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Title: Encyclopaedia Britannica, 11th Edition, Volume 14, Slice 6 - "Inscriptions" to "Ireland, William Henry"
Author: Various
Language: English
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Transcriber's notes:

(1) Numbers following letters (without space) like C2 were originally
      printed in subscript. Letter subscripts are preceded by an
      underscore, like C_n.

(2) Characters following a carat (^) were printed in superscript.

(3) Side-notes were relocated to function as titles of their respective
      paragraphs.

(4) Macrons and breves above letters and dots below letters were not
      inserted.

(5) [root] stands for the root symbol; [alpha], [beta], etc. for greek
      letters.

(6) The following typographical errors have been corrected:

    ARTICLE INSCRIPTIONS: "Closely connected with South Arabia is
      Abyssinia." 'with' amended from 'wth'.

    ARTICLE INSCRIPTIONS: "Sanskrit figures first in one of the records
      at Nasik of Rishabhadatta (Ushavadata) ..." 'Sanskrit' amended from
      'Sankrit'.

    ARTICLE INSPIRATION: "In Delphi the Pythia, the priestess who
      delivered the oracles ..." 'Delphi' amended from 'Dephi'.

    ARTICLE INTERPOLATION: "... and whose area and abscissa are so
      related that either can be readily calculated when the other is
      known." 'when' amended from 'with'.

    ARTICLE INTESTACY: "Thus from son to father is one degree, to
      grandfather two degrees, to brother two degrees, to uncle three
      degrees, and so on." 'degrees' amended from 'degress'.

    ARTICLE IPSWICH: "The museum, including an art gallery, contains
      archaeological and ornithological collections, and a noteworthy
      series of Red Crag fossils." 'of' amended from 'or'.



          ENCYCLOPAEDIA BRITANNICA

  A DICTIONARY OF ARTS, SCIENCES, LITERATURE
           AND GENERAL INFORMATION

              ELEVENTH EDITION


            VOLUME XIV, SLICE VI

    Inscriptions to Ireland, William Henry



ARTICLES IN THIS SLICE:


  INSCRIPTIONS                 INTROSPECTION
  INSECT                       INTUITION
  INSECTIVORA                  INULIN
  INSECTIVOROUS PLANTS         INVAR
  INSEIN                       INVARIABLE PLANE
  INSOMNIA                     INVENTORY
  INSPIRATION                  INVERARAY
  INSTALLATION                 INVERCARGILL
  INSTALMENT                   INVERELL
  INSTERBURG                   INVERKEITHING
  INSTINCT                     INVERNESS
  INSTITUTE                    INVERNESS-SHIRE
  INSTITUTIONAL CHURCH         INVERSION
  INSTRUMENT                   INVERURIE
  INSTRUMENTATION              INVESTITURE
  INSTRUMENT OF GOVERNMENT     INVOICE
  INSUBRES                     INVOLUTION
  INSURANCE                    IO
  INTAGLIO                     IODINE
  INTELLECT                    IODOFORM
  INTELLIGENCE IN ANIMALS      IOLA
  INTENDANT                    IOLITE
  INTENT                       ION
  INTERAMNA LIRENAS            IONA
  INTERCALARY                  IONIA (Asia Minor)
  INTERCOLUMNIATION            IONIA (Michigan, U.S.A.)
  INTERDICT                    IONIAN ISLANDS
  INTERDICTION                 IONIANS
  INTERESSE TERMINI            IONIAN SCHOOL OF PHILOSOPHY
  INTEREST                     IOPHON
  INTERFERENCE OF LIGHT        I.O.U.
  INTERIM                      IOVILAE
  INTERLACED ARCHES            IOWA
  INTERLAKEN                   IOWA CITY
  INTERLOPER                   IPECACUANHA
  INTERNATIONAL, THE           IPEK
  INTERNATIONAL LAW            IPHICRATES
  INTERNATIONAL LAW (PRIVATE)  IPHIGENEIA
  INTERPELLATION               IPSWICH (Queensland, Australia)
  INTERPLEADER                 IPSWICH (Suffolk, England)
  INTERPOLATION                IPSWICH (Massachusetts, U.S.A.)
  INTERPRETATION               IQUIQUE
  INTERREGNUM                  IQUITOS (Indian tribe)
  INTERSTATE COMMERCE          IQUITOS (city of Peru)
  INTERVAL                     IRAK
  INTESTACY                    IRAK-ARABI
  INTESTINAL OBSTRUCTION       IRAK-I-AJAMI
  INTESTINE                    IRAN
  INTOXICATION                 IRBIT
  INTRA                        IRELAND, JOHN (English divine)
  INTRADOS                     IRELAND, JOHN (American prelate)
  INTRANSIGENT                 IRELAND, WILLIAM HENRY
  INTRINSIC



INSCRIPTIONS (from Lat. _inscribere_, to write upon), the general term
for writings cut on stone or metal, the subject matter of epigraphy. See
generally WRITING and PALAEOGRAPHY. Under this heading it is convenient
here to deal more specifically with four groups of ancient inscriptions,
Semitic, Indian, Greek and Latin, but further information will be found
in numerous separate articles on philological subjects. See especially
CUNEIFORM, BABYLONIA AND ASSYRIA, SUMER, BEHISTUN, EGYPT (_Language and
Writing_), ETHIOPIA, PHOENICIA, ARABIA, HITTITES, SABAEANS, MINAEANS,
ETRURIA, AEGEAN CIVILIZATION, CRETE, CYPRUS, BRITAIN, SCANDINAVIAN
LANGUAGES, TEUTONIC LANGUAGES, CENTRAL AMERICA: _Archaeology_, &c.


I. SEMITIC INSCRIPTIONS

Excluding cuneiform (q.v.), the inscriptions known as Semitic are
usually classed under two main heads as North and South Semitic. The
former class includes Hebrew (with Moabite), Phoenician (with Punic and
neo-Punic), and Aramaic (with Nabataean and Palmyrene). The South
Semitic class includes the Minaean and Sabaean inscriptions of South
Arabia. In most of these departments there has been a very large
increase of material during recent years, some of which is of the
highest historical and palaeographical importance. The North Semitic
monuments have received the greater share of attention because of their
more general interest in connexion with the history of surrounding
countries.

1. _North Semitic._--The earliest authority for any North Semitic
_language_ is that of the Tel-el-Amarna tablets (15th century B.C.)
which contain certain "Canaanite glosses,"[1] i.e. North Semitic words
written in cuneiform characters. From these to the first inscription
found in the North Semitic _alphabet_, there is an interval of about six
centuries. The stele of Mesha, commonly called the Moabite Stone, was
set up in the 9th century B.C. to commemorate the success of Moab in
shaking off the Israelitish rule. It is of great value, both
historically as relating to events indicated in 2 Kings i. 1, iii. 5,
&c., and linguistically as exhibiting a language almost identical with
Hebrew--that is to say, another form of the same Canaanitish language.
It was discovered in 1868 by the German missionary, Klein, on the site
of Dibon, intact, but was afterwards broken up by the Arabs. The
fragments,[2] collected with great difficulty by Clermont-Ganneau and
others, are now in the Louvre. Its genuineness was contested by A. Löwy
(_Scottish Review_, 1887; republished, Berlin, 1903) and recently again
by G. Jahn (appendix to _Das Buch Daniel_, Leipzig, 1904), but, although
there are many difficulties connected with the text, its authenticity is
generally admitted.

Early Hebrew inscriptions are at present few and meagre, although it
cannot be doubted that others would be found by excavating suitable
sites. The most important is that discovered in 1880 in the tunnel of
the pool of Siloam, commemorating the piercing of the rock. It is
generally believed to refer to Hezekiah's scheme for supplying Jerusalem
with water (2 Kings xx. 20), and therefore to date from about 700 B.C.
It consists of six lines in good Hebrew, and is the only early Hebrew
inscription of any length. The character does not differ from that of
the Moabite Stone, except in the slightly cursive tendency of its curved
strokes, due no doubt to their having been traced for the stone-cutter
by a scribe who was used to writing on parchment. There are also a few
inscribed seals dating from before the Exile, some factory marks and an
engraved capital at al-Amwas, which last may, however, be Samaritan.
Otherwise this character is only found (as the result of an archaizing
tendency) on coins of the Hasmoneans, and, still later, on those of the
first and second (Bar Kokhba's) revolts.

The new Hebrew character, which developed into the modern square
character, is first found in a name of five letters at 'Araq-al-amir, of
the 2nd century B.C. Somewhat later, but probably of the 1st century
B.C., is the tombstone of the B'ne Hezir ("Tomb of St James") at
Jerusalem. An inscription on a ruined synagogue at Kafr Bir'im, near
Safed, perhaps of about A.D. 300, or earlier, shows the fully developed
square character.

Since the publication of the _Corpus Inscr. Sem._ it has been customary
to treat papyri along with inscriptions, and for palaeographical reasons
it is convenient to do so. Hebrew papyri are few, all in square
character and not of great interest. The longest, and probably the
earliest (6th century A.D.), is one now in the Bodleian Library at
Oxford, containing a private letter[3] written in a character closely
resembling that of the Kair Bir'im inscription. Other fragments were
published by Steinschneider[4] (perhaps 8th century), and by D. H.
Müller and Kaufmann.[5]

Hebrew inscriptions outside Palestine are the cursive graffiti in the
catacombs at Venosa (2nd-5th century), the magical texts on Babylonian
bowls (7th-8th century), and the numerous tombstones[6] in various parts
of Europe, of all periods from the 6th century to the present time.

The few Samaritan inscriptions in existence are neither early nor
interesting.

Closely related to the Hebrews, both politically and in language, were
the Phoenicians in North Syria. Their monuments in Phoenicia itself are
few and not earlier than the Persian period. The oldest yet found,
dating probably from the 5th or 4th century B.C., is that of Yehaw-milk,
king of Gebal (modern Jebel) or Byblus, where it was found. It records
at some length the dedication of buildings, &c., to the goddess of
Gebal. Of the 3rd century B.C. are the inscriptions on the sarcophagi of
Tabnith and his son Eshmun'azar, kings of Sidon, and some records of
other members of the same family, Bod-'ashtart and his son Yathan-milk,
found in 1902 a short distance north of Sidon.

Outside Phoenicia the inscriptions are numerous and widely scattered
round the Mediterranean coasts, following the course of Phoenician
trade. The earliest is that on some fragments of three bronze bowls,
dedicated to Baal of Lebanon, found in Cyprus. The character is like
that of the Moabite Stone, and the date is probably the 8th century
B.C., though some scholars would put it nearer to 1000 B.C. In the
latter case, the Hiram, king of Sidon, mentioned in the inscriptions
would be the same as Hiram, king of Tyre, in Solomon's time. Similar
bowls (of about 700 B.C.) found at Nimrud sometimes bear the maker's
name in Phoenician characters.

Many monumental inscriptions have also been found in Cyprus, at Kition,
Idalion, Tamassos, &c. They are chiefly votive, some dated in the 4th
century, and some being perhaps as late as the 2nd century B.C., so that
they afford valuable evidence as to the succession of the local kings.
Several also are bilingual, and it was one of these which supplied
George Smith with the clue to the Cypriote syllabic system of writing
Greek. Similar memorials of Phoenician settlements were found at Athens
(Piraeus), in Egypt, Sardinia, Malta and Gozo. Most interesting of all
is the celebrated sacrificial tablet of Marseilles, giving an elaborate
tariff of payments at or for the various offerings, and showing some
striking analogies with the directions in the book of Leviticus. For the
information it gives as to civil and priestly organization, it is the
most important Phoenician text in existence. It was probably brought
from Carthage, where similar tariffs have been found. On the site of
that important colony, and indeed throughout the parts of North Africa
once subject to its rule, Punic inscriptions are, as might be expected,
very numerous. By far the majority are votive tablets, probably
belonging to the period between the 4th and the 2nd centuries B.C., many
of them in a wonderfully perfect state of preservation. One of the most
interesting, recently discovered, mentions a high-priestess who was head
of the college of priests, and whose husband's family had been
_suffetes_ for four generations. Later inscriptions, called neo-Punic,
dating from the fall of Carthage to about the 1st century A.D., are
written in a debased character and language differing in several
respects from the earlier Punic, and presenting many difficulties.

In Aramaic the earliest inscriptions are three found in 1890-1891 at and
near Zinjirli in North-west Syria, dating from the 8th century B.C. Of
these, one was set up by Panammu, king of Ya'di, in honour of the god
Hadad, and is inscribed on a statue of him, the other two were set up
by Bar-rekub, son of Panammu, one in honour of his father and on his
statue, the second commemorating the erection of his new house. They are
remarkable as being engraved in relief, a peculiarity which has been
thought to be due to "Hittite" influence. Otherwise the character
resembles that of the Moabite Stone. The texts consist of 77 lines (not
all legible), giving a good deal of information about an obscure place
and period hitherto known only from cuneiform sources. The ornamentation
is Assyrian in style, as also is that of the inscriptions of Nerab (near
Aleppo), commemorative texts engraved on statues of priests, of about
the 7th century.

Of shorter inscriptions there is a long series from about the 8th
century B.C., on bronze weights found at Nineveh (generally accompanied
by an Assyrian version), and as "dockets"[7] to cuneiform
contract-tablets, giving a brief indication of the contents. Aramaic,
being the commercial language of the East, was naturally used for this
purpose in business documents. For the same reason it is found in the
6th-4th centuries B.C. sporadically in various regions, as in Cilicia,
in Lycia[8] (with a Greek version), at Abydos (on a weight). At Taima
also, in North Arabia, an important trading centre, besides shorter
texts, a very interesting inscription of twenty-three lines was found,
recording the foundation and endowment of a new temple, probably in the
5th century B.C. But by far the most extensive collection of early
Aramaic texts comes from Egypt, where the language was used not only for
trade purposes, as elsewhere, but also officially under the Persian
rule. From Memphis there is a funeral inscription dated in the fourth
year of Xerxes (482 B.C.), and a dedication on a bowl of about the same
date. A stele recently published by de Vogüé[9] is dated 458 B.C.
Another which is now at Carpentras in France (place of origin unknown)
is probably not much later. At Elephantine and Assuan in Upper Egypt, a
number of ostraka have been dug up, dating from the 5th century B.C. and
onward, all difficult to read and explain, but interesting for the
popular character of their contents, style and writing. There was a
Jewish (or Israelitish[10]) settlement there in the 5th century from
which emanated most, if not all, of the papyrus documents edited in the
_C.I.S._ Since the appearance of this part of the _Corpus_, more papyri
have come to light. One published by Euting[11] is dated 411 B.C. and is
of historical interest, eleven others,[12] containing legal documents,
mostly dated, were written between 471 and 411 B.C.; another (408 B.C.)
is a petition to the governor of Jerusalem.[13] The fragments in the
_C.I.S._ are in the same character and clearly belong to the same
period. The language continued to be used in Egypt even in Ptolemaic
times, as shown by a papyrus[14] (accounts) and ostrakon[15] containing
Greek names, and belonging, to judge from the style of the writing, to
the 3rd century B.C. The latest fragments[16] are of the 6th-8th century
A.D., written in a fully developed square character. They are Jewish
private letters, and do not prove anything as to the use of Aramaic in
Egypt at that time.

Nabataean inscriptions are very numerous. They are written in a
peculiar, somewhat cursive character, derived from the square, and date
from the 2nd century B.C. The earliest _dated_ is of the year 40 B.C.,
the latest dated is of A.D. 95. The Nabataean kingdom proper had its
centre at Petra (= Sela in 2 Kings xiv. 7), which attained great
importance as the emporium on the trade route between Arabia and the
Persian Gulf on the one side and Syria and Egypt on the other. The
commercial activity of the people, however, was widely extended, and
their monuments are found not only round Petra and in N. Arabia, but as
far north as Damascus, and even in Italy, where there was a trading
settlement at Puteoli. The inscriptions are mostly votive or sepulchral,
and are often dated, but give little historical information except in so
far as they fix the dates of Nabataean kings.

A distinct subdivision of Nabataean is found in the Sinaitic peninsula,
chiefly in the Wadi Firan and Wadi Mukattib, which lay on the caravan
route. The inscriptions are rudely scratched or punched on the rough
rock, without any sort of order, and some of them are accompanied by
rude drawings. A few only are dated, but, as shown by de Vogüé in the
_C.I.S._ (ii. 1, p. 353), they must all belong to the 2nd and 3rd
centuries A.D. This accounts for the fact that already in the 6th
century Cosmas Indicopleustes[17] has no correct account of their
origin, and ascribes them to the Israelites during their wanderings in
the wilderness.[18] They were first correctly deciphered as Nabataean by
Beer in 1848, when they proved to consist chiefly of proper names (many
of them of Arabic formation), accompanied by ejaculations or blessings.
It is clear that they are not the work of pilgrims either Jewish or
Christian,[19] nor are they of a religious character. The frequent
recurrence of certain names shows that only a few generations of a few
families are represented, and these must have belonged to a small body
of Nabataeans temporarily settled in the particular Wadis, no doubt for
purposes connected with the caravan-traffic. The form of the Nabataean
character in which they are written is interesting as being the probable
progenitor of the Kufic Arabic alphabet.

Another important trading centre was Tadmor or Palmyra in northern
Syria. Numerous inscriptions found there, and hence called Palmyrene,
were copied by Waddington in 1861 and published by de Vogüé in his great
work _Syrie Centrale_ (1868, &c.), which is still the most extensive
collection of them. The difficulties of exploration have hitherto
prevented any further increase of the material, but much more would
undoubtedly be found if excavation were possible. The texts are mostly
sepulchral and dedicatory, some of them being accompanied by a Greek
version. The language is a form of western Aramaic, and the character,
which is derived from the Hebrew and Aramaic square, is closely related
to the Syriac estrangelo alphabet. The inscriptions are mostly dated,
and belong to the period between 9 B.C. and A.D. 271. The most important
is the tariff of taxes on imports, dated A.D. 137. Nearly all were found
on the surface at or round Palmyra and remain _in situ_. Of the very few
in other places, one (with a Latin version) was found at South Shields,
the tombstone of _Regina liberta et conjux_ of a native of Palmyra.

Syriac inscriptions are few. The earliest is that on the sarcophagus of
Queen Saddan (in the Hebrew version, Sadda), perhaps of about A.D. 40,
found at Jerusalem. Others were found by Sachau[20] at Edessa, of the
2nd and 3rd centuries, and by Pognon.[21]

2. _South Semitic._--The South Semitic class of inscriptions comprises
the Minaean, Sabaean, Himyaritic and Lihyanitic in South Arabia, the
Thamudic and Safaitic in the north and the Abyssinian. A great deal of
material has been collected by Halévy, Glaser and Euting, and much
valuable work has been done by them and by D. H. Müller, Hommel and
Littmann. Many of the texts, however, are still unpublished and the rest
is not very accessible (except so far as it has appeared in the
_C.I.S._), so that South Semitic has been less widely studied than North
Semitic.

The successive kingdoms of South Arabia (Yemen) were essentially
commercial. Their country was the natural intermediary between Asia
(India), Africa and Syria, and this position, combined with its natural
fertility, made the south far more prosperous than the north. In
language, the two most important peoples, the Minaeans and Sabaeans,
differ only dialectically, both writing forms of southern Arabic. The
Minaean capital was at Ma'in, about 300 m. N. of Aden and 200 m. from
the west coast. Here and in the neighbourhood numerous inscriptions were
found, as well as in the north at al-'Öla.[22] Their chronology is much
disputed. D. H. Müller makes the Minaean power contemporary with the
Sabaean, but Glaser (with whom Hommel and D. S. Margoliouth agree)
contends that the Sabaeans followed the Minaeans, whom they conquered in
820 B.C. Mention is made in a cuneiform text (Annals of Sargon, 715
B.C.) of Ithamar the Sabaean, who must be identical with one (it is not
certain which) of the kings of that name mentioned in the Sabaean
inscriptions. Their capital was Marib, a little south of Ma'in, and here
they appear to have flourished for about a thousand years. In the 1st
century A.D., with the establishment of the Roman power in the north,
their trade, and consequently their prosperity, began to decline. The
rival kingdom of the Himyarites, with its capital at Zafar, then rose to
importance, and this in turn was conquered by the Abyssinians in the 6th
century A.D. With the spread of Islam the old Arabic language was
supplanted by the northern dialects from which classical Arabic was
developed. A peculiarity of the South Arabian inscriptions is that many
of them are engraved on bronze tablets. Besides being historically
important, they are of great value for the study of early Semitic
religion. The gods most often named in Sabaean are 'Athtar Wadd and
Nakrah, the first being the male counterpart of the Syrian Ashtoreth.
The term denoting the priests and priestesses who are devoted to the
temple-service is identified by Hommel and others with the Hebrew
"Levite."

Closely connected with South Arabia is Abyssinia. Indeed a considerable
number of Sabaean inscriptions have been found at Yeha and Aksum,
showing that merchants from Arabia must at some time have formed
settlements there. D. H. Müller[23] thinks that some of these belong to
the earliest and others to the latest period of Sabaean power. The
inscriptions hitherto found in Ethiopic (the alphabet of which is
derived from the Sabaean) date from the 4th century A.D. onward. They
are few in number, but long and of great historical importance. There
can be no doubt that exploration, if it were possible, would bring many
more to light.

From time to time emigrants from the southern tribes settled in the
north of Arabia. Mention has already been made of Minaean inscriptions
found at al-'Öla, which is on the great pilgrim road, about 70 m. south
of Taima. In recent years a number of others has been collected
belonging to the people of Lihyan and dating from about A.D. 250. Nearly
related to the Lihyanitic are the Thamudic (so called from the tribe of
the Thamud mentioned in them), and the Safaitic, both of which, though
found in the north, belong in character to south Arabia and no doubt owe
their origin to emigrants from the south. The Thamudic inscriptions,
collected by Euting (called Proto-Arabian by Halévy),[24] are carelessly
scrawled graffiti very like those of the Sinai peninsula. Their date is
uncertain, but they cannot be much earlier than the Safaitic, which
resemble them in most respects. These last are called after the
mountainous district about 20 m. S.E. of Damascus. The inscriptions are,
however, found not in Mount Safa itself but in the desert of al-Harrah
to the west and south and in the fertile plain of ar-Ruhbah to the east.
They were first deciphered by Halévy,[25] whose work has been carried on
and completed by Littmann.[26] Their date is again uncertain, since
graffiti of this kind give very few facts from which dates can be
deduced. Littmann thinks that one of his inscriptions refers to Trajan's
campaign of A.D. 106, and that they all belong to the first three
centuries. They are found together with the earlier Greek and Latin
graffiti of Roman soldiers and with later Moslem remarks in Kufic. Many
of them are not yet published.

  Bibliography--The best introductions are, for North Semitic,
  Lidzbarski's _Handbuch d. nordsemitischen Epigraphik_ (Weimar, 1898);
  and G. A. Cooke's _Text-book of North-Semitic Inscriptions_ (Oxford,
  1903); for South Semitic, Hommel's _Süd-arabische Chrestomathie_
  (Munich, 1893); Alphabets and facsimiles in Berger, _Histoire de
  l'écriture_, 2nd ed. (Paris, 1892). The parts of the _Corpus Inscr.
  Sem._ published up to 1910 are: pars i., tom. i., and tom. ii., fascc.
  1-3, 1881-1908 (Phoenician); pars ii., tom. i., 1889-1902 (Aramaic
  with Nabataean), tom. ii., fasc. i., 1907 (Sinaitic); pars iv., tom.
  i., fascc. 1-4, 1889-1908 (Himyaritic, including Minaean and Sabaean).
  In all these parts a full bibliography is given. For Palmyrene see de
  Vogüé's _Syrie Centrale_ (Paris, 1868-1877). Works on special
  departments of the subject have already been mentioned in the notes.
       (A. Cy.)


II. INDIAN INSCRIPTIONS

  Materials on which the inscriptions were recorded.

The inscriptions of India are extremely numerous, and are found, on
stone and other substances, in a great variety of circumstances. They
were mostly recorded by incision. But we have a few, referable to the
2nd or 3rd century B.C., which were written with ink on earthenware, and
some others, of later times, recorded by paint,--one on a rock, the
others on the walls of Buddhist cave-temples. Those, however, were
exceptional methods; and equally so was the process of casting, with the
result of bringing the letters out in relief, of which we know at
present only one instance,--the Sohgaura plate, mentioned again below.
The Mussulman inscriptions on stone were, it is believed, nearly always
carved in relief; and various Hindu inscriptions were done in the same
way in the Mussulman period: but only one instance of a stone record
prepared in that manner can as yet be cited for the earlier period; it
is an inscription on the pedestal of an image of Buddha, of the Gupta
period, found in excavations made not long ago at Sarnath.

