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Title: Notes and Queries, Vol. IV, Number 102, October 11, 1851 - A Medium of Inter-communication for Literary Men, Artists, - Antiquaries, Genealogists, etc.
Author: Various
Language: English
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*** Start of this Doctrine Publishing Corporation Digital Book "Notes and Queries, Vol. IV, Number 102, October 11, 1851 - A Medium of Inter-communication for Literary Men, Artists, - Antiquaries, Genealogists, etc." ***

This book is indexed by ISYS Web Indexing system to allow the reader find any word or number within the document.



[Transcriber's note: Original spelling varieties have not been
standardized; "TR:" as in [TR: Lilith] marks a transcriber's note.
Underscores have been used to indicate _italic_ fonts, or _emphasis_
in Greek. A list of volumes and pages in "Notes and Queries"
has been added at the end.]



NOTES and QUERIES:

A MEDIUM OF INTER-COMMUNICATION

FOR

LITERARY MEN, ARTISTS, ANTIQUARIES, GENEALOGISTS, ETC.

"When found, make a note of."--CAPTAIN CUTTLE.

VOL. IV.--NO. 102. SATURDAY, OCTOBER 11. 1851.

Price Threepence. Stamped Edition, 4_d._



CONTENTS.

                                                                Page


      NOTES:--

      Effigies of  English Sovereigns extant in France, by
      W. S. Gibson                                               265

      Arabic Inscriptions--Mocatteb Mountains, by T. J.
      Buckton                                                    266

      Additions to Cunningham's Hand-book of London              267

      Richard Rolle of Hampole, No. II.                          268

      A Funeral in Hamburgh, by W. S. Hesleden                   269

      Folk Lore:--The Baker's Daughter--"Pray remember the
      Grotto" on St. James's Day--The King's Evil--Bees          269

      The Caxton Coffer, by Bolton Corney                        270

      Minor Notes:--Braham Moor--Portraits of Burke              270

      QUERIES:--

      General James Wolfe, who fell at Quebec                    271

      Walker's Sufferings of the Clergy                          272

      Minor Queries:--Colonies in England--Buxtorf's
      Translation of the "Treatise on Hebrew Accents"
      by Elias Levita--The Name "Robert"--Meaning of
      "Art'rizde"--Sir William Griffith of North
      Wales--The Residence of William Penn--Martial's
      Distribution of Hours--Moonlight--Ash-sap given to
      new-born Children--Cockney--Full Orders--Earwig--The
      Soul's Errand                                              272

      MINOR QUERIES ANSWERED:--Call a Spade, a Spade--Prince
      Rupert's Drops--"Worse than a Crime"--Arbor Lowe,
      Stanton Moor, Ayre Family--Bishop of Worcester "On
      the Sufferings of Christ"--Lord Clifford--Latin
      Translation of Sarpi's Council of Trent--Livery
      Stables                                                    274

      REPLIES:--

      Mabillon's Charge against the Spanish Clergy--Campanella
      and Adami--Wilkes MSS., by Henry Hallam                    275

      Printing                                                   276

      The Pendulum Demonstration, &c.                            277

      Winifreda--"Childe Harold," by Samuel Hickson              277

      The Three Estates of the Realm, by William Fraser          278

      Meaning of Whig and Tory, by David Stevens                 281

      Recovery of Lost Authors of Antiquity, by Kenneth
      R. H. MacKenzie                                            282

      MS. Note in a Copy of Liber Sententiarum                   282

      Replies to Minor Queries:--Warnings to Scotland--Fides
      Carbonaria--Fire Unknown--Pope and Flatman--Pope's
      Translations or Imitations of Horace--Lord Mayor
      not a Privy Councillor--Herschel anticipated--Sanford's
      Descensus--Pope's "honest Factor"--"A little Bird told
      me," &c.                                                   283

      MISCELLANEOUS:--

      Notes on Books, Sales, Catalogues, &c.                     285

      Books and Odd Volumes wanted                               286

      Notices to Correspondents                                  286

      Advertisements                                             287



Notes.


THE EFFIGIES OF ENGLISH SOVEREIGNS EXTANT IN FRANCE.

In the year 1816, Mr. Charles Stothard discovered in a cellar (as it is
described) of one of the buildings adjoining the ruined abbey at
Fontevraud, which was then used as a prison, the monumental effigies of
King Henry II., Eleanor of Aquitaine his queen, King Richard I., and
Queen Isabella of Angoulême. It had been feared that these monuments
shared the destruction of the royal tombs from which they were torn, in
the fearful outrages of the Revolution; but they were found to have
escaped the general havoc, although they had suffered some mutilation.
They are described to be sculptures almost coeval with the decease of
the sovereigns represented, and to possess such a chaste grandeur and
simplicity of character as to add great artistic value to their
historical importance. Mr. Stothard represented to the English
government of that day the propriety of rescuing such venerable
monuments from further injury, and of bringing them to Westminster
Abbey; and an application appears to have been made, through some
official channel, to the French authorities; but it was not successful,
though it had the effect, as it is said, of inducing the latter to
direct measures to be taken for the better preservation of these
effigies. About the same time, Mr. Stothard discovered the monumental
effigy of Queen Berengaria in the ruins of her once-stately abbey-church
of L'Espan, near Mans, which he found converted into a barn; but it was
then in contemplation to place this effigy in the church of St. Julien
there, when the restoration of that edifice should be completed. A
memoir (which I cannot here obtain) on the sepulchral statues of English
sovereigns at Fontevraud was read in 1841 in the congress of the Society
for Preserving the Historical Monuments of France; and by the researches
of M. Deville, a distinguished antiquary of Normandy, another effigy of
King Richard "of the Lion Heart" was brought to light in 1838, from
beneath the modern pavement of the choir of Rouen Cathedral, and was
shortly afterwards made known in England by the very interesting
communication made by Mr. Albert Way to the Society of Antiquaries of
London, and published in vol. xxix. of the _Archæologia_.

I am not aware that attention has been otherwise drawn to these effigies
since the publication of Mr. Stothard's great work, nor can I find that
his suggestion has at any time been revived, or that the steps which may
have been taken at Fontevraud for rescuing these monuments from
the gradual demolition which seemed to threaten them, were such as are
likely to insure their ultimate preservation. What those steps were, or
what is the present state of these interesting memorials, I have not
been able to learn; but, inasmuch as it appears that the tombs they
covered have been destroyed; that in the fury of revolutionary violence
the remains of the royal dead were scattered to the winds; and that the
abbey church of Fontevraud itself fell into a state of ruin, if not of
desecration; it will probably be agreed that the removal of these
monuments to Westminster Abbey is unobjectionable, and that their
deposit among the effigies of our early sovereigns in that glorious
edifice would be appropriate, and is much to be desired. Being strongly
impressed with that opinion, I trouble you with this note, which, if you
should deem it worthy of insertion, may elicit some information, and
perhaps lead to an application for leave to remove these monuments, and
place them in Westminster Abbey. The present time seems favourable for
such an effort; and if the object in view should have the sanction of
Queen Victoria, the interference of Her Majesty would probably prevail.

    W. SIDNEY GIBSON.

  Newcastle-upon-Tyne.


ARABIC INSCRIPTIONS--MOCATTEB MOUNTAINS.

The principle of decyphering propounded for the Nineveh inscriptions
(Vol. iv., p. 220.) is available equally, and with better prospect of
speedy solution, in the case of those of _Mocatteb_. A very interesting
narrative is given of these in Laborde's _Mount Sinai and Petra_ (p.
248). The site of them is seventy miles direct distance south-east from
Suez, and they extend on the rock three miles and more in length, at a
height of ten or twelve feet, and in the line of route to Sinai, which
is distant fifty miles south-east from Mocatteb. They also lie not only
in the usual caravan route, but almost in a direct line drawn from
Ethiopia to the cities of Nineveh and Babylon. Nimrod is represented as
an Ethiopian (Gen. x. 8.), "_Cush begat Nimrod_" = "_Nimrod was an
Ethiopian by descent_." The whole of this invaluable monument of the
most ancient geography, the tenth of Genesis, must be read with
reference to _nations_, and not individuals.

Both the valley and the mountains are named from these "Inscriptions" =
_Mocatteb_ in Arabic; that fact alone indicates considerable antiquity,
especially in a country like Arabia, where the fashion of changing any
usage, especially that of names of places, has never prevailed. The
vicinity of these inscriptions to that portion of the world wherein the
Mosaic law had its origin, and probably, as a necessary consequence, the
invention of an alphabet also; and likewise the great question of
ancient intercourse between Egypt, Ethiopia, Assyria (Chaldea), and
India, have rendered the interpretation of the Mocatteb inscriptions a
problem of paramount interest, insomuch that Bishop Clayton offered a
considerable sum of money for a copy of them. In the _Royal Society's
Transactions_, vol. ii. part vi. 1832, are specimens of 187 of these,
whereof nine are Greek and one Latin. Some of them are doubtless of the
sixth century.

Coutelle and Roziere (_Antiquities_, vol. v. p. 57.) copied seventy-five
of them, and Pococke and Montague give a few specimens. Seetzen,
Burkhardt, and Henneker _saw_ them; and Niebuhr may be said to have been
sent out expressly on their account, but the result was _nil_. Cosmus,
Montfaucon, Neitzchitz, Monconys, Koischa, and others, mention them, and
they have been seen by a caravan of persons familiar with Arabic, Greek,
Hebrew, Syriac, Coptic, Latin, Armenian, Turkish, English, Illyrian,
German, and Bohemian, to all of whom they were equally inexplicable.
Since the discovery of Daguerre, we are placed in a position to obtain a
real _fac-simile_ of the whole of these inscriptions, at a small expense
of time or money. Any person familiar with the use of the daguerrotype
(the less learned the better) could now speedily furnish what the good
Bishop so fervently longed after, were he only provided with the small
sum of a few hundred pounds to take him thither and bring back his
invaluable treasures. Although the Mocatteb are graven with an iron pen
in the rock (Job xix. 24.), they are not everlasting, for the rains have
had some effect in obliterating them, being cut, not on granite, as was
formerly thought, but on red sandstone. It is worth remark, that
although Moses was learned in all the wisdom of the Egyptians, he
rejected entirely the hieroglyphic system of writing, and that no
mention or allusion is made to the art of writing till 1491 B.C., in Ex.
xvii. 14.[1], just prior to the delivery of the law, and in
connection with the account of Jethro, his father-in-law; subsequently,
constant allusion is made to writing. There is only one reference to
this art in Homer (_Il._ z. 168.). The author of Job, who appears to
have had a much more enlarged knowledge of art and science than Moses,
speaks of the cutting and painting (for so the Arabic and Hebrew words
should be rendered, and not _printing_) on a roll, _i.e._ with the
_style_ and _brush_; also of the cutting (_felling_) with a chisel (in
Arabic, a _digger_) on lead, or on a rock.[2]

  [Footnote 1: "Jehovah said to Moses, Write this as a memorandum on
  a roll, and let it be read to Joshua, that I intend to obliterate
  entirely the memory of Amalek here below. And Moses built an altar
  and called it _Jehovah Nissi_ (Jehovah is my banner). The reason
  he assigned for the name was that a hand (power) opposed to the
  throne of Jah was (the cause of) Jehovah's perpetual warfare
  against Amalek." This is the _sense_ of the Hebrew as it stands,
  in the current language of our day, and not a copy of the words
  merely,--an error, it is conceived, into which most of the
  translators, from the Seventy downwards, have often fallen. If a
  conjectural criticism might be offered, let כ, _caf_,
  be inserted for נ, _nun_, and instead of Jehovah
  _Nissi_ (banner), read Jehovah _Cissi_, "Jehovah is my _throne_;"
  then the reason assigned by Moses for the name becomes
  intelligible, which it certainly is not in the existing text,
  undoubtedly very ancient, being confirmed by the Samaritan.]

  [Footnote 2: The word, correctly translated _for ever_, according
  to the Masoretic system, means "as a witness or testimony," if
  pointed with _Tsereh_ instead of _Pathach_. The general sense of
  this chapter, in some respects obscure, appears to be, "I seek for
  justice, but cannot obtain it. Every obstacle is put in my way.
  Neither my own kindred nor servants obey me. Look at my most
  wretched condition; although I call you friends, you all hate me.
  You are not satisfied with persecuting my body, but you afflict my
  soul also. Oh that I could make an impression upon you. I would
  set forth my petition for relief from your persecutions on a roll,
  on lead, or on a rock, as a constant memorial in testimony of my
  sufferings and your hate; as I know that my Goel (Redeemer or
  Avenger) lives, and will at length ascend from the dust (sand or
  soil). (In his approach he raises a cloud of dust.) Then arise and
  destroy this (memorial), for, living, I shall get a judgment on my
  case, being personally present and not by representative, although
  I may be hardly able to attend from mental anxiety. Then you will
  say, why did we persecute him, we were all wrong. And you will
  fear punishment because you will learn that justice must be
  satisfied."

  Divested of its highly poetic diction, the above gives the subject
  matter in the vernacular.]

The examination of the copies of the inscriptions already in our
possession will probably determine whether the language is hieroglyphic,
syllabic, or alphabetic. The principal point is to enumerate the
characters found to be clearly distinct from each other. Should there be
found two to three hundred decidedly _distinct_ characters--assuming it
to be one language and one uniform character of that language, for many
nations (peoples) use more than one character--the language _à priori_
must be _hieroglyphic_. If 70 to 90, it will be _syllabic_; but if only
20 to 50, it may be safely concluded that it is alphabetic. The letters
distinct from each other may be less than 20, inasmuch as in the Arabic,
most probably the language which will solve this problem, one character
represents several sounds, the points, usually omitted, alone
distinguishing the difference between _be_, _te_, _tse_, _nun_, and
_jod_, between _jim_, _ha_ and _cha_, between _dal_ and _zal_, between
_re_ and _se_, _sin_ and _shin_, _zad_ and _dad_, _fe_ and _kaf_, &c.
&c. On the other hand, the language has increased the number of its
characters, by distinguishing _initial_ from _medial_ and _terminal_
letters, having retained only thirteen originally distinct characters in
its alphabet.

The Ethiopic, written from left to right, has manifestly furnished the
Arabs with their cursive character, the one uniformly printed, written
from right to left, or otherwise both have derived them from a common
source. Of the intimate relation early subsisting between the Ethiopians
and their Shemitic congeners in Asia, one remarkable instance is the
former retaining to themselves exclusively "the exalted horn," so often
mentioned in the Hebrew Bible, the wearing of which has been long
abandoned by every other family of that race.

    T. J. BUCKTON.

  Lichfield.


ADDITIONS TO CUNNINGHAM'S HAND-BOOK OF LONDON.

