other Powers--A Subtle Appeal for
Patriotic Organization--Progress of the Spirit of Independence.
CHAPTER XXI 328
British Designs upon Cuba--Cuban Negotiations with the
United States--The Mission of Morales--Annexation Sentiment--Attitude
of the United States Government--Issuance of the Monroe
Doctrine--Its Effect in Europe and America--United States
Consuls to Cuba Rejected--Cuba Offered to England in Pawn--American
Objections to the Scheme--Increase of American Interest
in Cuba.
CHAPTER XXII 335
An Era of Revolution--Career of Simon Bolivar--His Observation
of the French Revolution--Liberation of Venezuela--Miranda
and His Work--Bolivar in Exile--Final Success of the Liberator--Influence
of His Career upon Cuba.
CHAPTER XXIII 343
The "Soles de Bolivar" in Cuba--Administration of Villanueva--Oppression
of the People--Vain Attempts to Suppress Patriotic
Societies--Conspiracies for Freedom--Early Martyrs to
Patriotism--The Black Eagle--Trouble with Mexico--The
Tyranny of Tacon--His Conflict with Lorenzo--Victims of Spanish
Despotism--Cuban Deputies Excluded from the Cortes--Manipulation
of the Police--Propaganda of Freedom by Cubans
in Exile--Tacon's Public Works--Dealing with Pirates and
Smugglers--Origin of the Havana Fish Market--Tacon as the
Champion of Virtue in Distress--End of a Bad Reign.
CHAPTER XXIV 366
Beginning of Slave Insurrections--David Turnbull's Pernicious
Activities--O'Donnell the Despot--Roncali the Ridiculous--Causes
of Slave Unrest--Story of One Uprising--Vacillating
Course of the Government--Systematic Propaganda Among the
Slaves--Some Serious Outbreaks--Savage Methods of Repression--A
Reign of Torture and Slaughter--White Victims as Well as
Black--An Appalling Record--Saco's Advocacy of Independence--Some
Advocates of Annexation to the United States--Spain's
Determination to Hold Cuba Fast.
Chapter XXV 385
Review of an Era in Cuban History--Progress in Inverse Order
from International to National Interests--Alienation from Spain--Contrasts
Between Cuba and Other Colonies, Spanish and English--Unconscious
Preparation for Independent Statehood--Cuban
Interest in the World and the World's Interest in Cuba--On the
Verge of a New Era--The Promise of Cuban Nationality.
ILLUSTRATIONS
FULL PAGE PLATES:
Francisco de Arango _Frontispiece_
FACING
PAGE
Laurel Ditch, Cabanas Fortress 58
Havana, from Cabanas 96
In Old Havana 130
Tomas Romay 192
Juan José Diaz Espada 272
José Antonio Saco 378
TEXT EMBELLISHMENTS:
PAGE
Old Espada Cemetery, Havana 52
Atares Fortress, 1763 103
Don Luis de las Casas 175
A Volante, Old-Time Pleasure Carriage 238
Monserrate Gate, Havana 244
George Canning 258
John Quincy Adams 259
Alejandro Ramirez 311
James Monroe 329
Simon Bolivar 334
Gaspar Betancourt Cisneros 380
THE HISTORY OF CUBA
CHAPTER I
When the Treaty of Utrecht was signed on the eleventh of April, 1713,
the Spanish colonies in America felt as if they were entering upon a new
era, an era of peace and unhindered growth and prosperity. They did not
realize until the first elation over the establishment of peace had
spent itself, that this treaty contained the seeds of future wars which
were bound to be quickened by the powerful spirit of commercial rivalry,
which had been awakened in the European nations and was alarmingly
dimming the justice and righteousness of their policies. By losing the
European possessions, the population of Spain had been so seriously
diminished that it was entirely out of proportion to the area of her
over-seas dominion. While the Bourbon king had nothing more to fear from
France, even her pirates having palpably decreased their operations
against the Spanish colonies in America, he had in England a rival and
enemy whose power he had reason to dread. For all the maritime and
commercial agreements of the treaty favored England.
George Bancroft justly characterizes the spirit of the period in the
second volume of his "History of the United States" when he says
(Chapter XXXV, p. 388):
"The world had entered on the period of mercantile privilege.
Instead of establishing equal justice, England sought commercial
advantages; and, as the mercantile system was identified with the
colonial system of the great maritime powers of Europe, the
political interest, which could alone kindle universal war, was to
be sought in the colonies. Hitherto, the colonies were subordinate
to European politics; henceforth, the question of trade on our
borders, of territory on our frontier, involved an interest which
could excite the world to arms. For about two centuries, the wars
of religion had prevailed; the wars for commercial advantages were
now prepared. The interests of commerce, under the narrow point of
view of privilege and of profit, regulated diplomacy, swayed
legislation, and marshalled revolutions."
Concerning the mooted problem of the freedom of the seas, discussed as
ardently and widely then as at the present time, Bancroft had this to
say in the same chapter (p. 389):
"To the Tory ministry of Queen Anne belongs the honor of having
inserted in the treaties of peace a principle which, but for
England, would in that generation have wanted a vindicator. But
truth, once elicited, never dies. As it descends through time, it
may be transmitted from state to state, from monarch to
commonwealth; but its light is never extinguished, and never
permitted to fall to the ground. A great truth, if no existing
nation would assume its guardianship, has power--such is God's
providence--to call a nation into being, and live by the life it
imparts."
The great principle first formulated by the illustrious Dutch historian
and statesman Hugo Grotius was touched upon in the treaty of Utrecht in
the passage saying,--"Free ships shall also give a freedom to goods."
The meaning of contraband was strictly defined; the right of a nation to
blockade another's ports was rigorously restricted. As to the rights of
sailors, they were protected by the flag under which they sailed.
But whatever credit belongs to England for her upholding of this
principle was obscured by her exploitation of a monopoly, created by a
special agreement of the same treaty. The "assiento," which established
that most ignominious traffic in negro slaves, was to have disastrous
effects, political, economic and racial, upon the American colonies,
whether British, French or Spanish. The agreement had been specially
demanded by the British representatives and had been approved by Louis
XIV, who saw in its acceptance not only an advantage for England, but
justly hoped his own colonies on the Gulf of Mexico to profit by it. It
was worded simply as follows:
"Her Britannic Majesty did offer and undertake by persons whom she
shall appoint, to bring into the West Indies of America belonging
to his Catholic Majesty, in the space of thirty years, one hundred
and forty-four thousand negroes, at the rate of four thousand eight
hundred in each of the said thirty years."
The duty on four thousand of these negroes was to be thirty-three and a
third pesos. But the assientists were entitled to introduce besides that
number as many more as they needed at the minor rate of sixteen and two
third pesos a head. However, no Frenchman or Spaniard or any individual
of another nation could import a negro slave into Spanish America.
This trade in human flesh was duly organized and carried on by a stock
company which promised enormous profits. King Philip V., sorely in need
of money with which to execute all his plans for the reconstruction of
his kingdom, anticipated great gains from such an investment and bought
one quarter of the stock. Queen Anne was the owner of another quarter
and the remainder was sold among her loyal subjects. Thus the sovereigns
of these two kingdoms became the leading slave-merchants in the world
and by the provisions of the agreement "her Britannic Majesty" enjoyed
the somewhat dubious distinction of being for the Spanish colonies in
the Gulf of Mexico, on the Atlantic and along the Pacific coasts, the
exclusive slave-trader.
No trade required as little outlay in capital as the slave-trade.
Trifles, trinkets and refuse stock of every possible kind of merchandise
including discarded weapons, were exchanged for the human cargoes on
the African coast; who, crowded into vessels, crossed the seas, and upon
their arrival in the New World were sold to the colonists who wanted
cheap labor and a cheaper service. A fever of speculation which had in
it no little touch of adventure, seemed to sweep over England and to
delude the people with visions of wealth to be acquired by a conquest of
the Spanish possessions from Florida south, including Mexico and Peru.
Wild schemes of colonization promised to open Golcondas on the fields of
sugar-cane and tobacco, and in the mines holding inestimable treasures
of gold and silver. For the realization of those plans negro labor was
needed. Even in the West Indies it was welcomed especially by those
settlements engaged in the raising of sugar cane.
That the Assiento opened the door to all sorts of clandestine commercial
operations, as also to insidious political intrigue was soon to become
evident. Agents of the Assiento had the right to enter any Spanish port
in America and from there send other agents to inland settlements; they
had the right to establish warehouses for their supplies, safe against
search unless proof of fraudulent operations, that is importations, was
incontestable. They could send every year a ship of five hundred tons
with a cargo of merchandise to the West Indies and without paying any
duty sell these goods at the annual fair. On the return trip this ship
was allowed to carry products of the country, including gold and silver,
directly to Europe. The assientists urged the American colonies to
furnish them supplies in small vessels. Now it was known that such
vessels were particularly favored by the smuggling trade. Hence British
trade in negro slaves was indirectly used to encourage smuggling and
thus undermine Spanish commerce.
To estimate the extent of the smuggling trade directly traceable to the
loop-holes which the Assiento offered, was impossible. Jamaica, the
stronghold of British power in the West Indies, and ever a hotbed of
political and commercial intrigue against the Spanish neighbors, became
a beehive of smuggling activities. In places formerly used as bases of
buccaneer operations a lively business was carried on with contraband
goods. The danger to legitimate commerce in and with the West Indies
became so great that the Cuban authorities were forced towards the end
of Governor Guazo's administration to adopt strenuous methods in dealing
with such offenders. D. Benito Manzano, Andrez Gonzales and other
mariners and soldiers of experience and known valor were sent out
against them and made important seizures in this service. The governor
was authorized to organize cuadrillos (patrols) of custom officers and
equip custom house cutters that watched for and descended upon all
vessels found without proper clearance papers or that had failed to
register their cargoes in conformity to the laws of the island. The
smugglers were tried and condemned to suffer various penalties, ranging
from loss of property, hard labor and imprisonment, to death.
Governor Guazo's reorganization of the military forces gave proof of his
extraordinary foresight and his executive power. He formed a battalion
of infantry composed of seven companies of one hundred men and besides
two other companies, one of artillery, the other of light cavalry, which
was later changed to mounted dragoons. Two more companies of seventy men
each were added some years later by order of the king. For the lodgment
of these troops Governor Guazo ordered built the rastrille (gateway of a
palisade), which became later part of the fortress and the quarters that
run along the southern part.
Governor Guazo was a man of action and enterprise, besides being endowed
with no little military genius. Never once during his administration did
he lapse into that passive attitude which was in a large degree
responsible for the slow pace at which the Spanish colonies progressed.
One of his first aims was to inflict an exemplary punishment upon the
outlaws of the seas that rendered insecure the coasts of the Spanish
island colonies, and interfered seriously with commerce in the Gulf of
Mexico. The militia of Havana had on previous occasions, when called
into service on the sea, proved its mettle and displayed so much bravery
and perseverance in the pursuit of its tasks that he had unlimited
confidence in its ability to do the work he planned. He conferred with
the governor of Florida, and they agreed upon concerted action against
the English colony of St. George in the Carolinas. He made it known that
he intended to dislodge the pirates on the island of the Bahamas called
New Providence and for some time settled by the British. For that
purpose he fitted out fourteen light vessels, ten bilanders (small
one-mast ships, one of them of fourteen pieces), two brigantines
(two-masted vessels with square sails) and other smaller ships with
munitions and sufficient stores. Then he gathered a force of one
thousand volunteers, one hundred veteran soldiers and a few of the
prominent residents of the city to whom he entrusted the command of some
of the ships. As head of the expedition he named D. Alfonso Carrascesa,
a dependable official, and as his assistant D. Esteban Severino de
Berrea, a native of Havana and the oldest captain of the white militia.
The story of this enterprise as related by Guiteras gives a somewhat
different version of the struggles between the French and the Spaniards
for the possession of Pensacola as that contained in the preceding
chapter. According to Guiteras the armada organized in Havana and placed
under command of Carrascesa sailed on the fourth of July, 1719. But it
had barely left the harbor, when it sighted two French warships. They
were coming from Pensacola, which the French had just captured, and had
on board as prisoners the governor and the whole garrison. Carrascesa
did not for a moment lose his calm assurance at this unexpected
intermezzo. He stopped the French when they turned to flee, and they
were in turn captured. With the rescued Spaniards from Pensacola he
returned to Havana, considering this easy victory of happy augury for
the expedition upon which he had set out. But Governor Guazo persuaded
him that the reconquest of Pensacola was of paramount importance.
Carrascesa yielded to Guazo's arguments and the entreaties of the
governor of Florida's stronghold and started upon his new task. He
succeeded in recovering Pensacola and reinstalling the Spanish governor
with his garrison. Of the ultimate defeat of the expedition Guiteras has
nothing to say.
Carrascesa, too, was a man of untiring activity and did not rest upon
the laurels of his victory over the French. He made several expeditions
to the ports of Masacra, Mobile and other places, laying waste rice
fields and sugar plantations. He captured a number of transports
carrying army provisions, and also took many negroes that had been
brought over by the company carrying on slave trade, prisoners. So
encouraged was he by his successes, that he planned another attack upon
Masacra, which was defended by four batteries mounted on the coast and
had a garrison of about two thousand Frenchmen and Canadians. But he
realized that his forces were numerically far inferior and he desisted
from carrying out this enterprise. He contented himself with turning
his attention to the improvement of the fortifications of Pensacola and
built a fort at the point of Siguenza for the defense of the canal.
While engaged upon this work he was surprised by the arrival of a French
squadron under the command of the Count de Champmeslin. There were six
vessels in all well equipped with artillery far superior in quality to
that of the Spaniards. A fierce and stubborn combat ensued, in which the
volunteers from Havana distinguished themselves by their valor, but the
French admiral succeeded in forcing the passage of Siguenza and
compelled Carrascesa to surrender. Pensacola fell for the second time
into the hands of the French, who, however, gave credit to the Cubans
for unusual bravery and declared that, had it not been for their
inferior numbers, and the inferior equipment of their ships and their
troops, they never would have been defeated. This is the story of the
fights for Pensacola as related by the Spanish historian Guiteras.
Governor Guazo's administration covered one of the most important
periods in the history of Cuba. One of his last acts was the
proclamation in Havana in March, 1724, of the ascension of King Luis I.
to the throne of Spain, his father, King Philip V., having abdicated.
But King Luis died on the thirty-first of August and King Philip V.
resumed the scepter. In the following month Governor Guazo retired from
office and on the twenty-ninth of September was succeeded by the
Brigadier D. Dionisio Martinez de la Vega. One of the first acts of
Governor Martinez was to raise the garrison to the number of two hundred
and fifty men. By decree of the court he also superintended the
construction of the arsenal which was to contribute much to the
improvement of the rather poorly equipped fleet. In order effectively to
pursue his predecessor's policy of prosecuting the smuggler bands, the
number of which was alarmingly multiplying on and about the island,
Governor Martinez suggested to the Minister of the Treasury the erection
of a shipbuilding plant to turn out vessels especially designed for that
purpose. He obtained the consent of the Minister and within a short time
the plan was realized.
This dockyard for the construction of ships primarily intended for
revenue service, was at first erected between the fort of la Fuerza and
la Contaduria (office of the accountant or auditor of the exchequer),
because that location offered great facilities to lower the vessels
directly from the rocks to the sea. But as soon as the superiority of
the ships built in Havana over those produced in Spain became manifest,
owing to the excellent quality of the timber used, it was at once
decided to extend the dockyard and it was moved to the extreme southern
part of the city where it occupied a space of one-fourth of a league,
near the walls with the batements and buttresses, which added much to
its solidity and beauty. There within a few years were built all kinds
of ships, from revenue cutters to warships intended to strengthen the
Armada. In time the plant turned out large numbers of vessels. According
to Valdes there were built between the years 1724 and 1796 forty-nine
ships, twenty-two frigates, seven paquebots, nine brigantines, fourteen
schooners, four ganguiles (barges used in the coasting-trade, lighters)
and four pontones (pontoons or mud-scows, flat bottomed boats, furnished
with pulleys and implements to clean harbors); in all one hundred and
nine vessels.
This shipyard and the fortifications which were being steadily improved
were found of invaluable service in the year 1726, when a break between
Spain and England occurred and a British fleet appeared in the Antilles.
So alarmed was King Philip V. by the news of the danger of British
invasion which threatened Cuba, that he immediately ordered D. Gregorio
Guazo, who had in the meantime been entrusted with the superior military
government of the Antilles and Central America, to adopt measures of
safety. Guazo accordingly sent the squadron of D. Antonio Gastaneta with
a force of one thousand men to assist in the defense of Cuba. The
historians Alcazar and Blanchet report that D. Guazo himself accompanied
the squadron, fell sick upon his arrival in Havana and died the same
month. But Valdes records that he died on the thirteenth of August of
that year in his native town of Ossuna. However, D. Juan de Andrea
Marshall of Villahemosa seems to have been appointed his successor.
The precautions taken were to be well rewarded. On the twenty-seventh of
April, 1727, the English squadron under the command of Admiral Hossier
came in sight and approached the entrance to the harbor of Havana. But
the population had so effectively prepared the defense of the city, that
the attack of the British failed. Besides seeing himself defeated by the
enemy, the Admiral saw with dismay that his crews were decimated by
fever. Gastaneta was at that time in Vera Cruz and Martinez alone
carried off the victory over the British forces which after a blockade
of a month had to retire. Admiral Hossier was so overcome with his
failure and the loss of his men that he himself died of grief shortly
after.
The following two years of the governorship of D. Martinez were
turbulent with the discord of rivals and their factions. The immediate
cause of these regrettable disturbances was Hoyo Solorzana, the governor
of Santiago de Cuba. He had some time before taken a prominent part in
the removal of the treasures lost in el Palmer de Aiz. The charge was
raised against him that he had appropriated a certain portion of these
treasures and he was suspended and proceedings were begun against him.
The case was pending when the accused, who enjoyed great popularity with
the people, suddenly without the knowledge of the Captain-General or the
Dominican Audiencia, took possession of the government office in which
he had formerly exercised his official functions. The authorities were
indignant and sent a complaint to his Majesty in Madrid. When the reply
arrived a few months later, it ordered his immediate removal from
office, annulled his earlier appointment and demanded that he be sent to
Madrid. The commander-in-chief took steps for his removal, but the
municipal government claimed that the cause could not be pursued as long
as an appeal was pending. Governor Martinez, too, waited with the
execution of the royal decree in order to learn what decision the
Ayuntamento of Havana would take. But the latter was kindly disposed to
Hoyo Solorzano, remembering the undeniable services he had rendered the
city.
Both sides held stubbornly to their opinions and the lawyers also could
not be swayed by any arguments. Suddenly there appeared in the harbor of
Santiago de Cuba a few galleons under command of the chief of the
squadron, Barlavente, and acting under orders of Fra D. Antonio de
Escudero. They were to apprehend the governor and his supporters, and
take them as prisoners to Vera Cruz on the Admiral's ship. True to his
character and antecedents, Solorzano bravely defended himself and with
the help of his adherents managed to elude his pursuers and to escape to
the country. After visiting places where many of his friends lived, he
ventured into Puerto Principe, whose inhabitants were such loyal
partisans of his that they decided upon protecting him arms in hand. A
detachment of troops had been sent from Havana and surrounded the house
in which Solorzano was staying. They succeeded in crushing the riotous
demonstrations in his favor and seized him. Manacled and chained he was
taken to el Morro and imprisoned. Although he was evidently the victim
of misaimed ambition, the court that tried his case condemned him to
death.
While these unpleasant events were agitating the official circles of the
island, the people saw in the year 1728 one of the most ardent desires
of the ambitious youth of Cuba attain fulfillment. This was the
foundation of the University. Hitherto, it was necessary for young men
desiring a superior and especially a scientific education to attend the
universities of Mexico, Santo Domingo or Seville. With the opening of
this institution of learning in the metropolis of the island, Havana,
the intellectual life received a strong impulse. The credit for having
secured the permission to open this university is due to the Dominican
order which was mainly instrumental in promoting the cause of education
in Latin America and especially the West Indies. The University was
opened in the convent of Havana by virtue of a bull issued by Pope
Innocent XIII. and in accord with the royal order of March fourteenth,
1732. The event was celebrated by brilliant decoration and illumination
of the principal thoroughfares and buildings of the city and by festive
gatherings and banquets, as also by dignified and solemn ceremonies in
the building itself.
The first rector of the University was Fra Tomas de Linares. According
to the custom of the period and the country the rector, vice-rector and
assistants were all selected from the clergy. The curriculum comprised
courses in grammar, rhetoric, mathematics, philosophy, theology, canons
of economic laws, jurisprudence and medicine. But it seems strange that
for a number of years no professor could be found to occupy the chair of
mathematics. The peripatetic system prevailed. After two years of
existence the university won such hearty approbation from the king that
it was granted by royal decree of the twenty-seventh of June, 1734, the
same concessions and prerogatives as were accorded to the University of
Alcala. In the year 1733 Cuba lost her most revered and beloved
spiritual leader, Bishop Valdes, who expired on the twenty-ninth of
March. He lived in the memory of many generations that followed not only
by the many parishes which he had founded in the smaller towns and rural
districts, and by the seminary of San Baulie el Magne, which he had
called into being, but also by his many personal virtues that had
endeared him to his people.
An important innovation was made at this period concerning land tenure.
The Ayuntamentos or municipal corporations started to rent lands, that
is to give them in usufructu for the pasturing of cattle, to swine
herds, for labor or as ground plots. The person receiving such a grant
paid to the propios (estates or lands belonging to the city or civic
corporation) six ducats annually for the first, four for the second, and
two for the others. The land-surveyor, D. Luis de la Pena, resolved to
give a plot of land in the radius of two leagues to the haciendas that
raised black cattle, called hatos, and to the raisers of hogs, cordos or
corroles (enclosures within which cattle is held). But there was such a
lack of precision in determining the boundaries of the lands covered by
these concessions, that one overlapped the others and caused innumerable
heated lawsuits. The abuses committed by the corporation concerned in
these land deals, finally caused the king to strip these bodies of the
power of renting the lands. This important royal decree was according
to the historian Pezuela dated 1727, according to La Torre 1729.
The copper-mines of Cuba which had during the second half of the
seventeenth century been totally abandoned, but had been reopened in the
year 1705 under the direction of D. Sabastian de Arancibia and D.
Francisco Delgado, once more disappointed those interested in that
investment and yielding little profit were closed. The result was very
disastrous for the men that had been employed in the mines. For when
they found themselves without work, they began to lead a sort of
unrestrained life, which caused unrest and disturbances. In the year
1731, the governor of Santiago de Cuba, D. Pedro Jiminez, decided to put
an end to this idleness and without warning imposed upon them hard
labor. This the men resented and rebelled. After considerable
difficulty, the gentle exhortations of the Canonicus Morrell of Santa
Cruz prevailed and succeeded in appeasing the men, who took up other
work.
In other parts of the island there occurred about this time uprisings of
the slaves, which required the use of force and led to no little
bloodshed before they could be suppressed. One of these revolts on the
plantation Quiebra Hache and some on other neighboring haciendas led to
the foundation of Santa Maria del Rosario. It was D. Jose Bayona Chacon,
Conde de Casa-Bayona, who conceived the idea that the existence of a
white population in the heart of the mutinous district might help to
keep the negroes submissive. He asked the king's permission to establish
a town on the land of said plantation and of the Jiaraco corral, which
were all his property, and asked for manorial grants, civil and criminal
jurisdiction, that is the right to appoint alcaldes (ordinary judges),
eight aldermen and as many other officials of the court as were needed.
King Philip, remembering the services D. Bayona Chacon had rendered the
island, granted this request in the year 1732, and D. Bayona or Conde
(count) Casa-Bayona settled thirty families on the place, which was
henceforth called Santa Maria del Rosario.
The last years of the governorship of D. Martinez were undisturbed by
strife either from within or without, and Cuba prospered during that
brief spell of peace and quiet. But he did not delude himself by
imagining Cuba safe from further disturbances, either of her internal
conditions or her relations to her enemies. Like his predecessors he
continued to add to the fortifications, as is proved by an inscription
on the gate of la Punta, which reads:
Reinando en Espana Don Felipe V. El Animoso y Siendo Gobernador y
Captan General de Esta Plaza E Isla de Cuba El Brigadier Don
Dionisio Martinez de la Vega, se Hiciron Estas Bovedas, Almacenes,
Terraplenes, Y Muralla Hasta San Telmo; Se Acabo La Murella Y
Baluartes Desde El Angel Hasta El Colateral De La Puerta de Tierra
Y Desde El Anguilo De la Tonaza Hasta El Otro Colatoral; Se Puso En
Estado y con Respeto La Artilleria; Se Hizo La Caldaza, Y En El
Real Artillero Navios De Guerra Y Tres Paquebotos, Con Otras Obras
Menores; Y Lo Gueda Continua do Por Marzo de 1731 Con 220 Esclavos
De S. M. Que Con Su Arbotrio Ha Puesto En Las Reales Fabrica.
(While King Philip V. the Brave reigned in Spain and the Brigadier
Don Dioniosio Martinez de la Vega was Governor of this place and
the island of Cuba, there were built three vaults, stores, terraces
and a wall as far as Telma, were finished the wall and bastions
from El Angel unto the Colateral of the Gate of Tierra, and from
the corner of the tenaillo unto the other collateral; was set up in
good condition the artillery; was constructed the high road and
were built in the royal dockyard war vessels and three packet-boats
and minor ships; and this was continued in March, 1730, with 200
slaves of his Majesty, who deigned to have them placed in the royal
shops.)
Accounts of foreigners that traveled in the West Indies and visited Cuba
during this period give glimpses of the cities and the life therein
which are interesting reading. John Campbell, the author of "The
Spanish Empire in America" and "A Concise History of Spanish America,"
published in London in the year 1747, says in the latter book, in the
description of Havana:
"The Buildings are fair, but not high, built of Stone and make a
very good appearance, though it is said they are but meanly
furnished. There are eleven Churches and Monasteries and two
handsome hospitals. The Churches are rich and magnificent; that
dedicated to St. Clara having seven Altars, all adorned with Plate
to a great Value; And the Monastery adjoining contains a hundred
Nuns with their Servants, all habited in Blue. It is not, as some
have reported, a Bishop's see, though the Bishop generally resides
there. But the Cathedral is at St. Jago, and the Revenue of this
Prelate not less than fifty thousand Pieces of Eight per Annum.
Authors differ exceedingly as to the Number of Inhabitants in this
City. A Spanish Writer, who was there in 1700 and who had Reason to
be well acquainted with the Place, computed them at twenty-six
thousand, and we may well suppose that they are increased since.
They are a more polite and sociable People than the Inhabitants of
any of the Ports on the Continent, and of late imitate the French
both in their Dress and their Manner."
The Spanish historian, Emilio Blanchet, also limns a picture of life in
Havana about this time. Always inclined to express their feelings of joy
or of sorrow in a rather demonstrative manner, every national event of
some importance gave occasion for festivities that lasted sometimes
several days, and in one instance almost a whole month. This
extraordinary example of Cuban delight in great public celebrations
occurred in the year 1735 in Villaclara. The recent victories of Spain
in Italy and the ascension of Carlos to the Neapolitan crown were
celebrated in that town from the first to the twenty-second of February.
Of course, the national sport of bull-fights figured largely in the
program of this month of festivities; but there were also equestrian
contests, military games, processions and cavalcades, and for the first
time in Cuban history, dramatic performances. Besides such unusual
occasions as the celebration of a victory, the numerous church festivals
also encouraged the people's love of more or less ceremonial display and
solemn public functions. The eyes of the people loved to feast upon the
processions on foot or on horseback which took place on various saints'
days, especially on the days of St. John, St. Peter, St. James and St.
Anna.
The British writer quoted above was right in saying that the Cubans
emulated the example and followed the models of the French in the dress
of the period. For Blanchet gives a description of the dress of the
Cuban women of that time, which evokes before the reader visions of the
elaborate costumes inseparable from the period of Louis XIV. The Spanish
historian dwells at some detail upon the gorgeous dresses of the wealthy
women of Cuba. There were gowns with long, sweeping trains, the material
of which was mostly a heavy brocade silk, interwoven with threads of
gold or silver, trimmed with taffeta in sky blue or crimson. Other
material was trimmed with gold or silver braids. The belt generally of
rose taffeta joined the waist to the skirt. The hair was adorned with a
large silver or gold pin which held the folds of a richly trimmed
mantilla, also either of brocade or some lighter tissue, gracefully
falling back over the shoulders. The undergarments were of silk taffeta,
all of these materials being flowered or checkered and interwoven with
threads of gold. Velvet was also used in the fashioning of vestees and
jackets. Cloaks, capes and redingotes were either of camelot or barocan,
or of some other fine cloth. Pink was the favorite color. Laces and
embroideries were used on the dress of both men and women. No cavalier
was without a frill. The use of powder for the face and hair was quite
common, and the powdered queue was as indispensable to the costume of a
cavalier as the buckled shoe.
CHAPTER II
When Governor Martinez de la Vega was promoted to the post of President
and Captain-General of Panama, there was appointed in his place, as the
thirty-sixth governor of Cuba, Fieldmarshal D. Juan Francisco Guemez y
Horcasitas, a native of Oviedo and son of Baron de Guemez. Valdes
remarks that during his administration was born his son D. Juan, who
seems to have been also actively engaged in public life. Guemez was
governor of Cuba long enough to occupy a prominent place in the
chronicles of the island. He was inaugurated on the eighteenth of March,
1734, and continued in office until the twenty-eighth of April, 1746.
Guemez entered upon the political and military administration
simultaneously with the Franciscan padre D. Juan Lasso de la Vega, who
assumed the spiritual leadership of the people as successor to Bishop
Valdez. During his governorship, the Municipio of Havana was organized,
and Santiago de Cuba being for the first time subordinated to his
authority, Havana became virtually the capital of the island, and one of
the most important of Spanish America. In that civic corporation, a very
prominent member was the Habanero D. Jose Martin Felix de Arrate, who
wrote a valuable history of Havana under the title "Llave del Nuevo
Mundo, Antemural de las Indias Occidentales, la Habana descriptiva:
Noticias de su fundacion, aumentos y Estado."
Governor Guemez introduced some measures of reform which tended to
appease the discontent occasioned by previous abuses of municipal power.
One of these was the rigid enforcement of the royal decree which forbade
the ayuntamentos to trade in land. He also improved the functioning of
the primary courts called Justicias ordinarias; for a great deal of
disorder was caused by the fact that their decisions were rarely
promptly obeyed. He associated with them the tenentes a guerra, military
lieutenants, whose authority was more likely to be respected. One of
these, the Captain of militia D. Jose Antonio Gomez, was sent to the
salt works of Punta Hicacos and Cayo Sal, where much confusion had
reigned, to regulate the salt production, and insure an efficient
functioning of the organization concerned in it. He became later known
as a famous guerillero, a civilian serving in guerilla warfare, and was
familiarly called by the people Pepe Antonio.
During this administration some very important work was done towards
sanitation. Guemez succeeded in having the harbor thoroughly dredged; by
urgent appeals to the residents he secured the removal from the streets
of all encumbrances of traffic and insisted upon having them regularly
cleaned. It can be justly said that, if the standard of public health in
Cuba was raised at this period, it was undoubtedly due to his efforts.
Nor was he indifferent to the extortion practiced upon the poorer
inhabitants by unscrupulous landlords and shopkeepers, one of his
ordinances to that effect regulating the prices at which provisions were
to be sold by the grocers and thus insuring a proper and sufficient
supply of these necessities to the population which otherwise would have
been underfed. He was also the first governor of Cuba who paid attention
to the island's forests and curbed the operations of the thieves that
ravaged them. Of course such measures were bound to be resented by those
elements who had previously profited from the freedom with which they
could carry on their trade regardless of human equity and public
welfare; and although the administration of Guemez was one of great
material prosperity for the people, he did not escape the fate that
befell so many of his predecessors, that of being made the target of
slanderous accusations. But the government had profited from previous
experiences of this character, that of the Marquis de Casa-Torres being
still remembered; it was no longer inclined to lend so ready an ear to
charges raised against the governors, and paid no attention to the
attempts made by his enemies to discredit Guemez in Madrid.
The colonial government was then in charge of D. Jose del Campillo, an
official of great knowledge and sagacity and of wide experience in
economic and financial affairs. Many of the improvements that had been
introduced in Spain by Minister Ori were through D. Campillo's efforts
now applied to the colonies in America. Among these valuable innovations
were the regulation of the revenues, the reduction of import and export
duties, and the distribution of the realenzes or royal patrimonies. But
equally important was the creation of royal commissions to inquire into
the state, the resources and needs of the provinces, and to organize
industry and commerce upon a sound and equitable basis.
On the other hand it cannot be denied that powerful influences were at
work to secure privileges for private corporations, which in a measure
threatened to undo what those commissions attained. The organization
which came into being in Havana in the year 1740 under the name Real
Compania de Comercio under the patronage of the Virgin del Rosario, was
such a corporation and it seems doubtful whether the privileges it
enjoyed and the profits that accrued from them did not outweigh the
advantages which were promised to the colony. The company was given a
general monopoly, including the exclusive right of exportation of
tobacco and sugar; it had the right of importation of articles of
consumption in the island without paying custom on goods imported into
the interior. Of course, it pledged itself on its part to render the
community certain services which should not be underestimated. It was to
build in its dockyards vessels of war and of trade; to supply the
warships anchored in the harbor with provisions for their crews; to
furnish ten armed vessels for the persecution of contraband; and for the
transportation of the country's products to the port of Cadiz; to bring
from Spain the ammunition needed in Cuba; to provision the garrison of
Florida; and to furnish articles of equipment to the weather-side fleet.
The Captain-General himself was given the office of Juez conservador
(judge conservator). The first president of the company was D. Martin de
Aroztegui. The organizers had at first counted upon a capital of one
million pesos, but it barely exceeded nine hundred thousand. Each share
was valued at five hundred duros (dollars) and eight shares were
required to entitle the holder to a vote in the general conventions.
There were at first five directors in all, but they were gradually
reduced to two only. Some historians had warm praise for the work of the
company, among them Arrate, who with many others was preoccupied by the
economic interests and the commercial progress of the community. But
there is no doubt that at the end it did not bring about the results
that had been expected. During twenty years of its existence Cuba
derived no tangible benefit. The importation of goods from Spain did not
amount to more than three vessels annually. The exports amounted to less
than twenty-one thousand arrobas of sugar (a weight of twenty-five
pounds of sixteen ounces each).
Governor Guemez was not oblivious to the dangers forever menacing the
security and the peace of the island. He made great improvements on the
batteries of el Morro; he had parts of the city walls, which ran from la
Tenaze to Paula, demolished, and rebuilt of better material; he had the
walls on the inland side re-enforced so as to offer greater resistance
in case of attack by enemies. To all these improvements the citizens of
Havana contributed generously; they furnished ten thousand peons
(day-laborers) and as many beasts of burden to do the work. Guemez also
built factories in the parish of El Jaguey on the other side of the bay
and established the first powder magazine on the coast. During the
latter part of his administration, in the year 1743, the town of
Guanabacoa received its charter. The following year, 1744, is memorable
in the history of Cuba as the year when the first postal service was
organized. Thus the governorship of D. Guemez proved for the island a
period of great civic and material progress and prosperity. The peace it
enjoyed during the earlier years was, however, to be seriously disturbed
later on.
For even towards the end of the administration of D. Martinez de la Vega
clouds had arisen upon the political horizon of Europe which had begun
to cast their shadows over the colonies. The slave-trade sanctioned by
the famous Assiento agreement gave rise to more and more serious tension
between the governments of England and of Spain. In order to execute
that part of the Treaty of Utrecht which related to the importation of
negro slaves into Spanish America, the British government had encouraged
the formation of a company, the Compania de la Mar del Sud, or South Sea
Company, which was to act as agent of the assientists. It consisted of
men holding the large national debt of Great Britain and had received a
grant for the exclusive trade of the South Seas. But since Spain was in
possession of a great proportion of the coast in that part of the world
and had so far enjoyed a monopoly of its trade, the South Sea Company
derived no benefit from that grant, unless the commercial activity of
Spanish America could be paralyzed. The slave-trade with its clandestine
opportunities for contraband, offered the South Sea Company
possibilities to undermine Spanish trade. The slavers, as the
slave-carrying vessels were called, being protected by passports issued
by their contractors, were not slow in getting into communication with
those elements in the Spanish colonies that placed their personal profit
above their duty to the country under the protection of which they
lived, and had no difficulty in delivering cargoes of divers merchandise
while they unloaded their human freight. Moreover they never returned to
Europe in ballast, but carried a correspondingly large cargo of West
Indian goods of which they disposed in European ports.
Spain had repeatedly entered complaints against these scandalously
dishonest operations upon the coasts of Spanish America, but Great
Britain was then not in the mood to concern herself with problems of
international ethics. The enormous profits that the trade in negro
slaves had brought to investors in that enterprise had dimmed their
sense of honor. Queen Anne herself had in a speech to the parliament
boasted of having secured to the British a new market for slaves in
Spanish America. A considerable part of the population of Jamaica lived
exclusively on the profits of this traffic between the Spanish-American
harbors. The vessel which the British according to the Assiento were
allowed to send annually to Portobello was soon followed at a certain
distance by a fleet of smaller ships that approached the harbor at night
and replaced the cargo that had been unloaded by day. Frequently the
slavers would appeal to the human feelings of the officials in
Spanish-American ports and with stories of shipwreck and damages
sustained in hurricanes induce them to desist from the customary
inspection of every foreign vessel. The effect of these manoeuvers was
the complete extinction of Spanish commerce. While the tonnage of the
fleet of Cadiz had formerly reached sixteen thousand, it was reduced at
the beginning of the eighteenth century to two thousand.
But the reclamations of Spain were not heeded. Great Britain, then in a
mad fever for the acquisition of wealth, was intoxicated with the rich
profits it was deriving from the operations in the West Indies and other
parts of Spanish America. It not only wished to continue these, but it
also tried to bring about war between the two countries. As Guiteras
says, and Bancroft expresses the same ideas in his second volume of his
"History of the United States," the war which was on the point of
breaking out was not about the right to cut the timber of Campeche in
the Bay of Honduras, nor because of the difference between the King of
Spain and the South Sea Company, nor about the disputed frontiers of
Florida. All these questions could have been easily settled. The sole
aim and end was to compel Spain to renounce her right of inspecting or
examining suspected merchant vessels that cruised in the Antilles, in
order that Great Britain might extend her insidious operations.
After much deliberation on both sides, an instrument was drawn up and
signed, in which the mutual claims for damages sustained in the overseas
commerce were balanced and settled. The king of Spain demanded from the
South Sea Company sixty-eight thousand pounds as his share of their
profits, in the slave-trade; on the other hand he paid to the British
merchants as indemnity for losses caused by unwarranted seizures the
sum of ninety-five pounds. The question with regard to the boundaries of
Florida was also disposed of; it was agreed that both nations were to
retain the land then in their possession, until a duly appointed
commission should determine the exact boundaries, which meant that Great
Britain would hold jurisdiction over the country to the mouth of St.
Mary's River.
The discussion about this agreement in the British parliament did not
add to the glory of the United Kingdom. Walpole spoke in favor of its
acceptance, saying "It requires no great abilities in a minister to
pursue such measures as make a war unavoidable. But how many ministers
have known the art of avoiding war by making a safe and honorable
peace?" The Duke of Newcastle, not credited with too much intelligence,
opposed the measure. William Pitt, Pulteny and others sided with him.
The opposition finally triumphed. Bancroft says of this disgraceful
termination of a conference intended to seek equitable solution of a
most harassing international problem:
"In an ill hour for herself, in a happy one for America, England,
on the twenty-third of October, 1639, declared war against Spain.
If the rightfulness of the European colonial system be conceded,
the declaration was a wanton invasion of it for immediate selfish
purposes; but, in endeavoring to open the ports of Spanish America
to the mercantile enterprise of her own people, she was beginning a
war on colonial monopoly, which could not end till American
colonies of her own, as well as of Spain, should obtain
independence."
Even before this official break between the two countries, the British
had become guilty of movements that violated Spanish territory.
There is not much said by Spanish historians about the difficulties
between Florida and the newly planned British colony of Georgia. But
the dispute about the boundary of Florida ripened into an armed
conflict, in which Cuban forces assisted those of St. Augustine.
Oglethorpe, the founder of Georgia, had in the year 1736 endeavored to
vindicate British rights to territory previously claimed by the
Spaniards and the opposition of the latter when the British approached
more and more closely was easily understood. Oglethorpe dispatched
messengers to St. Augustine and, claiming the St. John's River as the
southern boundary of the British colony, built Ft. George for defense of
the British frontier. The messengers were for a time held in St.
Augustine as prisoners, but eventually released. The dispute was
temporarily settled by negotiation. But though the British abandoned Ft.
George, they kept St. Andrew's at the mouth of St. Mary's, which was
bound to be a perpetual source of irritation to the Spaniards. Two years
later, according to Blanchet, hostile movements of British ships were
observed in Cuban waters. He speaks of the _Commodore Brown_ as having,
by the effective defense which Guemez had prepared, been prevented from
landing in Bacuranao, Bahia-Honda and other places. With the beginning
of the war, Guemez was called upon to secure the aprovionamento, the
provisioning of the island and to insure its security. He received
efficient assistance from some of his privateers, among them D. Jose
Cordero and D. Pedro Garaicochea, who valorously fought some British
vessels and obtained advantages over the British fleets commanded by the
admirals Bermon and Oglethorpe. D. Jose Hurriaza, too, won some
victories over the British with his three ships, of the kind called at
that time guipuzcoanos. He sank one British vessel, captured another and
anchored safely with his booty in the harbor of San Juan of Puerto
Rico.
The British war party made capital out of the news of these encounters.
Exaggerated reports about the cruelty practiced upon British prisoners
were sent to London. The authorities did not hesitate to call as
witnesses of victims of such outrages, characters whose words would not
have received credence at other times. Bancroft quotes the case of a
notorious smuggler by the name of Jenkins, who accused the enemy of
having cut off one of his ears, and Pulteny, in order to precipitate the
issue, exclaimed in parliament: "We have no need of allies to enable us
to command justice; the story of Jenkins will raise volunteers."
Not only politicians and the ever ready pamphleteers lent their voice to
the "cause," but even the poets joined the ignoble chorus. Alexander
Pope wrote in his customary mordant manner:
"And own the Spaniard did the waggish thing
Who cropped our ears, and sent them to the king";
and even Samuel Johnson burst out into the cry:
"Has Heaven reserved, in pity to the poor,
No pathless waste or undiscovered shore,
No secret island in the boundless main,
No peaceful desert yet unclaimed by Spain?"
Thus was the mood of the moment prepared in the multitude and mass
psychology did the rest, as it always does in such crises.
About this time occurred an incident, in which Guemez showed his mettle
as a man, regardless of his official capacity. It is the historian
Blanchet who has recorded this remarkable example of noble generosity.
It seems that the British frigate _Elizabeth_, under the command of a
Captain Edwards, had been caught in a terrible tempest off the coast of
Cuba and threatened with inevitable shipwreck, sought the protection of
the harbor. According to the laws of warfare, the Captain surrendered as
prisoner of war. But Guemez, as acting Captain General, refused to take
advantage of his misfortune, and not only permitted the vessel to careen
and take on much-needed supplies, but gave Captain Edwards letters of
safe-conduct allowing him to continue on his way as far as Bermuda. The
rivals and enemies of Guemez, who had previously attempted to lodge
complaints against him with the Consejo de Indias, renewed their
intrigues and cabals, aimed at robbing him of the good name he enjoyed
in Cuba as in Madrid, and accused him of all sorts of misdemeanors and
abuses. But they failed in ruining his career. He was made
lieutenant-general and on his retirement from the governorship was given
the rank and title of Conde (count) de Revillagigedo and appointed
Viceroy of New Spain. He died in Madrid as commander-in-chief of the
army at the ripe old age of eighty-six years.
However great were the services rendered by D. Guemez y Horcasitas to
Cuba, the conflicting rumors attacking his character must have had some
foundation. Perhaps the impression the governor made upon a French
traveler, who visited Havana at this time and was on board the vessel
which took him to Mexico, may add some traits to his portrait. M.
Villiet d'Arignon is quoted in Pierre Jean Baptiste Nougaret's "Voyages
interessans" as saying:
"D. Juan Orcazita had been appointed to this important post on
account of the sums he had lavishly spent at the court of Madrid.
One could say that he bought it. The immense fortune he made during
his governorship soon enabled him to turn his eyes to a higher
goal. Everything depended upon contributions. So he in a short time
amassed considerable sums, which from a simple civilian raised him
to the highest rank ambition could aspire to. We shall see that he
continued the same tactics in Mexico and profited even more, the
country being wealthier. Orcazita was a man of some height, rather
handsome, but of a mediocre intelligence, and had no ambition
except for spoils. This was the viceroy given to Mexico, whither
his reputation had preceded him. For the inhabitants soon made fun
of his, and circulated this uncomplimentary nickname which sounds
better in Spanish than in French: 'Non es Conde, ni Marquis, Juan
es,' which means that he was neither count, nor Marquis, but simply
'Juan.' In fact he was not a man of birth, and he owed all he had
to his money."
In the meantime Great Britain's preparations for the war resulted in the
sending over to Spanish America of two fleets. The one under Edward
Vernon was commanded to make an attack upon Chagres, east of the Isthmus
of Darien; the other one, considerably smaller, under the command of
Commodore Anson, was to begin operations in the Pacific. But a series of
unfortunate accidents made it impossible for him to cooperate with
Vernon, as he was expected to do. He encountered terrible gales, which
disabled and scattered his ships, one by one, and after many romantic
adventures which were set forth by a member of the expedition in a very
readable book, he returned to England with a single vessel, but one
richly laden with spoils acquired in pirate fashion. Edward Vernon,
whose experiences have also been recorded in a volume, giving
interesting details of his expedition, arrived at Portobello in
November, 1739. He had under his command six war ships and a
well-equipped force of trained men, and on the twenty-second of the
month launched an attack. The garrison was so small and poorly prepared
that he forced it to capitulate on the very next day. The British lost
only seven men in the engagement and found themselves in the possession
of the place. Vernon dismantled the fortifications and returned to
Jamaica with a booty of ten thousand pesos. Expecting to be joined by
Anson, he went to Chagres early in January, succeeded in forcing that
port, too, to surrender, and after having demolished it, returned to
Jamaica, and rested from his easily won victory, which the party
opposing Walpole celebrated in London as a most heroic exploit.
The greatest armed force that had yet been seen in West Indian waters
had in the mean time sailed from England to join the expedition of
Vernon. It consisted not only of British troops, but had been reenforced
by recruits from the colonies north of Carolina. Its commander was Lord
Cathcart, who, when they stopped to take on fresh water in Dominica, was
taken violently ill with a malignant fever and succumbed. His death was
a disastrous blow to the British, for it destroyed the unity of command
which is indispensable for the success of military operations.
Cathcart's successor was Wentworth, who not only lacked experience and
firmness, but was a political opponent of the impulsive, irritable
Vernon. Thus the enterprise seemed to be at the outset doomed to failure
owing to the rivalry and the discord of the leaders. The fleet under
their command consisted of twenty-nine line ships, eighty smaller
vessels with a crew of fifteen thousand sailors and a land force of
twelve thousand men.
The expedition set sail from Jamaica without having agreed upon any
definite plan of attack. Havana was the nearest point at which
operations should be directed and besides her conquest would have given
Great Britain supremacy over the Gulf. But Admiral Vernon saw everything
only in the light of his own advantages and decided to go in search of
the French and Spanish squadrons, without taking trouble to inform
himself whether they had not already left. Finally a war council was
held and it was decided to make an assault upon the tower of Cartagena.
The squadron appeared before the city on the fourth of March and after
a siege of twenty-two days succeeded in capturing the fort of Bocachica
at the entrance of the harbor. Admiral Wentworth then made preparations
to take the fort of San Lazare, which dominated the city. He planned to
attack it with a force of two thousand men, but half of them,
misunderstanding his directions, remained in camp. The squadron, too,
failed to come to his assistance in time, and after a complete defeat he
was forced to retire. Before the British had a chance to recover from
the effects of this disaster, caused mainly by the lack of harmonious
cooperation between their commanders, the rainy season set in. With it
came the usual epidemic of tropical fever and alarmingly decimated the
forces of the British. The blockade was for the time being abandoned and
the survivors of the expedition returned to Jamaica.
Admiral Vernon resumed the plan in July, 1741, and arrived in the bay of
Guantanamo on the coast of Cuba with a force of three thousand men and
about one thousand negroes. He landed and then moved to Santiago with
the purpose of taking that city. There the governor Colonel Francisco
Cagigal prepared for him an unexpectedly hot reception. He divided his
people into small detachment of trained troops, militia and armed
inhabitants, and placed himself at their head. His example and the care
with which he had calculated the defense inspired the people with the
will to win and they plunged with zest into the fight with the invaders.
Never for a moment stopping in their furious assaults upon the British,
the forces of Admiral Vernon were decimated in the endless series of
attacks and counter attacks. The climate, too, was against the British,
and they were forced to retire. Vernon left the island with the
remainder of his men and abandoned large stores of provisions and
ammunition, which Governor Cagigal appropriated amid the enthusiastic
acclamation of the brave citizens.
Thus ended according to the reports of Guiteras and other Spanish
historians the British expedition which had started out with the
intention of conquering not only the Spanish West Indies, but Mexico and
Peru as well. British arrogance and greed had for the moment received a
well-earned lesson. The fleet retired to Jamaica towards the end of
November. When a survey of the state of both the naval and military
forces was made, it was found that the British had lost some twenty
thousand men. During all the time that these fights took place, commerce
with the Spanish colonies had of necessity been suspended. The
importation of negroes had ceased. Smuggling had considerably decreased.
Spanish privateers lay in wait and intercepted the British merchant
vessels, whose cargoes were triumphantly brought to Spanish ports. Great
Britain, on the contrary, had not conquered a single Spanish possession
and the damage caused to her commerce was far greater than that which
Spanish America had suffered.
In the meantime, the undaunted Oglethorpe had once more decided to
challenge the Spanish neighbor in Florida, and encouraged by the British
authorities marched upon St. Augustine. He had six hundred regular
troops, four hundred militia from Carolina and two hundred Indians, and
set out on his expedition in January, 1740. But the garrison of the old
town, under the command of the able Monteaco, was prepared and had also
secured reenforcements. Five weeks lasted the siege; the troops of
Oglethorpe lost patience and courage, failure staring them in the face.
When they threatened to abandon him, he retired without even being
pursued by the enemy. After this provocation the Spanish authorities
felt forced to retaliate and decided upon an invasion of Georgia. A
large fleet with troops from Cuba joined the forces of the Florida
settlement. They arrived at the mouth of St. Mary's, where Oglethorpe
had built Ft. William, in the first days of July. But Oglethorpe
succeeded in retaining his hold upon that place, though his forces had
to retire. The Spanish took possession of their abandoned camps, but on
the seventh of July, when they were attempting to advance towards the
town on a road which skirted a swamp on one side and a dense wood of
brush-oak on the other, they were surprised by Oglethorpe and the fight
which ensued was so fierce, and caused such a great loss of life, that
the spot has ever since been known as Bloody Marsh. Another attack was
made upon Fort William, but being again repulsed, the Spanish forces
retired, abandoning a quantity of ammunition.
When Guemez of Cuba was promoted to the vice-regency of New Spain, he
had been succeeded by Field Marshal D. Juan Antonio Tines y Fuertes, who
was inaugurated on the twenty-second of April, 1746, but died on the
twenty-first of July of the same year. In spite of his very brief term
of service, he is remembered according to Valdes for having been the
first governor to whom it occurred to do something for the confinement
and possible reform of dissolute women. He is said to have founded for
that purpose the Casa de Resorgimento, which seems to have been both a
home and a reform school. He was temporarily replaced by Colonel D.
Diego de Penalosa. About the name and exact date of his interim
administration there seems to exist some confusion, some historians
placing him immediately after Martinez de la Vega. Valdes says he was
Tenente-Rey in 1738, assumed the functions of provisional governorship
at the death of Fuentes, and upon the arrival of the newly appointed
governor, was sent to Vera Cruz as Brigadier General. Blanchet, too,
calls him Penalosa; but Alcazar gives his name as Penalver. However,
Penalosa or Penalver enjoyed during his brief administration the
privilege of proclaiming the ascension of Fernando VI. to the throne of
Spain.
King Philip V., who had so reluctantly been dragged into the war with
England, did not live long after the victory of Santiago had temporarily
checked the designs of Great Britain. He had died on the ninth of July,
1746, and his crown descended to his son Fernando, an amiable and
virtuous prince. King Fernando VI. was also inclined to follow a
peaceful policy. He promptly settled the foreign questions that called
for attention at this time, and tried his best to enter into and
maintain friendly relations with all foreign powers. He aimed at the
preservation of Spanish neutrality in the European wars of the period,
being most deeply concerned with developing the national wealth. The
brilliant festivities with which Cuba celebrated Fernando's coronation
gave proof of the love his subjects even in Spanish America had
conceived for him before he ascended the throne.
After the brief administrations of Fuentes and Penalosa, a new governor
was appointed in Madrid and the choice fell upon D. Francisco Cagigal de
la Vega, Knight of the order of Santiago. The brave defender of his town
against the attack of Admiral Vernon had since that experience
ingratiated himself with his people by other equally commendable
exploits. With the cooperation of his valiant seamen Regio Espinela and
D. Vicenzo Lopez, he had repulsed many an aggressive manoeuver of the
British fleet in Cuban waters, until the signing of the peace of
Aix-la-Chapelle. Cagigal was a personality of quite different calibre
from Guemez. While the latter had been singularly open and sincere for a
man in an official position, Cagigal was endowed with a suavity of
manner which concealed his keen shrewdness. He had after the defeat of
Admiral Vernon been created Field Marshal and was certainly the right
man for his place.
His inauguration occurred on the ninth of June, 1747, and from that day
Cagigal entered upon his duties with the energy and perseverance that
had characterized his previous career. Seriously concerned with the
defenses of Havana, he had the battery of la Pastora finished, which had
been begun long before him, and upon his urgent request the king ordered
a citadel to be built on the mountain-side of la Cabana. He also had the
Barlovento (weather-side) fleet removed from the port of Vera Cruz to
that of Havana. The activity of the ship-building plant of Havana was
remarkable during his administration. In the thirteen years of his
governorship it turned out seven line ships, one frigate, one brig and
one packet-boat and kept in steady work a great number of laborers.
Cagigal improved the fort of la Fuerza by having a reception hall built
on the seaward side, which was surrounded by a row of balconies. The
interior was sumptuously decorated with medallions and escutcheons in
bas-relief. He was much interested in the work of the Commercial Company
which had been organized during the administration of Guemez; its
capital at this time was nine hundred thousand pesos, with shares of one
hundred pesos each, and there was declared in 1760 a dividend of thirty
per cent. on each share.
Before the signing of the peace of Aix-la-Chapelle became known in
America there was a serious engagement between the British fleet and the
Spanish on the twelfth of October, 1747, a league off Havana. There
were six vessels on each side, the Spanish under the command of General
Andreas Reggio, the British under that of Admiral Knowles. The Spanish
opened fire at three o'clock in the afternoon and a furious battle took
place which lasted for full six hours. The forces of both sustained
heavy losses, computed approximately at one thousand men on each side,
and when the firing ceased, neither could claim a decisive victory. The
British fleet retired and the Spanish returned to Havana.
The efficient management of the island's affairs during the
administrations of Guemez and Cagigal greatly stimulated the initiative
and enterprise of the Cubans. The first coffee-trees were set out on a
plantation in the province of Waja by D. Jose Gelabert. Brandy and other
spirits were distilled. The armory of Vera Cruz having been removed to
Havana, there was great activity in military circles, and D. Rodrigo de
Torres was appointed as the first commander of the navy of Cuba.
King Fernando VI. succeeded during the thirteen years of his reign in
keeping out of the general European war of 1756, in which England and
Prussia had ranged themselves against Austria, France, Russia, Sweden
and Poland. He was intent upon building up the resources of the kingdom
which had been drained by the wars waged by his predecessors and devoted
his attention to promoting the agriculture, industry and commerce of
Spain. He was fortunate in the choice of an intelligent wife and of two
ministers whose wise counsel he could ever depend upon. The Marquis de
Ensenada, who had risen from a peasant to a banker, financier and
finally minister of marine, war and finance, enjoyed at first the
unlimited confidence of the sovereign and the people, but later fell
into disgrace, because it was discovered that he had sent out secret
orders to the West Indies to attack the British logwood colony on the
Mosquito Coast. The other adviser of Fernando VI., D. Jose de Carvajal,
was a man of quite different stamp, endowed with common sense, sound
judgment, pure of morals and as just as he was incorruptible. But
Fernando died without direct heir to the throne in the year 1759, and
his brother, D. Carlos III., succeeded him.
The solemn proclamation of King Carlos III. in the cities of Cuba was
one of the last acts of the administration of Governor Cagigal. In the
year 1760, he was promoted to the post of viceroy of Mexico and left the
affairs of the government in charge of the Tenente-Rey, the King's
Lieutenant, D. Pedro Alonso. During this provisional government there
was erected a new sentry-house at the gate of Tierra, as is commemorated
in the following inscription:
Reynando La Magesdad de Carlos III Y Siendo Gobernador Y Capitan
General de Esta Ciudad E Isla El Coronel D. Pedro Alonso Se
Construyo Esta Garita. Ano de 1760.
In the reign of his Majesty Charles III. and when Colonel D. Pedro
Alonzo was Governor and Commander-in-Chief of this town and island
was built this sentry-box. In the year 1760.
During this administration died the venerable Cuban prelate D. Juan de
Conyedo, who as spiritual adviser to individuals and as counselor to
prominent officials had won the love and esteem of the population as did
the Bishop Compostela and later the popular Bishop Valdes. Conyedo's
services to Cuba in the interest of religion, charity and education were
invaluable. He was especially identified with the growth of Villa Clara,
where in the year 1712 he had founded a free school for children of both
sexes and had himself taken charge of the classes. Before he opened this
school, the people knew absolutely nothing besides the Christian
doctrine, and the rudiments of reading and writing.
The propaganda of the British war party favoring the conquest of Spanish
America was in the meantime going on without interruption. When the
greed of acquisition of territory is once roused in a nation, it is
difficult to appease it. It enlists in the cause all ranks and
professions, it employs all means, whether they answer the test of
international justice and human equity, or not. Art, literature, science
are harnessed in its service. It is needless to remind of a recent
example of national mentality and morality gone astray through
misapplied ambition. The utterances of Pope and Johnson were tame in
comparison to the hymns of hate following the declaration of the World's
war, still fresh in our memory.
But, there was another side to this literary activity. It did not always
appeal to the emotions and stir up feelings. It was also of an
instructive kind. Just as the Dutch at the time when their attention was
fixed upon the Spanish possessions of America wrote book upon book
describing the coveted islands and the coasts of the continent supposed
to hold inexhaustible riches, so did the British during the eighteenth
century suddenly conceive an interest in Spanish America which led to
magazine articles, pamphlets and books dealing with those lands. That
this literature with its endless descriptions of ports and products was
intended for the use of mariners venturing forth on legitimate or
illegitimate business, was evident. All these writers did not fail to
remark that Havana was the richest town in America, that it had
magnificent churches and public buildings and that the streets were
narrow, but clean. But their main concern was to describe the exact
location of every bay and every harbor: Matanzas, Nipe, Puerto del
Principe, Santiago, Baracoa, Guantanamo, etc., and their next concern
was to dwell upon the several products of the country, as tobacco,
sugar, and others.
One of the most curious books of this kind was "A Voyage to Guinea,
Brazil and the West Indies," published in London in the year 1735. Its
author was John Atkins, surgeon of the Royal Navy, and though it
contained an account of a trip made by him, it very plainly revealed an
interest in the commerce of the countries visited and in the
possibilities they offered, which, while natural in a business man, was
quite surprising in a member of the medical fraternity. After devoting
considerable space to the products of these southern lands, hurricanes,
etc., he also discourses at length upon the slave-trade and gives
interesting glimpses of the manner in which it was conducted. "To give
dispatch," says he, "cajole the traders with Brandy," and continues:
"Giving way to the ridiculous Humours and Gestures of the trading
Negroes is no small artifice for success. If you look strange and are
niggardly of your Drams, you frighten him. Sambo is gone, he never cares
to treat with dry lips, and as the Expenses is in English Spirits of two
Shillings a Gallon, brought partly for this purpose, the good Humour it
brings them into, is found discounted in the sale of goods." Speaking of
Cuba, he calls it a very pleasant and flourishing island, the Spanish
building and improving for posterity without dreaming, as the English
planters do, of any other homes. But he does not fail to add, "They make
the best Sugars in the world."
Another publication aiming more directly at the mariners and merchants
of Great Britain is by one Caleb Smith, called on the title page, the
inventor of the "New Sea Quadrant." It was printed in 1740 and was a
translation of Domingo Gonzales Carranza's description of the coasts,
harbors and sea-ports of the Spanish West Indies. In the curious preface
he says:
"The original was brought to England by a Sympathetic prisoner who
had been in Havana where he procured it in manuscript and presented
it to the Editor as a Testimony of his friendship and respect,"
and the dedication is addressed "to the Merchants of Great Britain, the
Commanders of Ships, and others who were pleased to subscribe for this
Treatise."
Thus was the mind of the people perpetually stimulated to look beyond
the Atlantic for lands and seas which waited to be conquered by British
prowess; and the defeat of Vernon in Santiago was hardly heeded. In the
meantime negotiations had been going on between the European powers and
a convention of their representatives had met at Aix-la-Chapelle to
settle certain disputes and sign a treaty of peace. England and Spain on
the one and England and France on the other hand had gained nothing by
eight years of mutual fighting, but an immense national debt. As at
other conferences for the establishment of the world's peace much was
said and after all little was done. For when the document known since as
the Treaty of Aix-la-Chapelle was signed in 1748, it left some of the
most harassing problems unsolved. Among them was the frontier of Florida
and the right of Spanish ships to search British vessels suspected of
smuggling. The assiente agreement, which had been found so profitable,
was continued for four more years. In the light of later events the
treaty was found to be only a makeshift for the moment, and did not
prevent the outbreak of new hostilities between Great Britain and Spain
when the ink with which the treaty was signed had barely dried on that
document.
CHAPTER III
The alliances among the powers of Europe in the middle of the
seventeenth century and the unsatisfactory settlements of some of the
most harassing questions in dispute produced a state of unrest and
tension throughout the world which the clever pourparlers and the
fascinating fencing bouts of European diplomacy failed to relieve, and
of which Cuba was destined to feel the effects. In spite of her insular
isolation Great Britain was closely concerned with the intrigues that
were being spun at the courts of the continent and were bound sooner or
later to involve Europe in a new bloody conflict. She had on the one
hand allied herself with Austria, bribing even some of the South German
principalities to insure the election of Joseph II. to the throne of the
Holy Roman Empire, and on the other hand with Russia, which was then a
newcomer not yet vitally interested in the issues at stake. Both allies
failed to keep their pledge; Austria turned away to enter into a
confederacy with France, while Russia passed from one camp to the other.
The growing ascendancy of Prussia under Frederick II. had long been
watched with distrust by the immediate neighbors, but by this time even
those whose territories seemed safe from his acquisitive aggressiveness
were roused to the realization of the danger it foreboded.
When Saxony and some other German states, Austria, Hungary, Sweden,
Russia and France combined to check the Prussian's ambitious designs,
Great Britain, Hanover, Hesse-Cassel and Brunswick became the allies of
Frederick. Spain with remarkable firmness decided to keep out of the
general war which broke out in 1756 and, lasting until 1763, was to be
known in history as The Seven Years' War. Even when Pitt, who was the
ally of Frederick of Prussia, offered the conditional return of
Gibraltar and the abandonment of the British settlements on the Mosquito
Coast and in the Bay of Honduras, Fernando VI. resolutely refused to
participate.
By this wise policy of non-interference this king secured for Spain a
period of peace which brought with it a prosperity it had long lacked.
The country recovered from the losses occasioned by previous wars, and
when Carlos III. succeeded his father, he found fifteen millions of
dollars in the treasury. He, too, was determined to keep peace, but the
stubborn resistance of Great Britain to any equitable settlement of the
question in dispute between the two countries, and the continual
violation of international justice by her mariners were hard to bear and
sorely tried the patience of the people. Bancroft says in his history of
the United States (Vol. III, p. 264):
"The restitution of the merchant ships, which the English had seized
before the war, was justly demanded. They were afloat on the ocean,
under every guarantee of safety; they were the property of private
citizens, who knew nothing, and could know nothing, of the diplomatic
disputes of the two countries. The capture was unjustifiable by every
reason of equity and public law. 'The cannon,' said Pitt, 'has settled
the question in our favor; and, in the absence of a tribunal, this
decision is a sentence.'"
It is meet in this place to call attention to the literature called
forth by Britain's colonial ambitions. Albert Savine, a French writer,
during the Spanish-American war, wrote an interesting article in the
_Revue Brittanique_ of Paris (1898, Vol. III, pp. 167 etc.), entitled:
"Les Anglais dans l'ile de Cuba au dix-huitieme siecle," in which he
refers to a History of Jamaica by Hans Sloane, published in 1740 and
translated into French in 1751. This writer brought out the importance
of Cuba very clearly, saying that no vessel could go to the continent
without passing that island, that Havana was the general rendezvous of
the fleet and that for the British to be really lords of the seas
surrounding them, nothing was needed but Havana. Savine in discussing
Britain's designs upon Havana, continued:
"The reason for their attack upon Cuba was, as is seen, the commercial
and military importance of the island, which was at that epoch
considered a necessary stopping place, a rallying point for the vessels
going from Spain to America and from America to Spain. To be master of
Cuba, thought they, was to be master of the road which the Spanish
galleons followed. This rôle of port of supply and repairs for the
damages sustained on the sea had made of Havana since the middle of the
sixteenth century an important arsenal and dockyard, where there were
continually in process of construction enormous ships destined for
travel to Spain or South America. From 1747 to 1760 they fitted out
seven ships of line, a frigate, a brigantine, and a packet-boat. The
vessels which at the side of our fleet at Trafalgar fought those of
Nelson had almost all come from the yards of Havana, which used the
excellent timber of the island, commerce in which has somewhat
diminished in our century."
The notes and dispatches exchanged between France and Spain on the one,
and Britain on the other side, prove how the two were slowly forced into
an alliance against the latter. On the fifteenth of May, France
presented a memorial asking that England give no help to the king of
Prussia and simultaneously a paper was presented from Spain, demanding
indemnity for seizure of ships, the right to fish at Newfoundland and
the abandonment of the settlements in the Bay of Honduras. On the
twenty-ninth, England demanded Canada, the fisheries, granting to the
French a limited concession, unlikely to be of any use, the reduction of
Dunkirk, half of the neutral islands; Senegal and Goree, which was
equivalent to a monopoly of the slave trade; Minorca; freedom to give
help to the king of Prussia; and British supremacy in East India. On the
fifteenth of August, the French minister Choiseul concluded with Spain
what was called a family compact, rallying all the Bourbons to check the
arrogance of Britain. On the same day a special agreement was reached
between France and Spain, empowering the latter, unless peace were
concluded between France and England before the first of May, 1762, to
declare war against England.
Guiteras in his "Historia de la Isla de Cuba" has set forth the position
of Spain at this time and her relation to France, which led to the
famous alliance known as the Family Pact. He says justly, that the
general interests of the nation demanded from Carlos III. the
continuation of the strict neutrality which his brother had pursued in
this war; for by that neutrality the commerce and general welfare of
Spain had derived great benefits. But personal motives of resentment
against England and of esteem and gratitude for Louis XV. predominated
in his mind against the serious reasons of state and the advantages to
his subjects, and the voluminous correspondence carried on between him
and the king of France made him deeply share the humiliation of the
principal branch of his family under the triumph of British arms. These
sentiments and other motives finally gave birth to the treaty which was
concluded between the two sovereigns on the fifteenth of August, 1761,
and which was a defensive and offensive alliance of the two countries
with the object of creating between them firm and lasting bonds for the
mutual protection of their interests, and thus to secure on a solid
basis the internal prosperity of the two kingdoms and the predominance
of the house of Bourbon among the princes of Europe.
It was agreed to consider henceforth as a common enemy any government
that would declare war against either of the two kingdoms and
reciprocally to guarantee the dominions they possessed at the conclusion
of the war, in which France saw herself involved; to lend each other aid
at sea and on land, and not to listen to or enter into any settlement
with the enemies of both crowns unless so done with common accord. For
as much in peace as in war they had to consider the identified interests
of the two nations, compensate their losses and divide their respective
acquisitions and operate as though the two peoples were one, by granting
to the subjects of both kingdoms in their European dominions the
enjoyment of the same privileges as those of their native subjects; and,
finally, to admit to participation in this treaty only such countries as
were ruled by sovereigns of the House of Bourbon.
As Spain was by this treaty compelled to break with Great Britain, they
awaited only the arrival of the galleons from South America in order to
provide for the security of their commerce and territory, and that of
their distant possessions. Then would be the moment to make known the
consummation of this alliance and to begin hostilities against the
common enemy. But somehow Britain anticipated the designs of Spain, for
the French with their characteristic impatience had divulged the secret
in their communications to foreign courts, and a lively correspondence
ensued between the countries, soon to be arrayed against each other in
the war Carlos III. had so zealously wished to avoid. But there was no
doubt in the minds of the Spanish king and his cabinet, that the British
policy was one solely of conquest, that Britain recognized no other law
than the aggrandizement of her power on land and her universal despotism
on the ocean. Nor could it be doubted by any impartial onlooker that
Britain had long cast covetous eyes upon the Spanish possessions in
America, and had for a long time given Spain sufficient cause for
grievance. The audacity of her privateers and pirates in their attacks
upon the West Indies had not been forgotten; the colonies especially had
reason to remember the numerous and criminal outrages to which they had
been subjected at the hands of men openly or covertly breaking treaties
that had been made and accepted by the two nations for the mutual
protection of their merchantmen at sea. The leniency of Britain in
dealing with the most notorious pirate of all, the scoundrel Morgan,
whom she allowed to settle under the protection of her flag in Jamaica,
to rise to social prominence, to be appointed to public offices of
importance, and whom her king had finally distinguished by conferring
upon him knighthood, had always been felt as acts of defiance.
In the rapid exchange of notes during the period when the rupture
between the two powers was daily coming nearer the suavity of diplomatic
language was sometimes discarded for rather plain speech. When Britain
proposed some regulations of the privileges of the British to cut
logwood in Campeche, the king of Spain, through his minister, Wall,
replied in a dispatch:
"The evacuation of the logwood establishment is offered, if his Catholic
majesty will assure to the English the logwood! He who avows that he has
entered another man's house to seize his jewels says, 'I will go out of
your house, if you will first give me what I am come to seize!'"
This drastic comparison enraged Pitt and he decided upon even more
stringent measures to humiliate Spain and crush her power in America.
But in the meantime the party in parliament that had steadily opposed
him succeeded in its propaganda against him, and he was forced to
retire. However, the feelings had run too high, the hostility on both
sides had assumed such proportions that war was inevitable. The British
were more than ever bent upon pursuing their acquisitions in America,
regardless of France and Spain; and the Spanish were unanimous in their
hatred of the aggressor.
The year 1762 opened for the powers concerned in this conflict with the
declaration of war upon Spain by King George III. on the fourth of
January. This was promptly followed on the sixteenth of the same month
by a declaration of war upon Britain by King Carlos III. Thus was the
die cast, and both governments at once set about to make extensive
preparations for military and naval action. Fortune seemed to favor the
British; for George Rodney, the gifted naval officer, who was to
distinguish himself during the war between Britain and her colonies by
his daring and successful operations against the French and Spanish
fleets in the West Indian waters, was at that time in the neighborhood
of what was to be the scene of action. He had with a fleet of sixteen
ships of line and thirteen frigates, carrying an army of twelve thousand
men under Monckton, arrived at Martinique and laid siege to the colony
which France cherished most among her island possessions in America.
After five weeks, it was forced to surrender. A number of other islands
followed, until all the outer Caribbeans from St. Domingo towards the
continent of South America were in the possession of the British.
Naturally the attention of the British government was immediately fixed
upon Havana. This being the most important military post of New Spain,
its conquest promised to close the passage of the ocean to the Spanish
ships carrying away from America its inexhaustible treasures for the
sole enrichment of the crown of Spain. It meant also opening that and
other ports of the Spanish West Indies to British navigation, and lastly
it was to be only the beginning of operations which ultimately were to
include the conquest of other possessions of Spain in that part of the
world. The honor of conceiving the project has been conceded to Admiral
Knowles, who had submitted his plan to the Duke of Cumberland; but
although the latter recommended it to the ministry, the plan of the
invasion, which had been simultaneously submitted by Lord Anson, chief
of the board of Admiralty, and which was almost identical with that of
Knowles, was the one finally adopted. In order to divert the attention
of the enemy from the true object of the expedition, a rumor was
circulated that the forces were destined for Santo Domingo, which seemed
quite plausible, this island being nearer to Martinique than to Cuba,
and one half of it belonging to France, the other to Spain. _The London
Gazette_ of January ninth corroborated this statement by the
announcement that the English army was bound for the Antilles.
George III. entrusted the Duke of Cumberland with the task of selecting
the chiefs who were to be placed at the head of the enterprise, and his
choice fell upon the following: Lieutenant-General Keppel, Earl of
Albemarle, for general-in-chief of the land forces, and Admiral Sir
George Pococke for the command of the squadron. The latter and a
division of four thousand men gathered in Portsmouth and orders were
given to General Monckton to hold the forces which had gone to the
conquest of Martinique and Guadeloupe ready for the arrival of Admiral
Pococke. The authorities in Jamaica and the British colonies of North
America were ordered to prepare two divisions, the first of two thousand
men, the latter of four thousand. The British command staked everything
upon a surprise attack. Fear that information of the rupture between the
two countries might have reached Cuba, caused no little anxiety to Lord
Albemarle and Admiral Pococke. The expedition narrowly escaped an
encounter with the squadron of M. de Blenac, who had left Brest in aid
of Martinique with seven vessels and four frigates and a sufficient
force to have saved that colony, had he come in time. Unfortunately he
arrived in sight of Martinique only after the surrender of Fort Royal,
and on hearing that the island was in possession of the British, he
altered his course and turned towards Cape France, leaving the passage
free for Admiral Pococke and his fleet.
Upon his arrival in Martinique, Lord Albemarle took command of all the
forces assembled on the island and found that his army consisted of
twelve thousand men. He divided them into five brigades and formed
besides them two bodies, one of four companies of light infantry brought
from England, and one battalion of grenadiers under the command of
Colonel Guy Carleton, and placed two other battalions of grenadiers
under the command of William Howe. He also ordered the purchase of four
thousand negroes in Martinique and other islands, who were incorporated
into a company with six thousand negroes of Jamaica. When all these
preparations had been made, the forces that were to take part in the
siege of Havana were under orders of the following commanders:
Lord Albemarle, Commander-in-chief.
Lieutenant-General George August Eliot, second chief.
Field Marshals: John Lafanfille and the Hon. William Keppel.
Brigadiers: William Haviland, Francis Grant, John Reid, Andrew Lord
Rollo and Hunt Walsh.
Adjutant-General: Hon. Col. William Howe; second;--Lieutenant-Colonel
Dudley Ackland.
Quartermaster General: Col. Guy Carleton; sub-delegate:--Major Nevinson
Poole.
Secretary of the general-in-chief: Lieutenant-Colonel John Hale.
Engineer-chief: Lieutenant-Colonel Patrick MacKellar.
Chief of the Military Health Board and of the medical corps: Sir Clifton
Wintringham; sub-delegate: Richard Hunck and a staff of three
physicians, four surgeons, four druggists and forty-four attendants.
A month passed in concluding the details of this well-elaborated plan.
Finally on the sixth of May Admiral Pococke started from Martinique in
the direction of the Paso de la Mano, where he was joined on the eighth
by the division of Captain Hervey, who was blocking the squadron of
Admiral de Blenac at Cape France; on the seventeenth they arrived at
Cape Nicolas and on the twenty-third they met the Jamaica fleet under
command of Sir James Douglas. The British naval forces, including these
two divisions and the one that later arrived from North America,
consisted of fifty-three warships of various kinds with a crew of ten
thousand eight hundred men, and a great number of transports, among them
two hundred vessels carrying provisions, hospital supplies, ammunition,
etc. When the manner of conducting the expedition was at last decided
upon, the fleet ordered to take part in the siege of Havana was
composed of the following vessels:
The Admiral ship _Namur_ of fifty cannons; _Cambridge_ of eighty;
_Valiant_; _Culloden_; _Temerare_; _Dragon_; _Centaur_; and _Dublin_ of
seventy-four; _Marlborough_ and _Temple_ of seventy; _Oxford_ and
_Devonshire_ of sixty-six; _Belleisle_; _Edgar_; _Alcide_; _Hampton
Court_; and _Sterling Castle_ of sixty-four; _Pembroke_; _Rippon_;
_Nottingham_; _Defense_; and _Intrepid_ of sixty; _Centurion_;
_Depford_; _Sutherland_; and _Hampshire_ of fifty; the frigates
_Penzance_, _Dover_ and _Enterprise_ of forty; _Richmond_ and _Alarm_ of
thirty-two; _Echo_, _Lizard_, _Trent_, _Cerberus_ and _Boreas_ of
twenty-eight; _Mercury_ of twenty-four; _Rose_, _Portmahon_, _Forvey_
and _Glasgow_ of twenty; _Bonetta_, _Cygnet_ and _Merle_ of sixteen; the
schooner _Porcupine_ of sixteen, _Barbadoes_, _Viper_, _Port Royal_,
_Lurcher_ and _Ferret_ of fourteen, and the bomb-vessels _Thunder_,
_Grenade_ and _Basilisk_, each of eight cannons.