Amongst the inscriptions on metal there is one that stands out by
itself, in respect of the peculiarity of having been incised on iron: it
is the short poem, constituting the epitaph of the Gupta king
Chandragupta II., which was composed in or about A.D. 415, and was
placed on record on the iron column, measuring 23 ft. 8 in. in height,
and estimated to weigh more than six tons, which stands at Meharauli
near Delhi. We have a very small number of short Buddhist votive
inscriptions on gold and silver, a larger number of records of various
kinds on brass, and a larger number still on bronze. The last-mentioned
consist chiefly of seals and stamps for making seals. And one of these
seal-stamps, belonging to about the commencement of the Christian era,
is of particular interest in presenting its legend in Greek characters
as well as in the two Indian alphabets which were then in use. For the
period, indeed, to which it belongs, there is nothing peculiar in the
use of the Greek characters; those characters were freely used on the
coins of India and adjacent territories, sometimes along with the native
characters, sometimes alone, from about 325 B.C. to the first quarter of
the 2nd century A.D.: but this seal-stamp, and the coins of the
Kshaharata king Nahapana (A.D. 78 to about 125), furnish the only
citable good instances of the use of the three alphabets all together.
For the most part, however, the known inscriptions on metal were placed
on sheets of copper, ranging in size from about 2½ in. by 1(7/8) in. in
the case of the Sohgaura plate to as much as about 2 ft. 6 in. square in
the case of a record of 46 B.C. obtained at Sue-Vihar in the
neighbourhood of Bahawalpur in the Punjab. Some of these records on
copper were commemorative and dedicatory, and were deposited inside the
erections--relic-mounds, and, in the case of the Sue-Vihar plate, a
tower--to which they belonged. The usual copper record, however, was a
donative charter, in fact a title-deed, and passed as soon as it was
issued into private personal custody; and many of the known records of
this class have come to notice through being produced by the modern
possessors of them before official authorities, in the expectation of
establishing privileges which (it is hardly necessary to say) have long
since ceased to exist through the lapse of time, the dying out of
families of original holders, rights of conquest, and the many changes
of government that have taken place: but others have been found buried
in fields, and hidden in the walls and foundations of buildings. The
plates on which these inscriptions were incised vary greatly in the
number of the leaves, in the size and shape of them, and in the
arrangement of the records on them; partly, of course, according to the
lengths of individual records, but also according to particular customs
and fashions prevalent in different parts of the country and in
different periods of time. In some cases a single plate was used; and it
was inscribed sometimes on only one side of it, sometimes on both. More
often, however, more plates than one were used, and were connected
together by soldered rings; and the number ranges up to as many as
thirty-one in the case of a charter issued by the Chola king Rajendra
Chola I. in the period A.D. 1011 to 1037. It was customary that such of
the records on copper as were donative charters should be authenticated.
This was sometimes done by incising on the plates what purports to be
more or less an autograph signature of the king or prince from whom a
charter emanated. More usually, however, it was effected by attaching a
copper or bronze reproduction of the royal seal to the ring or to one of
the rings on which the plates were strung; and this practice has given
us another large and highly interesting series of Indian seals, some of
them of an extremely elaborate nature. In this class of records we have
a real curiosity in a charter issued in A.D. 1272 by Ramachandra, one of
the Yadava kings of Devagiri: this record is on three plates, each
measuring about 1 ft. 3 in. in width by 1 ft. 8½ in. in height, which
are so massive as to weigh 59 lb. 2 oz.; and the weight of the ring on
which they were strung, and of an image of Garuda which was secured to
it by another ring, is 11 lb. 12 oz.: thus, the total weight of this
title-deed, which conveyed a village to fifty-seven Brahmans, is no less
than 70 lb. 14 oz.; appreciably more than half a hundredweight.

Amongst substances other than metal we can cite only one instance in
which crystal was used; this material was evidently found too hard for
any general use in the inscriptional line: the solitary instance is the
case of a short record found in the remains of a Buddhist stupa or
relic-mound at Bhattiprolu in the Kistna district, Madras. In various
parts of India there are found in large numbers small tablets of clay
prepared from stamps, sometimes baked into terra-cotta, sometimes left
to harden naturally. Objects of this class were largely used as votive
tablets, especially by the Buddhists; and their tablets usually present
the so-called Buddhist formula or creed: "Of those conditions which
spring from a cause, Tathagata (Buddha) has declared the cause and the
suppression of them; it is of such matters that he, the great ascetic,
discourses": but others, from Sunet in the Ludhiana district, Punjab,
show by the legends on them that the Saivas and Vaishnavas also
habitually made pious offerings of this kind on occasions of visiting
sacred places. Recent explorations, however, in the Gorakhpur and
Muzaffarpur districts have resulted in the discovery, in this class of
records, of great numbers of clay seals bearing various inscriptions,
which had been attached to documents sent to and fro between
administrative offices, both royal and municipal, between religious
establishments, and between private individuals: and amongst these we
have seals of the monastery at Kusinara, one of the places at which the
eight original portions of the corporeal relics of Buddha were enshrined
in relic-mounds, and also a seal-stamp used for making seals of the
monastery at Vethadipa, another of those places. And from Kathiawar we
have a similar seal-stamp which describes itself as the property "of the
prince and commander-in-chief Pushyena, son of the illustrious prince
Ahivarman, whose royal pedigree extends back unbroken to Jayadratha."
There are no indications that the use of brick for inscriptional
purposes was ever at all general in India, as it was in some other
eastern lands: but there have been found in the Ghazipur district
numerous bricks bearing the inscription "the glorious Kumaragupta," with
reference to either the first or the second Gupta king of that name, of
the 5th century A.D.; in the Gorakhpur district there have been found
brick tablets bearing Buddhist texts, one of which is a version in
Sanskrit of a short sermon preached by Buddha; and from the Jaunpur
district we have a brick tablet bearing an inscription which registers a
mortgage, made in A.D. 1217, of some lands as security for a loan.
Inscribed earthenware relic-receptacles have been found in the Bhopal
state: donative earthenware jars, bearing inscriptions, have been
obtained near Charsadda in the North-West Frontier province: and from
Kathiawar we have a piece of earthenware, apparently a fragment of a
huge pot, bearing an inscription which presents a date in A.D. 566-67
and the name of "the glorious Guhasena," one of the Maitraka princes of
Valabhi. For the great bulk of the inscriptions, however, stone was
used: but limitation of space prevents us from entering into any details
here, and only permits us to say that in this class the records are
found all over India on rocks, on isolated monolith columns and pillars,
of which some were erected simply to bear the records that were
published on them, others were placed in front of temples as flagstaffs
of the gods, and others were set up as pillars of victory in battle; on
relic-receptacles hidden away in the interiors of Buddhist stupas; on
external structural parts of stupas; on façades, walls, and other parts
of caves; on pedestals and other parts of images and statues, sometimes
of colossal size; on moulds for making seals; on walls, beams, pillars,
pilasters, and other parts of temples; and on specially prepared slabs
and tablets, sometimes built into the walls of temples and other
erections, sometimes set up inside temples or in the courtyards of them,
or in conspicuous places in village-sites and fields, where they have
occasionally in the course of time become buried.


  Reasons why the inscriptions are so valuable.

The inscriptional records of India which have thus come down to us do
not, as far as they are known at present, pretend to the antiquity of
the Greek inscriptions of the Hellenic world; much less to that of the
inscriptions of Egypt and Assyria. But they are no less important; since
we are dependent on them for almost all our knowledge of the ancient
history of the country.

The primary reason for this is that the ancient Hindus, though by no
means altogether destitute of the historical instinct, were not writers
of historical books. In some of the _Puranas_, indeed, they have given us
chapters which purport to present the succession of their kings from the
commencement of the present age, the Kaliyuga, in 3102 B.C.: but the
chronological details of those chapters disclose the fault of treating
contemporaneous dynasties, belonging to different parts of India, as
successive dynasties ruling over one and the same territory; with the
result that they would place more than three centuries in the future from
the present time the great Gupta kings who reigned in Northern India from
A.D. 320 to about 530. They have given us, for Kashmir the
_Rajataramgini_, the first eight cantos of which, written by Kalhana in
A.D. 1148-49, purport to present the general history of that country,
with occasional items relating to India itself, from 2448 B.C., and to
give the exact length, even to months and days, of the reign of each king
of Kashmir from 1182 B.C.: but, while we may accept Kalhana as fairly
correct for his own time and for the preceding century or so, an
examination of the details of his work quickly exposes its imaginative
character and its unreliability for any earlier period: notably, he
places towards the close of the period 2448 to 1182 B.C. the great Maurya
king Asoka, whose real initial date was 264 B.C.; and he was obliged to
allot to one king, Ranaditya I., a reign of three centuries (A.D. 222 to
522, as placed by him) simply in order to save his own chronology. They
have given us historical romances, such as the _Harshacharita_ of Bana,
written in the 7th century, the _Vikramankadevacharita_ of Bilhana,
written about the beginning of the 12th century, and the Tamil poems, the
_Kalavali_, the _Kalingattu-Parani_, and the _Vikrama-Cholan-Ula_, the
first of which may be of somewhat earlier date than Bana's work, while
the second and third are of much the same time with Bilhana's: but, while
these present some charming reading in the poetical line, with much of
interest, and certainly a fair amount of important matter, they give us
no dates, and so no means without extraneous help of applying the
information that is deducible from them. Again, they have given us,
especially in Southern India, a certain amount of historical details in
the introductions and colophons of their literary works; and here they
have often furnished dates which give a practical shape to their
statements: but we quickly find that the historical matter is introduced
quite incidentally, to magnify the importance of the authors themselves
rather than to teach us anything about their patrons, and is not handled
with any particular care and fulness; and it would be but a sketchy and
imperfect history, and one relating to only a limited and comparatively
late period, that we could piece together even from these more precise
sources. The ancient Hindus, in short, have not bequeathed to us anything
that can in any way compare with the historical writings of their Greek
and Roman contemporaries. They have not even given us anything like the
_Dipavamsa_ of Ceylon, which, while it contains a certain amount of
fabulous matter, can be recognized as presenting a real and reliable
historical account of that island, taken from records written up during
the progress to the events themselves, from at any rate the time of Asoka
to about A.D. 350; or like the _Mahavamsa_, which, commenting on and
amplifying the details of the _Dipavamsa_, takes up a similar account
from the end of the period covered by that work. Even the Greek notices
of India, commencing with the accounts of the Asiatic campaign of
Alexander the Great, have told us more about its political history and
geography during the earlier times than have the Hindus themselves: and
in fact, in mentioning Sandrokottos, i.e. Chandragupta, the grandfather
of Asoka, and in furnishing details which fix his initial date closely
about 320 B.C., the Greeks gave us the first means of making a start
towards arranging the chronology of India on accurate lines. It is in
these circumstances, in the absence of any indigenous historical writings
of a plain, straightforward, and authentic nature, that the inscriptions
of India are of such great value. They are supplemented--and to an
important extent for at any rate the period from the end of Asoka's reign
in 227 B.C. to the commencement of the reign of Kanishka in 58 B.C., and
again from about a century later to the rise of the Gupta dynasty in A.D.
320--by the numismatic remains. But the coins of India present no dates
until nearly the end of the 2nd century A.D.; the case of Parthia, which
has yielded dated coins from only 38 B.C., illustrates well the
difficulty of arranging undated coins in chronological order even when
the assistance of historical books is available; and what we may deduce
from the coins of India is still to be put into a final shape in
accordance with what we can determine from the inscriptions. In short,
the inscriptions of India are the only sure grounds of historical results
in every line of research connected with its ancient past; they regulate
everything that we can learn from coins, architecture, art, literature,
tradition, or any other source.

That is one reason why the inscriptions of India are so valuable; they
fill the void caused by the absence of historical books. Another reason
is found in the great number of them and the wide area that is covered
by them. They come from all parts of the country: from Shahbazgarhi in
the north, in the Yusufzai subdivision of the Peshawar district, to the
ancient Pandya territory in the extreme south of the peninsula; and from
Assam in the east to Kathiawar in the west. For the time anterior to
about A.D. 400, we already have available in published form, more or
less complete, the contents of between 1100 and 1200 records, large and
small; and the explorations of the Archaeological Department are
constantly bringing to light, particularly from underground sites, more
materials for that period. For the time onwards from that point, we have
similarly available the contents of some 10,000 or 11,000 records of
Southern India, and of at any rate between 700 and 800 records of
Northern India where racial antagonism came more into play and worked
more destruction of Hindu remains than in the south.

Another reason is found in the fact that from the first century B.C. the
inscriptions are for the most part specifically dated: some in various
eras the nature and application of which are now thoroughly well
understood, often with also a mention of the year of the twelve-years
or of the sixty-years cycle of the planet Jupiter; others in the regnal
years of kings whose periods are now well fixed. And, in addition to
usually stating the month and the day along with the year, the
inscriptions sometimes give, under the influence of Hindu astrology,
other details so exact that we can determine, even to the actual hour,
the occurrence of the event registered by a particular record.

A final reason is found in the precise nature of the inscriptions. A
certain proportion of them consists of plain statements of
events,--recitals of the pedigrees and achievements of kings, records of
the carrying out of public works, epitaphs of kings, heroes, and saints,
compacts of political alliance, and so on; and some of these present, in
fact, short historical compositions which illustrate well what the
ancient Hindus might have done if they had felt any special call to
write plain and veracious chronicles on matter-of-fact lines. But we are
indebted for the great bulk of the inscriptions, not to any historical
instinct, but to the religious side of the Hindu character, and to the
constant desire of the Hindus to make donations on every possible
occasion. The inscriptions devoted simply to the propagation of morality
and religion are not very numerous: the most notable ones in this class
are the edicts of Asoka, which we shall notice again farther on. The
general object of the inscriptions was to register gifts and endowments,
made sometimes to private individuals, but more usually to gods, to
priests on behalf of temples and charitable institutions, and to
religious communities. And, as the result of this, in the vast majority
of the inscriptional remains we have a mass of title-deeds of real
property, and of certificates of the right to duties, taxes, fees,
perquisites, and other privileges. Now, the essential part of the
records was of course the specification of the details of the donor, of
the donee, and of the donation. And we have to bear in mind that not
only are the donative records by far the most abundant of all, but also,
among them, by far the most numerous are those which we may call the
records of royal donations; by which we mean grants that were made
either by the kings themselves, or by the great feudatory nobles, or by
provincial governors and other high officials who had the royal
authority to alienate state lands and to assign allotments from the
state revenues: also, that many of them register, not simply the gift of
small holdings, but grants of entire villages, and large and permanent
assignments from the public revenues. It is to these facts that we are
indebted for the great value of the records from the historical point of
view. The donor of state lands or of an assignment from the public
revenues must show his authority for his acts. A provincial governor or
other high official must specify his own rank and territorial
jurisdiction, and name the king under whom he holds office. A great
feudatory noble will often give a similar reference to his paramount
sovereign, in addition to making his own position clear. And it is
neither inconsistent with the dignity of a king, nor unusual, for
something to be stated about his pedigree in charters and patents issued
by him or in his name. The records give from very early times a certain
amount of genealogical information. More and more information of that
kind was added as time went on. The recital of events was introduced, to
magnify the glory and importance of the donors, and sometimes to
commemorate the achievements of recipients. And it was thus, not with
the express object of recording history, but in order to intensify the
importance of everything connected with religion and to secure grantees
in the possession of properties conveyed to them, that there was
gradually accumulated almost the whole of the great mass of
inscriptional records upon which we are so dependent for our knowledge
of the ancient history of India in all its branches.


  Survey of the inscriptions.

Coming now to a survey of the inscriptions themselves, we must premise
that India is divided, from the historical point of view, though not so
markedly in some other respects, into two well-defined parts, Northern
and Southern. A classical name of Northern India is Aryavarta, "the
abode of the Aryas, the excellent or noble people." Another name, which
figures both in literature and in the inscriptions, is Uttarapatha, "the
path of the north, the northern road." And, as a classical name of
Southern India answering to that we have Dakshinapatha, "the path of the
south, the southern road," from the first component of which name comes
our modern term Deccan, Dekkan, or Dekhan. Sanskrit literature names as
the dividing-line between Aryavarta or the Uttarapatha and the
Dakshinapatha, i.e. between Northern and Southern India, sometimes the
Vindhya mountains, sometimes the river Nerbudda (Narmada, Narbada)
which, flowing close along the south of the Vindhya range, empties
itself into the gulf of Cambay near Broach, in Gujarat, Bombay. The
river seems, on the whole, to furnish the better dividing-line of the
two. But it does not reach, any more than the range exactly extends,
right across India from sea to sea. And, to complete the dividing-line
beyond the sources of the Narbada, which are in the Maikal range and
close to the Amarkantak hill in the Rewa State, Baghelkhand, we have to
follow some such course as first the Maniari river, from its sources,
which are in that same neighbourhood but on the south of the Maikal
range, to the point where, after it has joined the Seonath, the united
rivers flow into the Mahanadi, near Seori-Narayan in the Bilaspur
district, Central Provinces, and then the Mahanadi itself, which flows
into the bay of Bengal near Cuttack in Orissa. Even so, however, we have
only a somewhat rough dividing-line between the historical Northern and
Southern India; and the distinction must not be understood too strictly
in connexion with the territories lying close on the north and the south
of the line sketched above. In Western India, Kathiawar and all the
portions of Gujarat above Broach lie to the north of the Narbada; but
from the palaeographic point of view, if not so much from the
historical, they belong essentially to Southern India. Our modern
Central India lies entirely in Northern India, but has various
palaeographic connexions with Southern India. Our Central Provinces
extend in the Saugar district into Northern India; and that portion of
them presents in ancient times both northern and southern
characteristics. Eastern India may be defined as consisting of Bengal,
with Orissa and Assam: it belongs to Northern India.

The inscriptional remains of India, as known at present, practically
begin with the records of Asoka, the great Maurya king of Northern
India,--grandson of that king Chandragupta whose name was written by the
Greeks as Sandrokottos,--who reigned 264 to 227 B.C. The state of the
alphabets, indeed, in the time of Asoka renders it certain that the art
of writing must have been practised in India for a long while before his
period; and it gives us every reason to hope that systematic
exploration, especially of buried sites, will eventually result in the
discovery of records framed by some of his predecessors or by their
subjects. But those discoveries have still to be made; and matters stand
just now as follows. From before the time of Asoka we have an
inscription on a relic-vase from a stupa or relic-mound at Piprahwa in
the north-east corner of the Basti district, United Provinces, which
preserves the memory of the slaughtered kinsmen of Buddha, the Sakyas of
Kapilavastu according to the subsequent traditional nomenclature. We may
perhaps place before his time the record on the Sohgaura plate, from the
Gorakhpur district, United Provinces, which notifies the establishment
of two public storehouses at a junction of three great highways of
vehicular traffic to meet any emergent needs of persons using these
roads. And we may possibly decide hereafter to refer to the same period
a few other records which are not at present regarded as being quite so
early. But, practically, the known inscriptions of India begin with the
records of that king who calls himself in them "the king
Devanampiya-Piyadassi, the Beloved of the Gods, He of Gracious Mien,"
but who is best known as Asoka by the name given to him in the
literature of India and Ceylon and in an inscription of A.D. 150 at
Junagadh (Junagarh) in Kathiawar. From his time onwards we have records
from all parts in constantly increasing numbers, particularly during the
earlier periods, from caves, rock-cut temples, and Buddhist stupas. Many
of them, however, are of only a dedicatory nature, and, valuable as they
are for purposes of religion, geography, and other miscellaneous lines
of research, are not very helpful in the historical line. We are
interested here chiefly in the historical records; and we can notice
only the most prominent ones even among them.

Of this king Asoka we have now thirty-five different records, some of
them in various recensions. Amongst them, the most famous ones are the
seven pillar-edicts and the fourteen rock-edicts, found in various
versions, and in a more or less complete state, at different places from
Shahbazgarhi in the Yusufzai country in the extreme north-west, to
Radhia, Mathia, and Rampurwa in the Champaran district, Bengal, at
Dhauli in the Cuttack district of Orissa, at Jaugada in the Ganjam
district, Madras, at Girnar (Junagadh) in Kathiawar, and even at Sopara
in the Thana district, Bombay. These edicts were thus published in
conspicuous positions in or near towns, or close to highways frequented
by travellers and traders, or in the neighbourhood of sacred places
visited by pilgrims, so that they might be freely seen and perused. And
the object of them was to proclaim the firm determination of Asoka to
govern his realm righteously and kindly in accordance with the duty of
pious kings, and with considerateness for even religious beliefs other
than the Brahmanical faith which he himself at first professed, and to
acquaint his subjects with certain measures that he had taken to that
end, and to explain to them how they might co-operate with him in his
objects. But, in addition to mentioning certain contemporaneous foreign
kings, Antiochus II. (Theos) of Syria, Ptolemy Philadelphus of Egypt,
Antigonus Gonatas of Macedonia, Magas of Cyrene, and Alexander II. of
Epirus, they yield items of internal history, in detailing some of
Asoka's administrative arrangements; in locating the capital of his
empire at Pataliputra (Patna), and seats of viceroys at Ujjeni (Ujjain)
and Takhasila (Taxila); in giving the names of some of the leading
peoples of India, particularly the Cholas, the Pandyas, and the Andhras;
and in recording the memorable conquest of the Kalinga country, the
attendant miseries of which first directed the thoughts of the king to
religion and to solicitude for the welfare of all his subjects. Another
noteworthy record of Asoka is that notification, containing his Last
Edict, his dying speech, issued by local officials just after his death,
which is extant in various recensions at Sahasram, Rupnath, and Bairat
in Northern India, and at Brahmagiri, Siddapura, and Jatinga-Ramesvara
in Mysore. Some three years before the end of his long reign of
thirty-seven years, Asoka became a convert to Buddhism, and was admitted
as an Upasaka or lay-worshipper. Eventually, he formally joined the
Buddhist order; and, following a not infrequent custom of ancient Indian
kings, he abdicated, took the vows of a monk, and withdrew to spend his
remaining days in religious retirement in a cave-dwelling on Suvarnagiri
(Songir), one of the hills surrounding the ancient city of Girivraja,
below Rajagriha (Rajgir), in the Patna district in Behar. And there,
about a year later, in his last moments, he delivered the address
incorporated in this notification, proclaiming as the only true religion
that which had been promulgated by Buddha, and expanding the topic of
the last words of that great teacher: "Work out your salvation by
diligence!" This record, it may be added, is also of interest because,
whereas such of the other known records of Asoka as are dated at all are
dated according to the number of years elapsed after his anointment to
the sovereignty, it is dated 256 years after the death of Buddha, which
event took place in 483 B.C.

For the two centuries or nearly so next after the end of the reign of
Asoka, we have chiefly a large number of short inscriptions which are of
much value in miscellaneous lines of research--palaeography, geography,
religion, and so on. But historical records are by no means wanting; and
we may mention in particular the following. From the caves in the
Nagarjuni Hills in the Gaya district, Bengal, we have (along with three
of the inscriptions of Asoka himself) three records of a king Dasaratha
who, according to the _Vishnu-Purana_, was a grandson of Asoka. From the
stupa at Bharaut in the Nagod state, Central India, we have a record
which proves the existence of the dynasty of the Sunga kings, for whom
the _Puranas_, placing them next after the line of Chandragupta and
Asoka, indicate the period 183 to 71 B.C. Two of the records from the
stupa at Bhattiprolu in the Kistna district, Madras, give us a king of
those parts, reigning about 200 B.C., whose name appears both as Kubiraka
and as Khubiraka. From Besnagar in the Gwalior state we have an
inscription, referable to the period 175 to 135 B.C., which mentions a
king of Central India, by name Bhagabhadra, and also mentions, as his
contemporary, one of the Greek kings of the Punjab, Antalkidas, whose
name is familiar from his coins in the form Antialkidas. From the
Hathigumpha cave near Cuttack, in Orissa, we have a record, to be placed
about 140 B.C., of king Kharavela, a member of a dynasty which reigned in
that part of India. From a cave at Pabhosa in the Allahabad district,
United Provinces, we have two records which make known to us a short
succession of kings of Adhichatra, otherwise known as Ahichchhattra. From
a cave at the Nanaghat Pass in the Poona district, Bombay, we have a
record of queen Nayanika, wife of one of the great Satavahana-Satakarni
kings of the Deccan. And from the stupa No. 1 at Sanchi in the Bhopal
state, Central India, we have a record of a king Sri-Satakarni, belonging
to perhaps another branch of the same great stock.

The historical records become more numerous from the time of the Kushan
king Kanishka or Kanishka, who began to reign in 58 B.C., and founded
the so-called Vikrama era, the great historical era of Northern India,
beginning in that year.[27] For the period of him and his immediate
successors, Vasishka, Huvishka and Vasudeva, we have now between seventy
and eighty inscriptions, ranging from 54 B.C. to A.D. 42, and disclosing
a sway which reached at its height from Bengal to Kabul: we are indebted
for some of these to the Buddhists, in connexion with whose faith the
memory of Kanishka was preserved by tradition, but for most of them to
the Jains, who seem to have been at that time the more numerous sect in
the central part of his dominions.

The dynasty of Kanishka was succeeded by another foreign ruler,
Gondophernes, popularly known as Gondophares, whose coins indicate that,
in addition to a large part of north-western India and Sind, his
dominions included Kabul, Kandahar, and Seistan. This king is well known
to Christian tradition, in connexion with the mission of St Thomas the
Apostle to the East. And the tradition is substantially supported by an
inscription from Takht-i-Bahai in the Yusufzai country on the north-west
frontier, which, like some of his coins, mentions him as Guduphara or
Gunduphara, and proves that he was reigning there in A.D. 47.