_St. Stephen's Church, Walbrook._--Sir Robert Chicheley, alderman and
twice Lord Mayor of London, is said, in Wm. Ravenhill's _Short Account
of the Company of Grocers from their Original_ (4to. Lond. 1689), to
have purchased the ground whereon St. Stephen's church stands, and to
have built, at his own charge, the church which was afterwards replaced
by the edifice of Sir Christopher Wren. The founder was a member of that
company, and to them he gave the advowson. He was the youngest of three
brothers, of whom the eldest was Henry Chicheley, Archbishop of
Canterbury _temp._ Henry VI. The second brother was Sir William, who,
like Robert, was an alderman, and a member of the Grocers' Company. From
the younger brother, Robert, descended Sir Thomas Chicheley, who was
Master of the Ordnance and Chancellor of the Duchy of Lancaster in the
reign of Charles II.

_Grocers' Hall._--In 1411 the custos or warden and brethren of the
Grocers' Company purchased of Robert Lord Fitzwalter his mansion-house
and lands, extending from near the Old Jewry to Walbrook in the centre
of the city of London, for 320 marks, and soon afterwards laid the
foundation of their new Common-hall. In 1429 they had license to acquire
lands of the value of 500 marks. There was "a fair open garden behind,
for air and diversion, and before the house, within the gate, a large
court-yard." The company, after the fire of London, rebuilt and enlarged
the old Hall, says Ravenhill in his _Account of the Grocers' Company_
(Lond. 1689), "with offices and accommodations far beyond any other
place, for the most commodious seat of the chief magistrate." (See Mr.
Cunningham's quotation from Strype, as to its civic uses.) King Charles
II. accepted the office of Master of the Company, and they set up his
statue in the Royal Exchange. See Ravenhill's _Short Account of
the Company of Grocers_, and Howel's _Londinopolis_, fol. Lond. 1657.

    W. S. G.

  Newcastle-upon-Tyne, Sept. 1851.


RICHARD ROLLE OF HAMPOLE, NO. II.

Owing to my absence from England, I was unable to answer the Queries
which were put to me (No 94., p. 116.) by your respected correspondent
J. E. The word _guistroun_ (as also _Salhanas_) was merely an error of
the press; and with respect to the others, I concur, for the most part,
in the learned observations of MR. SINGER (No 96., p. 159.).
_Quistroun_, it may be added, is found in a MS. chronicle quoted in the
preface to the French version of _Havelok_, and with the explanation "de
sa quisyne." The singular form of _chaunsemlees_ is written
_chauncemele_ in the _Promptuar. Parvul._, and rendered _subtelaris_,
which, according to Ducange, would correspond exactly to _slipper_.

I now beg to present your readers with a fresh series of extracts from
the same volume. The first, though rather long, will not easily bear
abbreviation. It is somewhat in the style of Piers Ploughman, but
earlier by several years. The subject is the unfaithfulness of the
clergy in the former half of the fourteenth century:--

      "Þis word is mekil agen þese clerkis
      Þ't schuld kenne lewid folk good werkis,
      And gader hem to goddis hord
      Wiþ rightful lyf and goddis word.
      Hem auhte þinke if þei wer wise
      How þei schul stonde at goddis assise,
      And gelden acountes of all hir wit
      How þei in þ'e world han spent it.
      Lord what schul þese persouns say
      Whan þei schul come on domys day
      To gelde of al hir lyf acounte
      And what hir rentis may amounte,
      Þat þei of lewid men take her
      Hir soulis hele hem to ler,
      And diden not so but lyued in lust
      Of flesch, þ't makiþ þ'e soule rust.
      For riche persouns louen mor now
      Flesch-liking mor þan þ'e soule prow [_i.e._ profit];
      þei wene to sewe cristis trace [_i.e._ follow His track]
      Wiþ hunting and w't þ'e deer chace;
      Þei fedin hir flesch wiþ good mete
      Þ't lewid folk hem tilen and gete;
      Þei lyuen on lewid folkis traueyle
      And nouht to hem þei auayle.
      For ther þei schuld w't sarmoun tille
      Þe lewid folkis herte and wille
      To right longing of heuene-riche bewhile,
      Wiþ wikkid example þei hem begile:
      For wikkid example þei hem geue
      In wikkednes alway for to leue.
      For þer þei schuld hem meknes schewe
      Þei schewe hem pride and vnthewe,
      And ther þei schulde teche hem dele
      And parte w't god of hir catele,
      Ther teche þei hem wiþ couetise
      To spar hir good in euyl wise.
      For we seen so these persouns spar
      Þ't þei suffre pore men mysfar;
      We see hem fayr grehoundis fede
      And suffren þ'e pore to deyen for nede,
      And euyl example þus þei gyue
      To hir pareschyns euyle to lyue.
      For me þinkeþ it is no ferly [_i.e._ wonder]
      Þouh lewid folk lyue in foly,
      Whan þei seen prestis and persouns
      Mistake agen god as felouns.
      Goddis felouns I hem calle
      Þ't makiþ man in synne falle,
      Wiþ example of euyl lyf
      Þ't is now in þis world ful ryf.
      Þerfor I rede persouns and prestis
      Þ't þei ber god on hir brestis,
      And þenk how al hir mete and drink
      Comiþ of her pareschyns swink,
      And teche þei hem how þat þei
      Schul toward heuene take þ'e wei,
      And after holde hem wel þerinne
      And kepe hem fro dedli synne.
      For wel is hem þ't wiþ preching
      Mai tele [_i.e._ allure] soulis to heuene king."

2. Nor was the author of these sermons less severe in rebuking the
faults of the layman. The following is a specimen of his plain-spoken
fervour:--

      "But crist of þ't man seyth wites [_i.e._ reproaches]
      Þat in sarmoun not delytes.
      For many folis heren a sarmoun
      Wiþ outen ony deuocioun;
      Þ't is in Englisch loue-longing,
      Þ't auhte of mannes herte spring
      Toward þ'e blisse þ't lastiþ ay,
      And not toward þ'e worldis play.
      But sum men sitten at sarmoun
      Þ't wer better ben atte toun;
      On worldis wele þink þei so mekil
      Þ't is deceyuabil fals and fekil,
      Þat sarmoun sauoureth hem nouht
      So is hir herte menyng (?) in þouht.
      And sum other seli gomes
      Þ't for to her sarmoun comes,
      And goddis word so litil kepiþ
      Þ't at þ'e preching manye slepiþ:
      At goddis word þei ben sleping
      And at þ'e tauerne hous waking:
      At lyche-wake [_i.e._ corpse-watching] and sinful plawes,
      Þei ben waking til þ'e day dawes,
      But whan þei come sarmoun to her
      Þei ben so heuy and so swer,
      Þ't hir heuedis þei may not hold vp
      But hongen it in þ'e fendis cup."

3. Yet with regard to one class of questions, the tongue of the preacher
was restrained. After touching the subject of confession and the frailty
of some confessors, he adds in a significant way:

      "Of þis mater coude I sey mar,
      But God wod þ't I ne dar,
      For beter is skilful pes to holde
      Þan in speche ben to bolde."

4. The following extract will not fail to interest the student of
prophecy:--

      "Get wone ful many iewis thore, [_i.e._ in captivity]
      And so schul þei don euer more,
      Til ageyn domes day,
      Þan schul þei þens out-stray,
      And ouer al þer þei go
      Cristen folk schul þei slo;
      And þei schul receyue antecrist
      And wene þ't he be ihū crist;
      And sone after comiþ domes day,
      As we in prophecye her say."

5. The last passage I shall cite is a curious exposition of the First
Commandment (p. 455.):--

  "Þ'e first heste is þis: Þu schalt worschipen Þi lord god & him
  alone seruyn. In þ't heste is forboden to don any sacrifice to
  mawmettis or worschipe to fals goddis. In þ't heste also is
  forboden al maner wicchecraftis, enchauntementis, wiþ seruys and
  markis and al manere experimentis, coniuraciouns, as men wone to
  do and maken for thynges i-stolen, in bacynes, in swerdis and in
  certeyn names wreten and enclosed, holi water and holi candel and
  oþere manye maneris whiche ben nought good to neuene. In þ't heste
  also is forboden al maner iogelyng and for to tellyn of þing þ't
  is to comen, be sterres and planets, or be metell, or be destene,
  or be schynynge of þ'e pawme of mannes hond or eny oþere maneris.
  For þei aproperen to man þing þ't oneliche falleþ to god, to witen
  of þinges þ't arn to come," &c.

    C. H.

  St. Catharine's Hall, Cambridge.


A FUNERAL IN HAMBURGH.

MR. GATTY'S observations (Vol. iii., p. 499.) regarding the funeral of
an Irish labourer, have reminded me that while on a visit some years ago
to a brother in the city of Hamburgh, we one Sunday spent the day with a
worthy pastor of a small village a few miles from that city, where we
went early enough to attend morning service in the village church; and
in the afternoon, while indulging with our pipes and coffee in an alcove
in the pastor's garden, I observed a funeral approach the churchyard
gate, and understanding that the ceremony was different to what I had
been accustomed to, I laid down my pipe and walked into the churchyard
to observe what passed, and my movement induced my brother and another
or two to become spectators also. The funeral party having arranged
themselves at the entrance, the ceremony commenced as follows. The
parish clerk or verger walked first, having a lemon in one hand and a
bunch of evergreen in the other; he was followed by six choristers or
singing boys, then six men as bearers carrying the coffin, and after
them the mourners and other attendants. As soon as the cavalcade moved
off, the clerk or verger gave out a strophe of some psalm or hymn, which
he and the boys chanted while moving round the churchyard; and thus
chanting they followed a green path, which I discovered was kept close
mown for the purpose; and I observed our worthy pastor had joined the
cavalcade, though alone, and at some little distance from the mourners.
I understood it was customary thus to move three times round, but being
a very sultry afternoon, the party made two turns serve, when coming to
the open grave the bearers let down the coffin into it, and then another
strophe was chanted, which ended, the mourners took a last look at the
coffin, and silently dropped their sprigs of evergreen upon it; the
bearers then each took a spade, already provided for them, and quickly
filled up the grave, and adjusted its form, when the funeral party
returned silently home as they came. The pastor had now retreated again
to the alcove in his garden, where we soon joined him, and he told me
that as we had gone to witness the ceremony, it would have been thought
disrespectful had he not also shown himself, though it did not appear
that his attendance was necessary. The general practice here observed of
the bearers filling up the grave, shows that the Irish labourers had
some more general custom for their practice than MR. GATTY appears to be
aware of.

    W. S. HESLEDEN.


FOLK LORE.

_The Baker's Daughter._--_Ophelia_ (Act IV. Sc. 5.) says that

    "The owl was a baker's daughter."

This reminds me of a Welsh tradition concerning the female who refused a
bit of dough from the oven to the Saviour "when He hungered," and was
changed into _Cassek gwenwyn_, תיִליִל, _lilish_[TR: Lilith], _lamia_,
_strix_, the night spectre, _mara_, or screech-owl.

    G. M.

_"Pray remember the Grotto" on St. James's Day_ (Vol. i., p. 5.).--The
interesting note with which MR. WILLIAM J. THOMS presented the firstborn
of "NOTES AND QUERIES," may perhaps admit of a postscript, borrowed from
one of Mr. Jerdan's well-deserving pupils, the _Literary Gazette_
for 1822:

  "I am inclined to believe that the illuminated grottos of
  oyster-shells for which the London children beg about the streets,
  are the representatives of some Catholic emblem which had its day,
  as a substitute for a more classical idol. I was struck in London
  with the similarity of the plea which the children of both
  countries urge in order to obtain a halfpenny. The 'It is but once
  a year, sir!' often reminded me of the

            'La Cruz de Mayo
            Que no come ni bebe
            En todo el ano.'

      'The Cross of May,
      Remember pray,
      Which fasts a year and feasts a day.'"

  _Letters from Spain._ By Don Leucadio Doblado.

This to prove that I _did_ remember the grotto.

    * & ?

  Manpadt House.

_The King's Evil._--One Mr. Bacon of Ferns, being an one-and-twentieth
son born in wedlock, without a daughter intervening, has performed
prodigious cures in the king's evil and scrofulous cases, by stroking
the part with his hand. (_The Gentleman's Magazine_ for December 1731,
p. 543.)

    * & ?

_Bees._--Being at a neighbour's house about a month ago, the
conversation turned upon the death of a mutual acquaintance a short time
prior to my visit. A venerable old lady present asked, with great
earnestness of manner, "Whether Mr. R.'s bees had been informed of his
death?" (Our friend R. had been a great bee-keeper.) No one appeared to
be able to answer the old lady's question satisfactorily, whereat she
was much concerned, and said, "Well, if the bees were not told of Mr.
R's death they would leave their hives, and never return. Some people
give them a piece of the funeral cake; I don't think that is absolutely
necessary, but certainly it is better to tell them of the death." Being
shortly afterwards in the neighbourhood of my deceased friend's
residence, I went a little out of my way to inquire after the bees. Upon
walking up the garden I saw the industrious little colony at full work.
I learned, upon inquiring of the housekeeper, that the bees had been
properly informed of Mr. R.'s death.

I was struck with the singularity of this specimen of folk-lore, and
followed up the subject with further inquiries amongst my acquaintance.
I found that in my own family, upon the death of my mother, some
five-and-twenty years ago, the bees were duly informed of the event. A
lady friend also told me, that twenty years ago, when she was at school,
the father of her school-mistress died, and on that occasion the bees
were made acquainted with his death, and regaled with some of the
funeral cake.

I wish to know whether this custom prevails in any other, and what part
of England, and to what extent?

    L. L. L.

  North Lincolnshire.


THE CAXTON COFFER.

Reflecting on the extreme rarity of the works which issued from the
press of Caxton, the question arises, What number of copies was he
accustomed to print? On that point, as it seems, we have only
conjectures.

Maittaire assumes that the number was about 200; an opinion which I
shall not controvert. Dibdin, however, inclines to think, with regard to
_The golden legend_ and other works of the same class, "that at least
400 copies were struck off;" and in support of this conjecture, cites
the practice of Sweynheym and Pannartz, as proved by the memorial
addressed in their behalf to Sixtus IV., by J. Andrea, bishop of Aleria,
in 1472, which practice he thus states:--

  "If we are to judge from the celebrated list of the number of
  copies of the different works printed by those indefatigable
  typographical artists, Sweynheym and Pannartz, it would appear
  that 275 was the usual number of copies of a particular work;
  although sometimes they ventured to strike off as many as 550;
  and, twice, not fewer than 1100 copies."

Now, our renowned bibliographer misinterprets the important document
which he cites. Sweynheym and Pannartz printed 300 copies of a
_Donatus_, and the same number of a _Speculum vitæ humanæ_, and of two
more works. In all other cases, each impression of the works which
proceeded from their press consisted of only 275 copies. The words
_Volumina quingenta quinquaginta_ refer to works of which two editions
were published, or which were in two volumes; and the words _Volumina
mille centum_, to a work of which there were two editions of two volumes
each. So the conjecture of Dibdin loses its best support.