Of such formidable dimensions were, according to Guiteras, the
preparations made by Britain for the attack upon Havana. Little is heard
of corresponding steps taken by her opponents. France was too exhausted
to indulge in great expenditures of money or men. Spain was curiously
unconcerned. The possibility of an attack upon Havana was discussed in
Madrid, but the Spanish minister Grimaldi could not be made to believe
that it might be successful. Cuba, too, little suspected what was in
store for her. The new governor appointed to take the place of Cagigal,
when the latter was promoted to the vice-regency of Mexico, was the
Field Marshal D. Juan Prado y Portocasso. Before the consummation of the
Family Pact, in March, 1670, King Carlos III. had told Prado of the
menacing attitude of Britain and had warned him of the possibility of a
rupture. He counted upon him to reorganize the island from a military
point of view. Nevertheless Prado did not immediately after his
appointment sail for Cuba, but lingered six more months in Spain, and,
when he arrived on the island, wasted another month in a visit to his
friend Madriaga, the governor of Santiago. He did not arrive in Havana
until January, 1761. Valdes gives July as the month of his inauguration
which seems improbable.
CHAPTER IV
When Prado took charge of the governorship, he immediately proceeded to
build quarters for the reenforcement of dragoons which were to be sent
over from Spain, and for that purpose engaged sixty galley-slaves from
Vera Cruz. He also began work on the fortifications of Cabanas under the
direction of the excellent engineer Francois Ribaut de Tirgale. But a
second consignment of galley-slaves in June brought to Havana the
"vomito negro," the yellow fever, of which Siam had made a gift to
Mexico in 1713 and which so far had been unknown in Cuba. Physicians
being unfamiliar with the terrible scourge, all remedies proved of no
avail. Within three months eighteen hundred men of the garrison and the
fleet succumbed to the disease. The hospitals were filled with the sick,
and work on the important public constructions was suspended. Engineer
Tirgale was one of the first stricken. He was succeeded by his brother
Balthazar, but he himself was sick and had such insufficient and
inadequate help that he was much handicapped in his work. New
difficulties having arisen with the vigueros, or tobacco-planters, Prado
convoked the Junta which agreed to fix the process, the quantity and the
brands of tobacco which the General Factory was to receive from the
planters.
[Illustration: THE OLD ESPADA CEMETERY, HAVANA, 1750]
Thus was the whole year 1761 wasted, while the signs of the impending
outbreak multiplied and the danger of the dreaded invasion came nearer
and nearer. On the sixteenth of January, war was declared and only on
the twenty-sixth of February did the news reach Prado, for the vessel
carrying the dispatches of the Spanish government had been captured by
the tender of the _Dublin_. He called at once a meeting of the council
and asked for one thousand veterans to replace the losses which the
troops had sustained through the epidemic. He also demanded that he be
furnished four thousand rounds of powder. The army that he could muster
in the eventuality of an invasion did not number at that time more than
four thousand six hundred men. Yet Prado could not be roused from a
curious apathy that possessed him and that made him again lapse into the
indolence of Creole life. It seemed impossible for him to realize that
anybody would dare to attempt what neither Hossier, nor Vernon, nor
Knowles had dared. M. de Blenac, who commanded a French fleet charged
with the protection of Santo Domingo, and Prado's friend Madriaga were
equally unsuspecting. Had the former come to an understanding with the
commander of the Royal Spanish transports, they might have surprised
the British in the straits of Bahama and averted the disaster.
On the twenty first of May, a business man from Santiago, Martin de
Arana, who had been on an errand to Kingston and in his patriotic
anxiety perceived the armaments and supplies that were being collected
there, came to Havana to inform the government. Reluctantly Governor
Prado consented to an interview with this man who had braved the sea
voyage and suffered privations to save his country from the menacing
attack. The attitude of the people as soon as the news spread was
commendable. The sugar-planters promised their negroes freedom if they
joined the troops of defense and the clergy went about rousing the
spirit of the people to action. Bishop Pedro Agustino Morell of Santa
Cruz did admirable work. He had during the expedition of Edward Vernon
traversed the country on horseback, and stirred the people to resist the
invaders. Beloved by his parishioners, whom he inspired with his zeal,
he had for twenty years preached the holy war against the enemies of his
native soil. His generosity and his self-denial knew no bounds. The word
of such a man at such a moment had weight and the people were ready to
go to any length of sacrifice; but the man at the head of the government
seemed oblivious to the gravity of the situation and did nothing
efficiently to prepare the defense of the city. Prado presided at the
meetings of the War Junta which failed to suit the action of the word
and wasted time in heated discussions. This War Council consisted of the
"Marquès" of the Royal Transports, the honorary marine quartermaster, D.
Juan Montalvo, Col. del Rio D. Alejandro Arroyo, the engineer D.
Balthasar Ricaut, and the captains of the vessels anchored in the bay.
Later it was joined by the Lieutenant-General D. Jose Manso de Velasco,
the former viceroy of Peru, the Field Marshal D. Diego Tabares,
ex-governor of Cartagena, and the Lieutenant-General Conde de Superanda,
then visiting Havana. The council did not heed the warning of D. Martin
de Arana, the Santiago trader, any more than did Governor Prado.
In the meantime the British fleet was approaching through the straits of
Bahama, clear of purpose, strong of will, and bent upon conquest. An
interesting document of that event is "An Authentic Journal of the Siege
of the Havana By an Officer. Printed in London MDCCLXII. Reprinted in
Dublin, by Boulton Grierson, Printer to the King's Most Excellent
Majesty." That record of the expedition had evidently for its author a
man of sound judgment and is imbued throughout with a rare sense of
justice towards British and Spanish alike. Spanish authorities, among
them Blanchet, give the number of line ships in the fleet as twenty-six,
fifteen frigates and an infinite number of smaller vessels, and about
twenty thousand combatants. The author of the journal reports nineteen
ships of the line, about eighteen frigates, sloops, and other vessels
and one hundred and fifty transports with ten thousand troops. The
commander of the fleet was Sir George Pococke, Knight of the Bath,
Admiral of the Blue, etc., and the commander of the troops,
Lieutenant-General Earl of Albemarle. The witness writes that they left
Cape Nicolas, northwest of Hispaniola, on the twenty-seventh of May and
sailed in seven divisions through the old straits of Bahama--"an
undertaking far superior to anything we know in our times, or read of in
the past, as few ships care to go through this passage at any time, much
less such a fleet, destitute of pilots that professed any knowledge of
it and almost of any information of the passage that could be relied
on." He goes on to say that "frigates, smaller vessels and even the
great ships' boats were sent ahead and so distributed on both shores,
with such proper and well adapted signals for day and night, that not
only reconciled every one to the dangers and risk of so hazardous an
undertaking, but almost ensured our success. We were often in sight of
the keys or shoals on each side."
In the first days of June some of the British ships engaged in a fight
with and took a Spanish frigate of twenty-four guns and a smaller vessel
of eighteen guns, a brig and a schooner, all of which had sailed ten
days before from Havana for timber. Through the crews of these vessels,
the British learned that at the time of their sailing the people of
Havana had not yet been informed of the declaration of war. On the fifth
of June the fleet cleared the straits and the next day was off Puerto de
Terrara, about thirty-six miles windward of Havana. Colonel Carleton and
Colonel Howe went to reconnoitre the coast for landing. The siege of
Morro Castle was left to Commodore Keppel. "The Admiral went himself
with the rest of the fleet off the harbor, to block up the enemy's ships
and in order to more effectually draw the attention of the enemy that
way, took with him all the victualling ships, store ships and
transports, whose troops had over night been put in those men-of-war
appointed for securing the landing." By daylight the troops were in the
flat and other boats, and Captain Hervey gave the signal for descent on
the sandy beach between Boconao and Cojimar. The enemy had thrown up
small breastworks near the old tower commanding the mouth of Boconao and
attempted a defense, but was soon dispersed by fire from two ships
anchored close to shore. At three o'clock in the afternoon the army was
on shore and began to advance toward the Morro, five miles away, along a
road which had a thick wood to the left and the sea to the right. The
ten guns of the old stone fort of Cojimar were soon silenced by the
_Dragon_, anchored close by. Two and a half miles from the Morro the
British lay down for the night upon their arms in a heavy rain.
While the British were continuing their advance upon Havana, the
authorities of the Cuban metropolis were deliberating in the sessions of
the War Junta, and the Governor was still unconvinced of the serious
intention of the British, this time determined not to rest until Havana
was in their possession. Valdes reports that this state of affairs
lasted until on the sixth of June there appeared on the weather-side
about two hundred and fifty vessels. Everybody but Governor Prado was
convinced that they had come ready to fight. He supposed them to be a
flotilla come from Jamaica to discharge their cargo. Nevertheless he
went that morning to the Morro to observe the movements of the armada.
He found the garrison under arms by order of the royal lieutenant D.
Dionisio Soler. Much vexed by what he considered exaggerated fear and
suspicion, he rescinded the order and commanded the soldiers to return
to their quarters. That afternoon, however, the report came from the
Morro, that the fleet had arrived and was preparing to land troops.
[Illustration: LAUREL DITCH, CABANAS FORTRESS
The Cabanas fortress stands near the Morro Castle, at the eastern side
of the entrance to the harbor of Havana, and ranks with the Morro and La
Punta, on the western headland, as one of the historic fortifications of
the capital. Like the Morro Castle, it was used by the Spaniards as a
prison, and the Laurel Ditch, under its landward walls, was the scene of
many a martyrdom of Cuban patriots. Here men and boys innumerable,
during the years of Cuba's struggles to be free, were lined up to be
shot, until the massive wall was thickly pitted with the marks of
bullets fired not at the foes but at the friends of Cuba.]
The consternation of the inhabitants can be imagined when suddenly the
bells began to ring and the cannons to thunder. The people rushed out of
their houses. Some were armed; but the greater part had no weapons and
hurried to the Sala Real, where fifteen hundred guns were stored away
with some old carabines, swords, bayonets, and other weapons, mostly out
of order and too old to be of any use. They were quickly distributed
among the people. The war council assembled. The governor, the Royal
Lieutenant, the General of the Navy, the Marques of the Royal
Transports, the Commissary D. Lorenzo Montalvo and the distinguished
visitors, the Commander-in-Chief Conde de Superanda and Field Marshal D.
Diego Tabares were present. It was decided to charge Colonel D. Carlos
Caro with the task of opposing and preventing the enemy's debarkation at
Cojimar and Boconao, and to collect the cavalry of that place, a few
companies of infantry, militia and lancers, in all about three thousand
men, at this point. La Cabanas was rapidly supplied with artillery. But
in the meantime the enemy, according to the testimony of a British
officer's journal, had already landed troops and overcome the resistance
of the very places to the support of which these forces were sent!
The military defense of Havana, as described by Blanchet, presented a
sorry spectacle. It consisted of eight hundred and ten cavalry, three
thousand five hundred infantry, three hundred artillery, nine thousand
marines and fourteen thousand militia. The armament of these troops was
insufficient in quantity and inferior in quality. Twelve vessels were
anchored in the port. The entrance was protected by the Morro with
fourteen cannons, the battery of the Doce Apostoles with twelve guns,
that of the Divina Pastora with fourteen guns and the fort of la Punta.
In the city there were the twenty two guns of la Fuerza, the residence
of the Captain-General, and the depository of the royal estates. The
condition of the walls was unsatisfactory. The town was dominated by
fortified heights, which, however, were very accessible. It is not
difficult to imagine the state of the people when the news reached the
town that Cojimar and Boconao had fallen. When on the following day
General Eliot defeated D. Luis Rasave and took Guanabacoa, Colonel Caro,
who had been little more than a spectator, retired to Havana. The
population was in a panic.
The war council then entrusted the defense of the Morro to D. Luis
Vicente Velasco, a native of Villa de Noja in Santander and commander of
the vessel _La Reina_. Defenses were hurriedly put up at Chorrera and
Cabanas. All residents unable to bear arms were advised to leave the
city. Soon a procession of women and children and members of the
religious orders of both sexes, with here and there the calash of some
wealthy family, were seen to proceed along the roads radiating from the
city towards the suburbs and the more remote haciendas, under the
protection of a detachment of troops. It was a heartrending picture to
see these crowds, trudging along on foot in the cruel heat of the
tropical sun, on roads almost impassable from recent rains. Many
succumbed to the hardships of this exodus. Others were dumb with terror
as they realized that they might never again see their fathers, brothers
and husbands. Again others gave vent to their high-strung emotions by
loud wails. About the time this evacuation took place, fire was set to
the suburbs outside of the city walls and unspeakable was the distress
of innumerable unfortunate families, who in the face of foreign invasion
saw their homes reduced to ashes.
A part of the British fleet was seen sailing at this time towards the
leeward part of the island with the manifest intention of making another
landing. The population was dazed. Some men rushed out to defend their
homes and their women, but the greater number was so overcome by the
calamity confronting them, that their wills seemed paralyzed and they
dumbly awaited the blow that was coming. The next day the work of
fortifying la Cabanas began in such an exposed place on the border of
the city that rifle bullets could reach the Plaza de los Armas. The
construction of a trench was also begun. It was intended to hold one
hundred cannon, but after nine or ten had been mounted, the war council
changed its plan, ordered the destruction of the trench and had the
artillery brought down. This was done in the night of the ninth of June
and fire was set to some houses on the hill. The people were startled by
this surprising procedure and began not only to grumble, but to talk of
treason.
As the British fleet was then menacing the port, the three vessels,
_Neptune_, _Europa_ and _Asia_, were concentrated in the canal of the
entrance. With the huge iron beams that closed it and the artillery of
the harbor, they acted like forts securing its safety. It seemed as if
these land batteries could prevent the landing of any enemy vessel. But
the war council wanted to improve upon this measure and decided to sink
_Neptune_ and _Europa_, during the hurried execution of which order two
sailors were drowned. Still bent upon what seemed an improvement, two
days later the _Asia_, too, was sunk. The British, supposing the port to
be closed, anchored along the coast, landed five thousand men and after
defeating the land forces, the fleet entered the canal without
encountering serious obstacles. But the Spanish authorities continued to
commit more blunders. Appointing as commanders of the land-forces
officers of the fleet, the army of course resented this as an insult.
The task of mobilizing the troops was entrusted to D. Juan Ignacio de
Madriaga; the defense of el Morro had been given to D. Luis Vicente de
Velasco, whose second was D. Bartolome Montes, and that of la Punta to
D. Manuel Briseno, who was soon relieved by D. Fernando de Lortia.
Almost all the army posts were occupied by officers of the fleet. The
reasons for these measures which seemed absolutely senseless in view of
the critical situation, were hotly discussed and some malicious tongues
asserted that the object of this curious disposition was to prevent the
fleet from making its escape.
On the tenth of June a British division moved from the leeward part of
the fort of Chorrera, a short distance from the port, with the object of
landing troops. They met with greater resistance than they had reason to
expect; for the defense was here aided by the loyal executor D. Luis de
Aguiar, who had been appointed Colonel of the militia. All day his men
fought bravely; they consisted of whites and negroes. They expected a
supply of powder and ammunition from an official of Guadeloupe, but he
by mistake had delivered them at la Caleta. Finally their stock gave
out, and, obeying the order of a superior officer, Aguiar withdrew his
troops with little loss. The British then advanced about three thousand
men strong, until they reached the hill of San Lazaro, where they dug
trenches and prepared a new encampment. They also occupied and fortified
the height of the caves, called Taganana, where they mounted three
cannon and two large mortars. With two vessels, armed with bombs, in the
small bay, the fire they kept up helped the camp on the weather-side, at
which the chief force was concentrated. They then proceeded to erect
batteries on the height of la Cabanas and were at first much molested
during their work by Aguiar, Chacon and the guerilla Pepe Antonio, who
had collected a force at that point. A detachment of militia under the
command of Captain D. Pedro de Morales was sent to reenforce them, but
on the next day he was surprised by the British, who thus came into
possession of this important place.
In the meantime, the British expedition was beginning to suffer much
from incessant rains, alternating with excessive heat. Their work was
retarded as much by the weather as by the physical condition of their
forces, which began to suffer from the climate and fatigue. The
resistance of the Cubans was increasing in proportion as the enemy drew
near. During the last days of June, Colonel D. Alejandro de Arroyo
landed a body of six hundred men at Pastora battery. Simultaneously the
naval lieutenant D. Francisco de Corral placed three hundred men at
Norno de Barba. The plan was to spike up the enemy's artillery. But
laudable as was the ambition of the commanders, their ability of
achievement was not in proportion. Their forces, too, were sadly
inferior in number to those of the British. The Captain of the infantry
of the fleet, D. Manuel de Frias, was made prisoner, three hundred of
his troops were killed and forty men wounded. The force of Col. Arroyo
also sustained heavy losses, especially the grenadiers of Arrajon.
A council held at el Morro resulted in the election by the commanders of
D. Luis Vicente de Velasco as their head and chief. No man was more able
or worthy to fill this responsible position. Untiring in his efforts to
defend the fortress, Velasco resolutely and capably endeavored to foil
the enemy's designs. But he was out-numbered and the danger grew daily
nearer. Though at a great loss to their forces, the British forged ahead
and surrounded Velasco with a continuous fire. With the port closed to
the Cuban squadron they were free to place their cannon as they went
along. The rain of bullets, bombs and grenades was incessant and the
breakdown of the bastions inevitable. The garrison seemed to be doomed.
The commander declared that it would not be possible to maintain his
position without some aid from the camp, but while the walls were being
gradually destroyed by the enemy, he did not venture a well organized
sortie. On the first of July el Morro was attacked by the batteries
which the British had planted on el Cabanas and the fire from three
vessels, among them the _Cambridge_ and the _Dragon_. The valor of
Velasco inspired his troops, pathetically small in comparison with those
of the British. After seven hours of the hottest fire, the _Cambridge_
and the _Dragon_ were so badly battered that they were forced to the
rear. The British lost three hundred men, among them Captain Goostree of
the _Cambridge_. So fierce had been the resistance offered by Velasco
and the few cannon at his disposal, that the British camp, which had
been pouring a rain of bombs on el Morro, finally ceased firing. So the
honor of this day belonged to the Spanish commander.
It is interesting at this point to revert to the journal of the British
officer, who took part in this memorable siege of Havana. After
reporting under date of July third that their great battery had caught
fire, he continues on the following day:
"The Morro was now found to be tougher work and the Spaniards more
resolute than was at first imagined. Our people grew fatigued by the
heat and hard labour and the want of water near them was a sensible
distress, and the disappointment of the Morro's not being reduced so
speedily as at first they were made to hope, helped to depress the
spirits of the weak and low minds; but we found every want relieved and
amply made up for by the Admiral's attention, not only to supply every
article that could be asked, but by his own sagacity, foreseeing and his
precaution providing everything we could want."
During the following days the British seem to have suffered much from
the climate. The writer of the journal records that the men in general
"fall down with fevers and fluxes, but few are carried off by them."
Admiral Keppel was much weakened by illness and fatigue, but this
discouraging entry is followed immediately by a cheerier note, dated
July 8th and 9th:
"Every one was exerting himself in his different station and with such
zeal as gave fresh hopes to our undertaking, notwithstanding the
melancholy scene of the infinite number of sick and the apprehension of
the approaching hurricane season."
The British had begun to realize the failure of the naval attempt to
reduce el Morro. They tried to fortify themselves in the harbor and
established the lee-shore camp on the slope of Aroztegui, the same on
which El Principe was situated. From this point they undertook many
movements, but were always driven back. In spite of these temporary and
local successes the Cuban authorities now fully realized that their
situation was almost hopeless and devised various measures to stay the
progress of the enemy. The magistrates D. Luis de Aguiar and D. Laureane
Chacon were made colonels of the militia. They decided to stop the
forays and attacks from that encampment, and D. Aguiar established
himself in the Horon and tried to dislodge the enemy from various points
to which they had penetrated. His undertaking was successful, as was
proved by the number of prisoners taken. The hostile forces at Taganana,
however, did much mischief and he resolved to attack them on the night
of the eighteenth of July. His troops consisted of peasants and negro
slaves and fought so effectively, that he was able to send to the
fortress eighteen prisoners, including an officer and many trophies. The
governor was so elated by this success that he gave one hundred and four
negro slaves, that had taken part, their liberty.
The British officer in his journal alludes in the entries of these days
to the heavy losses sustained by the British, but dwells more upon the
ravages caused by disease. The sick list increasing, the guards had to
be reduced. The necessity of having a supply of fresh meat for the
invalids and convalescents worried them much. They had counted upon
getting it from Santiago and Bejucal, where the rich plantations and
pastures were, and a monastery that promised rich loot. But D. Laureane
Chacon anticipated their movements in that direction. He concentrated
some troops four leagues leeward from Wajay, and thus not only checked
their progress, but by his persistent opposition weakened their forces.
Many of the smaller actions that were undertaken against the British by
the Cubans were by volunteer forces recruited by veteran fighters, who
had not been associated with the army proper, and their manner of waging
war was of the kind called guerrilla warfare. Nevertheless they did
active and efficient work and had they not been hindered and restrained
by orders from the regulars, they might have accomplished much more. The
Lieutenant Diego Ruiz lost his life in such an enterprise. Another
famous guerrilla, the valiant fighter known as Pepe Antonio, had won the
esteem of the whole army by his courage. He had collected a force of
three hundred men and was planning an ambitious assault upon the enemy,
when he was called to report to Colonel Caro, who commanded the
encampment at Jesus del Monte and San Juan. Colonel Caro, who had not
during the siege distinguished himself by any extraordinary
achievements, not only censured Pepe Antonio severely, but discharged
him. The valiant patriot hero of many daring exploits was so grieved by
this injustice that he died within five days.
Among these side plays of the great siege an expedition led by Colonel
Gutierrez had some successful encounters with the British. D. Luis de
Aguiar and D. Laureane Chacon, too, who had gathered under their command
the brave youths of the country side, were untiring in their efforts to
weaken the British. They prevented them from establishing a cordon and
cutting communication with the fort and were themselves enabled
uninterruptedly to secure provisions and supplies with which to carry on
their operations. Less fortunate was the attack upon Cabanas by D. Juan
Benito Lujan with a thousand militia men from the interior of the
island. At daybreak, on the twenty-second of July, according to the
British officer, the Spanish at el Morro, having been enforced by twelve
hundred men from the town, furiously attacked the British. But Brigadier
Carleton directed so fierce a fire against them that their forces were
driven into the water. He describes them as having consisted mainly of
militia, some seamen, mulattoes and negroes. They lost four hundred
dead, many wounded and seventy prisoners. A violent cannonade followed,
during which Carleton was wounded.
While the British troops were encamped from La Cabanas to Cojimar they
made many looting raids in the neighborhood, extending their incursions
as far as San Miguel and Santa Maria del Rosario. They not only
ransacked the churches for their treasures, but also private estates,
and took away whatever they could carry. They had approached el Morro by
the bulwark of Pina and a body of forty to fifty men in the shelter of
some rocks maintained an incessant gunfire. The garrison of the fort,
which was being steadily reduced by the rain of bombs and grenades,
wanted to make a sortie into the open country, hoping there to be
reenforced. Remaining in el Morro was becoming more and more perilous,
because the enemy had undermined the fortress. D. Luis de Velasco,
broken down by the strain and overwork received a blow on the shoulder,
which temporarily disabled him. His aide, Mentes, was likewise wounded,
and the two were replaced by D. Francisco Medina and D. Manuel de
Cordova. During their absence nothing was done, for the peasantry, fond
as they were of Velasco, were reluctant to fight and perhaps die under
the command of another. Mentes returned on the third day, appointed
Lieutenant-Colonel, and, joined by D. Juan Benito Lujan, who commanded
one thousand men of Tierradentro and some colored troops from the fort,
attempted a sally. But the British on the heights threw themselves upon
the Cubans and overpowered them. The loss on both sides was so great,
however, that the enemy had to ask for a truce to bury their dead. As
the British said, the Spanish were valiant, but they had no head. If
there had been at their head a man of foresight, and if unity of command
had been insured at the beginning, the disaster might have been avoided.
The British forces were at this time beginning to suffer painfully for
want of water and lack of fresh provisions. Five thousand men, and a
great proportion of officers among them, were unfit for duty. But the
arrival of North American troops under convoy of the _Intrepid_ of
sixty-four guns, revived the spirit of the expedition. The North
Americans had lost a ship of forty guns and six transports in the old
straits of Bahama, but the people were saved and encamped upon the
shores, and the British Admiral sent frigates for them. One thousand and
four hundred men under Brigadier Burton reenforced Col. Howe on the west
side. The Cuban defense was also encouraged in these days, for Velasco,
who had been wounded on the sixteenth of July, with second, Mentes,
forced to seek medical care in the city, returned to his post at el
Morro on the twenty-fourth. During the siege the Spanish vessels, with
the exception of the frigate _Perla_, which was sunk by the foe, were
singularly inactive. The critical and decisive moment of the siege came
on the thirteenth of July, when at two o'clock in the afternoon the
British sprung their mines. Through the breach they rapidly entered and
captured the battery of San Nicolas. Although the garrison was so
terrified that not a few soldiers had fled, the remaining offered a
brave opposition to the invaders. D. Fernando Parrayo and thirteen men,
supported by two cannon, fought heroically, while the British forces
poured into the port. The British officer gives due credit to the Cuban
commanders who desperately tried to save the honor of their country. He
writes:
"The Marquis de Gonzales, commander of a man of war, etc., second in
command of the fort, fell bravely endeavoring to animate and rally his
people. Don Luis de Velasco, also Captain of the _Reina_ man-of-war,
soon after shared the same fate endeavoring to defend the colours of the
fort, round which he had made a breastwork and had collected about 100
men, who soon fled and left him to that stroke he seemed to invite and
wait for; for being shot through the breast he fell, offering his sword
to the conquerors. Confusion and fright ensued, and as much slaughter;
for near 400 of the enemy fell by the sword; as many more taken
prisoners to whom the soldiers had generously given quarters, though no
ways obliged by the rules of war. English colours were soon flying on
the fort, that were welcomed by the loud huzzas of all the rejoiced army
and navy. A parley ensued, and D. Luis de Velasco (not yet dead) was at
his own request sent to breathe out his last at the Havana, where he
expired a day after, leaving a name behind and a character that justly
merited admiration and esteem from his opposites as respect and love
from his confederates."
The historian Blanchet also reports that the British showed due
reverence to the dead leader and that hostilities were for that reason
suspended during the following day. They received a reenforcement of
troops from New York on the second of August; but they had fallen in
with three French men-of-war and some frigates on their passage, who
took five or six transports with about five hundred men. Their forces
were being decimated by the climate and the hardships. The British
witness writes that finishing the batteries on Cabanas cost the lives of
many poor seamen who were obliged to be day and night filling vessels
with water for the men at work. Some men-of-war were sent down with
transports to Mariel, for want of men made it unsafe for them to remain
any longer on this most open and frightful coast, where the Spaniards as
well as West Indians expressed their surprise and dread at seeing such a
fleet ride so long in such a season.
When the British entered el Morro, they found only one hundred and two
bronze cannon of various calibres, two hundred iron cannon, nine bronze
mortars, two iron mortars, four thousand one hundred and fifty-seven
rifles, five hundred hand grenades, four hundred and seventy empty
grenades of various quality, seventeen thousand four hundred and four
cannon balls, thirty quintals of rifle balls, one hundred and
twenty-five thousand cartridges and five hundred quintals of powder. The
sorrow at being forced to give up el Morro was great. Supported by the
vessel _Aquilon_ the quick fire from la Punta and the bulwarks of the
place promptly demolished the fort. The Cuban vessels retired to the
interior of the bay, fearing the bombs from la Cabanas. The commanders
for the same reason sought shelter in the hospiteum of St. Isidore,
which was situated at the point farthest away from the fire. Yet the
determination to continue to resist the invaders prevailed and a battery
was formed on the elevation of Soto, where the fort of Attares was
located, and fortifications were continued to be strengthened wherever
it was possible.
The batteries of the British were completed on August tenth, and Lord
Albemarle summoned the city to surrender. But Governor Prado relied upon
reenforcements promised him by the governor of Santiago de Cuba and
hoped also for the possible arrival of a French squadron, so he refused.
The people, too, were opposed to surrender, for they had within the last
six days received reenforcements from several sides; two hundred and
twelve rifles and ammunition from the town of Cuba, five hundred more
from Jagua and fifteen hundred on the very last day. However, the fierce
fire which the British opened against Havana at daybreak on the eleventh
of August, induced the commander of the Cuban forces to give up the last
hope. About noon the Spanish ceased firing and at three o'clock in the
afternoon flags of truce appeared everywhere. The governor sent word
that Havana was ready to capitulate.
According to the British officer's journal the victors took possession
of the town and port of Havana on the next day; they also became the
owners of nine ships of the line, of seventy four and sixty four guns,
two very large ones on the stocks, nearly completed, about twenty-five
loaded merchant ships; nearly three million dollars belonging to the
King and the Royal Company; about six hundred pieces of cannon, and
great magazines of stores and merchandise of all kinds. He continues:
"But the most grateful at the time was, that it furnished us with fresh
provisions, rest and shelter for the many thousands poor sick wretches
we had in our camp and hospital ships, all mouldering away for want of
nourishment when their disorders had left them. Our battalion is so weak
that we have not above one hundred and fifty men fit for duty. I am told
the navy is badly off. Our loss of killed and wounded is very trifling
in comparison to that of the enemy. Theirs amounts to upwards of six
thousand killed and dead of their wounds since, and of sickness."
The following day the governor ordered all weapons to be surrendered by
military bodies as private individuals and Mayor D. Antonio Ramirez de
Estenez was authorized to accord the articles of capitulation.
ARTICLES OF CAPITULATION
ARTICLE I
The garrison will leave by the puerta de Tierra on the twenty-eighth of
the present month, if there should not arrive before sufficient help to
raise the siege, with all military honors, the soldiers with arms,
hoisted flags, six field cannon, and the regiments will also remove the
military cases with their contents, and besides six carriages of the
Governor.
ARTICLE II
Said garrison will be permitted to remove from the town all luggage and
money, and transport them to another place of the island.
ARTICLE III
That the ship crews of the port that had served on land shall in their
departure enjoy the same honors as the garrison and be brought back to
their vessels. They may sail to any other place of Spanish domination,
on the condition that on their voyage until their arrival at their
destination they shall not attack any vessel of H. British Majesty, of
his allies, or any vessel of his subjects.
ARTICLE IV
That of all the artillery, arms, ammunition and provisions belonging to
his Catholic Majesty, excepting those that particularly correspond with
said fleet, an exact inventory shall be taken, with the assistance of
four subjects of the king of Spain, who will be appointed by the
governor, and four subjects of H. British Majesty, chosen by H. Ex Count
Albemarle, who will take possession of all until both sovereigns agree
otherwise.
ARTICLE V
That in this capitulation shall be comprised H. Ex Conde de Superanda,
Lieutenant-General of the armies of H. Catholic Majesty, and former
Viceroy of Peru, as well as Don Diego Tabares, Fieldmarshal of the same
royal arms, and former Governor of Cartagena, who happens to be in that
town on their way to Spain, together with their families. They shall be
left in the possession of their baggage and their sailing to Spain shall
be facilitated.
ARTICLE VI
That the Catholic Apostolic Roman religion shall be maintained, and
conserved, as before exercised under H. Catholic Majesty, and that not
the least impediment shall be placed in the public acts in regard to the
rites exercised and with the churches, and the observation of religious
feasts, and all priests, convents, monasteries, hospitals, societies,
universities, colleges shall remain in the free enjoyment of their
privileges and rights, as to their property and income, and furnitures,
as they had enjoyed before.
ARTICLE VII
That the Bishop of Cuba shall likewise conserve his rights, privileges
and prerogatives, which are required for the direction and spiritual
nourishment of the faithful of the Catholic religion, or nomination of
priests and ecclesiastical ministers necessary, and exercise his
accustomed jurisdiction. (Note: Conceded with the reserve that the
nomination of priests and other employes be subject to the approval of
the Governor of H. British Majesty sent to the place.)
ARTICLE VIII
That in the cloisters and nunneries the internal government hitherto
prevailing shall be followed with subordination to their legitimate
superiors, according to the statutes of the particular institutions.
("Conceded.")
ARTICLE IX
That the funds in the town belonging to H. Catholic Majesty shall be
embarked on the vessels of the fleet that happen to be in port to be
shipped to Spain, likewise all the tobacco belonging to H. Catholic
Majesty; that even in war time the same Sovereign shall be permitted to
buy tobacco from the island, in the district subject to the King of
Great Britain at current prices, and to transport it to Spain in their
own foreign vessels. ("Refused.")
ARTICLE X
That in consideration of the fact that this port is so conveniently
situated for those navigating in these parts of America, be they Spanish
or English, it shall be available to the subjects of H. Catholic Majesty
as a neutral port and they shall be permitted to enter and leave freely,
taken the food they require and repair their vessels, paying for
everything at current prices, and that they cannot be insulted or
disturbed in their navigation by the ships of H. British Majesty, nor
the ships of his subjects and allies, from the promontory of Celoche on
the coast of Campêche and St. Antonio in the West, and from the sound of
la Tortuga to this port, and thence to the latitude 33° North, until
their two Majesties agree otherwise. ("Refused.")
ARTICLE XI
That all permanent inhabitants of the city and neighborhood remain in
the free use and possession of their political offices and employments,
and in that of their funds and other property, i.e. household stuff of
whatever origin, quality, or in whatever condition they be, without
being obliged to contribute in other terms than those made by H.
Catholic Majesty. (Conceded, and they will be permitted to continue in
the enjoyment of their property so long as their conduct does not give
cause for denying them.)
ARTICLE XII
That these same should retain and have guaranteed the rights and
privileges which they hitherto enjoyed, and that they will be governed
in the name of H. British Majesty under the same conditions as they have
been under Spanish domination, naming their judges and agents of justice
according to usages and customs. (Answered in the preceding.)
ARTICLE XIII
That whoever of said inhabitants is unwilling to stay in this city, be
permitted freely to remove his property and wealth in the manner most
convenient to him, to sell them or leave them to be administrated, and
to go away with them to the dominions of H. Catholic Majesty, he may
choose, granting them a space of four years and giving them bought or
chartered vessels for conveyance, with the passports and necessary
protection of safety, and the power to arm them in the cruise against
the Moors and Turks, with the express condition not to use them against
subjects of H. British Majesty or his allies, nor to be ill-treated or
molested by them. (Reply: The inhabitants will be permitted to sell and
remove their effects to any place of Spanish dominions, in vessels at
its coast, for which purpose they will be given passports; and it is to
be understood that officials who have property in the island will enjoy
the same benefits as conceded to the other inhabitants.)
ARTICLE XIV
That these will not be in the least molested for having in their loyalty
taken up arms, and enlisted their militia for the war; nor shall the
English troops be permitted to plunder or any other abuse, and that, to
the contrary, they shall completely enjoy the other rights, exemptions
and prerogatives as the other subjects of H. British Majesty, the
families that had left the town on account of the present invasion to
return without any obstacle or difficulty from the country to the city
with all their provisions and funds, and it is to be understood that
neither the one nor the others will be inconvenienced by the stationing
of troops in their houses, unless it be in quarters as were used during
Spanish dominion. (Reply: Conceded, excepting that in case it becomes
necessary to quarter the troops, it must be left to the direction of the
Governor. All the slaves of the King will be delivered to the persons
that will be named to receive them.)
ARTICLE XV
That holders of stocks found in this town and belonging to merchants of
Cadiz and in which all nations of Europe are interested, be facilitated
to depart freely with them, to remit them with the protocols without
being insulted in their voyage.
ARTICLE XVI
That the ministers in charge of the administration and distribution of
the Exchequer or any other business of H. Catholic Majesty be left in
the free use of all those documents that are in their guard, with the
power to remit or bring them to Spain for safety, and the same to hold
also good with regard to the Royal Company established in this town, and
its clerks. All public papers will be delivered for revision to the
secretaries of the Admiral, and will be restored to the ministers of H.
Catholic Majesty, unless they be found necessary for the Government of
the island.
ARTICLE XVII
That the public archives remain in the power of the Ministers in whose
charge they are, without being permitted the least irregularity in
regard to these papers and the instruments they contain, because of the
grave mischief that would result from it to the rights of the community
and to private individuals. (Replied in the preceding articles.)
ARTICLE XVIII
That the officials and soldiers who are in the hospitals be treated in
the same way as the garrison, and after having recovered, they should be
helped in obtaining beasts of burden or vessels for their transportation
to where the rest of the garrison happens to be, as well as everything
necessary for their safety and subsistence during the voyage, and among
others they should be given the provisions and medicines asked for by
the directors and surgeons of said hospitals. (Conceded: The governor
having competent commissaries to assist them with provisions, surgeons
and the necessary medicines at the cost of H. Catholic Majesty.)
ARTICLE XIX
That the prisoners of either party taken by the other since the sixth of
June when the English fleet appeared before this port, be reciprocally
restituted without any ransom whatever in the course of two months.
(This article cannot be concluded before the British prisoners are
returned.)
ARTICLE XX
Upon the granting of the articles of this capitulation, and the giving
of hostages by either party, the gate of Tierra will be delivered to the
troops of H. British Majesty, for placing there a guard, together with
another provided by the garrison of the place until the evacuation is
carried out, and His Ex Conde de Albemarle will send a few soldiers for
the protection of the churches, convents, the houses of the generals and
other officials. (Conceded.)
ARTICLE XXI
That the governor and commander of the fleet be permitted to dispatch to
H. Catholic Majesty and to other parties information by the vessels, to
which passports for their voyage shall be given. (Since the troops are
to be sent to Spain, the information is useless.)
ARTICLE XXII
That in consideration of the vigorous defense made by the Fort of la
Punta, it shall be included in this capitulation and its garrison shall
enjoy the same honors as that of the fortress, and it shall leave
through one of the most suitable breaches made in the ramparts.
(Conceded.)
ARTICLE XXIII
This capitulation to be observed punctually and literally. (Conceded.)
Headquarters in Habana, August 12, 1762.
(Signed) G. Pococke,
Albemarle,
Marques of the Royal Fleet,
Juan de Prado.
What is contained in these articles in regard to the squadron, its
officials, crew and garrisons, has been done with my intervention, and I
propose them as their Comendante General, and in consequence of what has
been accorded in the Junta of yesterday.
Habana, August 12, 1762--El Marques of the Royal Transports.
We agree with these articles, which are a true copy of the originals,
according to the translation made from the English into Spanish by D.
Miguel Brito, public interpreter of this town for H. Catholic Majesty.
Habana, August 12, 1762--El Marques of the Royal Transports--Juan de
Prado.
CHAPTER V
With the solemn signing of the foregoing articles of capitulation on the
twelfth of August, 1762, began the occupation of Havana by the British,
who thus seemed to have attained the goal of their covetous aspirations.
It was a great day for them; it was a day of mourning for the Cubans.
While these articles of capitulation were in themselves not unjust,
differing in no essentials from those usually exacted by the victors
from the vanquished, the people of Havana found it difficult to obey all
these injunctions coming to them from a foreign authority. History
furnishes abundant proofs that it is comparatively easy to conquer a
country by numerical superiority or clever strategy, but that it is
infinitely more difficult to conquer the hearts of its people. The
Spanish historian Alcazar records an incident belonging to the history
of the capture of Havana which illustrates this point.
As soon as the British were masters of the city Lord Albemarle called an
extraordinary meeting in which he declared to the Municipio that, being
masters of the city by force of arms of King George III. of England,
they had to insist upon obedience and allegiance to him as sovereign.
The Alcalde D. Pedro Santa Cruz at once rose to say that subjects of Don
Carlos III. of Spain could not without committing perjury swear
allegiance to any other monarch. He added: "The capitulation compels us
to passive obedience. Count on this, but never on our dishonor." It
seems that these noble words found an echo in the heart of the British
commander who henceforth let the people choose whether to take the oath
or not.
This story is symptomatic of the attitude of the population of Cuba
towards the conquerors. When the morning of the thirteenth of August,
1762, dawned, the British were in possession of the town and port of
Havana with one hundred and eighty miles to the east and all that tract
of land to the west which terminates the island on that side. They took
without resistance Managuas, Bejucal, Santiago, Mariel and Matanzas. The
commander of the fort of San Severine in Matanzas, D. Felipe Garcia
Solis, had stored up a large amount of provisions and supplies of all
kinds in view of an eventual attack. But when he heard of the
capitulation of Havana, he blew up the fort and retired with part of the
garrison to Santiago. The governor of that city, D. Lorenzo Madriaga,
was recognized as the authority to be obeyed by the people in that part
of the island not taken by the British. Perhaps the British had gauged
the sentiment of the population; perhaps they felt that their forces
were too much weakened by the hardships of the siege. They made no
attempts at further extending their conquest.
According to the agreement between Admiral George Pococke and Lord
Albemarle on the one side and the Marques of the Royal Transports and D.
Juan de Prado on the other side, the Spanish garrison was to retire with
military honors; artillery arms and munitions were to be delivered to
the British; the Spanish troops were to be sent back on British
transports; but the British were to respect the Catholic religion, its
ministers, and churches, hospitals, and colleges; and the population was
not to be disturbed in the exercise of wonted occupations and
employments; and the laws of Spain were to remain in force. On the
thirteenth of August, the gates of Tierra were opened to the British
and on the following day they entered with two pieces of artillery and
planted their flags on the forts. The following day the Spanish vessels
were delivered to them: _Tigre_, _Reina_, _Soberano_, _Infante_,
_Aquilon_, _America_, _Conquistader_, _San Antonio_ and _San Genero_.
Many merchant vessels in the bay were also taken. The value of their
booty was estimated at fourteen million pesos. But according to Valdes
their losses during the first twenty four days of the siege had been
seven thousand men, some killed in combat, some deserters, but the
greater part victims of the Cuban climate. Hence in spite of
reenforcements from Jamaica and North America, they had only three
thousand men of infantry when Havana was taken.
The departure of the Spanish troops was scheduled for the twenty-fourth
of August. The British held ready for them three transports which on the
thirtieth sailed through the gate of la Punta. One of them carried the
Governor and his family. On his arrival in Madrid he was tried by a war
council, which for his lack of foresight and energy in preparing the
defense of Havana, condemned him to exile. But the king commuted the
sentence to imprisonment for life. The British commanders, no longer
needed in Havana, worn out with fatigue and weakened by the climate,
also hurried to leave. Brigadier Burton returned to North America,
Admiral Keppel to Jamaica, Pococke to England. He met with terrible
tempests, lost one ship of line, and twelve transports. But the greeting
he received on his arrival in England was most enthusiastic. Though the
parliament was divided on the question of extending British conquests in
Spanish America, there was still the party representing commercial
interests to be reckoned with.
With a promptness quite unusual at that time a book was published
shortly after the capture of Havana, which outlined the course to be
pursued in order to reap the benefits of the South Sea trade, which so
far had been in the hands of the French and Spanish. It was entitled
"The Great Importance of the Havana" set forth in an "Essay on the
Nature and Methods of Carrying on a Trade to the South Sea and the West
Indies, by Robert Allen, Esq., who resided some years in the Kingdom of
Peru, London, printed for J. Hinxman in Paternoster Row and D. Wilson in
the Strand, in 1762. Dedicated to the most Hon. Thomas Harley, Esq., M.
P. and Merchant of London." The author begins with reference to an old
tradition that a Prince of Wales had made an expedition to the coast of
Mexico in 1190 and died there. Upon this tradition and the assertion
that the Mexican language abounds in Welsh words, he seems to base the
right of British priority to Spanish America.
Mr. Allen was evidently much concerned with the activity of the French
in West Indian waters. He says: "As to the slave-trade, it is too well
known that the French are now under contract with the Spanish Assiento
to supply them with four or five thousand negroes yearly and the greater
profits and advantages which they reap from this trade has encouraged
them to send many strong ships yearly to the coast of Africa which have
not only taken many of our own ships on that coast, but also destroyed
several of our many forts and settlements and likewise made several new
settlements of their own, all which has been frequently represented both
in the governing and legislative bodies of Britain, and no effectual
reconciling remedy taken yet." He continues, that the channel of Spanish
trade is quite altered from Jamaica "and the French, a nation whom we
least suspected in trade, have of late years engrossed much of the
greatest part thereof to themselves." He tries to rouse the British to
the need of regaining the Spanish market in America, which was slowly
slipping away from them, by a strenuous appeal to his Majesty to
encourage such commerce by underselling the French. After giving a list
of commodities and manufactures proper for this trade, he adds the
postscript:
"If Queen Anne, at the treaty of Utrecht, obtained so valuable a branch
of trade as the Assiento contract by the success of the Duke of Marlboro
alone, which according to stipulation was for two millions in shares
annually, but doubly augmented under that contract in other goods (tho'
given up by the treaty of Aix-la-Chapelle with our right of logwood) how
much more ought we to insist on valuable terms since the reduction of
Cuba, the key to the South Sea trade?"
While the British people, like all people under a mass suggestion, were
giving themselves up to jubilating and celebrating, the politicians in
Parliament and elsewhere to controversies on technical questions, the
business world of London and the great industrial and manufacturing
centers of the country were considering investments in West Indian trade
and calculating the profits to be made thereby. After all human nature
is very much alike the world over. That the British as victors were also
not different from other conquerors by force of arms and exacted
requisitions and even without any formalities and ceremonies
appropriated the treasures that seemed worth taking possession of, is
evident from many data in the chronicles of those days. Not only were
the royal chests taken, but also the property of private corporations,
and individuals. Some documents relating to the "right of bells" have
been presented and are interesting reading. Lieutenant Colonel Samuel
Cleaveland, Artillery Commander of the island, addressed the following
communication to Bishop Senor D. Pedro Agustino Morell of Santa Cruz,
and to other priests:
"According to the rules and customs of war observed by all official
commanders of artillery in all European countries when a besieged town
surrenders by capitulation:
"I command that the city of Havana and the neighboring towns, where the
army was situated, give account of all the bells found in all the
churches, convents and monasteries, as well as in the sugar-plantations,
and of other metals similar to bells, in order that said point shall be
put into effect.
"Havana, 19 August, 1762.
"SAMUEL CLEAVELAND,
"Lieutenant-Colonel of Artillery."
The bishop addressed a letter of inquiry concerning this "Derecho de
companes" to Lord Albemarle and received the reply, that the war custom
was well known, that the chiefs of artillery receive a gratification
from any besieged and captured town or city, and that the
Lieutenant-Colonel insisted upon compliance with his demand, adding,
however, that it would not be disproportionate. Cleaveland was offered
one thousand pesos in place of the coveted bells, but the British
considered this amount too small, and the bishop received another letter
from Lord Albemarle, which reads:
"Illustrious Sir:
"The compensation offered to the Commandant of Artillery of His British
Majesty for the bells of the city is so low as to compel me to express
my indignation. In order to have the matter settled, I say, that your
Reverence can give the said official for all the churches ten thousand
pesos and I am in the hope that this letter will deserve your immediate
attention.
"Your obedient servant,
"ALBEMARLE.
"Havana, 27 August, 1762."
The Bishop tried to obtain the sum demanded by alms and collections
among his parishioners. But at a meeting on the thirty-first of August
it was seen that the collection amounted only to one hundred pesos and
four reales, which together with the previous one thousand pesos did not
nearly approach the sum required. This was communicated to the British
General with the remark that it would be impossible to raise more. This
communication received no reply and the Commander of Artillery came to
ask for the delivery of the bells, although this was not to take place
until September fourth. He did not receive the bells, for the ten
thousand pesos were got together by a loan, and the money was paid to
Cleaveland on the sixth of that month.
Difficulties between the British authorities and the Spanish clergy
increased as time went on. On the twentieth of August the Junta of
priests and prelates had a meeting at which was discussed the demand of
the British Lieutenant-General, the local governor of the place, for a
church in which the Anglican worship was to be instituted. The Bishop
decided at once to send the communication to said governor, explaining
to him that this demand was not contained in the articles of
capitulation and if his Excellency had some other basis to justify his
claim, he should communicate it. In reply the Bishop received on the
thirtieth of August the following letter:
"Havana, Aug. 30, 1762.
"Rev. Sir:
"I wish and ask that your Reverence provide for the British troops a
church for their divine worship, or that an alternative be arranged with
the Catholics for such hours in the morning or evening, in which they
don't use their church.
"I request at the same time that an account be given me of all churches,
convents, monasteries of every denomination, that are comprised in the
jurisdiction of the Bishop of Cuba, as well as of Superiors and public
officers associated with them.
"Very respectfully, etc.,
"ALBEMARLE."
In a long letter dated September second, 1762, the Bishop replied, that
he had to consult with the government of his Spanish Majesty and briefly
avoided complying with the demand. Thereupon he received a caustic
communication from Albemarle saying:
"Sir:
"I received your very large letter, but which is no answer to mine. I do
not know having read a particular Capitulation made with the Church, but
I am sure that there is none that can exclude the Subjects of H. British
Majesty of their public worship in churches; and for that reason, if you
do not assign me a church I shall take one that suits me best, and
please remember that all Ecclesiastical employes or dignitaries have to
receive my approbation, and also that you better comply with my demand,
and cease writing such long Epistles.
"ALBEMARLE.
"Havana, September 4, 1762."
After a consultation with the other prelates the bishop informed
Albemarle that since he was so decided, he should choose any church that
he liked best. Albemarle selected the Church of San Francisco. But he
insisted upon his other claims, as can be seen from the following letter
dated September 25:
"Some time ago I asked for a list of all Ecclesiastical Benefices (to
which is associated a curacy) of the Donation of Your Honor; and once
more I repeat my wish to be complied with without loss of time.
"I learn that the Jesuit college received in their order an English
official dismissed from the Royal Service on account of his bad
proceedings; I can hardly believe that such a thing has been done
without my license. That order has even in Spain a bad reputation, and
in Portugal and France they have been expelled. If they are not entirely
under your jurisdiction, send to me their Rector, etc.
"ALBEMARLE."
The Bishop replied that the story about the admission of the discredited
Englishman into the Jesuit seminary was altogether untrue, since the
authorities of that college could not admit anybody, this being a
special privilege of the Provincial residing in Mexico. A somewhat
amusing incident of these disputes between the British authorities and
the Spanish clergy of Havana is recorded in the following letter of the
Bishop dated October twenty-second. It reads:
"Your Excellency:
"Yesterday between 4 and 5 o'clock in the afternoon, there called on me
on your part a person whose name and nationality I do not know. All I
know is that he speaks Spanish, though with a foreign accent and wears
golden earrings as is customary with women. He addressed me with
'Usted.' I informed him in the conversation that in speaking to me he
had to use a more dignified title. He replied that he would always use
'Usted.' It then occurred to me that this obstinacy might be justified
by his higher rank. I asked him and he said that he had no other rank
but that of a bomb-thrower in his Majesty's name. He continued in his
way of speaking to me with a loud voice, and since in all his conduct he
was wanting of the respect due to my dignity, I deem it fair that it
should be corrected and that your excellency give me satisfaction."
Lord Albemarle seems to have paid no attention to this letter. But on
the same day the Bishop received another urgent order in which Lord
Albemarle, as Governor and Captain-General of the island, insisted in
his demand to receive a list of all ecclesiastical orders and benefices,
in order to know and be the "competent judge" of the persons appointed
by the Bishop and be able to consent to their appointment. The Bishop in
his reply referred to his previous letter, stating that the Governor
could neither before nor after the appointment be a competent judge of
the appointees, since ecclesiastics, according to all rights, were
exempt of protests by the laity, and their privileges were inviolate.
According to the historian Blanchet, Bishop Morrell was at the end
exiled to Florida for having refused to obey certain orders given by the
British authorities.
Although Albemarle cannot be said to have governed with the tyranny that
characterized the German governors of occupied territories in the recent
war, he failed to win the people. Those residents of Havana who were
able to leave the place, moved into the country or to towns like
Villa-Clara. The peasants of the neighborhood, who had carried on a
profitable trade with the city in garden and dairy products, fowl,
venison, etc., preferred to renounce these profits rather than go to the
market and have the British buy what their soil had raised and their
hands had tended. The spirit of the people was unanimous in the hatred
of the enemy conquerors. Their intemperance, their customs, and even
their language irritated them. Altercations that terminated in bloodshed
became more and more numerous as time went on. Any act of violence
against the British was severely punished, and not a few Cuban "rebels"
were executed; the atmosphere of Havana was soon charged with invisible
mines that a spark could set off.
Complying with the orders of the British government, Albemarle had to
exact the payment of certain sums from the population, including the
clergy and the religious organizations, and found great difficulty in
enforcing these orders. On the other hand, it cannot be denied that the
feelings of the population were being deliberately hurt, especially by
the disregard of the British authorities for the institutions maintained
by the clergy. Thus a wave of indignation swept over the city, when the
beggars and the sick were ejected from the convent of San Juan de Dios,
which was turned into a hospital for the British. Without remuneration
they occupied almost one-third of the buildings subject to an
ecclesiastical tax, they transformed private residences into jails; they
seized merchandise and funds that were owned by the Real Compania de
Comercio and when these were claimed as private property, they were
returned only after payment of one hundred and seventy-five pesos. As
the tension grew crimes committed from vindictiveness increased among
the population. M. Savine, the French writer referred to previously,
reports that the Guajiros of the mountains poisoned the milk furnished
to the garrison. A Cuban "rebel" who had escaped from the jail went
about in the part of the island not occupied by the British and preached
a "holy war" against the invaders of the island. Conditions were such
that Havana might have become at any moment the scene of a new Sicilian
Vespers.
It was at this time that the Commissary D. Lorenzo de Montalvo wrote to
the Minister of War at Madrid under date of October eighteenth, 1762:
"The extraordinary mortality of the British troops has reduced them to
the state which Your Excellency will see from the included papers. If at
this moment eight or ten vessels arrived with two or three thousand men
to debark, it would not be forty eight hours before they would
capitulate."
There was indeed a movement on foot in the unoccupied part of Cuba to
collect a force, march against Havana and deliver it from the British
conquerors. A force of guerilleros was ready for action under command of
the intrepid Aguiar. He was only waiting for enforcement promised him by
Governor Madriaga of Santiago, who had three hundred and fifty men with
two thousand and five hundred guns, collected at Yaguas and Villa-Clara.
But he lingered at Yaguas and it was supposed that he was afraid of
losing his position if the British should decide upon moving against
Santiago. Madriaga was however associated with Aguiar, D. Lorenzo
Montalvo, D. Nicolas Rapua, D. Pedro Calvo de la Puerta, D. Augustin de
Cardenas and other prominent citizens and patriots of Cuba in a pact to
reconquer Havana at an opportune moment, and action may have been
delayed only because rumors were afloat that peace was about to be
signed.
In Spain itself feeling ran high. The provinces of Murcia, Granada,
Aragon, Valencia and Catalonia sent an address to King Charles III.
asking to defend the colonies. It said among other things:
"Sir:
"Now is the moment to hold high the glory of the nation; let us
humiliate under your auspices ambitious England which in her folly
proposes nothing less than the ruin of all Europe. As her only aim is
commerce, that is sordid gain, she wages a regrettable war upon a
warlike nation that does not know meanness and has no other sentiments
than the love of her king and her country. Money may be needed in
London, as once in Carthage; but virtue, constancy and heroism we shall
never lack, as they never failed the ancient Romans."
But there is no record that this address elicited anything more than an
appreciative reply from the government at Madrid. For the diplomatic and
political world of Spain as of Great Britain was indeed occupied in
considering a settlement of the Spanish-British problem.
Nevertheless there were Spaniards, who even at that trying time must
have viewed the state of things dispassionately, for the historian
Pezuela gives the British much credit for the moderation and
conciliatory tendency of their policy during the occupation. He records
that they did not materially alter the general regime of the city, nor
even make any radical changes in the municipal government. On taking
possession of the town, Albemarle named for civil lieutenant-governor
the Alderman D. Sebastian Penalver, a prominent lawyer; for the latter's
Suplente or alternate, the alferez real or chief ensign D. Gonzale
Oquendo, and for common civil judge D. Pedro Calvo de la Puerta, a
high-constable and property holder highly esteemed by his fellow
citizens. These three officials by their wisdom, unselfishness and
impartiality lightened the burden of the foreign yoke.
Both Albemarle and Keppel had soon recognized some of the greatest evils
of the colonial administration, among them the corruption of the lower
courts and the amazing amount of bribery going on even in the higher
departments of the government. They tried to check the malpractice of
lawyers, and in a decree dated the fourth of November, 1762, prohibited
the making of gifts or presents of any kind to the principal governor
and to the inferior authorities, considering such practice as means to
promote dishonesty. However, the attitude of the great majority was and
remained hostile to the British and it needed all the prudence and tact
of men like Oquendo, Penalver and Puerta to avoid conflicts between the
citizens and the foreign authorities. Nor should the Intendant Montalvo
be forgotten, whose services were highly appreciated by Albemarle.
In the British parliament there existed at that time a state of turmoil.
The Earl of Bute, friend and adviser of George III., did not care for
further extension of Britain's colonial possessions in America, saying
that it was much greater importance "to bring the old colonies in order
than to plant new ones." Others favored the return of Havana to Spain in
exchange for Porto Rico and Florida. On the twenty-sixth of October,
1762, the British King expressed his approval of the latter proposal and
urged the diplomats engaged in deliberating upon the subject speedily to
draft a treaty. He wrote to Bedford, as quoted by Bancroft in his
"History of the United States," Vol. III., p. 298:
"The best despatch I can receive from you will be those preliminaries
signed. May Providence, in compassion to human misery, give you the
means of executing this great and noble work."
The terms proposed to the French according to the same authority were
severe and even humiliating, and Choiseul is reported as having said:
"But what can we do? The English are furiously imperious; they are drunk
with success; and, unfortunately, we are not in a condition to abase
their pride."
The preliminaries of a peace which was to bring a certain stability to
the colonies in America and permanently settle the claims of the three
nations that had for three centuries been striving for supremacy in the
New World, were signed on the third of November, 1762. They contained
the following stipulations: England was to receive the Floridas and some
islands in the West Indies, but abandon Havana; it was to have Louisiana
to the Mississippi, but without the island of New Orleans; it was
likewise to have all Canada, Acadia, Cape Breton and its independent
islands, Newfoundland, except a share of France in the fisheries, with
the two islands of St. Pierre and Miquelon as shelter for their
fishermen. In Africa England was to have Senegal, which insured for it
the monopoly of the slave-trade. In the East Indies, too, France
recovered only what she possessed on the first of January, 1749, the
rest going to England and assuring its sway over that territory. France,
on the other hand, to indemnify Spain for the loss of Florida, ceded to
Spain New Orleans and all Louisiana west of the Mississippi. There is no
doubt that France came off worst in this settlement; but, as her
minister Choiseul said, it was at the time helpless. In England, which
by this settlement laid the foundations of her great power, there was a
great display of flamboyant oratory. The king was reported to have
said:
"England never signed such a peace before, nor, I believe, any other
power in Europe."
Granville, then, on his deathbed, exclaimed:
"The country never saw so glorious a war or so honorable a peace," and
Bute, roused to defend it against some opponents in Parliament, uttered
these words significant of the high esteem in which he held himself and
whatever services he rendered England as favorite of the king:
"I wish no better inscription on my tomb than that I was its author."
It is needless to say that the effect of this document upon Spain was of
quite a different nature. For it practically checked for all time her
ambitions for maintaining supremacy in the world her discoverers and
explorers had once claimed under her colors. Cuba, of course, rejoiced
at the prospect of the restitution of Havana. Lord Albemarle, suffering
from the strain of the siege and the climate, as no less from the
realization that he would never be able to reconcile the Cubans to a
recognition of his authority, had left early in the year 1762 and Sir
William Keppel occupied his post. The peace was ratified at Paris on the
tenth of February, 1763, and the people began to look forward with
impatience to the arrival of a new governor from Madrid and to the
debarkation of the British. In spite of the harassing situation which
they had endured during the rule of the enemy they had not been idle,
but planned many improvements and reforms which they promised themselves
to execute as soon as the British domination would end. They had
learned, too, to appreciate the advantages of free trade; for during the
British occupation no less than nine hundred merchant vessels entered
the harbor and not a few cargoes of negroes were landed.
CHAPTER VI
The changes which the island underwent during this time were
far-reaching. The British occupation had established a direct contact
with the world outside of Spain, which was bound to broaden the narrowly
provincial viewpoint of the residents of the colony. For the nobles to
whom large tracts of land had been granted in the earlier days of the
colony had never permanently resided there but only came over for a
short time to occupy their winter residence in Havana and for another
brief season to show themselves in all their old-world aristocratic
splendor on their haciendas. The great majority of the people,
descendants of the adventurers and the poor immigrants of the pioneer
period, had acquired the habits of country people so engrossed in their
fields, their live stock and the daily labors required to make these
possessions profitable, that they had lost any desire to seek the
stimulating influence of city life. The cities themselves, Havana not
excepted, had a provincial aspect and offered little attraction to the
foreign traveler who did not come there exclusively on business.
Nevertheless they left a pleasant memory with many a casual visitor. A
Frenchman, who spent some time in Havana about the year 1745, set down
his impressions, which with other letters and memoirs of travel were
edited by Pierre Jean Baptiste Nougaret and published in Paris in 1783
under the title: "Voyages interessans dans differentes Colonies
francaises, espagnoles, anglaises, etc." In these reminiscences of
Havana some twenty years before the British occupation, he draws a
picture of the city, which it is interesting to compare with what other
writers have to say of the Havana of 1762. He writes:
[Illustration: HAVANA, FROM CABANAS
"Beautiful for situation" indeed is the Cuban capital, whether it be
used as a point from which to view the sea and land, or be itself looked
upon from some neighboring or distant height. This view, from the
grounds of the great Cabanas fortress, shows the central portion of the
city, with the notable public buildings clearly discernible, and nearer
at hand the waters of the inner harbor, where occurred in 1898 the
memorable and mysterious tragedy of the _Maine_.]
"It is a very spacious city, well enough built and among the best
fortified in America. In size it compares about with la Rochelle, but it
is far more populated. It is graced with a large number of public
buildings, churches, convents and you see there usually more negro
slaves than in any other city of Spanish domination. Its harbor
especially is one of the largest and most beautiful in America, and they
build there warships for the construction of which the king of Spain
employs a prodigious number of laborers, an arsenal and an immense
workshop. It is the Catholic king's custom to pay one thousand piastres
a cannon; so a vessel of eight cannon costs him eight thousand piastres.
There are always on the docks five or six vessels at once; it is a
company called the Company of Biscay which attends to the business.
Havana is rather regular in plan; the streets are surveyed by the line,
although some of them are not absolutely straight; all houses are of two
or three floors, built of masonry and have balconies mostly of wood; the
lower part of most houses is terrace-like as in European Spain and
altogether they make a respectable impression.
"The city is protected by a numerous garrison of about four thousand
regular troops, extremely well kept, who make Havana impregnable in a
country where one cannot attack, except with considerable forces. The
city which is one of the best located seems an oval; the entrance to her
port is advantageously protected by different forts, of which one, the
first, is called Morro or port of entrance; the second is opposite; a
third has been erected toward the side of the city; it is so large that
it seems rather a citadel than a fort. There is besides before the
principal section of the city before the palace of the governor which is
magnificent, a battery of big guns and of considerable calibre; so one
can say that Havana is the best defended of all places in America, the
vessels that want to enter being obliged to pass so close to the forts
that it would be easy to sink them.
"The customs of the Spanish are here about the same as in Spain,
differing from other colonies of the nation, where frankness,
righteousness and probity seem to have been exiled. The Havanese are
quite frank, extremely gay, more so than suits the ordinary Spanish
gravity which is probably due to the great number of strangers which
come there from all parts. The climate is rather good; the sex very
handsome and enjoying much more liberty than in the rest of Spanish
America.
"Armed cruisers are entertained to keep away strangers from the coast,
which does not prevent all the fraudulent operations in which the
commandant often shares. Nevertheless life is agreeable for the rich,
everything being abundant in Havana; and the residents are far more
neatly habited than elsewhere. One does not drink but cistern water,
much superior to that of the only fountain which is in the center of a
large square; and which serves only as watering trough for animals. You
see in Havana many rolling chairs, most of which are rented, which gives
the city an air resembling European towns."
Appreciative as this description sounds, which had for its author a M.
Sr. Villiet d'Arignon, the Havana of the time of the British calls forth
even more appreciative language from the Spanish historians of Cuba.
They dwell much on the beauty of its location and of the city itself
say:
The streets were not large or well leveled, especially those running
from north to south, which caused the town to be so great in length;
over three thousand houses occupied an expanse of nine hundred fathoms
in length and five hundred in width; they were of hewn stone, of
graceful form and as a whole afforded a very beautiful appearance. To
the beauty of the city contributed eleven churches and convents and two
large hospitals; the churches were rich and magnificent, especially
those of Recoletos, Santa Clara, San Agustino and San Juan de Dios.
Their interior was adorned with altars, lamps and candelabra of gold and
silver of an exquisite taste. There were three principal squares: The
Plaza des Armas, which still retains its name, encompassed by houses of
uniform frontage with the metropolitan church. A magnificent aspect was
added to this square by the castille de la Fuerza, where resided the
Captain-Generals, and the pyramid encompassed by three luxuriant
five-leaved silk cotton trees planted there in memory of the tradition,
that the first mass and town meeting were held in the shadow of a robust
tree of that kind; that of San Francisco adorned with two fountains was
considered the best place in the city and on it were the houses of the
Ayuntamento and the public jail, whose two-story façade with arched
entrance contrasted with the severe architecture of the convent after
which the square is named; and there was still another, the new square,
because it had been opened after the former, with a fountain in the
center and all encompassed with porticos for the convenience of the
public, serving also as market-place, where the inhabitants, according
to Arrate, provided themselves "copiously" with all they wanted.
Native writers also dwell upon the good manners of the Havanese, calling
them the most polite and social people of Spanish America, much given
to imitating the French customs and manners, which were then in vogue at
the Spanish court of Madrid, both in their dress and their conversation,
as also in the furnishings of their houses and the good table they set
their guests. These descriptions of Cuba and Cuban life tally well with
those of the foreigners quoted by the author, and indicate the progress
made by the island, and especially by Havana, in the sixth and seventh
decades of the century.
The economic conditions of the island underwent a great change during
the sixth decade of the century. Up to this time, the majority of the
people had been engaged in agriculture and led a more or less simple,
rustic life. The products of her soil were consumed on the spot. Her
mines were neglected because the gold and silver which had been
discovered in the earlier part of Cuba's history and which had roused
the jealousy of other countries were not sufficient in quantity to
justify the labor needed for working them. With the increasing number of
negro slaves, the possibilities of exploiting all the rich natural
resources of the island were multiplied. Among the products that came
into prominence was sugar. Not ordinarily consumed, it brought forty
three cents a pound. John Atkins, the British surgeon and author of that
interesting book of travel in Spanish America referred to in a previous
chapter, had declared the sugar of Cuba the best in the world; and it
was indeed so considered in the market. It became soon one of the most
important articles of Cuba's commerce. The cheapened labor encouraged
enterprises which the Spanish would have been physically unable to carry
through.
The commerce of Havana had in this epoch increased considerably and the
greatest part of it came from the ports of the island itself. Besides
supplying with goods the towns of the interior and the littoral, Havana
exported great amounts of hides, much esteemed for their excellent
quality, and also sugar, tobacco and other articles. The trade was
carried on by vessels registered from Cadiz and the Canaries besides
those of Spanish merchants who were allowed to trade with the
Spanish-American continent. Especially favored were those that returned
to Spain from Cartagena, Porto Bello and Vera Cruz and entered Havana to
renew their supply of provisions and water, and enjoy the advantage of
going out with the convoy which in the month of September returned to
the Peninsula with galleons loaded with the riches of Peru and Chile,
and the fleet freighted with the treasures of New Spain. This periodical
assembly of a great number of merchant and war vessels in Havana had
introduced the custom of holding fairs, during which great animation
prevailed in the city. For while they facilitated commercial
transactions, they also furnished diversion and entertainment to the
sailors and others who were waiting for the sailing of the convoy. At
that time an order was published prohibiting on penalty of death any
person belonging to the squadron to remain on land over night, and all
had to retire on board at the report of a gun. Provisions were then, as
also M. d'Arignon reported at his time, very dear. The monopoly which
was exercised by the company had unreasonably raised the cost of living.
The flour brought from foreign smugglers at five or six piasters a
barrel, was sold at his time at thirty-five and more! Besides the
ordinary wages of men hired by the day every male slave day-laborer was
paid in excess four pesos a day and every female two pesos.
The description of the defenses of the city during the British invasion
suggest that the surrender to the enemy may after all not have been
entirely the fault of the procrastination and unconcern of the Cuban
governor, as some zealous patriots alleged at the time. The entrance of
the port was in the eastern part, defended by the strong fort of el
Morro, situated upon an elevated rock of irregular, somewhat triangular
form, in the walls and bulwarks of which were forty mounted cannon. It
was protected also by the battery of Doce Apostoles, so called for
having a dozen mounted cannon, situated toward the interior of the port
in the lower parts of the Morro bulwark, which looked to the southeast
and were almost at sea-level. There was also the Divina Pastora with
fourteen cannon, on a level with the sea at a point a little higher than
the former facing the gate of la Punta. Toward the west in the same
entrance of the port and about two hundred yards from it with four
bulwarks well-mounted with artillery, was la Fuerza with twenty-two
cannon. Although not of as solid construction as the others, it served
as storehouse for the treasures of the King and was also the residence
of the governor. Between these fortresses there were erected along the
bay a number of other bulwarks well supplied with artillery. The walls
from la Punta to the arsenal were protected by bulwarks with parapets
and a ditch. From the first to the second gate there was considerable
territory converted at that time into gardens, and pasture land, and
covered with palmettos. In front of the Punta de Tierra was a ravelin.
Nevertheless those fortifications had serious defects of position,
because the city as well as the forts were dominated by many hills easy
of access. East of the port was Cabanas, where there was a citadel built
later, dominating a great part of el Morro and the northeastern part of
the city. West of the town was a suburb, called Guadeloupe, the church
of which was situated on an eminence half a mile from the gate of
Tierra, and on the same level with it, the highest of all fortifications
in that direction. From the northern side of this elevation the gate of
Punta could be flanked and from the southeast the shipyard was
dominated. The zanja real, or royal trench, in the northern part,
descended not far from the Punta de Tierra and then ran into the
shipyard where its water was employed in running a mill. Half a mile
from said church was the Chavez bridge, built over a rivulet flowing
into the bay, which served to unite the central road of the island with
that of Baracoa; and from the bridge to the Lazareto was a stretch of
two miles with an intermediate hill. A trench between these two points
could easily cut the communication of Havana with the rest of the
island. From this close description it can be seen that in spite of the
imposing impression its fortifications made upon foreigners, Havana was
by no means an impregnable fortress at the time of the British invasion,
which was brought out at the trial of Governor Prado. But whatever may
have been the cause of its capitulation to the British, the period of
their occupation at the end benefited Cuba, for it opened the eyes of
the government to the needs of the island, and prepared a new era,
political, social and economic.
CHAPTER VII
By the terms of the treaty signed at Versailles on the tenth of
February, 1763, Britain was to give back to Spain the city and territory
of Havana in the condition in which the British had found it and Spain
was to grant the British a term of eighteen months, so that those who
had established themselves upon the island could insure their interests
by transferring their property. To administrate the political and
military affairs of Cuba and carry out these stipulations, a new
governor was appointed in the person of the Lieutenant-General Conde de
Ricla, a relative of the famous Minister Aranda. Ricla arrived in Havana
on the thirteenth of June and prepared to enter upon his duties, while
the British authorities made preparations to wind up their affairs and
to embark. Spanish love of festive demonstrations of joy must have
culminated in a frenzy of exultation on the day when Admiral Keppel
solemnly and formally gave up Havana to the Tenente Rey, the King's
Lieutenant, who took possession of all military posts. It was the sixth
of July, 1763, ever since remembered as the glorious day when Cuba was
delivered from the British yoke. The new governor entered through one of
the iron gates of the city, driven in an open coach, and acclaimed by
the enthusiastic vivas of the population. On the same day the British
authorities set sail, and the city entered upon a celebration of the
event which lasted nine days. The Spanish colors fluttered from every
roof, the houses were draped in them, the doors were garlanded in green,
and when the evening came, lights shone in every window and sky rockets
were set off on every street corner, turning the tropical night into
day.
[Illustration: ATARES FORTRESS--(ERECTED 1763)]
The new governor was a man of rare character and was endowed by the
royal government with more power than any of his predecessors had
enjoyed. He received a salary of eighteen thousand pesos annually. The
task before him was one of reorganization and reconstruction. He was
charged and expected to inaugurate a new era in the administration of
the colony, to employ the most judicious means to prevent errors
committed by his predecessors and to insure a prompt and efficient
enforcement of the principles of colonial policy which the time
demanded. He was also to repair all the fortifications and defenses of
the island, rebuild whatever had been destroyed and add to them whatever
was needed as rapidly as possible, so they would be proof against any
possible coup-de-main on the part of any enemy. The reconstruction of
the Morro and of the arsenal destroyed by the British, and the erection
of the forts of Cabanas and Atares was entrusted to the able engineers
D. Silvestro Abarca and D. Agostino Crame, who later drew the plan for
that of Puerto Principe, intended to protect that place and prevent any
landing by la Chorrera. The records of the period show that six million
pesos were spent on those fortifications. New hospitals and other public
buildings were also erected. The work was greatly facilitated by the
number of negroes that had been added to the population since the
British domination of the city. The great activity of the building
trades stimulated the circulation of gold and gave a new impetus to all
business life.
That the antagonism between the Spanish and British was not confined to
Havana, which had suffered British occupation, is proved by the influx
of immigrants from Florida, when this province was ceded to England.
Unwilling to live under British dominion, many French and Spanish
families of that colony left their old homes for new ones in Cuba. A
great number of them settled in Matanzas and its environs, on land which
belonged to the famous Marquis Justiz de Santa Anna. The generosity of
this man in gratuitously ceding that land endeared him to these
immigrants. Their love for the place they came from induced them to give
to the towns into which their settlements were formed, names that
suggested the old home, as San Augustin de la Nueva Florida proves. As
soon as the enemy had left, the residents of Havana who had retired to
the interior of the island returned to the city and resumed their
occupations. Bishop Morell, who had been exiled to Florida by the
British, also returned. He brought with him the white-wax bee, which in
time became a new source of wealth for the island.
It was a period of reconstruction and readjustment during which not only
were old business relations renewed and reaffirmed, but many new steps
taken to insure the welfare of the community. Those elements of the
population which were particularly concerned with the honest and
efficient management of its affairs, had during the British occupation
become aware of some malpractices that had escaped their attention or to
which they had become so accustomed that they did not make any effort to
check them. There were always on the island rumors of corruption in this
or that department. Occasionally a fraudulent functionary was tried and
convicted, but the great majority of these dishonest officials escaped
without ever being brought to trial. The frequent change of governors
with the inevitable periods of interim administration gave unscrupulous
men ample opportunity to fill their pockets at the expense of the
government. Nor can it be doubted, that the governors sent over by the
Spanish court were invested with a farther reaching authority than was
advantageous for the colony. For they enjoyed not only a political power
almost absolute, but directed the economic affairs of the colony.
The governors of Cuba had in former times authority to handle the
revenues and in accord with the municipal councils were wont to elect
delegates to discharge these duties. In 1551 they had begun to exercise
these functions as ministers de capa y espada, which means literally of
cloak and sword. There were two of them for the island; they enjoyed
seat and vote in the town corporations and were considered royal
officials. They supervised the work of the Auditor and Treasurer and
together with the Governor were judges in cases of contraband. Later
there were appointed tenientes (lieutenants), one for each of the
following communities, Bayamo, Puerto Principe, Trinidad, Matanzas, San
Juan de los Remedios, Sancti Spiritus, and Guanabacoa, and two for
Santiago de Cuba. The new ministers of the Tribunal de Cuentes
(Exchequer) were provisionally endowed and the whole department hitherto
in charge of the royal officers was reorganized and managed under a new
system by the newly appointed Intendant. To him was probably due the new
classification of the revenue rates, which was as follows:
(1) Duties on imports and exports,
(2) of the fleet,
(3) of the armadilla,
(4) of the royal Fifths (i.e. a duty of 20% on prizes,
etc., paid to the Spanish government),
(5) the duty on anchoring,
(6) the duty on frucanga, i.e. beverages made of water
and molasses, which at a later time, when the use of wine,
beer, etc., became more general, went into oblivion.
These duties were from twenty-one to two and one half per cent.
according to the articles, the time and the place they came from. There
were also two per cent. duties on importations, on fruits of the country
brought to Havana in smaller vessels; on the gold and copper of the
mines of Jaguas, Holguin, etc., and there was also what was called the
extraordinario del Morro, which consisted in collecting four pesos for
each vessel sent to Spain and the American continent. The enforcement of
these custom regulations was entrusted to the Intendant referred to
above, who in October of the year 1764 was given the right to use a
special building for the offices of this department.
For the military reorganization of Havana had been appointed Marshal
Senor Conde D. Alexandre O'Reilly, who as Inspector-General devoted
himself to the organization of line troops and militia and was
materially assisted in his work by Aguiar. O'Reilly succeeded in getting
the veteran troops and militia of the island into good condition. By
studying the city, dividing it into districts, naming the
streets--simple requirements which according to Valdes had at that late
date not yet been established in Havana--O'Reilly learned that the city
alone could raise a battalion of disciplined militia of white men. After
organizing two such battalions in Havana and Guanabacoa, he realized
that this force was insufficient for the protection of the capital and
he raised two more battalions, composed of colored men. When on
examining the polls or registers of tax-payers he found that owing to
the poverty and also the ignorance of the majority of the people he
could not proceed with the draft system without including the married
and other classes, he decided to resort to conscription.
In 1764 there was created by royal decree a military and provincial
administration for Cuba in the manner of the peninsulas. D. Miguel de
Altavilla took charge of it in February, 1765. He established in Havana
an accountant's (auditor's) office, a treasury and custom-houses at
various points, subject to the department. This organization required
many employees, and increased the expenses of the administration. The
salaries of the officials amounted to one million two hundred thousand
pesos, while until the year 1761 they had been only four hundred and
fifty thousand pesos annually. As the Mexican assistant of the director
never arrived in time to help with the accounts, the Royal Hacienda, as
it was called, was not a sinecure. The revenues rose within a short time
to one million two hundred and fifty thousand pesos, but whether this
was due to the high duties or to the wise administration of the
Intendencia does not appear.