Gondophernes was followed by the Kadphises kings, belonging to another
branch of the Kushan tribe, who perhaps extended their sway farther into
India, as far at least as Mathura (Muttra), and reigned for about
three-quarters of a century. For their period, and in fact for the whole
time to the rise of the Guptas in A.D. 320 we have as yet but scanty
help from the inscriptions in respect of the political history of
Northern India: we are mostly dependent on the coins, which tend to
indicate that that part of India was then broken up into a number of
small sovereignties and tribal governments. An inscription, however,
from Panjtar in the Yusufzai territory mentions, without giving his
name, a Kushan king whose dominion included that territory in A.D. 66.
And an inscription of A.D. 242 from Mathura has been understood to
indicate that some descendant of the same stock was then reigning there.
The inscriptional records for that period belong chiefly to Southern
India.

Meanwhile, however, in the south-west corner of Northern India, namely
in Kathiawar, there arose another foreign king, apparently of Parthian
extraction, by name Nahapana, described in his records, whether by a
family name or by a tribal appellation, as a Chhaharata or Kshaharata,
in whom we have the founder of the so-called Saka era, the principal
era of Southern India, beginning in A.D. 78: in respect of him we learn
from the _Periplus of the Erythraean Sea_ that he was reigning between
A.D. 80 and 89, and from inscriptions that he was still reigning in A.D.
120 and 124: at the latter time, his dominions included Nasik and other
territories on the south of the Narbada; and the _Periplus_ names as his
capital a town which it calls Minnagar, and which Ptolemy would locate
in such a manner as to suggest that it may be identified with the modern
Dohad in the Panch Mahals district of Gujarat, Bombay. Nahapana was
overthrown, and his family was entirely wiped out, soon after A.D. 125,
by the great Satavahana king Gautamiputra-Sri-Satakarni, who thereby
recovered the territories on the south of the Narbada. On the north of
that river, however, he was followed by a line of kings founded by his
viceroy Chashtana, son of Ghsamotika, to whom Ptolemy, mentioning him as
Tiastanes, assigns Ujjain as his capital: these names, again, show a
foreign origin; but, from the time of his son Jayadaman, the descendants
of Chashtana became Hinduized, and mostly bore purely Indian
appellations. The coins show that the descendants of Chashtana ruled
till about A.D. 388, when they were overthrown by the great Gupta
dynasty of Northern India. Only a few of their inscriptional records
have been discovered: but amongst them a very noteworthy one is the
Junagadh (Junagarh) inscription of Chashtana's grandson, Rudradaman,
bearing a date in A.D. 150; it is remarkable as being the earliest known
long inscription written entirely in Sanskrit.

From Southern India we have, at Nasik, inscriptions of the Satavahana
king Gautampputra-Sri-Satakarni, mentioned just above, and of his son
Vasisthiputra-Sri-Pulumayi, and of another king of that line named
Gautamiputra-Sri-Yajña-Satakarni; and other records of the
last-mentioned king come from Kanheri near Bombay, and from the Kistna
district, Madras, and testify to the wide extent of the dominions of the
line to which he belonged. The records of this king carry us on to the
opening years of the 3rd century, soon after which time, in those parts
at any rate, the power of the Satavahana kings came to an end. And we
have next, also from Nasik, an inscription of an Abhira king named
Isvarasena, son of Sivadatta; in this last-mentioned person we probably
have the founder of the so-called Kalachuri or Chedi era, beginning in
A.D. 248 or 249, which we trace in Western India for some centuries
before the time when it was transferred to, or revived in, Central
India, and was invested with its later appellation: we trace it notably
in the records of a line of kings who called themselves Traikutakas,
apparently from Trikuta as the ancient name of the great mountain
Harischandragad in the Western Ghauts, in the Ahmadnagar district.

We can, of course, mention in this account only the most prominent of
the inscriptional records. Keeping for the present to Southern India, we
have from Banawasi in the North Kanara district, Bombay, and from
Malavallji in the Shimoga district, Mysore, two inscriptions of a king
Harit putra-Satakarni of the Vinhukadda-Chutu family, reigning at
Vaijayanti, i.e. Banawasi, which disclose the existence there of another
branch, apparently known as the Chutu family and having its origin at a
place named Vishnugarta, of the great stock to which the
Satavahana-Satakarnis belonged. And another Malavalli inscription, of a
king Siva-Skandavarman, shows that the Satakarnis of that locality were
followed by a line of kings known as the Kadambas, who left descendants
who continued to rule until about A.D. 650. From the other side of
Southern India, an inscription from the stupa at Jaggayyapeta in the
Kistna district, Madras, referable to the 3rd century A.D., gives us a
king Madhariputra-Sri-Vira-Purushadatta, of the race of Ikshvaku. And
some Prakrit copperplate inscriptions from the same district, referable
to the 4th century, disclose a line of Pallava kings at Kanchi, the
modern Conjeeveram near Madras, whose descendants, from about A.D. 550,
are well known from the later records.

Reverting to Northern India, we have from the extreme north-west a few
inscriptions dated in the era of 58 B.C. which carry us on to A.D. 322.
The tale is then taken up chiefly by the records of the great Gupta
kings of Pataliputra, i.e. Patna, who rose to power in A.D. 320, and
gradually extended their sway until it assumed dimensions almost
commensurate with those of Asoka and Kanishka: the records of this
series are somewhat numerous; and a very noteworthy one amongst them is
the inscription of Samudragupta, incised at some time about A.D. 375 on
one of the pillars of Asoka now standing at Allahabad, which gives us a
wide insight into the political divisions, with their contemporaneous
rulers, of both Northern and Southern India: it is also interesting
because it, or another record of the same king at Éran in the Saugar
district, Central Provinces, marks the commencement of the habitual use
of Sanskrit for inscriptional purposes. The inscriptions of the Gupta
series run on to about A.D. 530. But the power of the dynasty had by
that time become much curtailed, largely owing to an irruption of the
Huns under Toramana and Mihirakula, who established themselves at
Sialkot, the ancient Sakala, in the Punjab. We have inscriptional
records of these two persons, not only from Kura in the Salt Range, not
very far from Sialkot, but also from Éran and from Gwalior. And next
after these we have inscriptions from Mandasor in Malwa, notably on two
great monolith pillars of victory, of a king Vishnuvardhana-Yasodharman,
which show that he overthrew Mihirakula shortly before A.D. 532, and,
describing him as subjugating territories to which not even the Guptas
and the Huns had been able to penetrate, indicate that he in his turn
established for a while another great paramount sovereignty in Northern
India.

We have thus brought our survey of the inscriptions of India down to the
6th century A.D. There then arose various dynasties in different parts
of the country: in Northern India, in Kathiawar, the Maitrakas of
Valabhi; at Kanauj, the Maukharis, who, after no great lapse of time,
were followed by the line to which belonged the great Harshavardhana,
"the warlike lord (as the southern records style him) of all the region
of the north;" and, in Behar, another line of Guptas, usually known as
the Guptas of Magadha: in Southern India, the Chalukyas, who, holding
about A.D. 625 the whole northern part of Southern India from sea to
sea, then split up into two branches, the Western Chalukyas of Badami in
the Bijapur district, Bombay, and the Eastern Chalukyas of Vengi in the
Godavari district, Madras; and, below them, the successors of the
original Pallavas of Kañchi (Conjeeveram). These all had their time, and
passed away. And they and their successors have left us so great a
wealth of inscriptional records that no further detailed account can be
attempted within the limits available here. We must pass on to a few
brief remarks about the language of the records and the characters in
which they were written.


    Alphabets.

  The inscriptions of Asoka present two alphabets, which differ
  radically and widely: one of them is known as the Brahmi; the other,
  as the Kharoshthi or Kharoshtri. For the decipherment of the Brahmi
  alphabet we are indebted to James Prinsep, who determined the value of
  practically all the letters between 1834 and 1837. The decipherment of
  the Kharoshthi alphabet was a more difficult and a longer task: it was
  virtually finished, some twenty years later, by the united efforts of
  C. Masson, Prinsep, C. L. Lassen, H. H. Wilson, E. Norris, Sir A.
  Cunningham, and John Dowson; but there are still a few points of
  detail in respect of which finality has not been attained.

  The Kharoshthi script was written from right to left, and is
  undeniably of Semitic origin; and the theory about it, based on the
  known fact that the valley of the Indus was a Persian satrapy in the
  time of Darius (521-485 B.C.), is that the Aramaic script was then
  introduced into that territory, and that the Kharoshthi is an
  adaptation of it. Except in a few intrusive cases, the use of the
  Kharoshthi in India was limited to the valley of the Indus, and to the
  Punjab as defined on the south by the territory watered by the Bias
  (Beas) and the Satlaj (Sutlej): and the eastern locality of the
  meeting of the two alphabets is marked by coins bearing Kharoshthi and
  Brahmi legends which come from the districts of the Jalandhar
  (Jullundhur) division, and by two short rock-cut records, each
  presented in both the alphabets, at Pathyar and Kanhiara in the Kangra
  valley. Outside India, this script was notably current in Afghanistan;
  and documents written in it have in recent years been found in Chinese
  Turkestan. In India it continued in use, as far as our present
  knowledge goes, down to A.D. 343.

  The Brahmi alphabet, written from left to right, belonged to the
  remainder of India; but it must also have been current in learned
  circles even in the territory where popular usage favoured the other
  script. Various views about its origin have been advanced: amongst
  them is the theory that it was derived from the oldest north-Semitic
  alphabet, which prevailed from Phoenicia to Mesopotamia, and may, it
  is held, have been introduced into India by traders at some time about
  800 B.C. It is, however, admitted that the earliest known form of the
  Brahmi is a script framed by Brahmans for writing Sanskrit. Also, the
  theory is largely based on a coin from Eran, in the Saugar district,
  Central Provinces, presenting a Brahmi legend running retrograde from
  right to left; from which it is inferred that that was the original
  direction of this writing, and that the script eventually assumed the
  other direction, which alone it has in the inscriptions, after
  passing, like the Greek, through a stage in which the lines were
  written in both directions alternately. But we can cite many instances
  in which ancient die-sinkers were careless, wholly or partially, in
  the matter of reversing the legends on their dies, with the result
  that not only syllables frequently, but sometimes entire words, stand
  in reverse on the coins themselves; moreover, the Eran coin, being one
  of the earliest known Indian coins bearing a legend at all, may quite
  possibly belong to a period before the time when the desirability of
  working in reverse on the dies presented itself to the Indian
  die-sinkers. In all the circumstances, the evidence of the Eran coin
  cannot be regarded as conclusive; and we require some inscription on
  stone, or at least some longer record on metal than a brief legend of
  five syllables, to satisfy us that the Brahmi writing ever had a
  direction different from that which it has in the inscriptions.
  Further, if there is any radical connexion between the Brahmi and the
  Semitic alphabet indicated above, so many curious and apparently
  capricious changes must have been made, in adapting that alphabet,
  that it would seem more probable that the two scripts were derived
  from a joint original source. In view of the high state of
  civilization to which the Hindus had evidently attained even before
  the time of Chandragupta, the grandfather of Asoka, it must still be
  regarded as possible that they were the independent inventors of that
  which was emphatically their national alphabet. The Brahmi alphabet is
  the parent of all the modern Hindu scripts, including on one side the
  Nagari or Devanagari, and on the other the widely dissimilar rounded
  forms of the Kanarese, Tamil, Telugu, and other southern alphabets;
  and the inscriptions enable us to trace clearly the gradual
  development of all the modern forms.


    Languages.

  The great classical Indian language, Sanskrit, is not found in any
  inscriptional records of the earliest times. It is not, however, to be
  supposed therefrom that the use and cultivation of Sanskrit ever lay
  dormant, and that there was a revival of this language when it did
  eventually come to be used in the inscriptions; the case simply is
  that, during the earlier periods, Sanskrit was not known much, if at
  all, outside the Brahmanical and other literary and priestly circles,
  and so was not recognized as a suitable medium for the notifications
  which were put on record in the inscriptions for the information of
  the people at large.

  In Northern India, the inscriptions of the period before 58 B.C.
  present various early Prakrits, i.e. vernaculars more or less derived
  from Sanskrit or brought into a line with it. From 58 B.C., however,
  the influence of Sanskrit began to manifest itself in the
  inscriptions, with the result that the records present from that time
  a language which is conveniently known as the mixed dialect, meaning
  neither exactly Prakrit nor exactly Sanskrit, but Prakrit with an
  intermixture of Sanskrit terminations and some other features; and we
  have, in fact, from Mathura (Muttra), a locality which has yielded
  interesting remains in various directions, a short Brahmanical
  inscription of 33 B.C. which was written wholly in Sanskrit. The mixed
  dialect appears to have been the general one for inscriptional
  purposes in Northern India until about A.D. 320. But a remarkable
  exception is found in the inscription of Rudradaman, dated in A.D.
  150, at Junagadh in Kathiawar (mentioned on a preceding page), which
  is a somewhat lengthy record composed in thoroughly good literary
  Sanskrit prose. Also, the extant inscriptions of the descendants of
  Rudradaman--(but only four of their records, ranging from A.D. 181 to
  205, are at present available for study)--are in almost quite correct
  Sanskrit; and this suggests that, from his time, the language may have
  been habitually used for inscriptional purposes in the dominions of
  his dynasty. That, however, is only a matter of conjecture; and
  elsewhere pure and good Sanskrit, without any Prakrit forms, appears
  next, and is found in verse as well as in prose, in the two
  inscriptions from Eran and Allahabad, referable to the period about
  A.D. 340 to 375, of the great Gupta king Samudragupta. From that time
  onwards, as far as our present knowledge goes, Sanskrit, with a very
  rare introduction of Prakrit or vernacular forms, was practically the
  only inscriptional language in the northern parts of India. We can,
  however, cite a record of A.D. 862 from the neighbourhood of Jodhpur
  in Rajputana, the body of which was written in Maharashtri Prakrit.

  In Southern India we have an instance of the mixed dialect in the
  Nasik inscription, referable to A.D. 257 or 258, of the Abhira king
  Isvarasena, son of Sivadatta, which has been mentioned on a preceding
  page. With the exception, however, of that record and of the few which
  are mentioned just below, the inscriptional language of Southern India
  appears to have been generally Prakrit of one kind or another until
  about A.D. 400, or perhaps even somewhat later. Sanskrit figures first
  in one of the records at Nasik of Rishabhadatta (Ushavadata),
  son-in-law of the Kshaharata king Nahapana, which consequently gives
  it almost as early an appearance in the south as that which is
  established for it in the north; but it is confined in this instance
  to a preamble which recites the previous donations and good works of
  Rishabhadatta; the record passes into Prakrit for the practical
  purpose for which it was framed. Sanskrit figures next, in an almost
  correct form, in the short inscription of not much later date at
  Kanheri, near Bombay, of the queen (her name is not extant) of
  Vasishthiputra-Sri-Satakarni. It next appears in certain formulae, and
  benedictive and imprecatory verses, which stand at the end of some of
  the Prakrit records of the Pallava series referable to the 4th
  century; but here we have quotations from books, not instances of
  original composition. We have a Sanskrit record, obtained in Khandesh
  but probably belonging to some part of Gujarat, of a king named
  Rudradasa, which is perhaps dated in A.D. 367. But the next southern
  inscription in Sanskrit, of undeniable date, is a record of A.D. 456,
  belonging to the Vyara subdivision of the Baroda state in Gujarat, of
  the Traikutaka king Dahrasena. The records of the early Kadamba kings
  of Banawasi in North Kanara, Bombay, exhibit the use of Sanskrit from
  an early period in the 6th century; and records of the Pallava kings
  show it from perhaps a somewhat earlier time on the other side of
  India. The records of the Chalukya kings present Sanskrit from A.D.
  578 onwards. And from this latter date the language figures freely in
  the southern records. But some of the vernaculars, in their older
  forms, shortly begin to present themselves alongside of it; and,
  without entirely superseding Sanskrit even to the latest times, the
  use of them for inscriptional purposes became rapidly more and more
  extensive. The vernacular that first makes its appearance is Kanarese,
  in a record of the Chalukya king Mangalesa, of the period A.D. 597 to
  608, at Badami in the Bijapur district, Bombay. Tamil appears next,
  between about A.D. 610 and 675, in records of the Pallava king
  Mahendravarman I. at Vallam in the Chingalpat (Chingleput) district,
  Madras, and of his great-grandson Paramesvaravarman I. from Kuram in
  the same district. Telugu appears certainly in A.D. 1011, in a record
  of the Eastern Chalukya king Vimaladitya; and it is perhaps given to
  us in A.D. 843 or 844 by a record of his ancestor Vishnuvardhana V.;
  in the latter case, however, the authenticity of the document is not
  certain. Malayalam appears about A.D. 1150, in inscriptions of the
  rulers of Kerala from the Travancore state. And on the colossal image
  of Gommatesvara at Sravana-Belgola, in Mysore, there are two lines of
  Marathi, notifying for the benefit of pilgrims from the Maratha
  country the names of the persons who caused the image and the
  enclosure to be made, which are attributed to the first quarter of the
  12th century: this language, however, figures first for certain in a
  record of A.D. 1207, of the time of the Devagiri-Yadava king Singhana,
  from Khandesh in the north of Bombay.

  BIBLIOGRAPHY.--The systematic publication of the Indian inscriptions
  has not gone far. Cunningham inaugurated a _Corpus Inscriptionum
  Indicarum_, by giving us in 1877 the first volume of it, dealing with
  the records of Asoka; but the only other volume which has been
  published is vol. iii., by Fleet, dealing with the records of the
  Gupta series. The other published materials are mostly to be found
  here and there in the _Journals_ of the Royal Asiatic Society of
  London, its Bombay branch, and the Asiatic Society of Bengal, in the
  _Reports_ of the various Archaeological Surveys, and in the _Indian
  Antiquary_, the _Epigraphia Indica_ and the _Epigraphia Carnatica_;
  and much work has still to be done in bringing them together according
  to the periods and dynasties to which they relate, and in revising
  some of them in the light of new discoveries and the teachings of
  later research. The authority on Indian palaeography is Bühler's work,
  published in 1896 as part 2 of vol. i of the _Grundriss der
  Indo-Arischen Philologie und Altertumskunde_; an English version of it
  was issued in 1904 as an appendix to the _Indian Antiquary_, vol.
  xxxiii.     (J. F. F.)


III. GREEK INSCRIPTIONS

Etymologically the term inscription ([Greek: epigraphê]) would include
much more than is commonly meant by it. It would include words engraved
on rings, or stamped on coins,[28] vases, lamps, wine-jar handles,[29]
&c. But Boeckh was clearly right in excluding this _varia supellex_ from
his _Corpus Inscriptionum Graecarum_, or only admitting it by way of
appendix. Giving the term inscription a somewhat narrower sense, we
still include within it a vast store of documents of the greatest value
to the student of Greek civilization. It happens, moreover, that Greek
inscriptions yield the historian a richer harvest than those of Rome.
Partly from fashion, but partly from the greater abundance of the
material, the Romans engraved their public documents (treaties, laws,
&c.) to a large extent on bronze. These bronze tablets, chiefly set up
in the Capitol, were melted in the various conflagrations, or were
carried off to feed the mint of the conqueror. In Greece, on the
contrary, the mountains everywhere afforded an inexhaustible supply of
marble, and made it the natural material for inscriptions. Some Greek
inscribed tablets of bronze have come down to us,[30] and many more must
have perished in the sack of cities and burning of temples. A number of
inscriptions on small thin plates of lead, rolled up, have survived;
these are chiefly imprecations on enemies[31] or questions asked of
oracles.[32] An early inscription recently discovered (1905) at Ephesus
is on a plate of silver. But as a rule the material employed was marble.
These marble monuments are often found _in situ_; and, though more often
they were used up as convenient stones for building purposes, yet they
have thus survived in a more or less perfect condition.[33]

Inscriptions were usually set up in temples, theatres, at the side of
streets and roads, in [Greek: temenê] or temple-precincts, and near
public buildings generally. At Delphi and Olympia were immense numbers
of inscriptions--not only those engraved upon the gifts of victorious
kings and cities, but also many of a more public character. At Delphi
were inscribed the decrees of the Amphictyonic assembly, at Olympia
international documents concerning the Peloponnesian cities; the
Parthenon and Acropolis were crowded with treaties, laws and decrees
concerning the Athenian confederation; the Heraeum at Samos, the
Artemisium at Ephesus, and indeed every important sanctuary, abounded
with inscriptions. It is a common thing for decrees ([Greek:
psêphismata]) to contain a clause specifying where they are to be set
up, and what department of the state is to defray the cost of inscribing
and erecting them. Sometimes duplicates are ordered to be set up in
various places; and, in cases of treaties, arbitrations and other
international documents, copies were always set up by each city
concerned. Accordingly documents like the _Marmor Ancyranum_ and the
_Edict of Diocletian_ have been restored by a comparison of the various
fragments of copies set up in diverse quarters of the empire.

Greek inscribed marbles varied considerably in their external
appearance. The usual form was the [Greek: stêlê], the normal type of
which was a plain slab, from 3 to 4 or even 5 ft. high,[34] 3 or 4 in.
thick, tapering slightly upwards from about 2 ft. wide at bottom to
about 18 in. at the top, where it was either left plain or often had a
slight moulding, or still more commonly was adorned with a more or less
elaborate pediment; the slab was otherwise usually plain. Another form
was the [Greek: bômos] or altar, sometimes square, oftener circular, and
varying widely in size. Tombstones were either [Greek: stêlai] (often
enriched beneath the pediment with simple groups in relief,
commemorative of the deceased), or [Greek: kiones], pillars, of
different size and design, or sarcophagi plain and ornamental. To these
must be added statue-bases of every kind, often inscribed, not only with
the names and honours of individuals, but also with decrees and other
documents. All these forms were intended to stand by themselves in the
open air. But it was also common to inscribe state documents upon the
surface of the walls of a temple, or other public building. Thus the
antae and external face of the walls of the pronaos of the temple of
Athena Polias at Priene were covered with copies of the awards made
concerning the lands disputed between Samos and Priene (see _Gk. Inscr.
in Brit. Mus._ iii. § 1); similarly the walls of the Artemisium at
Ephesus contained a number of decrees (_ibid._ iii. § 2), and the
_proscenium_ of the Odeum was lined with crustae, or "marble-veneering,"
under 1 in. thick, inscribed with copies of letters from Hadrian,
Antoninus and other emperors to the Ephesian people (_ibid._ p. 151).
The workmanship and appearance of inscriptions varied considerably
according to the period of artistic development. The letters incised
with the chisel upon the wall or the [Greek: stêlê] were painted in with
red or blue pigment, which is often traceable upon newly unearthed
inscriptions. When Thucydides, in quoting the epigram of Peisistratus
the younger (vi. 54), says "it may still be read [Greek: amydrois
grammasi]," he must refer to the fading of the colour; for the
inscription was brought to light in 1877 with the letters as fresh as
when they were first chiselled (see Kumanudes in [Greek: Athênaion], vi.
149; _I.G._ suppl. to vol. i. p. 41). The Greeks found no inconvenience,
as we should, in the bulkiness of inscriptions as a means of keeping
public records. On the contrary they made every temple a muniment room;
and while the innumerable [Greek: stêlai], _Hermae_, bases and altars
served to adorn the city, it must also have encouraged and educated the
sense of patriotism for the citizen to move continually among the
records of the past. The history of a Greek city was literally written
upon her stones.

The primary value of an inscription lay in its documentary evidence (so
Euripides, _Suppl._ 1202, fol.). In this way they are continually cited
and put in evidence by the orators (e.g. see Demosth. _Fals. Leg._ 428;
Aeschin. _In Ctes._ § 75). But the Greek historians also were not slow
to recognize their importance. Herodotus often cites them (iv. 88, 90,
91, v. 58 sq., vii. 228); and in his account of the victory of Plataea
he had his eye upon the tripod-inscription (ix. 81; cf. Thuc. i. 132).
Thucydides's use of inscriptions is illustrated by v. 18 fol., 23, 47,
77, vi. 54, 59. Polybius used them still more. In later Greece, when
men's thoughts were thrown back upon the past, regular collections of
inscriptions began to be made by such writers as Philochorus (300 B.C.),
Polemon (2nd century B.C., called [Greek: stêlokopas] for his devotion
to inscriptions), Aristodemus, Craterus of Macedon, and many others.

At the revival of learning, the study of inscriptions revived with the
renewed interest in Greek literature. Cyriac of Ancona, early in the
15th century, copied a vast number of inscriptions during his travels in
Greece and Asia Minor; his MS. collections were deposited in the
Barberini library at Rome, and have been used by other scholars. (See
_Bull. Corr. Hellén._ i.; Larfeld in Müller's _Handbuch_ 1.², p. 368
f.; Ziebarth, "de ant. Inscript. Syllogis" in _Ephem. Epigr._ ix.).
Succeeding generations of travellers and scholars continued to collect
and edit, and Englishmen in both capacities did much for this study.