As Sweynheym and Pannartz printed only 275 copies of the works of such
authors as St. Augustin and St. Jerome, of Cæsar, Cicero, Livy, Ovid,
Quinctilian, and Virgil--works which must have found purchasers in all
parts of Europe--it is rather improbable that Caxton should have
ventured to exceed that number with respect to books for which, being
chiefly translations, there could be no demand beyond the shores of
England.

    BOLTON CORNEY.


Minor Notes.

_Braham Moor._--The following _remarkable_ account of this place by John
Watson, Esq., of Malton, in the year 1781, may be interesting to some of
the readers of your paper. Braham is situated five miles S.W. of
Tadcaster, and close to, and in, the remains of the old Roman road
called "Watling Street:"--

  "Upon the middle of this moor a man may see ten miles around him;
  within those ten miles there is as much free stone as would build
  ten cities as large as York; within those ten miles there is as
  much good oak timber as would build those ten cities; there is as
  much limestone, and coals to burn it into lime, as the building of
  those ten cities would require; there is also as much clay and
  sand, and coals to burn them into bricks and tiles, as would build
  those ten cities; within those ten miles there are two iron forges
  sufficient to furnish iron for the building of those ten cities,
  and 10,000 tons to spare; within those ten miles there is lead
  sufficient for the ten cities, and 10,000 fodders to spare; within
  those ten miles there is a good coal seam sufficient to furnish
  those ten cities with firing for 10,000 years; within those ten
  miles there are three navigable rivers, from any part of which a
  man may take shipping and sail to any part of the world; within
  those ten miles there are _seventy_ gentlemen's houses, all
  _keeping coaches_, and the least of them an esquire, and ten parks
  and forests well stocked with deer; within those ten miles are ten
  market towns, one of which may be supposed to return 10,000_l._
  per week."

    CHAS. W. MARKHAM.

  Becca Hall, Tadcaster.

_Portraits of Burke._--Through the kindness of a friend I have just
examined what I take to be an interesting and curious work of art, viz.,
a miniature of the great Edmund Burke, painted by Sir Joshua Reynolds,
and said to be the _only miniature_ he ever painted. It is a small oval
of ivory executed in water colours, and represents him past the meridian
of life, his hair combed back from his ample forehead, and powdered; the
coat (according to the fashion of the day) without a collar, and, as
well as the waistcoat, of a chocolate colour; a white stock, and the
shirt frill of lace; the features, although retaining great animation
and intelligence, are round and plump. The painting is carefully and
delicately finished. The same friend also possesses another miniature of
the same right honourable gentleman (artist unknown), deserving notice:
it is in a much larger oval, and drawn in coloured crayons. This
likeness represents the statesman at a much earlier period of life, and
is most exquisitely executed: his fine auburn hair in natural waves, if
I may use the expression, is also thrown off the face, the features
rather sharp, the nose prominent, the eyes brilliant, the lips
beautifully expressed, and, on the whole, one of the most highly
finished specimens of this style I ever saw: the costume the same as
that already described, the colour being a snuff-brown. In this
portrait, a black ribbon crosses the lace frill, indicating the presence
of an eye-glass, an appendage not observable in portraits taken later in
life. The lady who owns these paintings is the widow of a gentleman
lately deceased, who being related to, was brought up under the
guardianship of this great man, and was by him introduced into public
life; circumstances which prove the authenticity of the works thus
briefly described.

    M. W. B.

  Bruges, Sept. 26, 1851.



Queries.


GENERAL JAMES WOLFE, WHO FELL AT QUEBEC.

A short time ago I accidentally became possessed of a small packet of
autograph letters, by this distinguished man, to a very intimate friend
and brother officer. These letters were found in an old military chest,
which had belonged to the latter. They are twelve in number; the first
is dated Glasgow, 2d April, 1749, and the last, Salisbury, 1st December,
1758, on the eve of his embarkation with the memorable expedition
against Quebec. The letters are written in a small and remarkably neat
hand, and Wolfe's seal is still adhering to some of them. They contain
much honourable sentiment, and proofs of a warm generous heart.

The perusal of these curious letters, and their allusions to passing
incidents, have excited a desire to become better acquainted with the
details of Wolfe's personal history; but in this I experience
considerable difficulty, from the meagreness with which his biographers
appear to have treated the subject. I shall accordingly feel much
obliged by any of your military, or other correspondents, favouring me
with references to the fullest and best account of this distinguished
officer. I am anxious to obtain information, in particular, on the
following points.

1. Wolfe's family connexions? I am aware who his father was, but should
like to know if the former had any brothers or sisters, and who is the
present representative? What was his mother's name and family?

2. Where was Wolfe educated? In one of the letters he mentions that he
was taken from his studies at fifteen, and entered the army at that
early age.

3. The different regiments in which he held a commission, with his rank
in each, the steps and date of promotion?

4. His _first_ and subsequent military services?

5. How long was he stationed in Scotland, on what duty, and in what
places?

6. In particular, was he engaged in the formation of any of the military
roads in that country, _when_ and _where_?

7. Did he serve in Scotland during the rebellion of 1745-46, and was he
present at the battle of Culloden? If so, in what regiment, and with
what rank?

8. Are there any good portraits of Wolfe extant, and where are they to
be seen?

9. Was his body brought to England, and are memorials of him preserved,
such as his sword, pistols, &c.? His spurs were lately in the possession
of a gentleman near Glasgow.

    Ʒ.


WALKER'S SUFFERINGS OF THE CLERGY.

Is it the intention of the Ecclesiastical History Society to publish a
new edition of Walker's _Sufferings of the Clergy_? At the time when the
society was instituted it was on the list of works to be published by
them.

Surely, if that is the case, somewhat might be done to correct the many
inaccuracies, and, in other ways, increase the value of a work which has
preserved the memory of some of the most exalted acts of Christian
heroism that England has ever witnessed.

Will the editor of "NOTES AND QUERIES" open his pages to receive notes
and corrections for a future edition of _The Sufferings of the Clergy_?

    DRYASDUST.

  [It is believed that the trading speculation, miscalled a Society,
  has ended with considerable loss to both undertakers and
  subscribers; and is not likely to publish any more of the works
  which figured in its rhodomontade prospectus. Certainly it is very
  desirable that there should be a new, careful, and critical
  edition of Walker; and any assistance which can be rendered by
  "NOTES AND QUERIES" will be at the service of anybody who will
  undertake such a work. It would be well, however (and it is
  mentioned here with general reference to all such cases, though it
  is particularly applicable to the present), if the learned doctor
  would specify some mode by which the readers of "NOTES AND
  QUERIES", may address him directly. The Editor suggests this, not
  to save himself trouble, or because he grudges room (or rather
  would grudge room if he had it) for many voluminous and important
  communications, which would be very valuable to the Doctor, but
  which, from length, and want of general interest, could not be
  inserted in this little work. It is probable that he would by this
  mode obtain many communications which the writers would not send
  to "NOTES AND QUERIES," from being aware that they could not be
  inserted. There would be nothing in this to prevent his
  maintaining his incognito; and, therefore, the Editor ventures to
  request his correspondents to send to "NOTES AND QUERIES" anything
  that is brief, and may promise to be of general interest; and to
  address anything which may be more voluminous to DR. DRYASDUST, at
  our publisher's, No. 186. Fleet Street.]


Minor Queries.

207. _Colonies in England._--Can any of your correspondents give me any
information about a colony of Spaniards said to exist at Brighton; of
Flemings in Pembrokeshire; of Frisians in Lancashire; of Moors in (I
think) Staffordshire; and of some Scandinavian race, with dark eyes and
dark hair, at Yarmouth in Norfolk. I should feel thankful for the
mention of other colonies besides these, if any more exist, as I believe
many do, in other parts of England.

    THEOPHYLACT.

208. _Buxtorf's Translation of the "Treatise on Hebrew Accents," by
Elias Levita._--John Buxtorf the elder, in his _Bibliotheca Rabbinica_
(printed along with his useful book _De Abbreviaturis Hebraicis_: Basil,
1630), p. 345., speaking of the curious and valuable work on the Hebrew
Accents, by R. Elias Levita, called ספר טוב טעם, says,

  "Habemus cum Latine a nobis translatum."

Can any of your readers inform me whether this translation was ever
printed; and, if not, whether the MS. of it is known to exist?

    JAMES H. TODD.

  Trin. Coll. Dublin.

209. _The Name "Robert."_--Can any of your readers offer any suggestions
as to how the name "Robert," and its various diminutives, became
connected with so much diablerie?

Besides the host of _hob_-goblins, _hob_-thrush, _hob_-with-the-lantern,
and the Yorkshire _Dobbies_, we have those two mysterious wights _Robin_
Hood and _Robin_ Goodfellow, and "superstitious favourite" the _Robin_
Redbreast. It is a term also frequently applied to idiotcy (invariably
among our lower orders linked with the idea of super-naturalism).
_Hobbil_ in the northern and _Dobbin_ in the midland districts of
England are terms used to denote a heavy, torpid fellow. The French
_Robin_ was formerly used in the same sense.

    SAXONICUS.

210. _Meaning of "Art'rizde."_--In Halliwell's _Archaic Dictionary_, p.
821. col. 2., there is a quotation from Middleton's _Epigrams and
Satyres_, 1608. Will you, or any of your readers, be kind enough to
inform me what is the meaning of the word "Art'rizde" which occurs in the
quotation, and also give some information as to the book from which it
is quoted? Dyce professes to publish _all_ of Middleton's known works,
but in his edition (1840) there are no epigrams to be found.

    QUÆSO.

211. _Sir William Griffith of North Wales._--Elizabeth, daughter of
William Fiennes, Constable of Dover Castle, who was slain at the battle
of Barnet, 10 Edw. IV., married, according to the pedigrees of Fiennes,
"_Sir William Griffith, of North Wales, Knt._" It appears there were
several persons of this name, and one styled Chamberlain of North Wales,
but no such wife is given to him. Can any of your Welsh genealogists
_identify_ the Sir William Griffith by reference to any evidence or
authorities, manuscript or otherwise, which state the marriage, and show
whether Elizabeth Fiennes had any issue?

    G.

212. _The Residence of William Penn._--I have been informed that Chatham
House, opposite the barracks at Knightsbridge, was the residence of
Penn. This house was built in 1688; it had formerly large garden grounds
attached both in front and behind. Another account informed me that a
house, now known as the "Rising Sun," was the honoured spot. This house
has only of late years been turned into a public-house; it is of neat
appearance, and the date of 1611 is, or was till lately, to be seen at
the two extremes of the copings. Query, Can either of these houses be
pointed out with certainty as having been the residence of the great
Quaker, and, if so, which? Why was the first-mentioned house called
Chatham House?

    H. G. D.

213. _Martial's Distribution of Hours._--

      "Prima salutantes atque altera continet hora;
        Exercet raucos tertia causidicos.
      In quintam varios extendit Roma labores,
        Sexta quies lassis ----"

      Martial, iv. 8.

These lines are the forenoon portion of Martial's well-known
distribution of hours and occupation.

Taking these hours then, for the sake of simplification, at the equinox,
when they assimilate in length to our modern hours and assuming it as
granted that "_quies lassis_" refers to the noon-tide siesta, and
therefore that "_sexta_" cannot signify any time previous to our twelve
o'clock, or noon, I wish to ask the classical readers of "NOTES AND
QUERIES"--

1st. How far into the day are we carried by the expression "_in
quintam_?"

2nd. If no farther than to a point equivalent to our eleven o'clock,
A.M., in what way is the vacant hour between that point and _sexta_, or
noon, accounted for by Martial?

    A. E. B.

  Leeds.

214. _Moonlight._--A sermon of Dr. Pusey's contains the following
beautiful illustrations of the danger of much knowledge and little
practice:

  "The pale cold light of the moon, which enlightens but warns not,
  putrifies what it falls upon."

Will any one inform me whether this is a physical truth, or only an
allowable use of a popular opinion?

    PHILIP HEDGELAND.

215. _Ash-sap given to new-born Children._--Lightfoot, in his _Flora
Scotia_, vol. ii. p. 642., says--

  "That in many parts of Scotland (the Highlands), at the birth of a
  child the nurse or midwife puts one end of a great stick of the
  ash-tree into the fire, and while it is burning receives into a
  spoon the sap or juice which oozes out at the other end, and
  administers this as the first spoonfuls of liquor to the new-born
  babe."--Phillip's _Sylva Flora_.

Why?

    G. CREED.

216. _Cockney._--In John Minshieu's _Ductor in Linguas_, published in
1617, the origin of this word is thus explained:--

  "That a citizen's son riding with his father out of London into
  the country, and being a novice and merely ignorant how corn and
  cattle increased, asked, when he heard a horse neigh, what the
  horse did? His father answered, the horse doth neigh. Riding
  further he heard a cock crow, and said, doth the _cock neigh_
  too?"

I should not have troubled you with this story had I not been anxious to
ascertain the real origin of the word "Cockney," about which Johnson
seems to have been nearly as much in the dark as I am. For any other and
more rational explanation I shall be much obliged, as well as by being
informed from what source Minshieu derived this story of a cock and a
horse, which I am confident I have met with elsewhere, and which is
probably familiar to many of your readers.

    H. C.

  Workington.

217. _Full Orders._--This term is well understood to mean those orders
conferred in the church which elevate a deacon to the rank of a priest,
capable of a full and entire performance of the duties of the Christian
ministry. An interesting point has recently been stirred afresh,
touching the validity of any ministerial commission which does not draw
its authority from the imposition of episcopal hands. I am not proposing
to start a controversial question, unsuited to the quiet and pleasant
pages of "NOTES AND QUERIES;" but there branches out from this question
a Query solely relating to the Church of England, and involving no
dispute; and therefore I beg to ask, whether our church holds that a
bishop can confer the full orders of the priesthood without any
concomitant laying on of the hands of the presbytery? The rubric in the
office for the Ordering of Priests, says, "_The Bishop with the Priests
present shall lay their hands severally upon the head of every one that
receiveth the order of Priesthood_:" and the Bishop then says, "Receive
the Holy Ghost for the office and work of a Priest in the Church of God,
now committed unto thee by the imposition of our hands," &c. Is, then,
the aid of the priests _essential_ to the due performance of the rite?
Does the expression "_our_ hands" mean both bishop's and priests' hands,
as the joint instruments of conveying authority to do the work and
office of a priest? Is there any instance of an Anglican bishop
ordaining a priest without assistance? I am aware that Beveridge
considers that the bishop's hands alone are sufficient; that it has
never been the practice in the Greek or the Eastern churches for priests
to take a part in the ceremony of conferring "full orders;" and that the
custom of their doing so is referred to a decree of the Council of
Carthage, A.D. 398, which says, "When a priest is ordained, the
bishop blessing him and laying the hand upon his head, let all the
priests also, that are present, hold their hands upon his head, by the
hands of the bishop." Without the slightest reference to which is really
the orthodox method, I would merely ask, whether the Church of England
could _legally_ forego the intervention of the priests, just as the
Church of Scotland dispenses with the aid of bishops in the act of
conferring "full orders?"