The tentative effort at establishing a mail service during a previous
administration was taken up in 1765, when the tax administrator D. José
de Armona established the internal and external mail service of the
island. It was found that every fortnight there was sent from Havana to
Santiago de Cuba the mail, touching at Villa-Clara, Sancti Spiritus,
Puerto Principe and Bayamo. According to royal decree of 1718 there
should have been sent annually to Spain eight avisos or ships of one
hundred tons, carrying letters from the Philippines and America, four of
them stopping for provisions and supplies at Havana. These avisos
(advice-boats, light vessels for carrying dispatches) sailed at the
beginning of January, the end of March, the middle of June, and the
first days of November. Most of the letters at that time were carried by
smugglers. Armona succeeded in establishing a weekly postal
communication between the towns mentioned above and also engaged
postillions to carry mail sacks of San Juan de los Remedies, Trinidad
and other towns not included in the other line. Every month except
September, _la Coruna_, a vessel with the mail of Cuba and Spanish
America, sailed from Havana for Spain. The work of Armona was
extraordinary in face of the great difficulties which he had to
overcome, both in regard to the lack of sufficient funds and to the lack
of efficient and reliable officials. When he retired from the department
the mail service of Cuba was neglected and even the line established
between Havana and other towns of the island reduced its operation to
one mail a month.
In the meantime the tragedy of the siege of Havana was being discussed
in Spain before the tribunal charged with the investigation of the
conduct of the men then at the head of the government in Havana and
supposed to be responsible for its defeat by the British. After many
months of tedious conferences, the Military Council, according to
Alcazar, condemned Ex-Governor Prado to degradation of rank and
banishment, Conde de Superanda and Tavares likewise, and the colonel of
engineers Ricaut to ten years' suspension from office. The Teniente-Rey
Soler, the colonels Caro and Arroyo and the artillery-commander Crel de
la Hoz escaped with severe admonitions. Thus was the curtain rung down
upon the epilogue to the tragedy of that siege.
After two years, during which he administered the affairs of the
government with great sagacity and introduced many valuable reforms,
Conde de Ricla asked permission to retire from his office and return to
Spain. The Court accepted his resignation and appointed as his successor
the Field Marshal D. Diego Manrique, who took charge of the government
on the thirtieth of June, 1765. But he was almost immediately taken sick
of yellow fever and died on the thirteenth of July, a few days after his
inauguration. The Municipio of Havana urgently requested Ricla to resume
the duties of governor, but he firmly refused and embarked for Spain.
There may have been reasons for his determination not to continue in
office, that are not mentioned by Valdes and Alcazar. For Blanchet
remarks that the Conde de Ricla, though a man of action and efficiency,
seems in the awarding of privileges and assignment of punishments not to
have conducted himself quite properly. Ricla is described as having been
a man of small stature, and grave but not unpleasant manner. He died in
1780 as minister of war in Spain.
There is a memorial to his services in carrying through the extensive
work on the fortifications of Havana in the chapel of Cabana, where on a
block is found this inscription:
"During the reign in Spain of His Catholic Majesty Senor D. Carlos III.
and the government in this island of the Count de Ricla, Grandee of
Spain and Lieutenant-General of the Royal Armies, was begun, in the year
1763, this fort of San Carlos, that of Atares in the Loma de Sota and
the rebuilding and enlargement of el Morro. The works of this fort were
continued and those of el Morro and Atares were finished during the
government of the Lieutenant-General of the Royal Army Senor Baylio D.
Antonio Maria Buccarelli, etc."
The provisional governorship of the Teniente de Rey, the King's
Lieutenant, D. Pascal Jiminez de Cisneros, lasted from the thirteenth of
July, 1765, to the nineteenth of March, 1766. He conscientiously
endeavored to continue to rule in the spirit of his predecessor and to
carry out the instructions given him by Ricla before he left for Spain.
Some disturbances took place during that time, caused by the
tobacco-planters and by the soldiers. The former began to object to
selling their entire harvest to the factory. The latter had become
dissatisfied on account of the irregularity with which they were paid.
The new governor appointed by the court of Madrid for Cuba was the Field
Marshal Senor Baylio D. Antonio Maria Buccarelli, a native of Sevilla.
He entered upon his office on the nineteenth of March, 1766, and was
evidently determined to continue and if possible improve upon the many
reforms and improvements that had been introduced by Ricla. Among them
were certain police regulations which tended to insure the safety of the
residents, as well as order and cleanliness on the streets. He also
resolved to abolish the abuses of the bar, by putting a stop to the
extortions practised by unscrupulous lawyers on ignorant clients. This
decidedly new departure from any precedent was outlined in a
proclamation of good government, which he published according to Valdes
on the seventh, according to Alcazar on the twelfth of April, 1766. In
this memorable address to the people, he announced that he would devote
two hours daily to giving hearing to complainants; at this hearing were
to be present attorneys and clerks to take down the depositions and
render advice, and the judgments there delivered were to be signed
without delay, except on holidays. By these verbal audiences he
succeeded in clearing up many cases before they went to the regular
courts, thus protecting the people against exploitation by the numerous
officials attached to the lower courts and avoiding expensive lawsuits.
This new reform in the judicial department of the island especially
benefited the slaves, whose rights he endeavored to protect and insure.
The extraordinary discretion with which he performed this function of
his office, preserving his dignity and affability in the most trying
situations, endeared him to the people.
The most difficult task before him, and one calling for unusual prudence
and tact, was the execution of the royal decree concerning the expulsion
of certain religious orders against whom drastic measures had been taken
in Europe. The movement began in Portugal in 1759, when the Jesuits were
expelled from that country. Two years later the society was dissolved
and its members banished from France. Then the opposition to them made
itself felt in Spain. King Carlos III. had always been their zealous
protector, but he suddenly turned against them after the curious
Sombrero-and-Manta revolution in Madrid in 1766. His favorite, the
Marquis Squilaci, a Neapolitan, had tried to inaugurate various reforms
in the city, among them the cleaning of the streets, which were in an
unspeakable state of filth, the regulation of the prices of food and the
installment of a lighting system. Simple and reasonable as were these
innovations, they met with furious opposition on the part of certain
classes of the people. This opposition was fanned into open revolt by
another ordinance which he issued. It was directed against the enormous
sombreros and voluminous mantas (cape cloaks) worn with preference by
individuals who could thus easily disguise themselves, hide their
identity and carry dangerous weapons which played a dismal part in the
numerous assassinations that had shocked the authorities. An organized
revolt against these measures took place in Madrid and led to
considerable bloodshed. The king was made to believe that the Jesuits
were the prime agents in that insurrection, and at midnight of the
seventeenth of February, 1767, Carlos III. signed a decree ordering
their immediate expulsion from Spain. In this decree, the execution of
which was entrusted to Count Aranda, the king gave as reason for this
step, the necessity to maintain among his subjects order, obedience,
quiet and justice. At the same time he ordered the temporal property of
the society of Jesuits in the dominions of Spain to be adjudged to the
treasury. The order was executed with a promptness and a quiet deserving
especial comment. On the same day were sent to all judges, governors,
regents and viceroys a secret message, accompanied by a circular letter
saying that the message containing royal instructions to be obeyed by
every one should not be opened before April 1. Those officials were
moreover warned not to communicate the contents of the message to any
one, and should the public by some chance obtain such knowledge, those
responsible were to be treated as though they had violated the secret
and were guilty of opposition to the Sovereign's orders. This measure
was so effectively executed that the padres of the order were taken by
surprise, and were speedily sent on their way out of the country without
the slightest disorder. On the day of this expulsion the king had
affixed a "pragmatica" on the doors of the palace and public buildings
in the principal streets, in which it was said among other things, that
the individual priests would be given seventy-two pesos annually for
their means of subsistence, and the lay brothers sixty-five, that their
pensions would be paid out of the property of the Society, and that it
was prohibited in the whole monarchy to receive any individual of the
Society in particular, or to admit them into any community, or any court
or tribunal, or to appeal in their behalf. It was also prohibited to
write or influence the minds of the people for or against this
pragmatica or to enter into any correspondence with the members of the
expelled order. This royal decree was carried into effect in all the
colonies of Spanish America, and in Cuba it was Buccarelli to whom
credit was due for the tact displayed in performing this extremely
difficult duty. The proceeds of the property of the Society, which
reverted to the state, were devoted by Buccarelli to the endowment of
three professorships at the university, two for law and one for
mathematics. The decision of the King met with no open opposition among
the residents, although the Jesuit College, since then called the
Seminario de San Carlos, and their church, actually the Cathedral, had
been a center of interest to the society of Havana, and the much
esteemed and beloved Senor D. Pedro Agostine Morell was reported to have
been responsible for the coming of the order to Havana. Senor Morell
died on the twenty-ninth of December, 1769, and was succeeded in his
diocese by D. José Echeverria.
Governor Buccarelli made strenuous efforts to abolish contraband trading
in the island. He tried also to promote coffee culture in Cuba, which
had so far yielded so little as to be not even sufficient for home
consumption. His Majesty granted an extension of customs for five years
at that time. A new step for the improvement of the maritime department
was taken in the year 1766, when the Apostadero was created a military
and naval station. To the administration of this office was appointed D.
Juan Antonio de la Colina, who during the siege of Havana in 1762 had
ordered the sinking of the three vessels for the purpose of closing to
the British the entry of the port. Colina was invested with the same
powers possessed in Spain by the Captain-General of the naval
department. In the shipyard of Havana there were built at this time
vessels of various sizes and purposes, among them the _Santissima
Trinidad_, a vessel of one hundred and twelve guns, and three smaller
but excellent ships. The _Santissima Trinidad_ was destined some years
later to be destroyed in the battle of Trafalgar.
Two great calamities caused much distress and loss of lives and property
during Buccarelli's administration. In July and August, 1766,
earthquakes destroyed a great portion of Santiago de Cuba. It was
estimated that more than one hundred persons perished. Among them was
the governor, Marquis de Casa-Cagigal, who was removed from the ruins of
his residence. The disaster called for such great funds for the
alleviation of the suffering and the hardships occasioned by this
catastrophe, that the Royal Treasury had to retard the payment of the
salaries to the officials of the island. The civilian population
contributed generously to the relief funds collected in the principal
towns of the island. Governor Buccarelli himself sent contributions to
two hundred presidarios and to two engineers that had been stricken in
the performance of their duties.
The losses and the sorrow caused by this calamity had barely been
repaired and mitigated, when another disaster called for sympathy and
active assistance on the part of those that were spared. This was the
tremendous hurricane which swept over Havana on the fifteenth of
October, 1768, and left the city a scene of desolation. The vessels in
the harbor were torn from their anchorage, and drifted into the sea
lashed into fury by the tempest; the trees in the orchards were
uprooted, the fields appeared as if they had been churned. Buildings
were carried away from their foundations and deposited in remote places.
It was difficult to estimate the damage done in the city and its
neighborhood. Again a call for relief was sounded and responded to
readily. To assist the sufferers a great sum came from the proceeds of
the Jesuit properties recently seized, which according to the valuation
of experts amounted to several million pesos.
Buccarelli was appointed Viceroy of Mexico, and retired on the fourth of
August, 1771. He had proved a worthy successor of the much esteemed
Count Ricla and left behind him an excellent reputation. It was said of
him that he had never once lacked that political prudence which should
ever guide the actions of an official in such a responsible position as
was the governorship of Cuba. He was praised for his cautious inquiries
into legal abuses and his judicious settlement of cases, some of which
had for forty years occupied the time of the courts and filled the
pockets of greedy attorneys. He was reported under the most exasperating
circumstances to have always conserved his affable disposition and to
have never lost his temper, however great may have been the provocation.
Upon the whole, he was looked upon as a man of rare nobility of
character and Cuba was loath to part with him. He was one of the few
governors that had never given cause for any complaint. This was
attested by the Minister of the Indies, then Baylio Knight Julian de
Arriaga, who wrote to him by order of His Majesty that not the slightest
complaint of his government had come to the court.
CHAPTER VIII
While Cuba was enjoying the peace and prosperity which had followed its
return to Spain, Louisiana, which by the Treaty of Paris had been ceded
to Spain by Louis XV. of France, to indemnify her for the Floridas and
the government of which was annexed to that of Cuba, was going through a
most harassing period of anxiety. For this agreement, which transferred
the French inhabitants of Louisiana to Spain, was a violation of that
human right which at this very time was beginning to dawn in the
awakening political consciousness of mankind, and was to be a source of
serious conflicts between the French of Louisiana and the authorities
that came to establish upon her soil the rule of the king of Spain.
Bancroft gives an interesting account of the events that occurred. He
writes in his "History of the United States" (Vol. IV, p. 122):
"The Treaty of Paris left two European powers sole sovereigns of the
continent of North America. Spain, accepting Louisiana without
hesitation, lost France as her bulwark, and assumed new expenses and
dangers, to keep the territory from England. Its inhabitants loved the
land of their ancestry; by every law of nature and human freedom, they
had the right to protest against the transfer of their allegiance."
The spirit which found ultimate expression in the formula: "no
government without the consent of the governed" had been awakened in the
people of the North American continent. As soon as the news reached
Louisiana, that the territory was to be transferred under the rule of
the Spanish king, the call for an assembly was issued and every parish
in the colony sent representatives to voice their protest and deliberate
upon measures preventing the execution of that transfer. Under the
leadership of Lafreniere the people unanimously decided to address a
petition to the king of France, entreating him not to abandon them to
foreign rule. The loyalty with which the colony had so far adhered to
the kings of the mother country seemed to call for redress of the wrong
which was about to be inflicted upon them.
The wealthiest merchant of New Orleans, Jean Milhet, went to Paris as
the spokesman of the colony. He met Bienville, the pioneer founder of
the city which enjoyed at that time the reputation of being an American
Paris, and the octogenarian lent his aid in an attempt to appeal to the
French minister, Choiseul. But Choiseul gave them no encouragement. His
answer was, briefly: "It cannot be; France cannot bear the charge of
supporting the colony's precarious existence." On the tenth of July,
1765, the Brigadier D. Antonio de Ulloa, who was appointed by Governor
Buccarelli of Cuba to take possession of the territory ceded to Spain,
sent a letter from Havana to the superior council of the colony at New
Orleans announcing that he had orders to take possession of that city
for the Catholic king. But the French authorities did not remove the
flag of France and Acadian exiles continued to pour into the colony from
the north. Ulloa finally sailed from Havana and on the fifth of March,
1766, he arrived in the bay.
The very elements of nature seem to have conspired to lend gloom to his
arrival. A terrible thunderstorm and violent downpour of rain was a
feature of the landing. He was accompanied by some civil officers, three
Capuchin monks and eighty soldiers. The people, resentful of being
forced to submit to foreign rule, received him coldly and sullenly. He
had brought with him orders to redeem the seven million livres of French
paper money which had been a heavy burden upon a population of not more
than six thousand souls. He saw at once that the population was
unwilling to give up its nationality and to change its allegiance from
France to Spain. He learned that the French garrison peremptorily
refused to serve under Spanish commanders. So he was forced to leave the
government, which he was supposed to administer with the aid of the
Spanish officials that he had brought with him, in the hands of the
former French functionaries.
When in September of that year an ordinance was introduced by Ulloa
forcing French vessels having special permits to accept the paper
currency in payment for their cargoes at an unreasonable tariff, the
merchants of the colony protested vigorously. They declared stoutly:
"The extension and freedom of trade, far from injuring states and
colonies, are their strength and support."
Reports circulating about the disorders caused by this conflict between
the French population and the Spanish authorities frightened the owners
of merchant vessels that had been in the habit of trading at the colony
and its commerce with them was for the time being almost suspended. The
ordinance was rescinded, and Ulloa retired from New Orleans to the
Balise. He had to be contented to establish Spanish rule at that spot
and opposite Natchez at the river Iberville. Perhaps a man of different
disposition would have been able to reconcile the colonists to the
foreign régime. But Ulloa did not possess the amiable qualities that
characterized the Governor of Cuba, Buccarelli. He had to learn, as did
Lord Albemarle during his brief administration of Havana, that it was
not an easy task to conquer the hearts of a people and win them over to
the rule of foreign authorities.
According to Bancroft this irritating state of things continued for more
than two years. He writes (p. 123):
"But the arbitrary and passionate conduct of Ulloa, the depreciation of
the currency with the prospect of its becoming an almost total loss, the
disputes respecting the expenses incurred since the cession of 1762, the
interruption of commerce, a captious ordinance which made a private
monopoly of the traffic with the Indians, uncertainty of jurisdiction
and allegiance, agitated the colony from one end to the other. It was
proposed to make of New Orleans a republic, like Amsterdam or Venice,
with a legislative body of forty men, and a single executive. The people
of the country parishes crowded in a mass into the city; joined those of
New Orleans; and formed a numerous assembly, in which Lafreniere, John
Milhet, Joseph Milhet, and the lawyer Doucet were conspicuous. 'Why,'
said they, 'should the two sovereigns form agreements which can have no
result but our misery, without advantage to either?' On the twenty-fifth
of October, they adopted an address to the superior council, written by
Lafreniere and Caresse, rehearsing their griefs; and in their petition
of rights, they claimed freedom of commerce with the ports of France and
America, and the expulsion of Ulloa from the colony."
This address was signed by upwards of five hundred persons and at the
meeting of the council on the very next day it was, contrary to the
warnings of Aubry, accepted. The excitement of the people, when they
heard this good news, was indescribable. The French colors appeared in
the public square and veteran pioneers of the colony, women and children
crowded around to kiss the cherished flag of the much beloved mother
country. Nine hundred men pressed around the flag pole when it was
about to be raised, eager to lend a hand in what was to them a sacred
function, and men, women and children began to cry: "Vive le roi de
France! Nul autre que lui pour nous!" This clamorous demonstration
manifested to Ulloa the will of the people; and when they proceeded to
elect their town officials, he abandoned the attempt of establishing
Spanish rule in Louisiana. He set sail for Havana, and through his
representatives sent the news of these events to Spain. That incident
was so significant of the spirit of the times that Du Chatelet wrote to
Choiseul:
"The success of the people of New Orleans in driving away the Spaniards
is a good example for the English colonies; may they set about following
it."
For at this very time the British colonies of America were entering upon
their struggle for deliverance from restrictions upon trade as
symbolized in the stamp act and the atmosphere upon the continent was
rife with revolution. While the statesmen of France and even some of
England were inclined to grant greater freedom of commerce, Spain still
lagged behind. She had been the champion of the protective system for
centuries, and though it had not added to her wealth, on the contrary,
had helped to impoverish her, she was unwilling to depart from the
time-honored policy. Grimaldi, the Spanish minister, thus set forth the
stand which Spain was to take in this question:
"Besides, the position and strength of the countries occupied by the
Americans excite a just alarm for the rich Spanish possessions on their
borders. Their interlopers have already introduced their grain and rice
into our colonies. If this should be legalized and extended to other
objects, it would increase the prosperity of a neighbor already too
formidable. Moreover, this neighbor, if it should separate from the
metropolis, would assume the republican form of government; and a
republic is a government dangerous from the wisdom, the consistency, and
the solidity of the measures which it would adopt for executing such
projects of conquests as it would naturally form."
This fear of a republic in Louisiana haunted the king of Spain and his
cabinet and after discussing the question of returning it to France, it
was almost unanimously agreed that Louisiana was needed "as a granary
for Havana and Puerto Rico, a precaution against French contraband trade
and a barrier to keep off the English encroachments." The Duke of Alva
said, in a spirit true to his namesake of two centuries before:
"The world, and especially America, must see that the king can and will
crush even an intention of disrespect."
Masones de Lima expressed himself briefly:
"If France should recover Louisiana, she would annex it to the English
colonies or would establish its independence."
Minister de Aranda began cautiously:
"A republic in Louisiana would be independent of the European powers,
who would all cultivate her friendship and support her existence. She
would increase her population, enlarge her limits, and grow into a rich,
flourishing and free state, contrasting with our exhausted provinces."
He continued in this vein, dwelling at length upon the consequences such
an example might bring in its wake, and advised to keep New Orleans in
such insignificance as to tempt no attack.
The deliberations in the French cabinet were of quite a different
nature. Du Chatelet, as quoted by Bancroft (p. 151), declared:
"Spain can never derive benefit from Louisiana. She neither will nor
can take effective measures for its colonization and culture. She has
not inhabitants enough to furnish emigrants; and the religious and
political principles of her government will always keep away foreigners,
and even Frenchmen. Under Spanish dominion, the vast extent of territory
ceded by France to Spain on the banks of the Mississippi will soon
become a desert.
"The expense of colonies is required only by commerce; and the commerce
of Louisiana, under the rigor of the Spanish prohibitive laws, will
every day become more and more a nullity. Spain then will make an
excellent bargain, if she accords liberty to the inhabitants of
Louisiana, and permits them to form themselves into a republic. Nothing
can so surely keep them from falling under English rule as making them
cherish the protection of Spain and the sweetness of independence."
But the king of Spain had no thought save that of upholding the Spanish
traditions, and, accepting the advice of the Duke de Alva, decided to
crush the rebellion of Louisiana. He chose as his instrument the Conde
Alexandre O'Reilly, who had gone to Cuba with de Ricla and had
reorganized the army and militia of the island. Buccarelli was informed
of the royal decision and assisted O'Reilly in fitting out an expedition
which was to enable him to enforce Spanish rule and eradicate all traces
of republican leanings in the French colony. The people of New Orleans
had in the meantime once more sent a petition to France in the attempt
to enlist the sympathy and aid of the mother country in their endeavor
to remain French citizens. They also sent an appeal to the British at
Pensacola but the governor was not inclined to offend any powers with
which his king was at peace. So great was the dread of the Louisianans
of being forced to bow to Spanish rule, that they spoke seriously of
burning New Orleans rather than giving it up to the hated foreign
authorities.
O'Reilly set sail from Havana with a squadron of twenty-four vessels,
with three thousand well-trained troops on board. He arrived at the
Balise at the end of July. For a time panic reigned in the city. Aubry
tried to quiet the people, and advised them to submit and trust in the
clemency of the king of Spain. A committee of three, Lafreniere, as
representative of the council, Marquis of the colonists, and Milhet of
the merchants, presented themselves at the Balise to pay their respects
to the Spanish general and to appeal to his mercy. O'Reilly entertained
them at dinner and they left assured of perfect amnesty. On the eighth
of August the Spanish squadron anchored before the city itself, and the
authorities took possession in the name of his Majesty, Carlos III. of
Spain. The Spanish colors replaced those of France and it seemed as if
with this ceremony and the installment of Spanish officials in the
different departments of the colony's government the mission of O'Reilly
was ended. But there was still the punishment to be meted out to the
rebels who had dared to defy the authority of the Spanish king and had
sworn unchanging allegiance to the sovereign of France. After having
received from Aubry, who seemed to play traitor to his compatriots, a
list of those who had taken part in the recent insurrection and had
prepared the foundation of a republic with a protector and an elective
council of forty, O'Reilly on the twenty-first of August invited to his
home the most prominent citizens and asked the representatives of the
people's council to pass, one by one, into his private apartment. In
their unsuspecting innocence, they accepted this invitation as a mark of
distinction, but they were sadly disillusioned, when O'Reilly entered
with Aubry and three Spanish officers, and arrested them in the name of
his Majesty the King of Spain.
According to Bancroft two months were spent in collecting evidence
against the men. The defense asserted that they could not be tried and
condemned by Spanish officials for acts done before the proper
establishment of Spanish rule in the colony. The citizens begged for
time to send a petition to the Spanish sovereign. But all attempts to
divert O'Reilly from his purpose summarily to punish the men who had
dared to defy Ulloa, as the representative of Spain, were futile. Twelve
of the richest men of the colony had to see their estates confiscated;
from the proceeds were paid the officers employed in the trial. Six
others were sentenced to various terms of imprisonment, from six years
to life. The five who had been most conspicuous in the revolt,
Lafreniere, Marquis, Milhet, Caresse and Noyau, were sentenced to death.
According to Bancroft they were shot in presence of the troops and the
people on the twenty-fifth of October, 1769. According to Spanish
historians they were hanged.
Whatever the fate of these French champions of the newly awakened desire
for liberty may have been, the effects of O'Reilly's cruelty were felt
far beyond the still ill defined boundaries of the colony. Though the
king of Spain was reported to have expressed his approval of O'Reilly's
summary procedure, even in Spain voices rose to condemn it. A pall
spread over Louisiana. Business life was for a time paralyzed. Commerce
came to an absolute standstill. In the country parishes of the colony,
the Spanish authority was accepted with sullen silence. Many of the
wealthy families, long identified with the history of the colony,
abandoned their homes and emigrated to other parts of the continent. The
government of the colony was reorganized on the pattern of all Spanish
colonies. The restrictions which were placed upon commerce robbed the
people of whatever initiative and enterprise they had possessed. A
period of stagnation set in, contrasting sharply with the activity and
the animation that had previously reigned in the city which claimed and
was reported by travelers of that time to have been fairly well started
on the road of becoming the Paris of America. It was an inauspicious
beginning for the Spanish régime in Louisiana. But the successor of
O'Reilly, D. Luis de Uznaga, made up for his predecessor's mistake by
showing so much discretion and exercising his authority with such
mildness, that he gradually succeeded in reconciling a part of the
population to the Spanish rule. Only the families of the victims that
had paid for their loyalty to France with their lives remained the
implacable enemies of Spain, as long as the colony remained under her
rule. Aubry, who immediately after the tragedy of the twenty-fifth of
October had set sail for France, suffered shipwreck on his voyage and
perished. The six men who had been committed to the dungeons of Havana
were, according to Bancroft, later set free by the aid of France.
This tragic prelude to the Spanish rule in Louisiana, little as it has
to do with Cuba, with which colony it was but loosely connected in an
administrative way, was the herald of a new epoch dawning upon the
horizon of the New World. The establishment of the little republic at
the mouth of the Mississippi had been frustrated. But the establishment
of the greater republic on the continent, under the protection of which
Cuba was to come some centuries later, was even at this time approaching
consummation.
CHAPTER IX
While the new Spanish possession annexed to Cuba by virtue of the Treaty
of Paris, Louisiana, was passing through that painful state of
transition which always follows the transfer of a nation belonging to a
certain race speaking a certain language and cherishing customs deeply
rooted in the national consciousness, to the rule of another nation, of
a different race, speaking a different language and practising widely
different customs, Cuba was enjoying a period of peace, prosperity and
progress. When Buccarelli was appointed Viceroy of Mexico, D. Pascal
Jiminez de Cisneros once more exercised superior authority as
provisional governor of the island. But in November, 1771, the newly
appointed governor arrived from Spain, the Captain-General D. Felipe
Fons de Viela, Marquis de la Torre. He was a valiant soldier who in the
wars of Spain with Italy and Portugal had distinguished himself by his
conduct and his ability, and had risen to his high rank at the cost of
his blood. He was a native of Zaragoza, a Knight of the military order
of Santiago and Alderman in perpetuity, or prefect-governor of his
native city. He came to Cuba with the reputation of an exceptionally
worthy official and in the five years of his administration not only
justified but far surpassed the hopes that his arrival awakened in the
population of the colony. He entered upon his duties on the eighteenth
of November, 1771.
Marquis de la Torre was without doubt one of the most efficient and
successful governors that Cuba ever had. Havana was at that time
growing in population and extent, and entering upon a new era in her
economic development, due largely to the foresight of King Carlos III.,
who had granted her an exemption from certain taxes. The city had,
however, suffered so much in previous times, first from the perpetual
unrest arising from the fear of invasion by pirates, then from the
siege, and lastly from the hurricane of 1768, that it needed a man,
clear of purpose and strong of will, to inaugurate the many innovations
which he introduced, in order to make the place worthy of being the
metropolis of Spain's richest island-possession in America. While Ricla
and Buccarelli, entering upon their governorships immediately after the
occupation of Havana by the British, had of necessity devoted most of
their energy towards insuring the safety of the place from a repetition
of the events of 1762, and had therefore been primarily concerned with
the fortifications and the military reorganization of the place, la
Torre was able to direct his attention to improvements, which made for a
higher standard of public health, and paved the way for a culture, which
in spite of the wealth of the population, was still only in its
beginnings. Coming as he did from the Spain of Carlos III., who during
his long peaceful reign did so much for the cultural progress of his
country by introducing measures of sanitation and other improvements
unknown to his predecessors, it was the ambition of la Torre to make
Havana worthy of comparison with the large cities of the mother country.
[Illustration: IN OLD HAVANA
Havana is at once one of the oldest and of the newest of the great
cities of the western world, and the architecture of its streets
exhibits samples of the work of five centuries. This scene, showing the
side wall of the great Cathedral, is typical of the older portions of
the city, with comparatively narrow streets and characteristic Spanish
houses.]
It seems almost unbelievable that Havana had up to this time lacked
proper pavements; that it had no public promenade, such as every
European city far inferior in size and population possessed, that the
streets were disfigured by unsightly and unsanitary out-houses and that
even the government buildings had been put up with little regard
for appearance, not to mention beauty. Moreover it is almost incredible
that a city, the population of which belonged to the race that had
produced some of the greatest dramatists of the world, Calderon and Lope
de la Vega, had after an existence of some centuries not yet erected a
playhouse, providing wholesome entertainment for her residents there to
enjoy the works of their master poets and be for the time of the
performance lifted above the purely material pursuits of their daily
life. This was the state in which la Torre found Havana and he
immediately set to work to study the city's most urgent needs and to
raise it as rapidly as possible to the high standard he intended to
apply.
The first task that claimed his attention was the improvement of the
streets. When the plan to have them paved was about to be realized it
was found that there was not a sufficient quantity of cobblestones
available for that purpose. So the contractors had to employ timber
soaked in tar, which had proved to be extremely durable, little affected
by atmospheric conditions, and offered only the one disadvantage of
making a very slippery surface in the rainy season. The next step
towards raising Havana out of its village state to urban cleanliness and
dignity was the abolition of the ugly and unsanitary out-houses, a
measure which seemed so radical and revolutionary to the conservative
elements of the population that it met with no little opposition. Then
la Torre deliberated upon plans for public promenades, and those of
Paula and Almadea Nueva were laid out, followed by the Mall in the
interior of the city and the Nueva Prado outside of the city walls.
Great was the delight of the residents, who slowly began to wake up to
the benefits and the pleasures to be derived by these attempts at
improvement and embellishment of their town. Among the ordinances
insuring the health, the beauty and the safety of the city, was one
prohibiting the roofing of houses with guano, which had long been the
source of dangerous conflagrations, aside from its unsanitary features
and its being an eyesore. Modest as these demands may seem to twentieth
century readers, la Torre had no little difficulty in carrying them
through. But thanks to his energy, perseverance and executive power the
streets of Havana with their neat pavements, and the public promenades
with their gravel walks not only improved the appearance of the city,
but stimulated the dormant esthetic sense of the inhabitants to an
appreciation of civic beauty.
The next step undertaken by la Torre for the improvement of Havana was
the erection of more suitable public buildings, especially one for the
governor himself and for the Ayuntamento, which, strange enough, was to
be under the same roof as the public jail. Under his order were rebuilt
seven of the old barracks for the soldiers and a new one was erected for
the veterans. A great number of bridges was built, that of the Santa Fe
passage over the Cojimar river, that of las Vegas on the road of Santa
Maria del Rosario; the bridge of Arroyo Hondo, under the leeside of that
town; the Enriquez and the Carrillo, and others. All these bridges had
shields of arms and inscriptions on their pillars and with their many
arches presented a beautiful sight. The harbor was thoroughly dredged
with the aid of twelve pontoons and barges manned by a crew of
presidarios (criminals condemned to hard labor) and slaves. The wharves
of Carpineti, Cabana and Marimilena were constructed. Finally there was
erected the first theatre, which was in its way as important an addition
to the cultural life of the city as had been the foundation of the
university some time before. For the wealthy and intellectually
ambitious part of the population had keenly felt the lack of dignified
entertainment and not a few individuals had made an annual pilgrimage to
Madrid to enjoy a season in drama and music and keep in touch with the
progress of the arts. The value of all the public edifices and
reconstruction was appraised by D. Simon de Ayala as amounting to two
hundred and fourteen thousand eight hundred seventy-three and one half
reals; in the light of more recent days a very small amount in
proportion to the number and the importance of the buildings
constructed.
Nor were the efforts of la Torre by any means limited to the improvement
of the capital. Trinidad, Santiago and Puerto Principe benefited largely
from the earnest desire for improvement that actuated Governor la Torre
to undertake these many works. He was instrumental in the founding of
the towns of Jaruco and of Nueva Filipina, which was later called Pinar
del Rio. He inspired new life into all the towns that he visited during
his administration and turned the colony into one of the richest and
most beautiful, by applying to its improvement the most advanced ideas
in civic management that were known in his time. From the census which
la Torre ordered to be taken it appears that there were on the island
three hundred and thirty-nine corrales or well defined farms, seven
thousand eight hundred and fourteen farms for horse-breeding, estancias
for cattle pasture and vegas for tobacco culture and four hundred and
seventy-eight sugar plantations. There were twenty-nine thousand five
hundred and eighty casas (buildings, private or public), ninety churches
and fifty-two parochial chapels. The population of the island numbered
one hundred and seventy-two thousand inhabitants; of which ninety-six
thousand four hundred and thirty were whites, forty-five thousand six
hundred and thirty-three slaves; that of Havana seventy-five thousand;
Santiago nineteen thousand; Bayamo twelve thousand; Santa Clara eight
thousand two hundred; Sancti Spiritus eight thousand, Guanabacoa seven
thousand nine hundred; Trinidad five thousand six hundred, Matanzas
three thousand two hundred and San Juan de los Remedios three thousand.
The reforms which la Torre inaugurated in the government itself were
also remarkable. In the proclamation published on the fourth of April,
1772, he repeated the ordinances issued by his predecessors to insure
order and quiet in the communities; but he added some important
innovations. He delivered the people from the exploitation they had
suffered at the hands of annually appointed visitadores de partido
(party judges), whose legal malpractices had been a source of great
grievance to the citizens, and he compelled the members of the inferior
courts of justice to reside in their respective districts. Commerce had
after its transient extension during the British dominion once more
begun to suffer from the restrictions imposed by the government of
Spain. But about the year 1771, it was revived, for the export duties on
sugar, honey, cane brandy, hides and wax were lowered and cotton could
be exported free of duty. In order to stimulate the wax industry, the
growth of which was remarkably rapid and added largely to the wealth of
the island, la Torre published in form of a decree measures for its
protection and promotion. Among them he prohibited the cutting of trees
on which there were hives. In the year 1770 there were exported to Vera
Cruz more than five arrobas of wax. At the end of the same year Cuba
exported to Spain and various points in America twelve thousand five
hundred and forty-six and in the following year twenty-one thousand one
hundred and eighty-seven arrobas. The Captain-General was authorized in
certain cases to import provisions from abroad. But contraband
prevailed and flourished as ever. Governor Torre engaged in an active
campaign against the smugglers and was the cause of their suffering
heavy losses; but he was unable to exterminate the evil. This was mainly
due to the arrogance and arbitrary attitude of Governor D. Antonio Ayanz
de Ureta, who favored the smugglers that carried on a lively trade in
the eastern part of the island with Jamaica and the foreign Antilles.
Much as General la Torre ingratiated himself with the citizens by his
gentle disposition as well as his sound judgment and impeccable honesty,
he was not to be spared disagreeable experiences with other officials.
One of these was with the commandant of the Apostadero or naval station,
D. Juan Bautista Bonel, to whom credit is due for having enriched the
shipyard by some magnificent structures. The dispute between them
concerned some civilians who were implicated in a case against
individuals belonging to the navy, and whom la Torre asked to be given
over to his jurisdiction. Another unpleasantness was caused by
conflicting orders given by la Torre and the commandant-general of the
army. The latter had opened the new gateway that ran as far as the
suburb of Jesus Maria in the neighborhood of the arsenal, and it was
said the governor ordered that of la Tenaza to be closed, because the
commandant opposed its running to that suburb and thus running through
the arsenal. But upon the complaints that were entered at Madrid by
Ureta as well as the other gentlemen, that caused these dissensions, his
Majesty always upheld the side of la Torre and dismissed the
accusations. Governor la Torre retired on the twelfth of June, 1776, and
died in Madrid as Lieutenant-General on the sixth of July, 1784. His
term of administration was the first during which the revenues exceeded
a million of pesos, which augured an era of prosperity for Cuba.
That Governor Torre left Havana a healthier and more beautiful city to
live in, than it had been before, is an achievement which gives his
administration a place of its own among those that were especially
concerned with the welfare of the population. Visitors to Cuba that had
marked the difference between the Havana of 1745 and that of 1762, would
have been even more impressed with the appearance of the city after
Torre had left upon it the seal of his improvements. The residents began
to take a pride in the capital of the island; a civic spirit arose and
began to weld the inhabitants more closely by the bond of interests,
which at last began to surpass those associated with their purely
material welfare. Visitors coming from the old centers of European
culture had formerly commented upon the absence in the colonies of
places where men and women could gather for social intercourse and
intelligent entertainment. The French visitor quoted in a previous
chapter, after his visit to Cuba and Santo Domingo, wrote rather
dejectedly:
"Life offers no attraction here for anybody who is not in commerce.
Dependent on one's self, there is no relaxation for anyone who has lived
in France and there played a certain rôle. One must not expect theaters,
nor cafés, nor public promenades, and still less societies. One does not
know how to spend the time and this is a real annoyance to a man of
leisure. The carnival, especially where there are French, offers the
only opportunity to banish in a degree the dryness of the entertainments
in these countries--and what entertainments! One would never dream of
seeking them, if one were not so far from Europe. The residents in
comfortable circumstances come to town, you play a game of cards in some
house, in others you drink abundantly, and in most you are bored. The
country has hardly more attraction for any one having no residence; but
besides the restraint which is banished there, you can at least enjoy a
morning and an evening walk; and if you are so lucky as to come across
some wealthy resident of the better class, you may in rare instances
find yourself in agreeable company. But there are parts of the country
where neighbors hardly visit one another once a year."
This is a true glimpse of life in the colonies before the British
occupation. Had the distinguished foreigner who made these observations
come to Cuba after the administration of la Torre, he would have found
the theatre and the promenades, and perhaps even the cafés he had
previously missed. For the prosperity which set in for the island after
King Carlos III. began to relax the unreasonable restrictions upon her
trade and navigation, brought with it to the wealthier classes that
leisure which calls for higher forms of social life and leads to the
appreciation of such entertainment as the arts of music and drama offer.
The theatre of Havana became the meeting place of Cuba's intellectuals
and the center from which began to radiate the modest beginnings of a
Cuban culture, which a century later was to produce poets that took
their place beside those of the mother country. With closer commercial
relations and increasing facilities of travel even the inhabitants of
the country living on their haciendas a beautiful domestic life, but one
making for a certain clannishness, gradually came out of their
isolation, and benefiting by the progress of their urban neighbors, were
stimulated to participate in enterprises which a few decades before they
would have spurned. The constantly growing intercourse with the Old
World, bringing them into touch with contemporary thought, was another
leaven that began to work in the minds of the Cubans, and to encourage
activities and interests held as being entirely without the range of a
people whose chief pursuits for some centuries had been agriculture.
Thus Cuba entered upon her first period of progress.
This was due in no little measure to the peace and prosperity of Spain
during the long reign of King Carlos III. For the overseas colonies of
the European powers were so closely associated with and dependent upon
the mother countries, that their healthy progress as a rule indicated
healthy political and economic conditions of the latter. If there was at
this time any unrest and anxiety at the courts and in the diplomatic
circles of Europe this was due to events that were happening in North
America and were beginning to shake the foundations of the old order. On
the nineteenth of April, 1775, there had been fired the first shot in
the struggle upon which the thirteen British colonies had entered in
order to secure their freedom from the unbearable restrictions which
Britain had imposed upon them. That shot sounded an alarm which was
heard all over the world and sent a thrill through millions of hearts.
The spirit that had dictated the works of the French encyclopedists and
had worked like a leaven of liberty in millions of minds, had become
incarnate in the British colonists and was clamoring for consummation of
its ultimate aims. Monarchs and ministers convened in solemn conferences
and deliberated seriously upon the possible effects of the action taken
by the rebels against British overrule.
Spain and France, sharing with Britain colonial possessions in America,
were profoundly disturbed. They had been allies in the recent war
against Britain, and they still depended upon each other for mutual
counsel and consolation. The king of France, Louis XVI., an autocrat if
ever there was, had an excellent minister of finance in Turgot, a man of
extraordinary foresight, of liberal judgment and of rare administrative
ability. After Vergennes, the minister of foreign affairs, who favored
the emancipation of America, had forwarded to the king a cautiously
worded report upon the situation, Turgot was asked to give his opinion,
and did so in a memorial which very succinctly stated the position of
both France and Spain, and contained the following significant passages:
"The yearly cost of colonies in peace, the enormous expenditures for
their defence in war, lead to the conclusion that it is more
advantageous for us to grant them entire independence, without waiting
for the moment when events will compel us to give them up. This view
would, not long since, have been scorned as a paradox, and rejected with
indignation. At present we may be the less revolted at it, and perhaps
it may not be without utility to prepare consolation for inevitable
events. Wise and happy will be that nation which shall first know how to
bend to the new circumstances, and consent to see in its colonies,
allies and not subjects. When the total separation of America shall have
healed the European nations of jealousy of commerce, there will exist
among men one great cause of war the less, and it is very difficult not
to desire an event which is to accomplish this good for the human race.
In our colonies we shall save many millions, and, if we acquire the
liberty of commerce and navigation with all the northern continent, we
shall be amply compensated.
"The position of Spain with regard to its American possessions will be
more embarassing. Unhappily she has less facility than any other power
to quit the route she has followed for two centuries, and conform to a
new order of things. Thus far she has directed her policy to
maintaining the multiplied prohibitions with which she has embarrassed
her commerce. She has made no preparations to substitute for empire over
her American provinces a fraternal connection founded on identity of
origin, language, and manners, without the opposition of interests; to
offer them liberty as a gift, instead of yielding it to force. Nothing
is more worthy of the wisdom of the king of Spain and his council, than
from this present time to fix their attention on the possibility of this
forced separation, and on the measures to be taken to prepare for it."
Alas! the warning of Turgot was not heeded by the government of Spain
and a whole century had to elapse and many lives had to be sacrificed
before the Spanish colonies in America were to gain their independence!
Both the French and the Spanish king were opposed to taking sides in the
war which Britain was waging with her colonies; but they were quite
ready secretly to help those colonies, knowing that their success meant
the weakening of British power! Bancroft reports in his "History of the
United States" (Vol. V., p. 321):
"After a year's hesitation and resistance, the king of France, early in
May, informed the king of Spain that he had resolved, under the name of
a commercial house, to advance a million of French livres, about two
hundred thousand dollars, towards the supply of the wants of the
Americans."
His example was followed by the king of Spain, who, a few weeks later,
without the knowledge of any of his advisers except Grimaldi, sent a
draft for a million livres more, as his contribution!
Such had been the effect of the first shot fired in the struggle for
American independence. When the news of the official declaration of this
independence on July fourth, 1776, reached Paris and Madrid, the worst
fears of the upholders of the old régime and the most exalted dreams of
the champions of the new political ideal were realized. But neither
France nor Spain dared openly to take sides against Britain, both having
ample reason to avoid being involved in new wars. As Turgot intimated in
his message, Spain was far more directly interested in the step taken by
the British colonies and the possible effects it might have upon her own
possessions. Hence France decided to do nothing without the agreement of
Spain. Again it is Bancroft who gives the clearest statement of the
economic position of Spain and her reasons for avoiding a break with
Britain. He writes in his "History of the United States" (Vol. V., p.
535):
"Equal to Great Britain in the number of her inhabitants, greatly
surpassing that island in the extent of her home territory and her
colonies, she did not love to confess or to perceive her inferiority in
wealth and power. Her colonies brought her no opulence, for their
commerce, which was soon to be extended to seven ports, then to twelve,
and then to nearly all, was still confined to Cadiz; the annual exports
to Spanish America had thus far fallen short of four millions of dollars
in value, and the imports were less than the exports. Campomanes was
urging through the press the abolition of restriction on trade; but for
the time the delusion of mercantile monopoly held the ministers fast
bound. The serious strife with Portugal had for its purpose the
occupation of both banks of the river La Plata, that so the mighty
stream might be sealed up against all the world but Cadiz. As a
necessary consequence, Spanish shipping received no development; and,
though the king constructed ships of the line and frigates, he could
have no efficient navy, for want of proper nurseries of seamen. The war
department was in the hands of an indolent chief, so that its business
devolved on O'Reilly, whose character is known to us from his career in
Louisiana, and whose arrogance and harshness were revolting to the
Spanish nation. The revenue of the kingdom fell short of twenty-one
millions of dollars, and there was a notorious want of probity in the
management of the finances. In such a state of its navy, army, and
treasury, how could it make war on England?"
Nobody realized these facts better than King Carlos III. His new
ministers, D. Jose Monino, Count de Florida Blanca, who had succeeded
Grimaldi, and Galvez, the minister for the Indies, agreed with the
sovereign; and when Arthur Lee, emissary of the new republic, appeared
in Europe and sought an audience with the authorities in Madrid, he was
detained at Burgos to confer with Grimaldi, who was then on his way to
his native Italy. Lee found little encouragement and satisfaction in
this interview; he was told that the Americans would find at New Orleans
three thousand barrels of powder and some store of clothing, and that
Spain would perhaps send them a cargo of goods from Bilbao, but he was
urged to hurry back to Paris. Florida Blanca, too, very decidedly
expressed his aversion to the new republic and was reported to have said
"that the independence of America would be the worst example to other
colonies, and would make the Americans in every respect the worst
neighbors that the Spanish colonies could have." Thus the constant fear
that the close proximity of an independent state might rouse the spirit
of independence in her own colonies, determined the policy of Spain
toward the War of American Independence.
Yet her colonies in America gave Spain little trouble at that time,
being contented with their lot and working out the problem of their
existence as well as their loyalty to Spanish institutions would
permit. Cuba, especially, was at that time absorbed in living up to the
high standards set her by the three excellent governors that had
followed the British domination: Ricla, Buccarelli and la Torre. Their
successor was the Field Marshal D. Diego José Navarro, a native of
Badajoz. He entered upon the duties of his administration on the twelfth
of July, 1777, at a time when the war being waged between Britain and
her American colonies had created an atmosphere of apprehension and once
more brought near the possibility of a conflict with the old enemy. The
repeated protests of her economic experts against her trade restrictions
had induced the government of Spain to issue the royal "Ordenanza para
el libre comercio con las colonias," a decree due to the constant
efforts of the Minister of the Indies, D. José de Galvez, whose
experience in the colonies had given his voice sufficient weight to
convince his Majesty of the urgent necessity of this reform. During two
and a half centuries Spain had traded with America only, through the
ports of Cadiz and Sevilla; this ordinance opened all the ports of the
peninsula to traffic with all those of Spanish America.
At the same time was ordered a reduction in the duties and the
permission of importing foreign goods, though they always had to be
carried in Spanish boats. These duties were henceforth three per cent.
on Spanish products, and seven per cent. on foreign products. When the
value of the goods was greater than their bulk, a duty was levied,
called estranjeria (foreign custom). As a result of this reform, the
revenues of Cuba which in 1764 had amounted to not more than three
hundred and sixteen thousand pesos, rose in the year 1777 to one million
twenty seven thousand two hundred and thirteen pesos. Contraband which
had been one of the worst evils that the Cuban authorities had to
contend with for two centuries, visibly declined and was soon limited to
articles of luxury. At the same time there was also ordered by royal
decree the unification of the coinage, and the macuquino, a coin with
the milled edges cut off, was replaced by one of silver with a corded
edge. All these reforms were received by the people with unbounded
enthusiasm. In all parts of the island the inhabitants spontaneously
gave vent to their joy in brilliant festivals and in a display of
oratory, which acclaimed the beginning of the new era for Cuba.
Like Buccarelli, Governor Navarro was much concerned with the legal
malpractice that had long existed in the courts. The bar was composed of
many men who with insidious cunning stirred up and prolonged innumerable
lawsuits. Their machinations not only violated the sense of justice, but
directly disgraced their profession and the judicial administration of
the island. So many families had been ruined by such legal procedures,
that Governor Navarro was determined to check the operations of these
sharks. He ordered that no one but a duly appointed notary should be
permitted to draft legal documents and perform judicial acts and he
reduced the number of these men to thirty-four for the whole island. He
also appointed an appraiser to adjust the costs of legal proceedings and
ordered that lawyers who had been convicted of malpractice should be
deprived of the right to plead. The Audiencia of Santo Domingo protested
against some of these decisions of Navarro, but he succeeded in
convincing the court of the justice of his acts.
CHAPTER X
In the mean time events in North America continued to agitate the
diplomatic world of Europe and to stir up trouble. As Great Britain had
begun to interfere with the commerce and navigation of France, the
relations between the two countries grew daily more strained. France had
come to an understanding with Spain, that by the beginning of the year
1778, the two powers would have to combine to make war on Britain, but
Carlos III., getting old and more and more conservative, did not want to
depart from his policy of neutrality and wanted to end his days in
peace. When on the thirteenth of March, the British secretary of state
received from the French ambassador a note, saying that France and the
United States of North America had signed a treaty of friendship and
commerce without any definite advantage to France, but that the king was
determined to protect the lawful commerce of his subjects, a state of
war was established between the two kingdoms. Efforts to change the
decision of Spain were repeated; the return of Florida to Spain was
offered with the consent of the United States. But Florida had by this
time lost all charm for the conservative court of Spain, so awed by the
fact that a republic was to be the neighbor of her American possessions
that it was bound not to do anything that might help the insurgents, and
sooner or later kindle the desire for independence in their own
colonies. Only the prospect of recovering Gibraltar might at that moment
have swayed the decision of Spain. But that seemed beyond reasonable
possibility.
The king was in an embarrassing position. The compact entered into by
the two countries when the Bourbons ascended the Spanish throne, a
certain respect for the senior branch of the family and the grudge which
he bore Britain, tempted him many a time to revise his decision. His
ministers, too, were by no means unanimous in approving Spain's
neutrality. While some held that to assist rebels in their fight upon
their mother country was morally wrong and politically imprudent,
others, impatient of the passive inactivity to which they were reduced,
modestly expressed their disapproval. One of them, Florida Blanca, more
ambitious for himself than for his country, eager at any moment to
embrace an opportunity of making a name for himself, continued to
negotiate with the statesmen of France and secretly hoped that somehow
he would have a hand in the return of Gibraltar to Spain. In this vague
hope he quietly worked to enlarge and improve both the army and the
fleet of his country; he collected a large number of battering cannon at
Seville, and the port of Cadiz soon held a greater number of well-built
vessels than it had seen since the golden age of Spanish maritime power.
Cunningly holding out the prospect of a final alliance against the
common enemy to France, while at the same time offering Britain to
become a mediator in the bloody conflict, he succeeded in delaying any
decisive action on the part of France. The French became irritable.
Finally the diplomats of the two powers came to an agreement and on the
twelfth of April, 1779, a treaty of alliance was signed.
The terms of this treaty were as follows: France was to invade Great
Britain or Ireland; if she succeeded in wresting from the British
Newfoundland, she pledged herself to share the fisheries exclusively
with Spain; she also pledged herself to secure for Spain the return of
Minorca, Pensacola and Mobile, the Bay of Honduras and the coast of
Campeche. Moreover, the two powers pledged themselves to continue the
war on Britain, until that country agreed to return Gibraltar to Spain.
From the United States Spain expected as reward of her services the
basin of the St. Lawrence and the lakes, the unrestricted navigation of
the Mississippi and all the territory lying between that river and the
Alleghany mountains. The United States were by this treaty to be free to
make peace with Britain, as soon as their independence was recognized,
but were not in any way expected to continue war until Gibraltar was
returned to Spain.
The Spanish colonies in America proved at this time that the distance
which separated them from the mother country, and the greater sense of
space and elbowroom which they enjoyed and in which several generations
of their people had been born, was beginning to differentiate the
Spanish Americans from their kinsmen in old Spain. Unable in the varying
aspects of rough pioneer life to preserve the old traditions and
conventions, the character of the people themselves had changed. They
were not to be bound by the numerous considerations that entered into
every step European nations took. They were not slow in taking action,
when there was cause and opportunity for such. The news of the alliance
between France and Spain against Britain was received in Cuba and
Louisiana with intense interest. Within a few days both colonies were
swayed by the desire to avenge wrongs formerly suffered at the hands of
the British, and with a remarkable promptness framed measures to this
effect. Governor Navarro immediately issued privateering patents to
Spanish ships and they as promptly set out on their quest and captured a
number of British vessels. The coasts of Cuba were closely watched for
the possible arrival of a hostile fleet, and the garrison of el Morro
was keenly on the alert.
In Louisiana the feeling against the British ripened into the plan of
reconquering Pensacola. D. Bernardo de Galvez, who had settled in that
colony in 1776, had in 1779 been elected Governor and invested with full
rights, proprietary and otherwise. The official council of the colony
was of the opinion that Louisiana should assume a passive defensive,
until advices and perhaps reenforcements were received from Havana. But
Galvez, enterprising and energetic in all his undertakings, and a
fighter whose valor had been tried before, was determined to attack the
British without delay. He collected a force of only seven hundred men,
according to Valdes, fourteen hundred according to Blanchet, among them
many veterans and militia men, and marched towards Fort Manchac. It was
a perilous and trying expedition through a country then little more than
a wilderness. But he arrived at his goal and surprised the garrison,
taking the British prisoners. Encouraged by this success, he left the
captured fort under guard of a part of his force and turned towards
Baton Rouge. There he found the enemy much stronger; the British under
command of Lieutenant-Colonel Dickson opposed his attacks so
strenuously, that his forces had to entrench themselves in anticipation
of a prolonged siege. But after nine days, on the twenty first of
September, Dickson surrendered and his garrison, too, were made
prisoners. Point Thompson and Point Smith, British establishments on the
eastern bank of the Mississippi, followed, and leaving General de Camp
in charge of the conquered territory, Galvez hurried to Cuba to secure
reenforcements for his attack on Mobile and Pensacola.
In Havana he found everything in readiness to engage in or furnish an
expedition against the British possessions. He had in the meantime been
raised to the rank of Field Marshal and everything seemed to favor his
plan. During the preparations there arrived in the port the squadron of
D. José Solano, consisting of eight thousand men under the command of
the Lieutenant-General D. Victorio Navia. Receiving a valuable addition
to his troops from Solano, Galvez prepared to embark with five
regiments, a small squadron of dragoons, two companies of artillery and
forty pieces of ordnance. The expedition was abundantly supplied with
ammunition and provisions. On the sixteenth of October, 1780, they set
sail with fifty transports, escorted by Solano, seven ships, five
frigates and three brigantines. But on the following day a terrible
hurricane surprised them out at sea, seriously damaging some of the
ships and dispersing the others. Galvez was obliged to return to the
sailing port without even knowing the fate of some of his vessels. A
number of them on escaping from the storm drifted towards Campeche,
others to the mouth of the Mississippi, still others to unknown ports
and one was known to have been wrecked.
News coming to Havana, that the forces at Mobile, which had in the
meantime been taken by General de Campo, were in need of food and
threatened with an attack by the British, a council of generals was held
and ordered two ships, capable of transporting five hundred men and
carry a sufficient amount of provisions, to be immediately prepared and
sent on their way. The convoy sailed on the sixth of December under the
command of the Captain of the frigate, D. José de Rada. On arriving at
the mouth of the Mobile, he did not dare to enter, having found some
variation in the channel, and sailed directly for the Balize of the
Mississippi. He left his cargo at the entrance and returned to Havana.
Two days later two British frigates penetrated the very Bay of Mobile
and the detachment of the village was reported to be attacked. D.
Bernardo de Galvez urged that, although the state of things did not
permit a repetition of the expedition that had sailed from Havana in
October, some troops be given him with which to reenforce the garrisons
of Louisiana and Mobile. There, as soon as a favorable opportunity
presented itself, he would pledge the inhabitants to a further effort
and attack Pensacola. The plan was approved by the council, thirteen
hundred and fifteen men were organized, including five companies of
grenadiers, five vessels were equipped as transports and the war-ship
_San Ramon_, under command of D. José Calvo, the frigate _Santa Clara_,
commanded by Captain D. Miguel Alderato, the _Santa Cecilia_, commanded
by Captain D. Miguel de Goicochoa, the tender _Caiman_, commanded by
Captain D. José Serrato, and the packet _San Gil_ under Captain D. José
Maria Chacon, were designated as escorts. The whole fleet was placed
under the command of D. Bernardo de Galvez, who now bore the title of
General.
A communication sent by the General of the Marine to D. José Calvo shows
in what esteem Galvez was held and how eager were the Spanish
authorities to help him with his attack on Pensacola:
"To the question contained in your paper of yesterday, that I manifest
to you the terms under which you must subordinate to and obey the orders
of the Field Marshal of the Royal armies, D. Bernardo de Galvez, I beg
to advise that your honor shall put in practice with all your well-known
and notorious diligence those that the expressed Don Bernardo shall give
your Honor relative to the conquest of Pensacola, without separating
yourself in other things from what the Royal Ordinances of the Armada
provide, endeavoring that the strictest discipline be observed in all
the ships under your orders as provided therein. May our Lord keep you
many years.
"JUAN BAUTISTA BONET,
"Sr. D. José Calvo.
"Havana, 6th of February, 1781."
Galvez embarked on the thirteenth of February, the troops followed on
the fourteenth and the convoy sailed on the twenty-eighth. The General
had previously sent Captain D. Emiliano Maxent in a schooner to New
Orleans with orders to the Commandant of Arms, so that the troops which
D. José Rada had left and those that had arrived there on account of the
October hurricane should set out to meet the convoy. He had ordered them
to be ready to sail at the first signal. On the first of March the
General sent D. Miguel de Herrera of the Regiment of Spain to Mobile by
schooner with letters for D. José Espeleta, directing him to proceed to
the east of Santa Rose island, fronting the port of Pensacola. He
advised him to march by land to form a union with the troops of his
command. Such were the extensive and well calculated preparations made
by the Spaniards for the recapture of Pensacola. After Galvez had
effected the junction of his troops with those of Mobile and New
Orleans, he proceeded towards the place which was well fortified and
garrisoned.
The progress of the blockade was at first very slow. Colonel Campbell,
who commanded the British, offered a stubborn resistance to the attacks
of the Spanish troops. But Galvez was equally persistent and undaunted
continued in his operations. Very much smaller in number than the
Spanish forces, the British seemed from the first to be doomed to
defeat. But the decisions of the siege hung a long time in the balance.
After a brave struggle against odds, the British began to relax in their
firing, while the Spaniards seemed ever to bring into the firing line
new batteries. Finally the powder magazine was blown up and demolished
some of the advance works, and on the ninth of May, 1781, the British
garrison surrendered with honors. The conquest of Pensacola decided the
fate of Florida, which returned to Spanish dominion. As a reward for his
valor the king promoted D. Galvez to the rank of Lieutenant-General and
gave him the title Conde de Galvez. The British garrison had to pledge
themselves not to serve during the war against Spain or her allies, but
were left free to do so against the United States.
During the administration of Governor Navarro, which was soon to come to
an end, there was one measure enacted, which anticipated our modern
prohibition. It was promulgated by means of a proclamation of the year
1780, which prohibited, except for medicinal uses, the sale of liquor.
So disastrous and wide-spread were the ravages caused by an immoderate
consumption of distilled spirits, brandy, wine, etc., in the population
of the island, and especially among the soldiers, that heavy fines were
imposed upon the offenders; the first offence was punished by a fine of
fifty pesos, the second by one of one hundred pesos and the third by
banishment and a fine. The fear that the British would invade Havana or
Puerto Rico caused a revival of all military activities and the building
of additions and improvements of the fortifications. In the year 1781
Governor Navarro, being old and sickly, resigned his office and retired
to Spain, where the king rewarded his services with the
Captain-Generalship of Estramadura.
CHAPTER XI
Washington's warning of entangling alliances comes to one's mind on
reading the curious results of the concerted action against Britain
decided upon by France and Spain in Europe, while the United States were
fighting the British in North America, and the Spanish colonies of Cuba
and Louisiana were attempting to wrest from them the Gulf coast. The
lure of Gibraltar had led to a state of blockade; but this was far from
satisfying to the insatiable ambition of the Spanish prime minister,
Florida Blanca, still bent upon making the world ring with the sonority
of his name. Ignoring all arguments to the contrary presented by the
French statesman Vergennes, and even by some of the Spanish authorities
familiar with the situation, he began to insist upon an immediate attack
on Britain and gradually persuaded the French allies. An expedition was
fitted out and in June, 1779, the fleet consisting of thirty-one French
ships of line and twenty Spanish warships sailed for the Channel.
It was the largest and best equipped force that had been seen on the
Atlantic in many years; for the Spanish shipbuilders had been busy
during the past years of unrest and threatening war clouds and had
turned out vessels far superior in construction to those of Britain. The
French were not over hopeful; even light-hearted Marie Antoinette was
conscious of the importance of the enterprise and the great risk it
involved; for she wrote in a private letter: "Everything depends on the
present moment. Our fleets being united, we have a great superiority.
They are in the Channel; and I cannot think without a shudder that,
from one moment to the next, our destiny will be decided." The French
staked their hope upon the reputation of the Spanish as fighters on sea.
Montmorin said: "I hope the Spanish marine will fight well; but I should
like it better if the British, frightened at their number, would retreat
to their own harbors without fighting." King Carlos alone was
optimistic; he imagined a rapid invasion, a prompt victory and the
humiliation of Britain, which he had so long wished for.
The unexpected was to happen for both French and Spaniards. The fleet
appeared at Plymouth on the sixteenth of August, but, without even an
attempt at attacking the town, for some unexplained reason was idle for
two whole days. Then a storm came up and drove it westward. When the
weather became more favorable, the vessels returned and the British
retired before them. There was no action to speak of; there was nothing
lost and nothing gained, and realizing the futility of the undertaking,
the chiefs decided to abandon it. The French returned to Brest, and the
Spanish to Cadiz. To the onlooking world the actions of the expedition
appeared nothing less than quixotic. The reasons for this
incomprehensible performance gradually became known; the expedition had
sailed under many chiefs, but it lacked the one chief, whose will and
word was to prevail and insure unity of purpose. Unable to agree upon
any one plan of action, they decided upon no action whatever. The
Spanish admiral, who had been fired with the spirit of Florida Blanca
and been eager to display the famous military prowess of his nation in a
big fight with the enemy, was so furious, that he vowed on his honor
after this experience rather to serve against France than Britain. Marie
Antoinette wrote to her mother: "The doing of nothing at all will have
cost us a great deal of money."
But while a legitimate engagement between the French and Spanish vessels
on the one and the British on the other side was for the time being
avoided, the three countries did not disdain to stoop to smaller means
to inflict damage upon the commerce and the navigation of one another.
Nor did they hesitate to attack the vessels of neutral countries, if
they suspected them of lending aid to the belligerent they were
opposing; and as this spirit began to spread, it led to a state of
anarchy upon the seas, which recalled the golden age of piracy. British
privateers and other vessels cruised about the ocean in quest of booty
and attacked and robbed indiscriminately whatever ships they suspected;
and very frequently this suspicion was only a pretext. Dutch commerce
and navigation especially suffered from these depredations, and as
French and Spanish vessels began to vie with the British in these
violations of neutrality, the council chambers of the European powers,
from Lisbon to Petrograd and from Naples to Christiania began to ring
with vociferous protests against these disgraceful conditions. When
Spain issued an order that all ships found by her vessels to be carrying
provisions and to be bound for Mediterranean ports, should be brought
into the harbor of Cadiz and their cargoes sold to the highest bidder,
even Britain was alarmed and indignant.
That was the moment which brought into prominence Sir George Rodney, the
British commander, whose naval exploits soon were to worry the Spanish
colonies, as did once those of British freebooters. Rodney sailed with
his squadron on the twenty-ninth of December, 1779, and by the eighth of
January had captured seven warships and fifteen merchantmen. At Cape St.
Vincent, where he arrived on the sixteenth, he destroyed a part of the
Spanish squadron under command of D. Languara. In the spring of the same
year he had several encounters with the French fleet, under command of
Admiral Guichen, with results so favorable for him that Britain soon
resounded with his praise. His progress had so far been almost
unobstructed, but in the summer it was temporarily checked, when the
Spanish squadron, commanded by D. Solano, joined that of the French.
However, the curious disparity of French and Spanish temperament once
more manifested itself in a manner which disastrously affected their
work. Unable to agree on important questions of action, their
cooperation threatened to come to naught. In the mean time an epidemic
of fever broke out in both fleets and D. Solano returned with his ships
to Havana, while Admiral Guichen sailed for France.
The new governor, who had succeeded Navarro in the administration of
Cuba, was Lieutenant-General D. Juan Manuel de Cagigal. Alcazar calls
his governorship a provisional one; Blanchet asserts that he received
his appointment in reward for the valuable services he had rendered
during the recent conquest of Pensacola, he having been the first to
enter through the breach which the Spanish had made in the
fortifications. Cagigal was a native of Cuba; he entered upon his office
on the twenty-ninth of May, 1781, and remained until December of the
same year. He contributed largely to the efficiency of the expedition
which was fitted out under the command of D. Solano, the General of the
Spanish fleet, consisting of twelve vessels with one thousand men on
board, and was to join the French fleet at Guarico. The object of the
expedition was to capture the island of Providence and eventually take
other island possessions of the British in the contiguous seas.
According to Alcazar, Providence was taken, but the defeat of the French
squadron by Rodney made the position of Cagigal critical and attention
had to be concentrated upon the defense of Havana.
According to Blanchet this joint expedition of the French and Spanish
forces, which had for its ultimate object the capture of Jamaica, had
elected for its chief D. José de Galvez, giving him for the duration of
the campaign authority over the Captain-General of Cuba and the
president of Santo Domingo. By order of Galvez, Cagigal had set out from
Havana in April, 1782, with forty-eight transports and two thousand men
to possess himself of the British island of Bahama, and in particular of
Providence. During his absence D. José Dahan exercised the authority of
the governor. Cagigal was not aware that a week before his sailing
Admiral Rodney had defeated the French squadron of Count de Grasse,
which he was to join in the attack on Jamaica. However, Providence was
taken and a sufficient garrison left there to make the conquest secure.
Blanchet indulges in some criticism of Cagigal that he had left Havana,
and taken all the troops with him at such a critical time. For when he
reached Matanzas after a heavy gale which had dispersed his ships, he
found the authorities no little alarmed since a British fleet had been
sighted.
Cagigal immediately hurried to the capital, fortified the approaches,
employing one thousand negroes in the work, and formed an intrenched
camp. He armed the militia, which was reenforced by many civilians,
eager to fight the enemy, and when on the fifth of August el Morro gave
notice of the presence of the British, everybody was prepared for the
defence. Sir George Rodney, now Admiral, had calculated upon taking
Havana by surprise. He brought with him a squadron composed of
twenty-six ships of the line, and carrying a large number of troops.
When he arrived and began to reconnoiter, he perceived the formidable
preparations that had been made for the defence of the place, and
deciding that it was imprudent to attack Havana by land, planned to
approach it from Jarico. In the meantime Cagigal had received
reenforcements which seemed to assure the safety of the capital. Daring
as was the gallant Britisher, he was not inclined to waste his material
in an enterprise so doubtful of success, and to the great relief of the
Cubans he sailed away.
In his administration Cagigal did not prove as efficient as in his
military operations. He was a born soldier. He had followed the military
profession in Portugal, Oran and at Gibraltar; he had participated in
the unfortunate expedition against Argel, had fought in Florida and had
been with D. Pedro Caballero at Buenos Aires. He disliked the atmosphere
of official bureaus and the complicated machinery of government. This
lack of interest in the indispensable functions of his office brought
him into serious trouble. He had counselors or asesores attend to
matters which did not immediately require his intervention, and as such
had employed the Venezuelan D. Francisco Miranda, who eventually became
prominent in the history of his own country. When Miranda returned from
a commission in Jamaica, he disembarked some contraband in Batabano. The
Intendente Urriza, who was informed of the matter, at once sent a
complaint to Cagigal, who, either from indifference or indolence, never
even stopped to examine the case, but simply resolved to suppress it. He
had, however, not taken into account the presence of the functionaries
of the royal Hacienda or Treasury, who communicated the incident to the
proper authorities in Spain. An urgent order for Cagigal's removal from
office was the result; and the Captain-General of Caracas, D. Luis de
Unzaga, was sent to take his place as governor of Cuba. Miranda fled.
Cagigal was sent to Guarico and later dispatched by D. José de Galvez to
Cadiz, where he was for four years a prisoner in Fort Santa Catalina.
During the proceedings against him it was found that he was in no way
implicated in the smuggling operation of Miranda. He was rehabilitated
during the reign of King Carlos IV. and in the war with the French
Republic had once more an opportunity to prove his military abilities.
He died as Captain General of Valencia.
The strong impulse towards progress which had been given to Cuba in that
period of peace when the administrations of Buccarelli and la Torre
devoted their main energies to internal improvements and to modest
attempts at laying the foundations of Cuban culture, had of course
subsided during the recent unrest and the predominance of military
interests. Nevertheless, there is evidence that the spark kindled a few
years before was not quite dead. A long-felt want had been the absence
of any periodical publication that would give the people of Cuba
information upon the current political events and also be a medium for
advertising purposes. According to some historians the first periodical
of this kind, the _Gazeta_, published under the direction of D. Diego de
la Barrera, made its appearance in the year 1780; others give as the
date of its foundation the year 1782.
Whatever the date of its publication may have been, the _Gazeta de la
Habana_ became a medium through which the people were kept informed of
the doings of the various administrative departments. The issue dated
April eleventh, 1783, contains some statistics concerning the silver
coins with milled edges cut away, which had been recently withdrawn from
circulation, which is of interest as it suggests the relative financial
rank of the different localities mentioned.
In the Treasury of the General Silver Reales
Administration: with milled edges Weight
cut away in ounces
Havana 311,625 23,340 10
Guanabacoa 2,808 151
Santa Maria del Rosario 21,870 1,117 12
Arroyo Arenas 7,049 380 14
Santa Clara 237,665 12,558
San Juan de Los Remedios 68,153 3,848
Trinidad 40,137 2,145
Sancti Spiritus 197,905 11,670 14
Puerto Principe 73,792 3,207
Bayamo 94,499 4,615 7
Holguin 31,013 1,701
Baracoa 6,396 1,465
-------- ------
1,092,940 66,231 5
The _Gazeta_ added to this report: "There have been collected from the
public over two million pesos (cut away), and in their exchange they
yielded a little over eighty thousand pesos fuertes (efficacious), and
although the loss is excessive as a whole it must be stated, that in
particular it was not very grave, the money being distributed in small
amounts among the public."
This was a critical period in the conflict which had gradually involved
the principal countries and was watched with apprehension by all the
sovereigns of Europe. Up to this date Florida Blanca, who, from a simple
lawyer in the provinces had risen to be prime minister of Spain, had not
attained the goal of his ambition and secured for Spain victories, the
glory of which should cast a halo about his name. On the contrary,
circumstances began so to complicate the task which he had imagined to
be comparatively easy, that he was puzzled and began to lose some of his
extraordinary self-assurance. Bancroft gives in his "History of the
United States" (Vol. VI. p. 441) a very interesting review of the
situation and of the relation of Spain to the Revolutionary War, which
was drawing towards its close. He says:
"The hatred of America as a self-existent state became every day more
intense in Spain from the desperate weakness of her authority in her
trans-atlantic possessions. Her rule was dreaded in them all; and, as
even her allies confessed, with good reason. The seeds of rebellion were
already sown in the vice-royalties of Buenes Ayres and Peru; and a union
of Creoles and Indians might prove at any moment fatal to metropolitan
dominion. French statesmen were of the opinion that England, by
emancipating South America, might indemnify itself for all loss from the
independence of a part of its own colonial empire; and they foresaw in
such a revolution the greatest benefit to the commerce of their own
country. Immense naval preparations had been made by the Bourbons for
the conquest of Jamaica; but now, from the fear of spreading the love of
change Florida Blanca suppressed every wish to acquire that nest of
hated contraband trade. When the French ambassador reported to him the
proposal of Vergennes to constitute its inhabitants an independent
republic, he seemed to hear the tocsin of insurrection sounding from the
La Plata to San Francisco, and from that time had nothing to propose for
the employment of the allied fleets in the West Indies. He was perplexed
beyond the power of extrication. One hope only remained. Minorca having
been wrested from the English, he concentrated all the force of Spain in
Europe on the one great object of recovering Gibraltar, and held France
to her promise not to make peace until that fortress should be given
up."
From that time began a series of secret manoeuvres in favor of a general
peace, and rumors of the signing of treaties that had then not even been
drafted, began to float across the ocean and agitate the colonies of
Spanish America. But naval operations in the waters of the West Indies
continued almost without cessation. The French fleet under de Grasse had
before its return to France restored to the Dutch St. Eustatius. It had
captured St. Christopher, Nevis and Montserrat. When in February, 1782,
Admiral Rodney appeared at Barbados with twelve new ships of line in
addition to his fleet, and was towards the end of the month joined by
the squadron under command of Hood at Antigua, it became necessary for
the French to look for a junction with the Spanish fleet. For this
purpose de Grasse left Port Royal to Martinique on the eighth of April
and hurriedly sailed for Hispaniola. After a small engagement at
Dominica, Admiral Rodney by a skillful ruse brought on a battle with the
French between Guadeloupe, Saintes and Marie Galante. The British had on
their side superiority in number and quality, having thirty six vessels,
all in good repair and manned by well-trained and disciplined sailors.
The French ships were better constructed, but inferior in number, and
their mariners were known to be less efficient and experienced. The
combat raged for eleven hours. Four of de Grasse's ships were captured,
one sunk. The British lost about one thousand men in killed and wounded,
the French about three times as many. This defeat of their ally tended
to depress the spirits of the Spanish people, both in the mother country
and the colonies, for they saw Britain once more exercising almost
undisputed authority over the seas.
By this time the belligerents were all becoming tired of the war and
were seriously hoping for peace. The situation in France had after this
new defeat become specially precarious. Her coffers had been depleted by
participating in a war in which she had nothing to gain. Hence her
statesmen were particularly anxious to end a conflict the ideal aim of
which had been attained by the recognition of the independence of the
United States from Britain. But she was bound by the alliance with
Spain; and Spain was inflexible in refusing to acknowledge that
independence and in insisting upon her demands, among them above all
others, in Europe, the return of Gibraltar, in America the territory
east of the Mississippi, including the right of navigation on that
river. Conferences between John Jay and Benjamin Franklin, the special
American emissaries, and the French minister Vergennes and his able
assistant Rayneval were constantly taking place. Couriers were speeding
back and forth between Paris and London. Rayneval attempted to bring the
subject of Gibraltar to the attention of the Earl of Shelburne, saying:
"Gibraltar is as dear to the king of Spain as his life," but he was told
that it was out of the question even to propose to the government to
cede it to Spain. He pleaded for Spain's claim of the Mississippi and
its eastern valley, and received an ambiguous reply, implying that
Britain might be induced to cede Jamaica. But the indirect offer was
ignored, just as had been that of Porto Rico some time before. The more
the negotiations progressed, the more did Spain, persisting in her
traditional conservatism, prove a stumbling block to peace. For as late
as September, 1782, in a meeting between Lafayette, Jay and Aranda, did
the latter, as representative of King Carlos III., refuse to
acknowledge the independence of the new republic.
In the mean time Spain was clamoring for action against Gibraltar, and
the French and Spanish fleets united in an attempt to reduce the fort
under the command of the Duke of Crillon. But three years of blockade,
with intervals of famine and privation, had not broken the spirit of the
British garrison. While the first question of the king of Spain on
awakening every morning was: "Is Gibraltar taken?" the British continued
to defend it with a stubbornness which threatened to prolong the
struggle interminably. Receiving constant supplies from the British
fleet under Lord Howe, General Eliot was able to hold his own and the
futility of this expedition soon became apparent. When the Spanish
batteries were blown up and General Eliot made his audacious sortie, the
hope of this victory had to be abandoned.
Spain at last realized the necessity of yielding to the inevitable. Her
debt had been increased by twenty millions sterling, her navy had been
almost annihilated and she had gained nothing but an island or two. King
Carlos III., who had so long withheld his recognition of the United
States and blocked the negotiations for peace, because the American
envoys justly demanded that recognition before they could deal with the
representatives of Spain, finally yielded to the pressure of the moment
and the preliminaries of peace were signed on the thirtieth of November,
1782. By the separate articles of this treaty, the claim of the United
States to all the country from the St. Croix to the southwestern
Mississippi, from the Lake of the Woods to the St. Mary's, was verified.
By a separate article the line of north boundary between West Florida
and the United States was defined, in case Great Britain at the
conclusion of the war should recover that province.
Thus was the republic, the consummation of which King Carlos III. had in
his loyalty to the old tradition of sovereignty so zealously tried to
prevent, established upon the very continent, which Columbus had
discovered, and to the greater part of which Spain had laid claim. If
the Spanish king and his cabinet were at all conscious of the analogy
presented by comparison of the commercial and other restrictions placed
upon both colonies by the kingdoms from which they had sprung, they had
reason to be filled with vague apprehensions at the rise of this new and
free power among the countries of the world. They could not help seeing
in the republic which by a long and tenacious fight had won her
independence from the mother country, a neighbor whose example offered a
dangerous precedent.
Perhaps it was with the intention of forestalling the development of
such events in Cuba, as had led to the Declaration of Independence by
the colonies to the north, that the Spanish King had some years before
begun to remove the restrictions which had for two centuries and more
hampered the growth of Cuban commerce and retarded her general
development. It was a proof of his own growth towards a more liberal
conception of the relations between a country and her colonies, that the
removal of these restrictions was effected within so short a time. He
opened the trade of Cuba and the other islands of his possessions in
America in 1765, and that of Louisiana in 1768 to eight Spanish ports
besides Cadiz; he gradually permitted direct trade from the Spanish
ports to his dependencies in South and Central America; and in 1782 even
allowed New Orleans and Pensacola to trade with French ports that had
Spanish consuls.