  Thus early in the 19th century the store of known Greek inscriptions
  had so far accumulated that the time had come for a comprehensive
  survey of the whole subject. And it was the work of one great scholar,
  Augustus Boeckh, to raise Greek epigraphy into a science. At the
  request of the Academy of Berlin he undertook to arrange and edit all
  the known inscriptions in one systematic work, and vol. i. of the
  _Corpus Inscriptionum Graecarum_ was published in 1828, vol. ii. in
  1833. He lived to see the work completed, although other scholars were
  called in to help him to execute his great design; vol. iii., by
  Franz, appeared in 1853; vol. iv., by Kirchhoff, in 1856.[35] The work
  is a masterpiece of lucid arrangement and profound learning, of
  untiring industry and brilliant generalization. Out of the publication
  of the _Corpus_ there grew up a new school of students, who devoted
  themselves to discovering and editing new texts, and working up
  epigraphical results into monographs upon the many-sided history of
  Greece. In the _Corpus_ Boeckh had settled for ever the methods of
  Greek epigraphy; and in his _Staatshaushaltung der Athener_ (3rd ed.
  of vols. i. ii. by Fränkel, 1886; well known to English readers from
  Sir G. C. Lewis's translation, _The Public Economy of Athens_, 2nd
  ed., 1842) he had given a palmary specimen of the application of
  epigraphy to historical studies. At the same time Franz drew up a
  valuable introduction to the study of inscriptions in his _Elementa
  Epigraphices Graecae_ (1840).

  Meanwhile the liberation of Greece and increasing facilities for
  visiting the Levant combined to encourage the growth of the subject,
  which has been advanced by the labours of many scholars, and chiefly
  Ludwig Ross, Leake, Pittakys, Rangabé, Le Bas and later by Meier,
  Sauppe, Kirchhoff, Kumanudes, Waddington, Köhler, Dittenberger,
  Homolle, Haussoullier, Wilhelm and others. Together with the
  development of this school of writers, there has gone on a systematic
  exploration of some of the most famous sites of antiquity, with the
  result of exhuming vast numbers of inscriptions. To mention only some
  of the most important: Cyrene, Rhodes, Cos, Cnidus, Halicarnassus,
  Miletus, Priene, Ephesus, Magnesia on the Maeander, Pergamum, Delos,
  Thera, Athens, Eleusis, Epidaurus, Olympia, Delphi, Dodona, Sparta,
  have been explored or excavated by the Austrians, English, French,
  Germans and Greeks. German, French, British, Austrian and American
  institutes have been established at Athens, to a great extent engaged
  in the study of inscriptions. From every part of the Greek world
  copies of inscriptions are brought home by the students of these
  institutes and by other travellers. And still the work proceeds at a
  rapid rate. For indeed the yield of inscriptions is practically
  inexhaustible: each island, every city, was a separate centre of
  corporate life, and it is significant to note that in the island of
  Calymnos alone C. T. Newton collected over one hundred inscriptions,
  many of them of considerable interest.

  The result of this has been that Boeckh's great work, though it never
  can be superseded, yet has ceased to be what its name implies. The
  four volumes of the _C.I.G._ contain about 10,000 inscriptions. But
  the number of Greek inscriptions now known is probably more than three
  or four times as great. Many of these are only to be found published
  in the scattered literature of dissertations, or in Greek, German and
  other periodicals. But several comprehensive collections have been
  attempted, among which (omitting those dealing with more limited
  districts of the Greek world) the following may be named:--Rangabé,
  _Antiquités helléniques_ (2 vols., 1842-1855); Le Bas-Waddington,
  _Voyage archéologique, inscriptions_ (3 vols., 1847-1876, incomplete);
  Newton, Hicks and Hirschfeld, _Greek Inscriptions in the British
  Museum_ (parts i.-iv.); and above all the _Inscriptiones Graecae_, a
  Corpus undertaken by the Berlin Academy (absorbing the _Corpus Inscr.
  Attic._ and other similar collections). Of this work six complete
  volumes and parts of others have appeared (by 1906) representing
  Attica, Argolis, Megaris, Boeotia, Phocis, Locris, Aetolia, Acarnania,
  Ionian Islands, Aegean Islands (exc. Delos), Sicily, Italy and western
  Europe; they are edited by Kirchhoff, Köhler, Dittenberger, Fränkel,
  Hiller von Gaertringen, Kaibel and others. Of a similar Austrian
  publication dealing with Asia Minor (_Tituli Asiae Minoris_) only the
  first part (Lycian Inscriptions) has appeared. Of general selections
  of inscriptions on a smaller scale it is necessary to mention:
  Dittenberger, _Sylloge Inscriptionum Graec._ (2nd ed., 1898-1901, 3
  vols.); the same, _Orientis Graeci Inscr. Selectae_ (2 vols.,
  1903-1905); Hicks, _Greek Historical Inscriptions_ (1st ed., 1882; 2nd
  ed., 1901); Michel, _Recueil d'inscriptions grecques_ (1900); Roberts
  and Gardner, _Introd. to Gk. Epigraphy_ (2 vols., 1887-1905); Röhl,
  _Inscr. gr. antiquissimae_ (1882), and _Imagines Inscriptionum_ (2nd
  ed., 1898).


  Oldest Greek inscriptions.

The oldest extant Greek inscriptions appear to date from the middle of
the 7th century B.C. During the excavations at Olympia a number of
fragments of very ancient inscriptions were found (see _Olympia,
Textband_ v.); and other very early inscriptions from various places, as
Thera and Crete, have been published (see Röhl, _op. cit._). But what is
wanted is a sufficient number of very early inscriptions of fixed date.
One such exists upon the leg of a colossal Egyptian statue at Abu-Simbel
on the upper Nile, where certain Greek mercenaries in the service of
King Psammetichus recorded their names, as having explored the river up
to the second cataract (_C.I.G._ 5126; Röhl, 482; Hicks², 3). Even if
Psammetichus II. is meant, the inscription dates between 594 and 589
B.C. Another, but later, instance is to be found in the fragmentary
inscriptions on the columns dedicated by Croesus in the Ephesian temple
(c. 550 B.C.; _Gk. Inscr. in the Brit. Mus._ 518). Documents earlier
than the Persian War are not very frequent; but after that period the
stream of Greek inscriptions goes on, generally increasing in volume,
down to late Byzantine times.

Greek inscriptions may most conveniently be classified under the
following heads: (1) those which illustrate political history; (2) those
connected with religion; (3) those of a private character.


    Political inscriptions.

  1. Foremost among the inscriptions which illustrate Greek history and
  politics are the _decrees_ of senate and people ([Greek: psêphismata
  boulês, ekklêsias], &c.) upon every subject which could concern the
  interests of the state. These abound from every part of Greece. It is
  true that a large number of them are honorary, i.e. merely decrees
  granting to strangers, who have done service to the particular city,
  public honours (crowns, statues, citizenship and other privileges).
  One of these privileges was the _proxenia_, an honour, which entailed
  on the recipient the burthen of protecting the citizens of the state
  which granted it when they came to his city. But the importance of an
  honorary decree depends upon the individual and the services to which
  it refers. And even the mere headings and datings of the decrees from
  various states afford curious and valuable information upon the names
  and titles of the local magistrates, the names of months and other
  details. On the formulae, see Swoboda, _Die gr. Volksbeschlüsse_
  (1890). Droysen in his _Hellenismus_ (1877-1878) has shown how the
  history of Alexander and his successors is illustrated by contemporary
  [Greek: psêphimata]. And when the student of Athenian politics of the
  5th and 4th centuries turns to the 1st and 2nd volumes of the _I.G._,
  he may wonder at the abundance of material before him; it is like
  turning over the minutes of the Athenian parliament. One example out
  of many must suffice--No. 17 in _I.G._ ii. pt. 1 (Hicks², 101) is the
  famous decree of the archonship of Nausinicus (378 B.C.) concerning
  the reconstruction of the Athenian confederacy. The terms of admission
  to the league occupy the face of the marble; at the bottom and on the
  left edge are inscribed the names of states which had already joined.

  Inscribed _laws_ ([Greek: nomoi]) occur with tolerable frequency. The
  following are examples:--A citation of a law of Draco's from the
  [Greek: prôtos axôn] of Solon's laws (_I.G._ i. 61; cf. Dittenberger,
  _Syll._² 52); the Civil Codes of Gortyna (5th century, Dareste, &c.,
  _Inscr. jurid. gr._ i. 352 ff.); a reassessment of the tribute payable
  by the Athenian allies in 425 B.C. (_I.G._ i. 37; Köhler _Urkunden und
  Untersuchungen zur Geschichte des delisch-attischen Bundes_, 1870, p.
  63; Hicks², 64); a law passed by the Amphictyonic council at Delphi,
  380 B.C. (Boeckh, _C.I.G._ 1688; _I.G._ ii. 545); law concerning
  Athenian weights and measures (Boeckh, _Staatshaushaltung_³, ii. 318;
  _I.G._ ii. 476); the futile sumptuary law of Diocletian concerning the
  maximum prices for all articles sold throughout the empire
  (Mommsen-Blümner, _Der Maximaltarif des Diocletian_, 1893). For a
  collection of such legal documents, see Dareste, Haussoullier and
  Reinach, _Recueil des inscr. juridiques gr._ (1891-1898).

  Besides the inscribed _treaties_ previously referred to, we may
  instance the following: Between Athens and Chalcis in Euboea, 446 B.c.
  (_I.G._ suppl. to vol. i. 27A); between Athens and Rhegium, 433 B.C.
  (Hicks², 51); between Athens and Leontini, dated the same day as the
  preceding (_ibid._ 52); between Athens and Boeotia, 395 B.C. (_ibid._
  84); between Athens and Chalcis, 377 B.C. (_ibid._ 102); between
  Athens and Sparta, 271 B.C. (_I.G._ ii. No. 332); between Hermias of
  Atarneus and the Ionian Erythrae, about 350 B.C. (Hicks² 138);
  treaties in the local dialect between the Eleans and the Heraeans, 6th
  century (_Olympia Inschr._ 9), and between various cities of Crete,
  3rd century B.C. (_C.I.G._ 2554-2556; _Griech. Dial. Inschr._
  5039-5041, 5075). Egger's _Études historiques sur les traités publics
  chez les Grecs et chez les Romains_ (Paris, 1866) embraces a good many
  of these documents; see also R. von Scala, _Die Staatsverträge des
  Altertums_, pt. i. (1898).

  The international relation of Greek cities is further illustrated by
  _awards_ of disputed lands, delivered by a third city called in
  ([Greek: ekklêtos polis]) to arbitrate between the contending states,
  e.g. Rhodian award as between Samos and Priene (_Gk. Inscr. in Brit.
  Mus._ 405; Dittenberger, _Syll._² 315); Milesian between Messanians
  and Spartans, discovered at Olympia (_ibid._ 314; see Tac. _Ann._ iv.
  43); and many others. Akin to these are decrees in honour of judges
  called in from a neutral city to try suits between citizens which were
  complicated by political partisanship (see _C.I.G._ No. 2349B, with
  Boeckh's remarks; _I.G._ xii. 722). On the general subject, E. Sonne,
  _De arbitris extends_ (1888).

  _Letters_ from kings are frequent; as from Darius I. to the satrap
  Gadates, with reference to the shrine of Apollo at Magnesia (Hicks²,
  20); from Alexander the Great to the Chians (_ibid._ 158); from
  Lysimachus to the Samians (_C.I.G._ 2254; Hicks^1, 152); from
  Antigonus I. directing the transfer of the population of Lebedus to
  Teos (Dittenberger, _Syll._² 177); from the same to the Scepsians
  (Dittenberger, _Or. Gr. Inscr. Sel._ 5), Letters from Roman emperors
  are commoner still; such as Dittenberger, _Syll._² 350, 356, 373,
  384-388, 404.

  The internal administration of Greek towns is illustrated by the
  minute and complete lists of the treasures in the Parthenon of the
  time of the Peloponnesian War (Boeckh, _Staatshaush_.³ vol. ii.);
  public accounts of Athenian expenditure (_ibid._); records of the
  Athenian navy in the 4th century, forming vol. iii. of the 1840 ed. of
  the same work. To the same category belong the so-called Athenian
  tribute-lists, which are really lists of the quota (of the tribute
  paid by the Athenian allies) which was due to the treasury of Athena
  ([Greek: aparchai tê theô mua apo talantou]). Being arranged according
  to the tributary cities, they throw much light on the constitution of
  the Athenian empire at the time (_I.G._ i. 226-272 and suppl. p. 71
  f.; Köhler, _Urkunden und Untersuchungen zur Gesch. des
  attisch-delischen Seebundes_ 1870; Boeckh, _Staatshaush_.³ ii.
  332-498). The management of public lands and mines is specially
  illustrated from inscriptions (Boeckh, _op. cit._ vol. i. passim); and
  the political constitution of different cities often receives light
  from inscriptions which cannot be gained elsewhere (e.g. see the
  document from Cyzicus, _C.I.G._ 3665, and Boeckh's note, or that from
  Mytilene, Dittenberger, _Or. Gr. Inscr._ 2, and the inscriptions from
  Ephesus, Gk. _Inscr. in Brit. Mus._ pt. iii. § 2).

  Inscriptions in honour of kings and emperors are very common. The
  _Marmor Ancyranum_ (ed. Mommsen,² 1883) has already been mentioned;
  but an earlier example is the _Monumentum Adulitanum_ (from Abyssinia,
  _C.I.G._ 5127A); Dittenberger, (_Inscr. or. Gr._ 54) reciting the
  achievements of Ptolemy III. Euergetes I.

  Offerings in temples ([Greek: anathêmata]) are often of great
  historical value, e.g. the dedications on the columns of Croesus at
  Ephesus mentioned above; Gelo's dedication at Delphi, 479 B.C.
  (Hicks² 16); the helmet of Hiero, now in the British Museum,
  dedicated at Olympia after his victory over the Etruscans, 474 B.C.
  (_C.I.G._ 16; Hicks² 22); and the bronze base of the golden tripod
  dedicated at Delphi after the victory of Plataea, and carried off to
  Constantinople by Constantine (Dethier and Mordtmann, _Epigraphik von
  Byzantion_, 1874; Hicks² 19).


    Religious Inscriptions.

  2. The religion of Greece in its external aspects is the subject of a
  great number of inscriptions (good selections in Dittenberger,
  _Syll._² 550-816, and Michel 669-1330). The following are a few
  specimens. (1) Institution of festivals, with elaborate ritual
  directions: see Sauppe, _Die Mysterieninschrift aus Andania_ (1860);
  Dittenberger, _Syll._² 653, and the singular document from the
  Ephesian theatre in _Gk. Inscr. in Brit. Mus._ 481; the following also
  relate to festivals--_C.I.G._ 1845, 2360, 2715, 3059, 3599, 3641b;
  Dittenberger, _Syll._² 634 (the lesser Panathenaea) and _Or. Gr.
  Inscr._ 383 (law of Antiochus I. of Commagene). (2) Laws defining the
  appointment, duties or perquisites of the priesthood: Dittenberger,
  _Syll._² 601; Boeckh, _Staatshaush_. ii. 109 seq. (3) Curious
  calendar of sacrifices from Myconus: Dittenberger, _Syll._² 615. (4)
  Fragment of augury rules, Ephesus, 6th century B.C.: _ibid._ 801. (5)
  Leases of [Greek: temenê] and sacred lands (see Dareste, &c., _Inscr.
  jur. Gr._ ii. § 19 and commentary). (6) Imprecations written on lead,
  and placed in tombs or in temples: Wünsch, _I.G._ iii. App.;
  Audollent, _Defixionum tabellae_ (1904). (7) Oracles are referred to
  _I.G._ xii. 248; Michel 840-856. (8) Among the inscriptions from
  Delphi few are more curious than those relating to the enfranchisement
  of slaves under the form of sale to a god (see _Gr. dial. Inschr._
  nos. 1684-2342); for enfranchisement-inscriptions of various kinds,
  Dareste, &c., _Inscr. jur. Gr._ § xxx. (9) Cures effected in the
  Asclepieum at Epidaurus (Dittenberger, _Syll._² 802-805). (10)
  Inventories, &c., of treasures in temples: Michel 811-828, 832, 833,
  &c. (11) Inscriptions relating to dramatic representations at public
  festivals: A. Wilhelm, _Urkunden dramatischer Aufführungen in Athen_
  (Vienna, 1906). This catalogue might be enlarged indefinitely.


    Private Inscriptions.

  3. There remain a large number of inscriptions of a more strictly
  private character. The famous Parian marble (_I.G._ xii. 444) falls
  under this head; it was a system of chronology drawn up, perhaps by a
  schoolmaster, in the 3rd century B.C. The excessive devotion of the
  later Greeks to athletic and other competitions at festivals is
  revealed by the numerous dedications made by victorious competitors
  who record their successes (see Michel 915-960; Dittenberger,
  _Syll._² 683 f.). The dedications and honorary inscriptions relating
  to the Ephebi of later Athens (which occupy half of _I.G._ iii. pt.
  1), dreary as they seem, have yet thrown a curious light upon the
  academic life of Roman Athens (see A. Dumont, _Essai sur l'éphébie
  attique_; Reinach, _Traité_, pp. 408-418; Roberts and Gardner ii.
  145); and from these and similar late inscriptions the attempt has
  been made to construct _Fasti_ of the later archons (von Schöffer in
  Pauly-Wissowa, _Realencyklopädie, s.v._ "Archontes"; W. S. Ferguson in
  _Cornell Studies_, x. The sepulchral monuments have been beautifully
  illustrated in Stackelberg's _Gräber der Hellenen_; for the Attic
  stelae see Conze, _Die attischen Grabreliefs_ (1893 ff.). Some of the
  most interesting epitaphs in the _C.I.G._ are from Aphrodisias and
  Smyrna. Kumanudes's collection of Attic epitaphs has been mentioned
  above; see also Gutscher, _Die attischen Grabschr._ (1889); they yield
  a good deal of information about the Attic demes, and some of them are
  of high importance, e.g. the epitaph on the slain in the year 458 B.C.
  (Dittenberger, _Syll._² 9), and on those who fell in the Hellespont,
  c. 440 B.C. (Hicks² 46). For the metrical inscriptions see Kaibel,
  _Epigrammata Graeca_ (1878). Closely connected with sepulchral
  inscriptions is the famous "Will of Epicteta" (_I.G._ xii. 330). It
  was also customary at Athens for lands mortgaged to be indicated by
  boundary-stones inscribed with the names of mortgagor and mortgagee,
  and the amount (_I.G._ ii. 1103-1153; Dareste, &c., _Inscr. jur._ i.
  pp. 107-142); other [Greek: oroi] are common enough.

  The names of sculptors inscribed on the bases of statues have been
  collected by E. Löwy (_Inschriften gr. Bildhauer_, 1885). In most
  cases the artists are unknown to fame. Among the exceptions are the
  names of Pythagoras of Rhegium, whom we now know to have been a native
  of Samos (Löwy 23, 24); Pyrrhus, who made the statue of Athena Hygieia
  dedicated by Pericles (Plut. _Per._ 13; Löwy 53); Polyclitus the
  younger (Löwy 90 f.), Paeonius of Mende, who sculptured the marble
  Nike at Olympia (Löwy 49); Praxiteles (Löwy 76), &c.


    Study of Dialects.

  The bearing of inscriptions upon the study of dialects is very
  obvious. A handy selection has been made by Cauer (_Delectus inscr._
  Gr. 2nd ed., Leipzig, 1883) of the principal inscriptions illustrating
  this subject, and a complete collection is in course of publication
  (Collitz and others, _Sammlung der griechischen Dialekt-Inschriften_,
  Göttingen, 1884 ff.). See also R. Meister, _Die griech. Dialekte_
  (1882-1889), and O. Hoffman, _Die griech. Dialekte_ (1891-1898). The
  grammar of Attic inscriptions is treated by Meisterhans, _Grammatik
  der att. Inschr._ (3rd ed. by Schwyzer, 1900).


    Date of Inscriptions.

  The date of inscriptions is determined partly by the internal evidence
  of the subject, persons, and events treated of, and the character of
  the dialect and language. But the most important evidence is the form
  of the letters and style of execution. For the Attic inscriptions the
  development from the earliest times to about A.D. 500 is elaborately
  treated by Larfeld, _Handbuch der att. Inschr._ (1902). bk. ii. Much
  of the evidence is of a kind difficult to appreciate from a mere
  description. Yet--besides the [Greek: boustrophêdon] writing of many
  early documents--we may mention the contrast between the stiff,
  angular characters which prevailed before 500 or 450 B.C. and the
  graceful yet simple forms of the Periclean age. This development was
  part of the general movement of the time. Inscriptions of this period
  are usually written [Greek: stotchêdon], i.e. the letters are in line
  vertically as well as horizontally. From the archonship of Eucleides
  (403 B.C.) onwards the Athenians officially adopted the fuller
  alphabet which had obtained in Ionia since the 6th century. Before 403
  B.C. [zeta] and [psi] were expressed in Attic inscriptions by
  [Chi][Sigma] and [phi][Sigma], while [EPSILON] did duty for [eta],
  [epsilon], and sometimes [epsilon][iota], [Omicron] for [omicron],
  [omicron][upsilon], and [omega]--[Eta] being used only for the
  aspirate. There is, however, occasional use of the Ionic alphabet in
  Attica, even in official inscriptions, as early as the middle of the
  5th century. The Macedonian period betrays a falling off in neatness
  and firmness of execution--the letters being usually small and
  scratchy, excepting in inscriptions relating to great personages, when
  the characters are often very large and handsome. In the 2nd century
  came in the regular use of _apices_ as an ornament of letters. These
  tendencies increased during the period of Roman dominion in Greece,
  and gradually, especially in Asia Minor, the _iota adscriptum_ was
  dropped. The Greek characters of the Augustan age indicate a period of
  restoration; they are uniformly clear, handsome, and adorned with
  _apices_. The lunate epsilon and sigma ([epsilon], C) establish
  themselves in this period; so does the square form [square C], and the
  cursive [omega] is also occasionally found. The inscriptions of
  Hadrian's time show a tendency to eclectic imitation of the classical
  lettering. But from the period of the Antonines (when we find a good
  many pretty inscriptions) the writing grows more coarse and clumsy
  until Byzantine times, when the forms appear barbarous indeed beside
  an inscription of the Augustan or even Antonine age.


    Collections of Marbles.

  The finest collections of inscribed Greek marbles are of course at
  Athens. There are also good collections, public and private, at Smyrna
  and Constantinople. The British Museum contains the best collection
  out of Athens (see the publication mentioned above); the Louvre
  contains a good many (edited by Fröhner, _Les Inscriptions grecques du
  musée du Louvre_, 1865); the Oxford collection is very valuable, and
  fairly large; and there are some valuable inscriptions also at
  Cambridge.

  BIBLIOGRAPHY.--The following essays give good outlines of the whole
  subject:--Boeckh, _C.I.G._, preface to vol i.; C. T. Newton, _Essays
  on Art and Archaeology_ (1880), pp. 95, 209; S. Reinach, _Traité
  d'épigraphie grecque_ (Paris, 1885). Besides the works already quoted
  the following should be mentioned:--Boeckh's _Kleine Schriften_;
  Michaelis, _Der Parthenon_; Waddington, _Fastes des provinces
  asiatiques_, part i. (1872), and _Mémoire sur la chronologie de la vie
  du rhéteur Aristide_; Kirchhoff, _Studien zur Geschichte des
  griechischen Alphabets_ (4th ed., 1887); Schubert, _De proxenia_
  (Leipzig, 1881); Monceaux, _Les Proxénies gr._ (Paris, 1886);
  Latyshev, _Inscr. ant. orae septentr. Ponti Euxini Gr. et Lat._ (2
  vols., St Petersburg, 1885-1890); Bechtel, _Inschriften des ionischen
  Dialekts_ (Göttingen, 1887); Paton and Hicks, _Inscriptions of Cos_
  (Oxford, 1891); Fränkel and others, _Inschriften von Pergamon_ (2
  vols., Berlin 1890-1895); Comparetti, _Le Leggi di Gortyna_, &c.
  (_Monum. antichi_, iii., 1893); E. Hoffmann, _Sylloge epigrammatum
  Graec._ (Halle a. S., 1893); O. Kern, _Inschriften von Magnesia am
  Maeander_ (Berlin, 1900); S. Chabert, _Histoire sommaire des études
  d'épigraphie grecque_ (Paris, 1906); Hackl, _Merkantile Inschr. auf
  attischen Vasen (Münch, arch Stud._, 1909); Wilhelm, _Beiträge zur
  griech. Inschriftenkunde_ (Vienna, 1909).     (E. L. H.; G. F. H.*)


IV. LATIN INSCRIPTIONS

I. Latin or Roman Inscriptions (by which general name are designated, in
classical archaeology, all non-literary remains of the Latin language,
with the exception of coins, letters and journals) fall into two
distinct classes, viz. (1) those which were written upon other objects
of various kinds, to denote their peculiar purpose, and in this way have
been preserved along with them; and (2) those which themselves are the
objects, written, to be durable, as a rule, on metal or stone. The first
class is that of _inscriptions_ in the stricter sense of the word
(styled by the Romans _tituli_, by the Germans _Aufschriften_); the
second is that of instruments or charters, public and private (styled by
the Romans first _leges_, afterwards _instrumenta_ or _tabulae_, and by
the Germans _Urkunden_).