    ALFRED GATTY.

218. _Earwig._--Can any correspondent furnish a derivation of _ear-wig_
superior to the ones in vogue?

    ΑΞΩΝ.

219. _The Soul's Errand._--I will thank any one to tell me on what
grounds the stanzas called the _Soul's Errand_ are reported to have been
written by Sir Walter Raleigh the night before his execution. The first
stanza is (memoriter)--

      "Go, soul, the body's guest,
        Upon a thankless errant!
      Fear not to touch the best,
        The truth shall be thy warrant.
          Go, since I needs must die,
          And give the world the lie."

It will be satisfactory to hear at the same time in what work they are
to be found. A nobleman of high rank is said to have them engraved on a
silver table of the period.

    ÆGROTUS.


Minor Queries Answered.

_Call a Spade, a Spade._--What is the origin of the common saying _to
call a spade, a spade_? Is it an old proverb or a quotation? In a letter
of Melancthon's to Archbishop Cranmer respecting the formularies of the
Anglican Church, dated May 1st, 1548, the following sentence occurs,
which seems to be another form of it:--

  "In Ecclesiâ rectius, _scapham, scapham dicere_; nec objicere
  posteris ambigua dicta."

Is _scapham, scapham dicere_, I would also ask, a classical quotation,
or a modern Latin version of the other expression?

    W. FRASER.

  [Mr. Halliwell, in his _Dictionary_, says, "The phrase _To call a
  spade a spade_ is applied to giving a person his real character or
  qualities. Still in use." "I am plaine, I must needs call _a spade
  a spade_, a pope a pope."--_Mar-Prelate's Epitome_, p. 2.]

_Prince Rupert's Drops._--At the risk of being thought somewhat
ignorant, I beg for enlightenment with regard to the following passage
extracted from a late number of _Household Words_:--

  "Now the first production of an author, if only three lines long,
  is usually esteemed as a sort of Prince Rupert's Drop, which is
  destroyed entirely if a person make on it but a single scratch."

If you, or some of your correspondents, would not think this too trivial
a matter to notice, and would inform me what the allusion to "Prince
Rupert's Drop" refers to, I should be very much obliged.

    YRAM.

  [For the history of Prince Rupert's Drops our correspondent is
  referred to our 100th Number, p. 234. These philosophical toys,
  which exhibit in the most perfect manner the effects of expansion
  and contraction in melted glass, are made by letting drops of
  melted glass fall into cold water. Each drop assumes an oval form
  with a tail or neck resembling a retort; and possesses this
  singular property, that if a small portion of the tail is broken
  off the whole bursts into powder with an explosion, and a
  considerable shock is communicated to the hand that grasps it.]

_"Worse than a Crime."_--Who first remarked, with reference to the
murder of the Duc D'Enghien by Napoleon, "It was worse than a crime, it
was a blunder?"

    T. ALLASON.

  Furnival's Inn, Oct. 3. 1851.

  [This saying has always been attributed to Talleyrand; and it is
  so clearly the remark of a clever politician, but lax moralist,
  that we have little doubt it has been very justly appropriated to
  that distinguished sayer of good things.]

_Arbor Lowe, Stanton Moor, Ayre Family._--Can any of your readers oblige
me with information respecting the Druidical remains at Arbor Lowe and
Stanton Moor, in the Peak of Derbyshire? I am unable to find any but
meagre notices; and in one or two so-called histories of Derbyshire,
they are only casually mentioned. Also any particulars concerning the
old family of the Ayres, who formerly lived at Birchever, and whose
house still stands in a very ruinous condition at the foot of the Routor
Rocks?

I have heard that some very singular histories are connected with the
family.

    H.

  [Arbor Lowe and Stanton Moor will be found very fully described by
  that indefatigable Derbyshire antiquary Mr. Bateman, in his
  _Vestiges of the Antiquities of Derbyshire_, published in 1848.]

_Bishop of Worcester "On the Sufferings of Christ."_--Who was the Bishop
of Worcester about the year 1697? I have a book by him _On the
Sufferings of Christ_, and it only states by Edward Bishop of Worcester.
I presume it is Dr. Stillingfleet.

    Σιγμα.

  [This work is by Bishop Stillingfleet; the first edition was
  published in 1696, and Part II. in 1700, the year following the
  Bishop's death.]

_Lord Clifford._--Is the present Lord Clifford lineally descended from
the Lord Clifford who was Lord High Treasurer _temp._ Charles II., or
whether he derives through any collateral branch?

    CLERICUS.

  [The present Lord Clifford, the eighth baron, is lineally
  descended from Thomas first Baron Clifford of Chudleigh, who was
  so created 22nd April, 1672.]

_Latin Translation of Sarpi's Council of Trent._--Can any one inform me
who translated this into Latin? I have a copy of an early edition,
without printer's name or place of publication, and with the fictitious
name _Petri Suavis Polani_; an anagram, though not an accurate one, of
_Pauli, Sarpis, Veneti_. The date is 1622, and over it is the device of
a man under a tree, round which a vine twines, with "non solus" on a
scroll. At the foot of the title-page is a MS. note in the handwriting
of Rev. Francis Boult, who was a dissenting minister in Shrewsbury about
a hundred years ago. It would enable those who have access to public
libraries (which I have not) to answer the question above proposed. _Si
scire cupias quis interpres hanc historiam ex Italico in Latinum
sermonem verterit, consula opusculum Degorii Wheare, Relectiones
Hyamales vocatum pag. 219 et 220._

    E. H. D. D.

  [This is the first edition of the very inaccurate Latin
  translation of Sarpi's _Council of Trent_. The first two chapters
  were translated by Sir Adam Newton, and the last two by William
  Bedell, afterwards Bishop of Kilmore.]

_Livery Stables._--What is the meaning of _livery_ stables, and when
were they first so called?

    J. C. W.

  [_Livery_, i.e. _delivery_, from the French _livrer_, to deliver.
  To the origin of this word (says Junius) these words of Chaucer
  allude, "that is the conisance of my _livery_, to all my Servants
  _delivered_." Richardson also gives the following quotation from
  Spenser explanatory of it:--"What _livery_ is, wee by common use
  in England know well enough, namely, that it is allowance of
  horse-meate, as they commonly use the word in stabling, as to
  keepe horses at _livery_:--the which word, I guesse, is derived of
  _livering_ or delivering forth their nightly foode. So in great
  houses the livery is said to be served up for all night, that is,
  their evening's allowance for drinke. And livery is also called
  the upper weede which a serving man weareth, so called (as I
  suppose) for that it was delivered and taken from him at
  pleasure."--_Spenser on Ireland._]



Replies.


MABILLON'S CHARGE AGAINST THE SPANISH CLERGY.--CAMPANELLA AND
ADAMI.--WILKES MSS.

It may seem a little too late to notice a criticism nearly two years
old; but, though I had casually looked at "NOTES AND QUERIES," it is but
lately that I have, with very great pleasure, read through the volumes
which have appeared. I was therefore ignorant of some remarks relating
to myself, which from time to time have been made. Greatly as I am open
to the charge of too frequent inaccuracy in what I have published, I can
defend myself from some strictures of your correspondents.

The first of these is contained in a letter signed CANTAB (Vol. i., p.
51.), and relates to a passage in my _History of the Middle Ages_, where
I have said, on the authority of Mabillon, "Not one priest in a thousand
in Spain, about the age of Charlemagne, could address a common letter of
salutation to another." CANTAB produces the passage in Mabillon, which
contains exactly what I have said; but assigns as a reason for it, that
the Christians, that is, the clergy, had wholly devoted themselves to
the study of Arabic and Hebrew books. And this excuse CANTAB accepts.
"They were devoting all their energies to Arabic and Chaldean science,
and in their pursuit of it neglected other literature. A similar remark
might be made respecting many distinguished members of the university to
which I belong." In order to make this a parallel case, it should be
asserted, not that many senior wranglers would be at a loss in a Greek
chorus, but that they cannot write a good English letter. CANTAB seems
to forget, that in the age of Charlemagne, all that was necessary
towards writing a Latin letter in Spain was to substitute regular
grammar for the corrupt _patois_, the _lingua Romana rustica_, which was
soon to become Castilian. The truth is, that the reasons assigned by
Mabillon's authority, whoever it might be, is wholly incredible. I am
not convinced that it was more than a sarcasm on the ignorance which it
affects to excuse. Does CANTAB believe that the whole body of the
Spanish clergy relinquished at once, not other literature, but the most
elementary knowledge, for the sake of studying Arabic and Chaldee books?
And this is not alleged to have been for the purpose of converting Moors
and Jews, but as a literary pastime. They are expressly said to have
neglected the Scriptures. The object that I had in view was to show the
general ignorance of various nations in those ages and this charge of
ignorance, as to what lay most open to the Spanish clergy, would hardly
be alleviated, even if it were true, that some of them had taken to the
study of Arabic.

Another criticism in Vol. i., p. 435., relating to what I have said in
_Hist. of Literature_, vol. iii. p. 149. (1st edition), concerning
Campanella and Adami, is better founded, though your correspondent C. is
himself not wholly accurate. I have said of Tobias Adami, that he
"dedicated to the philosophers of Germany his own _Prodromus Philosophiæ
Instaurandæ_ (Instaur_atio_ is, of course, an error of the press),
prefixed to his edition of Campanella's _Compendium de Rerum Naturâ_,
published at Frankfort in 1617." C. says, "This _Prodromus_ is a
treatise of Campanella's, not, as Mr. Hallam says, of Adami. Adami
published the _Prodromus_ for Campanella, who was in prison; and he
wrote a preface, in which he gives a list of other writings of
Campanella, which he proposes to publish afterwards. What Mr. Hallam
calls an edition, was the first publication."

The words _Prodromus Philosophiæ Instaurandæ_, which appear only on the
title-page, are of Adami himself, not of Campanella. The work of the
latter is called _Compendium de Rerum Naturâ_, and is printed, after the
preface, with this running title. The error into which I fell was to
refer the words _Prodromus Philosophiæ Instaurandæ_ to the preface of
Adami, and not to the entire work. It may be satisfactory to give the
title-page, and one or two extracts from the preface:--

  "Prodromus Philosophiæ Instaurandæ, id est, Dissertationis de
  Natura rerum Compendium, secundum sera principia, ex scriptis
  Thomæ Campanellæ præmissum, cum præfatione ad philosophos
  Germaniæ. Francofurt. 1617."

_Prodromus_, of course, means the _avant-courier_ of a new philosophy;
and this, I might think, was intended for Adami himself. But, on looking
again at the preface, I perceive that it refers to the _Compendium_,
which was to lead the way to ulterior publications.

  "Præmittere autem hoc saltem opusculum visum nobis est, quo brevis
  ἀνακεφαλαίωσις physicorum philosophematum conjecta est,
  ut judicia doctorum ex eo in Germania experiremur,
  exercitaremusque. Cui si operæ pretium videbitur, subjungemus
  posthac autoris pleniorem et concinniorem Epilogismum Philosophiæ
  Naturalis, Moralis et Politicæ, addito opusculo Civitatis Solis,
  quo idea ingeniosissima reipublicæ philosophiæ secundum naturam
  instituendæ proponitur."

I had at one time a doubt, suggested by the language of the title-page,
whether the _Compendium de Rerum Naturâ_ were not an abridgment of
Campanella, by Adami himself. But the style has too much vigour and
terseness to warrant this supposition. And the following passage in the
preface leads us to a different conclusion:

  "De stylo, si tam delicatæ, ut nostratium nonnullæ sunt, aures
  reperiantur, quibus non ubique ita accuratus, _et ex scriptis
  mendosis interdum depravatus videatur_, supervacuum puto excusare,
  cum philosophus non loquatur, ut loquatur, sed ut intelligi
  velit."

Your correspondent observes also: "What Mr. Hallam calls an 'edition,'
was the first publication." Is not this rather hyper-critical? "First
edition" is a familiar phrase, and Adam was surely an editor.

In Vol. iii., p. 241., it is said that "in 1811 these MSS. (viz. of
Wilkes) were, I presume, in the possession of Peter Elmsley, Principal
of St. Alban's Hall, as he submitted the Junius Correspondence, through
Mr. Hallam, to Serjeant Rough, who returned the letters to Mr. Hallam."
And it is asked, "Where now are the original Junius letters, and where
the other MSS.?"

I have to answer to this, that I returned the Junius letters (I never
had any others of Wilkes) to Mr. Elmsley some years before his death in
1825. They are, in all probability, in the possession of his
representatives.

    HENRY HALLAM.


PRINTING.

(Vol. iv., p. 148.)

More than a few of your contributors have, I trust, concurred with me in
hoping, if not expecting, that something will be done to effect the
object presented to our notice through M.'s most judicious suggestion.
It will be admitted that now, for about thirty years, the study of the
history of early printing has been commonly neglected, frequently
despised. The extent of the advance or decline of any science in general
estimation can always be accurately computed by means of a comparative
view of the prices demanded at different periods for the works which
treat of it; and it is unquestionable, that books on bibliography, which
once were highly rated, have latterly become (at least to those who have
them already) provokingly cheap. In fact, unless some measures be
adopted to revive a taste for this important branch of learning, the
next generation will be involved in decrepitude and darkness with
respect to typographical antiquities.

M. has incidentally asked, "Do _different books_ circulate under the
title of _Fasciculus Temporum_?" I should say, strictly speaking,
Certainly not. But there is a sense in which the supposition is
perfectly true; for we not only meet with the genuine _Fasciculus_ of
1474, by Wernerus Rolevinck de Laer, but have also to encounter the same
work as it was interpolated by Heinricus Wirezburg de Vach, and
published for the first time in 1481. Ratdolt's edition of 1484, which
M. used, does not contain the remarkable substituted passage in which
the author was compelled to record the _invention_, instead of the
_propagation_, of printing; and it would appear, therefore, that that
impression does not belong to the Wirezburgian class. I have been
surprised at finding that Pistorius and Struvius have reprinted the
sophisticated, and not the authentic, book; and it is curious to see the
introduction of an "&c." along with other alterations in the account
given of the death of Henry VII. from the reception of a poisoned Host.

M. will instantly perceive that we cannot safely trust in a _Fasciculus
Temporum_ of, or after, the date 1481; but I can answer for the
agreement of the impression of Colon. 1479 with the _editio princeps_.
The citations respecting the Gutenberg Bible are not from the
_Fasciculus Temporum_, but from _Die Cronica van der hilliger Stadt van
Coellen_, A.D. 1499; the testimony of which (or rather of Ulric Zell
related therein) as to the origin of printing is very well known through
the Latin translation of it supplied by B. de Mallinckrot. (Clement,
vii. 221.; Meerman, ii. 105.; Marchand, _Hist. de l'Imp._, ii. 4. 104.;
Lambinet, 132.)