The breath of freedom which seemed to sweep across the world during
these last decades of the eighteenth century, might well have filled the
sovereigns of Europe with fear for their possessions and prerogatives.
Although Carlos III. was the most liberal monarch that Spain had had in
a long time, he still clung to a rigorous paternal regime in the
relations of the court to the colonies, the population of which began to
resent the rule of officials sent to them from Madrid, and rarely
concerned with their welfare. He had had more cause than other European
sovereigns to dread the consequences which the American Revolution might
bring in its wake. For an insurrection, headed by Tupac-Amaru, who
called himself an Inca, had broken out in Peru, and was directed against
the exactions of the corregidores; and though it was suppressed by the
year 1782, incipient revolt seemed everywhere to be ready to break out.
As Garcia Calderon says of that period in his book on Latin America:
"The revolution was not merely an economic pretext; it nourished
concrete social ambitions. An equalizing movement, it aimed at
destruction of privileges, of the arbitrary Spanish hierarchy, and
finally, when its levelling instinct was aroused and irritated, the
destruction of authority to the profit of anarchy. The Creoles, deprived
of all political function, revolted; in matters of economics they
condemned excessive taxation and monopoly; in matters of politics they
attacked slavery, the Inquisition, and moral tutelage. Charles III. had
recognized, in 1783, in spite of the counsels of his minister Aranda,
the independence of the United States, which were to serve his own
colonies as precedent, and he expelled the Jesuits from America, the
defense of the Indians against the oppression of Spanish governors. The
corruption of the courts, the sale of offices, and the tyranny of the
viceroys, all added to the causes of discontent, disturbance and
poverty."
The insurrection in Peru was but the tocsin sounding the alarm. It was
to be followed by a number of revolts that shook the very foundations of
Spain's colonial empire in America.
Cuba for some time to come remained untouched by the high tide of
insurrection. It enjoyed a period of peace, which promoted the welfare
of the people and insured their content. D. Luis de Unzaga, who entered
upon his office as governor of the island in December, 1783,
distinguished himself by his strenuous prosecution of officials, whose
honesty he had reason to doubt. One of these was the administrator of
the Factoria or tobacco factory, D. Manuel Garcia Barrieres, whose
disposal and trial he ordered. This factory, which monopolized the
tobacco crop of the island for the benefit of the royal government,
received a subvention from Spain which at this time was increased to
fifty thousand pesos annually. Unzaga also took steps to limit the
number of inexperienced and unscrupulous lawyers, against whom some of
his predecessors had already inaugurated a campaign, by refusing to
issue new diplomas to barristers, there being at that time two hundred
practicing in the island. A royal decree of the year 1784 was directed
towards the same evil, but lawyers still remained too numerous in
proportion to the population for in 1792 the island had one hundred and
six, and Havana seventy two. Governor Unzaga had also some trouble with
the governor of Santiago de Cuba, D. Nicolas Arredondo. D. Arredondo,
who is remembered in history of the island as the founder of the first
"Sociedad Patriotica," in which he had such fellow-members as D.
Francisco Lozo de la Torre, D. Pedro Valiente, and D. Francisco Grinan,
was accused of participating in contraband trade and was temporarily
deposed. Ultimately it was discovered that the real offenders were two
aldermen, the brothers Creaght. After a protracted trial the innocence
of Arredondo was established and he was reinstated in office.
The greater the natural wealth of a country, the more are its
inhabitants inclined to indulge in thoughtless or deliberate waste of
resources which would be carefully husbanded in country less favored by
nature. Cuba was wasteful of her forest wealth. The governors of the
island had so far paid little or no heed to the wanton destruction of
the forests by people who exploited them for their timber. In a
proclamation issued soon after he was inaugurated, Governor Unzaga made
a serious attempt at checking this criminal waste of the island's
wealth. He prohibited the use of cedar for building purposes; he
designated the land where the people could procure their supply of that
valuable wood, and ordered that for each log cut the arsenal should
receive two "knees." The state had for years looked with indifference
upon the devastation of the forests, and, conceding to private
individuals the absolute dominion over those that shaded favored
territory, wanted to monopolize them for the use of the Navy. Not only
the sugar refineries were using unreasonable quantities of that wood,
but especially the shipyard. This enterprise, which received an annual
subvention from the Spanish government of seven hundred thousand pesos,
and was more active than those of the mother country, because negro
labor was cheaper than white, used enormous quantities of cedar.
Thus the order of Governor Unzaga, while ultimately benefiting the
island, caused for the moment no little heated discussion and unpleasant
tension.
Among the foreigners of high rank that visited Cuba immediately after
peace had been signed was the son of George III., William of Lancaster,
who had served as midshipman in Rodney's squadron. According to Alcazar,
he was most graciously received, being sumptuously lodged by Governor
Unzaga, who in honor of his presence arranged many brilliant
festivities, in which the aristocracy of the island had opportunity to
show itself resplendent in all its wealth. So pleased seemed the prince
with his stay that he might have prolonged it, had not the admiral
reprimanded him, and insisting upon his immediate return on board,
threatened to leave without him. Knowing Rodney's severity, the prince
obeyed, although it must have been difficult for him to tear away from
that gay life. The visit cost the Cubans great sums of money, officials
and civilians having vied with one another in offering entertainment.
The mess at which the General of the Marine, D. Solano, had treated him,
is reported by Valdes to have cost four thousand pesos. A gold peso
being about the value of three dollars, it was a handsome sum to spend
on the son of the king who had been Spain's enemy in the war just
concluded.
One of the most serious mistakes which Spain had always made in the
administration of her American colonies was the appointment of men who
were mostly natives of the mother country and not as familiar with the
conditions and the needs of the territory they governed as those who had
been born in the colonies. The short period of some administrations also
greatly hindered a well-ordered systematic management of the different
departments of the government. Earlier periods of the history of Cuba
had such frequent changes of governorship; and the latter part of the
eighteenth century was to undergo the same experience. When Unzaga
retired on the eighth of February, 1785, he was succeeded by a man whose
previous career had given him a reputation which recommended him to the
Cubans; D. Bernardo Galvez, who had distinguished himself in the last
expedition against Pensacola, and as former governor of Louisiana was
thoroughly in touch with colonial life in Spanish America. Galvez was a
native of Malaga, Knight Commander of the order of Calatrava and endowed
with the title of Conde de Galvez. But the hopes of the island were much
disappointed when only two months later he was transferred to the
vice-regency of Mexico and was on the fifth of April temporarily
replaced by the King's Lieutenant-teniente de Rey, and Field Marshal D.
Bernardo Troncoso. He had been governor of Guatemala, and when he had
barely become acquainted with Cuban conditions, was appointed governor
of Vera Cruz. But during his brief administration he showed no little
initiative and firmness of purpose and among other things succeeded in
repressing the bakers' guild which had become very troublesome.
At this time the Spanish colonies of the continent, Louisiana and
Florida, became aware of the hostility with which they were regarded by
certain elements of the United States, that tried to foment disturbances
along their northern boundaries. In June of that year Troncoso received
news from Louisiana that a corps of two thousand three hundred Americans
were organizing in the state of Georgia for the purpose of taking the
fortifications of Natchez, which they alleged were on ground of their
demarcation. Troncoso accordingly dispatched from Havana a few pickets
of infantry and a company of dragoons, with the aid of which the
governor of Louisiana could mobilize a column of twelve hundred regular
troops to check the project.
With the inauguration of Brigadier D. José de Espoleto on the first of
December, 1785, a little more stability came into the government of the
island. One of the first official acts was the formation of the Regiment
of Cuba, in which he was ably assisted by the Inspector D. Domingo
Cabello. Espoleto entered upon the functions of his office in the spirit
of the Marques de la Torre, to whose wise administration Havana was
indebted for all the improvements and reforms that made her worthy of
being the metropolis of the Spanish West Indies. Espoleto continued the
work on the piers, hastened the completion of the buildings for the
government and the Intendencia, inaugurated a system of water supply and
street cleaning and established a public market for the convenience of
the producers in the outlying districts and the city dwellers relying
upon them for their supplies in dairy and garden products. He also
introduced some reforms in the police department of Havana. But what was
most important for that commonwealth was his settling upon it of a sum
which was to be devoted to the permanent lighting of the city.
In his administration Santiago de Cuba took a significant step towards
the more effective concentration of the literary activities of the
island. This was the foundation of the first Sociedad de Amigos, which
was approved of by the king and on the thirteenth of September, 1787,
received a royal grant. In his colonial administration Espoleto tried to
follow the example of Ricla and Buccarelli, ordering the publication of
the decrees which they had enacted and which in the course of time had
been forgotten, and did his best to enforce them. In this by no means
easy task he was backed by D. José Pablo Valiente, an oidor of the
Audiencia or judge of the Supreme Court, who had come to Havana in 1787
to start an inquiry into the disbursement of certain funds. By order of
the king he had to investigate how the enormous sums, which the
expeditions of the gallant Galvez had cost, had been invested; had to
examine the state of the royal revenues and suggest needed reforms,
watch the administration of justice and propose measures to raise the
standard of the bar. One of the high officials who had given a previous
administration trouble and was probably guilty of irregularities,
Urriza, was so resentful of this investigation of his office, which D.
Valiente was ordered to undertake, that he speedily resigned. He was
succeeded by D. Domingo Hernani.
Death reaped a rich harvest between 1786 and 1788, in removing men so
closely identified with the fate of the colonies and the mother country
that they were not soon to be adequately replaced. On the thirtieth of
November, 1786, D. Bernardo de Galvez died in Mexico, where he had
reigned as viceroy since he left Havana eleven months before. By his
rare executive talent and his extensive knowledge he had become one of
the most efficient colonial governors that Spanish America had known,
and to him was in a great measure due their progress and prosperity. A
few days later died in Madrid his uncle D. José de Galvez, the noted
minister of the Indies, whose name is also identified with colonial
reforms. But the greatest loss to the colonies and to Spain was the
death on the twenty-eighth of December, 1788, of King Carlos III. The
kind and prudent sovereign had in a reign of almost thirty years,
handicapped as he was by the Spanish tradition of absolutism, tried his
best to further the growth and the welfare of his country and its
dependencies, and inaugurated policies more liberal than any his
predecessors had followed. He had endeared himself to his people and was
sincerely mourned.
The accession of Carlos IV. to the throne of Spain was not calculated to
advance Spain and her colonies beyond the degree of development they had
attained during the long reign of his father. He was forty years of age
and by stature and physiognomy was singularly fitted to represent so
important a kingdom as Spain. But he was as unintelligent as ignorant,
and allowed himself to be guided by his wife, Maria Louise, princess of
Parma, who was as clever and scheming as he was dull and indolent. She
was an autocrat, who suffered nobody to share the reins with her, and
imperceptibly they slipped into her hands, until she was absolute
sovereign of the kingdom. Two years after the death of Carlos III.
Florida Blanca was forced to resign. Count Cabarrus, an ardent champion
of reform, and a man of considerable executive power, was arrested. D.
Gaspar Melchior de Jovellanos, one of the most profound thinkers and
noblest patriots that Spain could claim in the eighteenth century, was
removed from the important position he held in Madrid and exiled.
Campomanes, too, fell into "disgrace" in 1791. All these men,
distinguished for their character and their ability, were replaced by
some feeble creatures with no idea or will of their own, puppets in the
hands of the queen, who transformed the court of Madrid into a den of
corruption.
The policies pursued by Spain during this time culminated in so much
confusion that Florida Blanca was recalled in 1792 and set about to make
an attempt at restoring order in a thoroughly disorganized government.
But he was deposed the same year, having been unable to obtain the favor
of the queen. Aranda, who during the previous reign had been the
representative of progress, peace and the liberal ideas that came to
Spain from France, followed him with no better luck. For he too was
dismissed within a year and his place was taken by the queen's favorite,
Manuel Godoy, who some years later was to turn up in Cuba. Godoy was a
handsome young officer; she made him a grandee of the first class with
the title of Duke of Alcudia, and entrusted him with the ministry of
foreign affairs. The proud old aristocracy of Spain grumbled at the rise
of the upstart; but it succumbed to the spirit of servility which
pervaded the atmosphere of the court, and sought the favorite's favor.
Such was the condition of the country which was exercising a paternal
authority over Spanish America. It was not calculated to tighten the
bonds existing between the mother country and the colonies. As
transportation increased and news began to spread more rapidly and to
circulate more freely, the eyes of the colonists were opened to the
iniquities they suffered, and they began to question institutions and
laws which they had formerly unconditionally accepted. The glamor of the
period of conquistadores had long faded; the excitement of the age of
piracy was slowly being forgotten. Cuba, like all Latin America, had
entered upon that period, which President Poincaré in his preface to
Garcia Calderon's book on "Latin America" calls "the colonial phase with
its disappointments, its illusions, its abuses and errors; the
domination of an oppressive theocracy, of crushing monopolies; the
insolence of privileged castes, and the indignities of Peninsular
agents." It needed strong and noble men to guide her through the period
of unrest which even at that moment was culminating in the French
Revolution.
The immediate echoes of this Revolution were heard in 1791 in
Hispaniola, where at the very first risings of the people in France, the
slaves had revolted, killing their masters and burning their property.
It was only the prelude to the greater insurrection, which broke out
later and in which Cuba became involved. In the mean time, this island
had come under another interim governorship, and was drifting along on
the tide of progress in some directions, while in others it had come to
a standstill, if it had not retrograded. The provisional government of
D. Domingo Caballo which began on the twentieth of April, 1789, and
ended on the eighth of July, 1790, was not noteworthy for any important
measures, unless it be another attempt at restricting the number and the
activities of lawyers. The royal decree of the nineteenth of November,
1789, which prohibited the admission of any more professors of
jurisprudence, native or foreign, to the bar of the island, was modified
to read thus: "To the profession of lawyer, only those shall be admitted
who studied in the greater universities of their countries and had
practiced in some of their capitals, where there existed a superior
tribunal certifying that they had practiced six years at the superior
courts of Spain."
During Caballo's interim rule there occurred the ecclesiastical division
of the island. The archbishopric of Santo Domingo was divided into two
suffragan dioceses, both the bishopric of Santiago de Cuba which had
existed since 1518 and the new bishopric of Havana being subject to the
metropolitan mitre of Santo Domingo. To the bishopric of Santiago was
appointed D. Antonio Feliu, a man of great piety and gentle
disposition, who rapidly won the esteem of the community and the love of
his flock. That of Havana, which also comprised Louisiana and Florida,
was entrusted to D. Felipe José de Tres Palacios.
In spite of the apparent prosperity, the island was still suffering from
centuries of restriction which had paralyzed the initiative of its
population. Maria de las Mercedes (Jaruco), Countess de Merlin, says of
that period in her work, "La Havana" (Paris, 1844):
"Owing to the long tyranny which had weighed upon the island, Cuba
needed hands to cultivate her fields. The products were devoured by a
monopoly; territorial property did not exist; for the proprietor could
not even cut a tree in his woods without the permission of the royal
marine; the population was reduced to 170,370 souls; the sugar
production had become so inferior in quality, that no more than 50,000
barrels of sugar annually left the port of Havana; finally, the island
was involved in debts and Mexico was obliged to aid it in the necessary
expenses of the administration and agriculture."
The author, a niece of the Conde de Casa Montalvo, who was identified
with the great revival of civic spirit during the administration of
Governor Las Casas, also limns a rather discouraging picture of the
state of education in the island, saying that in the year 1792, Havana
had only one grammar school, of which the mulatto Melendez was the
teacher, and that up to the year 1793 girls were forbidden to learn to
read. So thoroughly familiar was the author with the political and
economic conditions of Cuba, and closely associated with the men, whose
energy, integrity and patriotic ambition ushered in that wonderful era
of progress, that the three volumes of her work, consisting of letters
to Chateaubriand, George Sand, Baron Rothschild, and others are full of
valuable information presented in a most fascinating manner.
[Illustration: DON LUIS DE LAS CASAS]
The historian Valdes is not far from right, when he calls the history of
Cuba, as compared with that of other countries, _nuestra pequena
historia_--our little history. But that little history contains more
than one great epoch and its biography more than one figure that stands
out with something like sovereign impressiveness from the many names
which it records. The administration of D. Luis de Las Casas is such an
epoch, and he is such a man. Born in the village of Sapuerta in Viscaya,
his was a picturesque career. He had embraced the military profession
and been on the battlefields of Villaflor and Almeida; in Portugal he
attracted the attention of Count O'Reilly, who took him on the
expedition to Louisiana, where he was sergeant-mayor of New Orleans. On
his return to Spain, he solicited permission to go to Russia and served
under the flag of Marshal Romanzow, distinguishing himself in the
campaign waged by the empress. Then he studied the science of government
in Paris; but as soon as Spain was once more engaged in war, he joined
the expedition of O'Reilly against Argel. His conduct at the capture of
Minorca earned for him the title of Field Marshal and Commandant-General
of Oran. He also took a gallant part in the unfortunate attempt to
recover Gibraltar. On being appointed to the governorship of Cuba, he
arrived in Havana the eighth of July, 1796, and on the following day
took charge of his office.
One of his first official measures was to have a new census taken, for
when the results of the one taken by la Torre were published, many
questioned the correctness of the figures. It was said, not without some
justice, that, if the population of the island in the year of the
British invasion, 1762, was one hundred and forty thousand, it should
have been more in 1775 than one hundred and seventy-one thousand six
hundred and twenty, since the number of negroes that had been added to
the population was in itself enormous, and there were also the
immigrants from Florida that had settled on the island. Profiting by the
criticism of his predecessor's work, Las Casas took great pains so to
systematize the work of the census takers, that their investigations
would be unexceptionally thorough and conclusive. When the result became
known two years later, the population of the island was found to be two
hundred and seventy-two thousand five hundred and one inhabitants.
In the second year of his administration, Governor Las Casas had an
opportunity to show his generosity and his executive ability when Cuba
was visited by another typical West Indian hurricane. It broke upon the
island on the twenty-first of June and lasted fully twenty-four hours.
The terrible windstorm was accompanied by a deluge of rain, which caused
the overflow of the Almendares and its tributaries, uprooted the trees
in orchards and nurseries, inundated plantations and damaged houses to
such an extent, that great numbers of residents in the districts of
Wajay, San Antonio, Managua and others were rendered homeless and
reduced to poverty. The governor not only effectively organized the work
of relief, but spent freely of his private funds to alleviate the
suffering of the people. He showed the same spirit a year later, when
Trinidad was visited by a conflagration which consumed property valued
at six hundred thousand pesos. The establishment of the Real Casa de
Beneficiencia was another work that proved his sincere concern for the
welfare of the people, and especially those unfortunates who were
dependent upon public charity. The founding of this asylum for destitute
orphans of both sexes, including a school, in which they were to be
taught a trade to make them self-supporting on reaching maturity, was
first proposed by him in a meeting of citizens on the twenty-second of
March, 1792. So warm and rousing was his appeal, that large
subscriptions to defray its expenses were immediately signed. A royal
patent of the fifteenth of December conferred upon the plan official
approval. There was connected with the asylum a hospital, and both were
temporarily organized and began their work in a provisional building,
until on the eighth of December they were transferred to the structure
erected for them.
Cuba's commerce, though still laboring under difficulties due to
unreasonable trade laws of Spain, was gradually becoming so extensive
that it needed some central organization to protect and promote its
interests. The citizens had so far let things take their course as they
might; lack of initiative was perhaps natural with a people under the
strict paternal supervision which Spain exercised over colonies.
Governor Las Casas roused their latent energies and induced them to
organize for mutual profit and for the general progress of the island's
commerce. For this purpose was established the Tribunal of Commerce or
Consulado, which was also to act as a court of justice for mercantile
litigants and bankrupts. The Consulado was founded on the sixth of
June, 1795, and within a short time settled more than three hundred and
twenty such cases.
But the most important step towards the internal reform and improvement
of the island was taken by Las Casas when on the second of January,
1793, he presided at the foundation of the "Real Sociedad Patriotica o
Economica," which later changed its name to Junta de Fomento, or Society
of Progress. Among his associates in this most significant enterprise
were the marquises de Casa Calvo, Casa Penalver and San Felipe, the
counts de Casa Bayona, Lagunillas, Buenavista, O'Farrel and Jaurequi,
distinguished citizens like Romany, Sequeira and Caballero, and that
greatest patriot among them all, Sr. D. Francisco Arango y Pareno, to
whom credit is due for the inception of this organization. The different
sections, into which this society was divided, devoted themselves to the
development of agriculture, stockbreeding, industry, commerce, science
and art, and were of inestimable service to the people. Reports of the
meeting held on the twenty-first of December, 1796, showed a clearness
and seriousness of purpose which commanded respect and augured well for
the future of the undertaking.
In those first four years of its existence it was the medium through
which were established some much needed improvements for the
facilitation of traffic. Within a few months after its foundation it
invested some of its funds in the highway of Horcon which cost about
thirty thousand seven hundred pesos. Then it built the Guadalupe road
and finished the principal pier of that place. To introduce indigo
culture on the island, it lent to the administration three thousand five
hundred pesos without interest. When the royal professor of botany, D.
Martin Sese, suggested to take with him a young native of Havana to
study that science in its application to agriculture, the society again
defrayed the expenses. There was hardly a work of public utility that
was not materially assisted by this corporation.
Its efforts at promoting the cultural progress of the population were no
less remarkable. A number of its members united in editing the _Papel
Periodico_, which was published every Thursday and Sunday at a cost of
fourteen reales per month and was of the size of a half sheet of Spanish
paper. As the work of the society expanded, it gave to the press its
"Memorias," a collection of original writing and translations by the
members, covering a variety of subjects, among them contributions to
Cuban history which contain valuable data. Some forty years after its
foundation, it published at its expense the history of D. José Martin
Felix de Arrate, which is one of the earliest works on the history of
Cuba. But even more important were the constant and vigorous efforts of
the Society to reform and improve public education. It founded many
establishments of free instruction and offered special inducements to
teachers, who could show a certain number of children with a more solid
knowledge of grammar and the four fundamental principles of arithmetic
than the schools had so far produced. The university, too, was
encouraged in its work; the textbooks were improved and the curriculum
was enlarged so as to include courses in geography, physics, history and
Spanish literature.
The first director of the Society was Sr. D. Luis Penalver, bishop of
New Orleans, and later archbishop of Guatemala, a man who was closely
identified with the work of the Casa de la Benficiencia and other
institutions. But, although all members were men distinguished for their
gifts and their achievements, the soul and moving spirit was D.
Francisco Arango, of whom we shall hear much more in our later
narrative.
A worthy fellow-worker of Arango was D. José Pablo Valiente, who as
Intendente organized the Royal Exchequer, and with no little risk to
himself, permitted and encouraged commerce with neutral and friendly
nations, regardless of still existing restrictions. He assisted in the
establishment of the Consulado and the Sociedad Economica, made a gift
of seven thousand pesos to the Casa de Beneficencia, encouraged the
progress of public instruction and in many lawsuits brought before the
Consulado played the role of a noble conciliator. With such men as these
to assist him, the administration of Las Casas was soon regarded as the
most glorious in the history of the island. For though Havana was the
principal scene of the activities of these men, Las Casas did not fail
to extend the blessing of his reforms and improvements to other
communities. The towns of Santa Maria del Rosario, Santiago de las Vegas
and others soon showed considerable growth; in the districts of
Guanajey, Alquiza, Quivican, Managua and others, the territory under
cultivation was steadily expanding; the village of Casa Blanca and the
town of Manzanillo were founded, and the port of Nuevitas essentially
improved. An excellent cooperator of Governor Las Casas was D. Juan
Bautista Valiente, governor of Santiago de Cuba, who protected
agriculture, founded primary and Latin schools, introduced a system of
lighting in his city, started to pave its streets, and invested his
savings in an edifice, which served to house the Ayuntamiento, the
governor's and other offices and also contained the jail.
The first revolution in Santo Domingo in 1791 had warned Las Casas and
brought home to the administration of Cuba the necessity of looking once
more after the defences of the island. He was aided in this task by the
chief of the navy yard, D. Juan Araoz, who hastened the work of naval
constructions, and in a short time turned out six war vessels, four
frigates and a number of boats of lesser tonnage. They proved of great
usefulness in the operations against Santo Domingo and Guarico during
the second uprising when in order to protect Spanish interests and
inhabitants there were sent from Havana the regiment bearing the name of
the city and from Cuba a piquet of artillery. That revolt is so closely
associated with the problem of slavery, which had become the cause of
grave apprehension to the government that it will be referred to in the
following chapter. The massacre of French and other colonists in that
unfortunate island brought a multitude of refugees to Cuba and
materially increased its population.
An event in the last year of the administration of Las Casas gave rise
to festivities of a memorable character. When the war between Spain and
the French Republic broke out, General D. Gabriel Aristizabal, who
operated in Hayti, did not want the ashes of Columbus to be lost during
the ensuing disturbances. It seemed more appropriate, too, that they
should not remain in the place where he had been slandered and
persecuted and where the villain Bobadilla had put him in fetters, but
in the island that had always smiled upon him. On the fifteenth of
January, 1796, there entered into the port of Havana the warship _San
Lorenzo_, carrying the casket. It was received by Governor Las Casas and
General Araoz, the bishops Penalver and Tres Palacios, and between two
lines of soldiers was carried to the cathedral, where it was deposited
in a humble niche. Though the first city of the island did not then
raise a monument to Columbus it was done by a much smaller town,
Cardenas, which for this act alone deserves to be mentioned.
The inscription upon the stone, under which the remains of Columbus
found rest, reads:
D. O. M.
Clares Heros. Ligustin.
CHRISTOPHORUS COLUMBUS
A Se, Rei Nautic. Scient. Insign.
Niv. Orb. Detect.
Araque Castell. Et Legin. Regib. Subject.
Vallice. Occub.
XIII Kal. Jun. A.M. DVI
Cartusianor. Hispal. Cadav. Custod. Tradit.
Transfer. Nam. Ipse Praescrips.
IN HISPANIOLAE METROP. ECC.
Hinc Pace Sancit. Galliae Reipub. Cess
In Hanc V. Mar. Concept. Imm. Cath. Ossa Trans.
Maxim. Om. Frequent. Sepult. Mand.
XIV. Kal. Feb. A. Md. C. C. X. C. V. I.
HAVAN. CIVIT
Tant. Vir. Meritor. In Se Non Immen.
Pretros. Exux. In Optat Diem Tuitur.
Hocce Monum. Erex.
Praesul. Ill. D. D. Philippo Iph Trespalacios
Civic AC Militar. Rei. Gen. Praef. Exme
D.D. LUDOVICO DE LAS CASAS
When the administration of Las Casas came to an end, the municipality of
Havana called a testimonial meeting for the sixteenth of December, 1796,
which gave proof of the high esteem in which the extraordinary man was
held by the people. Four years after his retirement, on the nineteenth
of November, 1800, he died of poison. He had not escaped criticism by
those who saw in his enforcement of forgotten laws and in many of his
new ordinances the manifestation of an arbitrary spirit; but it was
universally conceded that during his government Cuba reached a
high-water mark in her development. Though the corruption and
degradation of the court at Madrid had a baneful influence upon the
Spanish colonies, the island which had enjoyed the blessings of his rule
and caught a breath of the spirit of such men as Arango and Montalvo
could never again be contented unquestioningly to accept the dictates of
that court. The flood of new liberal ideas which, coming from France,
swept over the whole world, could not be turned back at el Morro. They
found their way into the hearts and the minds of the people and slowly
but surely taught them to see where their ultimate salvation lay.
CHAPTER XII
The French Revolution set the pace for the world's movements in the last
decade of the eighteenth century and spread the seeds of many more in
the century to come. Pamphlets, books and proclamations coming to Spain
from France opened the eyes of the people to evils, which in their
loyalty to the throne and to the traditions of the country they had
never dared to perceive. The corruption of her court, the ruin of her
finances, the incompetency of her statesmen and her generals were
revealed to the population and stirred sullen resentment. Demoralization
seemed to have set in and threatened to dismember the once all-powerful
kingdom. To the profligate Godoy was in a great measure attributed the
degradation of the country and an atmosphere of conspiracy pervaded even
the royal palace, from which patriotic plotters, resentful of Spain's
humiliation, hoped soon to chase the favorite of the queen, who with
supreme unconcern continued to fill his pockets from the royal treasury
and to live in his wonted extravagance and dissipation. The forces of
the French Republic had occupied the frontier forts and seemed to find
little or no resistance. The fate of the royal Bourbons of France struck
terror in the souls of the royal Bourbons of Spain, and the flight of
the king and his family from Madrid was daily expected.
Even to the overseas possessions of France and Spain had the influence
of the liberating movement extended and awakened the indolent and
indifferent creoles to the realization of wrongs they had suffered at
the hands of their mother countries. Moreover, the gospel of Liberty,
Equality and Fraternity had reached the ears of those who had for
centuries silently borne oppression and had been made to believe that
serfdom was to be their fate forever. Already in 1791 the news of the
outbreak of the Revolution had been acclaimed by the slaves in Santo
Domingo and followed by revolt and violence against the life and the
property of their masters. When in 1794 the Convention declared the
abolition of slavery in the colonies of the Republic, the floodgates of
insurrection were opened. For Old Hispaniola, divided between two
foreign powers, populated by races antagonistic to one another, was a
fertile soil for any revolutionary propaganda. As early as 1762 there
were three negroes to one Frenchman in the northern part of the island;
and these negroes whom a Jesuit priest of the time declared to be fit
only for slavery, hated all other races and castes: the whites, the free
negroes and the mulattoes.
But even among this ignorant and superstitious race there were
individuals that rose far above the average in intelligence and had by
association with the more advanced and privileged castes and races
acquired certain achievements. They were men who had done some thinking
of their own and perhaps by their relation of servant to master learned
to know the faults and weaknesses of the latter far better than they
knew their own. When these men caught the ring of the magic three words,
a world of possibilities opened before them, and they embraced the
message they conveyed with the eagerness of people desperate from and
resentful of iniquities, real and imaginary. Their brains were afire
with hatred and revenge and it needed only a great leader to organize
this powerful army of malcontents into a horde of fiends. That leader
came to them in the person of the ex-coachman, Toussaint L'Ouverture, a
man of exceptional gifts and abilities, who with the one-track mind of
the idealist-fanatic had but one aim and pursued but one goal: the
liberation of his race.
The war between the French republic and Spain had naturally called forth
hostilities between the two parts of the island inhabited on one side by
French, on the other by Spaniards. The negro insurgents saw their
opportunity and did not let it go by without exploiting it for their
purposes. The unfortunate jealousies between the President and
Captain-General of Santo Domingo and the General of the Navy,
Aristizabel, who had captured Bayaja, had weakened the Spanish forces,
and when they attempted to take Guarico, they had to retire at Yazique
before a force of five hundred undisciplined negroes. This encouraged
the negro commanders and in quick succession they captured San Rafael
and Las Caobas, and had the satisfaction to see San Miguel, Bonica and
Incha evacuated before they even reached these places. Bayaja was
strongly fortified and garrisoned; but the climate of that place being
very unhealthy, the Spanish troops were decimated by sickness, until
they numbered only about four hundred men. The negro general Juan
Francisco on the other hand could increase his troops at will. In order
to enforce the Spanish it was proposed to send them a regiment of white
Frenchmen. Seven legions of these men arrived at Bayaja on the morning
of the seventh of July, 1794. But Juan Francisco surprised the place
half an hour before, and placing artillery in the principal streets and
squares, informed the commandant that all white Frenchmen were to leave
Bayaja before three o'clock that afternoon. When the commandant
remonstrated saying that the time was too short to provide barges for
their transportation, the negro leader left the government house and
gave the signal for the massacre of all Frenchmen in the place. The
terrible slaughter lasted until far into the afternoon, when the
governor and the venerable priest of the place so urgently implored the
negro troops to have mercy, that they moderated their savage rage.
While this wholesale murder, which cost the lives of seven hundred and
forty-two Frenchmen, not counting those who were drowned in flight, was
going on in the streets, military conferences were held at which, after
some irresolute wrangling, it was decided to withdraw to Fuerte Dolfin,
about five hundred varas (rods) distant from Bayaja, in order to save
the garrison from being at the mercy of a negro mob, intoxicated with
the victory won over their adversaries. They succeeded in holding Fuerte
Dolfin, until Bayaja itself was evacuated by Juan Francisco on the
thirteenth of July. The loss of the Spanish troops, including deserters
and those that died from privations, was about three thousand men. The
national treasury suffered during the revolt a defalcation of some fifty
thousand pesos. The negroes were at first charged with the embezzlement
of that sum, but there were rumors to the contrary, which in view of the
only too well-known turpitude of many colonial officials, were quite
plausible.
The peace concluded between Spain and the French republic at Basilea
(Basle) on the twenty-second of July, 1795, and published in Madrid on
the sixth of November, terminated Spanish rule on the island, Spain
ceding her part of Santo Domingo to the French Republic. The people of
Spain welcomed this peace, as they would have hailed any other. To the
part played in the negotiations by Manuel Godoy was due his title
"Prince of Peace." In the elation of the moment the court even
remembered Aranda, Florida Blanca, Cabarrus and Jovellanos, the able
statesmen and faithful patriots who had been imprisoned or exiled, and
granted them full amnesty. Yet this treaty of Basilea was the official
admission of the decline of Spain's power. It heralded the gradual
disintegration of her colonial possessions, where, as some authorities
assert, British intrigue sowed the seeds of discord and discontent. When
two years later, in February, 1797, the Spanish fleet, although superior
in vessels and artillery, was defeated by the British in the battle of
Cape St. Vincent off the south point of Portugal, the ruin of the
kingdom was complete. The total income between 1793 and 1796 was
twenty-four hundred and forty-five millions of reals; the total
expenses, thirty-seven hundred and fourteen millions; the debt amounted
to more than twelve hundred millions. The annual deficit was eight
hundred millions. The paper money in circulation amounted to nineteen
hundred and eighty millions. Such was the financial status of the royal
bankrupt.
If the peace of Basilea had temporarily brought satisfaction and
lightened the burden of anxiety, the defeat at Cape St. Vincent sufficed
once more to cloud the horizon. The capture of Rome by the French in
1798 and the proclamation of a republic in place of the papal
sovereignty, plunged Spain into a state of panic. Cabinet ministers
succeeded one another with bewildering rapidity. Even Jovellanos, who
had been recalled to restore order in the disorganized department of
justice, was unable to cope with the chaotic situation. Enormous sums
were being continually wasted. Of eighteen hundred and thirty-three
millions spent in 1799, the royal court alone had used one hundred and
five, the department of war nine hundred and thirty-five, finance four
hundred and twenty-eight, foreign affairs forty-six, and the department
of justice only seven! Every branch of the administration was filled
with the minions of Godoy, who was now related to the royal house,
having espoused the daughter of the Infante Don Luis. His annual
revenues amounted to one million reals. The elements themselves seemed
to be in conspiracy against what had once been the greatest power in
Europe. The failure of crops, famine, epidemics and earthquakes filled
the minds of the superstitious with vague terrors.
Cuba was at that time too much engrossed in the attempt to continue on
the path of progress to be seriously affected by the fate of Spain. The
insurrection of Santo Domingo had brought the eventuality of internal
trouble so close to her door, that she did not dare to look across the
ocean for more sources of apprehension. Yet the revolt of the
neighboring island had also its advantages for Cuba. At the first
outbreak of hostilities against the French, many French refugees had
fled to Cuba. They were followed by others and after the massacre of
Bayaja even by Spaniards and by colored women. This French element which
settled in Santiago and Havana became a valuable factor in the
population of the island. A French traveler and writer, Vicomte Gustave
d'Hespel d'Harponville, says about it in his book "La Reine des
Antilles":
"They brought to Cuba the remnants of their wealth, some slaves, but
especially their knowledge, their experience and their activity. From
that moment the two great Antilles changed rôles: San Domingo lapsed
into barbarism, Cuba placed her foot in the chariot of fortune."
The French settlers were industrious laborers and skilled artisans and
as such were highly valued by economists who had been anxious to
increase Cuba's insufficient labor supply by the introduction of white
labor. Even the women among them were workers, in strange contrast to
the Cuban women, who were given to tropical indolence. Many of these
French "Dominicans" established themselves as nurses, laundresses and
seamstresses. In education, too, these newcomers were far above the
average Havanese; a difference which foreign travelers were quick to
detect and to comment upon. The French settlements southeast of Havana,
in the environs of Matanzas, Santiago and Baracoa, became such centers
of activity, industrial and otherwise, that the Spanish, who had
persisted in their habitual indolence and indifference, became jealous,
which in time resulted in some friction and unpleasant disturbances.
The definite loss of Santo Domingo to Spain caused also a great change
in ecclesiastical affairs. The archbishopric was removed to Santiago de
Cuba. Havana and Puerto Rico remained "suffragans," i.e. subject to the
other. About that time there was established a territorial tribunal in
Puerto Principe.
[Illustration: TOMAS ROMAY
One of the foremost figures in the great Cuban awakening at the close of
the eighteenth century was Dr. Tomas Romay, physician and scientist, who
was born in Havana on December 21, 1764, and died on March 30, 1849. He
greatly aided the two good Governors, Las Casas and Someruelos, in their
labors for the betterment of Cuba; with the help of Bishop Espada he
introduced vaccination into the island; he was prominent in the Society
of Friends of Peace, and did much for education, agriculture, and other
interests of the Cuban people. Among his writings was a monograph on
yellow fever which attracted world-wide attention. His earnest
patriotism involved him in violent controversies in the troublous times
of 1820-1823, from which he emerged in triumph and in universal honor.]
Everything seemed to combine at that period to promote the growth and
assure the future welfare of Cuba. The government of Las Casas, with its
wonderful awakening among the citizens of a sense of civic
responsibility and opportunity, was one of those epochs which seem to
form a pivot around which past and future revolve. It was impossible to
consider it in its full value and significance without comparing it with
the past out of which it had developed, and taking note of the progress
it signalized. Nor was it possible to forecast the future, without
projecting into it the lines of evolution along which the work of Las
Casas and his associates seemed to have prepared the progress of the
island. Compared with the passive inertia which had all through the
history of the Spanish West Indies retarded individual and communal
advancement, it was like a sudden birth of aspirations and endeavors all
directed towards a lofty goal, perhaps still vague to the multitude, but
clearly and strongly defined in the minds of the men who with a singular
unity of purpose, forgetting for once all the petty jealousies that had
clouded so many big issues in previous periods, combined for concerted
action for the common good.
They were men who had at heart the interests of the island, who had
inquired into the causes for its backwardness and who had thought deeply
about the measures that might provide a means to rouse the whole
population to the realization of the gigantic task before them. They
were men of extraordinary intelligence, of thorough knowledge, of
unblemished character and of wide experience. Never before had Cuba been
able at any one period to point to such a galaxy of names as Las Casas,
Arango, Romay, Montalvo, Pedro Espinola, Caballero, and others. Never
before had it at any one time a like number of men combining all the
qualifications that seemed to destine them to be the leaders in a great
movement of revival and reconstruction. For the task they accomplished
was not only that of rousing the inhabitants, who had lingered for
several generations in apathy and indolence, but to reconstruct the
whole decadent edifice of provincial management, in order to start anew
on a solid foundation.
Individually considered almost every one of those men stood for some
achievement, some work the benefits of which the future was to reap.
Towering above them all, Arango seemed to combine all these efforts,
seemed to be the center from which radiated all the plans that had for
their ultimate aim the happiness of all. As one looks back upon that
brilliant epoch, this man of noble birth, of rare gifts and of
considerable means, seemed to dominate them all. Surely no other could
have accomplished what he did; for his youth, his affability, his
distinguished manners, these invaluable social qualities impressed and
attracted those in the highest positions at the Spanish court and won
for him a hearing, which would have been refused to many others. Once
this was gained, his general learning, and his special knowledge of the
economic and financial problems of his native island, backed by an array
of conclusive statistics and conveyed to his listeners with forcible
logic and convincing oratory, compelled the attention even of the most
recalcitrant conservatives that had steadily opposed reforms in the
colonies. By this rare combination of qualities Arango had succeeded in
obtaining from the royal government greater concessions for Cuba than it
had ever made to any of her colonial possessions. The effect of Arango's
work, though at intervals clouded by periodical relapses of the
government into the old evil ways, was felt during more than a
generation, and his name remained identified in the memory of the people
with the great strides that the island was henceforth to make in
agriculture, industry and commerce, as no less in matters of education.
Among his associates, the name of Dr. D. Thomas Romay was to be
remembered by future generations for the great blessing which his
medical skill and foresight secured for the island. He had been
identified with many measures promoting public health, when Dr. Maria
Bustamente of la Aguadilla, Puerto Rico, brought to Havana the first
consignment of vaccine. Following the example of Dr. Bustamente, who had
vaccinated his little son and two mulatto servants, Dr. Romay at once
introduced vaccination in Havana and gradually checked the ravages
which small-pox epidemics had caused. The Count de Montalvo was forever
to be remembered for his wise and humane adjustment of judicial
conflicts in connection with the tribunal of commerce. Pedro Espinola's
memory was to be cherished by all those concerned with the cause of
education. Nicolas Calvo's efforts at introducing timely innovations in
the sugar industry could never be forgotten in the island. Lastly there
was Governor Las Casas himself, who, had he been a man of smaller
calibre, could have clogged the wheels of progress by administrative red
tape and obfuscated the larger issues of his time by petty official
considerations. But, unlike some of his predecessors, who did not suffer
any citizens in the community to rise to such eminence as to rival them,
he had appreciated the spirit of those men and to further their aims had
brought to bear all the weight of his official position.
Rarely in the history of any country did so many fortuitous
circumstances combine at one and the same period to call out what was
best in the latent forces of the population, as in Cuba during the
administration of Governor Las Casas. The future never seemed to smile
so brightly upon that island, so richly endowed by nature and so long
indifferently treated by men. Setbacks and even relapses into previous
errors might occur, but it seemed unthinkable that the work accomplished
by Las Casas and his associates, individually and collectively, could
ever be undone.
Such periods of extraordinary growth are infallibly followed by a
standstill during which individuals as communities seem to gather
strength for new efforts. Nor is it likely that a country will
successively produce men of such marked individuality and forceful
character. The governor that followed Las Casas could not reasonably be
expected to come up to the high standard of his predecessor. The
Lieutenant-Governor Conde de Santa Clara, who was inaugurated on the
sixteenth of December, 1796, was a man of generous character and
agreeable manners towards all classes of society, but he was not a man
of that broad culture which distinguished Las Casas and his associates
in the famous Sociedad. D. Juan Procopio Barsicourt de Santa Clara was a
native of Barcelona, and had come to Havana at a critical moment. The
colonies of the West Indies and the Gulf coast were deeply worried about
the slave revolt of Santo Domingo. The Cuban forces that had taken part
in the attempt to quell the uprising, and the French and Spanish
immigrants that had fled to Cuba from the terrors of the insurrection
had brought with them tales of the doings of the insurgents which filled
with vague apprehensions all territories that contained a numerous slave
population. Moreover, the favorite of the queen of Spain, Manuel Godoy,
had by his blunders involved Spain in a new war with Great Britain, and
Spanish America was once more threatened by her old enemy.
This menace forced the new Governor to turn his attention first towards
the defenses of the island. He constructed between San Lazaro and la
Chorrera the battery known as Santa Clara, and took other measures for
the protection of Havana as well as Santiago. Among the municipal
improvements which he effected the most important for Havana was his
removal of the principal matadero (slaughterhouse), from the city to a
place outside of its walls. The existence of this establishment had long
been considered a public nuisance; for the foul smells which it spread
in the neighborhood and which the wind sometimes carried over the whole
town were a menace to the health of the inhabitants, and the frequent
commotion caused by bulls that escaped from the enclosures was also a
feature that made a most unfavorable impression. Both the suburb of
Jesus Maria and el Horcon being without any direct water supply, Santa
Clara had a fountain constructed in each place.
Santa Clara was a man of generous instincts. The Casa del Beneficencia,
the fortunes of which had been declining, owed him many a rich supply of
provisions and some large donations. Both he and his wife, who was said
to be a perfect model of womanly virtues, were interested in the
hospital of San Paula. They also gave material aid to the hospital of
San Francisco, which had progressed very slowly since its foundation.
Within one year after Santa Clara's arrival, the number of beds was
raised from thirty-two to seventy-eight. The governor's lady also
succeeded in enlisting the cooperation of the clergy and many other
wealthy and influential people in the San Antonio Hospital, which was
increased to a capacity of one hundred and nine beds. Though the more
ambitious cultural work which had been begun under the previous
administration was not promoted by him, Santa Clara proved himself
possessed of no little executive power and tact.
This last quality was especially needed at the time when Havana was
honored by the visit of three French notables, the Dukes of Orleans and
Montpensier, and Count de Beaujolais. Santa Clara received them most
courteously and an opulent lady of Havana, Doña Leonor Herrera de
Contreras, gave up to them her home, placed at their disposal her
servants and defrayed all their expenses. Refugees from their country,
which was suffering from the terrors of the Revolution, they remained in
Havana and enjoyed this sumptuous hospitality for almost four months,
when even the famous "Prince of Peace," Godoy, in order to avoid
further disagreements with the French Republic, indicated to them the
propriety of removing to other dominions.
In the meantime the British had declared war and made an auspicious
beginning by the capture of Trinidad. They had demanded the surrender of
the vessels commanded by D. Sebastian Ruiz de Apodoca, a high-spirited
mariner, but he preferred reducing them to ashes before giving them up
to the enemy. This first loss was, however, amply retrieved at San Juan
of Porto Rico. The city had been attacked by over ten thousand trained
soldiers under the command of Gen. Abercrombie, but the attack was
repulsed and the British lost over one thousand men and two thousand
prisoners, besides a stock of provisions and equipment. At Santa Cruz de
Teneriffe the Spaniards defeated even the celebrated Nelson and seized a
number of vessels that tried to take other points. But there was more
trouble in sight for the Spanish colonies. For the South American
revolutionist Miranda who had emigrated to London by clever intrigues
induced the British government to stir up insurrections in the
Spanish-American possessions. These intrigues resulted in revolts that
broke out in Puerto Cabello, Caracas, Panama and Maracaibo. Their prompt
suppression was due to the firmness and energy of the Captain-General of
Caracas, D. Manuel de Guevara y Basconcelos.
These disquieting occurrences made the Spanish government fear for the
safety of Cuba and decided the court to give the island a governor more
capable of coping with the eventuality of invasion. The Field Marshal D.
Salvador de Muro y Salazar, Marques de Someruelos was appointed on the
second of March, 1799, and ordered secretly and immediately to repair to
the place of his destination. Accordingly there appeared in Havana on
the thirteenth of May a distinguished stranger who delivered to the
governor important messages from the court and proved to be no less than
the new governor. Santa Clara immediately retired in favor of his
successor and Someruelos entered upon the functions of his office. The
Intendente Valiente was promoted to the position of Counselor of the
Indies and his place was taken by D. Luis Viyuri. Colonel D. Sebastian
de Kindelan was appointed to the governorship of Santiago.
The administration of Someruelos beginning on the threshold of a new
century, it seems meet to cast a backward look upon the condition of the
island and the great changes which had taken place during the hundred
years just closing. The great need for reform was urged upon the
government immediately after the British occupation of Havana, which had
opened the eyes of the authorities to mistakes made not only in the
political and military, but especially in the economic management of the
colony. Revenues had to be created in order to meet the increased
expenses of the administration and defray the cost of much needed
improvements. Hence upon the proposal of Count Ricla the king had
ordered a thorough reorganization of the administration and especially
of the treasury department. In the attempt of solving the problem of
taxation, Spain had followed a suggestion of M. Choiseul, minister of
foreign affairs in France, which was conceived with little knowledge of
colonial conditions and legislation and hastily accepted by the supreme
government. This change in the tax system then in force in the Indies
produced great commotion in the island of Cuba and other Spanish
possessions in America.
Guiteras reports that many real estate owners of Puerto Principe and the
southern territory designated in the island by the name of la Vuelta de
Abajo were especially bitter in complaining against the innovation, but
neither the intendant nor the Brigadier Cisneros could modify
dispositions decreed by the supreme government. Discontent increased and
some men were so exasperated that they preferred to destroy their own
products rather than pay the tax which was to go to the public treasury.
By the influence of D. Pedro Calvo de la Puerta, D. Penalver and other
land-owners, some of the people were pacified, before disorder ensued.
But others rose in open revolt and had to be dispersed by the militia
hastily mobilized for their repression. Although hardly any blood was
shed, the opposition which the authorities had met gave them cause for
anxiety, and upon their urgent appeal the supreme government renounced
the enforcement of the new taxes.
After the establishment of the Intendencia and the creation of a weekly
Junta, D. Juan de Alda drew up a budget of expenditure for the year
1768, which amounted to 1,681,452 pesos. Of this sum the army consumed
only 665,655 pesos. Approved by the supreme government and taken as a
basis for figuring the annual expenditure, 1,200,000 pesos were
consigned to the treasury of Mexico with the assumption that the public
revenues would cover the eventual difference. According to Ramon de la
Sagra, the general revenues of the island from 1764 to 1794 amounted to
20,286,173 pesos, and the sums which besides came to the treasury under
the name of situados (duties assigned upon certain goods or effects) and
other classifications amounted from 1766 to 1788 to 101,735,350 pesos.
The revenues of the island for the same period were, according to
Alcazar, 50,000,000 pesos, but he adds that the decree of the
seventeenth of August, 1790, by which farmers and merchants were allowed
to pay with promissory notes, resulted in some loss to the import
duties. On the other hand, the system of tax collection was open to
dishonest practices, which were checked during the administration of
Someruelos.
The objections which had been raised against the new taxation having
chiefly come from people engaged in agriculture, the government found on
investigation that the existing commercial laws were at fault. Inclined
as was the court of Spain during the rule of Carlos III. to yield in
favor of the people, the new measures only mitigated but did not remove
the evils complained of, which were founded on institutions and
ordinances so thoroughly antiquated as no longer to be of any benefit to
the population. The commerce of Cuba had since the year 1740 been
carried on by the Real Compania of Havana. Although its institution was
based upon the old and faulty principle of monopoly and privilege, and
discriminated against foreign goods that came to Cuba via Spanish ports,
the exportations of the island which at the beginning of the eighteenth
century were confined to timber, hides and a small amount of cattle,
soon began to include other products, such as sugar, honey, brandy and
wax.
After the founding of the Intendencia there was opened by way of
experiment a small commerce with the principal ports of Spain; but the
regulations required the collection in the Peninsula of two custom
duties on manufactures embarked at Cuba and destined for Spain, one
being called entry, the other exit duty, to which was later added a
consumer's duty. These extraordinary charges destroyed the profits hoped
for by the extension of commerce, and were the source of more
discontent, until in the year 1767 the king authorized the abolition of
the Compania of Havana "in case of urgent necessity for Cuba" and at the
same time inaugurated some franchises which tended to relieve the much
restricted commerce of the island. As has been recorded at the time, it
was not until the twelfth of October, 1778, that the king issued an
order calling for free commerce and abolishing the monopolies of the
larger ports.
The effects of this measure made themselves felt in a sudden revival of
commercial activities which led to such an expansion of Cuba's commerce,
that the island was forced to ask concessions and obtained from the
court more favors than any other of Spain's American possessions. When
the War of Independence paralyzed the commerce of the British colonies
with the island, the king granted still greater franchises and a new
decree opened the entry of the Port of Havana to the flags of all
nations, provided their ships introduced provisions only. But while
these new decrees favored the commerce of the colony, they reacted
unfavorably upon the commerce of Spain, the merchant navy of which had
been annihilated during the many wars, until there were not enough
vessels to transport the goods the colonies needed. The imports of
foreign products which the monopoly permitted Spain to make were in
value superior to the exports from America. Direct commerce with
friendly nations was more convenient inasmuch as the foreigners could in
turn export all the fruits of the country. The only remedy for the evils
confronting Spanish commerce would have been the reestablishment of the
merchant fleet; but in their short-sightedness Spanish merchants turned
back to the old monopoly and at the foot of the throne begged for return
to the old system. Under such pressure were exacted from the king the
decrees of the twentieth of January and the fifteenth of April, 1784,
which once more closed the ports of Spanish America to the friendly
nations, carrying the prohibition to the extreme of denying merchant
vessels entry, even if they were foundering!
Owing to this confusing and irritating condition of commercial
legislation the growth and progress of the colonies received another
setback, and probably caused the decrease in population which the
Countess de Merlin mentions. It also seriously affected the agriculture
of the island. For Spain had not enough inhabitants on her own soil to
colonize her vast overseas territories; and even if her legislation in
respect to commerce had been more liberal, her constant opposition to
the admittance of foreigners to her provinces discouraged white
immigration. Even during the reign of Carlos III., which seemed to
inaugurate a new and more enlightened era, the distrust of the
government towards foreigners is manifested in the new and abridged
version of the law of the Indies, published in the year 1778, which
decrees that in no port nor part of the West Indies, either the islands
or the continent to the north and south, shall any kind of traffic with
foreigners be admitted, even by way of barter or any other mode of
commerce, those violating this order being liable to forfeit life and
property.
The slave trade was therefore the means Cuba was forced to adopt to
supply the lack of white laborers and artisans. It was subject to the
same restrictions as all maritime commerce, with the important
difference that it could not be carried on without a special permission
from the king, which usually fixed the number of years in which a
certain number of slaves should be granted certain individuals,
companies or corporations. These permissions were called licenses, later
assientos, and finally contracts and privileges, until in the year 1789
they entirely ceased to exist. A British concern, called the South Sea
Company, had been the first to receive such a privilege, when in 1713 it
was allowed to introduce into the colonies of Latin America, with
absolute exclusion of Spaniards and foreigners, four thousand eight
hundred negroes in the course of thirty years. Next came the permiso
obtained by the Compania Mercantil of Havana in the year 1740, of which
use was made until 1766. Then came the contract concluded with the
Marquis de Casa Enrile, which lasted from 1773 to 1779; and finally the
permission granted in the year 1780 on account of the war with England,
that most Spaniards in America could have recourse to the French
colonies for their supply of slaves.
The manner in which this trade in human flesh was carried on reflects
sadly upon those engaged in this traffic. Loaded into vessels that were
hardly considered fit for carrying freight, thousands were known to have
perished in shipwrecks. Crowded into the dark, unventilated holds of
these rotten hulks, more thousands succumbed to disease and were thrown
overboard. Of the trades associated with cruel exploitation and inhuman
abuses, that of the slavetrader ranked first, for the sufferings to
which the poor victims were subjected in the transit from their native
home to the foreign land defied description. There were captains of
slave ships who loathed their task. One is quoted in a book by the
Jesuit Sandeval as confessing his misgivings about the business; he had
just suffered a shipwreck in which only thirty out of nine hundred on
board escaped!
On their arrival in Cuba the poor wretches who survived the ordeal began
to fare better. E. M. Masse, a French traveler and writer, in his work
"L'Isle de Cuba et la Havane" describes the quarters in which they were
lodged. They were the _baracones_, the famous barracks originally
destined for the troops which were to take Pensacola, and that had cost
four million pesos, though they could have been put up for a few
thousand. At the time of his visit to Havana, some of the contractors
who had made this handsome profit on the buildings were still in jail.
He goes on to say that immediately on landing the negroes were taken to
these barracks, waiting to be sold. They contained one immense room,
covered with straw and divided into three compartments. The first was
for the employees or jailers; the second for the women slaves, the third
for the men. There was a spacious court or yard with a kitchen in one
corner. In this yard they spent their days, shielded from the sun and
the rain by tents. They were permitted to bathe in the sea. The writer
looked at the spectacle with an artist's eye. For he remarks that he had
always considered the pose of the Venus of Milo unnatural, until by
observing these women slaves at their bath in the surf, he found that
the identical pose was frequently assumed by them, and hence must have
been natural. The only garment obligatory as long as a slave was not
sold, was a kerchief; if somebody made them a gift of another kerchief,
they made of it a turban or wore it like a sash.
The freedom which they enjoyed in this brief interval between landing in
Havana and being sold, may in the lives of the majority have been the
only freedom they were to know. Being merchandise, it was of course in
the interest of the slave traders to have them appear well when put on
the market. Hence the food they received was wholesome. They were also
encouraged to indulge in their wonted amusements and could be seen
marching or dancing around in the yard, as they raised their voices in
song. The African who had just arrived and spoke only his native tongue,
was called _bosale_; the slave who was born in Africa, but spoke
Spanish and knew the trade he was destined for, was called _ladino_.
Children of African or European origin born in Spanish America, were
called _criolles_, from which the French derived the term in use today:
creole.
Miscegenation was not favored in Cuba. When the immigration from Santo
Domingo brought into the island a great number of mulattoes, quadroons
and octoroons, the color line was severely drawn. A woman of colored
origin with a perfectly white and very beautiful daughter was known to
have denied her child in order to make it possible for her to marry a
Havanese. Many of these women were far better educated than the native
Cubans; M. Masse says that the art of conversation, unknown in Havana
society, flourished only in their homes. But they were rigidly barred
from the drawing-rooms of the wealthy Havanese.
According to the data available, the number of slaves introduced into
the island from the beginning of its colonization until the year 1789
was probably not below 100,000. It is estimated that in the two hundred
years between 1550 and 1750 the annual importations of the assientists
into Spanish America averaged at least three thousand a year. In the
census taken by Governor la Torre about 1772 Cuba was found to have
45,633 slaves. In 1775 their number had risen to forty-six thousand and
that of free colored people to about thirty thousand. The relaxation of
the commercial restrictions gave a strong impulse to all sorts of
enterprises, mercantile and otherwise, and especially to building, and
the laboring forces employed on all the new constructions were mostly
slaves. By the year 1775 their proportion to the free colored population
was four and sixth tenths to three. As the value of slave labor began to
be recognized in that period of internal improvements and general
progress, the number of slave importations steadily increased. According
to Blanchet, Cuba acquired in the years 1783 and 1784 one thousand and
five hundred negroes through contracts between the government and
various French and Spanish firms, as also the British house of Baker and
Dawson and the private shipowners D. Vicente Espon and Col. D. Gonzalo
O'Farrel. Armas y Cespedes gives the number of slaves for the year 1774
as 44,333; for the year 1792 as 84,590. In the enormous number of
negroes imported between 1791 and 1816 there were counted 132,000
imported legitimately, 168,000 by contraband means.
A more systematized and conclusive estimate of the number of negroes
gradually introduced in Cuba was made by D. Francisco de Arango, the
high-minded patriot of the period of Governor Las Casas. It covers the
time from the beginning of the sixteenth to the middle of the eighteenth
century. D. José Antonio Saco, author of "Collecion de papeles
cientifices, historicos, politicos y de etros ramos sobre la isle de
Cuba, ya publicados ya ineditos," and "Historia de la Esclavitud," did
the same for the eastern part of the island from 1764 to 1789. These
estimates furnish the following figures:
Imported on the whole island from 1523 to 1763 60,000
By the Compania de la Habana in 1764, 1765,
1766 4,957
By the Marquis de Casa Enrile from 1773 to
1779 14,132
By the permiso of 1780 authorizing the supply
of negroes from French colonies during the
war ending 1783 6,593
By the house of Baker & Dawson from 1786 to
1789 8,318
From the eastern part of the island, 1764 to
1789 6,000
-------
Total 100,000
Humboldt remarks in his "Personal Narrative of Travels to the
Equinoctial regions of America during the years 1799-1809, "that the
British West Indies then contained seven hundred thousand negroes and
mulattoes, free and slave, while the custom-house registers proved that
from 1680 to 1786 two million one hundred and thirty thousand negroes
had been imported from Africa, which suggests a rather high mortality.
In Cuba the annual death rate of the recently imported negroes was seven
per cent. Hence the current assumption that the African negro was
particularly adapted for and could stand the climate of Cuba, does not
seem to be well founded.
About this time the social conscience of mankind seemed to be suddenly
awakened and philanthropic ideas began to modify the general conception
of slavery. Nations whose political organization made the government
dependent upon public opinion, had already begun to yield to the demand
of abolishing slave trade. The United States had auspiciously
inaugurated that movement. The state of Virginia had closed her ports to
the traffic in 1778; Pennsylvania, Connecticut, Rhode Island and
Massachusetts followed in 1780, 1787 and 1788. The Third Congress of the
American Republic proclaimed negro traffic as contrary to the
civilization of Christian peoples and condemned it before the end of the
eighteenth century. At the same time the Convention of the French
Republic declared its abolition in the colonies of France, and the
events in Santo Domingo, like a seismic disturbance made all
slave-owning nations tremble. Stimulated by the example of America and
stirred by the noble words of her own great humanitarians, Howard and
Wilberforce, England, too, began from 1787 on to discuss that problem.
In the course of the serious debates that took place in the British
parliament in May, 1788, it was said that a decree abolishing the
traffic would in a short time paralyze the commerce carried on by
British merchants with Africa. In her isolation from the current tides
of thought in Europe and other countries, Cuba had so far been untouched
by the humanitarian aspect of the question and looked upon it merely
from her utilitarian viewpoint. Fearing that the house of Baker &
Dawson, which had been her main source of supply for negro labor, would
no longer be able to furnish her the hands she needed in her deserted
fields, she hastened through her representative in the Ayuntamiento to
solicit from the king permission to continue the traffic. Hence on the
twenty-eighth of February, 1788, a royal decree permitted the Spaniards,
and foreigners in general for the term of two years, to introduce
negroes, exempt from duties, in Cuba, Santo Domingo and Puerto Rico and
in the province of Caracas.
Guiteras, in his "Historia de la Isla de Cuba" speaks of the slavery
problem with a remarkable display of native fervor. He says:
"The slavery question met with political difficulties of an even graver
character in the rapid progress made by the ideas of the abolitionists,
which inflamed and inspired those foreign nations who had filled their
own colonies with slaves. Imprudent exaltation of the republican ideals
of France finally led the children of Hayti to rise in a horrible
revolution. A race of men that had come to the coasts of America not in
royal vessels and clad in steel to plant standards with the sign of
Redemption, but locked up in the stench of a closed hold, the body naked
and in chains, to irrigate with their sweat and blood the land of
slavery, rose in defence of the natural laws, demolished the banner at
the sight of which the most powerful nations of Europe had trembled, and
conquered the outraged rights of humanity. One should think that the
beam of light which radiated through all the sea of the Antilles would
have dissuaded the Cubans and the government from promoting African
colonization on the island of Cuba; nevertheless a lamentable error,
though based upon the best intentions, caused Cuba to invite that evil
and Spain filled the island with African slaves."
It may seem incongruous that a man of D. Francisco de Arango's liberal
ideas should have been instrumental in securing for Cuba from the court
at Madrid a privilege which the enlightened humane viewpoint of his time
began to consider a disgrace. But as pointed out in a previous chapter,
this measure was resorted to by Arango only as a temporary expediency.
As soon as the immediate shortage of hands was relieved, he himself
recommended the substitution of free white labor for negro slavery. For
the enormous influx of negroes as compared with the very minimum
increase of white inhabitants began even then to fill with vague
apprehensions for the future of Cuba's population those most earnestly
concerned with the welfare of the island. To the Spaniards of Florida
the great percentage of negroes was repulsive. More than five hundred
Floridians, who in 1763 had come to Cuba to escape British rule,
returned to their old home in 1784. When after the reign of terror in
Santo Domingo French refugees settled in Cuba, they, too, were opponents
of the slave traffic and their influence contributed no little towards
changing the attitude of the Spaniards towards negro slavery.
One of the disturbing features in this large negro population was the
small proportion of women. Planters refused to invest in the latter,
because they considered them unfit for the hard labor required. The
result was such a surplus of male slaves that in some communities there
were five hundred men to one negro woman. At first the negro slaves were
employed mostly in the mines, where the native Indians had proved
inefficient. Later they entered also domestic service. But with the
development of agriculture, they began to be largely employed in the
fields and on the plantations. Edward Gaylord Bourne says in his work on
"Spain in America," the third volume in the historical series "The
American Nation," in the chapter on Negro Slaves (p. 272):
"The development of the sugar industry and the growth of slavery were
dependent upon each other, especially after the mines of the Antilles
gave out. Each trapiche, or sugar-mill, run by horses or mules, required
thirty or forty negroes, and each water-mill eight at the least. Had the
commerce of the islands been reasonably free, plantation slavery on a
large scale would have rapidly developed, and the history of Hayti and
the English islands would have been anticipated a century by the
Spaniards."
While Howard, Wilberforce, Judge Sewall and the Quakers are usually
considered the pioneers of the abolition of slavery, the first voice
raised against this institution came from Peru and was that of a Jesuit,
Alfonso Sandoval, a native of Seville, but a resident of Peru, where his
father held an important position in the royal administration. Sandoval
wrote a work on negro slavery entitled "De Instauranda Aethiopum
Salute," which was published in Madrid in 1647 and contains valuable
data concerning the traffic, frequently quoted by historians. Nor can it
be denied that the Spaniards knew better how to treat the negroes than
either the French or the British. Evidences to the contrary suggest that
whatever may have been the wrongs under which the negro slaves of the
Spanish colonies suffered, they were not as much due to the cruelty of
the masters, as to their ignorance and carelessness.
The humane attitude of the Spaniard towards the negro slave made the
Royal Cedula issued by King Carlos III. in 1789 a unique document. For
in this royal decree are set forth the rights of the slaves with a
precision which in an eventual dispute with the masters could admit of
no doubt. By that decree the Spanish king earned for himself a niche in
the gallery of human benefactors. For the individual paragraphs as
compared with the civic code of Spain show little or no discrimination
between the black and the white elements of the colonial population.
These laws agreed perfectly with the spirit of the period which had
produced Howard, Wilberforce, Sewall and others. They were conceived in
a remarkable spirit of equity, whatever violations and abuses may have
occurred in individual practice. According to this cedula, a slave, if
ill-treated, had the right to choose another master, provided he could
induce this new master to buy him. He could buy his liberty at the
lowest market-price. He could buy wife and children and marry the wife
of his choice. If he suffered cruel treatment, he could appeal to the
courts and in some instances might be set free. If negroes were in doubt
about the lawfulness of their enslavement, they also had the right to
bring their case to the notice of the courts. By that same cedula negro
slaves were granted the right to hold property which opened for them
opportunities for eventual emancipation. Moreover that law declared that
fugitive slaves who by righteous means had gained their freedom were not
to be returned to their masters.
In accordance with these humane slave laws, the colored population of
Cuba enjoyed greater latitude than in many other colonies. Although
converted to Catholicism, they were known to revert to their heathen
practices at certain times and to have chanted invocations to the saints
in the African dialect of their forefathers. Numerous clans existed
among them, which were supposed to have for their aim the perpetuation
of their ancestral customs. Among them was the _manigo_, which was
frequently the source of grave apprehension on the part of the
authorities and, surviving in the _cabildos_, societies, which are both
religious and social, had in a later period to be suppressed. The rites
of these organizations were a grotesquely uncanny mixture of Roman
Catholicism and African paganism. One day in the year the negroes of the
island had almost unlimited liberty to celebrate in their barbaric
fashion. It was the sixth of January or All Kings' Day, and was the
occasion for a spectacle as weirdly fascinating as any carnival. That
day belonged to the negroes. Dressed in the gaudiest costumes, carrying
huge poles with mysterious transparencies, they paraded through the
streets to the beat of drums, shouting and gesticulating, or singing as
they went along. At the squares they stopped and indulged in a dance.
Melodious as were their songs, the rhythms betrayed the African origin.
The dances, too, even after several generations, retained their African
characteristics. As the day progressed, hilarity became more and more
boisterous, and the holiday frequently ended in riotous demonstrations
and street brawls. The white population of Havana and other towns, in
which this day was celebrated by the blacks, remained indoors, and even
suspended business for fear of disturbances.
There is no doubt that the important service which negro labor performed
for the agriculture of the country induced the Cubans to allow the
negroes this great amount of freedom. For without them, as D. Francisco
de Arango and others knew only too well, the fields and the plantations
of the island could never have yielded that abundance of products upon
which depended the wealth of Cuba.
CHAPTER XIII
The prosperity of a new country and the happiness of the people depend
largely upon a just apportionment of the land of that country and the
opportunity to exploit the resources of the soil and sell the products
thereof at the greatest possible profit to the producer. Had this simple
truth been recognized as the cornerstone of Cuban colonization the
island would have been spared centuries of hard up-hill struggle for
healthy economic conditions.
From the standpoint of the agrarian reformer, the land problem was at
the bottom of all the evils that retarded the development of the colony,
so richly endowed by nature that it should have been a paradise for
those who came there to settle. The noble Spanish adventurers of
Castilian blood, who had accompanied the early explorers and in a spirit
of romance followed in their wake, were the first to obtain grants of
land. They returned to Spain, brought with them their families and
servants and settled upon the land, which became their new home. But
they were hardly of a type willing to rough it after the first glamor of
romance and novelty had faded, or able by hard labor to transform the
wilderness into richly yielding fields and gardens. Stockbreeding was
very much easier and according to their ideas required no particular
exertion on their part. They let nature take care of the increase of
their herds and flocks. A few of them retained the land, made their
haciendas the home of generations to come, and attained to some rank and
standing by virtue of these great holdings. Essentially domestic by
nature, they lived there sometimes two or three generations under one
roof, frugally and contentedly all the year round.
Among the earliest Cuban landholders were nobles, Castilian, Andalusian
and others, who received great grants of land in recognition of some
services to the crown. These people, who had not known the spell of
adventure in strange tropical climes, did not settle permanently on the
island, but became absentee landlords. They owned perhaps a residence in
Havana, which they visited briefly during the winter. They had a
hacienda, which saw them even less frequently and more briefly. The
traditions and conventions of their caste did not allow them to work,
even if they had been able and willing; so they left the management of
their land to an agent, whose paramount concern was to hold his position
long enough to fill his pockets and who beyond that was no more
interested in the colony than was his master. Whatever profits the
latter made on the products of his Cuban estate, did not accrue to the
benefit of the island; they were spent in the old country. Madrid was
the place where these absentee landlords of Cuba wasted their wealth in
extravagance and dissipation, instead of investing it in improvements of
their estates and works of civic importance and advantage to the island.
These property-holders looked out only for the revenues they could get
out of their Cuban estates; but they were not concerned with the problem
of revenues for the island. They have their counterpart today and not
only in Cuba, but in other countries where vast tracts were acquired by
foreigners, some for the hunting they afforded, some for speculative
purposes, while native citizens had to go without the little plot of
land that could insure them a home and sometimes even a living.
Thus were the best tracts of land apportioned among or pre-empted by
people having no vital interest in the development of the island's
resources. When the real workers came, peasants from the Basque
provinces, from Catalonia and other parts of the Peninsula, they again
had no capital to invest in the necessary improvements, and being
obliged to content themselves with a small plot of land and to work it
with their own hands, soon drifted into a deadly indifference towards
anything beyond the satisfaction of their most urgent daily needs. Even
if their land had produced more than they needed for their own
consumption, they would have been at a loss how to dispose of their
products, since there were no transportation facilities and since every
movement of the producer was subject to local customs and other
restrictions, limiting the possibilities of creating a market and from
the profits realized to set aside a fund to spend on current
improvements or to insure their future.
There is little doubt that much of the indolence attributed to the
climate was gradually developed in the people by the lack of
opportunities to market their products and to get into touch with the
outside world. The Cuban settler of that class had in course of time to
acquire a habitual indifference toward the morrow, which developed into
shiftlessness. His initiative being paralyzed at the beginning, he never
could rouse himself to conceive of another life. His children growing up
about him under these same circumstances, true to the clannishness of
Spanish family life, remained with the parents and followed in their
footsteps. This may explain the lack of backbone with which the Cuban
has been reproached. Official repression, even if founded upon a sort of
paternal solicitude, is bound to stunt the growth of individuals as of
nations; and of this repression the people of Cuba were for centuries
the victims.
The French traveler and writer quoted before, E. M. Masse, describes the
life of Cuban rustics at the end of the eighteenth and beginning of the
nineteenth century. He calls them _monteros_, which means huntsmen, and
they were probably the more shiftless descendants of this first class of
settlers. For he speaks of their simple, frugal and indolent ways; tells
how satisfied they are just to own a little plot of ground, with a
bananery beside the hut, or a rice or corn-field, and perhaps a few
cows. They were happiest when they could afford a slave, who would go
fishing and hunting for them; for that would allow the master to lie in
the hammock and smoke cigarettes. It seems natural that the home of such
a montero was usually a wretched little "cabane," a shack of one room in
which he dwelt with his family, which was sometimes numerous, and in
close companionship with a pig, and other domestic animals. Yet this
same man, preferring to lie in the hammock rather than to exert himself
in some much needed work, was very fond of lively sports, as
horseback-riding. Even the women of the monteros were splendid
horse-women.
The dress of these people was extremely simple. The men wore trousers of
oiled linen extending to the ankles; shoes of raw leather, a short shirt
of the same material as the trousers, a kerchief wound tightly about the
head and a big straw hat with a black ribbon or one of felt with gold
braid. An indispensable article of accoutrement was the machete,
cutlass, in his belt. The women wore a calico skirt, a white shirt with
a bracelet at the elbow to hold the sleeves and a fichu on the head.
When they went to mass, they dressed their hair, wore a mantilla on
their head and put on shoes with big silver buckles. At dances they
donned a round hat woven out of the tissue of plantain leaves, trimmed
with gay ribbons, or a black hat with gold braid. Modest as was the
montero in his demands upon life, there was one entertainment he could
not forego: the _feria de gallo_, cock-fight. Many a one saved up his
money for months to spend it on that day.
This description by M. Masse, of the montero of Cuba at the end of the
eighteenth and beginning of the nineteenth century, tallies well with
the description of the guajiro of today by Forbes Lindsay in "Cuba and
Her People Today." Lindsay sees in that Cuban rustic a descendant of
Catalonian and Andalusian settlers:
"Time was when he occasionally owned slaves and a fair extent of land,
but nowadays he is more often than not a squatter in a little corner of
that no man's land which seems to be so extensive in the central and
eastern portions of the Island. In comparatively few instances he has
title to a few acres, lives in a passably comfortable cabana, possesses
a yoke of oxen, a good horse, half a dozen pigs, and plenty of poultry.
Much more often he lives in a ramshackle _bohio_, the one apartment of
which affords indifferent shelter to a large family and is fairly shared
by a lean hog and a few scrawny chickens. There is nothing deserving the
name of furniture in the house and the clothing of the family is of the
scantiest. A nag of some sort, usually a sorry specimen of its kind, is
almost always owned by the guajiro, who loves a horse and rides like the
gaucho of the Argentine pampas."
That montero of a hundred and more years ago and the guajiro of today
have so much in common that it seems safe to consider the latter a
descendant of the former.
The lack of proper facilities for the exchange of commodities between
city and country caused the fact that Havana up to the beginning of the
nineteenth century raised almost all her necessities on her own soil.
The economical cassava was still generally used. The ground in the
environs of the capital, though not the best soil on the island, within
a short time attained considerable value. The administration of the navy
yard opposed the cultivation of ground rich in trees that it could use
for shipbuilding. By this monopoly alone many people were barred from
owning and cultivating land. The preference of the earlier Spanish
settlers for stockbreeding also limited the agricultural area. Besides,
real estate conventions and regulations were as rigid as other customs
of the country, and were never changed, be the need for a change ever so
pressing.
From the first days of the colony the circular form of plot had been
adopted, the extent of a _hatos_ being fixed at two miles and that of
the _corrales_ at one mile in circumference. This curious system of
measurement gave rise not only to difficulties in computing the area of
contiguous properties, but to misunderstandings and disputes which
caused much litigation. It was difficult to buy a plot of ground that
was not in some way subject to legal controversy. The great number of
lawyers on the island had probably a certain reason for existence owing
to the innumerable boundary and other land disputes. It is evident, too,
that complicated boundaries and questionable titles were a rich source
of dubious activity for unscrupulous members of the profession. Land
cases were wont to drag on from one generation to the other, and while
the lawyers representing the interests of the clients waxed rich, the
clients themselves had often to sacrifice the land itself in order to
settle their claims.
The changes brought on by gradual cultivation of unimproved lands on the
other hand enriched the owners of such lands quite out of proportion to
their original value. When pastures were converted into farm plots, the
price was augmented. A hato contained more than sixteen hundred
caballerias at thirty-three acres per caballeria. The corral contained
more than four hundred. The caballeria pasture land cost from ten to
twenty-five pesos; as soon as it was cultivated, its lowest price was
three hundred pesos. Thus a hato, worth at most forty thousand pesos,
was in its new state worth more than four hundred and eighty-four
thousand. Likewise a corral, originally valued at most at ten thousand
pesos, rose in price to one hundred and twenty thousand. The same was
true of building lots. A caballeria in the suburbs, divided into
_solares_, house plots, could sometimes bring eighty-five thousand
pesos. A caballeria to the southwest of Havana was worth three thousand
pesos, one in the neighborhood of Matanzas only five hundred. The
extraordinary wealth of certain convents, frequently commented upon by
economists and historians, was due to the gradual and enormous increase
in the price of the land which had originally been given to them. From
these early grants and concessions were derived the privileges which
some private properties and some convents enjoyed; they had for instance
the right to forbid the building in their neighborhood of houses beyond
a certain height, a precious privilege in a city where the circulation
of air had not been overencouraged.
M. Masse comments at length upon these conditions in his book on Havana.
He says:
"The immense fortunes of certain Havana families are thus explained. The
sobriety of the Spaniards, the very limited taste and luxury found in
their residences and their furnishings, a commercial management which
favored agricultural products, would have ended in concentrating in a
few hands fortunes rivalling those of kings, had not libertinism, the
rage of lawsuits and the passion for gambling produced that
instability, which some moralists would have liked to secure by other
means, though these were not easily found."
The prospect of becoming hopelessly entangled in interminable lawsuits,
and of having large tracts of land on one's hands without the certainty
that the products of this land would find a market and bring a price
commensurate with the amount of money and labor spent upon it, prevented
many residents of the island from becoming landholders. Only when the
conflict between the landholders and the monopoly that robbed them of
their profits became acute, did certain patriots concerned with the
welfare of Cuba unite to secure a radical reform in the legislation of
the Indies. The demand for an extension of maritime commerce was the
first to be urged upon the authorities, and the first to be granted. As
has been related in a previous chapter, the British occupation of Havana
opened the eyes of the Spaniards to the benefits of free commerce with
and among the colonies, and led to a gradual relaxation of the law which
gave to one or two Spanish ports the monopoly of transatlantic trade.