No ancient Latin authors have professedly collected and explained or
handed down to us Roman inscriptions. Some of the orators and
historians, such as Cicero, Livy, Pliny the elder, and Suetonius among
the Latins, and Polybius, Dionysius of Halicarnassus and Josephus among
the Greeks, occasionally mention inscriptions of high historical
interest. A few grammarians, as, for example, Varro, Verrius Flaccus and
Valerius Probus of Berytus, quote ancient words or _formulae_ from them,
or explain the abbreviations used in them. Juridical instruments, laws,
constitutions of emperors, _senatus consulta_ and the like appear in the
various collections of Roman jurisprudence.

Inscriptions (in the wider sense, as we shall henceforth call them
without regard to the distinction which has been drawn) have been found
in nearly every centre of ancient Roman life, but, like many other
remains of antiquity, only seldom in their original sites. The great
mass of them has to be sought for in the large European museums of
ancient art, and in the smaller local collections of ancient remains
which occur nearly everywhere in the European provinces of the former
Roman empire as well as in the north of Africa, and also here and there
in Asia Minor.

Only those copies of inscriptions are to be received with full
confidence which are furnished by experienced and well-equipped
scholars, or which have been made with the help of mechanical methods
(casts, photographs, moist and dry rubbings), not always applicable with
equal success, but depending on the position and the state of
preservation of the monuments.[36] From the first revival of classical
learning in the Carolingian age attention was paid anew, by pilgrims to
Rome and other places worth visiting, to epigraphic monuments also. In
the time of the Renaissance, from the end of the 14th century downwards,
some of the leading Italian scholars, like Poggio and Signorili, and the
antiquarian traveller Cyriacus of Ancona, collected inscriptions, Greek
and Latin.[37] In the 15th century large collections of the inscriptions
of all countries, or of limited districts, were made by Giovanni
Marcanova, Fra Felice Feliciano, Fra Michele Ferrarino, Fra Giocondo the
architect of Verona, Marino Sanudo the Venetian polyhistor, and others.
At the end of the 15th and the beginning of the 16th, the first printed
collections can be recorded (Spreti's for Ravenna, 1489; Peutinger's for
Augsburg, 1508; Huttich's for Mainz, 1520; Francesco degli Albertini's
for Rome, printed in 1521 by Jacopo Mazochi), while during the same
century a long list of epigraphic travellers, like Pighius, Rambertus
and Accursius, or antiquarian collectors, like Sigonius, Panvinius,
Antonius Augustinus with his collaborators Ursinus and Metellus, and
many others, were busy in augmenting the stock of epigraphic monuments.
The series of printed epigraphic _Corpora_ begins with that of Apianus
(Ingolstadt, 1534), the only one arranged in geographical order, and is
continued in those of Smetius (1558, but edited only after the author's
death by Justus Lipsius, 1588), Gruter (with Joseph Scaliger's
_Indices_, 1603, and re-edited by Graevius, 1707), Gudius (about 1660,
edited by Hessel, 1731), Reinesius (1682), Fabretti (1699), Gori (1726),
Doni (1731), Muratori (1739), Maffei (1749), Donati (1765-1775). These
collections, manuscript and printed, will never altogether lose their
value, as great numbers of inscriptions known to the ancient collectors
have since been lost or destroyed. But, inasmuch as even towards the
beginning of the 15th century, as well as afterwards, especially from
the 16th down to a very recent period, all sorts of inaccuracies,
interpolations and even downright falsifications, found their way into
the _Corpora_, these can be employed only with the greatest caution.
Modern critical research in the field of epigraphy began with the
detection of those forgeries (especially of the very extensive and
skilful ones of Pirro Ligorio, the architect to the house of Este) by
Maffei, Olivieri and Marini. The last-named scholar opens a new era of
truly critical and scientific handling of Roman inscriptions (especially
in his standard work on the _Atti dei fratelli arvali_, Rome, 1795); his
disciple and successor, Count Bartolomeo Borghesi (who died at San
Marino in 1860), may be rightly called the founder of the modern science
of Roman epigraphy.[38] Orelli's handy collection of Roman inscriptions
(2 vols., Zurich, 1828) is a first attempt to make accessible to a
larger scientific public the results of the researches of Marini and his
successors; but it was not completed, (and thoroughly corrected) until
nearly thirty years later, by Henzen (Orelli, iii., with the
indispensable _Indices_, Zurich, 1856), who, with Mommsen and De Rossi,
carried out the plan of a universal _Corpus inscriptionum Latinarum_,
previously projected by Maffei (1732), by Kellermann and Sarti (1832),
with Borghesi's help, and by Letronne and Egger (1843). After the
appearance of Mommsen's _Inscriptiones regni Neapolitani Latinae_
(Leipzig, 1852) and his _Inscriptiones confoederationis Helveticae
Latinae_ (vol. x. of the publications of the Zurich Antiquarian Society,
1854), the publication of the _C.I.L._ , following the similar work of
the Greek inscriptions, was undertaken by the Royal Academy of Sciences
of Berlin.

  This work, in which the previous literature is fully described and
  utilized, consists of the following parts:--vol. i., _Inscriptiones
  antiquissimae ad C. Caesaris mortem_ (1863; 2nd ed., part i., 1893);
  Ritschl's _Priscae Latinitatis monumenta epigraphica_ (Berlin, 1862,
  fol.) form the graphic illustration to vol. i., giving all extant
  monuments of the republican epoch (with five _Supplementa_, Bonn,
  1862-1865; R. Garrucci's _Sylloge inscriptionum Latinarum aevi Romanae
  reipublicae usque ad C. Iulium Caesarem plenissima_, 2 vols., Turin,
  1875-1877, must be used with caution); vol. ii., _Inscr. Hispaniae_
  (1869; with Supplement, 1892); vol. iii., _Inscr. Asiae, provinciarum
  Europae Graecarum, Illyrici_ (1873; with Supplements and Index,
  1889-1902); vol. iv., _Inscr. parietariae Pompeianae Herculanenses
  Stabianae_ (the scratched and painted inscriptions chiefly of Pompeii)
  (1871; with Supplement, part i., 1898; part ii., 1909); vol. v.,
  _Inscr. Galliae cisalpinae_ (1872-1877; with Suppl., Et. Pais, _C.I.L.
  suppl. Italica_); vol. vi., _Inscr. urbis Romae_ (1876-1902; with
  Supplement, 1902); vol. vii., _Inscr. Britanniae_ (1873); vol. viii.,
  _Inscr. Africae_ (1881; with Supplement, 1891-1894, 1904); vol. ix.,
  _Inscr. Calabriae, Apuliae, Samnii, Sabinorum, Piceni_ (1883); vol.
  x., _Inscr. Bruttiorum, Lucaniae, Campaniae, Siciliae, Sardiniae_
  (1883); vol. xi., _Inscr. Aemiliae, Umbriae, Etruriae_ (1888; part
  ii., 1901 sqq.); vol. xii., _Inscr. Galliae Narbonensis_ (1888); vol.
  xiii., _Inscr. trium Galliarum et duarum Germaniarum_ (1899 sqq.; part
  ii., 1905 sqq.); vol. xiv., _Inscr. Latii antiqui_; vol. xv., _Inscr.
  laterum_ (1891; part ii., i. [_vasa, lucernae, fistulae_], 1899). The
  arrangement observed in the _Corpus_ is the geographical (as in
  Apianus); within the single towns the order of subjects (_tituli
  sacri_, _magistratuum_, _privatorum_, &c., as in Smetius) is followed,
  with some few exceptions, where the monuments are so numerous (as in
  the _forum_ of Rome and at Pompeii and Lambaesis) that they can be
  assigned to their original places. Running supplements to the _C.I.L._
  are given in the _Ephemeris epigraphica, Corporis inscr. Latinarum
  supplementum_ (Berlin, 1872 sqq.); and the new discoveries of each
  year are recorded in Cagnat's _L'Année épigraphique_.

  The inscriptions in the other Italian dialects have been published by
  Conway, _Italic Dialects_ (Cambridge, 1897); cf. vol. ii. of von
  Planta, _Grammatik der oskisch-umbrischen Dialekte_ (Strassburg,
  1897). A Corpus of the Etruscan inscriptions was begun in 1893 by
  Pauli and is now nearly complete. The inscriptions of the Veneti, a N.
  Italian people of the Illyrian stock, will be found in vol. iii. of
  Pauli, _Altitalische Forschungen_ (Leipzig, 1891). For the Christian
  inscriptions see De Rossi's _Inscr. Christianae urbis Romae septimo
  saeculo antiquiores_, vol. i. (Rome, 1857), vol. ii. (1888); the
  _Inscriptions chrétiennes de la Gaule of Le Blant_ (2 vols., Paris,
  1857-1865; new edition, 1892); the _Altchristliche Inschriften der
  Rheinlande_ of Kraus (1890); the _Christliche Inschriften der Schweiz
  vom IV.-IX. Jahrhundert_ of Egli (1895); and the _Inscr. Hispaniae
  Christianae and Inscr. Britanniae Christianae_ of Hübner (Berlin,
  1871, 1876). As splendidly illustrated works on the Latin inscriptions
  of some districts Alphonse de Boissieu's _Inscriptions antiques de
  Lyon_ (Lyons, 1846-1854), Ch. Robert's _Épigraphie romaine de la
  Moselle_ (Paris, 1875), and J. C. Bruce's _Lapidarium septentrionale_
  (London and Newcastle, 1875) can be recommended. Besides the
  above-mentioned Orelli-Henzen collection, G. Wilmanns's _Exempla
  inscriptionum Latinarum_ (2 vols, Berlin, 1873, with copious indexes),
  and Dessau's _Inscriptiones Latinae selectae_ (vol. i., 1892; vol.
  ii., 1903; ii., 1906) give a general synopsis of the materials.
  Inscriptions of interest to students of history are collected in
  Rushforth's _Latin Historical Inscriptions_ (Oxford, 1893); Leroux,
  _Revue des publications épigraphiques relatives à l'antiquité
  romaine_, records those which bear on antiquities. Of other works may
  be mentioned Ruggiero, _Dizionario epigrafico di antichità romane_
  (1886); Olcott, _Thesaurus linguae Latinae epigraphicae_ (1904 sqq.).

II. Information regarding the forms of letters used on Roman
inscriptions will be found under the articles LATIN LANGUAGE,
PALAEOGRAPHY and WRITING (cf. Hübner, _Exempla scripturae_
_epigraphicae Latinae_, 1895). The forms of the single letters vary not
inconsiderably according to the material of the monuments, their age and
their origin. Carefully cut letters, especially when on a large scale,
naturally differ from those scratched or painted on walls by
non-professional hands, or hewn on rocks by soldiers; and small incised
(or dotted) letters on metal or ivory and bone, and those painted on
earthenware, or impressed on it or on glass before burning, are also
necessarily of a different character. The letters, ordinarily drawn with
_minium_ on the monument before being cut (and also often painted, after
having been cut, with the same colour), sometimes have been painted with
a brush, and thence receive a peculiar form. To save space, on coins
first and afterwards in inscriptions also, two or three or even more
letters were joined, especially at the end of the lines, to a _nexus_ or
a _ligatura_. This system of compendious writing, very rare in the
republican epoch, and slowly extending itself during the 1st century,
became rather frequent in the 2nd and 3rd, especially in Spain and
Africa. There is no constant system in these _nexus litterarum_, but
generally the rule is observed that no substantial element of a single
letter is to be counted for twice (thus e.g. [cross] is _it_ or _ti_,
not _Titi_). Numerals are usually distinguished from letters in the
ancient period, down to the end of the republic, by a stroke drawn
through them, as in ++VIR, _duo(m) vir(om)_ ++S _duo semis_
(_sestertius_), [D with line-through] 500; it was afterwards put above
them, as in IIVIR, XVIR, I[1111]IVIR, _duovir_, _decemvir_, _sevir_.[39]

The direction of the writing is in the very oldest inscriptions from
right to left and from left to right in alternate lines, an arrangement
technically called [Greek: boustrophêdon] (D. Comparetti, _Iscrizione
arcaica del Foro Romano_, Florence, 1900; H. Jordan, _Hermes_, vol. xv.
p. 5, 1880), and in the Sabellic inscriptions similar arrangements are
not infrequent. In all others it is from left to right. Each word is
separated from the other by a sign of interpunction, which is not
wanted, therefore, at the end of lines or of the whole text. Exceptions
to this rule occur only in the later period (from the 2nd century
downwards), and sometimes under special conditions, as when abridged
words form the end of the line. Here and there even the different
syllables of each word are separated by interpunction. The interpunction
is formed by a single dot (except in some very ancient inscriptions,
such as the recently found Forum inscription of the regal period and
those of Pisaurum, where, as in Greek and other Italian monuments, three
dots [:·] are used). According to the technical skill of the different
periods in stone-cutting this dot is in some very ancient inscriptions
quadrangular, or similar to an oblique cross (×), or oblong (as a bold
stroke), but, as a rule, triangular, and never circular. This triangular
dot changes, by ornamentation, into a hook [Symbol] or a leaf [Symbol];
the ivy-leaf-shaped dot is especially frequent in inscriptions from
about the 2nd century downwards. The dot is always placed at the middle
height of the letters, not, as now, at the foot of the line. In large
texts of instruments the interpunction is often omitted; in the later
period it is often entirely wanting; and in short texts, in the
disposition of the lines, in the varying sizes of the letters employed,
in the division of words at the end of the lines, &c., certain rules are
observed, which cannot be detailed here. In some instances older
inscriptions have been cancelled and more recent ones substituted (e.g.
on milestones), especially in the case of the _damnatio memoriae_ (in
cases of high treason), in consequence of which the names of consuls and
emperors are often cancelled; but in modern times also inscriptions have
been deliberately destroyed or lost ones restored.

For understanding the texts of the inscriptions an accurate knowledge of
the system of abbreviations used in them is necessary (see Cagnat,
_Cours d'épigraphie latine_, 3rd ed., 1898). These are almost invariably
_litterae singulares_; that is to say, the initial letter is employed
for the entire word (in all its grammatical forms), or if one initial,
as belonging to more than one word, is not sufficiently clear, the first
two or even the first three letters are employed; rarely more than
three. Abbreviations in the true sense of the word (by dropping some
letters at the end) are to be found, in the older period, only at the
end of lines, and not frequently. In the later period some instances of
them have been observed. The _litterae singulares_, as Valerius Probus
taught, are either generally employed (_usus generalis_) in all classes
of written documents (and so in literature also), as, for instance,
those of the individual names (the _praenomina_), the names of days and
feasts (_kal._ for _kalendae_), and those of the chief magistrates
(_cos._ for _consul_) and the like; or they belong chiefly (but not
exclusively) to certain classes of documents, such as those used in
juridical acts (_l._ for _lex_, _h._ for _heres_, _s. d. m._ for _sine
dolo malo_, and so on), in sepulchral inscriptions (_h. s. e._, _hic
situs est_) or in dedicatory inscriptions (_v. s. l. m._, _votum solvit
libens merito_), &c.[40]

It may be observed here that the _praenomina_ are, as a rule, always
written in the universally known abbreviations (in the few instances
where they are written in full it is a consequence of Greek influence or
of peculiar circumstances). The _gentilicia_ in -_ius_ are abridged, in
the republican period, in -_i_ (in the nominative, perhaps for -_is_).
In the always abbreviated indications of ancestors or patrons (in the
case of slaves and freedmen), as _C.f._, _Gai filius_, _M.l._, _Marci
libertus_ (_s._ for _servus_ is not frequent), the feminine gender is
sometimes indicated by inversion of the letters. Thus [Symbol]. _l._ (or
_lib._) or W (an inverted M) _l._ designates a _mulieris libertus_;
[Symbol] and [Symbol] are used for _filia_, _pupilla_. On the _tribus_
and their abbreviations, and on the so-called military _tribus_ (which
are names of colonies collocated, for the sake of symmetry, at the place
usually occupied, in the nomenclature, by the _tribus_), and on the
other indications of origin used in the designation of individuals, the
indexes to the above-named works give sufficient information; on the
geographical distribution of the _tribus_ see Grotefend's _Imperium
Romanum tributim descriptum_ (Hanover, 1863). For the abbreviations of
official charges, urban and municipal, and, in the imperial period,
civil and military (to which, beginning with the 4th century, some
Christian designations are to be added), see also the explanations given
in the indexes. Among these abbreviations the first instances are to be
found of the indication of the plural number by doubling the last
letter; thus _Augg._, _Caess._, _coss._, _dd._ _nn._ (_domini nostri_),
are used from the 3rd century downwards (see De Rossi's preface to the
_Inscriptiones Christ. urbis Romae_) to distinguish them from _Aug.,
Caes._, as designating the singular. In the later period, a dot or a
stroke over the abridged word, like that upon numerals, here and there
indicates the abbreviation.

  III.--1. Among the inscriptions in the stricter sense (the _tituli_),
  perhaps the oldest, and certainly the most frequent, are the
  _sepulchral inscriptions_ (_tituli sepulcrales_). Of the different
  forms of Roman tombs, partly depending upon the difference between
  burial and cremation, which were in use side by side, a very complete
  account is given in Marquardt's _Handbuch der römischen Altertümer_
  (vol. vii. part i., Leipzig, 1879, p. 330 seq.). The most ancient
  examples are those of a _sepulcretum_ at Praeneste (_C.I.L._ i. 74,
  165, 1501 _a-d_; _Ephem. epigr._ i. 25-131; Wil. 153); the oldest of
  these contain nothing but the name of the deceased in the nominative;
  those of more recent date give it in the genitive. The oldest and
  simplest form remained always in use down to Christian times; it is
  that used on the large tectonic monuments of the Augustan age (e.g.
  that of Caecilia Metella, _C.I.L._ vi. 1274) and in the _mausolea_ of
  most of the emperors, and is still frequent in the _tituli_ of the
  large _columbaria_ of the same age (_C.I.L._ vi. part ii.). It was
  early succeeded by the lists of names, given also in the nominative,
  when more than one individual, either dead or alive, were to be
  indicated as sharers of a tomb. To distinguish the members still
  alive, a _v_ (_vivit_, _vivos_, _vivi_) was prefixed to their names
  (e.g. _C.I.L._ i. 1020, 1195, 1271); the deceased were sometimes
  marked by the [Greek: thêta] _nigrum_ (_C.I.L._ i. 1032; Wil. 158; see
  also _C.I.L._ vi. 10251 seq.). Only the names in the nominative are
  shown, too, on the _sarcophagi_ of the _Turpleii_ and _Fourii_ at
  Tusculum (_C.I.L._ i. 65-72; Wil. 152), and in the oldest
  inscriptions on those of the _Scipiones_, painted with _minium_
  (_C.I.L._ i. 29; Wil. 537), to which were added afterwards the
  insignia of the _magistratus curules_ (_C.I.L._ i. 31; Wil. 538) and
  the poetical _elogia_. Of a somewhat different kind are the
  inscriptions scratched without much care on very simple earthen
  vessels which belonged to a _sepulcretum_ of the lower class, situated
  outside the _porta Capena_ at Rome, on the Appian road, near the old
  church of San Cesario (_C.I.L._ i. 882-1005, 1539, 1539 _a-d_ =
  _C.I.L._ vi. 8211-8397; Wil. 176); they can be ascribed to the period
  of the Gracchi. On these _ollae_, besides the name of the deceased,
  also for the most part in the nominative, but on the more recent in
  the genitive, the date of a day, probably that of the death, is noted;
  here and there _obit_ (or _o._) is added. About the same epoch, at the
  beginning of the 6th century, along with the growing taste for
  tectonic ornamentation of the tombs in the Greek style, poetical
  epigrams were added to the simple sepulchral _titulus_, especially
  amongst the half-Greek middle class rapidly increasing in Rome and
  Italy; Saturnian (_C.I.L._ i. 1006), iambic (1007-1010) and dactylic
  (1011) verses become more and more frequent in epitaphs (see
  Buecheler, _Anthologia Latina_, ii.). In prose also short designations
  of the mental qualities of the deceased (_homo bonus_, _misericors_,
  _amans pauperum_, or _uxor frugi_, _bona_, _pudica_ and the like),
  short dialogues with the passer-by (originally borrowed from Greek
  poetry), as _vale salve_, _salvus ire_, _vale et tu_, _te rogo
  praeteriens dicas_ "_sit tibi terra levis_," &c. (Wil. 180), then
  indications of his condition in his lifetime, chiefly among the Greek
  tradesmen and workmen, e.g. _lanius de colle Viminale_ (_C.I.L._ i.
  1011), _margaritarius de sacra via_ (1027) and the like, and some
  formulae, such as _ossa hic sita sunt_, _heic cubat_, _heic situs est_
  (in republican times mostly written in full, not abridged) were added
  (J. Church "Zur Phraseologie der lat. Grabinschriften" in _Arch. lat.
  Lexikogr._ 12. 215 sqq.). The habit of recording the measurement of
  the sepulchre, on the sepulchral _cippus_, by such formulae as _locus
  patet in fronte pedes tot_, _in agro_ (or _in via_, or _retro_) _pedes
  tot_, seems not to be older than the Augustan age (_C.I.L._ i. 1021,
  with Mommsen's note; Wil. 188). About the same time also the epitaphs
  more frequently state how long the deceased lived, which was formerly
  added only on certain occasions (e.g. in the case of a premature
  death), and mostly in poetical form. The worship of the _dei Manes_,
  though undoubtedly very ancient, is not alluded to in the sepulchral
  inscriptions themselves until the close of the republic. Here and
  there, in this period, the tomb is designated as a (_locus_) _deum
  Maanium_ (e.g. at Hispellum, _C.I.L._ i. 1410); or, it is said, as on
  a _cippus_ from Corduba in Spain (_C.I.L._ ii. 2255; Wil. 218), _C.
  Sentio Sat_(_urnino_) _co(n)s(ule)_--that is, in the year 19
  B.C.--_dei Manes receperunt Abulliam N(umerii) l(ibertam) Nigellam_.
  In the Augustan age the _titulus sepulcralis_ begins to be confounded
  with the _titulus sacer_; it adopts the form of a dedication _deis
  Manibus_, offered to the _dei Manes_ (or _dei inferi Manes_, the _dei
  parentum_ being the _Manes_ of the parents) of the deceased (see Orel.
  4351; Wil. 217-228). This formula, afterwards so common, is still very
  rare at the end of the republic, and is usually written in full, while
  in later times it is employed, both simply and in many varied forms
  (as _dis manibus sacrum_, or _d. m. et memoriae_, _d. m. et genio_, or
  _memoriae aeternae_, _paci et quieti_, _quieti aeternae_, _somno
  aeternali_ and so on; Wil. 246), in thousands of monuments. By similar
  degrees the _titulus sepulcralis_ adopts many of the elements of the
  _titulus honorarius_ (the indication of the _cursus honorum_, of the
  military charges, &c., as e.g. in the inscription of Cn. Calpurnius
  Piso, _C.I.L._ i. 598 = vi. 1276, Wil. 1105, on the pyramid of
  Cestius, _C.I.L._ vi. 1374, and on the monument at Ponte Lucano of Ti.
  Plautius Silvanus Aelianus, consul A.D. 74, Orel. 750, Wil. 1145 and
  many others), of the _tituli operum publicorum_ (e.g. _monumentum
  fecit_, _sibi et suis_, &c.), and of the _instrumenta_. Testaments
  (like those of Dasumius of the year A.D. 109.--_C.I.L._ vi. 10229;
  Wil. 314; and T. Flavius Syntrophus--_C.I.L._ vi. 10239; Henz. 7321;
  Wil. 313), or parts of them (like that on the tomb of a Gaul of the
  tribe of the Lingones, belonging to Vespasian's time, Wil. 315),
  funeral orations (as those on Turia--_C.I.L._ vi. 1527; _Notizie degli
  scavi_ (1898), p. 412; Hirschfeld, _Wiener Studien Bormannheft_, p.
  283; Fowler, _Classical Review_, xix. 261; on Murdia--_C.I.L._ vi.
  10230; Orel. 4860; Rudorff, _Abhandlungen der Königl. Akademie der
  Wissenschaften zu Berlin_ (1868), p. 217 seq.; and that of Hadrian on
  the elder Matidia, found at Tivoli--Mommsen in the same _Abhandlungen_
  (1863), p. 483 seq; Dehner, _Laudatio Matidiae_, Neuwied (1891),
  numerous statements relating to the conservation and the employment of
  the monuments (_C.I.L._ vi. 10249; Wil. 287-290), to their remaining
  within the family of the deceased--from which came the frequent
  formula "_h(oc) m(onumentum) h(eredem) n(on) s(equetur)_" and the like
  (Wil. 280; cf. Hor. Sat. i. 8. 13),--and relating to the annual
  celebration of _parentalia_ (Wil. 305 seq.), down to the not uncommon
  prohibition of violation or profanation of the monument _noli
  violare_, &c., with many other particulars (on which the index of Wil.
  p. 678 seq. may be consulted), form the text of the sepulchral
  inscriptions of the later epoch from Augustus downwards. The
  thoroughly pagan sentiment _non fui non sum non curo_, or _n. f. n. s.
  n. c._, is common, apparently a translation of the Greek [Greek: ouk
  êmên, egenomên ouk esomai ou melei moi]. Another type of epitaph, much
  affected by the poorer classes (like our "Affliction sore" &c.), is:
  _noli dolere mater eventum meum, Properavit aetas, hoc voluit fatus_
  (sic) _mihi_ (Lier, "Topica carminum sepulcralium Latinorum" in
  _Philologus_, 62. 445 sqq.). To these are to be added many local
  peculiarities of provinces (as Spain and Africa), districts (as the
  much-disputed _sub ascia dedicare_ of the stones of Lyons and other
  parts of Gaul), and towns, of which a full account cannot be given
  here.