    R. G.


THE PENDULUM DEMONSTRATION, ETC.

(Vol. iv., pp. 129. 177. 235.)

It would have been more courteous in H. C. K. to have requested me to
exhibit my authority for the assertion that the pendulum phenomenon had
been latterly attributed to differences in the earth's superficial
velocity, than to have assumed that explanation as having originated
with myself. There is certainly nothing to justify H. C. K. in calling
it "A. E. B.'s theory;" on the contrary, my avowed object was to suggest
objections to it, and even my approval of it was limited to this, that,
providing certain difficulties in it could be removed, it would then
become the most reasonable explanation as yet offered of the alleged
phenomenon,--the only one, I might have added, that I had the slightest
hope of comprehending.

I can understand what is meant by the parallelism of the earth's axis;
and, with the slight exceptions caused by precession and nutation, I
take _that_ to be the standard of _fixity of direction in space_. When,
therefore, I am told that the plane of a pendulum's oscillation is also
fixed in direction, and yet that it is continually changing its relative
position with respect to the other fixity, the axis of the earth, not
only does it not present to my mind a comprehensible idea, but it does
present to it a palpable contradiction of the commonest axiom of
philosophy.

I am therefore in a disposition of mind the reverse of H. C. K.'s; that
which to him is only "hard enough to credit," to me is wholly
incomprehensible; while that which to him is "utterly impossible to
conceive," appears to me a rational hypothesis in which I can understand
at least the ground of assertion.

H. C. K. asks me to "reduce to paper" the assertion of the difference of
velocity between two parallels of latitude ten feet apart. He is not
surely so unphilosophical as to imagine that a theory, to be true, must
necessarily be palpable to the senses. If the element of increase exist
at all, however minute and imperceptible it may be in a single
oscillation, repetition of effect must eventually render it observable.
But I shall even gratify H. C. K., and inform him that the difference in
linear circumference between two such parallels in the latitude of
London would be about fifty feet, so that the northern end of a ten-feet
rod, placed horizontally in the meridian, would travel less by that
number of feet in twenty-four hours than the southern end. This, so far
from being inadequate, is greatly _in excess_ of the alleged apparent
motion in the plane of a pendulum's vibration.

In the remarks of another correspondent, E. H. Y. (Vol. iv., p. 177.),
there is but one point that seems to require observation from me; it is
his assertion that "there is no force by which a body unconnected with
the earth would have any tendency to rotate with it!" Is then the
rotation of forty miles of atmosphere, "and all that it inherit," due to
friction alone? And even so, can any object, immersed in that
atmosphere, be said to be "_unconnected with the earth_"?

    A. E. B.


WINIFREDA.--"CHILDE HAROLD."

(Vol. iii., pp. 27. 108. 155.; Vol. iv. p. 196.)

I have not yet thanked LORD BRAYBROOKE for the obliging manner in which,
in reply to my inquiry, he furnished a list of the reputed authors of
"Winifreda." His recent note on the same subject gives me an occasion
for doing so, while expressing my concurrence in his view that G. A.
Stevens was not the author. In short, it may be taken now I think as an
established fact, that the author is unknown.

Nevertheless, I do not believe that this poem was written in any part of
the seventeenth century. It appears to me to be the work of a true poet
in the most vicious age of English poetry, and infected with all its
faults. Weakened with epithets, and its language poor and artificial, it
rises to nature at the close, than which nothing of the kind can be much
better. In the following stanza I do not altogether like the
personification of Time:--

      "And when with envy, Time transported,
        Shall think to rob us of our joys,
      You'll in your girls again be courted,
        And I'll go wooing in my boys."

A likely thought, truly, for a boy of sixteen! My own impression is,
that it did not long precede the age of "the little folks on Strawberry
Hill."

Since writing the above I have referred to my copy of Steven's songs,
which I had not at hand before. It is the Oxford edition mentioned by
LORD BRAYBROOKE; and although it does not contain "Winifreda," a clue,
it appears to me, may be drawn from it as to Stevens's connexion with
this piece. In the first place, it is to be remarked that the title of
the book is, _Songs, Comic and Satyrical_, by George Alexander Stevens.
The motto is from the author's _Lecture on Heads_, "_I love fun!--keep
it up!_" These circumstances are important, as one would hardly expect
to find "Winifreda" in such a volume, though it were by the same author.
Yet, there is a song which, though written in a more lilting measure, is
quite as much out of place; and this song shows evidence, in my opinion,
of Stevens having known and admired "Winifreda." It is entitled "Rural
Felicity," and is to be found at page 71 of the volume. Compare the two
following stanzas with the last two of "Winifreda:"--

            III.

      "He smiles on his babes, as some strive for his knee,
        And some to their mother's neck cling,
      While playful the prattlers for place disagree,
        The roof with their shrill trebles ring.

            VI.

      "I remember the day of my falling in love,
        How fearful I first came to woo;
      I hope that these boys will as true-hearted prove,
        And our lasses, my dear, look like you."

"Rural Felicity," however, though in a purer style than "Winifreda," can
hardly be said to rise to poetry at all; and if the latter had been by
the same author, it is most improbable that he would have excluded it
from the volume containing the former. Looking at the two songs
together, one is an evident imitation; and the conclusion I should come
to with regard to the other is, that it was written by a man who _knew_
the feeling he describes; by one of whom it could not be said, "He has
no children;" by one to whom that more than identity of interest that
centres in the--

      "Unselfish self, the filial self of twain,"

was a familiar feeling. Stevens, perhaps, had repeated the poem, or made
a copy of it, and thus gained the credit of being its author.

I am surprised that your correspondent T. W. should find any difficulty
in the passage he quotes from _Childe Harold_:

      "Thy waters wasted them while they were free,
       And many a tyrant (_has wasted them_) since."

This mode of expression is only faulty when ambiguous; but here of
ambiguity there is none.

    SAMUEL HICKSON.


THE THREE ESTATES OF THE REALM.

(Vol. iv., pp. 115. 196.)

As CANONICUS EBORACENSIS considers that I have "not exactly hit the
mark" in inferring that "the Lords, the Clergy _in Convocation_, and the
Commons" are the "Three Estates of England" named in the Gunpowder
Treason Service, I would claim, being not yet altogether convinced by
CANON. EBOR.'S arguments that such is the case, a share of your space
for discussing a question which must certainly be interesting to all who
uphold "our Constitution in Church and State." My apology for prolixity
must be, that having but just received "NOTES AND QUERIES" I have not
had time to study brevity.

The passages, which contain the expressions referred to in the Service,
are as under:--

  "We yield Thee our unfeigned thanks and praise for the wonderful
  and mighty deliverance of our gracious Sovereign King James the
  First, the Queen, the Prince, and all the royal branches, _with
  the Nobility, Clergy, and Commons of England_, then assembled in
  Parliament, by popish treachery appointed as sheep to the
  slaughter, in a most barbarous and savage manner, beyond the
  examples of former ages."--The First Collect at Morning Prayer.

  "By discovering and confounding their horrible and wicked
  enterprise, plotted and intended this day to have been executed
  against the King _and the whole State of England_, for the
  subversion of the government and religion established among
  us."--The Litany.

  "Acknowledging Thy power, wisdom, and goodness in preserving the
  King, _and the Three Estates of the Realm of England_, assembled
  in Parliament, from the destruction this day intended against
  them."--The Communion Service.

  "Who on this day didst miraculously preserve _our Church and
  State_ from the secret contrivance and hellish malice of popish
  conspirators."--After the Prayer for the Church Militant.

CANON. EBOR. asserts that these Three Estates (the word "estates" being
used of course in its second intention, as meaning the representatives,
and not the orders _en masse_) are "the Lords Spiritual," "the Lords
Temporal," and "the Commons," representing severally the clergy, the
nobility, and the commonality. As "the Lords Spiritual" are always
placed before "the Lords Temporal," he is obliged to rank _the clergy_
before _the nobility_ in spite of the order of precedency observed in
the Collect. This seems to show that the clergy are not represented by
the bishops. And in the Coronation Oath they are separately specified:

  "And will you preserve unto _the bishops and clergy of the realm_,
  and to the churches committed to them, all such rights and
  privileges as by law do or shall appertain unto them or any of
  them?"

This in an older oath ran thus:

  "Et quil gardera le peas de seynt Eglise _et al clergie_ et al
  people de bon accorde."

From these quotations it does not seem very faulty to infer, that the
clergy as represented by Convocation are the second Estate of the realm;
and are not, as represented by "the Lords Spiritual," the first, which
is the Estate of the nobility represented by the Peers.

Against this CANON. EBOR.'S arguments are two: first, "that the phrase
'assembled in Parliament' has no application to the Convocation;" and
next, that the "Convocation does not sit at Westminster."

With regard to the first, I have to say that it was somewhat late in our
history that the point was settled that Convocation was not a part of
Parliament. In Mr. Palin's recently published _History of the Church of
England_, ch. x. p. 242., I read, with respect to the dissolution of the
Convocation of 1701,--

  "With the presentation of this document the Convocation dispersed,
  both the King and the Prolocutor being now dead; and in the act
  that empowered the Parliament to sit after the king's
  death, no provision was made to continue the Convocation. The Earl
  of Rochester moved, in the House of Lords, that it might be
  considered, _whether the Convocation was not a part of the
  Parliament, and whether it was not continued in consequence of the
  act that continued the Parliament_. But that was soon let fall;
  for the judges were all of opinion that it was dissolved by the
  king's death."

In _A Reconciling Letter, &c._, a pamphlet published in 1702:

  "Pray inform me to which notion I may subscribe; whether to the
  Convocation being a Parliamentary body, and _part of Parliament_,
  as Dr. A. has made it? Or to the Convocation having a
  Parliamentary relation, and such an origin and alliance," &c.

On going back to an earlier date:--In Statutis 21 Richard II. c. 2., and
21 Richard II. c. 12. the preambles state that--

  "These statutes were made by the assent _of the procurators of the
  clergy, as well as_ of other constituent members _of parliament_."

And we know that the _Procuratores Cleri_ occasionally sat in parliament
in the Lower House, as the Judges do now in the Upper: in a treatise
quoted by Coke (_De modo tenendi Parliamentum_)--

  "It appeareth that the proctors of the clergy should appear, 'cum
  præsentia eorum sit necessaria' (which proveth they were voiceless
  assistants only), and having no voices, and so many learned
  bishops having voices, their presence is not now holden
  necessary."--4 Inst. 5.

Perhaps they were not altogether voiceless, for we find that on Nov. 22,
1547, a petition was presented by the Lower House of Convocation to the
Upper, the second clause of which was--

  "2dly. That the clergy of the lower house of Convocation may be
  admitted _to sit in Parliament with the House of Commons_
  according to antient usage."

In support of this, the clause _Præmunientes_ in the writ directing the
elections of Proctors was appealed to. This "Præmunitory Clause," which
at a later period of the history of Convocation was the cause of much
discussion, ran thus:--

  "The Bishop was commanded to 'give notice to the (Prior or) Dean
  and Chapter of his Cathedral Church, and to the Archdeacons and
  all the clergy of his diocese, that the Prior, Deans, and
  Archdeacons, in their own persons, the chapter by one, and the
  clergy by two, proper proxies, sufficiently empowered by the said
  chapter and clergy, _should by all means be present at the
  Parliament with him_ to do and to consent to those things, which,
  by the blessing of GOD, by their common advice happened to be
  ordained in the matters aforesaid, and that the giving this notice
  should by no means be omitted by him.'"

  "The clergy _thus summoned to Parliament_ by the King and
  Diocesan, met for the choice of their proxies; for this purpose
  the Dean or Prior held his chapter, and the Archdeacon his synod.
  The representatives being chosen in these assemblies _were sent up
  to Parliament_, with procuratorial letters from the chapter and
  clergy to give them an authority to act in their names, and on the
  behalf of their electors."--Collier's _Eccles. Hist._, Part II.
  book iv.

Also--

  "All the members of both Houses of Convocation have the same
  privileges for themselves and their servants as _the members of
  parliament_ have, and that by statute."--Chamberlayn's _Mag. Brit.
  Notitia_, p. 94.

It may be reasonably doubted, whether a little research would not afford
further reasons for thinking that there was some ground for applying the
phrase "assembled in Parliament" to Convocation.

With respect to the Convocations sitting at Westminster. The first
Convocation of 1283 sat "at the New Temple;" the next was summoned on
St. Matthew's day, 1294, to meet _at Westminster_. On April 22, 1523, a
National Synod of both Convocations was held _at Westminster_ by
Cardinal Wolsey, the Papal Legate. The Convocation sat _at Lambeth_ in
1555 and 1558. In 1586 and 1588, we find Convocation often sitting _at
Westminster_. In 1624 the Upper House sat _at Christ Church_, Oxford,
and the Lower _at Merton College_. On May 16, 1661, the Convocation met
in "the Collegiate Church _at Westminster_." The first Convocation of
William III. had its amended commission brought to it on the 4th of
December, while both Houses were sitting together _in Henry VII.'s
Chapel_. The last Convocation of the same king met on the 10th of
February, 1701, at St. Paul's, where they heard divine service, and then
went to the chapter-house, where they chose for their prolocutor Dr.
Hooper. On the 25th of February, the Lower House was sitting in Henry
VII.'s Chapel; and on the 6th of March they were both sitting _in the
Jerusalem Chamber: where_ twice in this present year it has sat. It is
true that the writ which summoned James I.'s first Convocation called
the clergy to appear before the archbishop "in our cathedral church of
St. Paul in London, the twentieth day of March then next ensuing, or
elsewhere, as he should have thought it most convenient;" and it seems
that they did assemble "at the time and place before-mentioned;" yet,
supposing they were not at Westminster then, they were in almost equal
danger from the Popish Plot, as it is not likely they would have
received any greater mercy at the hands of the conspirators.

I have always imagined that it was still a moot-point as to whether all
the Estates ever _deliberated_ together in the presence of the
sovereign. It is not generally known, I think, that they all re-assemble
for the formal passing of every act: and with respect to the authority
of all three being recited in the preamble, I beg to point out to CANON.
EBOR. the following exceptions:--In the Act of Uniformity, the style of
"Lords Spiritual" is omitted throughout, as every one of the bishops
voted against it. It has also been ruled by the judges that the King
may hold a parliament without any Spiritual lords; and, in fact, the
first two parliaments of Charles II. were so holden.