When greater freedom of maritime commerce had been secured, and
agriculture began to be carried on on a larger scale, not only for home
consumption, but for export, the questions of repartition of land, of
introducing different standards of measurement, of diminution of taxes
on the fruits of the country and of duties on articles of importation,
and lastly of securing the labor needed for these larger enterprises,
began to occupy the minds of the leaders.
The chief branches of Cuban agriculture were the raising of live stock
and the cultivation of tobacco and sugar. Until the beginning of the
eighteenth century the breeding of cattle was the principal occupation
of the Cuban farmer. It suited the taste of the Castilian and
Andalusian immigrant, for it required comparatively little work and lent
itself to the acquirement of habits of idleness which the climate of the
country tended to confirm. Guiteras is right, when he says:
"Had our ganaderos (ranch owners) cultivated the plains for the
alimentation of the animals and established a regular order in the care
of breeds and in the management of their haciendas, this branch would
have made greater progress and served as a powerful stimulus and been of
great benefit for our agriculture. It would have supplied fertilizer for
the fields, furnished the markets with meat for consumption by employers
and laborers, and moreover, would have supplied oxen for our ploughs."
But it seems that the Cuban farmer, as are many in other countries, was
too short-sighted to perceive the advantages of a well-organized system
of production, and indulged in a laissez-faire policy which did not much
advance his interests or those of the community.
The product next in importance was tobacco. The sections of the island
best adapted for the cultivation of tobacco are the sandy fields west of
Havana in the district of la Vuelta Baja, a country bathed by the waters
of the San Sebastian, Richondo and the Consolacion of the south, and the
Cuyaguateje or Mantua; also those in the palm belt running between
Sierra Madre and the southern coast which forms a rectangle of
twenty-eight leagues in length and seven in breadth. Other tobacco belts
of great value are las Virtudes, between San Cristobal and Guanajas in
the same Vuelta Baja, and in the east that nearest to Holguin and Cuba.
The tobacco harvest of the year 1720 was six hundred thousand arrobas.
But, as the historians say, "a severe system of monopoly, odious
examinations and vexatious regulations and restrictions limited the
profits, and the excessive cost of indispensable tools and the distance
of the tobacco fields from the capital, discouraged the production of
tobacco and visibly diminished the cultivation of this most important
product of the island." The frequent disputes between the vegueros and
the factoria, as the royal agency which owned the tobacco monopoly was
called, abundantly prove the existence of conditions which were not
likely to benefit the colony.
The most valuable product of the island was sugar; and the cultivation
of sugar cane was in such a backward state that it reflected upon the
intelligence and enterprise of the native farmers. It revealed their
ignorance, habitual indifference and lack of resources most lamentably.
One of the oldest sugar planters of the island, Captain D. José Nicolas
Perez Garvey, presented a series of memorials to the Sociedad Economica
of Santiago de Cuba, which give a fair idea of the processes employed in
the elaboration of this precious product. Sr. Garvey was a pioneer in
demonstrating the imperfections of the existing methods and in advising
the introduction of innovations. But his recommendation of modern
inventions horrified the majority of the farmers and was violently
objected to by the laborers.
At first in order to press the juice out of the cane the same means were
employed as for the grinding of wheat. They were cylinders set in motion
by mules or oxen, a process in which half of the juice was wasted. At
the beginning of the eighteenth century a more efficacious process was
employed in imitation of that which was in use in Hayti. Not until the
government itself took the initiative and encouraged the use of
implements and machines that had proved of advantage in other
sugar-raising colonies, was a change gradually effected. The great
planter and landowner of Havana, D. Nicolas Calvo de la Puerta, was the
man through whose influence and insistence upon certain innovations the
sugar production was slowly improved. Finally there was the problem of
converting the guarapo or fermented cane juice into sugar, which was at
first also very primitive and slowly yielded to more productive and
profitable methods. Lastly the sugar production of the island developed
another product, which was not only popular on the island, but became an
article of exportation. From 1760 to 1767 Havana, which was the only
port qualified to export sweetmeats, sent out annually thirteen thousand
cases of sixteen arrobas each. In the period of five years from 1791 to
1795 inclusive, the export was 7,572,600 arrobas. White sugar was then
worth thirty-two reals per arroba, brown sugar twenty-eight. The French
immigrants from Santo Domingo were an element that contributed to the
improvement and promotion of the sugar industry.
Though they furnished a far smaller proportion of the island's wealth,
hides, cane, brandy, refined honey and wax also began to figure in the
economic records of Cuba. Wax became a valuable product about the year
1764 when Bishop Morell brought a few swarms of bees from his Florida
exile. It was exported to the ports of the Gulf of Mexico where it was
highly esteemed for its superior quality. The indigo plant which was
introduced during the administration of Governor Las Casas proved in
time a new source of Cuban wealth. Coffee plantations and cocoa groves
had also multiplied in number, and were slowly furnishing new products
for home consumption as for exportation.
The following figures will give a limited but reliable survey of the
growth of agriculture towards the end of the century. Before the year
1761 there were only between sixty and seventy sugar refineries on the
island. By the end of the century there were four hundred and eighty.
Before the year 1796 there were only eight or ten coffee plantations, so
that the island barely produced enough coffee for its own consumption.
By the end of the century there were three hundred and twenty-six
"cafeyeres." At the same time the island had two thousand four hundred
and thirty-nine vegas, or tobacco fields, and one thousand two hundred
and twenty-three _colmenares_ or apiaries. The revenues of the island
from 1793, when they amounted to over one million pesos, rose steadily
until at the beginning of the century they were about three million
pesos annually. The sugar plantations yielded great profits, but they
also required big investments of money and labor. One of the most
prominent sugar planters on the island, D. José Ignacio Echegoyen,
calculated that to produce ten thousand arrobas of sugar, an expenditure
of twelve thousand seven hundred and sixty-seven pesos was needed,
besides a capital of sixty thousand. He was one of the foremost citizens
that protested against the tax of one tenth on sugar. Work on the sugar
plantations was the hardest imaginable; even the negro slaves could not
stand it longer than ten years. Then their working capacity was
completely exhausted and they were given their liberty.
Though the importation of negro slaves essentially helped the
development of agriculture and the industries connected with it, there
still existed restrictions and regulations which acted as a continual
check upon the growth of the population, and had a paralyzing effect
upon the intellectual development of the colonists. A favorable solution
of these important questions offered great obstacles. Although the
principles on which Spain founded her restrictive system had been
relaxed, there existed a great number of interests that had been created
through this system and were unwilling to give up their privileges.
Derogation of these restrictions would have meant loss and injury to
some peninsular subjects that had grown rich and powerful through them.
The historian Guiteras elucidates this point when he says that higher
state reasons, supported by the right that, according to the notions of
the epoch gave them the international law and the famous bull of
Alexander VI. and was sustained by a great and expensive war against the
nations that attempted to colonize America, had influenced the conduct
of the government for nearly three centuries. The government only agreed
by force of invincible circumstances to have the British and the French
establish themselves in and continue in possession of a part of North
America and a few islands of the Antilles; but it always insisted on
maintaining the vast possessions that recognized its authority closed to
the commerce of the allies according to the agreement. With the
existence of a new and independent nation near these states, whose
political organization, religious principles and national character were
diametrically opposed to those of the Spanish government, these
possessions and dominions of the crown seemed to be in danger. The
imprudent demonstration in the state of Georgia had already shown the
spirit of hostility which when the republic of the United States was
barely established began to manifest itself against the neighboring
possessions of a country which in her diplomatic relations had from the
beginning of the Revolution always showed herself friendly. Such
considerations very likely increased the aversion of the monarch as of
his court towards Britain and the British race, in whose favor they had
yielded more than to any other power concessions demanded by the
interests of their subjects in America.
These were some of the great impediments which the champions of progress
encountered in their valiant endeavors to free the economic development
of Cuba and to help its much hampered industries. But one of the most
serious obstacles was the restriction of Spanish and especially foreign
immigration.
It seems that these restrictions which dated from the accession of
Philip II. had two definite objects; the first was to preserve the
purity of the Spanish stock in the West Indies and other possessions of
Spanish America; the second was to prevent foreigners from learning the
extent and the resources of Spain's American colonies. Edward Gaylord
Bourne says in "Spain in America":
"In regard to Spaniards, the policy adopted was one of restriction and
rigid supervision. No one, either native or foreigner, was allowed to go
to the Indies without a permit from the crown (or in some cases from the
Casa de Contracion) under penalty of forfeiting his property. Officers
of the fleets or vessels were held strictly responsible for infractions
of this rule. In the code the details of these restrictions are
amplified in seventy-three laws. The reasons for such strict regulations
covering emigration was to protect the Indies from being overrun with
idle and turbulent adventurers anxious only 'to get rich quickly and not
content with food and clothing, which every moderately industrious man
was assured of.'"
Another reason for this strict supervision is given in a law enacted in
the year 1602, which directs the deportation of foreigners from the
ports of the Indies, because "the ports are not safe in the things of
our holy Catholic faith, and great care should be taken that no error
creep in among the Indians." An exception to the rule was made twenty
years later, when expert mechanics were allowed, but traders in the
cities remained excluded. So rigidly was this policy upheld that
Humboldt during five years of travel in Spanish America met only one
German resident.
It is more difficult to understand the object of this policy than to
realize its effect upon the country's growth and progress. M. Masse says
in his book "L'Isle de Cuba et la Havane":
"No Spaniard was allowed to sail for America without permission of the
king, a permission granted only for well-defined business reasons, and
for a period limited to two years. The agreement to settle there was
even more difficult to obtain. A special permission was needed even to
pass from the province first chosen to another. Priests and nuns were
subject to the same rule."
These restrictions were enforced even at the beginning of the nineteenth
century. M. Masse continues to say that travelers were detained on board
several days before they were allowed to land in Havana. They had to
present a passport, a certificate of birth and baptism and a certificate
of respectable life and good conduct, all signed by a consul of Spain.
In individual cases these severe requirements may have been evaded--M.
Masse mentions the fact that minor functionaries were ready to do the
foreigners any favor--for a consideration. But upon the whole it must be
admitted that their observance tended to keep up a certain moral
standard in the colonies, which may not have been without some good
influence in moulding the character of the people. While other powers of
Europe allowed--and even encouraged--their colonies to become
dumping-grounds for human refuse, to populate them with their derelicts
and those of other nations, until America was spoken of by the Germans
as the big reformatory, Spain made an attempt at what some centuries
later, in our scientific age, might have been called "race culture."
CHAPTER XIV
The conditions which we have described did not, however, prevent the
colony, when prosperity came to her, from succumbing to the evils which
invariably follow in the wake of new wealth. The historian Blanchet
reports that there existed in Cuba towards the end of the century a
strange mixture of immorality and piety. Religious enthusiasm rose to an
unusual degree of fervor in Villa Clara in the year 1790. Two Capuchin
missionaries had been there a month, and the church was crowded from
early morning until late at night with men and women spellbound by their
words. After the orisons there was a sermon, and at times, immediately
after the sermon, the women left, the building was closed and darkened
and the men remained inside. Prayers alternated with flagellations,
until some individuals were exhausted with pain and the loss of blood.
In the penitential procession, which took place on some evenings, the
two missionaries and the priests of the town were followed by a
multitude in which both sexes were represented. The members of the
Ayuntamiento took part, bare-legged and bare-foot; some marched with the
head and face concealed by a white cowl, the body uncovered to the
waist, and from the waist down wrapped in sack-cloth. Some staggered
under the weight of a heavy cross; others walked straight and attempted
to inflict wounds upon themselves with the point of a sword. It seems,
however, that this religious exaltation was at times carried too far,
for flagellation assumed such proportions at burials that it had to be
forbidden.
In contrast to this religious revival was the wave of frivolity and
immorality that seemed simultaneously to sweep over the island. The
streets of the towns resounded with ribald speech and lascivious songs.
The Bishop was scandalized to see Cuban women discard their veils when
they went on the street. When they wore décolleté gowns, they did not
even close the blinds, but openly showed themselves at the windows.
There is little doubt that increase of overseas traffic in the ports of
the island contributed to the growing laxity of morals. M. Masse
considered the navy yard a special source of the corruption which wealth
had brought. "For the money needed by that enterprise circulated in the
city at the same time as the vices and the passions of its employees and
sailors." With a remarkable psychological insight he gives a most
plausible explanation how the change in the life of the island affected
the women of Cuba, and especially of Havana.
For these women had so far been brought up in strict conformity to the
conventions of their female ancestors in Spain. They had been sent to a
girls' school, always escorted, and had never until they were married
even talked alone with a man. In the narrow confines of their home,
either before or after marriage, their beauty was taken for granted and
passed uncommented. For the Cuban women were always unusually handsome,
having the same regular features and rich coloring as the Spanish, the
same large black eyes and bluish black hair, perhaps even accentuated by
their placid immobility of expression. A strange type, bound to attract
attention anywhere, they struck the strangers landing in this tropical
city like rare exotic flowers, and they suddenly found themselves the
objects of an admiration which manifested itself in ways that were new
and irresistible. The Cuban husband was known not to be as loyal as his
wife was expected to be; why should they not accept the homage offered
them? To this host of admirers, ever changing, ever ready to shower them
with favors, M. Masse, the keen psychologist, attributes the change in
the attitude of the women and the gradual change in the tone of Cuban,
especially Havanese, society. As more and more of these industrious
foreigners, who might have been as good Spaniards as their own
ancestors, settled on the island, the difference between them and the
native Cubans manifested itself, not always to the latter's advantage.
Women began to prefer them as husbands, and there was one more cause for
antagonism between these scions of a common stock, whom different
environment and conditions of existence had caused to drift apart, and
become irreconcilably estranged.
Of Havana that subtle student of life has this to say:
"The need of forgetting the many privations of a prolonged sea voyage,
with gold always in abundance for those who do not know how to manage
their affairs and to whom each voyage seems a new adventure, the
influence of a climate which makes for voluptuousness, all this combines
to make Havana a new Cythera placed at the port of long journeys even as
the ancient cradle of pleasure was at that end of the long voyage of
that time."
Thus Havana, like other capitals of the world, became gradually not only
the cradle of Cuban culture, but also of that corruption of the simpler
and purer instincts of human nature which seems to be inseparable from a
certain degree of material comfort. The man of Havana had in centuries
of repression and restriction lost the power of initiative; the end of
the century which gave the colonists of North America their independence
made them free to think and act, and work for themselves, and above
everything else, to govern themselves, found him still under a rigorous
paternal supervision by representatives of a king whom he perhaps never
saw. Centuries of such guardianship had robbed him of all incentive and
made him drift along the line of least resistance.
Physically and morally a product of the country which was politically
and economically a victim of that type of government, the Cuban of that
period had no interests save the quest of comfort and such pleasurable
excitement as certain entertainments offered. The women divided their
attention between their church and their home, indulged in deadly
idleness and senseless extravagance, dressed luxuriantly, but with bad
taste, and sought distraction in gossip or gambling. The men, who had
caught faint echoes of Voltaire and ideas of the Revolution and were
estranged from the church, divided their interests between their
business and their friends of both sexes, and also sought distraction in
gambling. There was gambling in the home circle, in the houses of
friends, in the clubs, even in the convents. It was estimated that ten
thousand games of cards were annually imported into Havana.
Of places of amusement there was no lack at that time. M. Villiet
d'Arignon, who visited Havana fifty years before and was bored by the
provincial monotony of Cuban life, could not have complained of lack of
entertainment, had he seen Havana at the threshold of the nineteenth
century, though his fastidious Gallic taste would perhaps not have been
satisfied with the quality of the attractions the Cuban metropolis
offered her guests. The native Cuban, and the Spaniard who had settled
there, did not wish for anything more fascinating and more exciting
than the national fiesta of the bull-fight, the corrida de toros. No
true Cuban could resist the trumpet call summoning the population to
that most sumptuous spectacle.
"These costumes of the age of chivalry, those richly harnessed palfreys,
those banderillos (small darts with a bandorol) or stilets trimmed with
the colors, with which the neck of the poor beast is seen magnificently
larded; this martial music, these cheers of the mousquetaires rendering
homage unto the victors, this most eminent magistrate presiding at the
feast, this vast arena, this wealth of beautiful women, who have the
opportunity of hearing the most drastic, disgusting and obscene
exclamations, into which the vulgarity of spectators and toreadors
lapses in the heat of the combat. And yet I would not advise the Spanish
government to attempt to abolish at least in Havana this sort of
spectacle. A revolt might cause the authorities to repent of their
temerity."
Thus does the French author quoted before paint the picture of the
greatest entertainment the Cuban of that time knew. But there were
others, for instance the caroussel, the circus, the magicians, and there
was always the cock-pit, offering almost as much excitement as the
bull-ring. Here, too, the gambling craze of the people asserted itself.
For not only the prosperous man about town spent his money in betting at
the cock-fight, as he did at the bull-fight. Every little town had its
cock-pit and every montero or guajiro sacrificed his wages to taste the
excitement of that spectacle. Surely Cuba at that century's end had
already learned what the hosts of strangers needed, when after a long
and tedious voyage they landed on the island.
One cannot help being reminded of the impressions M. Villiet d'Arignon
carried with him from his visit to Cuba as recorded in Jean Baptiste
Nougaret's "Voyages interessans," when after a month's sojourn he sailed
for Vera Cruz on the same vessel that took D. Juan Guemez y Horcasitas
from the governorship of Cuba to the vice-regency of Mexico. Then
already was gambling the favorite, and, as the island lacked such places
of amusement as were established later, probably the only pastime. The
Frenchman noticed also the total absence of any interest in literature,
art and music, and the impossibility of finding a circle of people where
he could enjoy an animated conversation on subjects outside of the
commonplace and of current local gossip, made him reflect rather
unfavorably upon West Indian society of that time.
Such reflections must, however, be accepted with some reservation. For
if the West Indian and especially the Cuban of the eighteenth century
lacked interest in those things that make for culture, it must be
remembered that the country in which he was living was still young, and
that the people's paramount interest had of necessity to be for the
things material. There has perhaps never been a colony of settlers in a
foreign and primitive land that has not been so thoroughly absorbed in
the task of founding a home and making a living, that all other things,
for the time being, did not seem to matter. All pioneer settlers are
bound for at least one or two generations to be so engrossed in rude
manual labor or in plans to establish a trade, that they lose touch with
the current intellectual life of their mother country and fall behind.
When those most urgent duties are performed and allow them brief spells
of leisure, in which they look about and try to pick up the threads they
had dropped, they find that the mother country has in the meantime
advanced so far beyond them that they are unable to catch up with it.
Spanish America was no exception to this rule. While the sons of Spain
that had settled in the New World were engaged in cultivating the soil,
making roads in the rough country and laying the foundations of commerce
and trade in the cities founded by their fathers or grandfathers, Spain
had entered upon the heritage of many centuries of European culture,
which on her soil had a rich admixture of Arabian elements. The
literature of Spain had given to the world an immortal epic, the story
of Cervantes, "Don Quixote," the deep significance of which was not
perhaps grasped at that time, but the human essence and the humor of
which were not lost upon his generation. It had given to the world a
drama, which was far in advance of anything the continent had so far
produced, and was comparable only to the works of that unparalleled
British genius, Shakespeare. The plays of Lopé de Vega were performed
all over Europe and found their way even into the seraglio of
Constantinople; and those of Calderon de la Barca have survived the
changes of time and taste and are even today occasionally performed.
Of all this the Spaniard of Cuba was hardly aware. Even if he had not
been so engrossed in his rude task, he could barely have known anything
about it, because the limited communication with the mother country and
the restrictions upon travel kept Spanish America in a state of
isolation, that made for stagnation rather than progress. When the
period of material prosperity came to Cuba with the relaxation of
Spain's commercial restrictions, the Cuban awoke to the realization that
he had lost contact with Spain's intellectual life, and had been left at
least two centuries behind. Out of this knowledge, depressing and
discouraging as it must have been, grew the attempt to centralize and
organize a gradual revival of literary and scientific activity on the
island.
Whether the Sociedad Economica Patriotica which was later called Junta
di Fomento is identical with the Sociedad de Amigos del Real Pais, is
not made clear by the historians. The Spaniards' fondness for long and
sonorous names and titles may have added the second name. However, both
this organization and a society founded about the same time in Santiago
for the purpose of organizing the literary activities of that place, and
similar societies in Sancti Spiritus and Puerto Principe were an
expression of the earnest desire of at least a part of the people to
turn their attention towards other things than those material. To
Governor La Torre, Havana owed the foundation of its first theatre. That
this establishment was encouraged and effectively patronized by Governor
Las Casas and other men closely identified with the cultural work of the
Sociedad, goes without saying.
But it is perfectly natural in view of the long period of indifference
towards anything like the drama that the classical Spanish dramas, the
masterpieces of Lopé de Vega and of the inimitable Calderon, did not
immediately find their way upon the stage of Havana. The audiences had
gradually to grow up to their standard and the directors of the
enterprise wisely refrained from forcing them upon a people that had so
long been ignorant of the strides Spain had made in the interval since
their ancestors settled in the New World. Hence the repertoire of the
theatre of Havana towards the end of the century catered to the
Spaniard's love of music and favored the best comic operas then produced
in the theatres of Europe. The ballet was very popular, as it was
everywhere at that period. But that subtle observer, M. Masse, was not
favorably impressed with it.
"The ballet is of that kind which carries far the art of varying the
most voluptuous attitudes and the expression of the least equivocal
sentiment."
He suspected the fandango, supposed to be typically Havanese, of being
originally a negro dance, saying "The difference is in the embroidery,
which civilization, or if one wishes, corruption, has introduced."
Very popular were at the time little comedies of domestic life, called
Saynetes, and offering pretty truthful pictures of social customs and
habits on the island, and especially glimpses of the society of Havana.
A Cuban writer of the period, D. José Rodriguez, is credited with the
authorship of a comedy, "El Principe Jardinero," The Prince Gardener,
which by its complicated plot held the attention of the audience and was
performed with great success in 1791. A comedian of considerable ability
and fame, then very popular with the Havanese, D. Francisco Covarrubas,
was the author of farces, which were very warmly received and drew large
audiences. The theatre of New Orleans, much older and better equipped
than that of Havana, sometimes sent its company of actors for a short
season of more serious drama. Among other plays which this company
produced was the tragedy "Les Templiers." Although undoubtedly still in
its beginnings, the theatre of Havana was upon the whole doing good
work. Anglo-Americans who visited Havana about the century's end are
said to have admitted that it was superior in building, stage setting,
acting and music to the American theatres of that period.
The regular company which played in Havana at the time of Governor Las
Casas was under the direction of Sr. Luis Saez. The performances were
given twice a week, on Sundays and Thursdays, and mostly offered a
program in which drama and music alternated. If a play of several acts
was given, these musical numbers came between the acts. The program
would usually begin with a dramatic composition; in the first
intermission a short play was acted, in the second a tonadilla (musical
composition) was played or a few Seguidillas (merry Spanish song or
dance tunes). At times the pieces between the acts were suppressed and
the performance ended with a tonadilla or a farce. In the bill of
January twenty-ninth, 1792, it is announced that "this performance will
conclude with a new duly censored piece entitled 'Elijir con discrecion
i amante privilegiado' (The privileged lover chosen with discretion), by
an inhabitant of this city, D. Miguel Gonzales."
[Illustration: A VOLANTE: AN OLD TIME PLEASURE CARRIAGE]
They did not know then, in Havana, the lyric theatre, although the
Havanese were fond of music and the members of Havana society in their
gatherings usually provided some musical entertainment by having an
instrumentalist perform on the piano, guitar or harp. However, there
seems to have existed an Academy of Music, where concerts were given.
There is an article in an issue of the Havana paper of that time, the
_Papel Periodico_, which refers to a concert given by Senora Maria
Josefa Castellanos, whose performance on the harpsichord called forth
not only a tribute in verse, but a glowing description of her "rare
skill and mastery of which she has given proof in the Academy, with the
sweetest harmonies of the best composers." This eulogy is contained in
the Sunday issue of January twenty-second, 1792. Besides Senora
Castellanos and other skilled amateurs, there was a Senora Doña Maria
O'Farrell, who distinguished herself by her musical accomplishments, for
another issue of the _Papel Periodico_ contains a sapphic ode dedicated
to her by an admirer, who signed the pseudonym Filesimolpos.
It appears that balls as an amusement were not approved of, which seems
a contradiction in a society which was by no means puritanical. Although
social evenings in private houses frequently ended in a dance, there
were few indications that large affairs consisting mainly of dancing
took place in the public assembly halls. The _Papel Periodico_ of
December sixteenth, 1792, contains an announcement which for its brevity
gives room to manifold interpretation. "The gentlemen are informed that
there will be a dance today" is so laconic, that one is almost induced
to believe that these dances were given at places known only to the
initiated. In this particular instance it was subsequently learned that
this dance of the sixteenth of December, 1792, took place at the house
of a man who was considered "a dangerous reformer of the customs of
Havana." Did this dangerous reformer perhaps admit to his dance the
ravishingly beautiful and cultured women that had come from Santo
Domingo, where they freely moved in society, but were barred in Havana,
because they had a white father or grandfather and a colored mother or
grandmother? Foreign visitors to Havana at that period were so warm in
their praise of these refined unfortunate victims of miscegenation, that
they may have converted some of the gilded youth of the smart set or the
Bohemia of Havana to their point of view.
The fine arts were not at first considered in the planning and building
of the city of Havana. Though much money was spent upon public
buildings, no artistic effect whatever was aimed at and the impression
of a crude utilitarianism prevailed. The churches, too, did not possess
the noble dignity of the great cathedrals of France, Italy and Spain.
The most ambitious ecclesiastical edifice in Havana, the church of San
Francisco, was architecturally mediocre in style and barbarously
overornamented.
In all the churches the sculpture and the wood-carving on the altars
were over-elaborate and bewildered by their decorative details. Besides
all these buildings were too low and narrow, and by their endless
decoration diminished the sense of space and produced one of oppression.
On special saints' days the decorations were pathetically crude and
primitive. Angels of paper tissue, artificial flowers, birds, lambs,
etc., were displayed with a profusion which was distracting, instead of
adding to the fervor of religious sentiment.
[Illustration: MONTSERRAT GATE IN CITY WALL OF HAVANA, BUILT 1780]
The Church de la Concepcion, built about 1795, was the only church
edifice which by a certain classic simplicity approached the solemn
beauty of a Greek temple. The Carmelite Church was interesting for the
tomb of Bishop Compostele with the epitaph, which expressed his wish to
be laid to rest "between the lilies of Carmel and the choirs of the
virgins." None of these churches had pews or chairs, the seating
capacity being limited to two rows of stalls or benches along the nave.
This made for an admirable democracy in a society which otherwise
rigorously segregated the castes for it happened not infrequently that
men of rank and ladies of position found themselves beside a poor negro.
Occasionally, however, one could see a lady going to mass with her
family of children, accompanied by a negro, carrying a rug and a small
chair; and when such a handsome senora seated herself in the center of
the rug with her offspring grouped about her, the effect was so
picturesque as to call for the brush of a Velasquez. But this privilege
was limited to white ladies of rank only. The music in the churches, on
the other hand, was exclusively furnished by the musically gifted
negroes. Though it sometimes occurred in Cuba, as in other colonies of
America, that owing to the lack of printed church music sacred words
were adopted to secular tunes, and frequently to those of popular comic
opera, the master works of the old church composers were sometimes heard
at special occasions.
Among the streets of Havana the most metropolitan was the Calle de la
Muralla, so called from the muralla or rampart built by Governor Ricla.
This was the Rue de la Paix for the women of Havana. It was lined with
"tiendas de ropas," shops displaying all the latest importations of
dress goods and wearing apparel. At that time, as at the present, the
fashionable ladies of the Cuban capital insisted upon keeping pace with
the styles of dress and adornment which prevailed in the great cities of
Europe, as their pecuniary means, their taste and their natural gifts
abundantly enabled them to do. Every morning the street was crowded with
the carriages of ladies engaged in shopping. For no white woman, unless
she belonged to what in the southern states of North America would have
been called "poor white trash" was allowed to go on foot during the day,
unless she was going to mass. Up to the twenties of the new century and
beyond, this convention was rigidly observed. Those who had to go on
foot were not seen on the Calle de la Muralla until the evening hours.
Then it was crowded with as gay and handsome a multitude of women,
white, black and of all the intervening shades, as ever trod the
pavement of a southern capital.
At such times the relation between the white and the colored women of
the city could be observed in little incidents that were an unending
source of amusement to the student of life. The lithe and willowy form
of the young girl of Spain, which Montaigne has called "un corps bien
espagnole," was frequently to be found among the Cuban women. The almost
regal dignity and grace of carriage, for which the Spanish women were
noted, had also been transmitted to their descendants in the colonies.
Now it was nothing unusual for any one to follow with his eyes the
perfect form and the graceful movements of some woman in the crowd of
such nights, and on coming up and catching a glimpse of the face to find
a negress. For the imitative faculty of the colored race is
extraordinary, and the negro maids of the white ladies of Havana copied
faithfully every detail of the gait and gestures of their mistresses.
The dress worn by the Havanese on the streets was the national basquina,
a black skirt, with a waist according to the prevailing fashion, and
under that basquina was often worn a white petticoat trimmed with lace,
which most unconcernedly was being dragged through the dust. But the
most important article of a Cuban woman's dress was the mantilla, also
often trimmed with the rarest lace, that indispensable covering for head
and shoulders, which made an effective frame for a face in which shone a
pair of luminous black eyes. That mantilla, like the fan, was a medium
of expression and spoke an eloquent language to those that understood.
The cafés, which were sadly missed by M. Villiet d'Arignon in the middle
of the century, had begun to appear in the streets of Havana, but never
became as popular as in European capitals. The Cuban did not
particularly care for coffee as a beverage; he preferred chocolate,
which he took at home. He did not care to go out, unless it was for a
game of cards, a feria di gallo, or cock-fight, or the bull-ring. He was
essentially a domestic creature, though Havana had a smart set the
masculine members of which furnished ample material for gossip of a
more or less scandalous nature. He spent his time at home smoking; in
fact, everybody in Cuba smoked, men, women, children, priests, masters
and slaves. It was not an infrequent sight to see a negro maid about her
work with a cigar in her mouth or behind her ear. Small favors and
services were paid in cigars.
Outside of the cultural endeavors of the Sociedad little was done in
Cuba for the cause of education. As the Countess de Merlin reported in
her book on Havana, there was only one school in that city in the year
1791, that taught grammar and orthography, the instructor being the
mulatto Melendez. The children of the monteros and guajiros in the
country grew up in almost complete illiteracy. As was mentioned in a
previous chapter Governor Las Casas devoted from eleven to twelve
thousand pesos of his private fortune for primary instruction, but it is
not clear whether this was to be extended throughout the island or
limited to Havana. At any rate there were at the beginning of his
administration thirty-nine schools in the city, seven of which were for
males only, the others for children of both sexes. In many of these
schools, which were in charge of mulattos or free negroes, only reading
was taught; in the better schools arithmetic as far as fractions; thus
prepared young men were expected to enter upon a university course. The
smallest fee for primary instruction was four reales a month; for higher
instruction two pesos. To two hundred white and colored children the P.
P. de Belen (Fathers of Bethlehem) gave lessons free of cost; it is
reported that their class surpassed in writing. Towards the end of the
administration of Las Casas there were seventy schools, with about two
thousand pupils. But they seemed to have a hard fight for their
existence and the number is reported to have been later reduced to
seven hundred and thirty-one pupils.
The low intellectual standard of the average Havanese woman of that
period is easily understood by a glance at these data. The education of
girls even in the cities was considered of such minor importance, that
as late as 1793 it was not deemed necessary for them to learn to read.
The daughters of the Havanese patricians were taught accomplishments
regarded as inseparable from an ideal of refined womanhood, such as
embroidery and a little music. But as work of any kind was not on the
program of their lives, serious occupation, even with household duties,
was unheard of. The matronly senoras, who were frequently held up as
models of womanhood and especially of motherhood, were woefully ignorant
of the simplest cooking and other branches of what is today called home
economics. The orphans and poor children admitted to the Casa de
Beneficiencia were better prepared for life. They were all taught the
alphabet, the girls sewing, embroidery and the making of artificial
flowers, and the boys learned the cigar-makers' trade.
From these premises it can be easily inferred that the standard of
literary activity in Cuba could not have been very high. That great
democratic medium for the diffusion of information, the printing press,
was an institution which in Cuba was also limited by royal decrees.
According to Sr. La Torre the first printing press was established in
Havana in 1747; there were printed the decrees and reports and other
official documents of the government, and sometimes matters of general
interest were published on loose sheets. Some authorities claim for
Santiago de Cuba the honor of priority, stating that it had a printing
press before the year 1700. But Sr. Hernandez in his Ensayos literarios
declares that he could find no foundation for this statement. Nor do
Valdes, Arrate or Pezuela contain any definite data on that subject.
It is safe to presume that the work of the press established in 1747
produced some good results in spreading information otherwise withheld
from the public; for in the year 1776 a royal decree forbade the
establishment of any other printing press besides that devoted to
governmental work. It is possible, too, that some speculator had
attempted to found another printing establishment. For Sr. Saco tells us
that in the year 1766 there was in Havana a printing concern under the
name of Computo Ecclesiastico and in 1773 another under the direction of
D. Blas de los Olivos. But there are no data to show that these concerns
existed at the time of the royal decree of 1776.
The establishment of a periodical has usually been deferred to the
administration of Governor Las Casas. But there is reason to believe
that the note contained in the fourth book of the history of Cuba by
Valles rests upon fact; it speaks of a "Gaceta de la Habana" as being in
existence in the year 1782. An issue of that _Gaceta_, dated May 16,
1783, was said to contain a report of the festivals with which the Duke
of Lancaster was honored in Havana. In that issue the publisher said:
"Since in the preceding _Gaceta_ the arrival in this town of the Infante
William Duke of Lancaster, third son of King George of England, could
hardly be indicated, we suppressed for one week the circulation of other
news, in order to offer to our readers the details of his entry into
Havana."
Besides those printing concerns no other is known to have existed in
Havana until the opening of that of Bolona, in the year 1792, which is
referred to in an advertisement in the _Papel Periodico_ of Sunday,
August 26th of that year. This advertisement read:
"Another negress about 20 or 21 years old, good cook and laundress,
healthy and without defects, for three hundred pesos. He who wants her
will apply to the printing office of D. Estaven Joseph Bolona, where her
master will be found."
That this press was not identical with the government printing
establishment is inferred from the fact that in this number of the
_Papel Periodico_ as well as other issues are contained many
advertisements referring to the printing office, where information will
be given.
The _Gaceta de la Habana_ was a weekly, which probably contained the
government announcements and news of the most important events of the
time. The space of the _Gaceta_ was too limited to admit of the
publication of communications from readers on matters concerning the
community, hence such effusions, as also the lyrics coming from the pens
of poetically inclined dilettanti, were published on separate sheets to
be circulated among their admiring friends. But at the time of Governor
Las Casas the desire of improving this publication of the government
made itself felt; the space was enlarged and the old time _Gaceta_ seems
to have been merged in the _Papel Periodico_, which began to circulate
from the twenty-fourth of October, 1790. It appeared once a week and was
edited by D. Diego de la Barrera.
This publication was the only medium through which those desirous of
knowing something of the current life of the island at the end of the
eighteenth and the beginning of the twentieth century could obtain a
fair picture of the customs and occupations of that time, described by
the individual contributors with the warmth and the florid exuberance
then in style and occasionally, when coming from a more critical mind,
with a touch of satire. The following extract from the periodical will
give an idea of its contents and character. In an issue of the year
1792, the writer speaks of the lamentable ignorance reigning in the
country districts of Cuba and hampering the development of agriculture.
He attacks the current opinion that the climate is the source of the
Cuban's indifference and indolence, saying that this assumption would
give ground to deny even the possibility of progress. He says:
"Many opine that the laziness of the inhabitants of this country is the
effect of the climate. They take it for granted that the lassitude of
the muscles and tendons is due to the heat and makes the bodies lose
their tenseness and hence their capacity for exertion. They also give as
cause the excessive evaporation of elements needed for the growth and
the strength of the organism, asserting that this loss owing to weak
constitution of the stomach cannot be repaired by fatty and abundant
food.
"These reasons founded upon the organic mechanism of our bodies seem
quite conclusive. There is no doubt that the intense heat which we
suffer during the greatest part of the year in the countries near the
equator promotes evaporation too much. But I dare to assert that the
excess is being insensibly recovered by the bodies through the particles
produced by perspiration. This does not seem chimerical, when we reflect
that by our constant respiration the air in which we are living enters
and is being constantly renewed in our liquids, and that this air is
impregnated with innumerable corpuscles extracted from the solids. The
same is true of a fountain, the surplus flows off to fertilize the near
forest, while at the same time is restored to its bosom through
different means an equal quantity, which incessant infiltration also
supplies from other water sources."
After comparing the physical and intellectual aptitude of the children
of the tropics with those of Greenland and the progress made by the
French of Hayti in science, agriculture and art, which is in diametrical
contrast to that of the Spanish West Indians, he continues:
"Therefore, as indolence or laziness do not proceed from external
causes, we must admit that they proceed from ourselves. I find no other
source. It is a voluntary habit, or speaking more plainly, a vice
propagated like the pestilence and causing incalculable harm to the
social structure. But as I propose to combat this enemy, I shall show
the most visible injuries it produces in those who yield to its
insidious charm.
"Every living body without movement goes into corruption. This is a well
established principle and in the hot countries which are usually humid,
the effect is quickly seen. We have a sad experience in this city, where
the inhabitants are frequently afflicted with dropsy, internal and
external tumors, hypochondria, nervous diseases and many other ailments,
the origin of which is inaction or want of movement and circulation.
While in this respect indolence conspires against our very existence,
the injury is no less when it manifests itself in the vices to which
professional idlers are subject. Incessant gambling, excessive
sensuality, late hours, unreasonable food and drink and other
correlative features are the means by which health is ruined, life is
shortened; and he who succeeds in prolonging it, does so at the cost of
a variety of aches and pains.
"Prisons and other dismal places are the final abode of idleness. Those
liable to get there for theft, debt and other offences curse their
unhappy lot; but they will not admit that their laziness is the chief
source of their misfortunes. Celibacy, depopulation, the languishing of
commerce, the backwardness of science, art, agriculture, etc., are all
the results of idleness.
"When I see on this island a city of so large a population, the greater
part of which is living in ill-concealed poverty, while her fertile and
beautiful fields around are uncultivated and deserted, painful
reflections suggest themselves to me. If this oldest and most wholesome
occupation, agriculture, is an inexhaustible source of wealth even in
countries less favored for it, how much wealth might not be produced in
this country. It is evident that the difference in its favor would be as
great as the superiority of our fields which in fertility are unrivalled
by those of any other country.
"I therefore conclude by saying that even those living in opulence have
no excuse for giving themselves up to shameful inaction. When their
riches exempt them from ordinary occupations, they should devote
themselves to the cultivation of the mind."
This somewhat predicatory article, published in Nos. 11, 13 and 14 of
the _Papel Periodico_, proves how seriously the men at the head of the
great intellectual revival of the century's end took their task of
rousing the people from their torpor. Nevertheless there is little
documentary proof that much was produced by the pens of that generation.
The question of promoting agriculture seems to have preoccupied the
minds of the readers at that time. In another article the author says:
"I must state that no country can progress unless it produces in
abundance fruits for exportation; if it confines itself to the amount
used for home consumption, it will never come out of her poverty. The
beautiful climate, the fertile soil, and the location of our island
offer much richer resources than any other country; but unfortunately we
are hampered by various conditions, mainly in the attitude of the people
themselves. There are those whose notions do not permit them to take a
great part in the community of laborers; these, again, living in
poverty, are afraid to change their work, thinking that what they are
doing is the best for them. What is needed is to remove some of the
prejudices that prevent people from seeing the advantages that would
result from their devoting themselves to the cultivation of fruits for
exportation.
"There is no doubt that there are in this island physical and moral
causes that hamper the progress of agriculture. The physical are: the
distribution of the grounds in large portions to individual owners, the
condition of the roads, almost impassable during the rainy season; the
lack of bridges, the lack of labor, and lastly the lack of concerted
action among the inhabitants. The moral reasons are: insufficient
instruction and education of the laboring people, the contempt for
farming peculiar to the young, and especially the unmarried landholder;
the great number of idlers and the small population."
The measures adopted by the supreme government in 1784 had checked the
progress of Cuba and even diminished the population. In that epoch the
allowances from Mexico decreased and the authorities of the island found
themselves without means to perform the every day business of the
island. The evils produced by these new decrees were set forth in a
petition to the king and were amply discussed in the paper.
The excitement of the authorities and the population is reflected in
various articles of the _Papel Periodico_ which have not only the merit
of showing the state of the public mind, but also of proving that the
authorities in Cuba itself favored reforms. They certainly would not
have been published had they not been approved of by Governor Las Casas.
There are interesting communications in the paper from foreigners then
visiting in Havana. One of them signing himself "El Europeo imparcial"
gives a very appreciative account of the character and customs of the
Havanese. He praises their religion, their piety, their zeal for divine
worship and devotion to the saints; their courteous and affable conduct,
the refinement of their leaders, the magnificence of their festivities
and assemblies, both sacred and secular, their streets and promenades,
where multitudes of brilliant carriages are to be seen, and other
features of public life which in all countries are the first to strike
the foreign visitor.
A most ambitious and for the time extraordinary work appeared in the
year 1787. It was a book by D. Antonio Parra on the fish and crustacea
of the island, illustrated by the Cuban Baez. It was the first
scientific work written and published in Cuba, and seems for some time
to have remained the only one. For until the end of the century the
literature produced had a distinctly dilettante character. The fable,
epigram and satire occasionally relieved the flood of lyric verse. Most
of this appeared anonymously; or the writers used pseudonyms or signed
their names in anagrams. P. José Rodriguez, the author of "The Prince
Gardener," the comedy popular in Havana at that time, wrote under the
pen-name "Capucho" a number of gay decimas, poems in the Spanish form of
ten lines of eight syllables each. But none of these works were of a
quality to call for serious criticism and had no merits that insured
for them a permanent place in what was ultimately to be known as Cuban
literature; for this literature dates only from the nineteenth century.
CHAPTER XV
"Cuba; America: America; Cuba. The two names are inseparable." So we
said at the beginning of our history of the "Pearl of the Antilles." So
we must say at the beginning of a new era, the third, in these annals.
At the beginning the connection was between Cuba and America as a
whole--the continents of the western hemisphere. In this second case it
is between Cuba and America in the more restricted meaning of the United
States. There was a significant and to some degree influential forecast
of this relationship in the preceding era, in which Cuba was in contact
with England and with the rising British power in the New World. For
what was afterward to become the United States was then a group of
British colonies, and it was inevitable that relations begun in Colonial
times should be inherited by the independent nation which succeeded.
Moreover, Cuba was in those days brought to the attention of the future
United States in a peculiarly forcible manner by the very important
participation of Colonial troops, particularly from Connecticut and New
Jersey, in that British conquest of Havana which we have recorded in
preceding chapters.
It was nearly half a century, however, after the establishment of
American independence that any practical interest began to be taken in
Cuba by the great continental republic at the north. The purchase of the
Louisiana territory and the opening to unrestrained American commerce of
that Mississippi River which a former Governor of Cuba had discovered
and partially explored, had greatly increased American interest in the
Gulf of Mexico and had created some commercial interest in the great
Island which forms its southern boundary. Later the acquisition of
Florida called attention acutely to the passing away of Spain's American
Empire and to the concern which the United States might well feel in the
disposition of its remaining fragments. Already, in the case of Florida
in 1811 the United States Government had enunciated the principle that
it could not permit the transfer of an adjacent colony from one European
power to another. It will be pertinent to this narrative to recall that
action in fuller detail. The time was in the later Napoleonic wars, when
Spain was almost at the mercy of any despoiler. There was imminent
danger that Spain would transfer Florida to some other power, as she had
done a few years before with the Louisiana territory, or that it would
be taken from her. In these circumstances the Congress of the United
States on January 15, 1811, adopted a joint resolution in these terms:
"Taking into view the peculiar situation of Spain, and of her American
provinces; and considering the influence which the destiny of the
territory adjoining the southern border of the United States may have
upon their security, tranquility and commerce,
"Be it Resolved: That the United States, under the peculiar
circumstances of the existing crisis, cannot without serious inquietude
see any part of the said territory pass into the hands of any foreign
power; and that a due regard for their own safety compels them to
provide under certain contingencies for the temporary occupation of the
said territory; they at the same time declaring that the said territory
shall, in their hands, remain subject to future negotiations."
Then the same Congress enacted a law authorizing the President to take
possession of Florida or of any part of it, in case of any attempt of a
European power other than Spain herself to occupy it, and to use to that
end the Army and Navy of the United States. Nothing of the sort needed
to be done at that time, though a little later, during the War of 1812,
Florida was invaded by a British force and immediately thereafter was
occupied by an American army.
The enunciation of this principle by Congress marked an epoch in
American foreign policy, leading directly to the Monroe Doctrine a dozen
years later. It also marked an epoch in the history of Cuba, especially
so far as the relations of the Island with the United States were
concerned. For while this declaration by Congress applied only to
Florida, because Florida abutted directly upon the United States, the
logic of events presently compelled it to be extended to Cuba. This was
done a little more than a dozen years after the declaration concerning
Florida. By this time Florida had been annexed to the United States and
Mexico, Central America and South America had revolted against Spain and
declared their independence. Only the "Ever Faithful Isle," as Cuba then
began to be called, and Porto Rico remained to Spain of an empire which
once nominally comprised the entire western hemisphere. Cuba was not
like Florida geographically, abutting upon the United States. But it lay
almost within sight from the coast of Florida and commanded the southern
side of the Florida channel through which all American commerce from the
Mississippi River and the Gulf of Mexico to the Atlantic Ocean must
pass, and thus it was invested with peculiar importance to the United
States. Nor was it lacking in importance to Great Britain and France.
Those powers possessed extensive and valuable holdings in the West
Indies and they were rivals for the reversionary title to these
remaining Spanish Islands, Cuba and Porto Rico. Each of them realized
that whichever of them should secure those two great Islands would, by
virtue of that circumstance, become the dominant power in the West
Indies. Moreover they both felt sure that Spain would soon have to
relinquish her hold upon them. This latter belief prevailed widely also
in the United States, and was by no means absent from Cuba itself.
Indeed a party was organized in Cuba in the spring of 1822, for the
express purpose of seeking annexation to the United States, and in
September of that year did make direct overtures to that end to the
American Government. The President of the United States, James Monroe,
received these overtures in a cautious and non-committal manner. He sent
a confidential agent to Cuba to examine into conditions there and to
report upon them, but gave no direct encouragement to the annexation
movement.
At about this time the direction of the foreign affairs of Great Britain
came into the hands of George Canning, a statesman of exceptional vision
and aggressive patriotism, and one specially concerned with the welfare
of British interests in the New World. He was well aware of the
condition and trend of affairs in Cuba, and felt that the transfer of
that Island from Spain to any other power would be unfortunate for
British interests in the West Indies. When he learned of the Cuban
overtures for annexation to the United States, therefore, in December,
1822, he brought the matter to the careful consideration of the British
Cabinet and suggested to his colleagues that such annexation of Cuba by
the United States would be a very serious detriment to the British
Empire in the western hemisphere. He made no diplomatic representation
upon the subject either to Spain or to the United States, but he did
send a considerable naval force to the coastal waters of Cuba and Porto
Rico, apparently with the purpose of preventing, if necessary, any such
change in the sovereignty and occupancy of those Islands.
[Illustration: GEORGE CANNING]
In this Canning was probably over-anxious, since there is no indication
whatever that the American Government contemplated any such step or that
it would have attempted to take possession of Cuba if the Island had
been left unguarded. On the other hand, this action of Canning's very
naturally aroused American concern and provoked the suspicion that
England was planning the seizure or purchase of the Island. The result
was the formal application to Cuba of the principle which had already
been enunciated by Congress in respect to Florida. It was the
legislative branch of the United States Government that took that action
toward Florida. It was the executive and diplomatic branch which took
the action toward Cuba. This was done in a memorable state document
which formed a land-mark in the history of American foreign policy.
The American Secretary of State, John Quincy Adams, on April 28, 1823,
wrote an official letter to Hugh Nelson, who at the beginning of that
year had become American minister to Spain. This letter contained
official instructions to Nelson concerning his conduct in the war which
was impending between Spain and France, because of the latter power's
intervention in Spanish affairs in behalf of King Ferdinand VII. It then
turned to the subject of Cuba and continued as follows:
[Illustration: JOHN QUINCY ADAMS]
"Whatever may be the issue of this war, it may be taken for granted that
the dominion of Spain upon the American continents, north and south, is
irrevocably gone. But the islands of Cuba and Porto Rico still remain
nominally, and so far really, dependent upon her, that she yet possesses
the power of transferring her own dominion over them, together with the
possession of them, to others. These islands are natural appendages to
the North American continent, and one of them almost in sight of our
shores, from a multitude of considerations has become an object of
transcendent importance to the commercial and political interests of our
Union. Its commanding position with reference to the Gulf of Mexico and
the West Indian seas, its situation midway between our southern coast
and the island of San Domingo, its safe and capacious harbor of the
Havana, fronting a long line of our shores destitute of the same
advantages, the nature of its production and of its wants, furnishing
the supplies and needing the returns of a commerce immensely profitable
and mutually beneficial give it an importance in the sum of our national
interests with which that of no other foreign territory can be compared,
and little inferior to that which binds the different members of this
Union together. Such indeed are, between the interests of that island
and of this country, the geographical, commercial, moral and political
relations formed by nature, gathering in the process of time, and even
now verging to maturity, that in looking forward to the probable course
of events for the short period of half a century, it is scarcely
possible to resist the conviction that the annexation of Cuba to our
Federal Republic will be indispensable to the continuance and integrity
of the Union itself.... There are laws of political as well as of
physical gravitation. And if an apple, severed by the tempest from its
native tree, cannot choose but to fall to the ground, Cuba, forcibly
disjoined from its own unnatural connection with Spain, and incapable of
self-support, can gravitate only toward the North American Union, which,
by the same law of nature cannot cast her off from her bosom. The
transfer of Cuba to Great Britain would be an event unpropitious to the
interests of this Union.... The question both of our right and of our
power to prevent it, if necessary, by force, already obtrudes itself
upon our councils, and the Administration is called upon, in the
performance of its duties to the nation, at least, to use all the means
within its competency to guard against and forefend it."
That was the beginning of the policy of the United States toward Cuba.
In making that declaration Adams had general support and little or no
opposition. A few weeks afterward the ex-President, Thomas Jefferson,
writing to Monroe, expressed in part the same view, though he coupled it
with the suggestion of an alliance with Great Britain. He wrote:
"Cuba alone seems at present to hold up a speck of war to us. Its
possession by Great Britain would indeed be a great calamity to us.
Could we induce her to join us in guaranteeing its independence against
all the world, except Spain, it would be nearly as valuable as if it
were our own. But should she take it, I would not immediately go to war
for it; because the first war on other accounts will give it to us, or
the island will give herself to us when able to do so."
Two years later, in 1825, Henry Clay, then Secretary of State in the
Cabinet of President John Quincy Adams, instructed the American
ministers at the chief European capitals to make it known that the
United States for itself desired no change in the political condition of
Cuba; that it was satisfied to have it remain open to American commerce;
but that it "could not with indifference see it passing from Spain to
any other European power." A little later he added, referring to Cuba
and Porto Rico, that "we could not consent to the occupation of those
islands by any other European power than Spain, under any contingency
whatever."
This attitude of the American Government was sufficient to accomplish
the purpose desired. Although the power of Spain continued to decline,
no attempt was made by either France or England to acquire possession of
Cuba by either conquest or purchase. But in August, 1825, the British
Government laid before the American minister in London a proposal that
the United States should unite with Great Britain and France in a
tripartite agreement for the protection of Spain in her possession of
Cuba to the effect that none of the three would take Cuba for itself or
would acquiesce in the taking of it by either of the others. The
American minister reported this to the President, who promptly and
emphatically declined it. It was then that Henry Clay made the
pronouncement already quoted, that the United States could not consent
to the occupation of Cuba by any other European power than Spain, under
any contingency whatever.
A little later in the same year American interest in Cuba was again
appealed to from another source. Several of the former Spanish colonies
which had declared their independence, particularly Mexico and Colombia,
expressed much dissatisfaction that Cuba and Porto Rico should remain in
the possession of Spain. They desired to see the Spanish power entirely
expelled from the western hemisphere. They therefore began intriguing
for revolutions in those islands, and failing that prepared themselves
to take forcible possession of them. These plans encountered the serious
disapproval of the United States government, and on December 20, 1825,
Henry Clay wrote to the representatives of the Mexican and Colombian
governments urgently requesting them to refrain from sending the
military expeditions to Cuba which were being prepared; a request with
which they complied, Colombia readily but Mexico more reluctantly. Those
two countries had been specially moved to their proposed action by the
declaration of the famous Panama Congress, then in session, in favor of
"the freeing of the islands of Porto Rico and Cuba from the Spanish
yoke." It is interesting to recall, too, that in his instructions to the
United States delegates to that Congress, who unfortunately did not
arrive in time to participate in its deliberations, Clay declared that
"even Spain has not such a deep interest in the future fate of Cuba as
the United States."
Justice requires us, unfortunately, in concluding our consideration of
this early phase of Cuban-American relations, to confess that the
motives of the United States were not at that time altogether of the
highest character. To put it very plainly, there was much opposition to
the extension of Mexican or Colombian influence to Cuba because that
would have meant the abolition of human slavery in the island, and that
would have been offensive to the slave states of the southern United
States. Also some of the earliest movements in the United States toward
the annexation of Cuba were inspired by the wish to maintain the
institution of slavery in that island and to add it to the slave holding
area of the United States. It was on such ground that Senator Hayne and
others declared in the American Congress that the United States "would
not permit Mexico or Colombia to take or to revolutionize Cuba." James
Buchanan declared that under the control of one of those countries Cuba
would become a dangerous explosive magazine for the southern slave
States because Mexico and Colombia were free countries and "always
conquered by proclaiming liberty to the slave."
We have recalled these facts and circumstances in this place somewhat in
advance of their strict chronological order, by way of introduction to
the history of Cuba in the Nineteenth Century, because they really
dominate in spirit the whole story. It will be necessary to recur to
them again, briefly, in their proper place. But it is essential to bear
them in mind from the beginning, even through this anticipatory review
of them. Every page and line and letter of Cuban history in the
Nineteenth Century is colored by the Declaration of Independence of
1776, by the fact that the United States of America had arisen as the
foremost power in the Western Hemisphere. Through the inspiration which
it gave to the French Revolution, the United States was chiefly
responsible, as an alien force, for the complete collapse of Spain as a
great European power. Through its example and potential influence as a
protector it was responsible for the revolt and independence of the
Spanish colonies in Central and South America. Then through its
assertion of special interests in Cuba, because of propinquity, and
through the tangible influence of commercial and social intercourse,
together with a constantly increasing and formidable, though generally
concealed, political sway, it determined the future destinies of the
Queen of the Antilles.
CHAPTER XVI
We must consider, in order rightly to understand the situation of Cuba
at the beginning of the nineteenth century, and the momentous train of
incidents in her history which then began, the salient features of the
history of Spain at that time. The reign of Charles III. had temporarily
restored Spain to a place in the front rank of European powers, with
particularly close relations, through the Bourbon crowns of the two
countries, with France. But that rank was of brief duration. In 1788
Charles IV. came to the throne, one of the weakest, most vacillating and
most ignoble of princes, who was content to let his kingdom be governed
for him by his wife's notorious lover. A few years later the Bourbon
crown of France was sent to the guillotine, and then came the deluge, in
which Spain was overwhelmed and entirely wrecked.
The first Treaty of San Ildefonso in 1796 made Spain little better than
the vassal of France in the latter's war against Great Britain. That was
the work of Godoy, the "Prince of the Peace" and the paramour of the
queen. Against him Spain revolted in 1798 and he was forced to retire
from office, only to be restored to it by Napoleon Bonaparte in 1800.
Then came the second secret and scandalous Treaty of San Ildefonso, in
which Spain was the merest tool and dupe of France, or of Napoleon; and
in 1803 there followed another international compact under which Spain
agreed to pay France a considerable yearly subsidy. A few years later
occurred the French invasion, the abdication of Charles IV., the
accession, then merely nominal, of Ferdinand VII., the imposition of
Joseph Bonaparte, and the Peninsular War.
The effect of these events was two-fold, the two parts strongly
contrasting. On the one hand, the Spanish national spirit was aroused as
it had not been for many years. Napoleon's aggressions went too far. His
ambition overleaped itself. In their resistance and resentment the
Spanish people "found themselves" and rose to heights of patriotism
which they had not scaled before. Concurrently they began the
development of a liberal and progressive spirit of inestimable
significance. They demanded a constitution and the abolition of old
abuses which for generations had been stifling the life of the
Peninsula.
On the other hand, the prestige of Spain in her trans-Atlantic colonies
was hopelessly impaired, and her physical power to maintain her
authority in them was destroyed. With French and British armies making
the Peninsula their fighting ground, Spain had no armies to spare for
the suppression of Central and South American rebellions. Thus while
there was an auspicious renascence of national vigor at home, there was
an ominous decline of imperial authority abroad. The work of Miranda,
San Martin and Bolivar was thus facilitated and assured of success.
In domestic affairs, Spain showed some progress, even under her worst
rulers. Godoy, vile as he was, abolished the savagery of bull-fighting
and promoted the policing of cities and the paving and cleaning of
streets, some advance was made in popular education, and the
intellectual life of the nation began to emerge from the eclipse which
it had been suffering. Possibly the most significant achievement of all
was the development of an approximation to popular government, with an
attempt to unify Spain and the colonies; which latter came too late. The
Junta Central in January, 1809, declared that the American colonies were
an integral part of the Spanish Kingdom, and were not mere appanages of
the crown. This was revolutionary, but it was insisted upon by the
Junta, and practical steps were taken to make the principle effective.
The Junta was driven from Seville by Napoleon, whereupon it fled to
Cadiz, and there, in superb defiance of the invader and oppressor,
arranged for the assembling of a Cortes, or National Parliament, in
which the colonies should be fully represented. This body, a single
chamber, met in September, 1810, with elected representatives from the
American colonies, including Cuba. Owing to the difficulty of getting
deputies from America in time, however, men were selected in Spain to
represent the colonies at the opening of the session.
A tangled skein of history followed. The Cortes, though far from radical
in tone, was progressive and was sincerely devoted to the principle of
popular government, and it insisted upon the adoption of the
Constitution of 1812, under which the people were made supreme, with the
crown and the church in subordinate places. All Spaniards, in America as
well as in Europe, were citizens of the kingdom, and were entitled to
vote for members of the Cortes and were protected by a bill of rights.
In many respects it was one of the most liberal and enlightened
constitutions then existing in the world.
The first act of the wretched Ferdinand VII., however, when Napoleon
permitted him to return to Spain, was to decree the abrogation of this
constitution and the establishment of a most repressive and reactionary
régime which liberals were cruelly persecuted. The result of this was
to promote the revolution which had already begun in America, and to
provoke a revolution in the Peninsula itself; in the face of which
latter Ferdinand pretended to yield and to consent to the summoning of
another Cortes and the reestablishment of the Constitution of 1812.
These things were effected in 1820. But the false and fickle Ferdinand
made his appeal to the reactionary sovereigns of the Holy Alliance, with
the result that in 1823 the French invaded Spain to suppress Liberalism,
and those preparations were made for the resubjugation of Spain's
American colonies which were frustrated by the promulgation of the
Monroe Doctrine in the United States.
Meantime all the Spanish colonies on the American continents had not
only declared but had actually achieved their independence. There were
left to Spain in all the Western Hemisphere, therefore, only the islands
of Cuba and Porto Rico; and they remained intensely loyal. When the
legitimate King of Spain was deposed in favor of Joseph Bonaparte, Cuba
made it plain and emphatic that she would not recognize the French
usurper, but would remain true to Ferdinand VII. Again, when the
colonies of Central and South America seceded and declared their
independence, Cuba remained loyal to the kingdom. It was because of
these two acts that Cuba became known at the Spanish Court as "Our Ever
Faithful Isle."
For this contrast between Cuba and the rest of Spanish America there
were three major reasons. One was, the insular position of Cuba, which
separated her from the other Spanish provinces and their direct
influence and cooperation, and which thus placed her at an enormous
disadvantage for any revolutionary undertakings. The second was the
character of the people. The Spanish settlers of Cuba had come chiefly
from Andalusia and Estremadura, and were the very flower of the Iberian
race, and from them had descended those who after three centuries were
entitled to be regarded as the Cuban people. They retained unimpaired
the finest qualities of the great race that in the sixteenth century had
made Spain all but the mistress of the world, and they still cherished a
chivalric loyalty to the spirit and the traditions of that wondrous age.
In other colonies the settlement was more varied. Men had flocked in
from Galicia and Catalonia, with a spirit radically different from that
of Andalusians and Estremadurans. To this day the contrast between
Cubans and the people of any other Latin-American state is obvious and
unmistakable.
The third reason was this, that in the years, perhaps a full generation,
preceding the South and Central American revolt, Spain had manifested
toward Cuba a disposition and actual practices well calculated to
confirm that country in its loyalty and in its expectation of enjoying
liberty and prosperity under the Spanish crown in an age of Spanish
renascence. With the brief English occupation, indeed, the modern
history of Cuba began in circumstances of the most auspicious character.
The English opened Havana to the trade of the world and caused it to
realize what its possibilities were of future expansion and greatness.
Then the Spanish government, reestablished throughout the island, for a
time showed Cuba marked favor. The old-time trade monopoly, which had
been destroyed by the English, was abandoned in favor of a liberal and
enlightened policy. Commerce, industry and agriculture were encouraged,
even with bounties. Cuba was made to feel that there were very practical
advantages in being a colony of Spain.
Moreover, the island enjoyed a succession of capable and liberal
governors, or captains-general; notably Luis de las Casas at the end of
the eighteenth century, and the Marquis de Someruelos in the first dozen
years of the nineteenth century. Under benevolent administrators and
beneficent laws, and with Spain herself adopting the liberal
constitution of 1812, Cuba had good cause to remain loyal to the Spanish
connection.
But these very same conditions and circumstances ultimately made Cuba
supremely resolute in her efforts for independence. The men of
Andalusian and Estremaduran ancestry had been loyal to Spain, but they
were just as resolute in their loyalty to Cuba when they were once
convinced that there must be a breach of relations. The same
characteristics that made their ancestors the leaders of the Spanish
race in adventure and in conquest made them now equally ready to be
leaders in the great adventure of conquering the independence of Cuba
from Spain. And if the liberal laws and policy of Spain, and the
Constitution of 1812, had greatly commended Spanish government to them,
the restored Spanish king's flat repudiation of all those things equally
condemned that government.
We must therefore reckon the rise of the spirit of Cuban independence
from the date on which Ferdinand VII. repudiated the constitution which
he had sworn to defend. From 1812 to 1820 that spirit passed through the
period of gestation, and in the years following the latter date it was
born and began to make its vitality manifest. The king's pretended
repentance and readoption of the Constitution of 1812 in 1820 came too
late, and when it was followed by several years of alternating weakness
and violence, and by the French intervention in 1823, the Cuban
resolution for independence was formed. To that resolution, once formed,
Cuba clung with a persistence which for the third time entitled her to
the name of "Ever Faithful Isle." But now it was to herself that she was
faithful.
[Illustration: JUAN JOSÉ DIAZ ESPADA
Born at Arroyave, Spain, on April 20, 1756, and educated at Salamanca,
Juan José Diaz Espada y Landa entered the priesthood of the Roman
Catholic Church, and on January 1, 1800, was Bishop of Cuba. Much more
than a mere churchman, he applied himself with singular ability and
energy to the promotion of the mental and physical welfare of the people
as well as to their religious culture. He strongly assisted Dr. Tomas
Romay in introducing vaccination into the island and in the prosecution
of other sanitary measures, and was one of the foremost patrons of
education. He also gave much attention to the correction of abuses which
had grown up in the ecclesiastical administration. He died on August 13,
1832, leaving a record for good works second to that of no other
ecclesiastic in the history of Cuba.]
Seldom, indeed, has there been an era in the history of the world more
strongly suited to cause the rise of a revolutionary spirit in such a
people as the Cubans, than was the early part of the nineteenth century.
We have already referred to the United States of America and its
attitude toward Cuba and Cuban affairs. That country had achieved its
independence in circumstances scarcely more favorable than would be
those of a Cuban revolt; and it presently waged another war which made
it formidable among the nations. On the other hand, all Europe was in
war-ridden chaos, with the rights of peoples to self-determination made
a sport of autocrats. There was nothing more evident than that
republicanism was the policy of order, stability and progress. The
United States had just forced Spain to sell Louisiana to France, and
then had forced France to sell it to itself. That was an object lesson
which was not lost upon thoughtful Cubans any more than upon the peoples
of Central and South America. It demonstrated that the power of Spain
was waning, and that the dominant power in the western world was that of
Republicanism. And Cubans, as well as others, were not blind to the
practical advantages of being on the winning side.
Indeed, before that Cuba had had another great object lesson. At the
middle of the eighteenth century the English had seized Havana. That in
itself indicated clearly the decline of Spain and her inability to
protect or even to hold her own colonies. But the English force which
achieved that stroke was by no means purely English. It was largely
composed of Americans, soldiers from the British Colonies in North
America who were, of course, British subjects but who were more and more
calling themselves Americans; and who in course of time altogether
rejected British rule and established an independent republic. First,
then, Spain was beaten by England; and next England was beaten by the
United States. Obviously the latter was the power to whom to look for
guidance and support.
There were still other circumstances making toward the same end. We have
remarked upon the puissant opulence of Spanish intellectuality in the
first century of her possession of Cuba, and upon, also, the paucity of
native Cuban achievements in letters. But in the seventeenth century a
decline of Spanish letters and art began, with ominous progression,
until at the end of the eighteenth century and the beginning of the
nineteenth the very nadir of intellectual life had been reached. This
was the more noteworthy and the more significant because of the contrast
which the Peninsula thus presented to other lands. Elsewhere throughout
Europe and in America that was an era of great and splendid intellectual
activity. In almost every department of letters, science and art fine
deeds, original and creative, were being done. The colossal military
operations that convulsed the world from the beginning of the American
Revolution to the fall of Napoleon sometimes blind our eyes and deaden
our ears to what was then done in the higher walks of life; but the fact
is that probably in no other equal space of time in the world's history
was the mind of man more fecund, in both theory and practice.
In science that era was adorned with the names of Priestly, Jenner,
Herschel, Montgolfier, Fulton, Whitney, Volta, Pestalozzi, Piazzi, Davy,
Cuvier, Oersted, Stevenson, Humboldt, Lavoisier, Buffon, Linnaeus. In
music, Gluck, Haydn, Mozart, Beethoven. In literature the annals of
those days read like a recapitulation of universal genius: Goethe, Kant,
Herder, Lessing, Diderot, Voltaire, Rousseau, De Stael, Chateaubriand,
Beranger, Lamartine, Burns, Scott, Goldsmith, Johnson, Adam Smith,
Keats, Shelley, Byron, Colderidge, Lamb, Alfieri, Richter, Niebuhr,
Derzhavin. The steamboat and the railroad came into existence. The
Institute of France, the University of France, and the University of
Berlin were founded. As on more than one other occasion political and
military activity, in the direction of liberal revolution, stimulated
intellectuality and made invention and letters vie with arms.
Amid all this, Spain alone stood singular in her decline. Not one name
of the first rank adorned her annals. In the two departments of letters
which perhaps most of all reflect the national mind and spirit, lyrical
poetry and the drama, she was almost entirely lacking. Most of such
writers as she had seemed content to copy weakly French examples. And
even when the Spanish people rose with splendid patriotic energy against
the tyranny of Napoleon, fought their war of independence, and strove to
establish their liberal Constitution of 1812 upon the wreck of broken
Bourbonism, there was scarcely a glimmer of intellectual inspiration
such as those deeds might have been expected to produce. It was reserved
for later years, even for our own time, for Spanish letters to regain a
place of mastery amid the foremost of the world.
Meantime the intellectual life of Cuba was beginning to dawn. As early
as 1790 a purely literary journal of fine rank, _El Papel Periodico_,
was founded in Havana, and during many years contained contributions of
sterling merit. As these were all unsigned, their authorship remains
chiefly unknown. We know, however, that among them were two poets of
real note, Manuel Justo de Rubalcava and Manuel de Zequiera y Arango.
These were not, it is true, native Cubans. They were Spaniards from New
Granada. But with many others from the South and Central American
provinces they became fully identified with Cuban life and Cuban
aspirations. In the third year of the nineteenth century, too, there was
born of Spanish refugee parents from Santo Domingo, Cuba's greatest poet
and indeed the greatest poet in Spanish literature in that century, José
Maria Heredia. True, he called himself a Spaniard, in the spirit of the
"Ever Faithful Isle," and referred to Spain as his "Alma Mater." He was
in his youth a passionate partisan of the liberal movement in the
Peninsula, especially of the revolution led by Riego, and his earliest
poems were written in support of that ill-fated struggle and in scathing
denunciation of the French oppressor of Spain and of those unworthy
Spaniards who consented to the suppression in blood of the rising cause
of liberty. A little later these very poems were equally applicable to
the situation in Cuba, when the people of that island began to rise
against their Spanish oppressors, and when a certain element among them
consented to oppression. Thereafter his writings were largely the
literary inspiration of Cuban patriotism; and he himself was doomed by
Spain to perpetual banishment from the island of his birth.
One other factor in the situation must be recalled. During the period
which we are now considering Cuba was the asylum for a strangely mingled
company of both loyalists and revolutionists; with the former probably
predominating. When Spain lost Santo Domingo to France, many of the
Spanish inhabitants of that island removed to Cuba; and when the island
under Toussaint rose against Spain, there was a flight of both Spanish
and French in the same direction. Also, when one after another of the
Spanish provinces on the continent began to revolt, Cuba was sought as
an asylum. Spanish loyalists came hither to escape the revolution which
they did not approve; and it is quite possible that they were in
sufficient numbers materially to affect the course and determination of
the island, first in standing by Ferdinand against Napoleon and later in
declining to join the revolutionists of the American continents. Yet not
a few of these became in a short time imbued with Cuban patriotism and
cast in their lot with the natives of the island.
There were also many revolutionary refugees, who sought asylum in Cuba
when their cause seemed not to be prospering in other lands. As we shall
see, the first important Cuban revolutionist, Narciso Lopez, came from
Venezuela; and there were others from that country, and from Guatemala
and Mexico; sufficient to exert much influence in insular affairs.
It was in these strangely diverse and complex circumstances that Cuba
entered the third great era of her existence. She was still a Spanish
colony, and she was still a potential pawn in the international games of
diplomacy and war. But she had at last gravitated politically toward the
American rather than the European system, and she had begun to develop a
spirit of individual nationality which was destined after many years and
many labors to assure her a place among the sovereign states of the
Western Hemisphere.
CHAPTER XVII
For a correct understanding of the internal dissensions and uprisings
which played so large a part in the history of Cuba during the greater
part of the nineteenth century, it is necessary to have clearly in mind
an idea of the number, nature and distribution of her population during
this period.
The first record of anything like a satisfactory enumeration of the
people of the island is that of the census of 1775. It was known as that
of the Abbe Raynal, and was taken under the direction and by order of
the Marquis de la Torre. It was so far from being accurate and complete
that it can hardly be regarded as much more than a fair estimate.
Indeed, most authorities are of the opinion that its figures are far
below the actual facts. It showed a population of 170,370, for the
entire island, with 75,604 of this number residing in the district of
Havana.
The population of Cuba at that time was made up almost entirely of two
races, the whites and the blacks, the native Indians having long ago
practically disappeared. The following table gives a brief resumé of the
result of the census of 1775:
_Men_ _Women_
Whites 54,555 40,864
Free colored 15,980 14,635
Slaves 28,774 15,562
-------- -------
99,309 71,061
Total 170,370
The spirit in which this census was taken was admirable. It sought not
only to present statistics as to the age, race, sex and social condition
of the population, but also, so far as possible, to indicate something
of its distribution. It is not difficult to imagine, however, what a
momentous undertaking such a work must have been with the meagre
facilities then in the hands of the authorities, and it is not
astonishing that the results left much to be desired. The failure was
not one of intent but of the means by which the information might be
acquired.
In 1791 a second attempt to enumerate and classify the population of
Cuba was made by order of Don Luis de las Casas. This showed a
population of 272,141. This apparently great increase, however, is to be
attributed to a more accurate compilation, rather than to any unusual
immigration to Cuba during this period. Indeed careful statisticians,
notably Baron Humboldt, have reached the conclusion that even these
figures fell far below the truth, and that in reality the population of
the island at this period numbered at least 362,700 adult persons.
Humboldt's conclusions merit quotation. He says:
"In 1804 I discussed the census of Don Luis de las Casas with persons
who possessed great knowledge of the locality. Examining the proportions
of the numbers omitted in the partial comparisons, it seemed to us that
the population of the island, in 1791, could not have been less than
362,700 souls. This has been augmented, during the years between 1791
and 1804, by the number of African negroes imported, which, according to
the custom-house returns for that period, amounted to 60,393; by the
immigration from Europe and St. Domingo (5,000); and by the excess of
births over deaths, which, in truth, is indeed small in a country where
one-fourth or one-fifth of the entire population is condemned to live in
celibacy. The result of these three causes of increase was reckoned to
be 60,000, estimating an annual loss of seven per cent, on the newly
imported negroes; this gives approximately, for the year 1804, a minimum
of 432,080 inhabitants. I estimated this number for the year 1804, to
comprise, whites, 234,000, free-colored, 90,000, slaves, 180,000. I
estimated the slave population, graduating the production of sugar at 80
to 100 arrobas for each negro on the sugar plantations, and 82 slaves as
the mean population of each plantation. There were then, 250 of these.
In the seven parishes, Guanajay, Managua, Batabano, Guines, Cano,
Bejucal, and Guanabacoa, there were found, by an exact census, 15,130
slaves on 183 sugar plantations."
After expatiating on the difficulty of ascertaining with absolute
accuracy the ratio of the production of sugar to the number of negroes
employed on the different estates, Humboldt continues:
"The number of whites can be estimated by the rolls of the militia, of
which, in 1804, there were 2,680 disciplined, and 27,000 rural,
notwithstanding the great facilities for avoiding the service, and
innumerable exemptions granted to lawyers, physicians, apothecaries,
notaries, clergy and church servants, schoolmasters, overseers, traders
and all who are styled noble."
Accepting, however, for the moment the figures of the census of 1791,
merely for the sake of future comparison, let us see how the population
of the island was distributed at this period. Of the 272,141 inhabitants
shown by the census over half, or 137,800, were in the district of
Havana, and almost one third of the latter number in the city itself.
These were divided as follows:
Whites, both sexes 73,000
Free colored, both sexes 27,600
Slaves, both sexes 37,200
-------
137,800
One of the best reasons for believing that this 1791 census does not
tell the whole story is that the proportion of white persons to the
black slaves is practically two to one, while as a matter of fact the
most eminent authorities are agreed that during the first half of the
nineteenth century, and for some years previous, it was about 100 to 83,
a matter which, as we shall see, was of grave concern to the Spanish
colonists.
It should be noted in passing that the greediness with which the Spanish
conquerors regarded their possessions in the New World had marked effect
on the difficulties of numbering the people. For too well the plantation
owners had learned that a record of an increase in their possessions, an
added number of slaves or signs of growing prosperity, meant that the
long arm of the crown would stretch out to despoil by further taxation,
added to the already heavy toll. It is no wonder, therefore, that the
efforts of the census takers were impeded rather than furthered.
In 1811, when the slave trade and the consequent increase of the black
population was giving great concern to the more intelligent and
far-seeing of the Cuban patriots, pressure was brought to bear on the
Spanish government and on March 26 of that year, Señors Alcocer and
Arguelles made a motion in the Spanish Cortes against the African
slave-trade and the continuation of slavery in the Spanish colonies. A
little later in the same year Don Francisco de Arango, an exceedingly
erudite statesman, also made a remonstrance to the Cortes upon the same
subject. This was in the name of the Ayuntamiento, the Consulado and the
Patriotic Society of Havana. The text of this representation or
remonstrance may be found in the "_Documents relative to the
slave-trade, 1814_."
Unfortunately in compiling the tables which were published in 1811 no
new census was taken, and the increases in population from 1791 to 1811
were merely estimated. These estimates show a population of 600,000--a
greater number, it is interesting to note, by many thousands than was
shown by the census of 1817, with which we shall deal later. This
population was distributed as follows:
_Western Part of the_ _Free_
_Island_. _Whites_ _Colored_ _Slaves_ _Total_
Surrounding Country 118,000 15,000 119,000 252,000
Havana and Suburbs 43,000 27,000 28,000 98,000
------- ------ ------- -------
161,000 42,000 147,000 350,000
_Eastern Part of the Island_.
Santiago de Cuba 40,000 38,000 32,000 110,000
Puerto Principe 38,000 14,000 18,000 70,000
Cinco Villas 35,000 20,000 15,000 70,000
------- ------ ------ -------
113,000 72,000 65,000 250,000
------- ------- ------- -------
Totals 274,000 114,000 212,000 600,000
From the above we can see that at this time there were only 62,000 more
white people in Cuba than there were slaves, and if we take into
consideration the free blacks, then the negroes exceeded the white
population by 52,000. This was perhaps inevitable when we consider that
there must be labor to develop the plantations and that that labor was
almost entirely provided by the slave trade. Nevertheless, the white
population of Cuba lived in somewhat the same state of subconscious
terror of the possibilities of a black uprising which tormented the
planters in portions of the United States. But "that is another story"
of which we shall hear more later.