  2. Of the _dedicatory inscriptions_ (or _tituli sacri_), the oldest
  known are the short indications painted (along with representations of
  winged _genii_, in the latest style of Graeco-Italian vase painting),
  with white colour on black earthen vessels, by which those vessels
  (_pocula_) are declared to be destined for the worship, public or
  private, of a certain divinity (_C.I.L._ i. 43-50; _Ephem. epigr._ i.
  5-6; Wil. 2827 a-i); they give the name of the god, as that of the
  possessor, in the genitive (e.g. _Saeturni pocolom_, _Lavernai
  pocolom_). The proper form of the dedication, the simple dative of the
  name of a divinity and often nothing else (as _Apolenei_, _Fide_,
  _Junone_, &c., which are all datives), is shown on the very primitive
  altars found in a sacred wood near Pisaurum (_C.I.L._ i. 167-180; Wil.
  1-14); but also the name of the dedicants (_matrona_, _matrona
  Pisaurese_, which are nomin. plur.) and the formulae of the offering
  (_dono dedrot_ or _dedro_, _donu dat_, where _dono_ and _donu_ are
  accus.) are already added to them. This most simple form (the verb in
  the perfect or in the present) never disappeared entirely; it occurs
  not infrequently also in the later periods. Nor did the dative alone,
  without any verb or formula, go entirely out of use (see _C.I.L._ i.
  630; Wil. 36; _C.I.L._ i. 814 = vi. 96; Orel. 1850; Wil. 32; _C.I.L._
  i. 1153; Henz. 5789; Wil. 1775). But at an early date the verb _donum
  dare_ and some synonyms (like _donum portare_, _ferre_, _mancupio
  dare_, _parare_) were felt to be insufficient to express the
  dedicator's good-will and his sense of the justice of the dedication,
  which accordingly were indicated in the expanded formula _dono dedet
  lub(e)s mereto_ (_C.I.L._ i. 183, cf. p. 555; Wil. 21; _C.I.L._ i.
  190; Wil. 22), or, with omission of the verb, _dono mere(to) lib(e)s_
  (_C.I.L._ i. 182). The dative case and this formula, completely or
  partially employed (for _merito_ alone is also used, as _C.I.L._ i.
  562, cf. _Ephem. epigr._ ii. 353, Wil. 29), remained in solemn use. To
  _lubens_ (or _libens_) was added _laetus_ (so in Catullus 31. 4), and,
  if a vow preceded the dedication, _votum solvit_ (or _voto condemnatus
  dedit_; see _C.I.L._ i. 1175; Henz. 5733; Wil. 142, and _C.I.L._ ii.
  1044); so, but not before the time of Augustus (see _C.I.L._ i. 1462 =
  iii. 1772), the solemn formula of the dedicatory inscriptions of the
  later period, _v. s. l. m._ or _v. s. l. l. m._, arose. To the same
  effect, and of equally ancient origin with the solemn words _dare_ and
  _donum dare_, the word _sacrum_ (or other forms of it, as _sacra
  [ara]_), conjoined with the name of a divinity in the dative,
  indicates a gift to it (e.g. _C.I.L._ i. 814; Wil. 32; _C.I.L._ i.
  1200-1201; Wil. 33 _a_ _b_); the same form is to be found also in the
  later period (e.g. _C.I.L._ i. 1124; Henz. 5624-5637), and gave the
  model for the numerous sepulchral inscriptions with _dis Manibus
  sacrum_ mentioned before. _Sacrum_ combined with a genitive very
  seldom occurs (Orel. 1824; Wil. 34); _ara_ is found more frequently
  (as _ara Neptuni_ and _ara Ventorum_, Orel. 1340). Dedications were
  frequently the results of vows; so victorious soldiers (such as L.
  Mummius, the conqueror of Corinth--_C.I.L._ i. 541 seq.; Orel. 563;
  Wil. 27), and prosperous merchants (e.g. the brothers
  Vertuleii--_C.I.L._ i. 1175; Henz. 5733; Wil. 142) vow a tenth part of
  their booty (_de praedad_, as is said on the basis erected by one of
  the Fourii of Tusculum--_C.I.L._ i. 63, 64; Henz. 5674; Wil. 18) or
  gain, and out of this dedicate a gift to Hercules or other divinities
  (see also _C.I.L._ i. 1503; Wil. 24; _C.I.L._ 1113; Wil. 43). Again,
  what one man had vowed, and had begun to erect, is, by his will,
  executed after his death by others (as the _propylum Cereris et
  Proserpinae_ on the Eleusinian temple, which Appius Claudius Pulcher,
  Cicero's well-known predecessor in the Cilician proconsulate,
  began--_C.I.L._ i. 619 = iii. 347; Wil. 31); or the statue that an
  _aedilis_ vowed is erected by himself as _duovir_ (_C.I.L._ iii. 500;
  Henz. 5684); what slaves had promised they fulfil as freedmen
  (_C.I.L._ 1233, _servos vovit liber solvit_; _C.I.L._ 816, Wil. 51,
  "_ser(vos) vov(it) leibert(us) solv(it)_"), and so on. The different
  acts into which an offering, according to the circumstantially
  detailed Roman ritual, is to be divided (the _consecratio_ being
  fulfilled only by the solemn _dedicatio_) are also specified on
  dedicatory inscriptions (see for instance, _consacrare_ or
  _consecrare_, Orel. 2503, and Henz. 6124, 6128; for _dedicare_,
  _C.I.L._ i. 1159, Henz. 7024, Wil. 1782, and compare Catullus's _hunc
  lucum tibi dedico consecroque Priape_; for _dicare_ see the _aara
  leege Albana dicata_ to Vediovis by the _genteiles Iuliei_, _C.I.L._
  i. 807, Orel. 1287, Wil. 101). Not exactly dedicatory, but only
  mentioning the origin of the gift, are the inscriptions on the
  pedestals of offerings ([Greek: anathêmata], _donaria_) out of the
  booty, like those of M. Claudius Marcellus from Enna (_C.I.L._ i. 530;
  Wil. 25, "_Hinnad cepit_") or of M. Fulvius Nobilior, the friend of
  the poet Ennius, from Aetolia (_C.I.L._ i. 534; Orel. 562; Wil. 26 a,
  and _Bullettino dell' Instituto_, 1869, p. 8; _C.I.L._ vi. 1307; Wil.
  26 b, "_Aetolia cepit_" and "_Ambracia cepit_"); they contain only the
  name of the dedicator, not that of the divinity. Of the similar
  offerings of L. Mummius, already mentioned, two only are preserved in
  their original poetical form, the Roman in Saturnian verses of a
  _carmen triumphale_ (_C.I.L._ i. 541; Orel. 563; Wil. 27 _a_) and that
  found at Reate in dactylic hexameters (_C.I.L._ i. 542; Wil. 27 _b_);
  the rest of them contain only the name of the dedicant and the dative
  of the community to which they were destined (_C.I.L._ i. and Wil.
  _l.c._). Of a peculiar form is the very ancient inscription on a
  bronze tablet, now at Munich, probably from Rome, where two _aidiles_,
  whose names are given at the beginning as in the other _donaria_,
  "_vicesma(m) parti(m)_ or _[ex] vicesma_ _parti Apalones_ (that is,
  _Apollinis_) _dederi_ (that is, _dedere_)" (_C.I.L._ i. 187; Orel.
  1433). Many, but not substantial, varieties arise, when old offerings
  are restored (e.g. _C.I.L._ i. 638, 632 = Orel. 2135, and Wil. 48;
  _C.I.L._ i. 803; Henz. 5669, 6122); or the source of the offering
  (e.g. _de stipe_, _C.I.L._ i. 1105; Henz. 5633 a; _ex reditu
  pecuniae_, _ex patrimonio suo_, _ex ludis_, _de munere gladiatorio_,
  and so on); or the motive (_ex jusso_, _ex imperio_, _ex visu_, _ex
  oraculo_, _monitu_, _viso moniti_, _somnio admonitus_ and the like),
  or the person or object, for which the offering was made (_C.I.L._ i.
  188, _pro poplod_; _Ephem. epigr._ ii. 208, _pro trebibos_, in the
  British Museum; _pro se_, _pro salute_, _in honorem domus divinae_,
  &c.), are indicated; or, as in the _tituli operum publicorum_, the
  order of a magistrate (_de senati sententia_, _C.I.L._ i. 560 = vi.
  1306; Orel. 5351; i. 632 = vi. 110; Orel. 2135; Wil. 48; _decurionum
  decreto_, &c.), and the magistrates or private persons executing or
  controlling the work, the place where and the time when it was
  erected, are added. On all these details the indexes, especially that
  of Wil. (ii. 675), give further information. The objects themselves
  which are offered or erected begin to be named only in the later
  period just as in the _tituli operum publicorum_ ("_basim donum
  dant_," _C.I.L._ i. 1167; "_signum basim_," _C.I.L._ i. 1154;
  "_aram_," _C.I.L._ i. 1468; Orel. 1466; Wil. 52; _C.I.L._ i. 1109;
  Wil. 54); in the later period this custom becomes more frequent. It is
  hardly necessary to observe that all kinds of offerings have very
  frequently also been adorned with poetry; these _carmina dedicatoria_
  are given by Buecheler, _Anthologia Latina_, ii.; cf. Wil. 142-151.

  3. Statues to mortals, whether living or after their death (but not on
  their tombs), with _honorary inscriptions_ (_tituli honorarii_), were
  introduced into the Roman republic after the Greek model and only at a
  comparatively late date. One of the oldest inscriptions of this class
  comes from Greek soil and is itself Greek in form, with the name in
  the accusative governed by some (suppressed) verb like "honoured"
  (_C.I.L._ i. 533; Wil. 649), "_Italicei L. Cornelium Scipionem_ (i.e.
  _Asiagenum_) _honoris caussa_," lost and of not quite certain reading,
  belonging to 561 A.U.C. (193 B.C.); the same form (in the accusative)
  appears in other (Latin or Latin and Greek) inscriptions from Greece
  (_C.I.L._ i. 596 = iii. 532; Wil. 1103; _C.I.L._ iii. 365, 7240;
  compare also _C.I.L._ i. 587, 588; Orel. 3036). The noble house of the
  Scipios introduced the use of poetical _elogia_ in the ancient form of
  the _carmina triumphalia_ in Saturnian verses (from the 6th century in
  elegiac distichs). They were added to the short _tituli_, painted only
  with _minium_ on the sarcophagi, giving the name of the deceased (in
  the nominative) and his curulian offices (exclusively), which were
  copied perhaps from the well-known _imagines_ preserved in the
  _atrium_ of the house (_C.I.L._ i. 29 sq; Orel. 550 sq.; Wil. 537 sq.,
  and elsewhere). They hold, by their contents, an intermediate place
  between the sepulchral inscriptions, to which they belong properly,
  and the honorary ones, and therefore are rightly styled _elogia_. What
  the Scipios did thus privately for themselves was in other cases done
  publicly at a period nearly as early. The first instance preserved of
  such a usage, of which Pliny the elder speaks (_Hist. nat._ xxxiv. §
  17 sq.), is the celebrated _columna rostrata_ of C. Duilius, of which
  only a copy exists, made in or before the time of the emperor Claudius
  (_C.I.L._ i. 195 = vi. 1300; Orel. 549; Wil. 609). Then follow the
  _elogia_ inscribed at the base of public works like the _Arcus
  Fabianus_ (_C.I.L._ i. 606, 607 and 278, elog. i.-iii. = vi. 1303,
  1304; Wil. 610), or of statues by their descendants, as those
  belonging to a _sacrarium domus Augustae_ (_C.I.L._ i. elog. iv.-vi. =
  _C.I.L._ vi. 1310, 1311) and others belonging to men celebrated in
  politics or in letters, as Scipio, Hortensius, Cicero, &c., and found
  in Rome either on marble tablets (_C.I.L._ i. vii.-xii. = _C.I.L._ vi.
  1312, 1279, 1283, 1271, 1273; Wil. 611-613) or on busts (_C.I.L._ i.
  xv.-xix. = _C.I.L._ vi. 1327, 1295, 1320, 1309, 1325, 1326; Wil.
  618-621; see also _C.I.L._ i. 40 = vi. 1280; Wil. 1101; and _C.I.L._
  i. 631 = vi. 1278; i. 640 = vi. 1323, vi. 1321, 1322, where _T.
  Quincti_ seems to be the nominative), and in divers other places
  (_C.I.L._ i. xiii., xiv.; Wil. 614, 615). This custom seems to have
  been resumed by Augustus (Suet. _Aug._ 31) with a political and
  patriotic aim, praised by the poet Horace (_Od._ iv. 8. 13, "_incisa
  notis marmora publicis, per quae spiritus et vita redit bonis post
  mortem ducibus_"); for he adorned his _forum_ with the statues of
  celebrated men from Aeneas and Romulus downwards (_C.I.L._ i. xxiv.,
  xxv., xxvii., xxxii. = _C.I.L._ vi. 1272, 1308, 1315, 1318; Wil. 625,
  626, 627, 632), and other towns followed his example (so Pompeii,
  _C.I.L._ i. xx., xxii. = Wil. 622, 623; Lavinium, _C.I.L._ i. xxi.;
  Wil. 617; Arretium, _C.I.L._ i. xxiii., xxviii., xxix., xxx., xxxi.,
  xxxiii., xxxiv. = Wil. 624, 625, 629-633). All these _elogia_ are
  written in the nominative. In the same way in the colonies statues
  seem to have been erected to their founders or other eminent men, as
  in Aquileia (_C.I.L._ i. 538 = v. 873; Wil. 650; compare also _C.I.L._
  v. 862; Orel. 3827) and Luna (_C.I.L._ i. 539 = Wil. 651).

  But along with this primitive and genuine form of the _titulus
  honorarius_ another form of it, equivalent to the dedicatory
  inscription, with the name of the person honoured in the dative,
  begins to prevail from the age of Sulla onwards. For the oldest
  examples of this form seem to be the inscriptions on statues dedicated
  to the dictator at Rome (_C.I.L._ i. 584 = vi. 1297; Orel. 567; Wil.
  1102_a_) and at other places (Caieta and Clusium, _C.I.L._ i. 585,
  586; Wil. 1102_b_, _c_), in which the whole set of honours and offices
  is not enumerated as in the _elogia_, but only the _honores
  praesentes_; compare also the inscription belonging to about the same
  date, of a _quaestor urbanus_ (_C.I.L._ i. 636). Within the Greek
  provinces also, at the same period, this form is adopted (_C.I.L._ i.
  595 = iii. 531; Henz. 5294; Wil. 1104). Similar dedications were
  offered to Pompey the Great (at Auximum and Clusium, _C.I.L._ i. 615,
  616; Orel. 574; Wil. 1107) and to his legate L. Afranius (at Bologna,
  but erected by the citizens of the Spanish colony Valentia, _C.I.L._
  i. 601; Henz. 5127; Wil. 1106). They are succeeded by the statues
  raised to Caesar (at Bovianum, _C.I.L._ i. 620; Orel. 582; Wil. 1108),
  and, after his death, _iussu populi Romani_, in virtue of a special
  law, at Rome (_C.I.L._ i. 626 = vi. 872; Orel. 586; Wil. 877). With
  him, as is well known, divine honours begin to be paid to the
  _princeps_, even during life. In this same form other historical
  persons of high merit also begin to be honoured by posterity, as, for
  example, Scipio the elder at Saguntum (_C.I.L._ ii. 3836; Wil. 653),
  Marius at Cereatae Marianae, the place which bears his name (_C.I.L._
  x. 5782; Wil. 654). Of statues erected by the community of a
  municipium to a private person, that of L. Popillius Flaccus at
  Ferentinum seems to be the oldest example (_C.I.L._ i. 1164; Wil. 655,
  and his note). In Rome, Augustus and his successors in this way
  permitted the erection of statues, especially to _triumphatores_, in
  the new _fora_, including that of Augustus (_C.I.L._ vi. 1386; Orel.
  3187; Wil. 634; _C.I.L._ vi. 1444; Henz. 5448; Wil. 635) and that of
  Trajan (_C.I.L._ vi. 1377; Henz. 5478; Wil. 636; vi. 1549; Henz. 5477;
  Wil. 639; iv. 1549; Orel. 1386; Wil. 637; _C.I.L._ 1565, 1566; Wil.
  640); and this custom lasted to a late period (_C.I.L._ vi. 1599;
  Henz. 3574; Wil. 638), as is shown by the statues of Symmachus the
  orator (_C.I.L._ vi. 1698, 1699; Orel. 1186, 1187; Wil. 641), Claudian
  the poet (_C.I.L._ vi. 1710; Orel. 1182; Wil. 642), Nicomachus
  Flavianus (_C.I.L._ vi. 1782, 1783; Orel. 1188; Henz. 5593; Wil. 645,
  645a), and many other eminent men down to Stilicho (_C.I.L._ vi. 1730,
  1731; Orel. 1133, 1134; Wil. 648, 648a), who died in the year 408. In
  similar forms are conceived the exceedingly numerous dedications to
  the emperors and their families, in which the names and titles,
  according to the different historical periods, are exhibited, in the
  main with the greatest regularity. They are specified in detailed
  indexes by Henzen and Wilmanns, as well as in each volume of the
  _Corpus_. In the provinces, of course, the usages of the capital were
  speedily imitated. Perhaps the oldest example of a _titulus
  honorarius_ in the form of an _elogium_ (but in the dative), with the
  full _cursus honorum_ of the person honoured, is a _bilinguis_ from
  Athens, of the Augustan age (_C.I.L._ iii. 551; Henz. 6456a; Wil.
  1122); the honours are here enumerated in chronological order,
  beginning with the lowest; in other instances the highest is placed
  first, and the others follow in order.[41] In the older examples the
  formula "_honoris causa_," or _virtutis ergo_ (_Hermes_, vi., 1871, p.
  6), is added at the end, as in an inscription of Mytilene belonging to
  the consul of the year 723 A.U.C., i.e. 31 B.C. (_C.I.L._ iii. 455;
  Orel. 4111; Wil. 1104b); the same, abbreviated (h.c.), occurs on an
  inscription of about the same age from Cirta in Africa (_C.I.L._ viii.
  7099; Wil. 2384). Shortly afterwards the honour of a statue became as
  common in the Roman _municipia_ as it was in Athens and other Greek
  cities in the later period. Each province furnishes numerous examples,
  partly with peculiar formulae, on which the indexes of Wilmanns (pp.
  673, 696 sq.) may be consulted. Special mention may be made of the
  numerous honorary inscriptions belonging to _aurigae_, _histriones_
  and _gladiatores_; for those found in Rome see _C.I.L._ vi.
  10,044-10,210.

  He who erects a temple or a public building, or constructs a road, a
  bridge, an aqueduct or the like, by inscribing his name on the work,
  honours himself, and, as permission to do so has to be given by the
  public authorities, is also honoured by the community. Therefore the
  _tituli operum publicorum_, though in form only short official
  statements (at least in the older period) of the origin of the work,
  without any further indications as to its character and purpose,
  partake of the style of the older honorary inscriptions. Of the
  ancient and almost universally employed method of erecting public
  buildings by means of the _locatio censoria_ one monument has
  preserved some traces (_Ephem. epigr._ ii. 199). The oldest instance
  of this class is that commemorating the restoration of the temple of
  the Capitoline Jupiter, begun, after its destruction by fire in the
  year 671 (83 B.C.), by Sulla and continued five years later by the
  well-known orator and poet Q. Lutatius Catulus, but completed only
  about twenty years afterwards. Here, after the name of Catulus in the
  nominative and the indication of the single parts of the building (as,
  for example, _substructionem et tabularium_), follows the solemn
  formula _de s(enati) s(ententia) faciundum coeravit eidemque probavit_
  (_C.I.L._ i. 592 = vi. 1314; Orel. 31, 3267; Wil. 700). With the same
  formula the praetor Calpurnius Piso Frugi (of about the same period)
  dedicated an unknown building (_C.I.L._ i. 594 = vi. 1275), restored
  afterwards by Trajan. On a work executed by the _collegium tribunorum
  plebis_ (_C.I.L._ i. 593 = vi. 1299; Wil. 787), perhaps the public
  streets within the town, the sum employed for it is also inscribed.
  Precisely similar is the oldest inscription of one of the bridges of
  Rome, the _ponte dei quattro capi_, still preserved, though partly
  restored, on its original site, which commemorates its builder, the
  tribune of the year 692 (62 B.C.), L. Fabricius (_C.I.L._ i. 600 =
  vi. 1305; Orel. 50; Wil. 788); it was restored by the consuls of the
  year 733 (21 B.C.).[42] On privately erected buildings the founder
  after his name puts a simple _fecit_ (as also on sepulchral
  inscriptions); so, possibly, did Pompey, when he dedicated his theatre
  as a temple of Venus Victrix and, on Cicero's clever advice, as Varro
  and Tiro had it from Cicero himself, inscribed on it COS. TERT (not
  _tertium_ or _tertio_) (see Gellius, _Noct. Att._ x. 1). So Agrippa,
  when he dedicated his Pantheon in the year 727 (27 B.C.), inscribed on
  it only the words _M. Agrippa, L. f. cos. tertium fecit_ (_C.I.L._ vi.
  896; Orel. 34; Wil. 731), as all who visit the Eternal City know. Of
  municipal examples it will be sufficient to name those of the majestic
  temple of Cora (_C.I.L._ i. 1149-1150; Wil. 722, 723), of Ferentinum,
  with the measurements of the foundation (_C.I.L._ i. 1161-1163; Wil.
  708), of the walls and towers at Aeclanum (_C.I.L._ i. 1230; Orel.
  566; Henz. 6583; Wil. 699), of the theatre, amphitheatre, baths and
  other structures at Pompeii (_C.I.L._ i. 1246, 1247, 1251, 1252; Orel.
  2416, 3294; Henz. 6153; Will. 730, 1899-1901). At Aletrium a
  munificent citizen gives an enumeration of a number of works executed
  by him in the period of the Gracchi, in his native town ("_haec quae
  infera scripta sunt de senatu sententia facienda coiravit_," _C.I.L._
  i. 1166; Orel. 3892; Wil. 706); and, more than a century later, the
  same is done at Cartima, a small Spanish town near Malaga, by a rich
  woman (_C.I.L._ ii. 1956; Wil. 746). Military works, executed by
  soldiers, especially frequent in the Danubian provinces, Africa,
  Germany and Britain, give, in this way, manifold and circumstantial
  information as to the military administration of the Romans. On a
  column found near the bridge over the Minho at Aquae Flaviae, the
  modern Chaves in northern Portugal, ten communities inscribed their
  names, probably as contributors to the work, with those of the
  emperors (Vespasian and his sons), the imperial legate of the
  province, the legate of the legion stationed in Spain, the imperial
  _procurator_, and the name of the legion itself (_C.I.L._ ii. 2477;
  Wil. 803); and similarly, with the name of Trajan, on the famous
  bridge over the Tagus at Alcántara, in Spanish Estremadura, the names
  of the _municipia provinciae Lusitaniae stipe conlata quae opus pontis
  perfecerunt_ are inscribed (_C.I.L._ ii. 759-762; Orel. 161, 162; Wil.
  804).