I will presume CANON. EBOR. intended to say that Prelates do not sit in
the Upper House as _Peers_, otherwise the charge of "mistake" will fall
upon Blackstone, _Comm._ book i. ch. 2.:

  "The next in order are the Spiritual lords. These consist of two
  archbishops and twenty-four bishops; and at the dissolution of
  monasteries by Henry VIII. consisted likewise of twenty-six mitred
  abbots, and two priors: a very considerable body, and in those
  times equal in number to the temporal nobility. All these hold, or
  are supposed to hold, _certain ancient baronies_, under the king:
  for William the Conqueror thought proper to change the spiritual
  tenure of frank-almoign, or free alms, under which the bishops
  held their lands during the Saxon government, into feodal or
  Norman tenure _by barony_; which subjected their estates to all
  civil charges and assessments from which they were before exempt:
  and in right of succession to those baronies, which were
  unalienable from their respective dignities, the bishops and
  abbots were allowed their seats in the House of Lords."

Sir Matthew Hale divides the king's extraordinary councils into two
kinds: 1. Secular or temporal councils; 2. Ecclesiastical or spiritual:
the king's extraordinary secular councils being the Houses of the Peers
and of the Commons; and the extraordinary ecclesiastical, the Upper and
Lower Houses of Convocation.

Some illustration of this may be perhaps found in the following extract
from an appendix to _A Narrative of the Proceedings of the Lower House
of Convocation_, published by T. Bennet, London, 1701, in which
_Prelates_ are Spiritual Lords, whether Bishops or Abbots; and the
phrase "full Parliament" seems equivalent to the ones used in the
Gunpowder Treason Service:--

  "When the several Estates were assembled in _full Parliament_, and
  received the King's commands concerning the business which they
  were to consider, and were adjourned by him to another day of
  _full Parliament_, in which they were to meet, and give their
  answer: the Clergy, and Lords, and Commons consulted in the mean
  time separately, ... Instances of this are not necessary, but one
  may be seen among the Records in the appendix to a late book
  call'd _Essays concerning the Balance of Power_, &c., and 'tis
  this: 6 Edw. III. Part 3. N. 1., on Tuesday in Full Parliament the
  King charged the Prelates, Earls, Barons, and other Great Men, and
  the Knights of the Shires, and the Commons, that having regard to
  the honor and profit of his Realm, they should give him their
  counsel. The which Prelates with the Clergy by themselves, and the
  Earls and Barons by themselves, and the knights and others of the
  counties and the Commons by themselves, treated and consulted till
  Friday next, the day assigned for the next session, and there _in
  full Parliament_, each by themselves and afterward all in common,
  answered."

The formation and development of Convocation, at least that of
Canterbury, presents a great analogy to the English Parliament; as that
of York does to the Scottish Parliament.

We must remember that before the Norman times, the clergy were exempt
from all taxation; inasmuch as "they held in Frankalmoigne," that is,
held their lands, &c., on free alms "in liberam eleemosynam." Littleton
(lib. ii. c. 6. s. 135.) says:

  "And they which hold in Frankalmoigne are bound of right before
  God to make orisons, prayers, masses, and other divine services
  for the soul of their grantor or feoffer, and for the souls of
  their heirs which are dead," &c.

The king's succeeding William the Conqueror tried to make the clergy
contribute to the public exchequer, but were effectually resisted. In
order to surmount the difficulty, King John (A.D. 1206) summoned all the
priors and abbots _to parliament_, and obtained from them a vote of a
_thirteenth_: and then wrote to the archdeacons to get the same from the
clergy generally. Edward I. rendered this scheme for the taxation of the
clergy complete. He applied to the Archbishops of Canterbury and York to
assemble, by _their canonical authority_, the convocations of each
province; and these Metropolitans, moved by the King's writ (the same
practice is settled now), summoned these bishops and clergy.

The earliest royal writ, summoning a provincial synod, is dated Nov. 24,
1282, and calling them to meet at _Northampton_: "Venire ... _coram
nobis_ apud Northampton."

This Convocation assembled at Northampton; and we find another mandate
from the Archbishop to the dean of the province, directing him to summon
the bishops and clergy to a Convocation for the 9th of May, 1283, at the
_New Temple_ (now the Inner and Middle Temples), pursuant to a
resolution of the Convocation of Northampton. At this Convocation, the
proctors of the clergy refused to pay the tenth. Eleven years after, we
find Edward summoning the whole body of the bishops and clergy to
_Westminster_ on St. Matthew's day, 1294. His writ orders "The dean and
archdeacon to appear in their proper persons, the chapter by one, and
the clergy of the diocese by two procurators." The clergy objected to
this writ as uncanonical, and claimed to be convoked only by their
Metropolitans; as tending to abolish their provincial synods convened by
regular ecclesiastical authority, and to establish in their place a
parliamentary chamber under secular authority. The King, finding them so
opposed to his project of thus making them a part of the Third Estate,
reverted to the established practice, and addressed his writs to the
Archbishops; whereupon the Metropolitans issued their mandates,
Convocations met, and subsidies were voted.

An important result followed this struggle (see 2 Lingard, p. 375.),
viz., that the procurators of the common clergy of each diocese (in
compliance with the direction on the Kings writ) were admitted as
_constituent members_ of these and all subsequent Convocations; the
archdeacons, before this time, being considered as their
representatives, who probably were furnished with letters of procuration
from them.

The constitution of the English Convocation may be said to be finally
established in the reign of Edward I., and it has so continued to the
present day; except that in 1665 the clergy in Convocation gave up the
privilege of self-taxation, and received in return that of voting for
the House of Commons, losing thereby one distinctive sign of their being
"an Estate of the Realm."

    WILLIAM FRASER, B.C.L.

P.S. The error which my former note was intended to correct was not
utterly a "cockney" one, as the following Proposition, condemned in
1683, by the University of Oxford, together with several others
contained in the books of the time, as "damnable and destructive," will
show:--

  "The sovereignty of England is in _the Three Estates, viz. King,
  Lords, and Commons_. The King has but a co-ordinate power, and may
  be overruled by the other two." _Lex Rex. Hunter of a limited and
  mixed Monarchy._ Baxter's _H. C. Polit. Catech._ See Collier's
  _Eccl. Hist._, Part 2. Book ix.


MEANING OF WHIG AND TORY.

(Vol. iv., p. 57.)

The derivation of these terms, as applied to the two extreme parties in
politics, is a much vexed question, which will probably never be
satisfactorily settled. That staunch Tory, Roger North, in his _Examen_,
has referred the origin of the name of his party to their connexion with
the Duke of York and his popish allies.

  "It is easy (says North) to imagine how rampant these procurators
  of power, the Exclusioners, were under such circumstances of
  advantage as at that time prevailed; everywhere insulting and
  menacing the royalists, as was done in all the terms of common
  conversation, and the latter had the wind in their faces, the
  votes of the house and the rabble into the bargain. This trade,
  then not much opposed, naturally led to a common use of slighting
  and opprobrious names, such as Yorkist. That served for mere
  distinction, but did not scandalize or reflect enough. Then they
  came to Tantivy, which implied riding post to Rome. Observe, all
  the while the loyal church party were passive; the outrage lay
  wholly on the other side. These observing that the Duke favoured
  Irishmen, all his friends, or those accounted such by appearing
  against the Exclusion, were straight become Irish; thence
  bog-trotters, and in the copia of the factious language, the word
  _Tory_ was entertained, which signified the most despicable
  savages among the wild Irish; and being a vocal and clear sounding
  word, readily pronounced, it kept its hold, and took possession of
  the foul mouths of the faction."

Burton, in vol. ii. of his _Parliamentary Diary_ on the state of
Ireland, under date of June 10, 1657, has the following passage:

  "Tory is said to be the Irish word _Toree_, that is, _Give me_,
  which was the summons of surrender used by the banditti, to whom
  the name was originally applied."

In support of this assertion it may be as well to state that Tory or
Terry Island, on the coast of Donegal, is said to have taken its name
from the robbers by whom it was formerly infested. Dr. Johnson also
supports Burton's derivation of the word; he calls it a cant term, which
he supposed to be derived from an Irish word, signifying a savage. Mr.
G. O. Borrow (alias Lavengro), who has devoted much attention to the
Celtic dialect, in a paper which he contributed some years back to the
_Norfolk Chronicle_, suggested that the etymology of the word Tory might
be traced to the Irish adherents of Charles II. during the Cromwellian
era; the words _Tar-a-Ri_ (pronounced Tory, and meaning _Come, O King_),
having been so constantly in the mouths of the Royalists as to have
become a by-word to designate them. So much for the word _Tory_, which
from these premises is evidently of Irish origin. We now come to
consider the derivation of the term _Whig_, concerning which there is
not quite such a diversity of opinion. The first authority we will quote
shall be Burnet, who says:

  "The south-west counties of Scotland have seldom corn enough to
  serve them round the year; and the northern parts producing more
  than they need, those in the west come in the summer to buy at
  Leith the stores that came from the north; and from a word,
  Whiggam, used in driving their horses, all that drove were called
  Whiggamors, and shorter, the Whiggs. Now, in that year (_i.e._
  1648), after the news came down of Duke Hamilton's defeat, the
  ministers animated their people to rise and march to Edinburgh;
  and they came up marching on the head of their parishes with an
  unheard-of fury, praying and preaching all the way as they came.
  The Marquis of Argyle and his party came and bearded them, they
  being about 6000. This was called the Whiggamors' inroad, and ever
  after that, all that opposed the court came in contempt to be
  called Whiggs; and from Scotland the word was brought into
  England, where it is now one of our unhappy terms of
  disunion."--Burnet's _History of his own Times_, vol. i. p. 43.

Such is Burnet's account of the derivation of this word, in which he is
followed by Samuel Johnson, who has transcribed the above passage in his
_Dictionary_. Kirkton also, in his _History of the Church of Scotland_,
edited by C. K. Sharpe, Esq., in 1817, adheres to the same opinion:
under the year 1667, he says:

  "The poor people, who in contempt were called Whiggs, became
  name-fathers to all that owned one honest interest in Britain, who
  were called Whiggs after them, even at the court of England."

That the term Whig was originally from Scotland, I believe is a
well-ascertained fact; but while some of our etymologists follow the
opinion of Burton, others, with (as I think) greater show of reason,
adhere to the opinion of Roger North and the historians Laing and
Lingard, all of whom were of opinion that the original Scotch Whigs were
called so, not, as Burnet supposes, from the word used by them in
driving their horses, but from the word Whig being vernacular in
Scotland for sour whey, which was a common drink with the people.

    DAVID STEVENS.

  Godalming.


THE RECOVERY OF THE LOST AUTHORS OF ANTIQUITY.

(Vol. iii., pp. 161. 261. 340.)

      "Φέρ', ὦ, ταλαίνῃ χειρὶ τοῦ τρισαθλίου
      ὀρθῶς προσαρμόσωμεν εὔτονον τε πᾶν
      σῶμ' ἐξακριβώσωμεν, εἰς ὅσον πάρα."

  _Eurip. Bacch. Supplement._

                        "With a wretched hand,
      "Come let me this thrice wretched corse compose,
      And careful as I can the limbs collect."

The foregoing lines, from Burgess's able restoration of this splendid
scene in the _Bacchæ_ of Euripides, published in the _Gentleman's
Magazine_ for Sept. 1832, and afterwards without the Greek text in the
_Literary Gazette_ for Oct. 11, 1845, form a fit motto for the
undertaking in which I am engaged, and of which I now present a sort of
report to literary men interested in such matters.

No one, in my opinion, should endeavour to satisfy querists about a
design more than the original proposer of such design, and I am the
rather induced to make a few remarks, the subject having been passed
over with a silence rendered remarkable by the importance of my
proposal. Two correspondents, however, having come forward with
additional suggestions and remarks, I feel myself possessed of a pretext
to touch upon the subject once more. The following will show what common
steadiness and attention have been able to bring about.

I have so far accomplished my purpose, as lately, while residing on the
continent, and also since my return, to establish in Russia, Siberia and
Tartary, Persia, and Eastern Europe, stations for the search after all
MSS. worth attention. I hope, therefore, to be enabled ere long, through
the co-operation of my friends abroad, to present the world with
something more solid than mere promises, and more satisfactory to
classical critics and lovers of antiquity like myself. Especially I
expect from my Tartary correspondent some interesting and valuable
Hebrew MSS., of which there are many to be obtained toward the frontier
of China and in that country. I unfortunately missed such a MS. some
years ago, which a sailor had offered to me, whom I am now unable to
find. I earnestly solicit every Oriental traveller to co-operate with
me.

The proposal of Dr. Arnold, quoted by M. N. (Vol. iii., p. 261.), I did
not mention, although I was aware of it, as it is at present next to an
impossibility to carry it out in the disturbed state of Continental
Europe, useful as I allow it to be.

Your correspondent J. M. (Vol. iii., p. 340.) asks what has been
accomplished at Herculaneum in the late investigations. Alas! a few thin
folios at my side contain all that the most unwearied exertion, and
ever-renewed patience, have been able to bring to light. A few tracts of
Epicuros, Philodemos, Colotos, Polystratos, Demetrios, and Carneiscos,
are the results of the labours at the "City of the Dead." It is much to
be desired that the investigations should be recommenced when the
troubled condition of the kingdom of Naples will admit of it. I refer J.
M. to M. Morgenstern's excellent article on the subject in the
_Classical Journal_, vol. vii. p. 272. _sqq._, and the _Herculanensium
Voluminum_, Oxonii, 1824-1825 (Press-mark, 604 f 15, British Museum),
and the splendid folios of Naples, 1793-1844 (Press-mark, 813 i 2.).

    KENNETH R. H. MACKENZIE.


MS. NOTE IN A COPY OF LIBER SENTENTIARUM.

(Vol. iv., p. 188.)

_Peter Lombard, Gratian, and Comestor_ (Vol. iv., p. 188.).--Your
correspondent W. S. W. alludes to the above-mentioned worthies. I
extract from Bishop Jeremy Taylor a passage or two in support of the
story of their brotherhood:

  "It is reported of the mother of Peter Lombard, Gratian, and
  Comestor, that she having had three sons begotten in unhallowed
  embraces, upon her death-bed did omit the recitation of those
  crimes to her confessor; adding this for apology, that her three
  sons proved persons so eminent in the church, that their
  excellency was abundant recompense for her demerit; and therefore
  she could not grieve, because God had glorified Himself so much by
  three instruments so excellent: and that although her _sin_ had
  _abounded_, yet God's grace did super_abound_. Her confessor
  replied, '_At dole saltem, quod dolere non possis_ (Grieve that
  thou canst not grieve).'"--Sermon "On the Invalidity of a late or
  death-bed Repentance." _Sermons_, p. 234. Lond. 1678.

And again:

  "To repent because we cannot repent, and to grieve because we
  cannot grieve, was a device invented to serve the turn of the
  mother of Peter Gratian."--_Holy Dying_, "Practice of
  Repentance in Sickness," Sect. vi. Rule 5. Lond. 1808.

    RT.

  Warmington.

W. S. W. (Vol. iv., p. 188.) invites attention to a manuscript note in
his valuable copy of Peter Lombard's _Sentences_ (ed. Vien. 1477), by
which Lombard, Gratian, and Comestor are described as "_fratres
uterini_."