In 1813 the Spanish Cortes passed certain measures, which, together with
the necessity for as accurate as possible an enumeration of the
population of the island for the purpose of an equitable establishment
of electoral juntas of provinces, partidas and parishes, made a new
census obligatory. This was taken in 1817. The results of this new
census were as follows:
_Districts_ _White_ _Free colored_ _Slaves_
_Western Department:_
Havana 135,177 40,419 112,122
Matanzas 10,617 1,675 9,594
Trinidad (with
Sancti Spiritus,
Remedios, and
Villa Clara) 51,864 16,411 14,497
_Eastern Department:_
Santiago (with
Bayamo, Holguin,
and Baracoa) 33,733 50,230 46,500
Puerto Principe 25,989 6,955 16,579
------- ------- -------
257,380 115,691 199,292
Total 572,363
The census of 1817 was without doubt the most perfect which had up to
that time been taken; but, for the reasons before given, it was far from
being an accurate enumeration. To these figures, before transmitting
them to Spain, the Provincial Deputation added 32,641 transients of
various kinds, and 25,967 negroes imported during the year in which the
census was taken. These additions made the report read as follows:
Whites 290,021
Free Colored 115,691
Slaves 225,259
-------
Total 630,971
It would seem that these various censuses and the estimate of 1811 show
great discrepancies, but on this point we have the sage observations of
no less an authority than Baron Humboldt to guide us. He says:
"We shall not be surprised at the partial contradiction found in the
tables of population when we taken into consideration all the
difficulties that have been encountered in the centres of European
civilization, England and France, whenever the great operation of a
general census is attempted. No one is ignorant, for example, of the
fact that the population of Paris, in 1820, was 714,000, and from the
number of deaths, and supposed proportion of births to the total
population, it is believed to have been 520,000, at the beginning of the
eighteenth century; yet during the administration of M. Necker, the
ascertained population was one-sixth less than this number."
The process of census taking even in this twentieth century is an
enormous undertaking and not free from error. How much more difficult
must it have been in a country where it was to the interest of the
intelligent to suppress the facts, where a large proportion of the
population was still in slavery, and where means of communication from
place to place were far from adequate!
Baron Humboldt after very careful calculation estimated the population
at the close of 1825 to be as follows:
Whites 325,000
Free colored 130,000
Slaves 260,000
-------
Total 715,000
This was nearly equal to that of the British Antilles, and about twice
that of Jamaica.
During the first half of the nineteenth century three additional
censuses were taken:
_Census of 1827_
_Whites_ _Free Colored_ _Slaves_ _Total_
_Department_ _Male_ _Female_ _Male_ _Female_ _Male_ _Female_
Western 89,526 75,532 21,235 24,829 125,388 72,027 408,537
Central 53,447 44,776 13,296 10,950 28,398 13,630 164,497
Eastern 25,680 22,090 17,431 18,753 29,504 17,995 131,353
------- ------- ------ ------ ------- ------- -------
Total 168,653 142,398 51,962 54,532 183,290 103,652 704,487
_Census of 1841_
_Whites_ _Free Colored_ _Slaves_ _Total_
_Department_ _Male_ _Female_ _Male_ _Female_ _Male_ _Female_
Western 135,079 108,944 32,726 33,737 207,954 113,320 631,760
Central 60,035 53,838 15,525 16,054 34,939 15,217 195,608
Eastern 32,030 28,365 27,452 27,344 38,357 25,708 180,256
------- ------- ------ ------ ------- ------- ---------
Total 227,144 191,147 75,703 77,135 281,250 155,245 1,007,624
_Census for 1846_
_Whites_ _Free Colored_ _Slaves_ _Total_
_Department_ _Male_ _Female_ _Male_ _Female_ _Male_ _Female_
Western 133,968 110,141 28,964 32,730 140,131 87,682 533,617
Central 62,262 52,692 17,041 17,074 32,425 14,560 196,954
Eastern 34,753 31,951 26,646 26,771 28,455 20,506 169,082
------- ------- ------ ------ ------- ------- -------
Total 230,983 194,784 72,651 76,575 201,011 122,748 898,752
J. S. Thrasher, translator of Baron Humboldt's admirable work on Cuba,
and himself an authority of note, offers the following interesting and
suggestive discussion of the census of 1846:
"The slightest examination leads to the belief that there is some error
in the figures of the census of 1846; and we are inclined to doubt its
results, for the following reasons:
"1st--During the period between 1841 and 1846, no great cause, as
epidemic, or emigration on a large scale, existed to check the hitherto
steady increase of the slave population, and cause a decrease of 112,736
in its numbers, being nearly twenty six per cent. of the returns of
1841; which apparent decrease and the annihilation of former rate of
increase (3.7 per cent. yearly), amount together to a loss of 47 per
cent., in six years.
"2d.--During this period the material prosperity of the country
experienced no decrease, except the loss of part of one crop, consequent
upon the hurricane of 1845.
"3d.--During the period from 1842 to 1846, the church returns of
christenings and interments were as follows:
_White_ _Colored_ _Total_
Christenings 87,049 74,302 161,349
Interments 51,456 57,762 109,218
------ ------ -------
Increase 35,591 16,540 52,131
"4th.--And because ... a capitation tax upon house servants was imposed
in 1844, and a very general fear existed that it would be extended to
other classes."
Incorrect as we have seen these various censuses to be, they do furnish
us with very interesting means of analysis. We can see by the foregoing
tables that the free population (black and white) was nearly two thirds
of the entire population of the island; and also that, according to the
last census given above, the blacks on the island exceeded the white
people by many thousands. The balance of power then lay with the free
blacks.
But this was not as dangerous as it may seem--as it often appeared to
the Cubans. At this stage of his history the negro was not even one
generation removed from his native jungle. He was imitating the white
man not so much in his quiet virtues as in his glaring and showy vices.
The negro is naturally sociable and happy-go-lucky. The island of Cuba
has not a climate which is conducive to arduous labors.
The natural tendency of the colored freed man was to gravitate away from
the plantations, into the cities and villages. This made it necessary
constantly to be importing new slaves to take the place of the freed
man. Frequently, however, the latter improved in his new surroundings.
His freedom, his increased obligations, his new sense of self-respect,
made him desire to throw his fortunes, not with his enslaved black
brothers but with the free born white man. This was the more easy of
accomplishment because there is no place in the world where people are
more democratic in matters of race than in Cuba. A free black man who
improved his opportunities was sure of being received as the equal of
the white man in the same station of life. This even extended to
intermarriage with white women. Miscegenation was very common, but
curiously enough, more common in plantation life, on the same basis that
the American planter in the southern part of the United States conducted
his relations with his women slaves. The tendency of the free colored
man, in spite of his new opportunities, was to marry one of his own
race.
In 1820 the slave-trade with Africa was legally abolished, and
undoubtedly if this law had been enforced the negro population would
have diminished rapidly, because the mortality of the negro race in
slavery is very high. Even in Cuba, a land where the climate is more
similar to that of his own country than that of any part of the United
States, the negro is all too frequently a victim of tuberculosis.
Indeed, although in the Custom House between 1811 and 1817, 67,000
negroes were registered as imported, and the real number must have been
far greater, in 1817 there were only 13,300 more slaves than in 1811.
Another reason, too, would have contributed very quickly to the
diminishing of the negro population. Spain, always greedy for the main
chance, never far-seeing in her relations with her American possessions,
had urged the importation of male slaves in preference to females. Of
course this meant a preponderance of laborers, but it also militated
against the increase of the race in Cuba by natural means. There was far
from being a sufficient number of young women of child-bearing age. On
the plantations the proportion of women to men was one to four; in the
cities the rate was better, 1 to 1.4; in Havana 1 to 1.2; and in the
island considered as a whole 1 to 1.7. For a normal and proper birth
rate there must be a preponderance of women over men.
But, although the laws forbade the slave traffic, by illicit means it
continued to be carried on. Between 1811 and 1825 no fewer than 185,000
African negroes were imported into Cuba; 60,000 of these subsequent to
the passage of the measure of 1820.
The ratio of population to the square league is a very interesting and
illuminating study. On this point J. S. Thrasher gives us some excellent
deductions:
"Supposing the population to be 715,000 (which I believe to be within
the minimum number) the ratio of population in Cuba, in 1825, was 197
individuals to the square league, and, consequently, nearly twice less
than that of San Domingo, and four times smaller than that of Jamaica.
If Cuba were as well cultivated as the latter island, or, more properly
speaking, if the density of population were the same, it would contain
3,515 x 974, or 3,159,000 inhabitants."
In 1811, at the time the population was estimated, we find the negroes
to have been distributed as follows; the figures indicating percentages:
_Western Department_ _Free_ _Slave_ _Total_
In towns 11 11-1/2 22-1/2
In rural districts 1-1/2 34 35-1/2
_Eastern Department_
In towns 11 9-1/2 20-1/2
In rural districts 11 10-1/2 21-1/2
-------- -------- --------
34-1/2 65-1/2 100
The foregoing indicates that sixty per cent. of the black population at
this period lived in the district of Havana, and that there were about
equal numbers of freedmen and slaves, that the total black population in
that portion of the island was distributed between towns and country in
the ratio of two to three, while in the eastern part of the island the
distribution between towns and country was about equal. We shall find
the foregoing compilations of inestimable value in consideration of the
problem which was such a source of concern to the white population and
which played so large a part in this period of the history of Cuba;
namely, slavery.
CHAPTER XVIII
The first records of the slave trade in Cuba--so far as the eastern part
of the island is concerned--were in 1521. Curiously enough it was begun
by Portuguese rather than Spanish settlers. It was a well recognized
institution, licensed by the government. The first license was held by
one Gasper Peralta, and covered the trade with the entire Spanish
America. Later French traders visited Havana and took tobacco in trade
for their slaves. The English, during their possession of the island,
far from frowning on the traffic, encouraged it; yet in the latter part
of the eighteenth century the number of slaves in Cuba was estimated not
to exceed 32,000. This was previous to 1790. Of these 32,000, 25,000
were in the district of Havana.
Baron Humboldt is authority for some interesting figures on the traffic.
"The number of Africans imported from 1521 to 1763 was probably 60,000,
whose descendants exist" (he writes in 1856) "among the free mulattoes,
the greater part of which inhabit the eastern part of the island. From
1763 to 1790 when the trade in negroes was thrown open, Havana received
24,875 (by the Tobacco Company, 4,957 from 1763 to 1766; by the contract
with the Marquis de Casa Enrile, 14,132, from 1773 to 1779; by the
contract with Baker and Dawson, 5,786 from 1786 to 1789). If we estimate
the importation of slaves in the eastern part of the island during these
twenty-seven years (1763 to 1790) at 6,000, we have a total importation
of 80,875 from the time of the discovery of Cuba, or more properly
speaking, from 1521 to 1790."
It was in the period of which we are writing, particularly in the very
early years of the nineteenth century, that the slave trade most
flourished in Cuba. It is estimated that more slaves were bought and
sold from 1790 to 1820 than in all the preceding history of the Spanish
possession of the island.
England, possibly seeing what an enormous power for developing the
natural wealth of the island an influx of free labor would give to
Spain, entered into an arrangement with Ferdinand VII.--whose sole
animating motive in dealing with his foreign possessions seems to have
been to grab the reward in hand and let the future take care of
itself--whereby, upon the payment by England to the king of four hundred
thousand pounds sterling, to compensate for the estimated loss which the
cessation of the slave trade would mean to the colonies, Ferdinand
agreed that the slave trade north of the equator should be restricted
from November 22, 1817, and totally abolished on May 30, 1820. Ferdinand
accepted the money, but as we have seen he did not fulfil his contract
and winked at the continuation of the importation of labor from Africa.
The following table shows an importation into the district of Havana
alone, for a period of 31 years, of 225,574 Africans:
1790 2,534 1806 4,395
1791 8,498 1807 2,565
1792 8,528 1808 1,607
1793 3,777 1809 1,152
1794 4,164 1810 6,672
1795 5,832 1811 6,349
1796 5,711 1812 6,081
1797 4,552 1813 4,770
1798 2,001 1814 4,321
1799 4,919 1815 9,111
1800 4,145 1816 17,737
1801 1,659 1817 25,841
1802 13,832 1818 19,902
1803 9,671 1819 17,194
1804 8,923 1820 4,122
1805 4,999 -------
Total 225,574
But Havana was not the only port through which slaves entered Cuba, and
the recognized channels were not the only ones through which they came.
Therefore, to provide for the illicit importations and those made at
Trinidad and Santiago these figures should be increased by at least one
fourth to cover the importations for the whole island. This gives us the
following results:
From 1521 to 1763 60,000
1764 33,409
Havana
From 1791 to 1805 91,211
1806 to 1820 131,829
Secret trade and trade in other parts of the island 56,000
-------
372,499
As we have seen, the trade did not stop when it was made illegal. We
have the authority of one of the British commissioners at Havana that in
1821 twenty-six vessels engaged in the slave trade landed 6,415 slaves;
and this gentleman also states that only about fifty per cent. of such
arrivals ever reached the attention of the commissioners, so that to
this number an equal amount should be added to provide for the slaves
imported by "underground" methods.
The yearly reports of these British commissioners furnish some food for
thought on this subject. They report the following data:
1822, 10 vessels arrived, bringing--estimated--3,000 slaves
1823, 4 vessels arrived, bringing--estimated--1,200 "
1824, 17 vessels arrived, bringing--estimated--5,100 "
1825, 14 vessels arrived, bringing--estimated--4,200 "
1826, 11 vessels arrived, bringing--estimated--3,000 "
1827, 10 vessels arrived, bringing--estimated--3,500 "
1828, 28 vessels arrived, bringing--estimated--7,000 "
--------
27,000 "
Adding the estimated one half for the number
not reported 13,500 "
-------
40,500 "
In 1838, the British consul at Havana reported to the foreign office in
London, regarding slave importations into Cuba for the previous nine
years:
1829 8,600
1830 9,800
1831 10,400
1832 8,200
1833 9,000
1834 11,400
1835 14,800
1836 14,200
1837 15,200
-------
Total 101,600
Add 1/5 20,320
-------
121,920
It will be observed that the consulate adds only one fifth to cover the
secret importations during this period.
From 1838 to 1853 the importations, according to records laid before
the British House of Commons, were as follows:
1838 10,495 1846 419
1839 10,995 1847 1,450
1840 10,104 1848 1,500
1841 8,893 1849 8,700
1842 3,630 1850 3,500
1843 8,000 1851 5,000
1844 10,000 1852 7,924
1845 1,300 1st half 1853 7,329
------
99,239
During the early years of the slave trade, the Spanish masters treated
their slaves not so well as they treated their work animals. But
gradually they began to realize that after all it was cheaper to keep
the slaves that they had in good physical condition than to be
continually buying new ones, especially when the trade had fallen off
because of legal restrictions.
A greater number of colored women were imported; the moral condition of
the negroes, especially as to marriage, became a subject of greater
interest to the plantation owners; the negroes were encouraged to marry,
and wives were recruited from among the mulattoes as well as those of
pure black blood. Some efforts were made for better sanitary conditions
toward the middle of the century, and persons were employed on the
estates whose business it was to look after the sick slaves and nurse
them. In the last analysis, however, the conditions under which the
slaves lived on each plantation rested entirely--as it did in the United
States--on the kind of overseers under whom they were employed.
There are many touching stories of the devotion of the slaves to their
master. This was quite as great as among the old southern families in
the United States. The Cuban was naturally a kind master--we wish the
Spanish-born planter might always be as well spoken of--and he inspired
in his slaves a feeling of real affection. This often developed into a
single hearted devotion so great that the slave grew to count his
master's enemies as his own.
This is not extraordinary when we consider that the African, torn from
his own home and family ties and transported to a strange country, among
a strange people, took the name of his master and became a part of the
big household, identified not only with the working life but also with
the social life of the little community represented by the plantation.
Fierce as he may have been in his native surroundings, he was naturally
affectionate and clung eagerly to the one who, holding the slave's whole
destiny in his hand, yet was kind to him. The women slaves, especially
those of mixed blood, were bound to their masters often by ties of
consanguinity. They attended the master's wife when her children were
born, nursed the babies at their own breasts, and served and waited upon
the second generation as foster mothers. They were like grown up
children. The places where they lived, the food that they ate and the
clothing that they wore were all under the control of the one whom they
served. When he fell ill, they were devoted nurses, and when he died,
they buried him, and manifested their grief in their own primitive
fashion.
The slave owner who treated his slaves well, until other factors began
to enter the situation, had little to fear from them. But masters were
not always kindly. There were as many different varieties of human
disposition in those days as in these. The negro can hate as fiercely as
he can love, and gradually, as he acquired more knowledge and
understanding, on the estates where kindness was not the law, there grew
up mutterings of discontent and hatred, and hints of possible uprisings.
It was the excessive mortality among the black population which first,
perhaps, influenced their owners to favor better laws and more natural
and healthful conditions for them. Curiously enough, up to the opening
of the nineteenth century there were "religious scruples" against the
introduction of female slaves on the plantations, although the colored
women were much less expensive to purchase than the men. The colored men
were condemned to celibacy, as Baron Humboldt told us, "under the
pretext that vicious habits were thus avoided." They were worked in the
day time, and locked in at night to avoid their having any chance for
female companionship. And yet, in spite of the fact that these
"scruples" were "religious," we find the paradoxical situation that the
Jesuit and Bethlehemite friars were the only planters who encouraged the
importation of women slaves.
Don Francisco de Arango, being a clear sighted man, endeavored to bring
about the imposition of a tax upon such plantations as did not have at
least one third as many women as men among their slaves. He also tried
to have a duty of $6 levied upon every male negro imported from Africa.
In both of these efforts he was defeated, but they had the excellent
effect of stirring public opinion. While the juntas were opposed, as
always, to enacting any such drastic measures, yet there began to be a
disposition to encourage the mating of the slaves, to increase the
number of marriages, to give each negro a little cabin of his own that
he might call home, and, when children came, to see that they were
properly cared for. Then, too, efforts were made to insure lighter work
for the women during pregnancy, with a total relief as the time for the
birth of the coming child grew nearer.
How much of this came about because the slave owners were forced to see
that a continuation of the early conditions would compass their own
ruin, and how much because they were naturally inclined to be humane
when their duty was brought home to them, it is difficult to determine;
but judging from the Cuban's naturally kindly disposition, we are
inclined to believe that in many instances the master was glad to treat
his slaves as well as he could, when he began to realize that after all
they were not merely property--cheap labor--but human beings with
emotions and longings very much like his own. Under these bettered
conditions the rate of negro mortality fell as low as from eight to six
per cent. on the best plantations.
Another element, however, which was not conducive to the betterment of
the conditions of the negroes was the introduction of thousands of
Chinese laborers. They contracted to work for a number of years at
prices far below those usually estimated as fair, on the island. They
were the very lowest type of Chinese, and brought with them many vicious
influences and practices. No Chinese women were imported, and the
Chinese men mingled freely with the negro women. The very worst kind of
miscegenation was thus promoted, and the effect on the morals of the
negroes on the estates where these Chinese were employed was very bad
indeed.
In no other of the foreign colonies in America did the free negro so
predominate as in Cuba. It was not at all a difficult matter for a black
to gain freedom, since almost no real obstacles were placed in his way.
Every slave who did not like his "condition of servitude" had a right
to seek a new master, or to purchase his liberty, on payment only of the
price paid for him.
Then, too, the religious education of the slaves came to be recognized
as a matter of great importance. Religion played an important part in
the life of the Spanish colonies in general. It was therefore only
natural that they should employ every available means to convert the
African slave from his "false heathen superstitions" to their own "true
faith." Besides, it had long been the theory of tyrants that if men were
imbued with religious fervor and taught self-immolation, they were thus
rendered more docile under oppression. The slave code accordingly
required every master to instruct his slaves in religion.
One of the first and most marked results of this encouragement of
religious feeling was quite different from what had been expected or
intended. That was, to arouse a strong and increasing repugnance to the
legal continuance of the institution of slavery. This prevailed among
the better class of owners as well as among the slaves themselves. More
and more frequent became the custom of providing by will for the
emancipation of slaves at the death of their masters. The natural
affection, also, to which we have referred, which arose between slaves
who acted as domestic or body servants and the owners who enjoyed such
faithful service, conduced to the same end. The natural inclination of
the humane master was to grant such servitors their freedom.
Despite these palliating circumstances, slavery was odious, and
persistent negro insurrections began to cause serious concern to the
white population. In hope of checking them by kindness, new laws were
enacted. Legal restrictions were placed upon the hours of labor. It was
decreed that except under certain stated conditions a master should not
work his slaves more than nine or ten hours a day. When the exigencies
of the season required greater efforts, sixteen hours were prescribed as
the extreme limit, and the master was required to give extra pay for the
extra time. But these regulations were difficult if not impossible to
enforce. Indeed, we must assume that they were not meant to be enforced.
They were for show and nothing more; and they remained practically a
dead letter.
Religious scruples could not and of course did not prevent the
performance of much labor on Sundays, and the needs of agriculture often
made work necessary on holidays. There were routine duties to be
performed every day. For these, two hours were regarded as sufficient,
and to such time the code restricted the labor of Sundays and holidays.
There was also a general provision under which slaves were granted the
right to labor on their own account, paying a certain part of their
wages to the masters and retaining the remainder from which they might,
if they desired, create a fund looking toward their own eventual
freedom.
One cannot escape the conclusion that during the periods of slavery,
either in the United States or the Spanish colonies, the African negro
was never really regarded--no matter how close and friendly his
relations with his master--in the last analysis, as anything more than a
sort of higher animal or at best a child. Men do not thrash their
employes for disobedience, when there is any pretence of equality
between master and servant. Animals are whipped to teach them obedience,
and a child is chastised when he is naughty. The last was ever the
corrective which the white master wielded against his disobedient or
lazy slaves. It is true that nominally the laws of Cuba did not permit
its brutal misuse. The slave code limited the amount of punishment for
any offense to twenty-five lashes. Any more severe measures, if known,
were the subject of careful judicial investigation, and the penalty for
them on conviction was a fine of from $20 to $200. Unfortunately,
however, these laws were not effective. It is obvious that a strong man
can do much damage to a human being with 25 lashes. Infractions of the
law were seldom reported. The frightened African, subject to his master,
feared the results of reporting a violation of the law. He would have to
stand trial before a jury, not of his peers but of white men, one of
whose number was the aggressor. The other slaves--his witnesses--were
far too afraid of what might befall them if they upheld the testimony of
the complainant. Even the sluggish brain of the slave could picture,
with dreadful anticipation, the anger of the master, and the subsequent
retribution, much more severe than the original beating, should by any
extraordinary chance the slave be triumphant and his master be compelled
to pay a fine.
And so, in spite of the fact that in none of the colonies was the
condition of the black freedman better than in Cuba,--far better than in
Martinique, where free negroes were prohibited from receiving gifts from
white people, and where they might be apprehended and returned to
servitude if they could be convicted of the very natural act of aiding
any of their less fortunate brothers to escape--and in spite of the laws
which might, if not dead letters, have safeguarded the interests of the
slaves, a feeling of dissatisfaction and unrest among the blacks was
seething beneath the surface. The more knowledge they gained, and,
curiously enough, the more concessions there were granted them, the
stronger it grew, breeding trouble and bad blood between the white
owners and the blacks, both enslaved and free, destroying mutual
confidence and engendering a spirit of fear and distrust which was
presently to break forth into open revolt.
The negroes hated the Spanish authorities, too, because they recognized
them to be cowards and hypocrites, pretending one thing and doing
another; oppressing the weak for their own gain, and siding with the
powerful because it served their interests to do so. In such
circumstances the drift toward slave insurrections was inevitable.
CHAPTER XIX
Perhaps it is a wise Providence that decrees that even government shall
be subject to that rhythm by which the tides of human affairs rise and
fall. Who shall say? In 1796, Las Casas, who had tried to do so much for
Cuba, was succeeded, as Captain-General, by the Conde de Santa Clara.
The latter was of a different type from Las Casas. In spite of his
aristocratic birth, he was a man of little education, and indifferent to
it. The result was, since he had no taste for letters, and social
elegance did not appeal to him, that the impetus was withdrawn from the
development of the finer arts in Cuba. His influence was all the more
deleterious since he was a man of generous, hearty, open-handed nature
and personally was immensely popular. Naturally, but unhappily, culture
in Cuba quickly fell from the high standards maintained by his
predecessor.
Santa Clara's interests were military and he did a great deal to improve
the forts of Cuba--a much needed work. Almost all of the new
fortifications on the island, which aided in its defense during the
latter part of the nineteenth century, were originated by him, and the
Bateria de Santa Clara, outside of Havana, was named in recognition of
his services.
Previous to 1796 there had been a great navy yard on the Bay of Havana,
and more than a hundred war vessels or convoys for Spanish treasure
ships had there been built. The same year that Santa Clara became
Captain-General, the Spanish ship-builders, realizing that they were
losing the large profits from this work, demanded that the navy yard at
Havana be closed, and that the work be done in Spain. Influence was
finally brought to bear on the crown, and an order was issued closing
the Cuban navy yards.
The rule of Santa Clara was, however, a short one; which was well for
the island. In 1799, the Marquis de Someruelos succeeded him. By Spanish
law the term of Captain-General was limited to five years. The Conde de
Santa Clara failed to complete his term, but the Marquis de Someruelos
served for a much longer period. He remained in Cuba until 1812, and he
sought by every means in his power to efface the bad effects of the rule
of Santa Clara and to reestablish the régime of progress which had
flourished under Las Casas.
In 1802 Havana was visited by a devastating conflagration. As frequently
happens in such disasters, it was the poorer people who suffered the
most severely. Over 11,000 of the poorer inhabitants of the suburb of
Jesus Maria were rendered destitute. The Marquis de Someruelos lent his
personal efforts to their succor, to excellent effect, and his kindness
of heart quickly endeared him to rich and poor alike. He tried hard to
rule impartially, to dispense justice to all classes without
distinction, and attained a gratifying measure of success.
The improvement of the island from an architectural point of view also
interested him, and he left behind him two public memorials. The first
was intended to give an impetus to art. It was a great public theatre;
perhaps not great for these days, it is true, but an undertaking of note
for that time. The second showed his interest in sanitary measures. It
was a public cemetery, a huge burying-ground, 22,000 square yards in
size, where the dead might be gathered, rather than to permit their
being buried in small plots on estates or in yards. The walls, gateway
and chapel were good examples of the Cuban architecture of the period,
and the mortuary chapel contained a beautiful fresco depicting the
Resurrection.
Early in the nineteenth century, in 1807, the people of the island began
to manifest a fear, which indeed was well founded, of hostile invasion.
Both England and France had long cast appraising and jealous eyes on the
Spanish possessions in America. The Spanish trade was valuable, and
England was eager to seize as much as possible of it. In view of this
peril the defenses of Havana were materially strengthened. Troops were
carefully drilled, and the army was increased by the addition of
recruits. Several coast towns were attacked and sacked by the English,
but no large invasion took place and the damage was small.
But the Cubans soon learned that the enemy whom they had real cause to
fear was not England but France. Spain and France were at war, and the
French colonists in America stood ready to take up the quarrel. To avert
this peril "Juntas" or Committees were organized for national defense.
War was unofficially declared on the unnaturalized Frenchmen on the
Island, many of whom were killed and their plantations wrecked, while
6,000 were expelled from the island. Even these drastic measures did not
prevent a French invasion, although it was rather an opera bouffe
performance. A motley company of soldiers of fortune, adventurers, and
refugees from Santo Domingo tried to take Santiago and failed; they did,
however, effect a landing at Batabano.
The Cuban army hastened to defend the country, but found that the
invaders were not particularly enthusiastic about fighting. They wanted
to colonize. They endeavored to "build homes and make their residences
in uninhabited portions of Cuba, just as they had done in Santo
Domingo. The Cubans, however, realized that this apparently peaceful
effort might well be a menace in disguise. If the French were allowed to
settle portions of the island, soon France, who also appreciated the
value of the Spanish possessions, might endeavor to claim the island, or
at least a portion of it, as her territory.
The Captain-General was equal to the occasion. He did not resort to
arms. He plainly but firmly impressed upon the invaders the fact that it
was unthinkable that they should be allowed to take as their own any
portion of Cuba. He told them that if they were dissatisfied with Santo
Domingo, he would see that transportation was furnished them to France.
On the other hand, if they wanted to return to Santo Domingo, he would
insure their being taken thither. But on no account could they remain as
inhabitants of Cuba. His persuasions were partially successful and
numbers of them peacefully left the country.
For a long time, Spain had paid but meagre attention to her American
possessions, save to mulct them for revenue. They had no representation,
and their messages to and requests of the mother country received but
scanty attention. Spain herself was passing through stormy times. The
country was in turmoil. Revolution was impending. Napoleon, whose greedy
glance embraced almost the whole of Europe, had turned his attention to
the Peninsula. In 1808 the royal family of Spain was abducted, and held
virtually prisoners by Napoleon, while a new government was set up.
When the news of Napoleon's action reached Cuba, the Cabildo was in
session. At once, each and every member took a solemn oath to make every
effort to retain the island "for their lawful sovereign." Don Juan de
Aguilar arrived in Cuba on the American ship _Dispatch_, and the
government at once declared war against Napoleon and reaffirmed the
loyalty of Cuba to Spain. On July 20, 1808, they proclaimed King
Ferdinand VII as their lawful sovereign. This conduct, so little
appreciated and so cruelly repaid by the mother country, won for Cuba
the title of the "Ever-Faithful Isle."
The internal troubles in Spain naturally had a most disastrous effect
upon the Cuban trade and prosperity. The exports to Spain fell off to an
alarming degree. The products of the country had, for a time, lost their
natural market. Only statesmen of vision were able to understand the
causes of the trouble. The common people looked upon the results only,
and a strong feeling of unrest was engendered. The colony was
practically independent of the mother country at this time, so far as
any guidance or aid was concerned. The King was exiled and Joseph
Bonaparte held sway in the Spanish capital.
But now a new difficulty showed its head. Not all the French had
returned to Santo Domingo or France. There were numbers of French
settlers in the rural districts. The people were discontented, and soon
a movement arose--on March 21, 1809, it came to a crisis--to endeavor to
persuade the French colonists, who had been so easily disposed of by
Someruelos, to return. This movement took on almost the aspect of a
revolution. It seemed as if France, not content with obtaining control
of Spain, was again stretching out a clutching hand to grab Cuba as
well.
The heads of the Cuban government were thoroughly aroused. Summary
measures were taken, and the uprising, which had bid fair to be so
serious, was subdued in two days. It was due, probably, to the firmness,
decision and resourcefulness of those at the helm of Cuba at that time,
that Cuba did not then and there become the victim of a movement which
might have resulted in her becoming subject to France instead of Spain.
The attitude of the United States toward French aggression also lent
Cuba moral support, as we shall see.
The encounters which took place in putting down this trouble were
practically bloodless. Almost no lives were lost, but much property was
destroyed. A more serious result was that dissatisfied colonists, some
of them of the most desirable type, to the number of many thousands,
were driven to seek their fortunes and find new homes away from Cuba.
Napoleon was not satisfied to leave Spain in possession of Cuba, but
soon instigated another effort to get possession of the island for
France. In 1810, a young man arrived in Cuba from the United States. He
was Don Manuel Aleman. His mission was apparently private business of
his own, but the Cuban government had confidential information to the
effect that he was an emissary of Napoleon. He was not allowed to land
unapprehended, but was arrested on the ship on which he had come, and he
was thrust into a none too pleasant Cuban prison. A council of war was
assembled, but this was merely a form. Aleman's fate was predetermined.
On the following morning, July 13, 1810, he was taken to the Campo de la
Punta and there publicly hanged as a traitor to Spain.
No account of events in Cuba at this time would be complete without some
record of one whom Las Casas called "a jewel of priceless value to the
glory of the nation, a protector for Cuba, an accomplished statesman for
the monarchy," Don Francisco de Arango, the bearer of the "most
illustrious name in Cuban annals."
Arango, to whom we have previously made reference, was born on May 22,
1765, at Havana. In early boy-hood he was left an orphan, but he managed
the large estate which had been left him with all the skill and judgment
of a mature mind. He studied law, and was admitted to practice in Spain,
and he there acted, for a number of years, as agent for the municipality
of Cuba. He was thoroughly familiar with the wrongs and needs of his
country, and it is probable that no one of his time was more suited by
nature, training and sympathies to act for Cuba. He succeeded in fact in
obtaining from the crown some very valuable concessions for the island.
In Cuba itself he worked hard to bring about an increase of staples. He
exerted his influence among the planters to the end that the fertile
soil should be worked to its utmost productiveness. It was necessary
that not only should Cuba be self-supporting, and be able to pay her
enormous taxes, but that there should be a large surplus to feed the
royal exchequer. No one realized this more than Arango, whose years at
the Spanish court had made him familiar with the greed of the Spanish
government. His work was fruitful, and Cuban production at this period
came almost up to the wild expectations of the Spanish government, which
regarded Cuba as a land of inexhaustible riches. Arango was moreover a
humanitarian at heart. The wrongs of the slaves and the evils of the
slave trade appealed to his sense of justice. On the other hand, he saw
very clearly the difficulty of obtaining the proper amount of labor for
the Cuban plantations if the slave trade was abolished, and so his
efforts on behalf of the slaves took the form of attempts toward their
protection by wise laws.
The attitude of Spain toward her colonies was at this time, as indeed
always, grossly illogical. She wanted to take everything and give
nothing. She could not foresee that a present of constant depletion
meant a future of want; that in order to produce in quality the proper
facilities must be provided. Arango, who was a diplomat as well as a
statesman, by persuasion and by constant but gentle pressure at last won
some of those in authority at the court to his point of view. If Cuba
was to be a source of wealth to Spain, she must be endowed with the most
efficient equipment to produce that wealth. Through Arango's efforts
machinery was allowed to be imported into the island, free of duty.
This, of course, furnished the means for industrial expansion. He also
obtained the removal of the duty on coffee, liquors and cotton, for a
period of ten years.
But Arango saw as clearly as Las Casas had seen that Cuba to show
progress must have facilities for uplift, and for the improvement of the
mental and moral status of the inhabitants. He accordingly started a
movement which resulted in the formation of the "Junta de Fomento," or
Society for Improvement, which was long a power for good in the island,
until later the Spanish Captains-General saw in it a means to further
their own designs, and it became an instrument for oppression. Its
object was avowedly to protect and to promote the progress of
agriculture and commerce. The formation of the Cuban Chamber of Commerce
was another benefit which Arango conferred upon Cuba. For a long time he
was the Syndic of the Chamber of Commerce. There were certain
perquisites of this office which Arango steadily refused to accept, and
he also declined the salary which the office carried with it. In all his
long and useful life he never accepted remuneration in any office which
he held under the Cuban government.
Now the real power at the court of Spain at this time was the infamous
Godoy, the personal favorite of the king and the queen's lover; who
seemed to be so firmly entrenched that no one would dare to oppose him.
This creature turned greedy eyes toward Cuba. It was quite the fashion
of those times for Spanish courtiers to consider Cuba as a source of
revenue to bolster up their own fortunes. So Godoy claimed to be
protector of the Chamber of Commerce, and demanded that the receipts of
the custom house at Havana be turned over to him. He immediately met
with the opposition of Arango, who bitterly opposed his every move and
stood firmly against his plans for mulcting Cuba; in which conflict it
is a pleasure to relate that for once virtue was triumphant. Godoy was
unable to carry out his designs, and Arango was not only victor but he
gained a still further point for Cuba, the relinquishment of the royal
monopoly of tobacco.
There is another curious and interesting phase of this matter, which
speaks highly for the remarkably forceful personality of Arango.
Although he at all times stood firmly as the inflexible opponent of any
schemes which the court at Madrid might father for the oppression of
Cuba, he was always an object of respect and esteem in high political
circles in Spain, and he was offered a title of nobility. Possibly he
looked upon this as a bribe. At any rate he declined it. However, when
the Cross of the Order of Charles III. was offered him he accepted the
decoration.
In 1813 Cuba, by the adoption of the constitution of 1812, became
entitled to representation in the Spanish Cortes, and Arango was
unanimously chosen for this office. There was no person in Cuban
politics more fitted for the honor. He proved himself worthy, for, as
deputy to the Cortes, he achieved the greatest victory of his long fight
for the good of Cuba, the opening of Cuban ports to foreign trade. New
honors awaited him, for he was awarded the Grand Cross of Isabella, and
when in 1817 he returned to Cuba, he was accorded the rank of Counsellor
of State, and Financial Intendente of Cuba. Arango died in 1837, having
lived seventy-two years, and having faithfully served his country for
the greater portion of them. He bequeathed a large portion of his
considerable fortune for public purposes and charitable objects, all for
the betterment of the land that he loved.
In the darkest hours of tyranny, while suffering wrongs that would have
inflamed other peoples to rebellion, Cuba remained "The Ever-Faithful
Isle" for many years, until forced to rebellion. Against the background
of injustice, as contrasted with the Spanish Captains-General who were
to follow, and whose sole interest in Cuba was to extract as much as
they could from her, acting on the principle of "after us the deluge,"
and caring nothing for her ultimate fate, the figure of Arango, the
native Cuban, fighting at home and abroad for Cuba, stands out in bold
and happy relief. It is not a matter for surprise that his name has been
written on the annals of Cuba, with all the love and respect with which
the other South American countries revere Bolivar. Here was a man who
could not be tempted by honors, who refused remuneration for his
services, and who against the greatest odds stood staunchly for
everything which would help his travailing country.
Among Spain's other possessions in America unrest was now beginning to
manifest itself. They were sick of Spanish rule, and the period when
Spain was occupied with troubles at home seemed to be a good opportunity
to thrown off the yoke. Revolution was in the air in those days.
Independence had arisen like a new star on the horizon, and had become
the object of popular worship. It was therefore greatly to the credit
of Someruelos that in such troublous times he maintained a relatively
peaceful government. The better class of Cubans recognized his ability.
They realized that he of all men was best fitted to keep Cuba free from
disturbances which would hinder her advancement. Consequently when his
term of office was ended, a petition was sent to the Spanish government,
requesting that he be retained for a longer period. We have, however,
only to study the dealings, not only of Spain but of all the European
nations with the colonies in the New World, to understand that not the
good of the subject country, but the supposed interests of the mother
country, were what determined the destiny of the colonies. The very fact
that Someruelos was so popular in Cuba apparently seemed to those in
power in Spain an excellent excuse for his removal. They reasoned that
if he had the interests of Cuba at heart, he might not be loyal to the
government in Spain. And so, when multitudes of the best citizens of
Cuba petitioned that he be retained longer in office, not only was the
petition denied, but the petitioners were severely reprimanded by a
mandate of the Spanish government.
Hurricanes are not unusual in the southern seas, but now and then one of
exceptional severity leaves so devastating a trail that it is worthy of
chronicle even in a country where the elements are always more or less
to be reckoned with. Such a hurricane visited the western coast of Cuba
in 1810. Valuable shipping in the harbor of Havana was sunk. Sixty
merchant vessels and many ships of war were torn from their anchors and
swallowed up by the sea. Property all along the coast was destroyed, and
a large number of lives were lost. That same year an uprising occurred
among the negro population of the island. It bade fair to be far
reaching in effect and occasioned much alarm among the white
population. The most drastic and even cruel methods were taken to check
it, and finally it was subdued.
[Illustration: ALEJANDRO RAMIREZ]
On April 14, 1812, Don Juan Ruiz de Apodaca, afterwards the Conde de
Benadito, assumed the post of Captain-General, in place of the Marquis
de Someruelos. His assumption of power was marked by the gift of
additional authority to the office of Captain-General. For the first
time, the Captain-General was also the commander of the naval forces.
His initial act was to proclaim the Constitution of Cadiz. This was far
from popular in Cuba, but the citizens realized the futility of
resistance. His action created a sensation and caused much talk, but it
met with no open opposition. De Apodaca's tenure of office was short. He
retained the office of Captain-General for only two years, when he was
sent to Mexico by the Spanish government.
Next, Lieutenant-General Don José Cienfuegos was installed at Havana as
Captain-General, on July 18, 1816. It was under his direction, in 1817,
that the third census of the island was taken. Cienfuegos was most
unpopular with the Cubans. He instituted many reforms which did not find
favor in the eyes of those he governed.
ALEJANDRO RAMIREZ
An economist and statesman of three countries, Alejandro Ramirez
was born in Spain in 1777. He began his career in Guatemala as an
agricultural reformer and promoter; thence in 1813 went to Puerto
Rico as Intendente and saved that island from bankruptcy. In 1816
he became Intendente of Cuba, where he effected great reforms in
land-holding and in education. Despite his excellent services he
was bitterly attacked, and largely because of grief over the
ungrateful injustice thus shown him he sickened and died on May 20,
1821.
The entire policing forces of Havana were revolutionized and put under
new rules. We are told that his most unpopular move was to have the
streets of that city lighted at night, and that this was "thoroughly
resented." Just why such a move should be resented is not told us, but
it certainly might be the subject of fruitful and romantic conjecture.
His action is said to have caused "consternation."
A second measure was even more distasteful to the Cubans, and they
regarded it as an infringement of personal liberty. Cienfuegos ordered
that, as soon as the public services in the churches in the evenings
were over, all public thoroughfares be closed. Now this was the time of
day when all Cuba was most bent on amusement and enjoyment, and this
decree of the Captain-General made it impossible for any man to stray
far from his own door with hope of returning the same night. The
populace was up in arms with indignation. Cienfuegos had intended the
command to have a quieting effect, but its result was exactly the
reverse. It gave rise to the very disturbances which the Captain-General
was endeavoring to restrain.
It would be hard to conjecture what might have been the result of a
continuance of Cienfuegos's arbitrary methods. They certainly boded no
good for the peace of Cuba. Fortunately before he could resort to any
more of what the Cubans termed "these outrages against liberty," he fell
ill, and thereupon the administration of the government fell into the
hands of Don Juan Maria Echeverria, as a temporary substitute. This
officer had no time to formulate new rules for the government of the
Cubans, being kept very busy laboring against the troubles caused by his
predecessor's doings. Then, too, his stay was short, for on August 29,
1819, the Spanish ship of war _Sabrina_ brought Cuba a new
Captain-General, Don Juan Manuel Cagigal.
In "Cuba and the Cubans," published in 1850, we are told that "The
political changes adopted in Spain in 1812 and 1820 were productive of
similar changes in the island: and when in both instances the
constitution was proclaimed, the perpetual members of the municipalities
were at once deprived of office, and their successors elected by the
people. The provincial assembly was called, and held its sessions. The
militia was organized; the press made entirely free, the verdict of a
jury deciding actions for its abuses; and the same courts of justice
were in no instance to decide a case a second time. But if the
institution of the consulate was very beneficial during Ferdinand's
absolute sway, the ultra-popular grants of the constitutional system,
which could hardly be exercised with quiet in Spain, were ill-adapted to
Cuba, though more advanced in civilization, stained with all those vices
that are the legitimate curse of a country long under despotic sway.
That system was so democratic that the king was deprived of all
political authority. No intermediate house of nobility or senators
tempered the enactments of a single elective assembly. This sudden
change from an absolute government, with its usual concomitant, a
corrupt and debased public sentiment, to the full enjoyment of
republican privileges, served only to loosen the ties of decency and
decorum throughout the Spanish community. Infidelity resulted from it;
and that veil of respect for the religion of their fathers, which had
covered the deformity of such a state of society, was imprudently thrown
aside. As the natural consequence of placing the instruments of freedom
in the hands of an ignorant multitude, their minds were filled with
visions of that chimerical equality which the world is never to realize.
The rich found themselves deprived of their accustomed influence, and
felt that there was little chance of obtaining justice from the common
people (in no place so formidable as in Cuba, from the heterogeneous
nature of the population), and who were now, in a manner, arrayed
against them throughout the land. They, of course, eagerly wished the
return of the old system of absolute rule. But the proprietors only
asked for the liberal policy which they had enjoyed at the hands of the
Spanish monarch; not, most surely, that oppressive and nondescript
government, which, by separating the interest of the country from that
of her nearest rulers, and destroying all means of redress or complaint,
thrust the last offspring of Spain into an abyss of bloodshed and ruin,
during the recent disgusting exercise of military rule, in publishing by
the most arbitrary and cruel measures, persons suspected of engaging in
an apprehended servile insurrection."
This not altogether coherent statement gives an idea of how the rule of
the Spanish Captains-General of this period, and how the so-called
reforms which were instituted during the early part of the nineteenth
century, were regarded thirty-five or forty years afterward.
Senor Cagigal was accompanied by troops, ostensibly to supply the local
garrison, and it would be strange if they were not also imported to fill
the native hearts with respect for the government and to help in
quelling any threatened uprisings. History furnishes strange paradoxes,
and so in 1820 we have the spectacle of Cagigal's own troops rising in
revolt against him and compelling him to proclaim the constitution of
1812. It is true that he soon quelled this rebellion, set aside his
proclamation, and restored the old order, but that does not detract from
the grim humor of the situation in which he for a time found himself.
But Cagigal was a diplomat of a high order, and he did make efforts to
accomplish well the difficult task of governing Cuba. His decisions and
decrees were generally impartial. He had a charming social manner, and a
delightfully conciliatory way; always suave, affable and approachable.
He placated trouble makers, and dispensed justice in an endeavor to give
universal satisfaction. He was accordingly held in the highest esteem by
the majority of the Cubans. And Cuba apparently found favor in his eyes.
He grew to love the beautiful island, and perhaps his heart was touched
by her patience under the galling Spanish yoke. At any rate, he applied
to the crown for special permission to spend the rest of his life in
Cuba. This request was granted and he made for himself a home at
Guanabacoa, where he lived until his death, some years later.
Cagigal was succeeded in 1821 by Nicholas Mahy, an old man, of a
distrustful and arbitrary disposition, who was entirely out of sympathy
with the liberal movement in Cuba. He could see no way of retaining her
for Spain except by keeping her people in subjection under an absolute
despotism. He proceeded to carry out his ideas with a high hand, and it
is a matter of speculation to what lengths he might have gone, had not
death speedily cut short his career. He ruled for only a single year,
after which no new Captain-General was sent out from Spain but Sebastian
Kindelan, Mahy's subordinate, took command. He was a sterner
disciplinarian than even his former master. His sole object seemed to be
to reunite the military and civil power in the hands of the
Captain-General. He was willing to stoop to any means to accomplish his
purpose, and he was backed up by a large body of troops imported from
Spain. Feeling ran high between these--as the Cubans termed
them--"interlopers and troublemakers" and the local militia, and
serious trouble was with difficulty avoided. Then in 1823 Ferdinand VII.
was again in power in Spain; weak, crafty, scheming, malicious, and
grasping; and it is needless to say that Cuba was visited with new
oppression.
CHAPTER XX
It was on May 2, 1823, that Don Francisco Vives, afterward Conde de
Cuba, arrived in Cuba to take over the office of Captain-General. Let us
first contemplate the good which he accomplished for Cuba, before
scanning the darker pages of his high-handed rule.
Vives reorganized the rural militia, and he caused the construction of a
number of important fortresses and the completion of others already
begun. He divided the island into three military departments. Under his
instructions two asylums for the insane, el Departmento de Dementes, and
the Casa de Beneficencia, were constructed. He made an effort to mark
the historic spots of the island, and under his auspices a temple was
built on the spot in the city of Havana where was reputed to have been
celebrated the first mass. So much for the good done by Vives. Now we
come to a different story.
This Captain-General was a despot of the most pronounced type, the kind
dear to the hearts of the rulers in the mother country. He obtained from
his royal master, in 1825, an order placing Cuba under martial law, and
giving the Captain-General complete control of her destiny. It reads as
follows:
"The King, our master, in whose royal mind great confidence has been
inspired by your excellency's proved fidelity, indefatigable zeal in his
majesty's service, judicious and well-concerted steps taken since Y. E.
had charge of the government, in order to keep in quietude his faithful
inhabitants, confine within the proper limits such as would deviate
from the path of honor, and punish such as forgetting their duty would
dare commit excesses in opposition to our wise laws; well convinced as
H. M. feels, that at no time and under no circumstances whatever will
the principles of rectitude and love toward H. M. royal person be
weakened which now distinguish Y. E.; and being at the same time
desirous of preventing the embarrassments which under ordinary
circumstances might arise a division in the command, and from the
complicated authority and powers of the different officers of
government, for the important end of maintaining in that island his
sovereign authority and the public quiet, it has pleased H. M., in
conformity with the advice of his council of ministers, to authorize
your excellency, _fully investing you with the whole extent of power
which by the royal ordinances is granted to the governors of besieged
towns_. In consequence thereof H. M. most amply and unrestrictedly
authorizes Y. E. _not only to remove from that island such persons,
holding offices from government or not_, whatever their occupation,
rank, class or situation in life may be, whose residence there you may
believe prejudicial, or whose public or private conduct may appear
suspicious to you, _employing in their stead faithful servants of H. M.
who shall fully deserve your excellency's confidence; but also to
suspend the execution of whatever royal orders or general decrees in all
the different branches of the administration, or in any part of them, as
Y, E. may think conducive to the royal service_; it being in any case
required that these measures be temporary, and that Y. E. make report of
them for his majesty's sovereign approval.
"In granting Y. E. this marked proof of his royal esteem, and of the
high trust your proven loyalty deserves, H. M. expects that in due
correspondence to the same, Y. E. will use the most wakeful prudence
and reserve, joined to an indefatigable activity and unyielding
firmness, in the exercise of your excellency's authority, and trusts
that as your excellency shall by this very pleasure and graciousness of
H. M. be held to a more strict responsibility, Y. E. will redouble his
vigilance that the laws be observed, that justice be administered, that
H. M. faithful vassals be protected and rewarded, and punishment without
partiality or indulgence inflicted on those who, forgetful of their duty
and their obligations to the best and most benevolent of monarchs, shall
oppose those laws, decidedly abetting sinister plots, with infraction of
them and disregard of the decrees from them issuing. And I therefore, by
royal order, inform Y. E. of the same for Y. E.'s intelligence,
satisfaction, and exact observance thereof. God preserve your
excellency's life. Madrid, 28 May, 1825."
As a marvel of unconscious irony this is a unique document. Evidently
both the King and his minister lacked a sense of humor. Here is a
document purporting to be issued "to keep in quietude" "faithful
inhabitants." Why the "Ever-Faithful" needed a curb or why if such
measures were necessary the insurgents were referred to as "Faithful,"
only a stupid king through the mouth of an equally pig-headed minister
could determine. This royal order, we may relate with satisfaction,
proved a boomerang. It gave the Captain-General--just why it is hard to
decide--absolute power, not only to govern by military force, but to
depose from office those who offended him, whether they were the king's
minions or not. It also made inoperative all royal decrees unless the
Captain-General chose to sanction them. Now Cuba, at this time, was
saddled with hosts of fortune seekers, court favorites who were
temporarily and voluntarily exiles from the sunshine of the monarch's
smiles, that they might line their pockets and return to startle the
Spanish grandees with their new splendor. Naturally they were seeking
office and emoluments from the Spanish government. But then came their
royal master and placed them, their positions, their fortunes, in the
hands of a man who, should they offend him, could summarily degrade
them, and force them to return home no richer than when they came. Truly
the ways of kings are no less inscrutable than those of Providence.
Naturally this royal order found little favor in Cuba. In vain, however,
were efforts made to have it suspended, and to prove that it had never
been intended to be anything but a temporary measure.
The trouble which was brewing for Spain, in Cuba, at this period was
well forecast and described in an article, primarily on the dangers of
the slave trade, which was published in a periodical in Havana, in 1832.
After detailing some facts as to slave importations, it said:
"Thus far we have only considered the power which has its origin in the
numbers of the colored population that surrounds us. What a picture we
might draw, if we were to portray this immense body acting under the
influence of political and moral causes, and presenting a spectacle
unknown in history! We surely shall not do it. But we should be guilty
of moral treason to our country, if we were to forget the efforts now
making to effect a change in the conditions of the African race.
Philanthropic laws, enacted by some of the European nations,
associations of distinguished Englishmen, periodicals solely devoted to
this subject, eloquent parlimentary debates whose echoes are constantly
repeated on this side of the Atlantic, bold exhortations from the
pulpits of religious sects, political principles which with lightning
rapidity are spreading in both hemispheres, and _very recent commotions
in several parts of the West Indies, everything is calculated to awaken
us from our profound slumber and remind us that we must save our
country_. And should this our beloved mother ask us what measures we
have adopted to extricate her from her danger, what would those who
boast themselves her dutiful sons, answer? The horrid traffic in human
blood is carried on in defiance of the laws, and men who assume the name
of patriots, being no other than parricides, cover the land with
shackled victims. And as if this were not sufficiently fearful with
criminal apathy, Africans freed and brought to this country by English
policy, are permitted to reside in our midst. How different the conduct
of our neighbors the Americans! Notwithstanding the rapid increase of
their country; notwithstanding the white has constantly been four fifths
more numerous than the colored population, and have ten and a half
millions to offset two millions; notwithstanding the importation of the
latter is prohibited from one end of the republic to the other, while
European immigration is immense; notwithstanding the countries lying
upon their boundaries have no slaves to inspire dread, they organize
associations, raise funds, purchase lands in Africa, establish colonies,
favor the emigration of the colored population to them, increasing their
exertions as the exigency may require, not faltering in their course,
and leaving no expedient untried which shall prove them friends of
humanity and their country. Not satisfied with these general measures,
some states have adopted very thorough and efficient measures. In
December, 1831, Louisiana passed a law prohibiting importation of slaves
even from other states of the Union.
"Behold the movement of a great people, who would secure their safety!
Behold the model you should imitate! But we are told 'Your efforts are
in vain. You cannot justly reproach us. Our plantations need hands and
if we cannot obtain negroes, what shall we do?' We are far from wishing
to offend a class equally deserving respect and esteem, including many
we are happy to call friends. We are habitually indulgent and in no
sense more so than in that before us. The notions and examples to which
they have been accustomed justify in a great measure the part they act,
and an immediate benefit and remote danger authorize in others a course
of conduct which we wish may never be generally and permanently adopted.
We would not rudely censure the motives of the planters. Our mission
requires us only to remark, that it is necessary to adopt some plan,
since the change in politics is inconsistent with and hostile to the
much longer continuance of the illicit traffic in slaves. We all know
that England has, both with selfish and humane motives, made and is
still making great efforts against it by means of treaties. She is no
longer the only power thus engaged, since France is also taking her
share in the enterprise. The United States will soon appear in the field
to vindicate down-trodden humanity. They will adopt strong measures, and
perseveringly pursue the pirate negro-dealer. Will he then escape the
vigilance of enemies so active and powerful? And even should some be
able to do so, how enormously expensive must their piracy be! It is
demonstrable that the number of imported negroes being then small, and
their introduction subject to uncommon risks, their cost would be so
enhanced as to destroy the motive for preferring slave labor. A proper
regard to our true interests will lead us to consider henceforth other
means of supplying our wants, since our present mode will ultimately
paralyze our resources and be attended with baneful consequences. The
equal distribution of the two sexes in the country, and an improved
treatment of them, would alone be sufficient, not merely to prevent a
diminution of their number, but greatly to increase it. But the existing
disproportion of the sexes forbids our indulging in so pleasing a hope.
We shall, however, do much to effect our purposes by discontinuing
certain practices, and adopting a system more consonant to the good
principles that should be our guide.
"Would it not be advisable to try some experiments that we may be able
to compare the results of cultivating cane by slaves, with such other
methods as we may find expedient to adopt?
"If the planters could realize the importance of these propositions to
their welfare, we should see them striving to promote the introduction
of white and the exclusion of colored hands. By forming associations,
raising funds, and in various ways exerting themselves vigorously in a
cause so eminently patriotic, they would at once overcome the obstacles
to the introduction of white foreigners, and induce their immigration by
the guarantees of good laws and thus assure the tranquillity of the
country.
"We may be told that these are imaginary plans, and never to be
realized. We answer that they are essays, not difficult or expensive, if
undertaken, as we suggest, by a whole community. If we are not disposed
to make the voluntary trial now, the day is at hand when we shall be
obliged to attempt it, or abandon the cultivation of sugar! The prudent
mariner on a boisterous ocean prepares betimes for the tempest, and
defies it. He who recklessly abandons himself to the fury of the
elements is likely to perish in the rage of the storm.
"'How imprudent,' some may exclaim, 'how imprudent to propose a subject
which should be forever buried in "lasting oblivion."' Behold the
general accusation raised against him who dares boldly avow new
opinions respecting these matters. Unfortunately there is among us an
opinion which insists that 'silence' is the true policy. All feel the
evils which surround us, are acquainted with the dangers, and wish to
avoid them. Let a remedy be suggested and a thousand confused voices be
simultaneously raised; and a significant and imploring 'Hush!--hush!' is
heard on every side. Such infatuation resembles his who conceals the
disease which is hurrying him speedily to death, rather than hear its
unpleasant history and mode of cure, from his only hope, the physician's
saving science. Which betrays censurable apathy, he who obstinately
rushes headlong to the brink of a mighty precipice, or he who gives the
timely warning to beware? Who would not thus save a whole community
perhaps from frightful destruction? If we knew most positively that the
disease were beyond all hopes of cure, the knowledge of the fact would
not stay the march of death, while it might serve but as a terrifying
enunciation of his approach. If, however, the sick man is endowed with a
strong constitution, that with timely prescription promises a probable
return of health, it would be unpardonable to act the part of a passive
spectator. We heed not that the selfish condemn, that the self-admiring
wise censure, or the parricidal accuse us. Reflections of a higher
nature guide us, and in the spirit of our responsible calling as a
public writer, we will never cease to cry aloud, '_Let us save our
country--let us save our country!_'"
A subtle document that. Hidden carefully in the denunciation of slavery
is a call to organization to form societies. We shall see later how
important and potent those societies were and that their objects were
something far different from the destruction of slavery. The paper
closed with a clear cry for freedom for Cuba.
It cannot be disguised that those who had the real good of the island of
Cuba at heart, patriots, Cubans who loved their country, men who longed
to stand upright, to put off the yoke of Spain, and to look the
inhabitants of free countries in the face as equals, were withdrawing
their heartfelt allegiance from Spain, and were longing for
independence. That this desire had been created by Spanish oppression,
and nurtured by Spanish injustice, is a self-evident fact. The causes
which led to the insurrections by which Cuba was torn from this time on
until she obtained her independence, we must leave for another chapter.
There are two matters most pertinent to this investigation, which we
must first discuss: The attitude of the United States toward Cuba at
this period, and the revolt of the other Spanish colonies, led by Simon
Bolivar, "The Liberator."
CHAPTER XXI
Cuba, so rich and fertile, was an object of desire, not alone to
America, but at least equally to the countries of Europe. Thus England
cast covetous eyes at Cuba, and some of the English papers intimated
that the United States was anxious to acquire the island, and that if
England wished to save her West Indian trade, she had best look to her
interests and, if possible, wrest Cuba from Spain. Probably the
strongest feeling in the United States in the early part of the
nineteenth century was that Cuba must not pass from the hands of Spain
into those of any other power, and that if Cuba was to be separated from
Spain it must be either as an independent country or by annexation to
the United States. The desire for annexation, _per se_, did not appear
to be so strong as the feeling that the United States must not allow
either France or England to acquire Cuba, and there were, of course,
strong political and geographical reasons for this decision. In a former
chapter we have recalled some of the circumstances of that time, and
have cited some of the authoritative utterances of American statesmen
concerning Cuba in the first half of the nineteenth century. Let us now
recur to that part of Cuban history in its chronological order.
Early in 1823, those Cubans who were more or less secretly in favor of
independence sent an agent named Morales to Washington to try to
discover what course the United States would pursue in case Cuba should
declare her independence. It was intimated that in case Spain continued
her oppressions, and did not grant Cuba a more liberal government, Cuba
would ask for the protection of the United States, possibly for
admission to the Union; and in case this was refused, she would appeal
to England. While no definite promises were made to Cubans, it seemed to
be the sentiment in Washington that, should Cuba thus offer herself, it
would be tempting fate not to accept the gift. Indeed, a considerable
portion of the United States was at this time eager for the annexation
of Cuba. There seems moreover to have been in the American cabinet a
strong feeling toward urging Cuba to declare her independence, and this
might have resolved itself into promises if not into decided action, had
it not been for the counter current of opinion that, should she do so,
she could not maintain such a status. John Quincy Adams was sure of
this, and although he felt that the time was not ripe in the United
States for the adoption of a policy of annexation, yet if Cuba should
fall to the United States by the mere gravitation of politics, he
believed it would be folly to refuse to accept the gift, particularly
since the occupation of Cuba by England would give her a base from which
to proceed against the United States; and matters between England and
her former possession were by no means yet settled on a basis of
enduring friendship. Indeed, Adams believed that the future might make
the annexation of Cuba almost indispensable to the destiny of the Union;
as on April 28, 1823, he said in his instructions to the American
minister at Madrid which we have already quoted.
It was practically certain at this time that France would intervene in
the affairs of Spain, and would try to overthrow the liberal government
of that country, and it seemed probable that England would take
advantage of the opportunity in an endeavor to secure Cuba for herself.
The island was seething with an undercurrent of revolt, and Washington
was uneasy as to what England might do. Reports had it that orders had
been sent to British troops to take possession of Cuba, by force if
necessary, and that Spain, in return for certain secret concessions from
England, had consented to this course. Adams wisely saw that if the Holy
Alliance overthrew the Spanish constitution, Spain could not hope to
retain Cuba, and since the island was believed to be incapable of
self-government, the natural inference was that it would become a
dependent of either England or the United States. We may be sure that
Washington did not intend that this dependence should be upon England.
About this time, Mr. Miralla, a man of affairs who had been for some ten
years a resident of Cuba, told Jefferson in a conference in Washington
that public sentiment in Cuba was against the country becoming an
English territory, and that the Cubans would rise to resist it. He
stated that Cuba would prefer to remain as she was rather than to change
masters--jump from Scylla to Charybdis, as it were--and that if any
change must come she desired independence; that she realized that
unaided she could not maintain herself a separate nation, but that she
hoped for the support of the United States or of Mexico, or both, to
help her to maintain her freedom. Cuba had a secret fear that should she
seek independence, the turbulent blacks would try to seize the
government, and of course that would mean ruin.
On December 2, 1823, President Monroe delivered his epochal Doctrine:
"In the wars of European powers in matters relating to themselves, we
have never taken any part nor does it comport with our policy to do so.
It is only when our rights are invaded or seriously menaced that we
resent injuries or make preparations for defense. With the movements in
this hemisphere we are of necessity more immediately connected, and by
causes which must be obvious to all enlightened and impartial observers.
The political system of the Allied Powers is essentially different in
this respect from that of America.... We should consider any attempt on
their part to extend their system to any portion of this hemisphere as
dangerous to our peace and safety. With the existing colonies and
dependencies of any European power we have not interfered and shall not
interfere. But with the governments who have declared their independence
and maintained it, and whose independence we have on great consideration
and on just principles acknowledged, we could not view any interposition
for the purpose of oppressing them, or controlling in any other manner
their destiny, in any other light than as the manifestation of an
unfriendly disposition toward the United States."
[Illustration: JAMES MONROE]
This message had the desired effect. The Holy Alliance wisely kept its
hands off from affairs in the southern Americas, including Cuba. But the
United States naturally sought to cultivate closer relations with its
neighbor. There were indeed practical reasons why it should do so; even
for its own peace and comfort. For pirates preyed on United States
shipping. A blockade was proposed to catch the offenders, but it did not
find favor with the powers at the United States capital. Landing in
Cuba, and reprisals on persons and property, were suggested, but it was
considered unwise for the United States thus to take steps which would
be opposed if any other power should assume a like attitude.
The United States government feared a secret transfer of Cuba by Spain
and that such action would be taken before Washington could become
cognizant of it. It therefore sought to be allowed to station consuls at
Havana, and in Porto Rico, who were, of course, practically to be the
eyes of the United States government, to detect any incipient plot to
rid Spain of Cuba. This idea did not find favor at the Spanish court and
a polite letter of demurrer was sent, stating that such a proposition
was untenable at the time, owing to the turbulent condition of affairs
on the island, but that later, when Cuba became more peaceful, it would
be considered. The real reason for Spain's refusal doubtless was that
she was still smarting from the United States's recognition of the
independence of other South American countries, and she did not feel
justified in allowing anyone who she felt would be a spy to have an
official position on the island, particularly when that person came from
a country which, having attained its own liberty, naturally had sympathy
with those who had theirs yet to gain.
The state of affairs at this time was epigrammatically described by _The
London Courier_, when it said: "Cuba is the Turkey of trans-Atlantic
politics, tottering to its fall, and kept from falling only by the
struggles of those who contend for the right of catching her in her
descent."
Spain, always badly in need of money, made in 1838 a proposal to England
to offer Cuba as security for a loan, which undoubtedly would have meant
that England would eventually have to take Cuba in payment for the debt.
The United States Minister at Madrid, hearing of the project, made it so
clear that such a course would not be tolerated by his country, that
the idea was abandoned. A few years later President Van Buren again
expressed the American pro-slavery policy toward Cuban independence:
"The Government has always looked with the deepest interest upon the
fate of these islands, but particularly of Cuba. Its geographical
position, which places it almost in sight of our southern shores, and,
as it were, gives it the command of the Gulf of Mexico and the West
Indian seas, its safe and capacious harbors, its rich productions, the
exchange of which for our surplus agricultural products and manufactures
constitutes one of the most extensive and valuable branches of our
foreign trade, render it of the utmost importance to the United States
that no change should take place in its condition which might
injuriously affect our political and commercial standing in that
quarter. Other considerations connected with a certain class of our
population made it to the interest of the southern section of the Union
that no attempt should be made in that island to throw off the yoke of
Spanish dependence, the first effect of which would be the sudden
emancipation of a numerous slave population, which result could not but
be very sensibly felt upon the adjacent shores of the United States."
The United States had a selfish interest in keeping Cuba in a state of
peace and prosperity. In 1842 it was found that Spain could not pay the
interest upon her debt to the United States. It was suggested that she
make it a charge upon the revenues of Cuba, and the next year it was
arranged that the entire claim be settled by a sum paid to the United
States annually by the Captain-General of Cuba. Naturally if there were
constant revolutions and uprisings in Cuba, these revenues would not be
forthcoming. On the other hand, taxation for the purpose of settling
Spain's debt to America was not looked on with favor among Cuban
patriots.
From the foregoing it will be seen that while the United States did not
urge annexation,--since it was against her avowed policy to do so--she
would not have been unwilling to accept Cuba, had that country knocked
at her door and offered herself as a free gift. It will be equally clear
that the United States had no intention that Cuba should be transferred
by Spain to any other country than herself, and that she stood ready to
combat such a project by force of arms if necessary. It will also be
seen that some of her statesmen would have smiled upon the idea of Cuba
as an independent nation, if they had for a moment believed that Cuba
could maintain her independence, and that surreptitiously the United
States might have lent her aid to this end, if it could have been done
without embroiling herself with Spain. However, there was a division of
opinion in Washington as to the effects on the Southern States of any
change of condition in Cuba.
It might also be observed that France and England--particularly the
latter--would have been glad to add Cuba to their possessions, but they
feared war with the United States if they made the attempt. And as for
Cuba herself, her first choice was freedom, but if it were necessary, in
order to escape Spanish tyranny, she would have accepted annexation to
the United States, or at any rate a protectorate from that government.
CHAPTER XXII
The half century from 1776 to 1826 was afire with the spirit of
revolution and freedom. During this period the United States won her
independence from England; Belgium sought separation from Holland;
France was in the throes of revolution; and Greece won her freedom from
Turkey. This spirit of liberty penetrated to Central and South America
and set the Spanish colonies there aflame.
A successful revolution must have a competent and daring leader. The
South American revolt in Venezuela and surrounding countries was led by
a romantic figure, a man of such tremendous personality, such high
ideals, and such ability to carry them out, that, although he never set
foot in Cuba, and never personally figured in her politics, his
influence reached out from the other colonies and more than any other at
this period swayed the destiny of the "Pearl of the Antilles." His
desire for liberty was like a bright light which illumined the whole
Latin-American atmosphere.
It has been said that "only an aristocrat can be truly democratic," for
only an aristocrat has everything to lose and nothing to gain by
espousing the cause of democracy and liberty. It is true that, like
Washington, Simon Bolivar came of wealthy and aristocratic ancestry. His
people were among the foremost of the Creoles. His parents died when he
was still a child, and his passionate, wilful nature was allowed to go
uncurbed. He developed a violent and hasty temper, but he was also
openhearted, generous, and quick to sue for pardon. He had a charming
personality, and the ability to make friends and hold them for life. In
his later years his followers would have died for him. He was absolutely
fearless, and it is said of him that at one time at a banquet, in the
presence of the Governor of Venezuela--Bolivar's native country--he
arose and proposed a toast to the "Independence of the Americas."
[Illustration: SIMON BOLIVAR]
At an early age he went abroad. When in Spain he became friendly with
Prince Ferdinand, afterwards King Ferdinand VII. of Spain--then a boy.
They were both tennis enthusiasts, and it is told that Bolivar
constantly beat the young prince on the courts at the royal palace at
Madrid, just as later his armies prevailed against those of Ferdinand
VII. He travelled in Italy and contrasted the progressive spirit of that
country as compared with the turbidity and tendency to disintegration
which dominated Spain. A sojourn in France made him an eye witness of
some of the most frightful scenes of the French revolution. On his
return home, he visited the United States and there beheld the actual,
peaceful workings of a republic. All this time there was stirring within
him the eager desire for freedom for his own country, which at last
impelled him to cast aside the luxury and ease which his position and
family gave him, and to accept the danger of exile and death, so that he
might free South America.
The process of revolutionary organization in Venezuela and her sister
states was much the same as that later adopted in Cuba. Secret societies
were formed, the members of which were pledged to the cause of liberty.
They grew, and waxed strong and powerful, and at length the fire of
revolt was kindled. Bolivar's first active step toward the rescue of his
country from the Spanish rule was an insurrection at Caracas in April,
1810. The governor was deposed and the freedom of Caracas was
established without violence. The commerce of Venezuela was opened to
the world, taxes to the crown were declared abolished, and a republic
was formed. In recognition of Bolivar's services, he was given a
commission as Colonel and with Louis Lopez Mendez went to England to try
to get her aid. Great Britain, however, declined to be drawn into the
controversy and declared her absolute neutrality.
On July 5, 1811, the flag of the new republic was unfurled to the world.
But Spain was not inclined to relinquish what she considered her rights
without a struggle, and Spanish troops were quickly dispatched to
Venezuela. In a famous speech Bolivar, now returned to his native
country, voiced the sentiments of the republic. He said:
"Why should we take into account Spain's intentions? What shall we care
if she chooses to keep us as her slave or sell us to Bonaparte, since we
have decided to be free? That great projects should be patiently
weighed, I hear; but are not three hundred years of waiting long enough?
Let us set without fear the foundation of South American independence.
To tergiversate is to fail."
With Bolivar to Venezuela came General Francisco Miranda, who had fought
under Washington for the independence of the United States and under
Dumouriez for the freedom of the French people. He was an experienced
and tried soldier and one who loved liberty as he loved his life, but he
was unfamiliar with conditions in Venezuela, and he was a better fighter
than an organizer. He was made general-in-chief of the Venezuelan army;
but his campaigns against the Spaniards were unsuccessful and he was
captured and flung into a dungeon, where he remained for the rest of his
life. Bolivar escaped and went to Curacao, where he published a
declaration to the effect that in order to make possible the liberty of
the continent Venezuela must be again established as a republic; and to
accomplish this end he called for men. Two hundred responded and with
this small force he engaged an army ten times the size of his own, and
fought twenty successive battles in fifteen days. His way led across
mountains and through passes where death, not only from the foe but as
the result of a single misstep, was ever imminent, but neither Bolivar
nor his men were daunted. He was victorious over the Spaniards, took the
city of Cucuta, and added a million dollars to the treasury. His army
was constantly increased by volunteers. Over 750 miles were traversed,
and fifty times the Spaniards were engaged. On August 6, 1813, Bolivar
entered Caracas in triumph. The most beautiful women of the city crowned
him with laurels; cries of "Long live our Liberator! Long live New
Granada! Long live the Savior of Venezuela!" filled the air; the people
wept for joy, and Bolivar himself, much moved, dismounted from his horse
and knelt to give thanks to God for the victory which had attended his
efforts.
But while the patriots were showering honors upon their "Liberator" the
Spanish were remarshalling their forces. On the plains lived the
Llaneros, cattle breeders, men of the wildest nature, almost outlaws.
They were reckless fighters and rode fearlessly. They were won over to
the Spanish cause by the promise of booty, and soon, under the
leadership of a Spaniard named Boves, were arrayed against Bolivar's
little army.
The days that followed were dark for the patriots, with a long record of
heart-breaking defeats. But no matter how the tide of battle went
against them, their souls were unconquered. Rumors against the honor and
integrity of Bolivar began to be circulated and he lost caste among
those who had been his staunch supporters. Finally he was denounced as a
traitor and driven into exile. In this, the darkest hour of his life, he
made a farewell address to his people:
"I swear to you," he said, "that this title (Liberator) which your
gratitude bestowed upon me when I broke your chains shall not be in
vain. I swear to you that Liberator or dead, I shall ever merit the
honor you have done me; no human power can turn me from my course."
Bolivar went to New Granada, where Camille Torres, the president of that
Republic, was his staunch friend. He is said to have cried: "So long as
Bolivar lives, Venezuela is not lost." There Bolivar never ceased to
work for his country, even though he was unjustly exiled. The cause of
liberty suffered severe reverses during these days. Ferdinand VII., who
was once more securely seated on the throne of Spain, sent a great army
to America, under the command of General Morillo, who had instructions
to subdue the insurgent colonies even "if no patriot was left alive on
the continent." New Granada was conquered and all the revolutionists on
whom the Spanish could lay hands were massacred. Peru, Chili and Buenos
Aires were also made to bow to the power of Spain, who outdid herself in
cruel injustice to show the revolutionists that revolt was useless. Of
the Spanish action in Venezuela, an official report says: "Provinces
have ceased to exist. Towns inhabited by thousands now number scarcely a
hundred. Others have been entirely wiped out. Roads are covered with
dying, dead and unburied skeletons. Heaps of ashes mark the sites of
villages. The trace of cultivated areas is obliterated."
Bolivar next banded his little following together on the island of Santo
Domingo, and at the close of 1816 landed just off the coast of
Venezuela, on the island of Margarita. He convened a congress,
instituted a government, and issued a proclamation abolishing slavery in
Venezuela; almost fifty years before the famous Emancipation
Proclamation of Lincoln. Then he entered upon a two years' campaign, of
fierce and fearless fighting against the huge forces of General Morillo.
On July 17, 1817, his capture of Angostura marked the turning tide of
his fortunes. In 1818 his followers were increased by a large number of
soldiers of fortune who were seeking new employment in the pastime of
fighting, now that the end of the Napoleonic wars had taken away their
occupation. These men were an acquisition because they were skilled in
warfare and used to its hardships.
A congress was convened at Angostura, in February, 1819, and Bolivar, as
the unanimous choice for President, was given supreme power. He made an
address which is famous in the annals of history. Among other things he
said:
"A republican form of government has been, is and ought to be that of
Venezuela; its basis ought to be the sovereignty of the people, the
division of power, civil liberty, the prohibition of slavery and the
abolition of monarchy and privilege---- I have been obliged to beg you
to adopt centralization and the union of all the states in a republic,
one and indivisible."
On August 7, 1819, the decisive battle of Boyaca was fought, and Bolivar
entered the capital of New Granada again crowned with laurels. Bolivar
believed that the colonies, to make a strong resistance to Spain, must
be united. His dream was a confederacy of South American States. This
was partially realized when he formed a union of Venezuela, New Granada
and Ecuador, in 1819, as one republic, of which he was made president.
He was also made commander in chief of the army, with full powers of
organization of any new conquests which he might add to the union.
Now Spain cried for mercy, and when, in 1820, King Ferdinand was again
deposed, she asked for a six months truce, which was granted, because
Bolivar saw in this lull in hostilities a chance further to entrench
himself and prepare for new conquests. His wisdom was demonstrated by
the fact that in June, 1821, his army was triumphant at Carabobo, and he
soon entered Caracas to cries of "El Libertador," his honor vindicated
and his vow fulfilled. In victory he was generous, for in reviewing his
army he greeted them with the words, "Salvadores de mi patria." In the
period from 1821 to 1824, Bolivar fought for the freedom of Ecuador and
Peru, and accomplished it. He was hailed as the South American
Liberator, and a separate nation, formed from the territory of Upper
Peru, became known as Bolivia, in honor of the great South American
patriot. In 1826 Bolivar was at the height of his power, with his best
dreams realized. He bore the titles, Perpetual Protector of Bolivia,
President of Colombia and Dictator of Peru. The territory under his
control was almost two-thirds the size of all Europe.
History is too often a record of ingratitude. One would think that in
South America Bolivar would have remained first in the hearts of all the
people. But jealous seekers after self-aggrandizement plotted against
his rule and even attempted his life. Venezuela, which owed so much to
him, was the first to withdraw, Ecuador became a separate republic and
Bolivar was banished. At this his heart and his spirit were broken and
he died at the age of only 47, on December 17, 1830. His last words
were: "For my enemies I have only forgiveness. If my death shall
contribute to the cessation of factions and the consolidation of the
Union, I can go tranquilly to my grave."
No other single individual has left such a mark on the pages of South
American history; and though he never even visited the island he greatly
influenced Cuba as well as the countries in which he lived and struggled
for freedom.
For the breath of revolt which was scorching the Spanish possessions on
the main land, was no longer leaving Cuba untouched. It has ever been
the history of tyranny that sooner or later the oppressed have found a
leader and have risen against their tormentors, and also--we have only
to contemplate French history, or to study the story of Russia under the
Czars, to find confirmation--that such opposition was born first in
secret gatherings, and gained strength under cover of concealment and
darkness, until it grew strong enough to stand in the daylight.