  As in some of the already-mentioned inscriptions of public works the
  measurements of the work to which they refer (especially, as may be
  supposed, in the case of works of great extent, such as walls of towns
  or lines of fortification, like the walls of Hadrian and Antoninus
  Pius in Britain) are indicated, so it early became a custom in the
  Roman republic to note on _milestones_ the name of the founder of the
  road and, especially at the extremities of it and near large towns,
  the distances. So in the _val di Diana_ in Lucania P. Popillius
  Laenas, the consul of the year 622 (132 B.C.), at the end of a road
  built by him, set up the _miliarium Popilianum_ (_C.I.L._ i. 551;
  Orel. 3308; Wil. 797), which is a general elogium to himself, in which
  he speaks in the first person (_viam fecei ab Regio ad Capuam_, &c.).
  One of the single _miliaria_ set up by him is also preserved (_C.I.L._
  i. 550; Henz. 7174 _d_; Wil. 808), which contains only his name and
  the number of miles. In the same brief style are conceived the other
  not very frequent republican miliaria found in Italy (_C.I.L._ i.
  535-537; Henz. 5348; Wil. 567; _C.I.L._ i. 540; Henz. 5350, 6226; Wil.
  807; _C.I.L._ i. 558, 559; Henz. 5353; Wil. 808; _C.I.L._ i. 561;
  Henz. 5180; Wil. 811; _C.I.L._ i. 633; Wil. 812) down to the time of
  Augustus (_C.I.L._ x. 6895, 6897, 6899; Wil. 813), and also the even
  more rare specimens from the provinces (from Asia--_C.I.L._ i. 557 =
  iii. 479, Wil. 826, _C.I.L._ i. 622 = iii. 462, Wil. 827; from
  Spain--_C.I.L._ i. 1484-1486 = ii. 4920-4925, 4956, Wil. 828, 829).
  Augustus inscribed on each milestone on his road across Spain "_a
  Baete et Jano Augusto ad Oceanum_" (e.g. _C.I.L._ ii. 4701; Wil. 832),
  Claudius on those of a road in Upper Italy founded by his father
  Drusus "_viam Claudiam Augustam quam Drusus pater Alpibus bello
  patefactis derexserat munit ab Altino (or a flumine Pado) ad flumen
  Danuvium_" (_C.I.L._ v. 8002, 8003; Orel. 648, 708; Henz, 5400; Wil.
  818). The later milestones vary greatly in form, but all contain most
  precious materials for ancient geography and topography; in the
  volumes of the _Corpus_ they are taken together under the special head
  _viae publicae_ (and here and there _privatae_) at the end of each
  chapter.

  A similar character, resulting from the combination of a mere
  authentic record with the peculiar form of the honorary inscription,
  belongs to the kindred classes of _inscriptions of the aqueducts_ and
  of the different _boundary-stones_. The large dedicatory inscriptions
  of the celebrated aqueducts[43] of Rome (as the Aquae Marcia, Tepula
  and Julia, _C.I.L._ vi. 1244-1246, Orel. 51-53, Wil. 765; the Virgo,
  _C.I.L._ vi. 1252, Orel. 703, Wil. 763; the Claudia, &c., _C.I.L._ vi.
  1256-1258. Orel. 54-56, Wil. 764) have quite the character of
  honorary inscriptions, while the various _cippi terminales_, which
  mark the ground belonging to the aqueduct, show the greatest analogy
  to the milestones (e.g. _C.I.L._ vi. 1243 a-g; Henz. 6635, 6636; Wil.
  775-779). The other Italian and provincial varieties cannot be
  specified here. Of boundary-stones, or _cippi terminales_, some very
  ancient specimens have been preserved. To the age preceding the Second
  Punic War belong two, found at Venusia and erected by municipal
  magistrates (_C.I.L._ i. 185, 186; Orel. 3527, 3528; Wil. 863); they
  give a short relation of a decree, by which certain localities were
  declared to be sacred or public ("_aut sacrom aut poublicom locom
  ese_"). Then follow the _cippi Gracchani_, by which Gaius Gracchus and
  his two colleagues, as _tres viri agris iudicandis adsignandis_,
  measured the _ager Campanus_, for its division among the plebs. They
  contain the names of the _tres viri_ in the nominative, and in
  addition, on the top, the lines and angles of the _cardo_ and
  _decumanus_, according to the rules of the _agrimensores_, or the
  boundary lines between the _ager publicus_ and _privatus_ (_C.I.L._ i.
  552-556; Henz. 6464; Wil. 859-861). From the age of Sulla we still
  have various boundary-stones giving the line of demarcation between
  different communities (between Fanum and Pisaurum--_C.I.L._ i. 583,
  Orel. 570, Wil. 861; between Ateste, Vicetia and Patavium--_C.I.L._ i.
  547-549, Orel. 3110, Henz. 5114, 5115, Wil. 865, 866). To the town of
  Rome belong the _termini ripae Tiberis_ (_C.I.L._ i. 608-614 = vi.
  1234 _a-l_), beginning in the Augustan age, and the _termini of the
  pomoerium_ of Claudius and Vespasian as censors, and of the _collegium
  augurum_ under Hadrian (_C.I.L._ vi. 1231-1233; Orel. 710, 811; Wil.
  843, 844), while others, of the consuls of the year A.D. 4 (_C.I.L._
  vi. 1263; Orel. 3260; Wil. 856), of Augustus (_C.I.L._ vi. 1265; Henz.
  6455; Wil. 852), &c., show the boundary between the _ager publicus_
  and _privatus_. With similar objects boundary-stones were erected by
  the emperors, or, under their authority, by magistrates, mostly
  military, in the rest of Italy also (as in Capua--_C.I.L._ x. 3825,
  Orel. 3683, Wil. 858; at Pompeii--_C.I.L._ x. 1018, Wil. 864) and in
  the provinces (as in Syria--_C.I.L._ iii. 183; and Macedonia--_C.I.L._
  iii. 594; in Dalmatia--_C.I.L._ iii. 2883; in Africa-- _C.I.L._ viii.
  7084-7090, 8211, 8268, 10,803, 10,838, Wil. 869, 870; in
  Spain--_C.I.L._ ii. 2349, 2916, Wil. 871--where the _pratum_ of a
  legion is divided from the territory of a _municipium_; in Gaul--Wil.
  867; in Germany, in the column found at Miltenberg on the Main,
  _Bonner Jahrbücher_, vol. lxiv., 1878, p. 46, &c.). Private grounds
  (_pedaturae_) were unfrequently marked off by terminal _cippi_. To
  this class of _tituli_ must be added also the curious inscriptions
  incised upon the steps of Roman circuses, theatres and amphitheatres
  (see Hübner, _Annali dell' Instituto archeologico_, vol. xxviii.,
  1856, p. 52 sq., and vol. xxxi., 1859, p. 122 sq.), as, for instance,
  upon those of the Coliseo at Rome (_C.I.L._ vi., 1796, 1-37; compare
  R. Lanciani, _Bullettino archeologico municipale_, 1881).

  4. We now come to the last class of _tituli_, viz. those which in the
  _Corpus_ are arranged, at the end of each volume, under the head of
  _Instrumentum_. By this very comprehensive term are designated objects
  which vary greatly among themselves, but which are of such a character
  as not to fall within any of the classes of _tituli_ described before,
  or the class of the _instrumenta_ in the proper sense of that
  word,--the laws, &c. The _tituli_ of the _instrumentum_ embrace
  movable objects, destined for public and private use, and illustrate
  almost every side of the life of the ancient Romans. As systematic
  treatment of them is hardly possible, a simple enumeration only of
  their different classes can be given, without citing special examples.
  The first species of them is metrological, comprehending the
  inscriptions on measures and weights. The gold and silver plate used
  in the best Roman houses was also always marked with a note of its
  weight,--as is seen, for instance, on the different objects belonging
  to the Hildesheim find (see _Hermes_, iii., 1868, p. 469 sq.;
  _Philologus_, xxviii., 1869, p. 369), the Corbridge _lanx_ in
  Northumberland House (_C.I.L._ vii. 1268) and many others. A second
  species is formed by the _tesserae_, tokens or marks, mostly in
  bronze, bone and ivory, but also earthen, of which the most
  interesting are the so-called _tesserae gladiatoriae_, little staves
  of bone with holes at the top, and with names of slaves or freedmen
  and consular dates upon them, the relation of which to the _munera
  gladiatoria_ is by no means certain (see _C.I.L._ i. 717 sq., and
  _Hermes_, xxi. p. 266; _Rhein. Mus._ xli. p. 517; xlii. p. 122; _Berl.
  phil. Woch._, 1888, p. 24). The other circular _tesserae_ (the
  so-called _tesserae theatrales_) of ivory or bone, with emblems and
  short inscriptions, partly Greek and Latin, used to be attributed to
  the _ludi scaenici_ (see Henzen, _Annali dell' Instituto
  archeologico_, vol. xx., 1848, p. 273 sq., and vol. xxii., 1850, p.
  357 sq.) and to other _ludi_; but this account has been questioned
  (Huelsen, _Bullett. dell' Instituto_, 1896, p. 227). A third species
  is that of inscriptions carved, inscribed, painted or stamped upon
  various materials, raw or manufactured, for trade or household use.
  Such are, to begin with, the most solid and heavy, the inscriptions
  carved or painted on masses of stone, mostly columns, in the quarries,
  and preserved either on the rocks themselves in the quarries or on the
  roughly hewn blocks transported to the Roman _emporium_ on the Tiber
  bank. Curious specimens of the first kind are preserved in Lebanon,
  and in the north of England, near Hadrian's Wall and elsewhere; on the
  second may be consulted a learned treatise by Padre L. Bruzza
  ("Iscrizioni dei marmi grezzi," in the _Annali dell' Instituto
  archeologico_, vol. xlii., 1870, pp. 106-204). Of a kindred character
  are the inscriptions, mostly stamped or engraved in the mould, of pigs
  of silver, bronze and lead (and pewter), found in the Roman mines in
  Spain and England (see Hübner, "Römische Bleigruben in Britannien," in
  _Rheinisches Museum für Philologie_, vol. xi., 1857, p. 347 sq., and
  _C.I.L._ vii. 220 sq.; A. Way, _Archaeological Journal_, vol. xvi.,
  1859, p. 23, and vol. xxiii., 1866, p. 63). A fourth species of
  _tituli_ of this class is strictly related to the military
  institutions of the Roman empire. Many of the weapons are marked with
  the names of the bearer and of the military corps to which he
  belonged,--so, for example, the buckles of their shields (see Hübner,
  "Römische Schildbuckel," in _Archäologisch-epigraphische Mitteilungen
  aus Österreich_, vol. ii., 1878, p. 105 sq.; by far the best extant
  specimen is the umbo of a legionary soldier of the eighth legion found
  in the Tyne near South Shields, _C.I.L._ vii. 495), and sometimes the
  swords, as that of Tiberius from Mainz (now in the British Museum, see
  _Bonner Winckelmannsprogramm_ of 1848). The leaden _glandes_ used by
  the _funditores_, the slingers, in the Roman army bear curious
  historical inscriptions (see _C.I.L._ i. 642 sq., _Ephem. epigr._ vi.
  and, on the question of the authenticity of many of them,
  Zangemeister, _C.I.L._ ix., 35* sqq.). Special mention must be made
  also of the leaden seals or marks (_bullae_), evidently of military
  origin (perhaps to be borne by the soldiers as a countersign), which
  have been found in many parts of England (_C.I.L._ vii. 1269; _Ephem.
  epigr._ iii. 144, 318, iv. 209, vii. 346). Of the highest interest are
  the manifold productions of the Roman tile and brick kilns (_C.I.L._
  xv. _Inscriptiones laterum_; cf. Descemet in the _Bibliothèque des
  écoles françaises_, vol. xv.). Next to the tiles with consular dates
  made at Veleia (_C.I.L._ i. 777 sqq.), those signed with the name of
  legions or other military corps, and employed in the various military
  buildings of these, are especially worthy of mention; they form an
  important chapter in every geographical part of the _Corpus_. But
  private persons, too, especially the rich landed proprietors, and
  afterwards the emperors and their kinsmen, kept large _figulinae_, and
  their manufactures--tiles of every description and other
  earthenware--were spread over the Roman empire (Dressel,
  _Untersuchungen über die Chronologie der Ziegelstempel der Gens
  Domitia_, 1888; _C.I.L._ xv.). The different sorts of earthen vessels
  and lamps, the fragments of which are found in great quantities
  wherever Roman settlements occurred, are arranged at the end of each
  volume of the _Corpus_ and are collected in vol. xv part ii. p. i. On
  the maker's marks on earthenware, see Habert, _La Poterie antique
  parlanté_ (1893); Dragendorf, "Terra Sigillata," in _Bonn. Jahrbüch._
  xcvi. 18. On Roman lamps and their inscriptions the accurate catalogue
  of the Vienna collection by Kenner ("Dicantiken Thonlampen des K. K.
  Münz- und Antiken-Cabinetes und der K. K. Ambraser Sammlung," in the
  _Archiv für Kunde österreichischer Geschichtsquellen_, vol. xx.,
  Vienna, 1858) may be consulted with advantage. The chief deposit of
  earthenware fragments, the _Monte testaccio_ in Rome, has been
  explored by Dressel ("Ricerche sul Monte testaccio," in the _Annali
  dell' Instituto archeologico_, vol. i., 1878, p. 118-192).
  Inscriptions are found on various classes of vessels, painted (as the
  consular dates on the large _dolia_ for wine, oil, &c., see Schöne,
  _C.I.L._ iv. 171 sq., and _Ephem. epigr._ i. 160 sq.), stamped on the
  clay when still wet or in the mould, and scratched in the clay when
  dry, like those on the walls of ancient buildings in Pompeii, Rome and
  other places of antiquity. Like the corresponding Greek ware, they
  contain chiefly names of the makers or the merchants or the owners,
  and can be treated in a satisfactory manner only when brought together
  in one large collection (_C.I.L._ xv. part ii.), inasmuch as, besides
  being made in many local potteries, they were exported principally
  from some places in Italy (e.g. Arezzo) and Spain, in nearly every
  direction throughout northern and western Europe, the countries
  outside the Roman frontiers not excluded. Vessels and utensils of
  glass and of metal (gold, silver and especially bronze) were also
  exported from Italy on a large scale, as is being more and more
  readily recognized even by those antiquaries who formerly were wont to
  assume a local origin for all bronze finds made in the north of
  Europe. These utensils, ornaments and other objects made of precious
  metals (such as cups, spoons, mirrors, _fibulae_, rings, gems), not
  unfrequently bear Latin inscriptions. On the very ancient silver and
  bronze caskets, for holding valuable articles of the female toilet,
  which have been found at Praeneste, are inscribed, in addition to the
  names of the artist and of the donor, occurring once, the names of the
  persons in the mythical representations engraved upon them (_C.I.L._
  i. 54-60, 1500, 1501; Jordan, _Kritische Beiträge zur Geschichte der
  lateinischen Sprache_, Berlin, 1879, p. 3 sq.). In the ancient well of
  the _Aquae Apollinares_, near Vicarello in Tuscany, three silver cups
  have been found with circumstantial itineraries "_a Gades_ (sic)
  _usque Romam_" engraved upon them, evidently gifts to the divinity of
  the bath for recovered health presented by travellers from the remote
  city named (Henzen 5210). Similar is the Rudge Cup, found in Wiltshire
  and preserved at Alnwick Castle, which contains, engraved in bronze,
  an itinerary along some Roman stations in the north of England
  (_C.I.L._ vii. 1291). The inscriptions of the Hildesheim silver find
  and others of a similar character have been already mentioned; and
  many examples might be enumerated besides. On the ancient glass ware
  and the inscriptions on it the splendid works of Deville (_Histoire de
  l'art de la verrerie dans l'antiquité_, Paris, 1873) and Froehner (_La
  Verrerie antique, description de la collection Charvet_, Paris, 1879)
  may be consulted; on the Christian glasses that of Garrucci (_Vetri
  ornati di figure in oro trovati_ _nei cimiteri dei cristiani
  primitivi di Roma_, Rome, 1858); on the makers' marks on bronze
  objects, Mowat, _Marques de bronziers sur objets trouvés ou rapportés
  en France_ (1884) (extracted from _Bulletin épigraphique_, 1883-1884).
  The last species of _tituli_ is formed by the stamps themselves with
  which the inscriptions on many of the objects already named are
  produced. They are mostly of bronze, and contain names; but it is not
  easy to say what sort of objects were marked with them, as scarcely
  any article stamped with a still existing stamp has been found.
  Amongst the materials stamped leather also is to be mentioned. One
  class only of stamps differs widely from the rest,--the oculists'
  stamps, engraved mostly on steatite (or similar stones), and
  containing remedies against diseases of the eyes, to be stamped on the
  glass bowls in which such remedies were sold, or on the medicaments
  themselves (see Grotefend, _Die Stempel der römischen Augenärzte
  gesammelt und erklärt_ (Göttingen, 1867); de Villefosse and Thédenat,
  _Cachets d'oculistes romains_ (1882); Espérandieu, _Recueil des
  cachets d'oculistes romains_ (1894).

  IV. The other great class of inscriptions above referred to, the
  _instrumenta_ or _leges_, the laws, deeds, &c., preserved generally on
  metal and stone, from the nature of the case have to be considered
  chiefly with regard to their contents; their form is not regulated by
  such constant rules as that of the _tituli_, so far as may be inferred
  from the state of completeness in which they have been preserved. The
  rules for each special class therefore, though, generally speaking,
  maintained--as was to be expected of Roman institutions--with
  remarkable steadiness from the earliest times down to a late period,
  must be based upon a comprehensive view of all the examples, including
  those preserved by ancient writers, and not in the monumental form.
  These documents are, as a rule, incised on bronze plates (only some
  private acts are preserved on wood and lead), and therefore have their
  peculiar form of writing, abbreviation, interpunction, &c., as has
  been already explained. The older Roman laws are now collected, in
  trustworthy texts, in the _Corpus_, vol. i.; of the documents
  belonging to the later period a very comprehensive _sylloge_ is given
  in C. G. Bruns's _Fontes juris Romani antiqui_.

  1. Among the earliest occasions for committing to writing agreements,
  which may be supposed to have been originally verbal only, must
  certainly be reckoned international transactions (_leges foederis or
  foedera_). At the head of the prose records written in the Latin
  language we find the treaties of alliance of Tullus Hostilius with the
  Sabini (Dionysius Halic. iii. 33), of Servius Tullius with the Latini
  (Dionysius iv. 26; Festus p. 169; this was, partly, at the same time,
  as will afterwards appear, the oldest document of the sacred class),
  of the second Tarquinius with Gabii (Dionysius iv. 58; Festus, _Epit._
  p. 56). They are followed, in the oldest republican period, by the
  celebrated _foedera_ with Carthage; by the pacts of Sp. Cassius
  Vecellinus with the Latini of the year 261 (493 B.C.), which Cicero
  seems to have seen still in the _forum_ behind the _rostra_, written
  on a bronze column (_Pro Balbo_, 23, 53; see also Livy ii. 33; Festus
  p. 166; and Mommsen's _Römische Forschungen_, ii. 153 sq.); and by the
  _foedus Ardeatinum_ of 310 (444 B.C.) mentioned by Livy (iv. 7). Of
  all these documents nothing has been preserved in an authentic form,
  save some few words quoted from them by the ancient grammarians. Of
  one _foedus_ only is there a fragment still in existence, relating to
  the Oscan _civitas libera_ Bantia (_C.I.L._ i. 197); it contains the
  _clausula_ of the _foedus_, which was written in Latin and in Oscan
  (see APULIA). On account of this peculiar circumstance, the document
  gave occasion to Klenze, and afterwards to Mommsen, to resume (for the
  sake of Roman jurisprudence, in the first instance) inquiry into the
  Oscan and other Italian dialects. Some other Roman _foedera_ are
  preserved only in Greek, e.g. that with the Jews of the year 594 (160
  B.C.)(Josephus, _Ant._ xii. 6. 10). Some others, made with the same
  nation between 610 and 615 (144 and 139 B.C.) (Jos. _Ant._ xiii. 5. 6
  and 7. 8), are mentioned in an abridged form only, or given in that of
  a _senatus consultum_, to which they must formally be ascribed.
  Amongst the _foedera_ may be reckoned also the curious oath, sworn,
  perhaps, according to a general rule obtaining for all _civitates
  foederatae_, by the citizens of a Lusitanian _oppidum_, Aritium, to
  Gaius Caesar on his accession to the throne in A.D. 37 (_C.I.L._ ii.
  172; Wil. 2839).

  Closely related to the _foedera_ are the pacts between communities and
  private individuals, respecting _patronatus_ or _hospitium_ (_tabulae
  patronatus et hospitii_), also, when in small portable form, _tesserae
  hospitales_; cf. Plautus, _Poen._ 1047, of which many specimens from
  the end of the republic down to a late period of the empire have been
  preserved (see Gazzera, _Memorie dell' Academia di Torino_, vol.
  xxxv., 1831, p. 1 sq., and Mommsen, _Römische Forschungen_, i. 341
  sq.). Of the numerous examples scattered through the different volumes
  of the _Corpus_ may be quoted the _tessera Fundana_, containing the
  pact of hospitality between the community of Fundi and a certain Ti.
  Claudius (who cannot, with certainty, be identified), the oldest
  hitherto known, in the form of a bronze fish (_C.I.L._ i. 532; Henz.
  7000; Wil. 2849); the _tabula_ of the _pagus Gurzensium_ in Africa,
  delivering the patronate to L. Domitius Ahenobarbus, Nero's
  grandfather, in 742 (12 B.C.), in the afterwards solemn form of a
  _tabella fastigata_, to be fixed in the _atrium_ of the person
  honoured (Orel. 3693; Wil. 2850); that of the _civitas Pallantina_
  with a _peregrinus_ named _Acces Licirni_ of the year 752 (2 B.C.)
  (_Ephem. epigr._ i. 141; _Hermes_, v., 1871, p. 371 seq.); that of
  _Lacilbula_, in Spain, with one Q. Marius Balbus, of A.D. 5 (_C.I.L._
  ii. 1393); that of the _Bocchoritani_ on the island of Majorca, of
  A.D. 6 (_C.I.L._ ii. 3695; Wil. 2851); the four relating to C. Silius
  Aviola, dating from A.D. 27 to 28, all found at Brescia (_C.I.L._ v.
  4919-4922); that of the _colonia Julia Aug. legionis vii. Tupusuctu_,
  in Africa, with the imperial legate Q. Julius Secundus, of A.D. 55
  (_C.I.L._ viii. 8837; Wil. 2851); that of two _gentilitates_, the
  _Desonci_ and _Tridiavi_, of the _gens_ of the _Zoelae_, in Spain, now
  in the museum of Berlin, which contains an older act of the year 27,
  and another more recent of the year A.D. 127 (_C.I.L._ ii. 2633; Orel.
  156); that of the _respublica Pompelonensis_ (Pampeluna in Spain) of
  A.D. 185 (_C.I.L._ ii. 2960; Wil. 2854); that of the _Segisamonenses_,
  in Spain, of A.D. 239, now in the museum at Burgos (_Ephem. epigr._
  ii. 322); that of the _fabri subidiani_ (i.e. subaediani, qui sub aede
  consistunt) of Cordova, of A.D. 348 (_C.I.L._ ii. 2211; Wil. 2861);
  and, in addition to many others, those found together at Rome, on the
  site of the palace of Q. Aradius Valerius Proculus, and belonging to
  him and other members of his family, from divers African cities and
  executed in A.D. 321 and 322 (_C.I.L._ vi. 1684-1688; Orel. 1079,
  3058).

  2. Hardly inferior in antiquity, and of superior value, are the
  remains of laws in the stricter sense of the word (_leges_ and
  _plebiscita_), preserved to us in the originals, although
  unfortunately only in fragments more or less extensive. Of those laws
  the oldest and most important are the _lex Acilia_ (for so it is in
  all probability to be styled) _repetundarum_ of the year 631 (_C.I.L._
  i. 198), which is incised on a bronze table about 2 metres broad, in
  90 lines of about 200 to 240 letters each, and therefore extremely
  inconvenient to read, and the _lex agraria_ of 643 (111 B.C.), written
  on the reverse of the table of the Acilia, abrogated shortly
  afterwards (_C.I.L._ i. 200); this is the third of the celebrated laws
  of C. Gracchus bearing upon the division of public lands. Then follow
  the _lex Cornelia de viginti quaestoribus_, a fragment of Sulla's
  legislation, the eighth table only, of the whole set, being preserved
  (_C.I.L._ i. 202); the _plebiscitum de Thermensibus_, on the autonomy
  of Termessus in Pisidia, proposed by the _tribuni plebis_, in 682 (72
  B.C.), one of four or five large bronze plates (_C.I.L._ i. 204); the
  _lex Rubria de civitate Galliae cisalpinae_ of 705 (49 B.C.), written
  in a new and more convenient form (belonging as it does to Caesar's
  legislation), in two columns, with numbered divisions, being the
  fourth out of an unknown number of plates (_C.I.L._ i. 205); the _lex
  Julia municipalis_, or, from the place where it was found, the
  _tabulae Heracleenses_ of 709 (45 B.C.), written on the reverse of the
  much older Greek law of that community, preserved partly at Naples,
  partly in the British Museum (_C.I.L._ i. 206), also a fragment of
  Caesar's general municipal institutions; it contains a curious passage
  relating to the public promulgation of laws (v. 15). These are the
  laws of the Roman republic preserved in important fragments; some
  minor ones (brought together in _C.I.L._ i. 207-211) may be left out
  of account here. In the imperial age, laws in general were replaced by
  _senatus consulta_ or by imperial decrees. It was also in the form of
  a _senatus consultum_ that the _leges de imperio_, on the accession of
  the emperors, seem to have been promulgated. An example of such a law,
  preserved in part on a bronze tablet found at Rome, is the _lex de
  imperio Vespasiani_ (_C.I.L._ vi. 930; Orel. i. 567). There is,
  besides, one special category of imperial constitutions which
  continued to be named _leges_, viz. the constitutions given by the
  emperors to the divers classes of _civitates_, based upon the ancient
  traditional rules of government applied to Rome itself as well as to
  the _coloniae_ and _municipia_. Of this sort of _leges_ some very
  valuable specimens have come from Spanish soil, viz. the _lex coloniae
  Juliae Genetivae Urbanorum sive Ursonis_ (now Osuna), given to that
  colony by Caesar in 710 (44 B.C.), but incised, with some alterations,
  in the time of Vespasian, of which three bronze tables out of a much
  larger number remain (Hübner and Mommsen, _Ephem. epigr._ ii. 150 sq.
  and 221 sq.); the _lex Salpensana_ and the _lex Malacitana_, given to
  these two _municipia_ by Domitian, between A.D. 81 and 84, each on a
  large bronze plate, written respectively in two and in five columns,
  with the single chapters numbered and rubricated (_C.I.L._ ii. 1963,
  1964; compare Mommsen, "Die Stadtrechte der lateinischen Gemeinden
  Salpensa und Malacca in der Provinz Baetica," in the _Abhandlungen der
  sächsischen Gesellschaft der Wissenschaften, philol.-histor. Classe_,
  vol. iii., 1857, p. 363 sq.); the _lex metalli Vipascensis_, given,
  with all probability, by one of the three Flavii, as a constitution to
  a mining district of southern Portugal, one bronze plate numbered
  iii.--three or more, therefore, being lost (see Hübner, _Ephem.
  epigr._ iii. 165 sq. and, for a popular account, the _Deutsche
  Rundschau_, August 1877, p. 196 sq.). The so-called military diplomas,
  although in certain respects nearly related to the _leges_ of the
  later period, are better placed along with the imperial decrees.