Antoninus, Archbishop of Florence, wrote about A.D. 1445. His account,
therefore, of this clearly fabulous story must be somewhat earlier, as
it is (at least in one particular) more curiously circumstantial. His
words are (_Chronic. Op._, cap. vi. p. 65., ed. Lugd. 1586):

  "A quibusdam prædicatur in populis, quod fuerunt germani ex
  adulterio nati. Quorum mater cum in extremis peccatum suum
  confiteretur, et Confessor redargueret crimen perpetratum
  adulterii, quia valde grave esset, et ideo multum deberet dolere,
  et poenitentiam agere, respondit illa: '_Pater, scio quod
  adulterium peccatum magnum est; sed, considerans quantum bonum
  secutum est, cum isti filii sint lumina magna in Ecclesiâ, ego non
  valeo poenitere._'"

However, whilst he records this singular story, Antoninus confesses that
he gives little credit to it; for he presently adds:

  "Non enim reperitur authenticum; imo, nec fuerunt contemporanei,
  etsi vicini tempore. Gratianus enim fuit ante alios duos."

And not only were they not cotemporaries, but also it may be worth
observing, that they were not even fellow-countrymen.

    J. SANSOM.


Replies to Minor Queries.

_Warnings to Scotland_ (Vol. iv., p. 233.).--Thomas Dutton, Guy Nutt,
and John Glover, who published the _Warnings to Scotland_, were three of
the French prophets who went as missionaries, first to Edinburgh and
afterwards to Dublin. I have a continuation in manuscript, in a very
thick 4to., of the printed book. They appear to have been succeeded at
Edinburgh by James Cunningham and Margaret Mackenzie. Cunningham was the
grandson of the murdered Archbishop of St. Andrews, and prophecied
himself into the Tolbooth, his warnings from which place, with the
autograph of the prophet, are contained in a volume entitled, _Warnings
of the Eternal Spirit pronounced by the Mouth of James Cunningham during
his Imprisonment in the Tolbooth of Edinburgh_, Lond. 1712, 12mo. pp.
547. 131. In the very curious and amusing account of the French prophets
given in Keimer's _Brand pluck'd from the burning, exemplify'd in the
unparall'd Case of Samuel Keimer_, Lond. printed by W. Boreman, 1718,
Dutton, Nutt, Glover, and Cunningham, are frequently mentioned. "Thomas
Dutton," he says, "was an eminent prophet, a sober ingenious man, by
profession a lawyer, who wrote a letter against John Lacy's taking E.
Gray." "Guy Nutt, a prophet, a formal whimsical man, who goes in plain
habit, but not owned by the people called Quakers." Of Glover he gives
an extraordinary account, p. 54., but which will scarcely admit of
quotation. He observes, p. 115., that Glover acted the Devil "under
agitations, five people standing upon him, as commanded by the spirit,
he all the while making grimaces mixt with a strange mocking, yanging
noise to the affrightment of the believers." Whether the prophet
produced an abiding impression at Edinburgh by these _yanging noises_ I
know not, but in England the sect continued for many years. I have a
collection of the manifestations of one of them, Hannah Wharton,
published in 1732, 12mo. She appears to have preached and prophecied at
Birmingham. I may here observe, that Keimer's tract above mentioned
contains a very interesting letter from Daniel Defoe, which has not been
noticed by his biographers. Keimer was one of the numerous publishers
for Defoe. He afterwards went to America, and we find him frequently
noticed in the autobiography of Dr. Franklin.

    JAS. CROSSLEY.

_Fides Carbonaria_ (Vol. iv., p. 233.).--_Fides carbonarii_, as it ought
to be written, originated in an anecdote told with approbation by Dr.
Milner, or some controversial writer on the same side, and ridiculed by
Protestants. A coal porter being asked what he believed, replied "What
the church believes;" and being asked what the church believed, replied
"What I believe." He could give no further information.

    E. H. D. D.

_Fire Unknown._ (Vol. iv., p. 209.).--In answer to C. W. G., I find that
Pickering, in his _Races of Man_, p 32., states that in Interior Oregon
his friends Messrs. Agate and Brackenridge observed "no marks of fire;"
and, p. 61., that in the Otafuan group the use of fire was apparently
absent; and that he does not remember to have seen any signs of fire at
the Disappointment Islands. Perhaps further inquiry, which he suggests,
might prove that fire is not really wanting among the inhabitants of
these islands.

    THEOPHYLACT.

_Pope and Flatman_ (Vol. iv., p. 210.).--Flatman's _Poems_ were first
published in the year 1682--his death took place in 1688: these dates,
therefore, supply an answer to E. V., as far as regards the question of
borrowing. The edition now before me is that of 1686, being the
_fourth_, "with many additions and amendments." It is dedicated to "His
Grace the Duke of Ormond, Lord Lieutenant of Ireland," &c., and has
twenty-eight pages of recommendatory poems prefixed to it; one of which
bears the name of _Charles Cotton_, the adopted son of honest Izaak
Walton.

Although Campbell speaks with great contempt of Flatman, and quotes
Granger, who says that "one of his heads (he painted portraits in
miniature) is worth a ream of his pindarics," I cannot but think he has
been unduly depreciated; there being many passages in his poems (brief
ones it is true) possessed of considerable beauty, and which I would
gladly extract in proof of my assertion, were your pages available for
such a purpose.

    T. C. S.

_Pope's Translations or Imitations of Horace_ (Vol. i., p. 230.; Vol.
iv., pp. 58. 122. 139. 239.).--I am very much obliged to MR. CROSSLEY
for his information and obliging offer; but until he is able to find the
publication of the piece in question by Curll, and with the date of
1716, he will forgive my doubting whether his memory has not failed him
as to the date, as the fact is directly at variance with Pope's own
statement to Spence. MR. CROSSLEY is certainly mistaken in thinking that
"The two quarto volumes are the only collection of Pope's works that can
be called his own, and that Dodsley's edition of 1738 was a mere
bookseller's collection." There is abundant evidence that this edition
was Pope's own just as much as the quartos, as was also a prior edition
of the same small shape of 1736.

    C.

_Lord Mayor not a Privy Councillor_ (Vol. iv., pp. 9. 137. 180.
236.).--The main question is, I think, settled; that there is no
pretence whatsoever for the supposition that the _Lord Mayor is a Privy
Councillor_; but your last correspondent DN. has fallen into a slight
error, which it may be as well to correct. He confounds a _summons to
the Privy Council_ with an invitation or notice which is sent (as he
truly states) from the Home Office to such noblemen and gentlemen as are
known to be at hand to attend at the _meeting_ for proclaiming the
sovereign; but which meeting any one may, and the majority do, attend
without any such notice. This is the notice that DN. received, and that
I myself have received at two accessions; and which no doubt the Lord
Mayor and Alderman, and city officers, also receive; but this has
nothing whatsoever to do with the _Privy Council_.

    C.

_Herschel anticipated_ (Vol. iv., p. 233.).--Thomas Wright suspected the
motion of the sun in 1750; but I never heard that he was thought mad.
See _Phil. Mag._, April, 1848, where an account of Wright is given.

    M.

_Sanford's Descensus_ (Vol. iv., p. 232.).--ÆGROTUS will find the
following in the Bodleian: _De descensu Domini nostri Jesu Christi ad
Inferos, libri quatuor, ab Hugone Sanfordo inchoati, opera Rob. Parkeri
ad umbilicum perducti_, 4to. Amst. 1611.

    SAXONICUS.

_Pope's "honest Factor"_ (Vol. iv., pp. 6. 244.).--In the _European
Magazine_ for September, 1791, under the head of "Anecdotes of the Pitt
Family," there is a memoir given of Governor Pitt, from which I extract
the following passages as illustrative of the Queries of your
correspondents J. SWAN and C.:--

  "The most extraordinary incident in this gentleman's life was, his
  obtaining and disposing of the celebrated diamond which is still
  called by his name. It was purchased by him during the time he was
  Governor of Fort St. George, for 48,000 pagodas, _i.e._ 20,400_l._
  sterling, instead of 200,000, which the seller first asked for it.
  It was consigned to Sir Stephen Evance, Knt., in London, in the
  ship Bedford, Captain John Hudson, Commander, by a bill of lading
  dated March 8, 1701-2, and charged to the Captain at 6,500 pagodas
  only. It was reckoned the largest jewel in Europe, and weighed one
  hundred and twenty-seven carats. When polished it was as big as a
  pullet's egg. The cuttings amounted to eight or ten thousand
  pounds."

  "It appears, that the acquisition of this diamond occasioned many
  reflections injurious to the honour of Governor Pitt; and Mr. Pope
  has been thought to have had the insinuations, then floating in
  the world, in his mind when he wrote the following lines:

      "'Asleep and naked as an Indian lay,
      An honest factor stole a gem away:
      He pledg'd it to the Knight; the Knight had wit;
      So kept the di'mond, and the rogue was bit.'

  "These reports, however, never obtained much credit; though they
  were loud enough to reach the ears of the person against whom they
  were directed, who condescended to vindicate himself against the
  aspersions thrown out upon him."

    T. C. S.

"_A little Bird told me_" (Vol. iv., p. 232.).--C. W. might have
discovered the origin of this saying in an authority much older and much
more familiar to English readers than the Koran. Instead of going to
Mahomet in search for legends of King Solomon, if he had opened his
Bible, and turned to the Book of _Ecclesiastes_ x. 20., he would there
have found the wise monarch of Israel himself saying,

  "Curse not the king, no, not in thy thought; and curse not the
  rich in thy bed-chamber: for a bird of the air shall carry the
  voice, and that which hath wings shall tell the matter."

    TYRO.

  Dublin.

  [R. G., MACKENZIE WALCOTT, P. S. Q., ROVERT, H. T. E., A. H. B.,
  J. A. PICTON, and other friends, have kindly forwarded similar
  replies.]

_The Winchester Execution_ (Vol. iv., pp. 191. 243.).--The story, of
which a summary appears under this title in a recent Number, resembles
one I have repeatedly heard told in the city of Durham by those who had
personal recollection of the facts and persons; it occurred about
thirty years ago. A servant girl was capitally convicted of
administering poison to the household of a farmer, in a fit of passion
at some petty injury: a legal doubt raised in her behalf was submitted
for consideration in London, and some months elapsed in determining it.
During the interval, her character and conduct being good, she came to
be employed as a servant in the household of the governor of the gaol,
then situated in an old gatehouse at the entrance of the Bailey; and one
of my informants has seen her drawing water at the _pant_ in the market
place, two or three hundred yards from the gaol, in the heart of the
town. One morning the governor and all Durham were struck with horror at
the receipt of an order for her execution, within three days; the city
being then two days by coach from London, and an appeal for compassion
impossible. The execution, singularly, was attended with distressing
circumstances. The rope employed broke, another was not at hand: and the
wretched girl sat crying under the beam, until a man sent into the town
(in a field outside of which, on the Newcastle road, this scene
occurred) could return with another cord, with which he was seen
flogging his horse up to the gallows. So I have been told by grave and
trustworthy witnesses.

    F.

_Stanzas in "Childe Harold"_ (Vol. iv., p. 223.).--Surely nothing can be
clearer than the construction in the lines quoted by our correspondent
T. W.:

      "Thy shores are empires, changed in all save thee--
      Assyria, Greece, Rome, Carthage, what are they?
      Thy waters wasted them while they were free,
      And many a tyrant since (has wasted them)."

To add one word to confirm what is so transparent, would be merely
occupying your space without the slightest necessity.

    JAS. CROSSLEY.

  [J. G. R., H. C. K., J. MN., H. L., CHAS. PASLAM, J. A. PICTON, A.
  E. B., G. S., C. B., SELEUCUS, EDW. S. JACKSON, H. M. A., and many
  other friends, have kindly furnished similar replies to T. W.'s
  Query, some at considerable length. We have therefore selected the
  above, as one of the shortest and first that reached us.]

_Gray and Virgil._--Your correspondent on Gray's plagiarisms (Vol. iii.,
p. 445.) quotes Davenant and Prior as having both forestalled his idea
with regard to _sorrow_, that--

              "Where ignorance is bliss,
      'Tis folly to be wise."

I long since noted these lines as parallel to--

      Φρονῶ δ', ἃ πάσχω· καὶ τόδ' οὐ σμικρὸν κακόν·
      τὸ μὴ εἰδέναι γὰρ ἡδονὴν ἔχει τινὰ
      νοσοῦντα· κέρδος δ' ἐν κακοῖς ἀγνωσία.

  Euripid. _Frag. Antiop._ xiii.

In the next page of "NOTES AND QUERIES," Q. E. D. reasonably defends the
expression "Thamesini _littoris_ hospes." The exact distinction between
_littus_ and _ripa_ is marked indeed by Ovid, where he says of the
rivers:

      "In mare perveniunt partim, campoque recepta
      Liberioris aquæ, _pro ripis littora pulsant_."--_Met._ i. 41.

But this did not prevent his applying _littora_ to a lake:

      "Sint tibi Flaminius _Thrasymenaque littora_ testes."

  _Fast._ vi. 765.

Both he and Virgil use _littus_, speaking of the same river:

      "_Littus adit Laurens_; ubi tectus arundine serpit
      In freta flumineis vicina Numicius undis."

  _Met._ xiv. 598.

Here, however, there might be a question from the context: not so,
however, in _Æn._ vii. 797.:

      "Qui saltus, Tiberiae, tuos, sacrumque Numici
      _Littus_ arant."

On the other hand we have _ripa_ for _littus_:

      "Æquoris nigri fremitum, et trementes
                              Verbere ripas."

  Hor. _Od._ III. xxvii. 23.

    EFFIGIES.

  Stamford.

_Aulus Gellius' Description of a Dimple_ (Vol. iv., p. 134.).--The
couplet quoted by your correspondent RT. is from Varro, and I think he
will find it given by Mad. Dacier in her edition of Anacreon, under Ode
xxviii., line 26.:

      "τρυφεροῦ δ' ἔσω γενείου," &c.

    .ת.א

If your correspondent RT. will refer to Gray's _Works_, vol. ii. p.
164., edited by Mitford, and published by Pickering, 1836, he will find
the following note:--

  "The fragment is not to be found in Aulus Gellius, but in Mori
  Marcellus, under the word 'Mollitudo.'"

Now what _Mori Marcellus_ means, I know not: perhaps some of your
correspondents may enlighten me on that point.

    HENRY DYKE.

  Gretworth, near Brackley, Aug. 25. 1851.

This Mori Marcellus I take to be the same person as Marcellus Nonius, of
whom an account is to be found in Smith's _Dictionary of Greek and Roman
Biography, &c._, vol. ii. p. 937.

    F. BW.



Miscellaneous.


NOTES ON BOOKS, SALES, CATALOGUES, ETC.