CHAPTER XXIII
Tales of Bolivar's triumphs in South America were not slow to penetrate
to the knowledge of the Cubans. Liberty, which had seemed only a dream,
now began to take on the aspect of a possible reality. Men expressed
their opinions and desires furtively in their own homes, to tried and
trusted friends. They began to assemble and exchange views. No one dared
to come out openly at first, and so propaganda was carried on through
veiled articles, by word of mouth, by the secret clasp or sign of union.
Under pretext of meeting for amusement and social pleasure clubs whose
members were all friends of liberty began to be formed, about 1820. The
Free Masons, whose principles were far from inimical to what now began
to become the aim of all Cubans who loved their country, organized
societies, which immediately became hot-beds of revolt, of the fiercest
kind of protest against Spanish rule, and the rendezvous of those who
planned to overthrow it.
Other clubs, all of them masking their real purpose under some pretext,
sprang into existence like magic. The best known of them all was called
the "Soles de Bolivar" in which the influence of Bolivar had bridged the
waters which separate Cuba from South America, and was leading the
Cubans, in the inception of their fight for liberty. What the members of
these societies most longed for was that the renowned "Liberator" would
come at the head of an army and overthrow the Spanish rule in Cuba;
though this was not to be.
Now if the Spanish rule was politically weak and tottering at this
time, the evidence of this fact was strongly repressed, and financially
the country was flourishing. At the head of the financial department was
the Count de Villanueva. He made many reformations in the methods of
collecting taxes--to enable Spain more readily to lay her hands on her
spoils. He changed the methods of keeping accounts, and of checking up
the books of the public treasury. His influence at the Spanish court was
greater than that of the Captain-General, and so he was able to have him
deposed as President of the Consulado and himself appointed in his
stead. He exercised a despotic control over the functions of that body,
and made them subservient to the improvement and development of Cuba for
the enrichment of Spain. He saw to it that everything that could be
taxed paid its share into the public treasury. As agriculture increased,
its products were more heavily taxed. The plight of the Cuban who
desired to own property and get on, was similar to that of a pieceworker
who, when he speeded up productions, found the piece work price cut to
take care of any surplus. The more the Cuban produced, the more he was
taxed, and his last state was about the same as his first; the only ones
who profited were the officials in Spain. Now for the first time taxes
were imposed without even consulting those taxed, to say nothing of
obtaining their consent. Villanueva was the friend of the
Captain-General and his co-conspirator against Cuba's happiness, in
spite of the fact that he wrested from him certain honors. He was
naturally most popular with the Spanish court, and was cordially hated
by all loyal Cubans.
Yet Villanueva did do some things for the improvement of Havana. He had
many roads in and near the city paved, and devices erected to clear the
anchorage of the harbor of the infiltrations of mud, and to preserve
the wharves. He had the waters of the Husille brought into the city by
an excellent method. He established a regular mail packet system between
Spain and Cuba, and it was under his administration that the Guines
railroad was built. This road ran from Havana to Guines, a distance of
forty-five miles, and was built under the direction of an American
engineer, Mr. Cruger. It was the nucleus of a system which in 1848
comprised 285 miles of rails in operation, and 85 more in process of
construction. These lines connected Havana with Guines, Batabano,
Cardenas and Matanzas; Cardenas with Juacaro, Matanzas with Sabanilla
and Colisco, Nuevitas with Puerto Principe, and Santiago de Cuba with
the copper mines. They represented an investment of between five and six
million dollars.
Villanueva, however, oppressed and robbed the people in order that he
might make frequent and munificent remittances to the treasury in Spain.
The more they gave, the more they were urged to give. Spain cared
nothing for the manner in which the money which she demanded was
accumulated, only that by fair means or foul it might be forthcoming.
Villanueva established the Bank of St. Ferdinand, but for all the good
it did Cuba at this time, it might have remained unestablished. Its
capital was seized by the crown as fast as it accumulated, and it proved
to be just a new method for the extortioners. Spain had no more
unscrupulous agent than her chief of the finance department.
The victims were not quiescent, except in appearance. The rack keys were
being too tightly turned. In the "Soles de Bolivar" and in other
assemblies patriots were crying out for vengeance. In vain Vives tried
to suppress the societies. Known members were arrested and thrown into
prison, and meetings were forbidden; but the movement was like a
conflagration which has gained start in many parts of a city. When
stamped out in one place--when one society was destroyed--it only made
its appearance in another. The principal headquarters were at Matanzas.
Very carefully and in secret the leaders laid their plans for a
widespread revolt, the date of which was set for August 16, 1823. But
Vives had secret agents in the societies, and there were traitors as
there frequently are in such movements. When the day of the revolt
dawned the leaders were seized and imprisoned. There were many eminent
Cubans among the patriots, the best known being the greatest of Cuban
poets, José Maria Heredia. Perhaps some appreciation not so much of this
man's courage as of his genius influenced the Captain-General. At any
rate, instead of being condemned to death, he was sent into perpetual
exile. A few of the members of the society learned of the betrayal
before they could be taken and made their escape from the island.
Those who were conspiring for the liberation of Cuba were not cowed,
however, but simply temporarily overcome. One of the first acts of Vives
under the royal decree of May 25, 1825, was to use every means possible
to suppress and to annihilate the secret societies, but he simply made
them more wary. The desire for liberty which had sprung up in the
breasts of so many Cuban patriots was destined never again to be
extinguished, and the history of the island from this time down to the
War of Independence, in the closing decade of the century, is that of
one long struggle for separation from Spain--sometimes open, more
frequently secret but always continuous.
When the uprising of 1823 failed so signally, a number of the refugees
who escaped prosecution fled to Mexico and Colombia. There was a
settlement of these people in Caracas. They turned to "The Liberator"
for support, and soon the invasion of Cuba, by a force composed of
Mexicans and Colombians, either under the personal leadership, or under
the direction of Bolivar, was planned. The leaders of this movement also
sought aid in the United States. Now the slaveholders of the South were
at this time opposed to the separation of Cuba from Spain, because under
the lead of Bolivar it would mean the doom of the slave trade, the
abolition of slavery, and such an achievement in Cuba would be inimical
to their own interests. So the attempt to procure assistance in the
United States was really the cause of the failure of the proposed
expedition. Spanish spies were quickly informed of the proposed plan,
and such strenuous efforts were openly made to make such an attempt
ineffective, that it was never made. Bolivar had all he could attend to
in South America, and he was too intelligent a leader to attempt the
impossible, and at the same time leave his plans for the liberation of
South America to meet certain defeat in his absence.
But Spain did not easily overlook the conspiracy, and she seized the
leaders in Cuba who were conspiring with those in Colombia and Mexico.
Two young men of fine families, Don Francisco de Aguero Velasco and Don
Bernabe Sanchez, were apprehended by the aides of the Captain-General,
imprisoned and most cruelly treated, and when their spirit was not
broken by torture and they refused to divulge the secrets of their
leaders, they were condemned to die for treason, and paid the penalty of
their patriotism with their lives.
Still the love of freedom grew and waxed stronger in Cuba. In 1828, a
secret society known as El Aguila Negra (The Black Eagle) was
inaugurated in Colombia and Mexico, by those patriots who were escaping
the vengeance of Spain by remaining in exile. This movement was
splendidly organized. It had branches, not only in Colombia and Mexico,
but also in the United States, where recruiting offices were openly
established, and in Cuba where its operations were secret. But the
organizers of The Black Eagle could not make a move which Spanish spies
did not report to their master, the Captain-General of Cuba. Every plan
was known to him as soon as it was formulated. He made no secret of his
determination to deal summarily with those who were plotting against the
power of Spain, but he waited in hope that he might be able to seize the
real brains of the expedition. Besides this, the declaration of Bolivar
for the freedom of the slaves as one of the principles for which he was
fighting, and the fact that he was so closely connected with these
revolutionary movements in Cuba, excited at this time the fears and
animosity not only of the slave owners in the United States, but also of
the most selfish, greedy and powerful of this class--particularly those
of Spanish birth and sympathies--in Cuba. Before the expedition could be
actually started, the leaders were apprehended and a farce of a trial
followed. The Captain-General was beginning to fear the new spirit which
was abroad in the land. Perhaps he had discovered that cruelty and
fierce opposition only fanned the flame. At any rate he commuted the
sentence of death, and imprisoned the conspirators.
Since Mexico had conspired against the Spanish occupation of Cuba,
General Vives retaliated by a military expedition against Mexico, in
1828. A force of three thousand and five hundred men was sent against
Mexico--not a large army, but General Vives expected that large numbers
of Mexicans would join his soldiers, once they set foot on Mexican soil.
A landing was made at Tampico, in August, 1828. Instead of being
received with acclamations by the people of Mexico, the movement met
with the most strenuous opposition. The expedition was surrounded by the
Mexican army, and its members were glad to surrender and to make terms
with the Mexicans by which they were allowed to return to Havana. In
March, 1829, the would-be conquerors of Mexico arrived in Havana with
none of the honors with which it had been planned to crown the victors.
Vives, while a stern governor, did not actually play the part of a
despot. He held his office until May 15, 1832, when he was succeeded by
Don Mariana Ricafort, a tyrant of the most pronounced type. His rule
left one continuous record of oppression and misgovernment. No better
person to encourage in the hearts of thinking Cubans an eagerness to be
rid of Spain could have been chosen, for he was thoroughly hated and
despised. His rule continued two years, and then, in 1834, the reins of
government were taken into the hands of General Don Miguel Tacon. The
eastern department of the island was commanded at this time by General
Lorenzo.
Tacon, one of the most famous of the nineteenth century
Captains-General, was a man of small mind and great stubbornness,
shortsighted, narrow and jealous. He was exceedingly vain, grasping for
power, and a tyrant of the most pronounced type. He took many privileges
from the wealthy inhabitants of the island, and he seized for himself
the power, which had theretofore been a municipal function, of naming
the under-commissaries of police in Havana.
Like all people of extremely arbitrary nature, Tacon was an arrant
coward at heart. He was perpetually in terror of being assassinated,
and upon the slightest pretext had anyone whom he considered dangerous
to his rule thrown into prison. The life of no Cuban who happened to
offend the Captain-General was safe at this time.
In 1836 there occurred in Spain the revolution of La Granja, when the
progressive triumphed over the moderate party, and the Queen Regent was
obliged to proclaim the old Constitution of 1812, granting Cuba
representation in the Spanish Cortes, and to summon deputies from Cuba.
The news of this triumph reached Santiago de Cuba before it did Havana,
whereupon General Lorenzo, in command there, immediately proclaimed the
Code of Cadiz, and ordered an election for deputies to the Cortes. He
reestablished the constitutional ayuntamiento, declared the press free,
reorganized the national militia and put his department on the same
footing that it had been in 1823.
Tacon was furious when knowledge of this action reached him. He had no
power to compel General Lorenzo to retract, but he summarily cut off all
communications with his department and laid his plans to invade that
territory, and by military force to restore his own absolute government
and do away with representation for Cuba in the Spanish Cortes. Perhaps
nothing that he could have done could have added more to his
unpopularity. He was hissed in the streets, and plots were made against
his life.
For himself, Tacon paid no attention to the royal mandate which
announced the reestablishment of the Constitution of 1812 and
foreshadowed orders for election of deputies to the Cortes. Under the
royal decree of 1825, which was still in force, Tacon had power to set
aside any instructions which came from Spain, if it seemed to him to
the best interests of Cuba. He did not hesitate to take advantage of
this authority, which gave him the same rights as a Spanish governor
over a city in a state of siege, allowed him to suspend any public
functionary no matter what his rank, and to banish any resident of the
island who opposed him, without trial, and even without the formal
preferring of accusations, as well as to suspend any law or regulation
emanating from Spain, should he see fit.
Under Tacon's orders, a column of soldiers, picked from the Spanish army
of occupation, and chosen--much against their will and inclination--from
the rural and provincial militia and cavalry, was placed under the
command of General Gascue, in the town of Guines. Meanwhile, Tacon's
secret agents were carrying on an active propaganda among the citizens
of Santiago de Cuba, and endeavoring to seduce public sentiment from
Lorenzo's to Tacon's side. They did not hesitate to tell the most
unblushing falsehoods, and to make the most dishonest promises to win
the people over, and by such means attained some degree of success.
If Tacon had had a different sort of opponent the story would have been
written along very different lines. A strong commander of the large
forces at Santiago de Cuba could easily have compelled him to withdraw
from his position, and could have assured for Cuba greater freedom, and
this course might in the long run at least have postponed her further
efforts for separation from Spain. But General Lorenzo though
well-meaning was fatally weak. Instead of resisting Tacon's tyranny he
left Cuba for Spain, in an effort to make sure of the support of the
Spanish crown, leaving Tacon to follow his own will, and to wreak his
vengeance on those who had opposed him. Tacon was of course delighted
with the success of his strategy. He sent some of the officers of his
companies to Santiago and established a military commission to try all
the people of prominence who under General Lorenzo had opposed him.
Moya, the commandant, was the presiding judge, and Miret, a lawyer and a
tool of Tacon's, acted as advocate. No greater travesty of justice has
ever been staged than the proceedings of this precious body.
Now all the Creoles of wealth, education and family had welcomed the
royal decree, and hastened to obey the commands of General Lorenzo and
to take oath to uphold a constitution which was so beneficial to their
interest. Their names were known to Tacon, and he seized not only such
people, but anyone of whom he had the slightest suspicion. Men of the
highest rank, or the best reputation for loyalty and honesty, of the
finest education and standing, were among the number who were summoned
before Tacon's tribunal. Even the church was not exempt, and several
clergymen, with liberal leanings, and of known revolutionary sentiments,
were arrested and imprisoned. This was an excellent time for Tacon to
find a pretext to separate the sheep from the goats, and to put those
who seemed likely to oppose him where he thought they belonged. Many of
these people were confined in dungeons which were as barbarous as those
of the middle ages, and were left there until they died of disease or of
starvation. They were cut off from communications with their families
and friends, and in darkness and filth suffered until death relieved
them. A few considered themselves fortunate to get off with sentences of
banishment, and those who had warning were glad to escape to another
country. Families were separated and homes were broken up. Tacon was
very thorough in his methods of putting down what he considered a
menace to his government. Even the soldiers under General Lorenzo's
command were made his victims. They had been guilty of no offence save
that of obeying their superior officer, but this made no difference to
Tacon. He decided to make an example of them. Over five hundred of them,
with ball and chain dragging, were condemned to work on the streets of
Havana like convicts.
The deputies to the Cortes whom Lorenzo had chosen, or who had been
chosen under his rule, were among those who escaped from the island.
They made their way to Spain, and, hoping that the Spanish crown would
recognize the regularity of their election, and the irregularity of
Tacon's action, presented their credentials to the Cortes. They were
referred to a special committee composed of Spaniards whose only
interest in Cuba was in what might be extracted from her, and who had no
sympathy with her struggles or concern for her welfare or the good of
her people. What few ideas they had of the best way to govern Cuba and
make her pay the highest returns to Spain were derived from such
intellects as those possessed by men of Tacon's ilk, and they were
stoutly ranged on Tacon's side of the controversy. The deputies were
refused seats in the Cortes, and it was decided that the Constitution of
1812 did not apply to Cuba. Cuba was thus placed under the despotic rule
of the Captains-General, who were given absolute power, even precedence,
over the will of the Spanish Cortes. The decree of the Cortes on this
matter was framed in the following language:
"The Cortes, using the power which is conceded to them by the
Constitution, have decreed: Not being in a position to apply the
Constitution which has been adopted for the peninsula and adjacent to
the ultramarine provinces of America and Asia, these shall be ruled and
administered by special laws appropriate to their respective situations
and circumstances, and proper to cause their happiness. Consequently,
the Deputies for the designated provinces are not to take their seats in
the present Cortes."
Tacon was exultant over this strengthening of his hand, and he began a
regime even more cruel than his previous record. His agents were
constantly busy stirring up strife and jealousy between the Spanish
residents of the island and the native Cubans. He dominated the civil
courts with his military officers, and justice became a mere chimera of
fancy. In order to keep the police in line, he insisted that a certain
number of arrests must be made within a given period. When there were
not enough real offenders to make up the quota, the police naturally
wreaked any little personal animosities which they might have against
private citizens; and it has even been said that frequently they were
paid by certain revengeful citizens who held grudges to prefer charges
against men who were absolutely innocent of any offence.
Of course societies, whether political or social, came under the
governmental ban. Citizens were not encouraged to assemble in groups for
any purpose, and they feared to do so openly, lest the entire group
might be apprehended and tried on some trumped up charge. All
associations for education or personal betterment were discouraged,
because if people came to know too much, they were harder to handle and
more apt to revolt. Besides this, any society or institution which did
not depend on the favor of the Captain-General might find means of
denouncing his rule, and one could never tell how royal favor might be
swayed. Tacon well knew it to be a very uncertain quantity, and meant
to keep the wind blowing in his quarter, if possible.
In connection with his management of the police force, the whole
attitude of justice was changed. No person was presumed innocent until
his guilt was proved, but on the contrary his guilt was presumed unless
he could beyond the shadow of a doubt prove his innocence; and if he had
been unfortunate enough to incur the displeasure of one of the legion of
sycophants from the court of Spain who hung around the palace of the
Captain-General, seeking their own aggrandizement, his chances of having
an opportunity to prove himself innocent were very small. Tacon
encouraged rather than discouraged his subordinates in acts of
injustice, and did not care to what lengths they went if they kept the
people quiet. He roared at his officers, and demanded that they be
vigilant against his enemies, and they were thoroughly cowed by him. To
satisfy him, they invented accusations and thrust just men into prison,
or had them condemned to death. A curious result of this regime, and one
which shows how some good will often work out of the basest evils, was
that thieves and banditti were much less active than under any other
Captain-General. The long arm of Tacon reached out to subdue them, to
fall upon the guilty as well as the innocent.
Tacon is said to have stated his own position in these words: "I am
here, not to promote the interests of the people of Cuba, but to serve
my master, the king." The press was muzzled, and the local ayuntamientos
were deprived of their rights, and became merely the means for the
collection and distribution of the funds of the municipalities. The
prisons were overcrowded with Tacon's victims, and it became necessary
to lodge some of the political prisoners in the dungeons of castles.
Nearly 600 people, against whom there was no formal accusation, and
about whom no treason could be proved, were lodged in cells and
dungeons. No private citizen was safe, and no one had any personal
liberty.
In spite of the lack of a free press, pamphlets denouncing the rule of
Tacon were constantly being written, printed and circulated. One,
entitled "_Cuba y su Gobierno,_" contained the following assertions:
"With the political passions of Spaniards and Cubans excited; the island
reduced from an integral part of the monarchy to the conditions of a
colony, and with no other political code than the royal order,
conferring unlimited power upon the chief authority; the country bowed
down under the weighty tyranny of military commissions established in
the capitals of the eastern and western departments; with the prisons
filled with distinguished patriots; deprived of representation in the
Cortes; the ayuntamientos prohibited the right of petition; the press
forbidden to enunciate the state of public opinions; closed the
administration of General Don Miguel Tacon in the island of Cuba, the
most calamitous, beyond a question, that this country has suffered since
its discovery by the Spaniards."
The party in Cuba which was struggling against her oppression decided
that since they dared not give expression of their views in the local
press, they would establish organs outside their distressed country. Two
papers were accordingly issued, one at Paris, called _El Correo de
Ultramar_, and one at Madrid called _El Observador_. These were both
edited by able Cubans who were in exile. Later, in 1848, _La Verdad_, a
paper devoted to Cuban interests, was started in New York and the copies
given free distribution.
Tacon, like other despots, sought to cover his misdeeds by public works,
with which he tried to placate those possible insurgents whom he had not
imprisoned, and to deceive the Spanish government; for cruel and
arbitrary as had been the Spanish attitude toward her colonies, it is
doubtful whether the Spanish Cortes, had all the facts been known, would
have countenanced some of the brutalities of which Tacon was guilty.
There is a curious irony, a sort of paradox, about one of the
improvements which Tacon made on the island. As we have seen, the
prisons had never before been so full, and there had never before been
such a demand for places to incarcerate political offenders. Tacon
consequently caused a prison to be built, which has ever since been
pointed to as a palliation of some of his misdeeds. It is situated near
the gate of La Punta, and not far distant from the sea coast. It is well
ventilated and airy, and open to the sea breezes. One point urged in its
favor was that "its unfortunate inmates were protected from those
pestilential fevers rising from crowded and ill-ventilated rooms." In
other words, they were torn from squalor to well ventilated
imprisonment. This would have been all very nice, were it not for the
fact that numbers of the prisoners were from the best homes on the
island, and had no need of a comfortable boarding house by the sea,
watched over by an inhuman jailor. The prison had a capacity of five
thousand prisoners, and very shortly after its erection it sheltered one
thousand. It was built by the labor of convicts, and poor, unhappy
political prisoners, and partly with funds which Tacon extracted from
some of the officers who served under his predecessors, claiming that
such funds had been by them unlawfully appropriated to their own use.
To give opportunities for "graft" to his followers, and work to their
hangers-on, Tacon constructed a wall, high, level and massive, and for
what purpose only he knew, right through the widest avenue of Havana.
The Cubans were taxed to pay for the work, and subsequently were retaxed
to pay for its removal. Tacon also established a public meat and fish
market, for which he won popular approbation--outside of Cuba. It was in
fact much to the detriment of the public and the public revenue, and
greatly to his own gain and that of his friends. Even the contract for
this market was not honestly let, but was given to the highest bidder
for Tacon's enrichment, while honest bidders were ignored. The grant was
obtained, whereupon the contractors came into their own, and commenced
extorting large and valuable fees to which they were not entitled.
Finally the matter became such a public scandal that even Tacon could
not avert its being investigated, but when this investigation was
completed, the record was taken possession of by Tacon, and mysteriously
never again was discovered. The scandal of Tacon's administration at
last became too great even for the Spanish court, which was supposed to
be inclined to stand for anything, and the voice of Don Juan Montalvo y
Castillo was raised in the Spanish Cortes in expostulation. But Tacon
wrote artful reports, dodged the real issues, and cheerfully lied, and
his utterances--perhaps better fitting the temper of the Cortes--found
credence and his rule was continued.
Tacon caused the Governor's palace to be rebuilt, at great profit to
himself and his favorites in the way of perquisites and bribes; he
caused a military road to be constructed; and he had a spacious theatre
erected, cynically saying, that "it would keep the people amused, and
keep their minds off of matters which did not concern them." He also
caused a large parade ground to be opened just outside the city. But in
none of his improvements was he free from suspicion of having enriched
his own purse, and having in some manner pulled the wool over the sadly
strained eyes of the Cuban patriots.
A story which reads like a romance is told of Tacon's institution of the
fish market. In those days pirates infested the waters around Cuba, and
indeed were a menace to American and French vessels, as we have seen.
The most daring pirate and smuggler of them all was said to be a man
named Marti, of whom many exciting tales are related. He was a bold
leader of desperadoes, and since the Isle of Pines was where his band
most frequently had their headquarters, he was known as the "King of the
Isle of Pines." Now Tacon was eager to suppress smuggling and piracy,
probably because they interfered with his own plans. The Spanish ships
of war lay in the harbors of Cuba at anchor, while the officers indulged
in dancing on board with Cuban ladies, or took long period of leave on
shore. This did not please Tacon, and he accordingly issued commands
that they suppress the smugglers at all costs. But the smugglers carried
on their operations from small coves and inlets, in little crafts which
did not draw much water, and the clumsy and half-hearted efforts of the
Spanish sailors to apprehend them filled their leaders with mirth. There
are many tales of the impudent daring with which these outlaws operated
under the very noses of those who were sent out to capture them.
At last Tacon, who had an abounding belief that every man had his price,
and perhaps had heard enough of the character of the men he was hunting
to gauge it correctly, offered a reward for anyone who would desert and
inform the government of the pirates. A much larger and more tempting
sum was offered for the delivery of Marti, dead or alive. These offers
were posted throughout the country.
For some time nothing happened, and then one dark night, when it was
raining copiously, a man evaded the sentinels before the main entrance
to the governor's palace in Havana. He stole through the entrance, and
hid himself among the pillars in the inner court. Next this man silently
crept up the staircase to the governor's apartments. Here he met a
guard, but he saluted, and passed on with such nonchalance that he was
not challenged, and entering the reception room of the governor, found
himself in the semi-royal presence. Tacon was alone, busily writing. He
promptly inquired who his visitor might be, and was informed that he was
one who had valuable information for the Captain-General.
"I am the Captain-General," said Tacon.
"Your excellency is desirous of apprehending the pirates who infest the
coasts of the island?"
"You must have been reading the proclamations," jocosely suggested
Tacon.
"And you wish to take Marti, dead or alive?"
Tacon signified that such was his purpose. His strange visitor then
exacted the Captain-General's promise that he would be granted a free
pardon in return for the valuable information which he was about to
divulge. When this promise was given he said:
"I will lead you to the strongholds of the smugglers."
"You?" cried Tacon. "Who are you?"
"I am Marti!" was the reply.
Marti, who so calmly and unscrupulously betrayed his followers, was of
course a welcome visitor to the Captain-General, and one worthy of his
warmest co-operation and friendship. He was placed under surveillance,
and was obliged to remain in the palace for the night, but the
Captain-General refrained from telling anyone his identity. On the next
day he acted as pilot for one of the Captain-General's boats, and after
the course of several weeks he had exposed every hiding place of his
men. The amount of money and property thus secured and appropriated by
the Captain-General cannot be estimated, but it was very great. A great
deal of it never found its way into the treasury. Marti was a scoundrel
so much to his liking that the Captain-General decided not only to give
him a free pardon, but an order on the treasury for a large sum of
money. However, Marti had his own ideas of what he desired. In place of
the money he chose the absolute right to fish the waters surrounding
Havana, to the exclusion of all fishermen who were not in his employ. He
had in his wild career marked for his own all the best fishing grounds
in the harbor. This concession granted, there must naturally be found a
market for his fish, and thus the fish market project was born. Then
fishing made Marti so wealthy that he now had time for more elegant
occupations, and turned his mind to theatricals. He is said to have
obtained some sort of monopoly from the government over theatrical
performances in the island, and then the public theatre idea was formed.
Tacon had as many press agents as an opera singer, albeit they had no
methods of getting their material into public print and disseminated it
by word of mouth. His agents told many stories of him to illustrate his
love of justice, his wonderful generosity, and his many other admirable
traits, for which he was in reality only negatively to be celebrated.
The one which follows is merely illustrative of the others.
In the first year of his rule there was a young Creole girl, of
surpassing beauty and modesty, of the name of Miralda Estalez. She was
an orphan of seventeen, and kept a cigar store, which her beauty and
grace made very popular with the young men of Havana. Miralda, like all
proper heroines of fiction or fairy stories, was good as well as
beautiful, and although many of the young bloods sighed for her, her
glance fell with favor only on a handsome but, of course, poor and
deserving young man, of the name of Pedro Mantenez. Pedro was a boatman,
which is a most romantic and fitting occupation for an impoverished but
righteous hero. He was more than this. By his wit and sagacity--which as
we have seen failed to line his coffers, but if they had done so he
would have been out of drawing in this affecting picture, since he would
no longer have been poor but deserving--he was a leader among the other
boatmen and beloved by all. The records of his noble and
self-sacrificing deeds would have filled a volume as large as an
unabridged dictionary. Miralda loved Pedro, and Pedro loved Miralda, and
all was going as merry as a marriage bell, when entered the villain, a
famous roué of the name of Count Almonte, who liked Miralda's cigars and
cast melting glances at Miralda herself, but all in vain, because, as we
have said, Miralda was good as well as beautiful. Finding that he would
have to do something more substantial than make eyes, the worthy count
offered Miralda a costly present which so affected her that she fainted,
not with joy, but with horror. Then she ordered the count from her shop,
but he refused to go and continued to hang around and buy her wares.
Next the fine count offered her money and lands and rich clothes and
what not, but the pure-minded young girl righteously spurned his offer.
Acting quite in character the count then decided to kidnap her. His
plans were ingenious, but in order to gain popularity for Tacon it was
necessary that not far from this point he should get into the story.
One afternoon, just at twilight, that fine hour for abduction, a
lieutenant--probably in Tacon's pay--stepped into the store and demanded
that Miralda go with him, by order of the Captain-General; which does
look like the cloven hoof in the velvet glove, or something of the sort.
But instead of taking Miralda to the Captain-General she was conveyed to
the count's country estates, where she was kept a prisoner, although of
course not harmed--in fiction the villain never harms the heroine before
the hero arrives even if he is a bit late at the appointment. Pedro, by
that wit and sagacity which had made him a master boatman, discovered
the count's treachery. He disguised himself as a friar and went to the
count's gate every day and slipped notes through the cracks to Miralda,
thus cheering her exceedingly. Then entered the most high excellency,
the Captain-General, that defender of those who loved liberty in Cuba,
that builder of prisons and master genius in filling them, that
despoiler of rich and poor alike, and thus the man most likely to help
defenseless virtue. Pedro's excess of wit and sagacity led him straight
to the spotless Captain-General. After trying three times to get an
audience, for governing the island and putting down rebellions kept
Tacon reasonably busy, Pedro succeeded in getting into the presence of
the lord of Cuba. When he had told his story, and sworn to his honorable
intentions toward his fiancee, Tacon sent his soldiers to the count's
estate to bring him and Miralda into the sacred presence. When the
Captain-General had demanded to know, and the count had assured him,
that Miralda was "as pure as when she came beneath my roof," Tacon
immediately produced a priest and married Miralda to the count, much to
the astonishment and chagrin of the faithful Pedro. But Tacon the Just
was not through. He was ever on the side of the oppressed, when his own
interests leaned that way. The count was ordered to return to his own
plantation, without his bride. While on the way he was shot in the back,
after Tacon's most pleasant manner and by his orders. In one record it
is hinted that his estates were pleasant picking for Tacon, but the
story which is most current leaves out that interesting detail. Tacon's
version is that he gave the count's estate to the widow; and at any rate
Pedro and Miralda were married and lived happily ever afterward, and
Tacon gave them his blessing with the high-sounding pronouncement: "No
man nor woman on this island is so humble but that they may claim the
justice of Tacon."
Tacon's rule, one of the worst that the long-suffering Cubans had to
endure, finally came to an end, on April 16, 1838, when he was succeeded
by Don Joaquin de Espeleta. The latter had been born in Cuba, and it is
a mystery why he was ever appointed, for Spain was not wont to accord
honors to Cubans, or to confer the high rank of Captain-General on one
who might naturally be expected to have Cuban sympathies. He had been
for some time connected with the government in a subordinate capacity,
being inspector-general of the troops, and second cabo-subalterno. From
all accounts Espeleta was an excellent governor, and must have afforded
the harassed Cubans a much needed breathing spell after the misrule of
Tacon. But he was not long allowed to rule Cuba. Spain began to suspect
that the Cubans were being treated too well, and that trouble might
follow. Indeed, Espeleta was reported to be conciliating the people,
and holding out hopes of great reforms. This in itself seemed to justify
his removal, and so, in 1840, he was succeeded by the Prince de Aglona.
During this administration the Royal Pretorial Audience, a high court of
appeal to which all civil cases might be taken, was established. If this
had been kept free from deleterious influences, it would have been a
most beneficial thing for the oppressed Cubans, but the royal favorites
dominated it, as they did pretty much everything else.
CHAPTER XXIV
General Geronimo Valdez, who succeeded the Prince de Aglona as
Captain-General in 1840, probably endeavored to rule wisely, since he
was by nature a rather gentle and just man; but he had absolutely no
chance with the power of Spain against him. It was during his incumbency
that the first of the alarming slave uprisings occurred, and the Spanish
officials were so frightened that they counseled the most violent
methods of subduing the offenders, to which as we shall see General
Valdez at least shut his eyes. For he was weak and indecisive, and had
not the power to rule insurgents or to keep his Spanish colleagues
within bounds.
The British consul, David Turnbull, of whom we shall hear more later,
was unpopular with the planters, who accused him of inciting their
slaves to rebellion. Certainly he was an ardent advocate of
emancipation, and a book which he wrote about this period was filled
with denunciations of slavery. Valdez tried to placate both him and the
planters, and between the two promptly fell down and won the enmity of
both. His numerous grants of freedom to negroes were another cause for
complaint. The planters combined and caused his downfall, and he yielded
his office to one better suited to Spanish standards. Some years later
they secured the recall of Turnbull. It is said of Valdez that he
departed from Cuba no richer than when he had come, and if this is
true,--it sounds almost impossible,--then he stands unique in an
assembly of "grafters."
In 1843 George Leopold O'Donnell took office as Captain-General. No
despot who had preceded him surpassed him in cruelty. He turned every
possible happening to his personal advantage, and lined his pockets with
Cuban money. It was during his tenure of office that the most
wide-spread and most dangerous of the insurrections among the slaves
happened. Of the methods used in subduing this we shall write in another
chapter, but they were the most disgraceful that have blotted the pages
of the history of any nation. General O'Donnell himself, his wife and
daughter were said to have profited by the slave trade. The wife of the
Captain-General, by the way, seems to have had a painfully itching palm.
It is told of her that she had a number of loaves of bread left after a
reception, and that she sent for the baker at three o'clock in the
morning, to require him to take back the surplus. When he demurred, that
he could only sell it for stale bread, and would thus lose money on it,
she said: "Oh, I sent for you early because now you can mix it with the
other bread, and sell it to the masses, and no one will know the
difference." She is accused of having been engaged in all kinds of
schemes by which she profited in an illegitimate way. She dabbled in the
letting of contracts for the cleansing of sewers and for the removal of
dirt and manure from the city streets, demanding her bonus from the one
who secured the contract, and these municipal operations stained her
hands with illgotten gains. It is said that O'Donnell, who had a large
interest in marble quarries in the Isle of Pines, had his agents select
able bodied laborers, and trump up charges of treason against them. They
were then sentenced to deportation to work in the Captain-General's
stone quarries, and thus solved the problem of low priced labor.
O'Donnell was fertile also in inventing new taxes and new methods of
extorting money, which of course brought him into high favor at court.
So pleasing was his rule to his masters and to his aides that he was
allowed to stay in office longer than usual, and was not succeeded until
1848.
One of the most ridiculous figures in Cuban history came next, in the
person of General Frederico Roncali. Some 400 Americans had taken up
their abode on an island far distant from Cuba. Rumors reached General
Roncali that they intended to free Cuba from Spanish rule. He promptly
marched 4,000 picked soldiers to garrisons in Cuba, and promised them
double pay if they would fight bravely when the enemy landed. Of course,
the enemy never came, and General Roncali presented a foolish figure.
But after all there was a portent in this of the fear which the
Spaniards were beginning to entertain, that the end of their rule in
Cuba was at hand.
While the slave trade had been made illegal in 1820, it flourished with
more or less vigor until the end of the Ten Years' War in the latter
part of the century. Spain officially frowned upon it, but unofficially
the Spanish crown is said to have been financially interested in the
slave trading companies, and to have shared largely in their profits. To
add to this incentive for the continuance of the trade, the
Captain-General had his own reasons for not suppressing it. He was paid
a fixed bonus for every slave imported. Indeed, the post of
Captain-General of Cuba was one not to be despised by any soldier of
fortune. The perquisites of the office are said to have been--of course,
not from the slave trade alone--close to $500,000 a year. The
Captain-General is said to have received "half an ounce of gold" for
every "sack of charcoal," as they facetiously dubbed the negro, allowed
to pass into the country.
Although no excuse of expediency can be urged for the enslavement of
human beings, no matter what their color or race, it remains a fact that
the sugar plantations of Cuba required laborers in great numbers for
their development, and the easiest and most profitable way to obtain
that labor was through the employment of black slaves. It would probably
have been impossible to obtain a sufficient number of white men at that
time to do the work required, especially since when an attempt was made
to import white men for work on the plantations, the owners who were of
Spanish birth brought every influence possible to bear on the government
to make such laws and regulations for that kind of labor that, if it
could be procured, its retention was well nigh impossible.
The blacks were naturally not satisfied with slavery. In their
association with their masters they acquired just enough information and
knowledge to make them dangerous. And at this time the blacks, free and
slave, were a large majority of the population. The negro race in
captivity was always difficult to manage. They were affectionate and
responsive to good treatment but when their rage was aroused by hard and
unjust treatment they reverted to habits of the jungle. The Spanish
planters believed that the way to keep the negroes quiet was to keep
them under with a strong hand and consequently overseers were frequently
brutal.
There began to be a strong undercurrent of unrest among the negro
population, and an equally strong fear of them among the whites.
Sporadic uprisings occurred, which were like the overflowing of a
boiling caldron, not organized, and not well prepared, and therefore
easily put down by the authorities. A description of a typical uprising
of this character is contained in a work called "The Slaves in the
Spanish Colonies" by the Countess Merlin, published about 1840. It
relates the experiences of one Don Rafael with a mutiny of his slaves.
"The slaves lately imported from Africa were mostly of the Luccommee
tribe, and therefore excellent workmen, but of a violent and unwieldly
temper, and always ready to hang themselves at the slightest opposition
to their way.
"It was just after the bell had struck five, and the dawn of morning was
scarcely visible. Don Rafael had gone over to another of his estates,
within half an hour before, leaving behind him, and still in tranquil
slumbers, his four children and his wife, who was in a state of
pregnancy. Of a sudden the latter awaked, terrified by hideous cries and
the sound of hurried steps. She jumped affrighted from her bed, and
observed that all the negroes of the estate were making their way to the
house. She was instantly surrounded by her children, weeping and crying
at her side. Being attended solely by slaves, she thought herself
inevitably lost; but scarcely had she time to canvass these ideas in her
distracted mind, when one of her negro girls came in, saying, 'Child,
your bounty need have no fears; we have fastened all the doors, and
Michael is gone for the master.' Her companions placed themselves on all
sides of their female owners, while the rebels advanced, tossing from
hand to hand among themselves a bloody corpse, with cries as awful as
the hissing of a serpent. The negro girls exclaimed, 'That's the
overseer's body!' The rebels were already at the door, when Pepilla
(this is the name of the lady) saw the carriage of her husband coming at
full speed. That sweet soul, who, until that moment, had valiantly
awaited death, was now overpowered at the sight of her husband coming
unarmed toward the infuriated mob, and she fainted. In the mean time,
Rafael descended from the vehicle, placed himself in front of them, and
with only one severe look, and a single sign of the hand, designated the
purging house for them to go to. The slaves suddenly became silent,
abandoned the dead body of their overseer, and, with downcast faces,
still holding their field-swords in their hands, they turned round and
entered where they had been ordered. Well might it be said, that they
beheld in the man who stood before them the exterminating angel.
"Although the movement had for a moment subsided, Rafael, who was not
aware of its cause, and feared the results, selected the opportunity to
hurry his family away from the danger. The _quitrin_ or vehicle of the
country could not hold more than two persons, and it would have been
imprudent to wait till more conveyances were in readiness. Pepilla and
the children were placed in it in the best possible manner; and they
were on the point of starting, when a man, covered with wounds, with a
haggard, deathlike look, approached the wheels of the _quitrin_, as if
he meant to climb in by them. In his pale face the marks of despair and
the symptoms of death could be traced, and fear and bitter anguish were
the feelings which agitated his soul in the last moments of his life. He
was the white accountant, who had been nearly murdered by the blacks,
and having escaped from their ferocious hold, was making the last
efforts to save a mere breath of life. His cries, his prayers, were
calculated to make the heart faint. Rafael found himself in the cruel
alternative of being deaf to the request of a dying man, or throwing his
bloody and expiring corpse over his children: his pity conquered; the
accountant was placed in the carriage as well as might be, and it moved
away from the spot.
"While this was passing on the estate of Rafael, the Marquis of
Cardenas, Pepilla's brother, whose plantations were two leagues off, who
had been apprised through a slave of the danger with which his sister
was threatened, hastened to her aid. On reaching the spot, he noticed a
number of rebels who, impelled by a remnant of rage, or fear of
punishment, were directing their course to the Savannas--large open
plains, the last abodes resorted to by runaway slaves. The Marquis of
Cardenas, whose sense of the danger of his sister had induced him to fly
to her, had brought with him, in the hurry of the moment, no one to
guard his person except a single slave. Scarcely had the fugitive band
perceived a white man, when they went towards him. The marquis stopped
his course and prepared to meet them; it was useless temerity in him
against such odds. Turning his master's horse by the bridle, his own
slave addressed him thus: 'My master, let your bounty get away from
here; let me come to an understanding with them.' And he then whipped
his master's horse, which went off at a gallop.
"The valiant José, for his name is worthy of being remembered as that of
a hero, went on toward the savage mob, so as to gain time for his master
to fly, and fell a victim to his devotedness, after receiving thirty-six
sword-blows. This rising, which had not been premediated, had no other
consequences. It had originated in a severe chastisement inflicted by
the overseer, which had prompted the rebels to march toward the owner's
dwelling to expound their complaint. They begged Rafael's pardon, which
was granted, with the exception of two or three, who were delivered
over to the tribunals."
This specimen of the fine writing of the period has hidden within it two
truths which stand out in the history of the difficulties between the
blacks and the whites on the island of Cuba. First, although we must
discount a bit the Countess's account of Rafael's valor, and the ease
with which he subdued the uprising, by taking into account the fact that
he was her cousin, and that therefore she naturally looked at him with
over-favorable eyes, nevertheless the fact remains that the blacks were
usually amenable to the commands of their owners, unless aroused to an
unusual pitch of ferocity, and were, through fear or respect, not
difficult to reduce to control.
In the second place, it has been the history of the relations between
the blacks and whites in every country that with anything like fair
treatment those who worked about the house, or acted as body servants,
became personally attached to their masters--to whom it is true there
was often a tie of consanguinity--and showed the same spirit of loyalty
which was displayed by Pepilla's women slaves.
Shortly after this insurrection, reported by the Countess Merlin, there
was another near Aguacate, which was more formidable and more difficult
to subdue. Meanwhile, the government was handling the matter of slave
insurrections in a vacillating manner. Laws were made which granted the
slaves a right to assemble and to establish societies, even to form
military bodies for the public defense; actually giving them greater
rights than white laborers; and this went hand in hand with such cruel
injustice as public whipping posts. The white population, on the other
hand, even in localities where there was a great preponderance of
blacks, could not form a militia.
Turnbull, the English consul, fancied that he saw in these slave
insurrections a chance to advance the interests of his country. It is
claimed that he also had visions of a republic in which the blacks ruled
with himself as president. He was _persona non grata_ with the
aristocracy of the island, and is supposed to have been actuated in part
by a desire to avenge social slights. He was charged with planning to
effect a huge black uprising, to seize and execute enough of the white
population to cow the rest and then to set up his black republic. But it
is impossible to determine the truth or falsity of these accusations.
Turnbull had many enemies who were only too glad to charge him with any
crime.
In 1842 there was an insurrection in Martiaro, and it was with
difficulty suppressed. Then evidence began to be seen everywhere of a
systematic propaganda among the slaves on plantations scattered in
widely separated parts of the island. A negro mason accidentally dropped
an incendiary proclamation from his pocket, and it finally reached the
hands of the captain of the district. The negro was tortured, but would
not divulge the source of the paper. An itinerant monk went through the
country ostensibly begging alms for the church, but in reality
prophesying to the blacks that in July, 1842, they would, on St. John's
Day, rise and obtain their freedom. The wholesale insurrection did not
occur, but there were uprisings in July in various parts of the island,
and the slaves of an estate near Bemba murdered their master and a
neighbor, and were only subdued when the militia had been called. In
January, 1843, an official of the government was murdered by the blacks.
A colored man secretly gave evidence against the slayers and in some
manner fell under their suspicion, and soon after was assassinated by
one of his own people, who afterward was tried for the crime, but
committed suicide in jail, before he could pay the death penalty. In
March, 1843, near Bemba five hundred negroes rose against their white
masters, and it was only after considerable bloodshed that they were
subdued. No sooner was this trouble quieted than there was another
uprising on a plantation in the neighborhood, and still a third one the
same year, the exact details of which are lacking. Then followed, at the
close of 1843, the most serious trouble of all, when, in November, the
negroes near Matanzas revolted and went on an orgy of murder and rape,
ravishing and killing women, and murdering white men. Turnbull was
accused of being the brains behind these troubles, but it was impossible
to fix the guilt on him. If he was guilty he was not a good organizer,
for none of the revolts had any national effect. They were all local in
character, and all unsuccessful in attaining any lasting results.
After the insurrection of November, 1843, a meeting of planters was
called in Matanzas, and the government was asked to take steps to make
further revolts impossible. But in 1844, near Matanzas, occurred another
serious insurrection, and it was reported that the negroes on all the
plantations in the neighborhood were organized and were planning a
wholesale revolt, which would bring about the realizations of Turnbull's
dreams. It was then that the government decided to act ruthlessly, and
methods which would have done credit to the old Spanish Inquisition were
promptly introduced.
In March, 1844, the Captain-General, O'Donnell, addressed a letter to
General Salas, who was the head of the military tribunal, in which he
counseled drastic and violent measures against any insurgent blacks. He
suggested that all blacks, slave or free, who were suspected of treason
to their masters, should be apprehended, and if they refused to give
information as to the extent of the organization and their associations,
the knowledge must be wrung from them by torture. The slaves were to be
tried in the district where they were taken. The officer in charge of
each district was promptly given full power to apprehend and punish the
plotters as he saw fit. The Spanish officers were often cruel and brutal
men, who exercised their authority in the most revolting manner. The hue
and cry went from hut to cabin and no black man was safe at his own
hearth. Opportunity was taken in some cases to work out a personal
grudge and gain freedom from an enemy. No one, not even a white man,
dared publicly to raise his voice to expostulate, for he was promptly
dubbed an abolitionist and thrown into prison. If a negro had a little
money saved to buy his freedom, or, if he was a freedman, to obtain a
little business, he stood a better chance of his life. He might buy his
tormentors off, but all too frequently when he had paid, he was murdered
lest he might tell of the man whom he had bribed.
One tender hearted Spanish judge, Don Ramon Gonzales, is reported to
have condemned his victims to be taken to a room, the walls of which
were already dripping with the blood and shredded flesh of previous
victims. There they were tied head down to a ladder, and flogged by two
Africans until they were dead. To make their torture the more
excruciating, the thongs with which they were scourged had on the ends
small buttons made of fine wire, which bit into the flesh. When several
freedmen had been executed in this pleasant fashion, and when public
opinion dared feebly to protest at such atrocities, death certificates
were made out by unscrupulous physicians, reporting death from some
simple disease, and under this authority the murdered negroes were
quickly buried.
A second kind judge seized on some pretext a freeborn negro, an old man,
who was gentle and inoffensive, but who had incurred the judicial
displeasure, and had him tied to the ladder and flogged on three
separate occasions, without even going to the trouble to bring an
indictment against him or divulge the nature of his offense. Another
free negro was taken by this same official, hung by his hands from the
ceiling of the torture chamber, and left there all night, while he was
at intervals whipped. At length this poor victim succumbed to the
treatment and gave information of a comrade, who was promptly taken out
and shot without a trial.
Another officer, Don Juan Costa, had a record of ninety-six negroes
killed by the lash, of whom fifty-four were slaves and forty-two
freedmen. The record shows the following entries, which gives an inkling
of the colored man's powers of endurance and of what each must have
suffered: "Lorenzo Sanchez, imprisoned on the first of April, died on
the fourth. Joseph Cavallero, imprisoned on the fourth, died on the
sixth. John Austin Molino, imprisoned on the ninth, died on the
twelfth." There were similar laconic entries for the whole ninety-six.
Don José del Piso, a fiscal officer, was responsible for the flogging to
death of a negro a hundred and ten years of age, too old and infirm to
be an active conspirator. This was within the walls of the Matanzas
jail. The poor victim was so lacerated that he was hardly recognizable
as a human being. This del Piso had a pleasant form of afternoon sport
which he conducted to the great edification of his brother
inquisitioners. He would have his victims tied to the high limb of a
tree, and then cut the rope and watch them writhe when they fell. Don
Ferdinand Percher fell slightly below the record of his colleague, Don
Juan Costa, for he could boast of only seventy-two deaths to his credit.
Then there occurred to these just men and true a new and exceedingly
fine way of adding to their revenue. Don Miguel Ballo de la Rore
extorted from the negroes on a certain estate, in the absence of their
owners, affidavits accusing their master of treason; and the latter was
notified through his overseer that unless he paid two hundred ounces of
gold forthwith he was a condemned man. However, the correspondence fell
into the hands of General Salas who had the grace to put an end to the
matter.
But not only the blacks were victims. A white man who had incurred the
displeasure of the minions of the government was never safe. One Spanish
officer had a grudge against a young Englishman and accused him of
inciting the negroes on an estate to poison their master; and the
Englishman paid the forfeit of his life for a crime of which he was
entirely guiltless. The fiscal officers ranged the island, looking for
chances to murder, obtaining false testimony, seizing property, cattle,
furniture, horses, the property of freed blacks, which they sold,
converting the proceeds to their own use. This record seems incredible,
but it is vouched for beyond question. Furthermore, at this time no
comely colored woman was safe. If she happened to attract the lustful
eyes of a Spanish general, her husband or father or brothers were
seized, and she herself was delivered up to be ravished and then slain.
One of the episodes of this campaign was a largely attended ball, at
which no white woman was present, and at which all the colored women
were obliged to appear in the garb of Eve before the Fall.
[Illustration: JOSÉ ANTONIO SACO
One of the greatest of Cuban publicists, José Antonio Saco was born at
Bayamo on May 7, 1797; studied philosophy and politics, and succeeded
Varela as Professor of Philosophy at the San Carlos Seminary, Havana. In
1828 he founded in New York the "Mensajero Quincenal," and four years
later in Havana became editor of the _Revista Bimestre Cubana_. Because
of his defense of the Academy of Literature, Captain-General Tacon
banished him to the island of Trinidad. In 1836 he represented Cuba in
the Spanish Cortes, and afterward travelled in Europe. In Paris he
published a treatise of Cuban annexation to the United States, and after
the Lopex expedition he wrote again on the political situation in Cuba.
He was a member of the Junta of Information in 1866, and a Deputy to the
Cortes from Santiago de Cuba. He died at Barcelona, Spain, on September
26, 1879, and his body was returned to Cuba for burial. His greatest
literary work was a monumental "History of Slavery," but he wrote many
others on political, economical, social and literary subjects.]
The fiscal officers were able to carry out these infamies because they
were at once prosecuting attorney, judge and jury. They obtained
testimony, apprehended, imprisoned, condemned and executed. The
testimony which they extorted was taken without witnesses. They
themselves wrote down the declarations, distorting them to suit their
own purposes. The blacks seldom knew how to read or write, and they were
obliged to set their mark to anything which the fiscal officer chose to
record. Not even the notary who swore the witness was allowed to check
up the declaration with his knowledge of the statements. The Spanish
government had for a long time played the most corrupt and petty of
politics in apportioning the smaller offices on the island. Political
hangers-on, with little education, no moral sense and no honor, were
paid for their loyalty to Spain with these positions. The records show
that during this reign of terror one thousand three hundred and
forty-six people were victims of the inquisition.
But Spain in her campaigns of cruelty was only laying up trouble for
herself. She was raising a storm which would never again be completely
quelled until Cuba was free. The abolitionists and the liberals, or
those who longed for freedom from Spanish rule, began joining forces.
The cause of freedom for the slaves, and of separation from Spain, were
curiously interlaced. The country was worn out with turmoil and eager
for peace, but there could be no peace, it was believed, while Spain and
the Spaniards on Cuban soil ruled with such cruel measures.
The problem of how separation might be obtained was capable of either
of two solutions, by annexation to some other country, or by
independence. The cause of independence had at this time for its leader
a Cuban of the highest type, José Antonio Saco, who had traveled all
over the world, and was a man of fine education and great culture. The
larger proportion of those Cubans who were intelligent, and who were
thinking out for themselves the problem of the fate of Cuba, accepted
him as their leader. Of course, it is understood that all organization,
all plans and almost all conversation, except in whispers behind closed
doors, or in corners of cafes which seemed safe from surveillance, had
to be secret. To come out openly for the salvation of Cuba from Spanish
rule meant banishment or death.
Saco's ideas were well known to the Spanish governor, for in 1834 he had
been exiled because of them. But he was prudent, and was not disposed to
do anything that would hurl Cuba into the throes of revolution. He felt
that a revolution at this time, with the blacks subdued but not
conquered, might mean a race war which would be the most disastrous
thing that could happen to the island. He also opposed annexation to any
other country, particularly to the United States, because he felt that
Cuba, being in such close proximity to the latter country, would lose
her individuality, be absorbed and become Anglo-Saxon. In 1845 he wrote
on this subject, as follows:
"If the slave trade continues, there will be in Cuba neither peace nor
security. Their risings have occurred at all times; but they have always
been partial, confined to one or two forms, without plan or political
result. Very different is the character of the risings which at brief
intervals have occurred in 1842-43; and the conspiracy last discovered
is the most frightful which has even been planned in Cuba, at once on
account of its vast ramifications among slaves and free negroes, and on
account of its origin and purpose. It is not necessary that the negroes
should rise all at once all over the island; it is not necessary that
its fields should blaze in conflagration from one end to the other in a
single day; partial movements repeated here and there are enough to
destroy faith and confidence. Then emigration will begin, capital will
flee, agriculture and commerce will rapidly diminish, public revenues
will lessen, the poverty of these and the fresh demands imposed by a
continual state of alarm, will cause taxes to rise; and, with expenses
on the one hand increased, but with receipts diminished, the situation
of the island will grow more involved until there comes the most
terrible catastrophe."
[Illustration: GASPAR BETANCOURT
CISNEROS]
Again we find in a letter to a friend, Caspar Betancourt Cisneros,
written a little later than the former communication:
GASPAR BETANCOURT CISNEROS
Scion of a distinguished stock, Gaspar Betancourt Cisneros was born
in Camaguey in 1803 and was educated in the United States. In 1823
he went with other Cubans to Colombia to confer with Bolivar on the
theme of Cuban independence, and remained there for many years. In
1837 he began a notable series of papers in the Cuban press, on
familiar economic and educational topics, signing them El Lugareno;
under which pen name he became famous. He established schools and
agricultural colonies, and built the second railroad in Cuba. In
1846 while he was in Europe he was suspected of revolutionary
conspiracy, and his property was confiscated. He then became a
teacher in the United States, but returned to Cuba in 1861 and
became a journalist. He was too ill to accept election to the Junta
of Information, and died in 1866.
"Let there be neither war nor conspiracies of any kind in Cuba. In our
critical situation either one means the desolation of the country. Let
us bear the yoke of Spain. But let us bear it so as to leave to our
children, if not a country of liberty, at least one peaceful and
hopeful. Let us try with all our energies to put down the infamous
traffic in slaves; let us diminish without violence or injustice the
number of these; let us do what we can to increase the white population;
let us do all which you have always done, giving a good example to our
own fellow countrymen, and Cuba, our beloved Cuba, shall some day be
Cuba indeed!"
On the other hand the Annexationists were waging a vigorous though quiet
campaign. On April 20, 1848, a proclamation urging the Cubans to make
every effort to add their island to the United States appeared. It was
signed simply "Unos Cubanos," and urged opposition to Saco and his
sympathizers and a concerted effort to gain the political and civil
rights which were enjoyed by Americans. "Amalgamation of the races," ran
the proclamation, "would not extinguish Cuban nationality, for every
child born in Cuba would be at once a Cuban and an American. Cuba united
to this strong and respected nation, whose southern interests would be
identified with hers, would be assured quiet and future success; her
wealth would increase, doubling the value of her farms and slaves,
trebling that of her whole territory; liberty would be given to
individual action, and the system of hateful and harmful restrictions
which paralyze commerce and agriculture could be destroyed."
But no matter what the Cubans themselves might dream of or hope for,
Spain had not the slightest intention of surrendering Cuba without a
struggle. No country, not even one more altruistic in its policies, and
more highly civilized than Spain had shown herself to be at this time,
would be eager to relinquish a colony which brought her in a revenue of
three and a half millions clear, and which in the twenty years from 1830
to 1850 had poured over $50,000,000 into her coffers. Spain therefore
cast around for any expedient which would enable her to retain her last
possession in the new world. Roncali during his term as Captain-General
very clearly expressed his views as to where the Spanish interests in
Cuba lay:
"Among the considerable elements of power with which Spain counts in
this island, ought to be mentioned slavery. Permit me, your excellency,
to explain my belief in this regard. The interest in preserving their
fortunes and in developing the rich crops from which they spring causes
all the wealthy inhabitants of the country to fear the first whisper of
conflict which may relax the discipline of the slaves, or threaten
emancipation. From this fact I infer that slavery is the rein which,
through fear and interest, will keep in submission the great majority of
the white population. But if the event should arrive of foreign war and
of inner commotions such as to threaten the dependence of the island,
what should be the conduct of the Captain-General toward slavery? I, my
noble lord, state my solemn belief that this terrible weapon which the
government holds in its hand might in the last extremity prevent the
loss of the island, and that if the inhabitants are persuaded that it
will be used they will trouble and renounce every fond illusion rather
than draw down such an anathema. The chance is remote without doubt, but
that very fact makes me express myself clearly: the liberty of all the
slaves in a day of gravest peril, proclaimed by Her Majesty's
representative in these territories, would re-establish superiority and
even strengthen our power in a very real way, based as it would then be
on that very class which it seems best today to keep submerged. But if
that last resort should prove insufficient, or if it did not suit Spain
afterward to retain her hold, it may always be brought about that the
conquerors shall acquire Hayti instead of the rich and prosperous Cuba
and that the bastard sons who have brought down that calamity by their
rebellion shall meet in their complete ruin, punishment and
disillusionment. A principle of retributive justice or of harmony with
the maxims of modern civilization, to which it is so customary now to
appeal, would also call for general emancipation, at the moment when,
for whatever reason, Spain should decide to renounce the island.... So
far this trans-Atlantic province is still strongly attached to the
mother land, and thanks to the wisdom and material solicitude of Her
Majesty, I believe that the bonds of union will be still more
strengthened; but if the fate of nations brings to this land a day
pregnant with such circumstances as to threaten its loss, their national
honor and interest alike would demand that every recourse and means be
exhausted, without saving anything. If, even then, fortune should
abandon us, we should at least leave it written in history that our
departure from America corresponded to the heroic story of its
acquisition."
CHAPTER XXV
The era of Cuban history which embraced part of the seventeenth, the
eighteenth, and part of the nineteenth centuries, and which we have
endeavored to review in this volume, presents a striking and almost
unique contrast to the customary course of human affairs. The normal
order of civic development begins with the rise and confirmation of
nationality, and thence proceeds to international relationships and
cosmopolitan interests and activities. Such was the record of other
American states which grew up contemporaneously with Cuba. Such was
notably the course of the United States of North America. In their
colonial period they were intensely local, parochial, in sentiment and
spirit. In their revolutionary era they began to manifest a national
entity. It was not until long after their establishment of national
independence that they fully realized their international status.
In Cuba the order was reversed. At first, as a colony of triumphant and
masterful Spain, the island had neither national sentiment nor
international interests. In the second stage, however, it became a pawn
in the great international game which was being played between declining
Spain and her increasingly powerful neighbors, actually for a time
passing from Spanish to British possession, and often being regarded as
likely to pass permanently into the hands of some other power than
Spain.
These circumstances had a marked effect upon the whole genius of the
Cuban people. It gave them international vision before they had learned
to discern themselves even as a potential nation. It gave them a degree
of cosmopolitanism such as few comparable colonies have ever known. It
divorced them in sentiment from the Mother Country to an exceptional
degree. They were made to feel that Spain meant little or nothing to
them. She had planted them, it is true. But she had given them little
cultivation, little protection. She had looked to them for more help for
herself than she had herself given to them. She was unable to save them
from the danger of being passed from hand to hand, from owner to owner.
At the north, England had not governed her Thirteen Colonies well. But
she had at least protected them. There had never been on their part any
fear that she would abandon them to some other conqueror, or that they
would be taken from her by force, or sold or traded away. The British
colonists knew that in the last emergency the whole power of the United
Kingdom would be exerted for their protection. Yet even so they revolted
against misgovernment, and declared their independence.
How much more, almost infinitely more, cause had Cubans for alienation
from Spain! She had given them no such protection. Her policy suggested
always the possibility of their transfer in some way to some other
sovereignty. And her misgovernment had been immeasurably worse than that
of England. If Cuba was more patient than the Thirteen Colonies at the
north, that was another of the paradoxes of history--that the impulsive,
hot-blooded Latin of the south should be more deliberate and
conservative than the cool and phlegmatic Anglo-Saxon of the north.
This very quality of patience was, indeed, the saving virtue of the
Cuban character. Quijano Otero wrote of Colombia, at the very time of
her revolt against Spain and the establishment of her independence, that
she "had lived so fast in her years of glory and great deeds that,
though still a child, she was already entering a premature decrepitude."
Not so Cuba. It is true that, as we have seen, she had imbibed enough of
the spirit of Spain and of other lands to be measurably saturated with
their customs, even their luxurious vices and follies. Yet she did not
live fast. She did not grow prematurely old. In so far as she adopted
the customs of Europe, she adapted them to herself, not herself to them.
The result was that after three centuries, she still had the
ingenuousness and spontaneity of youth. She might almost have said, in
paraphrase of a great captain's epigram, "I have not yet begun to live!"
Half unconsciously, however, she had made an exceptionally complete
preparation for the life that was to come as a nation. She had already
become international in the scope of her vision, in the range of her
sympathies, and in her intellectual and social culture. Many of her sons
had studied abroad, acquiring the learning of the best European schools.
If the world at large knew little about Cuba, Cuba knew much about the
world at large.
Though indeed the world did know something about Cuba, and took a lively
and intelligent interest in her. This we have endeavored to indicate in
these pages by our numerous citations of authorities, observers and
writers of various lands, who found in the Queen of the Antilles a theme
worthy of their most interested attention. More and more, as the
unimproved estates of the world were partitioned among the powers, the
transcendent value of this island was recognized, and more and more
covetous gaze was fixed upon it by the nations which were extending
their empires instead of losing them.
So at the close of the eighteenth century it was apparent that another
epoch in Cuban history was at hand. North America had been swept by
revolution. South America was at the brink of revolution. Europe was
convulsed with revolution. Amid all these, Cuba was like the calm spot
at the centre of a whirlpool. Changes had occurred on every side, but
she had been left unchanged. Yet every one of those changes had, deeply
and irrevocably, though perhaps imperceptibly, wrought its effect upon
her.
The potency and the promise of national life were within her. Thus far
everything that she had accomplished had been accredited to Spain. But
the time was at hand when she would claim her own. During three
centuries Cuba had produced the flower of the Spanish race; as indeed
from time immemorial colonies had been wont to produce stronger men, in
their comparatively primitive and healthful conditions, than the more
sophisticated and often decadent Mother Countries. But they had all been
reckoned Spaniards. Now the time was coming, and was at hand, when
Cubans would be reckoned Cubans, by all the world as well as by
themselves.
The errors of Spain were not of Cuba's choosing. The disasters of Spain
were not of Cuba's inviting. The decadence of Spain was not of Cuba's
working. If in the downfall of Spanish power Cuba saw the opportunity
for her own uprising, it was not that she herself had compassed that
downfall, but only that she chose not needlessly to let herself be
involved therein. As Spain weakened, Cuba girded and strengthened
herself, and made herself ready to stand alone.
THE END OF VOLUME TWO
INDEX to Volumes 1 thru 4
Abarzuza, Sr. proposes reforms for Cuba, IV, 6.
Abreu. Marta and Rosalie, patriotism of, IV, 25.
Academy of Sciences, Havana, picture of, IV, 364.
Adams, John Quincy, enunciates American policy toward Cuba, II, 258;
portrait, 259;
on Cuban annexation, 327.
Aglona, Prince de. Governor, II, 363.
Agramonte, Aristide, in yellow fever campaign, IV, 172.
Agramonte, Enrique, in Cuban Junta, IV, 12.
Agramonte, Eugenio Sanchez, sketch and portrait, IV, 362.
Agramonte, Francisco, IV, 41.
Agramonte, Ignacio, portrait, facing. III, 258.
Agriculture, early attention to, I, 173, 224;
progress, 234;
II, 213;
absentee landlords, 214;
statistics, 223;
discussed in periodicals, 250;
rehabilitation of after War of Independence, IV, 147.
Aguayo, Geronimo de, I, 161.
Aguero, Joaquin de, organizes revolution, III, 72;
final defeat, 87.
Aguiar, Luis de, II, 60.
Aguiera, Jose, I, 295.
Aguila, Negra, II, 346.
Aguilera, Francisco V., sketch and portrait, III, 173.
Aguirre, Jose Maria, filibuster, IV, 55;
death, 85.
Albemarle, Earl of, expedition against Havana, II, 46;
occupies Havana, 78;
controversy with Bishop Morell, 83.
Alcala, Marcos, I, 310.
Aldama, Miguel de, sketch and portrait, III, 204.
Aleman, Manuel, French emissary, II, 305.
Algonquins, I, 7.
Allen, Robert, on "Importance of Havana," II, 81.
Almendares River, tapped for water supply, I, 266;
view on, IV, 167.
Almendariz, Alfonso Enrique, Bishop, I, 277.
Alquiza, Sancho de, Governor, I, 277.
Altamarino, Governor, I, 105;
post mortem trial of Velasquez, 107;
attacked by the Guzmans, 109;
removed, 110.
Altamirano, Juan C., Bishop, I, 273;
seized by brigands, 274.
Alvarado, Luis de, I, 147.
Alvarado, Pedro de, in Mexico, I, 86.
Amadeus, King of Spain, III, 260.
America, relation of Cuba to, I, 1;
II, 254. See UNITED STATES.
American Revolution, effect of upon Spain and her colonies, II, 138.
American Treaty, between Great Britain and Spain, I, 303.
Andrea, Juan de, II, 9.
Angulo, Francisco de, exiled, I, 193.
Angulo, Gonzales Perez de, Governor, I, 161;
emancipation proclamation, 163;
quarrel with Havana Council, 181;
flight from Sores, 186;
end of administration, 192.
Anners, Jean de Laet de, quoted, I, 353.
Annexation of Cuba to United States, first suggested, II, 257, 326;
campaign for, 380;
sought by United States, III, 132, 135;
Marcy's policy, 141;
Ostend Manifesto, 142;
Buchanan's efforts, 143;
not considered in War of Independence, IV, 19.
Antonelli, Juan Bautista, engineering works in Cuba, I, 261;
creates water supply for Havana, 266.
Apezteguia. Marquis de, Autonomist leader, IV, 94.
Apodaca, Juan Ruiz, Governor, II, 311.
Arana, Martin de, warns Prado of British approach, II, 53.
Arana, Melchior Sarto de, commander of La Fuerza, I, 237.
Arana, Pedro de, royal accountant, I, 238.
Aranda, Esquival, I, 279.
Arango, Augustin, murder of, III, 188.
Arango, Napoleon, treason of, III, 226.
Arango y Pareño, Francisco, portrait, frontispiece, Vol. II;
organizes Society of Progress, II, 178;
leadership in Cuba, 191;
attitude toward slavery, 208;
his illustrious career, 305 et seq.
Aranguren, Nestor, revolutionist, IV, 85;
death, 92.
Araoz, Juan, II, 181.
Arias, A. R., Governor, III, 314.
Arias, Gomez, I, 145.
Arignon, Villiet, quoted, II, 26, 94.
Armona, José de, II, 108.
Army, Cuban, organization of, III, 178;
reorganized, 263;
under Jose Miguel Gomez, IV, 301.
Army, Spanish, in Cuba, III, 181, 295.
Aroztegui, Martin de, II, 20.
Arrate, José Martin Felix, historian, II, 17, 179.
Arredondo, Nicolas, Governor at Santiago, II, 165.
Asbert, Gen. Ernesto, amnesty case, IV, 326.
"Assiento" compact on slavery, II, 2.
Assumption, Our Lady of the, I, 61.
Astor, John Jacob, aids War of Independence, IV, 14.
Asylums for Insane, II, 317.
Atares fortress, picture, II, 103.
Atkins, John, book on West Indies, II, 36.
Atrocities, committed by Spanish, III, 250;
Cespedes's protest against, 254;
"Book of Blood," 284;
Spanish confession of, 286;
war of destruction,
295;
Weyler's "concentration" policy, IV, 85.
Attwood's Cay. See GUANAHANI.
Autonomist party, III, 305;
IV, 34;
attitude toward Campos in War of Independence, 59;
Cabinet under Blanco, 94;
earnest efforts for peace, 101;
record of its government, 102.
Avellanda, Gertrudis Gomez de, III, 331;
portrait, facing, 332.
Avila, Alfonso de, I, 154.
Avila, Juan de, Governor, I, 151;
marries rich widow, 154;
charges against him, 157;
convicted and imprisoned, 158.
Avila. See DAVILA.
Aviles, Pedro Menendez de, See MENENDEZ.
Ayala, Francisco P. de, I, 291.
Ayilon, Lucas V. de, strives to make peace between Velasquez
and Cortez, I, 98.
Azcarata, José Luis, Secretary of Justice, sketch and portrait,
IV, 341.
Azcarate, Nicolas, sketch and portrait, III, 251, 332.
Azcarraga, Gen., Spanish Premier, IV, 88.
"Barbeque" sought by Columbus, I, 18.
Bachiller, Antonio, sketch and portrait, III, 317.
Bacon, Robert, Assistant Secretary of State of U. S., intervenes
in revolution, IV, 272.
Bahia Honda, selected as U. S. naval station, IV, 256.
Balboa, Vasco Nuñez de, I, 55, 91.
Bancroft, George, quoted, I, 269;
II, 1, 24, 41, 117, 120, 159.
Banderas, Quintin, revolutionist, IV, 34;
raid, 57;
death, 84.
Baracoa, Columbus at, I, 18;
Velasquez at, 60;
picture, 60;
first capital of Cuba, 61, 168.
Barreda, Baltazar, I, 201.
Barreiro, Juan Bautista, Secretary of Education, IV, 160.
Barrieres, Manuel Garcia, II, 165.
Barrionuevo, Juan Maldonado, Governor, I, 263.
Barsicourt, Juan Procopio. See SANTA CLARA, Conde.
Bayamo, founded by Velasquez, I, 68, 168;
Cuban Republic organized there, III, 157.
Bayoa, Pedro de, I, 300.
Bay of Cortez, reached by Columbus, I, 25.
Bees, introduced by Bishop Morell, II, 104;
increase of industry, 132.
"Beggars of the Sea," raid Cuban coasts, I, 208.
Bells, church, controversy over, II, 82.
Bembrilla, Alonzo, I, 111.
Benavides, Juan de, I, 280.
Berrea, Esteban S. de, II, 6.
Betancourt, Pedro, Civil Governor of Matanzas, IV, 179;
loyal to Palma, 271.
Betancourt. See CISNEROS.
"Bimini," Island of, I, 139.
Bishops of Roman Catholic Church in Cuba, I, 122.
"Black Eagle," II, 346.
_Black Warrior_ affair, III, 138.
Blanchet, Emilio, historian, quoted, II, 9, 15, 24;
on siege of Havana, 57, 87.
Blanco, Ramon, Governor, IV, 88;
undertakes reforms, 89;
plans Cuban autonomy, 93;
on destruction of _Maine_, 99;
resigns, 121.
Blue, Victor, observations at Santiago, IV, 110.
Bobadilla, F. de, I, 54.
Boca de la Yana, I, 18.
"Bohio" sought by Columbus, I, 18.
Bolivar, Simon, II, 333;
portrait, 334;
"Liberator," 334 et seq.;
influence on Cuba, 341;
"Soles de Bolivar," 341.
Bonel, Juan Bautista, II, 133.
"Book of Blood," III, 284.
Bourne, Edward Gaylord, quoted, on slavery, II, 209;
on Spanish in America, 226.
Brinas, Felipe, III, 330.
British policy toward Spain and Cuba, I, 270;
aggressions in West Indies, 293;
slave trade, II, 2;
war of 1639, 22;
designs upon Cuba, 41;
expedition against Havana, 1762, 46;
conquest of Cuba, 78;
relinquishment to Spain, 92. See GREAT BRITAIN.
Broa Bay, I, 22.
Brooke, Gen. John R., receives Spanish surrender of Cuba, IV, 122;
proclamation to Cuban people, 145;
retired, 157.
Brooks, Henry, revolutionist, IV, 30.
Buccaneers, origin of, I, 269.
Buccarelli, Antonio Maria, Governor, II, 110;
retires, 115.
Buchanan, James, on U. S. relations to Cuba, II, 263;
III, 135;
Minister to Great Britain, 142;
as President seeks annexation of Cuba to U. S., 143.
Bull-fighting, II, 233.
Burgos, Juan de, Bishop, I, 225.
Burtnett, Spanish spy against Lopez, III, 65.
Bustamente, Antonio Sanchez de, jurist, sketch and portrait, IV, 165.
Caballero, José Agustin, sketch and portrait, III, 321.
Caballo, Domingo, II, 173.
Cabanas, defences constructed, II, 58;
Laurel Ditch, view, facing, 58.
Caballero, Diego de, I, 111.
Cabezas, Bishop, I, 277.
Cabrera, Diego de, I, 206.
Cabrera, Luis, I, 198.
Cabrera, Lorenzo de, Governor, I, 279;
removed, 282.
Cabrera, Rafael, filibuster, IV, 70.
Cabrera, Raimundo, conspirator in New York, IV, 334;
warned, 339.
Cadreyta, Marquis de, I, 279.
Cagigal, Juan Manuel de, Governor, II, 154;
defence of Havana, 155;
removed and imprisoned, 157.
Cagigal, Juan Manuel, Governor, II, 313;
successful administration, 315.
Cagigal de la Vega, Francisco, defends Santiago, II, 29;
Governor, 32;
Viceroy of Mexico, 34.
Caguax, Cuban chief, I, 63.
Calderon, Gabriel, Bishop, I, 315.
Calderon, Garcia, quoted, II, 164, 172.
Calderon de la Barca, Spanish Minister,
on _La Verdad_, III, 19;
on colonial status, 21;
negotiations with Soulé, 140.
Calhoun, John C., on Cuba, III, 132.
Calleja y Isisi, Emilio, Governor, III, 313;
proclaims martial law, IV, 30;
resigns, 35.
Camaguey. See PUERTO PRINCIPE, I, 168.
Campbell, John, description of Havana, II, 14.
Campillo, Jose de, II, 19.
Campos, Martinez de, Governor, III, 296;
proclamations to Cuba, 297, 299;
makes Treaty of Zanjon and ends Ten Years War, 299;
in Spanish crisis, IV, 36;
Governor again, 37;
establishes Trocha, 44;
defeated by Maceo, 46;
conferences with party leaders, 59, 63;
removed, 63.
Cancio, Leopoldo, Secretary of Treasury, IV, 161, 320.
Canizares, Santiago J., Minister of Interior, IV, 48.
Canning, George, policy toward Cuba, II, 257;
portrait, 258.
Canoe, of Cuban origin, I, 10.
Canon, Rodrigo, I, 111.
Canovas del Castillo, Spanish Premier, IV, 36;
assassinated, 88.
Cape Cruz, Columbus at, I, 20.
Cape Maysi, I, 4.
Cape of Palms, I, 17.
Capote, Domingo Menendez. Vice-President, IV, 90;
Secretary of State, 146;
President of Constitutional Convention. 189.
Carajaval, Lucas, defies Dutch, I, 290.
Cardenas, Lopez lands at, III, 49.
Caribs, I, 8.
Carillo, Francisco, filibuster, IV, 55.
Carleton, Sir Guy, at Havana, II, 47.
Carranza, Domingo Gonzales, book on West Indies, II, 37.
Carrascesa, Alfonso, II, 6.
Carreño, Francisco, Governor, I, 219;
conditions at his accession, 228;
dies in office, 229;
work in rebuilding Havana, 231.
Carroll, James, in yellow fever campaign, IV, 172.
Casa de Beneficienca, founded, I, 335;
II, 177.
Casa de Resorgiamento, founded, II, 31.
Casares, Alfonso, codifies municipal ordinances, I, 207.
Castellanos, Jovellar, last Spanish Governor of Cuba, IV, 121;
surrenders Spanish sovereignty, 123.
Castillo, Demetrio, Civil Governor of Oriente, IV, 180.
Castillo, Ignacio Maria del, Governor, III, 314.
Castillo, Loinaz, revolutionist. IV, 269.
Castillo, Pedro del, Bishop, I, 226.
Castro, Hernando de, royal treasurer, I, 115.
Cathcart Lord, expedition to West Indies, II, 28.
Cathedral of Havana, picture, facing I, 36;
begun, I, 310.
Cat Island. See GUANAHANI.
Cayo, San Juan de los Remedios del, removal of, I, 319.
Cazones, Gulf of, I, 21.
Cemi, Cuban worship of, I, 55.
Census, of Cuba, first taken, by Torre, II, 131;
by Las Casas, 176;
of slaves, 205;
of 1775, 276;
of 1791, 277;
Humboldt on, 277;
of 1811, 280;
of 1817, 281;
of 1827, 283;
of 1846, 283;
of 1899, IV, 154;
of 1907, 287.
Cespedes, Carlos Manuel, III, 157;
portrait, facing 158;
in Spain, 158;
leads Cuban revolution, 158;
President of Republic, 158;
proclamation, 168;
negotiations with Spain, 187;
removed from office, 275.
Cespedes, Carlos Manuel, filibuster, IV, 55.
Cespedes, Enrique, revolutionist, IV, 30.
Cervera, Admiral, brings Spanish fleet to Cuba, IV, 110;
portrait, 110;
surrenders, 114.
Chacon, José Bayoma, II, 13.
Chacon, Luis, I, 331, 333.
Chalons, Sr., Secretary of Public Works, IV, 297.
Chamber of Commerce founded, II, 307.
Charles I, King, I, 74;
denounces oppression of Indians, 128.
Chaves, Antonio, Governor, I, 157;
prosecutes Avila, 157;
ruthless policy toward natives, 159;
controversy with King, 160;
dismissed from office, 161.
Chaves, Juan Baton de, I, 331.
Chilton, John, describes Havana, I, 349.
Chinchilla, José, Governor, III, 314.
Chinese, colonies in America, I, 7;
laborers imported into Cuba, II, 295.
Chorrera, expected to be Drake's landing place, I, 248.
Chorrera River, dam built by Antonelli, I, 262.
Christianity, introduced into Cuba by Ojeda, I, 55;
urged by King Ferdinand, 73.
Church, Roman Catholic, organized and influential in Cuba, I, 122;
cathedral removed from Baracoa to Santiago, 123;
conflict with civil power, 227;
controversy with British during British occupation, II, 84;
division of island into two dioceses, 173;
attitude toward War of Independence, IV, 26;
controversy over property, 294.
Cienfuegos, José, Governor, II, 311.
Cimmarones, "wild Indians," I, 126;
revolt against De Soto, 148.
Cipango, Cuba identified with, by Columbus, I, 5.
Cisneros, Gaspar Betancourt, sketch and portrait, II, 379.
Cisneros, Pascal Jiminez de, II, 110, 127.
Cisneros, Salvador, III, 167;
sketch and portrait, 276;
President of Cuban Republic, 277;
President of Council of Ministers, IV, 48;
in Constitutional Convention, 190.
Civil Service, law, IV, 325;
respected by President Menocal, 325.
Clay, Henry, policy toward Cuba, II, 261.
Clayton, John M., U. S. Secretary of State, issues proclamation
against filibustering, III, 42.
Cleaveland, Samuel, controversy over church bells, II, 83.
Cleveland, Grover. President of United States, issues warning against
breaches of neutrality, IV, 70;
reference to Cuba
in message of 1896, 79;
its significance, 80.
Coat of Arms of Cuba, picture, IV, 251;
significance, 251.
Cobre, copper mines, I, 173, 259.
"Cockfighting and Idleness" campaign, IV, 291.
Coffee, cultivation begun, II, 33, 113.
Coinage, reformed, II, 142;
statistics of, 158.
Collazo, Enrique, filibuster, IV, 55.
Coloma, Antonio Lopez, revolutionist, IV, 30.
Colombia, designs upon Cuba, II, 262;
III, 134;
attitude toward Cuban revolution, 223.
Columbus, Bartholomew, recalled to Spain, I, 57.
Columbus, Christopher, portrait, frontispiece, Vol. I;
discoverer of America, I;
i;
first landing in America, 2;
monument on Watling's Island, picture, 3;
arrival in Cuba, 11;
question as to first landing place, 12;
first impressions of Cuba and intercourse with natives, 14;
exploration of north coast, 16;
end of first visit, 18;
second visit, 19;
exploration of south coast, 21;
at Bay of Cortez, 25;
turns back from circumnavigation, 26;
at Isle of Pines, 26;
final departure from Cuba, 27;
diary and narrative, 28 et seq.;
death and burial, 33;
tomb in Havana cathedral, 34;
removal to Seville, 36;
removal from Santo Domingo to Havana, II, 181;
epitaph, 182.
Columbus, Diego, plans exploration and colonization of Cuba, I, 57;
attempts mediation between Velasquez and Cortez, 97;
replaces Velasquez with Zuazo, 100;
rebuked by King, 100.
Comendador, Cacique, I, 55.
Commerce, begun by Velasquez, I, 68;
rise of corporations, II, 19;
after British occupation, 98;
under Torre, 132;
reduction of duties, 141;
extension of trade, 163;
Tribunal of Commerce founded, 177;
Real Compania de Havana, 199;
restrictive measures, 200;
Chamber of Commerce founded, 307;
commerce with United States, III, 2;
during American occupation, IV, 184;
present, 358.
Compostela, Diego E. de, Bishop, I, 318;
death, 332.
Concepcion, Columbus's landing place, I, 3.
Concessions, forbidden under American occupation, IV, 153.
Concha, José Gutierrez de la, Governor, III, 62, 290.
Conchillos, royal secretary, I, 59.
Congress, Cuban, welcomed by Gen. Wood, IV, 246;
turns against Palma, 269;
friendly to Gomez, 303;
hostile to Menocal, 323;
protects the lottery, 324.
Constitution: Cuban Republic of 1868, III, 157;
of 1895, IV, 47;
call for Constitutional Convention, 185;
meeting of Convention, 187;
draft completed, 192;
salient provisions, 193;
Elihu Root's comments, 194;
Convention discusses relations with United States, 197;
Platt
Amendment, 199;
amendment adopted, 203;
text of Constitution, 304 et seq.;
The Nation, 205;
Cubans, 205;
Foreigners, 207;
Individual Rights, 208;
Suffrage, 211;
Suspension of Guarantees, 212;
Sovereignty, 213;
Legislative Bodies, 214;
Senate, 214;
House of Representatives, 216;
Congress, 218;
Legislation, 221;
Executive, 222;
President, 222;
Vice-President, 225;
Secretaries of State, 226;
Judiciary, 227;
Supreme Court, 227;
Administration of Justice, 228;
Provincial Governments, 229;
Provincial Councils, 230;
Provincial Governors, 231;
Municipal Government, 233;
Municipal Councils, 233;
Mayors, 235;
National Treasury, 235;
Amendments, 236;
Transient Provisions, 237;
Appendix (Platt Amendment), 238.
"Constitutional Army," IV, 268.
Contreras, Andres Manso de, I, 288.
Contreras, Damien, I, 278.
Convents, founded, I, 276;
Nuns of Santa Clara, 286.
Conyedo, Juan de, Bishop, II, 35.
Copper, discovered near Santiago, I, 173;
wealth of mines, 259;
reopened, II, 13;
exports, III, 3.
Corbalon, Francisco R., I, 286.
Cordova de Vega, Diego de, Governor, I, 239.
Cordova, Francisco H., expedition to Yucatan, I, 84.
Cordova Ponce de Leon, José Fernandez, Governor, I, 316.
Coreal, Francois, account of West Indies, quoted, I, 355.
Coronado, Manuel, gift for air planes, IV, 352.
Cortes, Spanish, Cuban representation in, II, 308;
excluded, 351;
lack of representation, III, 3;
after Ten Years' War, 307.
Cortez, Hernando, Alcalde of Santiago de Cuba, I, 72;
sent to Mexico by King, 74;
agent of Velasquez, 86;
early career, 90;
portrait, 90;
quarrel with Velasquez, 91;
marriage, 92;
commissioned by Velasquez to explore Mexico, 92;
sails for Mexico, 94;
final breach with Velasquez, 96;
denounced as rebel, 97;
escapes murder, 99.
Cosa, Juan de la, geographer, I, 6, 53.
Councillors, appointed for life, I, 111;
conflict with Procurators, 113.
Creoles, origin of name, II, 204.
Crittenden, J. J., protests against European intervention in Cuba,
III, 129.
Crittenden, William S., with Lopez, III, 96;
captured, 101;
death, 105.
Crombet, Flor, revolutionist, IV, 41, 42.
Crooked Island. See ISABELLA.
Crowder, Gen. Enoch H., head of Consulting Board, IV, 284.
Cuba: Relation to America, I, 1;
Columbus's first landing, 3;
identified with Mangi or Cathay, 4;
with Cipango, 5;
earliest maps, 6;
physical history, 7, 37 et seq.;
Columbus's discovery, 11 et seq.;
named Juana, 13;
other names, 14;
Columbus's account of, 28;
geological history, 37-42;
topography, 42-51;
climate, 51-52;
first circumnavigation, 54;
colonization, 54;
Velasquez at Baracoa, 60;
commerce begun, 68;
government organized, 69;
named Ferdinandina, 73;
policy of Spain toward, 175;
slow economic progress, 215;
land legislation, 232;
Spanish discrimination against, 266;
divided into two districts, 275;
British description in 1665, 306;
various accounts, 346;
turning point in history, 363;
close of first era, 366;
British conquest, II, 78;
relinquished to Spain, 92;
great changes effected, 94;
economic condition, 98;
reoccupied by Spain, 102;
untouched by early revolutions, 165;
effect of revolution in Santo Domingo, 190;
first suggestion of annexation to United States, 257;
"Ever Faithful Isle," 268;
rise of independence, 268;
censuses, 276 et seq.;
representation in Cortes, 308;
"Soles de Bolivar," 341;
representatives rejected from Cortes, 351;
transformation of popular spirit, 383;
independence proclaimed, III, 145;
Republic organized, 157;
War of Independence, IV, 15;
Spanish elections held during war, 67;
Blanco's plan of autonomy, 93;
sovereignty surrendered by Spain, 123;
list of Spanish Governors, 123. See REPUBLIC OF CUBA.
Cuban Aborigines;
I, 8;
manners, customs and religion, 8 et seq.;
Columbus's first intercourse, 15, 24;
priest's address to Columbus, 26;
Columbus's observations of them, 29;
hostilities begun by Velasquez, 61;
subjected to Repartimiento system, 70;
practical slavery, 71;
Key Indians, 125;
Cimmarones, 126;
new laws in their favor, 129;
Rojas's endeavor to save them, 130;
final doom, 133;
efforts at reform, 153;
oppression by Chaves, 159;
Angulo's emancipation proclamation, 163.
"Cuba-nacan," I, 5.
"Cuba and the Cubans," quoted, II, 313.
"Cuba y Su Gobierno," quoted, II, 354.
Cuellar, Cristobal de, royal accountant, I, 59.
Cushing, Caleb, Minister to Spain, III, 291.
Custom House, first at Havana, I, 231.
Dady, Michael J., & Co., contract dispute, IV, 169.
Davila, Pedrarias, I, 140.
Davis, Jefferson, declines to join Lopez, III, 38.
Del Casal, Julian, sketch and portrait, IV, 6.
Del Cueta, José A., President of Supreme Court, portrait, IV, 359.
Delgado, Moru, Liberal leader, IV, 267.
Del Monte, Domingo, sketch, portrait, and work, II, 323.
Del Monte, Ricardo, sketch and portrait, IV, 2.
Demobilization of Cuban army, IV, 135.
Desvernine, Pablo, Secretary of Finance, IV, 146.
Diaz, Bernal, at Sancti Spiritus, I, 72;
in Mexico, 86.
Diaz, Manuel, I, 239.
Diaz, Manuel Luciano, Secretary of Public Works, IV, 254.
Diaz, Modeste, III, 263.
Divino, Sr., Secretary of Justice, IV, 297.
Dockyard at Havana, established, II, 8.
Dolz, Eduardo, in Autonomist Cabinet, IV, 96.
Dominguez, Fermin V., Assistant Secretary of Foreign Affairs, IV, 50.
Dorst, J. H., mission to Pinar del Rio, IV, 107.
"Dragado" deal, IV, 310.
Drake, Sir Francis, menaces Havana, I, 243;
in Hispaniola, 246;
leaves Havana unassailed, 252;
departs for Virginia, 255.
Duany, Joaquin Castillo, in Cuban Junta, IV, 12;
Assistant Secretary of Treasury, 50;
filibuster, 70.
Dubois, Carlos, Assistant Secretary of Interior, IV, 50.
Duero, Andres de, I, 93, 115.
Dulce y Garay, Domingo, Governor, III, 190, 194;
decree of confiscation, 209;
recalled, 213.
Dupuy de Lome, Sr., Spanish Minister at Washington, IV, 40;
writes offensive letter, 98;
recalled, 98.
Duque, Sr., Secretary of Sanitation and Charity, IV, 297.
Durango, Bishop, I, 225.
Dutch hostilities, I, 208, 279;
activities in West Indies, 283 et seq.
Earthquakes, in 1765, I, 315;
II, 114.
Echeverria, Esteban B., Superintendent of Schools, IV, 162.
Echeverria, José, Bishop, II, 113.
Echeverria, José Antonio, III, 324.
Echeverria, Juan Maria, Governor, II, 312.
Education, backward state of, II, 244;
progress under American occupation, IV, 156;
A. E. Frye, Superintendent, 156;
reorganization of system, 162;
Harvard University's entertainment of teachers, 163;
achievements under President Menocal, 357.
Elections: for municipal officers under American occupation, IV, 180;
law for regulation of, 180;
result, 181;
for Constitutional Convention, 186;
for general officers, 240;
result, 244;
Presidential, 1906, 265;
new law, 287;
local elections under Second Intervention, 289;
Presidential, 290;
for Congress in 1908, 303;
Presidential, 1912, 309;
Presidential, 1916, disputed, 330, result confirmed, 341.
Enciso, Martin F. de, first Spanish writer about America, I, 54.
Epidemics: putrid fever, 1649, I, 290;
vaccination introduced, II, 192;
small pox and yellow fever, III, 313;
at Santiago, IV, 142;
Gen. Wood applies Dr. Finlay's theory of yellow fever, 171;
success, 176;
malaria, 177.
Escudero, Antonio, de, II, 10.
Espada, Juan José Diaz, portrait, facing II, 272.
Espagnola. See HISPANIOLA.
Espeleta, Joaquin de, Governor, II, 362.
Espinosa, Alonzo de Campos, Governor, I, 316.
Espoleto, José de, Governor, II, 169.
Estenoz, Negro insurgent, IV, 307.
Estevez, Luis, Secretary of Justice, IV, 160;
Vice-President, 245.
Evangelista. See ISLE OF PINES.
Everett, Edward, policy toward Cuba, III, 130.
"Ever Faithful Isle," II, 268, 304.
Exquemeling, Alexander, author and pirate, I, 302.
"Family Pact," of Bourbons, effect upon Cuba, II, 42.
Felin, Antonio, Bishop, II, 172.
Fels, Cornelius, defeated by Spanish, I, 288.
Ferdinand, King, policy toward Cuba, I, 56;
esteem for Velasquez, 73.
Ferdinandina, Columbus's landing place, I, 3;
name for Cuba, 73.
Ferrara, Orestes, Liberal leader, IV, 260;
revolutionist, 269;
deprecates factional strife, 306;
revolutionary conspirator in New York, 334;
warned by U. S. Government, I, 239.
Ferrer, Juan de, commander of La Fuerza, I, 239.
Figueroa, Vasco Porcallo de, I, 72;
De Soto's lieutenant, 142;
returns from Florida in disgust, 145.
Figuerosa, Rojas de, captures Tortuga, I, 292.
Filarmonia, riot at ball, III, 119.
Filibustering, proclamation of United States against, III, 42;
after Ten Years' War, 311, in War of Independence, IV, 20;
expeditions intercepted, 52;
many successful expeditions, 69;
warnings, 70.
Fine Arts, II, 240.
Finlay, Carlos G., theory of yellow fever successfully applied
under General Wood, IV, 171;
portrait, facing, 172.
Fish, Hamilton, U. S. Secretary of State, prevents premature
recognition of Cuban Republic, III, 203;
protests against Rodas's decree, 216;
on losses in Ten Years' War, 290;
seeks British support, 292;
states terms of proposed mediation, 293.
Fish market at Havana, founder for pirate, II, 357.
Fiske, John, historian, quoted, I, 270.
Flag, Cuban, first raised, III, 31;
replaces American, IV, 249;
picture, 250;
history and significance, 250.
Flores y Aldama, Rodrigo de, Governor, I, 301.
Florida, attempted colonization by Ponce de Leon, I, 139;
De Soto's expedition, 145. See MENENDEZ.
Fonseca, Juan Rodriguez de, Bishop of Seville, I, 59.
Fonts-Sterling, Ernesto, Secretary of Finance, IV, 90;
urges resistance to revolution, 270.
Fornaris, José, III, 230.
Forestry, attention paid by Montalvo, I, 223;
efforts to check waste, II, 166.
Foyo, Sr., Secretary of Agriculture, Commerce and Labor, IV, 297.
France, first foe of Spanish in Cuba, I, 177;
"Family Pact," II, 42;
interest in Cuban revolution, III, 126.
Franquinay, pirate, at Santiago, I, 310.
French refugees, in Cuba, II, 189;
expelled, 302.
French Revolution, effects of, II, 184.
Freyre y Andrade, Fernando, filibuster,
IV, 70;
negotiations with Pino Guerra, 267.
Frye, Alexis, Superintendent of Schools, IV, 156;
controversy with General Wood, 162.
Fuerza, La: picture, facing I, 146;
building begun by De Soto, I, 147;
scene of Lady Isabel's tragic vigil, 147, 179;
planned and built by Sanchez, 194;
work by Menendez, and Ribera, 209;
slave labor sought, 211;
bad construction, 222;
Montalvo's recommendations, 223;
Luzan-Arana quarrel, 237;
practical completion, 240;
decorated by Cagigal, II, 33.
Galvano, Antony, historian, quoted, I, 4.
Galvez, Bernardo, seeks Cuban aid for Pensacola, II, 146;
Governor, 168;
death, 170.
Galvez, José Maria, head of Autonomist Cabinet, IV, 95.
Garaondo, José, I, 317.
Garay, Francisco de, Governor of Jamaica, I, 102.
Garcia, Calixto, portrait, facing III, 268;
President of Cuban Republic, III, 301;
joins War of Independence, IV, 69;
his notable career, 76 et seq.;
joins with Shafter at Santiago, 111;
death, 241.
Garcia, Carlos, revolutionist, IV, 269.
Garcia, Esequiel, Secretary of Education, IV, 320.
Garcia, Marcos, IV, 44.
Garcia, Quintiliano, III, 329.
Garvey, José N. P., II, 222.
Gastaneta, Antonio, II, 9.
Gelder, Francisco, Governor, I, 292.
Gener y Rincon, Miguel, Secretary of Justice, IV, 161.
Geraldini, Felipe, I, 310.
Germany, malicious course of in 1898, IV, 104;
Cuba declares war against, 348;
property in Cuba seized, 349;
aid to Gomez, 350.
Gibson. Hugh S., U. S. Chargé d'Affaires, assaulted, IV, 308.
Giron. Garcia, Governor, I, 279.
Godoy, Captain, arrested at Santiago, and put to death, I, 203.
Godoy, Manuel, II, 172.
Goicouria, Domingo, sketch and portrait, III, 234.
Gold, Columbus's quest for, I, 19;
Velasquez's search, 61;
the "Spaniards' God," 62;
early mining, 81;
value of mines, 173.
Gomez, José Antonio, II, 18.
Gomez, José Miguel, Civil Governor of Santa Clara, IV, 179;
aspires to Presidency, 260, 264;
turns from Conservative to Liberal party, 265;
compact with Zayas, 265;
starts revolution, 269;
elected President, 290;
becomes President, 297;
Cabinet, 297;
sketch and portrait, 298;
acts of his administration, 301;
charged with corruption, 304;
conflict with Veterans' Association, 304;
quarrel with Zayas, 306;
suppresses Negro revolt, 307;
amnesty bill, 309;
National Lottery, 310;
"Dragado" deal, 310;
railroad deal, 310;
estimate of his administration, 311;
double treason in 1916, 332;
defeated and captured, 337;
his orders for devastation, 337;
aided by Germany, 350.
Gomez, Juan Gualberto, revolutionist, IV, 30;
captured and imprisoned, 52;
insurgent, 269.
Gomez, Maximo, III, 264;
succeeds Gen. Agramonte, 275;
makes Treaty of Zanjon with Campos, 299;
in War of Independence, IV, 15;
commander in chief, 16, 43;
portrait, facing 44;
plans great campaign of war, 53;
controversy with Lacret, 84;
opposed to American invasion, 109;
appeals to Cubans to accept American occupation, 136;
impeachment by National Assembly ignored, 137;
influence during Government of Intervention, 149;
considered by Constitutional Convention, 191;
proposed for Presidency, 240;
declines, 241.
Gonzalez, Aurelia Castillo de, author, sketch and portrait, IV, 192.
Gonzales, William E., U. S. Minister to Cuba, IV, 335;
watches Gomez's insurrection, 336.
Gorgas, William C., work for sanitation, IV, 175.
Government of Cuba: organized by Velasquez, I, 69;
developed at Santiago, 81;
radical changes made, 111;
revolution in political status of island, 138;
codification of ordinances, 207;
Ordinances of 1542, 317;
land tenure, II, 12;
reforms by Governor Guemez, 17;
reorganization after British occupation, 104;
great reforms by Torre, 132;
budget and tax reforms, 197;
authority of Captain-General, III, 11;
administrative and judicial functions, 13 et seq.;
military and naval command, 16;
attempted reforms, 63;
concessions after Ten Years' War, 310.
Governors of Cuba, Spanish, list of, IV, 123.
Govin, Antonio, in Autonomist Cabinet, IV, 95;
sketch and portrait, 95.
Grammont, buccaneer, I, 311.
Gran Caico, I, 4.
Grand Turk Island. See GUANAHANI.
Grant, U. S., President of United States, III, 200;
inclined to recognize Cuban Republic, 202;
prevented by his Secretary of State, 203;
comments in messages, 205, 292.
Great Britain, interest in Cuban revolution, III, 125;
protection sought by Spain, 129;
declines cooperation with United States, 294;
requires return of fugitives, 310.
Great Exuma. See FERDINANDINA.
Great Inagua, I, 4.
Great War, Cuba enters, IV, 348;
offers 10,000 troops, 348;
German intrigues and propaganda, 349;
attitude of Roman Catholic clergy, 349;
ships seized, 350;
cooperation with Food Commission, 351;
military activities, 352;
liberal subscriptions to loans, 352;
Red Cross work, 352;
Señora Menocal's inspiring leadership, 353.
Grijalva, Juan de, I, 65;
expedition to Mexico, 66;
names Mexico New Spain, 97;
unjustly recalled and discredited, 88.
Guajaba Island, I, 18.
Guama, Cimmarron chief, I, 127.
Guanabacoa founded, II, 21.
Guanahani, Columbus's landing place, I, 2.
Guanajes Islands, source of slave trade, I, 83.
Guantanamo, Columbus at, I, 19;
U. S. Naval Station, IV, 256.
Guardia, Cristobal de la, Secretary of Justice, IV, 320.
Guazo, Gregorio, de la Vega, Governor, I, 340;
stops tobacco war, 341;
warnings to Great Britain and France, 342;
military activity and efficiency, II, 5.
Guemez y Horcasitas, Juan F., Governor, II, 17;
reforms, 17;
close of administration, 26.
Guerra, Amador, revolutionist, IV, 30.
Guerra, Benjamin, treasurer of Junta, IV, 3.
Guerro, Pino, starts insurrection, IV, 267, 269;
commander of Cuban army, 301;
attempt to assassinate him, 303.
Guevara, Francisco, III, 265.
Guiteras, Juan, physician and scientist, sketch and portrait, IV, 321.
Guiteras, Pedro J., quoted, I, 269;
II, 6;
42;
207.
Guzman, Gonzalez de, mission from Velasquez to King Charles I, I, 85;
vindicates Velasquez, 108;
Governor of Cuba, 110;
marries rich sister-in-law, 116;
litigation over estate, 117;
tremendous indictment by Vadillo, 120;
appeals to King and Council for Indies, 120;
seeks to oppress natives, 128;
second time Governor, 137;
makes more trouble, 148;
trouble with French privateers, 178.
Guzman, Nuñez de, royal treasurer, I, 109;
death and fortune, 115.
Guzman, Santos, spokesman of Constitutionalists, IV, 59.
Hammock, of Cuban origin, I, 10.
Hanebanilla, falls of, view, facing III, 110.
Harponville, Viscount Gustave, quoted, II, 189.
Harvard University, entertains Cuban teachers, IV, 163.
Hatuey, Cuban chief, leader against Spaniards, I, 62;
death, 63.
Havana: founded by Narvaez, I, 69;
De Soto's home and capital, 144;
rise in importance, 166;
Governor's permanent residence, 180;
inadequate defences, 183;
captured by Sores, 186;
protected by Mazariegos, 194;
sea wall proposed by Osorio, 202;
fortified by Menendez, 209;
"Key of the New World," 210;
commercial metropolis of West Indies, 216;
first hospital founded, 226;
San Francisco church, picture, facing 226;
building in Carreño's time, 231;
custom house, 231;
threatened by Drake, 243;
preparations for defence, 250;
officially called "city," 262;
coat of arms, 202;
primitive conditions, 264;
first theatrical performance, 264;
capital of western district, 275;
great fire, 277;
attacked by Pit Hein, 280;
described by John Chilton, 349;
first dockyard established, II, 8;
attacked by British under Admiral
Hosier, 9;
University founded, 11;
described by John Campbell, 14;
British expedition against in 1762, 46;
journal of siege, 54;
American troops engaged, 66;
surrender, 69;
terms, 71;
British occupation, 78;
great changes, 94;
description, 94;
view from Cabanas, facing, 96;
reoccupied by Spanish, 102;
hurricane, 115;
improvements in streets and buildings, 129;
view in Old Havana, facing 130;
street cleaning, and market, 169;
slaughter house removed, 194;
shopping, 242;
cafés, 243;
Tacon's public works, 365;
view of old Presidential Palace, facing III, 14;
view of the Prado, facing IV, 16;
besieged in War of Independence, 62;
view of bay and harbor, facing, 98;
old City Wall, picture, 122;
view of old and new buildings, facing 134;
General Ludlow's administration, 146;
Police reorganized, 150;
view of University, facing 164;
view of the new capitol, facing 204;
view of the President's home, facing 268;
view of the Academy of Arts and Crafts, facing 288;
new railroad terminal, 311.
Hay, John, epigram on revolutions, IV, 343
Hayti. See HISPANIOLA.
Hein, Pit, Dutch raider, I, 279.
Henderson, John, on Lopez's expedition, III, 64.
_Herald_, New York, on Cuban revolution, III, 89.
Heredia, José Maria. II, 274;
exiled, 344;
life and works, III, 318;
portrait, facing 318.
Hernani, Domingo, II, 170.
Herrera, historian, on Columbus's first landing, I, 12;
on Hatuey, 62;
description of West Indies, 345.
Herrera, Geronimo Bustamente de, I, 194.
Hevea, Aurelio, Secretary of Interior, IV, 320.
Hispaniola, Columbus at, I, 19;
revolution in, II, 173;
186;
effect upon Cuba, 189.
Hobson, Richmond P., exploit at Santiago, IV, 110.
Holleben, Dr. von, German Ambassador at Washington, intrigues of,
IV, 104.
Home Rule, proposed by Spain, IV, 6;
adopted, 8.
Horses introduced into Cuba, I, 63.
Hosier, Admiral, attacks Havana, I, 312;
II, 9.
Hospital, first in Havana, I, 226;
Belen founded, 318;
San Paula and San Francisco, 195.
"House of Fear," Governor's home, I, 156.
Humboldt, Alexander von, on slavery, II, 206;
on census, 277;
282;
on slave trade, 288.
Hurricanes, II, 115, 176, 310.
Hurtado, Lopez, royal treasurer, I, 116;
has Chaves removed, 162.
Ibarra, Carlos, defeats Dutch raiders, I, 288.
Incas, I, 7.
Independence, first conceived, II, 268;
326;
first revolts for, 343;
sentiment fostered by slave trade, 377;
proclaimed by Aguero, III, 72;
proclaimed by Cespedes at Yara, 155;
proposed by United States to Spain, 217;
War of Independence, IV, 1;
recognized by Spain, 119. See WAR OF INDEPENDENCE.
Intellectual life of Cuba, I, 360;
lack of productiveness in Sixteenth Century, 362;
Cuban backwardness, II, 235;
first important progress, 273;
great arising and splendid achievements, III, 317.
Insurrections. See REVOLUTIONS, and SLAVERY.
Intervention, Government of: First, established, IV, 132;
organized, 145;
Cuban Cabinet, 145;
saves island from famine, 146;
works of rehabilitation and reform, 148;
marriage law, 152;
concessions forbidden, 153;
census, 154;
civil governments of provinces, 179;
municipal elections ordered, 180;
electoral law 180;
final transactions, 246;
Second Government of Intervention, 281;
C. E. Magoon, Governor, 281;
Consulting Board, 284;
elections held, 289, 290;
commission for revising laws, 294;
controversy over church property, 294.
Intervention sought by Great Britain and France, III, 128;
by United States, IV, 106.
Iroquois, I, 7.
Irving, Washington, on Columbus's landing place, I, 12.
Isabella, Columbus's landing place, I, 3.
Isabella, Queen, portrait, I, 13.
Isidore of Seville, quoted, I, 4.
Islas de Arena, I, 11.
Isle of Pines, I, 26;
recognized as part of Cuba, 224;
status under Platt Amendment, IV, 255.
Italian settlers in Cuba, I, 169.
Ivonnet, Negro insurgent, IV, 307.
Jamaica, Columbus at, I, 20.
Japan. See CIPANGO.
Jaruco, founded, II, 131.
Jefferson, Thomas, on Cuban annexation, II, 260;
III, 132.
Jeronimite Order, made guardian of Indians, I, 78;
becomes their oppressor, 127.
Jesuits, controversy over, II, 86;
expulsion of, 111.
Jordan, Thomas, joins Cuban revolution, III, 211.
Jorrin, José Silverio, portrait, facing III, 308.
Jovellar, Joachim, Governor, III, 273;
proclaims state of siege, 289;
resigns, 290.
Juana, Columbus's first name for Cuba, I, 13.
Juan Luis Keys, I, 21.
Judiciary, reforms in, II, 110;
under Navarro, 142;
under Unzaga, 165;
under Leonard Wood, IV, 177.
Junta, Cuban, in United States, III, 91;
New York, IV, 2;
branches elsewhere, 3;
policy in enlisting men, 19.
Junta de Fomento, II, 178.
Juntas of the Laborers, III, 174.
Keppel, Gen. See ALBEMARLE.
Key Indians, I, 125;
expedition against, 126.
"Key of the New World and Bulwark of the Indies," I, 210.
Kindelan, Sebastian de, II, 197, 315.
Lacoste, Perfecto, Secretary of Agriculture, Industry and Commerce,
IV, 160.
Land tenure, II, 12;
absentee landlords, 214.
Lanuza, Gonzalez, Secretary of Justice, IV, 146;
portrait, 146.
Lares, Amador de, I, 93.
La Salle, in Cuba, I, 73.
Las Casas, Bartholomew, Apostle to the Indies, arrival in Cuba, I, 63;
portrait, 64;
denounces Narvaez, 66;
begins campaign against slavery, 75;
mission to Spain, 77;
before Ximenes, 77.
Las Casas, Luis de, Governor, II, 175;
portrait, 175;
death, 182.
Lasso de la Vega, Juan, Bishop, II, 17.
Lawton, Gen. Henry W., leads advance against Spanish, IV, 112;
Military Governor of Oriente, 139.
Lazear, Camp, established, IV, 172.
Lazear, Jesse W., hero and martyr in yellow fever campaign, IV, 172.
Ledesma, Francisco Rodriguez, Governor, I, 310.
Lee, Fitzhugh, Consul General at Havana, IV, 72;
reports on "concentration" policy of Weyler, 86;
asks for warship to protect Americans at Havana, 97;
_Maine_ sent, 98;
commands troops at Havana, 121.
Lee, Robert Edward, declines to join Lopez, III, 39.
Legrand, Pedro, invades Cuba, I, 302.
Leiva, Lopez, Secretary of Government, IV, 297.
Lemus, Jose Morales, III, 333.
Lendian, Evelio Rodriguez, educator, sketch and portrait, IV, 162.
Liberal Party, III, 306;
triumphant through revolution, IV, 285;
dissensions, 303;
conspiracy against election, 329.
Liberty Loans, Cuban subscriptions to, IV, 352.
Lighthouse service, under Mario G. Menocal, IV, 168.
Linares, Tomas de, first Rector of University of Havana, II, 11.
Lindsay, Forbes, quoted, II, 217.
Linschoten, Jan H. van, historian, quoted, I, 351.
Liquor, intoxicating, prohibited in 1780, II, 150.
Literary periodicals: _El Habanero_, III, 321;
_El Plantel_, 324;
_Cuban Review_, 325;
_Havana Review_, 329.
Literature, II, 245;
early works, 252;
poets, 274;
great development of activity, III, 315 et seq.
Little Inagua, I, 4.
Llorente, Pedro, in Constitutional Convention, IV, 188, 190.
Lobera, Juan de, commander of La Fuerza, I, 182;
desperate defence against Sores, 185.
Lolonois, pirate, I, 296.
Long Island. See FERDINANDINA.
Lopez, Narciso, sketch and portrait, III, 23;
in Venezuela, 24;
joins the Spanish
army, 26;
marries and settles in Cuba, 30;
against the Carlists in Spain, 31;
friend of Valdez, 31;
offices and honors, 33;
plans Cuban revolution, 36;
betrayed and fugitive, 37;
consults Jefferson Davis and Robert E. Lee, 38;
first American expedition, 39;
members of the party, 40;
activity in Southern States, 43;
expedition starts, 45;
proclamation to his men, 46;
lands at Cardenas, 49;
lack of Cuban support, 54;
reembarks, 56;
lands at Key West, 58;
arrested and tried, 60;
second expedition organized, 65;
betrayed, 67;
third expedition, 70;
final expedition organized, 91;
lands in Cuba, 98;
defeated and captured, 112;
death, 114;
results of his works, 116.
Lorenzo, Gen., Governor at Santiago, II, 347.
Lorraine, Sir Lambton, III, 280.
Los Rios, J. B. A. de, I, 310.
Lottery, National, established by José Miguel Gomez, IV, 310.
Louisiana, Franco-Spanish contest over, II, 117;
Ulloa sent from Cuba to take possession, 118;
O'Reilly sent, 123;
Uznaga sent, 126.
Louverture, Toussaint, II, 186.
Luaces, Joaquin Lorenzo, sketch and portrait, III, 330.
Ludlow, Gen. William, command and work at Havana, IV, 144.
Lugo, Pedro Benitez de, Governor, I, 331.
Luna y Sarmiento, Alvaro de, Governor, I, 290.
Luz y Caballero, José de la, "Father of the Cuban Revolution,"
III, 322;
great work for patriotic education, 323;
Portrait, frontispiece, Vol III.
Luzan, Gabriel de, Governor, I, 236;
controversy over La Fuerza, 237;
feud with Quiñones, 241;
unites with Quiñones to resist Drake, 243;
energetic action, 246;
tenure of office prolonged, 250;
end of term, 260.
Macaca, province of, I, 20.
Maceo, José Antonio, proclaims Provisional Government, IV, 15;
leader in War of Independence, 41;
commands Division of Oriente, 43;
defeats Campos, 46;
plans great campaign, 53;
invades Pinar del Rio, 61;
successful campaign, 73;
death, 74;
portrait, facing 74.
Maceo, José, IV, 41;
marches through Cuba, 76.
Machado, Eduard, treason of, III, 258.
Machete, used in battle, IV, 57.
Madison, James, on status of Cuba, III, 132.
Madriaga, Juan Ignacio, II, 59.
Magoon, Charles E., Provisional Governor, IV, 281;
his administration, 283;
promotes public works, 286;
takes census, 287;
election law, 287;
retires, 295.
Mahy, Nicolas, Governor, II, 315.
Mail service established, II, 107;
under American occupation, IV, 168.
Maine sent to Havana, IV, 98;
destruction of, 98;
investigation, 100.
Maldonado, Diego, I, 146.
Mandeville, Sir John, I, 20.
Mangon, identified with Mangi, I, 20.
Manners and Customs, II, 229 et seq.;
balls, 239;
shopping, 242;
relations of black and white races, 242;
cafés, 243;
early society, 248.
Monosca, Juan Saenz, Bishop, I, 301.
Manrique, Diego, Governor, II, 109.
Manzaneda y Salines, Severino de, Governor, I, 320.
Manzanillo, Declaration of Independence issued, III, 155.
Maraveo Ponce de Leon, Gomez de, I, 339.
Marco Polo, I, 4, 20.
Marcy, William L., policy toward Cuba, III, 136.
Mar de la Nuestra Señora, I, 18.
Mariguana. See GUANAHANI.
Marin, Sabas, succeeds Campos in command, IV, 63.
Markham, Sir Clements, on Columbus's first landing, I, 12.
Marmol, Donato, III, 173, 184.
Marquez, Pedro Menendez, I, 206.
Marriage law, reformed under American occupation, IV, 152;
controversy over, 153.
Marti, José, portrait, frontispiece, Vol IV;
leader of War of Independence, IV, 2;
his career, 9;
in New York, 11;
organizes Junta, 11;
goes to Cuba, 15;
death, 16;
his war manifesto, 17;
fulfilment of his ideals, 355.
Marti, José, secretary of War, portrait, IV, 360.
Marti, the pirate, II, 357.
Martinez Campos. See Campos.
Martinez, Dionisio de la Vega, Governor, II, 8;
inscription on La Punta, 14.
Martinez, Juan, I, 192.
Martyr, Peter, I, 53.
Maso, Bartolome, revolutionist, IV, 34;
rebukes Spotorno, 35;
President of Cuban Republic, 43;
Vice President of Council, 48;
President of Republic, 90;
candidate for Vice President, 242;
seeks Presidency, 243.
Mason, James M., U. S. Minister to France, III, 141.
Masse, E. M., describes slave trade, II, 202;
rural life, 216;
on Spanish policy toward Cuba, 227;
social morals, 230.
Matanzas, founded, I, 321;
meaning of name, 321.
Maura, Sr., proposes Cuban reforms, IV, 5.
McCullagh, John B., reorganizes Havana Police, IV, 150.
McKinley, William, President of United States, message of 1897
on Cuba, IV, 87;
declines European mediation, 103;
message for war, 104.
Maza, Enrique, assaults Hugh S. Gibson, IV, 308.
Mazariegos, Diego de, Governor, I, 191;
a scandalous moralist, 193;
defences against privateering, 193;
takes charge of La Fuerza, 195;
controversy with Governor of Florida, 196;
replaced by Sandoval, 197.
Medina, Fernando de, I, 111.
Mendez-Capote, Fernando, Secretary of Sanitation, portrait, IV, 360.
Mendieta, Carlos, candidate for Vice President, IV, 328;
rebels, 338.
Mendive, Rafael Maria de, III, 328.
Mendoza, Martin de, I, 204.
Menendez, Pedro de Aviles, I, 199;
commander of Spanish fleet, 200;
clash with Osorio, 201;
Governor of Cuba, 205;
dealing with increasing enemies, 208;
fortifies Havana, 209;
recalled to Spain, 213;
conflict with Bishop Castillo, 226.
Menocal, Aniceto G., portrait, IV, 50.
Menocal, Mario G., Assistant Secretary of War, IV, 49;
Chief of Police at Havana, 144, 150;
in charge of Lighthouse Service, 168;
candidate for President, 290;
slandered by Liberals, 291;
elected President, 312;
biography, 312;
portrait, facing 312;
view of birthplace, 313;
Cabinet, 320;
opinion of Cuba's needs, 321;
first message, 322;
conflict with Congress, 323;
important reforms, 324;
suppresses rebellion, 327;
candidate for reelection, 328;
vigorous action against Gomez's rebellion, 335;
declines American aid, 337;
escapes assassination, 339;
reelection confirmed, 341;
clemency to traitors, 342;
message on entering Great War, 346;
fulfilment of Marti's ideals, 355;
estimate of his administration, 356;
achievements for education, 357;
health, 357;
industry and commerce, 358;
finance, 359;
"from Velasquez to Menocal," 365.
Menocal, Señora, leadership of Cuban womanhood in Red Cross and
other work, IV, 354;
portrait, facing 352.
Mercedes, Maria de las, quoted, II, 174;
on slave insurrection, 368.
Merchan, Rafael, III, 174;
patriotic works, 335.
Merlin, Countess de. See MERCEDES.
_Merrimac_, sunk at Santiago, IV, 111.
Mesa, Hernando de, first Bishop, I, 122.
Mestre, José Manuel, sketch and portrait, III, 326.
Meza, Sr., Secretary of Public Instruction and Arts, IV, 297.
Mexico, discovered and explored from Cuba, I, 87;
designs upon Cuba, II, 262;
Cuban expedition against, 346;
warned off by United States, III, 134;
fall of Maximilian, 150.
Milanes, José Jacinto, sketch, portrait and works, III, 324.
Miles, Gen. Nelson A., prepares for invasion of Cuba, IV, 111.
Miranda, Francisco, II, 156;
with Bolivar, 335.
Miscegenation, II, 204.
Molina, Francisco, I, 290.
Monastic orders, I, 276.
Monroe Doctrine, foreshadowed, II, 256;
promulgated, 328.
Monroe, James, interest in Cuba, II, 257;
promulgates Doctrine, 328;
portrait, 329.
Monserrate Gate, Havana, picture, II, 241.
Montalvo, Gabriel, Governor, I, 215;
feud with Rojas family, 218;
investigated and retired, 219;
pleads for naval protection for Cuba, 220.
Montalvo, Lorenzo, II, 89.
Montalvo, Rafael, Secretary of Public Works, urges resistance
to revolutionists, IV, 270.
Montanes, Pedro Garcia, I, 292.
Montano See VELASQUEZ, J. M.
Montes, Garcia, Secretary of Treasury, IV, 254.
Montesino, Antonio, I, 78.
Montiel, Vasquez de, naval commander, I, 278.
Montoro, Rafael, Representative in Cortes, III, 308;
spokesman of Autonomists, IV, 59;
in Autonomist Cabinet, 95;
candidate for Vice President, 290;
attacked by Liberals, 291;
biography, 317;
portrait, facing 320.
Morales case, IV, 92.
Morales. Pedro de, commands at Santiago, I, 299.
Morals, strangely mixed with piety and vice, II, 229.
Morell, Pedro Augustino, Bishop, II, 53;
controversy with Albemarle, 83;
exiled, 87;
death, 113.
Moreno, Andres, Secretary of Foreign Affairs, IV, 90.
Moret law, abolishing slavery, III, 243.
Morgan, Henry, plans raid on Havana, I, 297;
later career, 303.
Morro Castle, Havana, picture, facing I, 180;
site of battery, 180;
tower built by Mazariegos, 196;
fortified against Drake, 249;
planned by Antonelli, 261;
besieged by British, II, 55.
Morro Castle, Santiago, built, I, 289;
picture, facing 298.
Mucaras, I, 11.
Muenster, geographer, I, 6.
Mugeres Islands, I, 84.
Munive, Andres de, I, 317.
Murgina y Mena, A. M., I, 317.
Music, early concerts at Havana, II, 239.
Nabia, Juan Alfonso de, I, 207.
Nancy Globe, I. 6.
Napoleon's designs upon Cuba, II, 203.
Naranjo, probable landing place of Columbus, I, 12.
Narvaez, Panfilo de, portrait, I, 63;
arrival in Cuba, 63;
campaign against natives, 65;
explores the island, 67;
errand to Spain, 77;
sent to Mexico to oppose Cortez, 98;
secures appointment of Councillors for life, 111.
Naval stations, U. S., in Cuba, IV, 255.
Navarrete, quoted, I, 3, 12.
Navarro, Diego Jose, Governor, II, 141, 150.
Navy, Spanish, in Cuban waters, III, 182, 225.
Negroes, imported as slaves, I, 170;
treatment of, 171;
slaves and free, increasing numbers of, 229. See SLAVERY.
New Orleans, anti-Spanish outbreak, III, 126.
New Spain. See MEXICO.
Newspapers: _Gazeta_, 1780, II, 157;
_Papel Periodico_, 179;
246;
publications in Paris, Madrid and New York, 354;
El Faro Industrial, III, 18;
Diario de la Marina, 18;
La Verdad, 18;
La Vos de Cuba, 260;
La Vos del Siglo, 232;
La Revolucion, 333;
El Siglo, 334;
El Laborante, 335.
Norsemen, American colonists, I, 7.
Nougaret, Jean Baptiste, quoted, II, 26.
Nuñez, Emilio, in Cuban Junta, IV, 12;
in war, 57;
Civil Governor of Havana, 179;
head of Veterans' Association, 305;
Secretary of Agriculture, 320;
candidate for Vice President, 328;
election confirmed, 341.
Nuñez, Enrique, Secretary of Health and Charities, IV, 320.
Ocampo, Sebastian de, circumnavigates Cuba, I, 54.
O'Donnell, George Leopold, Governor, II, 365;
his wife's sordid intrigues, 365.
Oglethorpe, Governor of Georgia, hostile to Spain, II, 24, 30.
O'Hara, Theodore, with Lopez, III, 46.
Ojeda, Alonzo de, I, 54;
introduces Christianity to Cuba, 55.
Olid, Christopher de, sent to Mexico, I, 88.
Olney, Richard. U. S. Secretary of State, attitude toward War
of Independence, IV, 71.
Oquendo, Antonio de, I, 281.
Orejon y Gaston, Francisco Davila de, Governor, I, 301, 310.
O'Reilly, Alexandre, sent to occupy Louisiana, II, 123;
ruthless rule, 125.
Orellano, Diego de, I, 86.
Ornofay, province of, I, 20.
Ortiz, Bartholomew, alcalde mayor, I, 146;
retires, 151.
Osorio, Garcia de Sandoval, Governor, I, 197;
conflict with Menendez, 199, 201;
retired, 205;
tried, 206.
Osorio, Sancho Pardo, I, 207.
Ostend Manifesto, III, 142.
Ovando, Alfonso de Caceres, I, 214;
revises law system, 233.
Ovando, Nicolas de, I, 54.
Palma, Tomas Estrada, head of Cuban Junta in New York, IV, 3;
Provisional President of Cuban Republic, 15;
Delegate at Large, 43;
rejects anything short of independence, 71;
candidate for Presidency, 241;
his career, 241;
elected President, 245;
arrival in Cuba, 247;
portrait, facing 248;
receives transfer of government from General Wood, 248;
Cabinet, 254;
first message, 254;
prosperous administration, 259;
non-partisan at first, 264;
forced toward Conservative party, 264;
reelected, 266;
refuses to believe insurrection impending, 266;
refuses to submit to blackmail, 268;
betrayed by Congress, 269;
acts too late, 270;
seeks American aid, 271;
interview with W. H. Taft, 276;
resigns Presidency, 280;
estimate of character and work, 282;
death, 284.
Palma y Romay, Ramon, III, 327.
Parra, Antonio, scientist, II, 252.
Parra, Maso, revolutionist, IV, 30.
Parties, political, in Cuba, IV, 59;
origin and characteristics of Conservative and Liberal, 181, 261.
Pasalodos, Damaso, Secretary to President, IV, 297
Pasamonte, Miguel, intrigues against Columbus, I, 58.
Paz, Doña de, marries Juan de Avila, I, 154.
Paz, Pedro de, I, 109.
Penalosa, Diego de, Governor, II, 31.
Penalver. See PENALOSA.
Penalver, Luis, Bishop of New Orleans, II, 179.
"Peninsulars," III, 152.
Pensacola, settlement of, I, 328;
seized by French, 342;
recovered by Spanish, II, 7;
defended by Galvez, 146.
Pereda, Gaspar Luis, Governor, I, 276.
Perez, Diego, repels privateers, I, 179.
Perez, Perico, revolutionist, IV, 15, 30, 78.
Perez de Zambrana, Luisa, sketch and portrait, III, 328.
Personal liberty restricted, III, 8.
Peru, good wishes for Cuban revolution, III, 223.
Philip II, King, appreciation of Cuba, I, 260.
Pieltain, Candido, Governor, III, 275.
Pierce, Franklin, President of United States, policy toward
Cuba, III, 136.
Pina, Severo, Secretary of Finance, IV, 48.
Pinar del Rio, city founded, II, 131;
Maceo invades province, IV, 61;
war in, 73.
Pineyro, Enrique, III, 333;
sketch and portrait, 334.
Pinto, Ramon, sketch and portrait, III, 62.
"Pirates of America," I, 296.
Pizarro, Francisco de, I, 54, 91.
Platt, Orville H., Senator, on relations of United States
and Cuba, IV, 198;
Amendment to Cuban Constitution, 199;
Amendment adopted, 203;
text of Amendment, 238.
Pococke, Sir George, expedition against Havana, II, 46.
Poey, Felipe, sketch and portrait, III, 315.
Point Lucrecia, I, 18.
Polavieja, Gen., Governor, III, 314.
Police, reorganized, II, 312;
under American occupation, IV, 150;
police courts established, 171.
Polk, James K., President of the United States, policy toward
Cuba, III, 135.
Polo y Bernabe, Spanish Minister at Washington, IV, 98.
Ponce de Leon, in Cuba, I, 73;
death, 139.
Ponce de Leon, of New York, in Cuban Junta, IV, 13.
Pope, efforts to maintain peace, between United States and
Spain, IV, 104.
Porro, Cornelio, treason of, III, 257.
Port Banes, I, 18.
Port Nipe, I, 18.
Port Nuevitas, I, 3.
Portuguese settlers, I, 168.
Portuondo, Rafael, Secretary for Foreign Affairs, IV, 48;
filibuster, 70.
Prado y Portocasso, Juan, Governor, II, 49;
neglect of duty, 52;
sentenced to degradation, 108.
Praga, Francisco de, I, 282.
Presidency, first candidates for, IV, 240;
Tomas Estrada Palma elected, 245;
José Miguel Gomez aspires to, 260;
candidates in 1906, 265;
Palma's resignation, 280;
Jose Miguel Gomez elected, 290;
fourth campaign, 312;
Mario G. Menocal elected, 312;
fifth campaign, 328;
General Menocal reelected, 341.
Prim, Gen., Spanish revolutionist, III, 145.
Printing, first press in Cuba, II, 245.
Privateers, French ravage Cuba, I, 177;
Havana and Santiago attacked, 178;
Havana looted, 179;
Jacques Sores, 183;
Havana captured, 186;
Santiago looted, 193;
French raids, 220, et seq.
Proctor, Redfield, Senator, investigates and reports on condition
of Cuba in War of Independence, IV, 87.
Procurators, appointment of, I, 112.
Protectorate, tripartite, refused by United States, II, 261;
III, 130, 133.
Provincial governments organized, IV, 179, confusion in, 292.
Public Works, promoted by General Wood, IV, 166;
by Magoon, 286.
Puerto Grande. See GUANTANAMO.
Puerto Principe, I, 18, 167.
Punta, La, first fortification, I, 203;
strengthened against Drake, 249;
fortress planned by Antonelli, 261;
picture, IV, 33.
Punta Lucrecia, I, 3.
Punta Serafina, I, 22.
Queen's Gardens, I, 20.
Quero, Geronimo, I, 277.
Quesada, Gonzalo de, Secretary of Cuban Junta, IV, 3;
Minister to United States, 275.
Quesada, Manuel, sketch and portrait, III, 167;
proclamation, 169;
death, 262.
Quezo, Juan de, I, 113.
Quilez, J. M., Civil Governor of Pinar del Rio, IV, 179.
Quiñones, Diego Hernandez de, commander of fortifications at
Havana, I, 240;
feud with Luzan, 241;
unites with Luzan to resist Drake, 243.
Quiñones, Doña Leonora de, I, 117.
Rabi, Jesus, revolutionist, IV, 34, 42.
Railroads, first in Cuba, II, 343.
Raja, Vicente, Governor, I, 337.
Ramirez, Alejandro, sketch and portrait, II, 311.
Ramirez, Miguel, Bishop, partisan of Guzman, I, 120;
political activities and greed, 124.
Ramos, Gregorio, I, 274.
Ranzel, Diego, I, 295.
Recio, R. Lopez, Civil Governor of Camaguey, IV, 180.
Recio, Serafin, III, 86.
Reciprocity, secured by Roosevelt for Cuba, IV, 256.
"Reconcentrados," mortality among, IV, 86.
Red Cross, Cuban activities, IV, 353.
Redroban, Pedro de, I, 201.
Reed, Walter, in yellow fever campaign, IV, 172.
Reformists, Spanish, support Blanco's Autonomist policy, IV, 97.
Reggio, Andreas, II, 32.
Reno, George, in War of Independence, IV, 12;
running blockade, 21;
portrait, 21;
services in Great War, 351.
Renteria, Pedro de, partner of Las Casas, I, 75;
opposes slavery, 76.
Repartimiento, I, 70.
Republic of Cuba: proclaimed and organized, III, 157;
first representative Assembly, 161;
Constitution of 1868, 164;
first House of Representatives, 176;
Judiciary, 177;
legislation, 177;
army, 178;
fails to secure recognition, 203;
Government reorganized, 275;
after Treaty of Zanjon, 301;
reorganized in War of Independence, IV, 15;
Maso chosen President, 43;
Conventions of Yara and Najasa, 47;
Constitution adopted, 47;
Government reorganized, Cisneros President, 48;
capital at Las Tunas, 56;
removes to Cubitas, 72;
exercises functions of government, 72;
reorganized in 1897, 90;
after Spanish evacuation of island, 134;
disbanded, 135;
Constitutional Convention called, 185;
Constitution completed, 192;
relations with United States, 195;
Platt Amendment, 203;
enters Great War, 346.
Revolutions: Rise of spirit, II, 268;
in South America, 333;
"Soles de Bolivar," 341;
attempts to revolt, 344;
"Black Eagle," 346;
plans of Lopez, III, 36;
Lopez's first invasion, 49;
Aguero's insurrection, 72;
comments of New York _Herald_, 89;
Lopez's last expedition, 91;
results of his work, 116;
European interest, 125;
beginning of Ten Years' War. 155;
end of Ten Years' War, 299;
insurrection renewed, 308, 318;
War of Independence, IV, 1;
Sartorius Brothers, 4;
end of War of Independence, 116;
revolt against President Palma, 266;
ultimatum, 278;
government overthrown, 280;
Negro insurrection, 307;
conspiracy against President Menocal, 327;
great treason of José Miguel Gomez, 332;
Gomez captured, 337;
warnings from United States Government, 338;
revolutions denounced by United States, 343.
Revolutionary party, Cuban, IV, 1, 11.
Rey, Juan F. G., III, 40.
Riano y Gamboa, Francisco, Governor, I, 287.
Ribera, Diego de, I, 206;
work on La Fuerza, 209.
Ricafort, Mariano, Governor, II, 347.
Ricla, Conde de, Governor, II, 102;
retires, 109.
Rio de la Luna, I, 16.
Rio de Mares, I, 16.
Riva-Martiz, I, 279.
Rivera, Juan Ruiz, filibuster, IV, 70;
succeeds Maceo, 79.
Rivera, Ruiz, Secretary of Agriculture, Commerce and Industry, IV, 160.
Roa, feud with Villalobos, I, 323.
Rodas, Caballero de, Governor, III, 213;
emancipation decree, 242.
Rodney, Sir George, expedition to West Indies, II, 153.
Rodriguez, Alejandro, suppresses revolt, IV, 266.
Rodriguez, Laureano, in Autonomist Cabinet, IV, 95.
Rojas, Alfonso de, I, 181.
Rojas, Gomez de, banished, I, 193;
Governor of La Fuerza, 217;
rebuilds Santiago, 258.
Rojas, Hernando de, expedition to Florida, I, 196.
Rojas, Juan Bautista de, royal treasurer, I, 218.
Rojas, Juan de, aid to Lady Isabel de Soto, I, 145;
commander at Havana, 183.
Rojas, Manuel de, Governor, I, 105;
adopts policy of "Cuba for the Cubans," 106;
second Governorship, 121;
dealings with Indians, 126;
noble endeavors frustrated, 130;
resigns, 135;
the King's unique tribute to him, 135.
Roldan, Francisco Dominguez, Secretary of Public Instruction,
sketch and portrait, IV, 357.
Roldan, José Gonzalo, III, 328.
Roloff, Carlos, revolutionist, IV, 45;
Secretary of War, 48;
filibuster, 70.
Romano Key, I, 18.
Romay, Tomas, introduces vaccination, II, 192;
portrait, facing 192.
Roncali, Federico, Governor, II, 366;
on Spanish interests in Cuba, 381.
Roosevelt, Theodore, at San Juan Hill, IV, 113;
portrait, 113;
President of United States, on relations with Cuba, 245;
estimate of General Wood's work in Cuba, 251;
fight with Congress for Cuban reciprocity, 256;
seeks to aid President Palma against revolutionists, 275;
letter to Quesada, 275.
Root, Elihu, Secretary of War, on Cuban Constitution, IV, 194;
on Cuban relations with United States, 197;
explains Platt Amendment, 201.
Rowan, A. S., messenger to Oriente, IV. 107.
Rubalcava, Manuel Justo, II, 274.
Rubens, Horatio, Counsel of Cuban Junta, IV, 3.
Rubios, Palacios, I, 78.
Ruiz, Joaquin, spy, IV, 91;
death, 92. See ARANGUREN.
Ruiz, Juan Fernandez, filibuster, IV, 70.
Rum Cay. See CONCEPTION.
Rural Guards, organized by General Wood, IV, 144;
efficiency of, 301.
Ruysch, geographer, I, 6.
Saavedra, Juan Esquiro, I, 278.
Sabinal Key, I, 18.
Saco, José Antonio, pioneer of Independence, II, 378;
portrait, facing 378;
literary and patriotic work, III, 325, 327.
Sagasta, Praxedes, Spanish Premier, proposes Cuban reforms, IV, 6;
resigns, 36.
Saint Augustine, expedition against, I, 332.
Saint Mery, M. de, search for tomb of Columbus, I, 34.
Salamanca, Juan de, Governor, I, 295;
promotes industries, 300.
Salamanca y Negrete, Manuel, Governor, III, 314.
Salaries, some early, I, 263.
Salas, Indalacio, IV, 21.
Salazar. See SOMERUELOS.
Salcedo, Bishop, controversy with Governor Tejada, I, 262.
Sama Point, I, 4.
Samana. See GUANAHANI.
Sampson, William T., Admiral, in Spanish-American War, IV, 110;
at Santiago, 114;
portrait, 115.
Sanchez, Bartolome, makes plans for La
Fuerza, I, 194;
begins building, 195;
feud with Mazariegos, 197.
Sanchez, Bernabe, II, 345.
Sancti Spiritus, founded by Velasquez, I, 68, 168.
Sandoval, Garcia Osorio, Governor, I, 197. See OSARIO.
Sanitation, undertaken by Guemez, II, 18;
vaccination introduced by Dr. Romay. 192;
bad conditions, III, 313;
General Wood at Santiago, IV, 142;
achievements under President Menocal, 357.
Sanguilly, Julio, falls in leading revolution, IV, 29, 55.
Sanguilly, Manuel, in Constitutional Convention, IV, 190.
San Lazaro watchtower, picture, I, 155;
fortified against Drake, 248.
San Salvador. See GUANAHANI.
Santa Clara, Conde de, Governor, II, 194, 300.
Santa Crux del Sur, I, 20.
Santa Cruz, Francisco, I, 111.
Santiago de Cuba, Columbus at, I, 19;
founded by Velasquez, 68;
second capital of island, 69;
seat of gold refining, 80;
site of cathedral, 123;
condition in Angulo's time, 166;
looted by privateers, 193;
fortified by Menendez, 203;
raided and destroyed by French, 256;
rebuilt by Gomez de Rojas, 258;
capital of Eastern District, 275;
Morro Castle built, 289;
captured by British, 299;
attacked by Franquinay, 310;
attacked by Admiral Vernon, II, 29;
literary activities, 169;
great improvements made, 180;
battles near in War of Independence, IV, 112;
naval battle, 114;
General Wood's administration, 135;
great work for sanitation, 142.
Santiago, battle of, IV, 114.
Santiago, sunset scene, facing III, 280.
Santillan, Diego, Governor, I, 205.
Santo Domingo See HISPANIOLA.
Sanudo, Luis, Governor, I, 336.
Sarmiento. Diego de, Bishop, makes trouble, I, 149, 152.
Saunders, Romulus M., sounds Spain on purchase of Cuba, III, 135.
Sartorius, Manuel and Ricardo, revolutionists, IV, 4.
Savine, Albert, on British designs on Cuba, II, 40.
Schley, Winfield S., Admiral, in Spanish-American War, IV, 110;
portrait, 110;
at Santiago, 114.
Schoener's globe, I, 5.
Schools, backward condition of, II, 174, 244, 312. See EDUCATION.
Shafter, W. R., General, leads American army into Cuba, IV, 111.
Shipbuilding at Havana, II, 8, 33, 113, 300.
Sickles, Daniel E., Minister to Spain, offers mediation, III, 217.
Silva, Manuel, Secretary of Interior, IV, 90.
Slave Insurrection, II, 13;
III, 367, et seq.
Slavery, begun in Repartimiento system, I, 70;
not sanctioned by King, 82;
slave trading begun, 83;
growth and regulation, 170;
oppressive policy of Spain, 266;
the "Assiento," II, 2;
great growth
of trade, 22;
gross abuses, 202;
described by Masse, 202;
census of slaves, 204;
rise of emancipation movement, 206;
rights of slaves defined by King, 210;
African trade forbidden, 285;
Negro census, 286;
early records of trade, 288;
Humboldt on, 288;
statistics of trade, 289 et seq.;
domestic relations of slaves, 292;
dangers of system denounced, 320;
official complicity in illegal trade, 366;
slave insurrection, 367;
inhuman suppression by government, 374 et seq.;
emancipation by revolution of 1868, 159;
United States urges Spain to abolish slavery, 242;
Rodas's decrees, 242;
Moret law, 243.
Smith, Caleb. publishes book on West Indies, II, 37.
Smuggling, II, 133.
"Sociedad de Amigos," II, 169.
"Sociedad Patriotica," II, 166.
"Sociedad Patriotica y Economica," II, 178.
Society of Progress, II, 78.
Solano, José de, naval commander, II, 147.
"Soles de Bolivar," II, 341;
attempts to suppress, 343.
Solorzano, Juan del Hoya, I, 337;
II, 10.
Someruelos, Marquis of, Governor, II, 196, 301.
Sores, Jacques, French raider, II, 183;
attacks Havana, 184;
captures city, 186.
Soto, Antonio de, I, 292.
Soto, Diego de, I, 109, 217.
Soto, Hernando de, Governor and Adelantado, I, 140;
portrait, 140;
arrival in Cuba, 141;
tour of island, 142;
makes Havana his home, 144;
chiefly interested in Florida, 144;
sails for Florida, 145;
his fate in Mississippi, 147;
trouble with Indians, 148.
Soto, Lady Isabel de, I, 141;
her vigil at La Fuerza, 147;
death, 149.
Soto, Luis de, I, 141.
Soulé, Pierre, Minister to Spain, III, 137;
Indiscretions, 138;
Ostend Manifesto, 142.
South Sea Company, II, 21, 201.
Spain: Fiscal policy toward Cuba, I, 175;
wars with France, 177;
discriminations against Cuba, 266, 267;
protests against South Sea Company, II, 22;
course in American Revolution, 143;
war with Great Britain, 151;
attitude toward America, 159;
peace with Great Britain, 162;
restrictive laws, 224;
policy under Godoy, 265;
decline of power, 273;
seeks to pawn Cuba to Great Britain for loan, 330;
protests to United States against Lopez's expedition, III, 59;
seeks British protection, 129;
refuses to sell Cuba, 135;
revolution against Bourbon dynasty, 145 et seq.;
rejects suggestion of American mediation in Cuba, 219;
seeks American mediation, 293;
strives to placate Cuba, IV, 5;
crisis over Cuban affairs, 35;
attitude toward War of Independence, 40;
considers Autonomy, 71;
Cabinet crisis of 1897, 88;
proposes joint investigation of Maine disaster, 100;
at war with United States, 106;
makes Treaty of Paris, relinquishing Cuba, 118.
Spanish-American War: causes of, IV, 105;
declared, 106;
blockade of Cuban coast, 110;
landing of American army in Cuba, 111;
fighting near Santiago, 112;
fort at El Caney, picture, 112;
San Juan Hill, battle, 113;
San Juan Hill, picture of monument, 114;
naval battle of Santiago, 115;
peace negotiations, 116;
"Peace Tree," picture, 116;
treaty of peace, 118.
Spanish literature in XVI century, I, 360.
Spotorno, Juan Bautista, seeks peace, rebuked by Maso, IV, 35.
Steinhart, Frank, American consul, advises President Palma to
ask for American aid, IV, 271;
correspondence with State Department, 272.
Stock raising, early attention to, I, 173, 224;
development of, 220.
Stokes, W. E. D., aids War of Independence, IV, 14.
Students, murder of by Volunteers, III, 260.
Suarez y Romero, Anselmo, III, 326.
Sugar, Industry begun under Velasquez, I, 175, 224;
growth of industry, 265;
primitive methods, II, 222;
growth, III, 3;
great development under President Menocal, IV, 358.
"Suma de Geografia," of Enciso, I, 54.
Sumana, Diego de, I, 111.
Tacon, Miguel, Governor, II, 347;
despotic fury, 348;
conflict with Lorenzo, 349;
public works, 355;
fish market, 357;
melodramatic administration of justice, 359.
Taft, William H., Secretary of War of United States, intervenes
in revolution, IV, 272;
arrives at Havana, 275;
negotiates with President Palma and the revolutionists, 276;
portrait, 276;
conveys ultimatum of revolutionists to President Palma, 279;
accepts President Palma's resignation, 280;
pardons revolutionists, 280;
unfortunate policy, 283.
Tainan, Antillan stock, I, 8.
Tamayo, Diego, Secretary of State, IV, 159;
Secretary of Government, 254.
Tamayo, Rodrigo de, I, 126.
Tariff, after British occupation, II, 106;
reduction, 141;
oppressive duties. III, 5;
under American occupation, IV, 183.
Taxation, revolt against, II, 197;
"reforms," 342;
oppressive burdens, III, 6;
increase in Ten Years' War, 207;
evasion of, 312;
under American intervention, IV, 151.
Taylor, Hannis, American Minister at Madrid, IV, 33.
Tejada, Juan de, Governor, I, 261;
great works for Cuba, 262;
resigns, 263.
Teneza, Dr. Francisco, Protomedico, I, 336.
Ten Years' War, III, 155 et seq.;
first battles, 184;
aid from United States, 211;
offers of American mediation, 217;
rejected, 219;
campaigns of destruction, 222;
losses reported, 290;
end in Treaty of Zanjon, 299;
losses, 304.
Terry, Emilio, Secretary of Agriculture, IV, 254.
Theatres, first performance in Cuba, I, 264;
first theatre built, II, 130, 236.
Thrasher, J. S., on census, II, 283.
Tines y Fuertes, Juan Antonio, Governor, II, 31.
Tobacco, early use, I, 9;
culture promoted, 300;
monopoly, 334;
"Tobacco War," 338;
effects of monopoly, II, 221.
Tobar, Nuñez, I, 141, 143.
Tolon, Miguel de, III, 330.
Toltecs, I, 7.
Tomayo, Esteban, revolutionist, IV, 34.
Torquemada, Garcia de, I, 239;
investigates Luzan, 241.
Torre, Marquis de la, Governor, II, 127;
work for Havana, 129;
death, 133.
Torres Ayala, Laureano de, Governor, I, 334;
reappointed, 337.
Torres, Gaspar de, Governor, I, 234;
conflict with Rojas family, 235;
absconds, 235.
Torres, Rodrigo de, naval commander, II, 34.
Torriente, Cosimo de la, Secretary of Government, IV, 320.
Toscanelli, I, 4.
Treaty of Paris, IV, 118.
Tres Palacios, Felipe Jose de, Bishop, II, 174.
Tribune, New York, describes revolutionary leaders, III, 173.
Trinidad, founded by Velasquez, I, 68, 168;
great fire, II, 177.
Trocha, begun by Campos, IV, 44;
Weyler's, 73.
Troncoso, Bernardo, Governor, II, 168.
Turnbull, David, British consul, II, 364;
complicity in slave insurrection, 372.
Ubite, Juan de, Bishop, I, 123.
Ulloa, Antonio de, sent to take possession of Louisiana, II, 118;
arbitrary conduct, 120.
Union Constitutionalists, III, 306.
United States, early relations with Cuba, II, 254;
first suggestion of annexation, 257;
John Quincy Adams's policy, 258;
Jefferson's policy, 260;
Clay's policy, 261;
representations to Colombia and Mexico, 262;
Buchanan's policy, 263;
Monroe Doctrine, 328;
consuls not admitted to Cuba, 330;
Van Buren's policy, 331;
growth of commerce with Cuba, III, 22;
President Taylor's proclamation against filibustering, 41;
course toward Lopez, 60;
attitude toward Cuban revolutionists, 123;
division of sentiment between North and South, 124;
policy of Edward Everett, 130;
overtures for purchase of Cuba, 135;
end of Civil War, 151;
new policy toward Cuba, 151;
recognition denied to revolution, 172;
aid and sympathy given secretly, 195;
Cuban appeals for recognition, 200;
recognition denied, 203;
protests against Rodas's decrees, 216;
offers of mediation, 217;
rejected by Spain, 219;
increasing interest and sympathy with revolutionists, 273;
warning to Spanish Government, 291;
effect of reciprocity upon Cuba, 313;
attitude toward War of Independence, IV, 27, 70;
Congress favors recognition, 70;
tender of good
offices, 71;
President Cleveland's message of 1896, 79;
appropriation for relief of victims of "concentration" policy, 86;
President McKinley's message of 1897, 87;
sensation at destruction of _Maine_, 99;
declaration of war against Spain, 106;
Treaty of Paris, 118;
establishment of first Government of Intervention, 132;
relations with Republic of Cuba, 195;
protectorate to be retained, 196;
Platt Amendment, 199;
mischief-making intrigues, 200;
naval stations in Cuba, 255;
reciprocity, 256;
second Intervention, 281;
warning to José Miguel Gomez, 305;
asks settlement of claims, 308;
Chargé d'Affaires assaulted, 308;
supervision of Cuban legislation, 326;
warning to revolutionists, 339;
attitude toward Gomez revolution, 343.
University of Havana, founded, II, 11.
Unzaga, Luis de, Governor, II, 157.
Urrutia, historian, quoted, I, 300.
Urrutia, Sancho de, I, 111.
Utrecht, Treaty of, I, 326;
begins new era, II, 1.
Uznaga, Luis de, sent to rule Louisiana, II, 126;
reforms, 165.
Vaca, Cabeza de, I, 140.
Vadillo, Juan, declines to investigate Guzman, I, 118;
temporary Governor, 119;
tremendous indictment of Guzman, 120;
retires after good work, 121;
clash with Bishop Ramirez, 124.
Valdes, historian, quoted, II, 175.
Valdes, Gabriel de la Conception, III, 325.
Valdes, Jeronimo, Bishop, I, 335.
Valdes, Pedro de, Governor, I, 202, 272;
retires, 276.
Valdes, Geronimo, Governor, II, 364.
Valdueza, Marquis de, I, 281.
Valiente, José Pablo, II, 170, 180.
Valiente, Juan Bautista, Governor of Santiago, II, 180.
Vallizo, Diego, I, 277.
Valmaseda, Count, Governor, proclamation against revolution, III,
171, 270;
recalled for barbarities, 273.
Van Buren, Martin, on United States and Cuba, II, 331.
Vandeval, Nicolas C., I, 331, 333.
Varela, Felix, sketch and portrait, III, 320;
works, 321.
Varnhagen, F. A. de, quoted, I, 2.
Varona, Bernabe de, sketch and portrait, III, 178.
Varona, José Enrique, Secretary of Treasury, IV, 159;
Vice President, 312;
biography, 316;
portrait, facing 316.
Varona, Pepe Jerez, chief of secret service, IV, 268.
Vasquez, Juan, I, 330.
Vedado, view in, IV, 176.
Vega, Pedro Guerra de la, I, 243;
asks fugitives to aid in defence against Drake, 248.
Velasco, Francisco de Aguero, II, 345.
Velasco, Luis Vicente, defender of Morro against British, II, 58;
signal valor, 61;
death, 67.
Velasquez, Antonio, errand to Spain, I, 77
Velasquez, Bernardino, I, 115.
Velasquez, Diego, first Governor of Cuba, I, 59;
portrait, 59;
colonizes Cuba, 60;
hostilities with natives, 61, explores the island, 67;
marriage and bereavement, 68;
founds various towns, 68;
begins Cuban commerce, 68;
organizes government, 69;
favored by King Ferdinand, 73;
appointed Adelantado, 74;
seeks to rule Yucatan and Mexico, 85;
recalls Grijalva, 88;
quarrels with Cortez, 91;
sends Cortez to explore Mexico, 92, 94;
seeks to intercept and recall Cortez, 97;
sends Narvaez to Mexico, 98;
removed from office by Diego Columbus, 100;
restored by King, 102;
death and epitaph, 103;
posthumous arraignment by Altamarino, 107;
convicted and condemned, 108.
Velasquez, Juan Montano, Governor, I, 293.
Velez Garcia, Secretary of State, IV, 297.
Velez y Herrera, Ramon, III, 324.
Venegas, Francisco, Governor, I, 278.
Vernon, Edward, Admiral, expedition to Darien, II 27;
Invasion of Cuba, 29.
Viamonte, Bitrian, Governor, I, 286.
Viana y Hinojosa, Diego de, Governor, I, 317.
Victory loan, Cuban subscriptions to, IV, 353.
Villa Clara, founded, I, 321.
Villafana, attempts to assassinate Cortez, I, 99.
Villafana, Angelo de, Governor of Florida, controversy with
Mazariegos, I, 196.
Villalba y Toledo, Diego de, Governor, I, 290.
Villalobos, Governor, feud with Roa, I, 323.
Villalon, José Ramon, in Cuban Junta, IV, 13;
Secretary of Public Works, 160, 330.
Villalon Park, scene in, IV, 247.
Villanueva, Count de, II, 342.
Villapando, Bernardino de, Bishop, I, 225.
Villarin, Pedro Alvarez de, Governor, I, 333.
Villaverde, Cirillo, III, 327.
Villaverde, Juan de, Governor of Santiago, I, 276.
Villegas, Diaz de, Secretary of Treasury, IV, 297;
resigns, 302.
Villuendas, Enrique, in Constitutional Convention, IV, 188;
secretary, 189.
Virginius, capture of, III, 277;
butchery of officers and crew, 278 et seq.;
British intervention, 280;
list of passengers, 281;
diplomatic negotiations over, 283.
Vives, Francisco, Governor, II, 317;
despotism, 317;
expedition against Mexico, 346.
Viyuri, Luis, II, 197.
Volunteers, organized, III, 152;
murder Arango, 188;
have Dulce recalled, 213;
cause murder of Zenea, 252;
increased activities, 260;
murder of students, 261.
War of Independence, IV, i, 8;
circumstances of beginning, 9;
finances, 14;
Republic of Cuba proclaimed, 15;
attitude of Cuban people, 22;
actual outbreak, 29;
martial law proclaimed, 30;
Spanish forces in Cuba, 31;
arrival and policy of Martinez Campos, 38;
Gomez and Maceo begin great campaign, 53;
Spanish defeated, and reenforced, 55;
campaign of devastation, 60;
entire island involved, 61;
fall of Campos, 63;
Weyler in command, 66;
destruction by both sides, 68;
losses, 90;
entry of United States, 107;
attitude of Cubans toward American intervention, 108;
end of war, 116.
Watling's Island. See GUANAHANI.
Wax, development of Industry, II, 132.
Webster, Daniel, negotiations with Spain, III, 126.
Weyler y Nicolau, Valeriano, Governor, IV, 65;
portrait, 66;
harsh decree, 66;
conquers Pinar del Rio. 83;
"concentration" policy, 85;
recalled, 88.
Wheeler, Gen. Joseph, at Santiago, IV, 113, 115.
White, Col. G. W., with Lopez, III, 40.
Whitney, Henry, messenger to Gomez, IV, 107.
Williams, Ramon O., United States consul at Havana, IV, 32;
acts in behalf of Americans in Cuba, 72;
opposes sending _Maine_ to Havana, 100.
Wittemeyer, Major, reports on Gomez revolution to Washington
government, IV, 336;
offers President Menocal aid of United States, 337.
Wood, General Leonard, at San Juan Hill, IV, 113;
Military Governor of Santiago, 135;
his previous career, 140;
unique responsibility and power, 141;
dealing with pestilence, 142;
organizes Rural Guards, 144;
portrait, facing 158;
Military Governor of Cuba, 158;
well received by Cubans, 158;
estimate of _La Lucha_, 158;
his Cabinet, 159;
comments on his appointments, 160;
reorganization of school system, 161;
promotes public works, 166;
Dady contract dispute, 171;
applies Finlay's yellow fever theory with great success, 171;
reform of jurisprudence, 177;
organizes Provincial governments, 179;
holds municipal elections, 180;
promulgates election law, 181;
calls Constitutional Convention, 185;
calls for general election, 240;
his comments on election, 245;
announces end of American occupation, 246;
surrenders government of Cuba to
Cubans, 249;
President Roosevelt's estimate of his work, 251;
view of one of his mountain roads, facing 358.
Woodford, Stewart L., United States Minister to Spain, IV, 103;
presents ultimatum and departs, 106.
Xagua, Gulf of, I, 21.
Ximenes, Cardinal and Regent, gives Las Casas hearing on Cuba, I, 77.
Yanez, Adolfo Saenz, Secretary of Agriculture and Public Works,
IV, 146.
Yellow Fever, first invasion, II, 51;
Dr. Finlay's theory applied by General Wood, IV, 171;
disease eliminated from island, 176.
Yero, Eduardo, Secretary of Public Instruction, IV, 254.
Ynestrosa, Juan de, I, 207.
Yniguez, Bernardino, I, 111.
Yucatan, islands source of slave trade, I, 83;
explored by Cordova, 84.
Yznaga, Jose Sanchez, III, 37.
Zaldo, Carlos, Secretary of State, IV, 254.
Zambrana, Ramon, III, 328.
Zanjon, Treaty of, III, 299.
Zapata, Peninsula of, visited by Columbus, I, 22.
Zarraga, Julian, filibuster, IV, 70.
Zayas, Alfredo, secretary of Constitutional Convention, IV, 189;
compact with José Miguel Gomez, 265;
spokesman of revolutionists against President Palma, 277;
elected Vice President, 290;
becomes Vice President, 297;
sketch and portrait, 300;
quarrel with Gomez, 306;
candidate for President, 328;
hints at revolution, 330.
Zayas, Francisco, Lieutenant Governor, I, 205;
resigns, 206.
Zayas, Francisco, in Autonomist Cabinet, IV, 95.
Zayas, Juan B., killed in battle, IV, 78.
Zayas, Lincoln de, in Cuban Junta, IV, 12;
Superintendent of Schools, 162.
Zenea, Juan Clemente, sketch and portrait, III, 252;
murdered, 253;
his works, 332.
Zequiera y Arango, Manuel, II, 274.
Zipangu. See CIPANOO.
Zuazo, Alfonso de, appointed second Governor of Cuba, I, 100;
dismissed by King, 102.
*** End of this LibraryBlog Digital Book "The History of Cuba, vol. 2" ***
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