There is one feature in Murray's _Reading for the Rail_, namely, that of
making the volumes not of one uniform price, but varying from One
Shilling and upwards, the advantages of which are shown very clearly by
the first two of the series which have appeared. For it would have been
a difficulty for the most Procrustean of editors to have compressed _The
Essays from The Times_ within the limits of that capital
shilling's worth, _The Chase_, by Nimrod. Well do we remember, that on
the appearance of that sparkling sketch in the _Quarterly_, in the same
way that many--who like Michael Cassio,

              "never set a squadron in the field,
      Nor the division of a battle knew,
      More than a spinster,"

have watched with the deepest interest the masterly strategy of
Marlborough, Napoleon, or that greater still, The Duke--hundreds who
never set foot in stirrup--who certainly never joined in a view hallo!
followed with the greatest interest and anxiety the adventures of Snob
and his little bay mare in the Quorn Country. If Mr. Murray does not
sell ten or twenty thousand copies of this amusing tractate, we shall be
greatly deceived. May he sell as many of its more important companion,
_The Essays from the Times_: for, as he well observes in his prefatory
notice to the volume in question, these brilliant Papers on Lord Nelson
and Lady Hamilton, Railway Novels, Louis Philippe, Southey, &c. exhibit
"literary merits and a moral tone well calculated to promote the
important national object" advocated by that powerful journal in the
article on the Literature of the Rail to which the present series owes
its origin. How many hundreds, nay thousands, must there be who, having
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point a moral most effectually, have especially desired to possess them
in a more permanent form; and who, having secured the present admirable
selection, will look anxiously for the period when Mr. Murray will be
enabled to give a second volume of them.

Among the many works illustrative of the history of France--literary,
social, and monumental--for which the French are mainly indebted to the
enlightened administration of M. Guizot, when Minister of Public
Instruction, there is not one of greater value than the handsome quarto
published by M. Didron, the learned Secretary of the Comité des Arts et
Monuments, entitled _Iconographie Chrétienne_. Of the importance and
utility of this volume, with its admirable illustrations, every journal
in this country devoted to art or archæology has exhibited repeated
proofs: and of the many wonderfully cheap books which Mr. Bohn has from
time to time produced, there is not one to compare with the Translation
of this interesting volume, which he has just put forth under the title
of _Christian Iconography; or the History of Christian Art in the Middle
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Holy Ghost_. This first volume contains not only nearly the whole of M.
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THEOPHILUS AND PHILODOXUS, or Several Conferences, &c., by Gilbert
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_We this week present our Readers with an extra half-sheet for the
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(_Anglo-Norman Period_).

ALPHA BETA'S _Query would give rise to a discussion--which we believe
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C. H. B. _In our next if possible._

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Street Square, in the Parish of St. Bride in the City of London; and
published by GEORGE BELL, of No. 186. Fleet Street, in the Parish of St.
Dunstan in the West, in the City of London, Publisher, at No. 186. Fleet
Street aforesaid.--Saturday, October 11. 1851.



      [List of volumes and pages in "Notes and Queries", Vol. I-IV]

      +---------------+-------------------+-----------+-------------+
      | Notes and Queries Vol. I.                                   |
      +---------------+-------------------+-----------+-------------+
      | Vol., No.     | Date, Year        | Pages     | PG # xxxxx  |
      +---------------+-------------------+-----------+-------------+
      | Vol. I No.  1 | November  3, 1849 |   1 -  17 | PG #  8603  |
      | Vol. I No.  2 | November 10, 1849 |  18 -  32 | PG # 11265  |
      | Vol. I No.  3 | November 17, 1849 |  33 -  46 | PG # 11577  |
      | Vol. I No.  4 | November 24, 1849 |  49 -  63 | PG # 13513  |
      +---------------+-------------------+-----------+-------------+
      | Vol. I No.  5 | December  1, 1849 |  65 -  80 | PG # 11636  |
      | Vol. I No.  6 | December  8, 1849 |  81 -  95 | PG # 13550  |
      | Vol. I No.  7 | December 15, 1849 |  97 - 112 | PG # 11651  |
      | Vol. I No.  8 | December 22, 1849 | 113 - 128 | PG # 11652  |
      | Vol. I No.  9 | December 29, 1849 | 130 - 144 | PG # 13521  |
      +---------------+-------------------+-----------+-------------+
      | Vol. I No. 10 | January   5, 1850 | 145 - 160 | PG #        |
      | Vol. I No. 11 | January  12, 1850 | 161 - 176 | PG # 11653  |
      | Vol. I No. 12 | January  19, 1850 | 177 - 192 | PG # 11575  |
      | Vol. I No. 13 | January  26, 1850 | 193 - 208 | PG # 11707  |
      +---------------+-------------------+-----------+-------------+
      | Vol. I No. 14 | February  2, 1850 | 209 - 224 | PG # 13558  |
      | Vol. I No. 15 | February  9, 1850 | 225 - 238 | PG # 11929  |
      | Vol. I No. 16 | February 16, 1850 | 241 - 256 | PG # 16193  |
      | Vol. I No. 17 | February 23, 1850 | 257 - 271 | PG # 12018  |
      +---------------+-------------------+-----------+-------------+
      | Vol. I No. 18 | March     2, 1850 | 273 - 288 | PG # 13544  |
      | Vol. I No. 19 | March     9, 1850 | 289 - 309 | PG # 13638  |
      | Vol. I No. 20 | March    16, 1850 | 313 - 328 | PG # 16409  |
      | Vol. I No. 21 | March    23, 1850 | 329 - 343 | PG # 11958  |
      | Vol. I No. 22 | March    30, 1850 | 345 - 359 | PG # 12198  |
      +---------------+-------------------+-----------+-------------+
      | Vol. I No. 23 | April     6, 1850 | 361 - 376 | PG # 12505  |
      | Vol. I No. 24 | April    13, 1850 | 377 - 392 | PG # 13925  |
      | Vol. I No. 25 | April    20, 1850 | 393 - 408 | PG # 13747  |
      | Vol. I No. 26 | April    27, 1850 | 409 - 423 | PG # 13822  |
      +---------------+-------------------+-----------+-------------+
      | Vol. I No. 27 | May       4, 1850 | 425 - 447 | PG # 13712  |
      | Vol. I No. 28 | May      11, 1850 | 449 - 463 | PG # 13684  |
      | Vol. I No. 29 | May      18, 1850 | 465 - 479 | PG # 15197  |
      | Vol. I No. 30 | May      25, 1850 | 481 - 495 | PG # 13713  |
      +---------------+-------------------+-----------+-------------+
      | Notes and Queries Vol. II.                                  |
      +----------------+--------------------+---------+-------------+
      | Vol., No.      | Date, Year         | Pages   | PG # xxxxx  |
      +----------------+--------------------+---------+-------------+
      | Vol. II No. 31 | June  1, 1850      |   1- 15 | PG # 12589  |
      | Vol. II No. 32 | June  8, 1850      |  17- 32 | PG # 15996  |
      | Vol. II No. 33 | June 15, 1850      |  33- 48 | PG # 26121  |
      | Vol. II No. 34 | June 22, 1850      |  49- 64 | PG # 22127  |
      | Vol. II No. 35 | June 29, 1850      |  65- 79 | PG # 22126  |
      +----------------+--------------------+---------+-------------+
      | Vol. II No. 36 | July  6, 1850      |  81- 96 | PG # 13361  |
      | Vol. II No. 37 | July 13, 1850      |  97-112 | PG # 13729  |
      | Vol. II No. 38 | July 20, 1850      | 113-128 | PG # 13362  |
      | Vol. II No. 39 | July 27, 1850      | 129-143 | PG # 13736  |
      +----------------+--------------------+---------+-------------+
      | Vol. II No. 40 | August  3, 1850    | 145-159 | PG # 13389  |
      | Vol. II No. 41 | August 10, 1850    | 161-176 | PG # 13393  |
      | Vol. II No. 42 | August 17, 1850    | 177-191 | PG # 13411  |
      | Vol. II No. 43 | August 24, 1850    | 193-207 | PG # 13406  |
      | Vol. II No. 44 | August 31, 1850    | 209-223 | PG # 13426  |
      +----------------+--------------------+---------+-------------+
      | Vol. II No. 45 | September  7, 1850 | 225-240 | PG # 13427  |
      | Vol. II No. 46 | September 14, 1850 | 241-256 | PG # 13462  |
      | Vol. II No. 47 | September 21, 1850 | 257-272 | PG # 13936  |
      | Vol. II No. 48 | September 28, 1850 | 273-288 | PG # 13463  |
      +----------------+--------------------+---------+-------------+
      | Vol. II No. 49 | October  5, 1850   | 289-304 | PG # 13480  |
      | Vol. II No. 50 | October 12, 1850   | 305-320 | PG # 13551  |
      | Vol. II No. 51 | October 19, 1850   | 321-351 | PG # 15232  |
      | Vol. II No. 52 | October 26, 1850   | 353-367 | PG # 22624  |
      +----------------+--------------------+---------+-------------+
      | Vol. II No. 53 | November  2, 1850  | 369-383 | PG # 13540  |
      | Vol. II No. 54 | November  9, 1850  | 385-399 | PG # 22138  |
      | Vol. II No. 55 | November 16, 1850  | 401-415 | PG # 15216  |
      | Vol. II No. 56 | November 23, 1850  | 417-431 | PG # 15354  |
      | Vol. II No. 57 | November 30, 1850  | 433-454 | PG # 15405  |
      +----------------+--------------------+---------+-------------+
      | Vol. II No. 58 | December  7, 1850  | 457-470 | PG # 21503  |
      | Vol. II No. 59 | December 14, 1850  | 473-486 | PG # 15427  |
      | Vol. II No. 60 | December 21, 1850  | 489-502 | PG # 24803  |
      | Vol. II No. 61 | December 28, 1850  | 505-524 | PG # 16404  |
      +----------------+--------------------+---------+-------------+
      | Notes and Queries Vol. III.                                 |
      +-----------------+-------------------+---------+-------------+
      | Vol., No.       | Date, Year        | Pages   | PG # xxxxx  |
      +-----------------+-------------------+---------+-------------+
      | Vol. III No. 62 | January  4, 1851  |   1- 15 | PG # 15638  |
      | Vol. III No. 63 | January 11, 1851  |  17- 31 | PG # 15639  |
      | Vol. III No. 64 | January 18, 1851  |  33- 47 | PG # 15640  |
      | Vol. III No. 65 | January 25, 1851  |  49- 78 | PG # 15641  |
      +-----------------+-------------------+---------+-------------+
      | Vol. III No. 66 | February  1, 1851 |  81- 95 | PG # 22339  |
      | Vol. III No. 67 | February  8, 1851 |  97-111 | PG # 22625  |
      | Vol. III No. 68 | February 15, 1851 | 113-127 | PG # 22639  |
      | Vol. III No. 69 | February 22, 1851 | 129-159 | PG # 23027  |
      +-----------------+-------------------+---------+-------------+
      | Vol. III No. 70 | March  1, 1851    | 161-174 | PG # 23204  |
      | Vol. III No. 71 | March  8, 1851    | 177-200 | PG # 23205  |
      | Vol. III No. 72 | March 15, 1851    | 201-215 | PG # 23212  |
      | Vol. III No. 73 | March 22, 1851    | 217-231 | PG # 23225  |
      | Vol. III No. 74 | March 29, 1851    | 233-255 | PG # 23282  |
      +-----------------+-------------------+---------+-------------+
      | Vol. III No. 75 | April  5, 1851    | 257-271 | PG # 23402  |
      | Vol. III No. 76 | April 12, 1851    | 273-294 | PG # 26896  |
      | Vol. III No. 77 | April 19, 1851    | 297-311 | PG # 26897  |
      | Vol. III No. 78 | April 26, 1851    | 313-342 | PG # 26898  |
      +-----------------+-------------------+---------+-------------+
      | Vol. III No. 79 | May  3, 1851      | 345-359 | PG # 26899  |
      | Vol. III No. 80 | May 10, 1851      | 361-382 | PG # 32495  |
      | Vol. III No. 81 | May 17, 1851      | 385-399 | PG # 29318  |
      | Vol. III No. 82 | May 24, 1851      | 401-415 | PG # 28311  |
      | Vol. III No. 83 | May 31, 1851      | 417-440 | PG # 36835  |
      +-----------------+-------------------+---------+-------------+
      | Vol. III No. 84 | June  7, 1851     | 441-472 | PG # 37379  |
      | Vol. III No. 85 | June 14, 1851     | 473-488 | PG # 37403  |
      | Vol. III No. 86 | June 21, 1851     | 489-511 | PG # 37496  |
      | Vol. III No. 87 | June 28, 1851     | 513-528 | PG # 37516  |
      +-----------------+-------------------+---------+-------------+
      | Notes and Queries Vol. IV.                                  |
      +-----------------+--------------------+---------+------------+
      | Vol., No.       | Date, Year         | Pages   | PG # xxxxx |
      +-----------------+--------------------+---------+------------+
      | Vol. IV No. 88  | July  5, 1851      |   1- 15 | PG # 37548 |
      | Vol. IV No. 89  | July 12, 1851      |  17- 31 | PG # 37568 |
      | Vol. IV No. 90  | July 19, 1851      |  33- 47 | PG # 37593 |
      | Vol. IV No. 91  | July 26, 1851      |  49- 79 | PG # 37778 |
      +-----------------+--------------------+---------+------------+
      | Vol. IV No. 92  | August  2, 1851    |  81- 94 | PG # 38324 |
      | Vol. IV No. 93  | August  9, 1851    |  97-112 | PG # 38337 |
      | Vol. IV No. 94  | August 16, 1851    | 113-127 | PG # 38350 |
      | Vol. IV No. 95  | August 23, 1851    | 129-144 | PG # 38386 |
      | Vol. IV No. 96  | August 30, 1851    | 145-167 | PG # 38405 |
      +-----------------+--------------------+---------+------------+
      | Vol. IV No.  97 | Sept.  6, 1851     | 169-183 | PG # 38433 |
      | Vol. IV No.  98 | Sept. 13, 1851     | 185-200 | PG # 38491 |
      | Vol. IV No.  99 | Sept. 20, 1851     | 201-216 | PG # 38574 |
      | Vol. IV No. 100 | Sept. 27, 1851     | 217-246 | PG # 38656 |
      +-----------------+--------------------+---------+------------+
      | Vol. IV No. 101 | Oct. 4, 1851       | 249-264 | PG # 38701 |
      +-----------------+--------------------+---------+------------+
      | Vol I. Index. [Nov. 1849-May 1850]             | PG # 13536 |
      | INDEX TO THE SECOND VOLUME. MAY-DEC., 1850     | PG # 13571 |
      | INDEX TO THE THIRD VOLUME. JAN.-JUNE, 1851     | PG # 26770 |
      +------------------------------------------------+------------+





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