  3. A third species of official documents is formed by decrees of the
  senate of Rome, of the analogous corporations in the _coloniae_ and
  _municipia_, and of the divers _collegia_ and _sodalicia_,
  constituted, as a rule, after a similar fashion and debating in nearly
  the same way as the Roman and the municipal senates. The oldest Roman
  _senatus consulta_ are those translated into the Greek language and
  containing treaties of alliance, as already mentioned. They are
  preserved either on monuments or by ancient authors, as Josephus: e.g.
  the fragment found at Delphi, from the year 568 (186 B.C.), and the
  _senatus consultum Thisbaeum_, from Thisbe in Boeotia, 584 (170 B.C.)
  (_Ephem. epigr._ i. 278 sq., ii. 102, and Joh. Schmidt, _Zeitschrift
  der Savigny-Stiftung_, vol. iii., 1881), those of 616, 619, 621, 649
  (138-105 B.C.) (_C. I. Graec._ 2905, 2908, ii. 2485, 2737; Le Bas and
  Waddington iii. 195-198; _Annali dell' Instituto_, vol. xix. 1847, p.
  113; _Ephem. epigr._ iv. 213 sq.), and those relating to the Jews,
  dating from 615, 621 and 710 (139, 133 and 44 B.C.) (Josephus, _Ant._
  xiii. 9. 2, xiv. 8. 5 and 10. 9). The two oldest _senatus consulta_
  written in Latin are also preserved in a more or less complete form
  only by ancient authors; they are the _sc. de philosophis et
  rhetoribus_ of 593 (161 B.C.) (Gellius, _Noct. Att._ xv. 11. 1) and
  that _de hastis Martiis_ of 655 (99 B.C.) (Gellius iv. 6. 2). The only
  one belonging to the oldest period preserved in the original Latin
  form, of which only a part exists, together with the Greek
  translation, is the _sc. Lutatianum_, relating to Asclepiades of
  Clazomenae and his companions, dating from 676 (77 B.C.) (_C.I.L._ i.
  203). The rest, belonging to the later epoch from Cicero downwards,
  about twenty in number, are mostly preserved only in an abridged form
  by ancient writers,--such as Cicero, Frontinus, Macrobius,--or in
  Justinian's _Digesta_ (see Hübner, _De senatus populique Romani
  actis_, Leipzig, 1859, p. 66 sq.); a few exist, however, in a
  monumental form, complete or in fragments--as the two sc. on the _ludi
  saeculares_, dating from 17 B.C. and A.D. 47, preserved on a marble
  slab found at Rome (_C.I.L._ vi. 877); the fragments of two sc. in
  honour of Germanicus and the younger Drusus, from Rome, on bronze
  tablets (_C.I.L._ vi. 911-912; Henz. 5381-5282); the two _sc._
  _Hosidianum_ and _Volusianum_, containing regulations for the
  demolition and rebuilding of houses in Rome, incised on the same
  bronze plate, found at Herculaneum, dating from Nero's time, between
  A.D. 41 and 46 and from 56 (Orel. 3115; Mommsen, _Berichte der sächs.
  Gesellschaft der Wissenschaften, philol.-histor. Classe_, 1852, p. 272
  sq.); and, of a later period, the _sc._ _Cassianum_ or _Nonianum_ of
  A.D. 138, containing a market regulation for the _saltus Beguensis_ in
  Africa, where it has been found preserved in two examples on stone
  slabs (_Ephem. epigr._ ii. 271 sq., not complete in Wil. 2838), and
  the fragment of that for Cyzicus, belonging to the reign of Antoninus
  Pius (_Ephem. epigr._ iii. 156 sq.). There exists, besides, a chapter
  of a sc., relating to the _collegia_, inserted in the decree of a
  _collegium_ at Lanuvium, to be mentioned below. Of the municipal
  decrees, of which a greater number is preserved (see Hübner, _De sen.
  populique Rom. actis_, p. 71 sq.), only a few of the more important
  may be mentioned here: the _lex Puteolana de parieti faciundo_ of 649
  (105 B.C.) (_C.I.L._ i. 577; Orel. 3697; Wil. 697); the two _decreta_
  (or so-called _cenotaphia_) _Pisana_ in honour of Lucius and Gaius
  Caesar, the grandsons of Augustus, of A.D. 3 (_C.I.L._ xi. 1420, 1421;
  Orel. 642, 643; Wil. 883); the _decretum Lanuvinum_ of A.D. 133,
  containing the regulations of a _collegium funeraticium_, styled
  _collegium salutare Dianae et Antinoi_ (Orel. 6086; Wil. 319); and the
  _decretum Tergestinum_, belonging to the time of Antoninus Pius
  (_C.I.L._ v. 532; Henz. 7167; Wil. 693). There are, however, more than
  thirty others preserved, some of them, such as those from Naples,
  written in the Greek language. Of the third speciality, the _decreta
  collegiorum_, only the _lex collegii aquae_ of the 1st century
  (Marini, _Atti de' fratelli arvali_, p. 70; Rudorff and Mommsen,
  _Zeitschrift für Rechtsgeschichte_, vol. xv., 1850, pp. 203, 345 sq.),
  and the _lex collegii Aesculapii et Hygiae_, of 153 (_C.I.L._ vi.
  10,234; Orel. 2417; Wil. 320) need be mentioned here; many more exist.
  One of them, the _lex collegii Jovis Cerneni_, dating from A.D. 167,
  found at Alburnus major in Dacia, is preserved on the original
  _tabella cerata_ on which it was written (_C.I.L._ iii. 924; Henz.
  6087; Wil. 321).

  4. The fourth species of _instrumenta_ are the decrees, sometimes in
  the form of letters, of Roman and municipal magistrates, and of the
  emperors and their functionaries, incised, as a rule, on bronze
  tablets. The oldest decree in the Latin language which has been
  preserved is that of L. Aemilius Paulus, when praetor in Hispania
  Baetica, dating from 189 B.C., for the Turris Lascutana in southern
  Spain (_C.I.L._ ii. 5041; Wil. 2837); of the same date is a Greek one
  of Cn. Manlius, consul of the year 565, for the Heracleenses Cariae
  (Le Bas and Waddington n. 588). Then follow the famous _epistula
  consulum_ (falsely styled _senatus consultum_) _ad Teuranos de
  bacchanalibus_, dated 568 (186 B.C.) (_C.I.L._ i. 196); the sentence
  of the two Minucii, the delegates of the senate, on a dispute
  concerning the boundaries between the Genuates and Viturii, 117 B.C.
  (_C.I.L._ i. 199; Orel. 3121; Wil. 872); and the _epistula_ of the
  praetor L. Cornelius (perhaps Sisenna), the praetor of 676 (78 B.C.)
  _ad Tiburtes_ (_C.I.L._ i. 201). These belong to the republican age.
  From the imperial period a great many more have come down to us of
  varying quality. Some of them are decrees or constitutions of the
  emperors themselves. Such are the decree of Augustus on the aqueduct
  of Venafrum (_C.I.L._ x. 4842; Henz. 6428; Wil. 784); that of
  Claudius, found in the Val di Nona, belonging to A.D. 46 (_C.I.L._ v.
  5050; Wil. 2842); of Vespasian for Sabora in Spain (_C.I.L._ ii.
  1423), and for the Vanacini in Corsica (Orel. 4031); of Domitian for
  Falerii (Orel. 3118); the epistles of Hadrian relating to Aezani in
  Phrygia, added to a Greek decree of Avidius Quietus (_C.I.L._ iii.
  355; Henz. 6955), and relating to Smyrna, in Greek, with a short one
  of Antoninus Pius, in Latin (_C.I.L._ iii. 411; Orel. 3119); the
  decrees of Commodus relating to the _saltus Burunitanus_ in Africa
  (_C.I.L._ viii. 10,570; cf. _Eph. epigr._ v. 471); of Severus and
  Caracalla for Tyra (Akkerman in Moesia), Latin and Greek (_C.I.L._
  iii. 781; Henz. 6429); of Valerian and Gallienus for Smyrna, also
  Latin and Greek (_C.I.L._ iii. 412); of Diocletian _de pretiis rerum
  venalium_, containing a long list of prices for all kinds of
  merchandise, preserved in divers copies more or less complete, in
  Latin and Greek (_C.I.L._ iii. 801 sq.; compare _Ephem. epigr._ iv.
  180, and, as similar monuments, the _lex portus_ of Cirta, of A.D. 202
  Wil. 2738, and the fragment of a regulation for the importation of
  wines into Rome, Henz. 5089, Wil. 2739); and some of the age of
  Constantine, as that relating to Hispellum in Umbria (Henz. 5580; Wil.
  2843), that of Julian found at Amorgos (_C.I.L._ iii. 459; Henz.
  6431), and some others, of which copies exist also in the juridical
  collections. Of two imperial rescripts of a still later age A.D. 413,
  fragments of the originals, written on papyri, have been found in
  Egypt (see Mommsen and Jaffé, _Jahrbüch des gemeinen deutschen
  Rechts_, vol. vi., 1861, p. 398; Hänel, _Corpus legum_, p. 281).
  Imperial decrees, granting divers privileges to soldiers, are the
  _diplomata militaria_ also, mentioned above, incised on two combined
  bronze tablets in the form of _diptycha_ (L. Renier, "Recueil de
  diplômes militaires"; _C.I.L._ iii. 842 sqq., 1955 sqq.; Wil.
  2862-2869), belonging to nearly all emperors from Claudius down to
  Diocletian. Though not a decree, yet as a publication going back
  directly to the emperor, and as being preserved in the monumental
  form, the speech of the emperor Claudius, delivered in the senate,
  relating to the Roman citizenship of the Gauls, of which Tacitus gives
  an abstract (_Ann._ xi. 23), ought also to be mentioned here; it was
  engraved on large bronze slabs by the public authority of Lugudunum
  (Lyons), where a large fragment of it is still preserved (Boissieu,
  _Inscriptions antiques de Lyon_, p. 132 sq.). Another sort of decrees,
  relating to a great variety of subjects, has to be mentioned,
  emanating, not directly from the emperors, but from their
  functionaries. Such are the decree of the proconsul L. Helvius
  Agrippa, of the year A.D. 68, on the boundaries of some tribes on the
  island of Sardinia (_C.I.L._ x. 7852; Wil. 872 a); that of the prefect
  of Egypt, Tiberius Julius Alexander, written in Greek, the same year
  (_C. I. Graec._ 4957); that of C. Helvidius Priscus, on a similar
  question relating to Histonium, belonging perhaps to the end of the
  1st century (Wil. 873); that of the legate of Trajan, C. Avidius
  Nigrinus, found at Delphi, in Greek and Latin (_C.I.L._ iii. 567;
  Orel. 3671; Wil. 874); a rescript of Claudius Quartinus, perhaps the
  imperial legate of the Tarraconensis, of the year A.D. 119, found at
  Pampluna (_C.I.L._ ii. 2959; Orel. 4032); the epistle of the
  _praefecti praetorio_ to the magistrates of Saepinum, of about A.D.
  166-169 (_C.I.L._ ix. 2438; Wil. 2841); the decree of L. Novius Rufus,
  another legate of the Tarraconensis, who _ex tilia recitavit_, of A.D.
  193 (_C.I.L._ ii. 4125; Orel. 897; Wil. 876); the sentence of Alfenius
  Senecio, then subprefect of the _classis praetoria Misenensis_,
  belonging to the beginning of the 3rd century, formerly existing at
  Naples (_C.I.L._ x. 3334); and some others of the 4th and 5th
  centuries, not requiring specific mention here. Quite a collection of
  epistles of high Roman functionaries is found in the celebrated
  inscription of Thorigny (Mommsen, _Berichte der sächs. Gesellschaft
  der Wissenschaften_, 1852, p. 235 sq.). The letter of a provincial
  functionary, a priest of Gallia Narbonensis, to the _fabri subaediani_
  of Narbonne, of the year 149, may also be mentioned (Henz. 7215; Wil.
  696 a). To these must be added the _tabulae alimentariae_, relating to
  the well-known provision made by Trajan for the relief of distress
  among his subjects, such as that of the Ligures Baebiani (_C.I.L._ ix.
  1455; Wil. 2844) and that of Veleia near Parma (Wil. 2845); while
  evidence of similar institutions is furnished by inscriptions at
  Tarracina, at Sicca in Africa, and at Hispalis in Spain (Wil.
  2846-2848; _C.I.L._ ii. 1174). At the close of this long list of
  official documents may be mentioned the _libellus_ of the _procurator
  operum publicorum a columna divi Marci_ of the year 193 (_C.I.L._ vi.
  1585; Orel. 39; Wil. 2840) and the _interlocutiones_ of the _praefecti
  vigilum_ on a lawsuit of the _fullones_ of Rome, of A.D. 244,
  inscribed on an altar of Hercules (_C.I.L._ vi. 266; Wil. 100). These
  documents form a most instructive class of _instrumenta_.

  5. Many documents, as may be supposed, were connected with religious
  worship, public and private. The oldest _lex templi_, which continued
  in force until a comparatively late period, was the regulation given
  by Servius Tullius to the temple of Diana on the Aventine, after the
  conclusion of the federal pact with the Latini, noticed above. Mention
  is made of this ancient law as still in force in two later documents
  of a similar character, viz. the dedication of an altar to Augustus by
  the plebs of Narbo in southern France, of A.D. 764, but existing only,
  at Narbonne, in a copy, made perhaps in the 2nd century (_C.I.L._ xii.
  4333; Orel. 2489; Wil. 104), and that of an altar of Jupiter,
  dedicated at Salonae in Dalmatia in A.D. 137, still existing in part
  at Padua (_C.I.L._ iii. 1933; Orel. 2490; Wil. 163). Another _lex
  fani_ still existing is that of a temple of Jupiter Liber at Furfo, a
  _vicus_ of southern Italy, of the year 696 (58 B.C.), but copied, in
  vernacular language, from an older original (_C.I.L._ i. 603; Orel.
  2488; Wil. 105; compare Jordan in _Hermes_, vol. vii., 1872, pp. 201
  sq.). The lists of objects belonging to some sanctuaries or to the
  ornaments of statues are curious, such as those of the _Diana
  Nemorensis_ at Nemi (Henz. _Hermes_, vol. vi., 1871, pp. 8 sq.), and
  of a statue of Isis in Spain (Hübner, _Hermes_, vol. i., 1866, pp. 345
  sq.; compare _C.I.L._ ii. 2060, 3386, Orel. 2510, Wil. 210), and two
  _synopses_ from a temple at Cirta in Africa (Wil. 2736, 2737). The
  _sortes_ given by divinities may also be mentioned (see _C.I.L._ i.
  267 sq.; Wil. 2822). To a temple also, though in itself of a secular
  character, belonged a monument of the highest historical importance,
  viz. the _Index rerum a se gestarum_, incised on bronze slabs, copies
  of which Augustus ordered to be placed, in Latin and Greek, where
  required, in the numerous Augustea erected to himself in company with
  the Dea Roma. This is known as the _Monumentum Ancyranum_, because it
  is at Angora in Asia Minor that the best preserved copy of it, in
  Greek and Latin, exists; but fragments remain of other copies from
  other localities (see _C.I.L._ iii. 779 sq., and the special editions
  of Mommsen, Berlin, 1865, and Bergk, Göttingen, 1873). Among the
  inscriptions relating to sacred buildings must also be reckoned the
  numerous fragments of Roman calendars, or _fasti anni Juliani_, found
  at Rome and other places, which have been arranged and fully explained
  by Mommsen (_C.I.L._ i., 2nd ed., part ii.; compare for those found in
  Rome, _C.I.L._ vi. 2294-2306). Local, provincial or municipal
  _calendaria_ have likewise been found (as the _feriale Cumanum_,
  _C.I.L._ i. part ii. p. 229, and the _Capuanum_, _C.I.L._ x. 3792).
  Many other large monumental inscriptions bear some relation, more or
  less strict, to sacred or public buildings. Along with the official
  calendar exhibited on the walls of the residence of the _pontifex
  maximus_, the list of the eponymous magistrates, inscribed by the
  order of Augustus on large marble slabs, was publicly shown--the
  _fasti consulares_, the reconstruction and illustration of which
  formed the life-work of Borghesi. These have been collected, down to
  the death of Augustus, by Henzen, and compared with the additional
  written testimonies, by Mommsen, in the _Corpus_ (vol. i., 2nd ed.,
  part ii.), along with the _acta triumphorum_ and other minor fragments
  of fasti found in various Italian communities, while the _fasti
  sacerdotum publicorum populi Romani_, together with the _tabula
  feriarum Latinarum_, are given in the volume devoted exclusively to
  the monuments of Rome (vol. vi. 441 sq.; compare _Hermes_, vol. v.,
  1870, p. 379, and _Ephem. epigr._ ii. 93, iii. 74, 205 sq.). Documents
  of the same kind, as, for example, the _album ordinis Thamugadensis_
  from Africa (_C.I.L._ viii. 2403, 17903), and a considerable mass of
  military lists (_latercula_, of which those belonging to the garrison
  of the metropolis are brought together in _C.I.L._ vi. 651 sq.), are
  given on many dedicatory and honorary monuments, chiefly from
  Lambaesis in Africa (_C.I.L._ viii.). As those documents, though
  having only a partial claim to be ranked with the sacred ones, derive,
  like many other dedicatory monuments, their origin and form from that
  class, so also the protocols (_acta_), which, from Augustus downwards,
  seem to have been preserved in the case of all important _collegia
  magistratuum_, now survive only from one of the largest and most
  distinguished _collegia sacerdotum_, in the _acta collegii fratrum
  Arvalium_, to which Marini first drew the attention of epigraphists;
  they form one of the most important masses of epigraphic monuments
  preserved to us in the Latin language (see _C.I.L._ vi. 459 sq.,
  _Ephem. epigr._ ii. 211 sq., and Henzen's _Acta fratrum Arvalium_,
  Berlin, 1874).

  6. Another species of instruments is formed by private documents. They
  have been incidentally preserved (inserted, for instance, into
  sepulchral and honorary inscriptions), in the later period not
  unfrequently in monumental form, as the testaments, given partly or in
  full, mentioned above (viz. that of Dasumius and the Gaul, _C.I.L._
  vi. 10229, Wil. 314, 315, and some _capita testamentorum_ or
  _codicilli_, as that of M. Meconius Leo found at Poetelia--_C.I.L._ x.
  113, 114; Orel. 3677, 3678; Wil. 696), and the donations, such as
  those of T. Flavius Syntrophus (_C.I.L._ vi. 10239; Wil. 313), of T.
  Flavius Artemidorus (Wil. 310), of Statia Irene and Julia Monime
  (_C.I.L._ vi. 10231, 10247; Wil. 311, 318). Of a peculiar description
  is the _pactum fiduciae_, found in Spain, engraved on a bronze tablet,
  and belonging, in all probability, to the 1st century (_C.I.L._ ii.
  5042), which seems to be a formulary. Other documents relating to
  private affairs exist in their original form, written on _tabellae
  ceratae_. Those found together in a mining district of Dacia have been
  arranged and explained by Mommsen and Zangemeister (_C.I.L._ iii. 291
  sq., with facsimiles); those found at Pompeii in 1875, containing
  receipts of the banker L. Caecilius Jucundus, have been published in
  _C.I.L._ iv. (suppl.). These documents are written in cursive letters;
  and so mostly, too, are some other curious private monuments,
  belonging partly to the sacred inscriptions--the _defixiones_ (cf.
  Tac. _Ann._ ii. 69), imprecations directed against persons suspected
  of theft or other offences, who, according to a very ancient
  superstition, were in this way believed to be delivered to punishment
  through the god to whom the _defixio_ was directed. The numerous Greek
  and Latin (and even Oscan) examples of this usage have been brought
  together by Audollent, _Defixionum tabellae quotquot innotuerunt tam
  in Graecis Orientis quam in totius Occidentis partibus praeter
  Atticas_ (Paris, 1904); compare _C.I.L._ i. 818-820, _C.I.L._ vii.
  140). Only a few of them are incised on stone (as that to the _Dea
  Ataecina_ from Spain, _C.I.L._ ii. 462); for the most part they are
  written, in cursive letters, or in very debased capitals, on small
  bronze or lead tablets (so _C.I.L._ i. 818, 819; Henz. 6114, 6115;
  Wil. 2747, 2748), to be laid in the tombs of the "defixi," or
  deposited in the sanctuaries of some divinity.

  7. Many of the private documents just alluded to have not a monumental
  character similar to that of the other inscriptions in the wider sense
  of the word, as they are written on materials not very durable, such
  as wood and lead--in the majority of cases, in cursive characters;
  but, nevertheless, they cannot be classed as literature. As a last
  species, therefore, of _instrumenta_, there remain some documents,
  public and private, which similarly lack the strict monumental
  character, but still are to be reckoned among inscriptions. These are
  the inscriptions painted or scratched (_graffiti_) on the walls of
  the buildings of ancient towns, like Pompeii, where, as was to be
  expected, most of them have been preserved, those from other ancient
  cities buried by the eruptions of Vesuvius and from Rome being very
  small in number. All the various classes of these inscriptions--public
  and private advertisements, citations for the municipal elections, and
  private scribblings of the most diverse (and sometimes most indecent)
  character, one partly collected by Chr. Wordsworth (_Inscriptiones
  Pompeianae_, &c., London, 1837, 1846)--are now arranged by
  Zangemeister in the _Corpus_, vol. iv. with supplement (some specimens
  in Wil. 1951 sq.), whence their peculiar palaeographic and epigraphic
  rules may be learned. And, lastly, as related to some of these
  advertisements, though widely differing from them in age and
  character, may be mentioned the so-called _diptycha consularia_,
  monuments, in the first instance, of the still very respectable skill
  in this branch of sculpture to be found at this late period. They are
  carved-ivory tablets, in the form of _pugillaria_, and seem to have
  been invitations to the solemnities connected with the accession of
  high magistrates, especially to the spectacles of the circus and
  amphitheatre; for they contain, along with representations of such
  spectacles, the names, and often the portraits, of high functionaries,
  mostly of the 5th and 6th centuries. Since Gori's well-known work on
  this class of monuments (_Thesaurus veterum diptychorum_, &c., 3
  vols., Florence, 1759) no comprehensive collection of them has been
  published, but a full list is given by H. de Villefosse in the
  _Gazette Archéologique_ of 1884; as specimens see _C.I.L._ ii. 2699,
  and v. 8120, 1-9.

  BIBLIOGRAPHY.--As a "Textbook" of Roman epigraphy R. Cagnat, _Cours
  d'épigraphie latine_ (3rd ed., Paris, 1898, with supplement, 1904) can
  be heartily recommended. But students must be warned against Zell's
  _Handbuch der römischen Epigraphik_ (2 vols., Heidelberg, 1850-1852),
  an unsatisfactory work which is open to serious criticism. J. C.
  Egbert's _Introduction to the Study of Latin Inscriptions_ (1896) is
  designed for American and English students. For Christian inscriptions
  Le Blant's _Manuel d'épigraphie chrétienne d'après les marbres de la
  Gaule_ (Paris, 1869) may still be consulted with advantage.
       (E. Hü.; W. M. L.)


FOOTNOTES:

  [1] See Winckler in Schrader's _Keilinschr. Bibl._ v. (Berlin, &c.,
    1896).

  [2] A nearly complete text has been made from these with the help of
    a squeeze taken before its destruction. See the handbooks mentioned
    below.

  [3] Published with other fragments in the _Jew. Quart. Review_, xvi.
    1.

  [4] _Zeitsch. f. Aegypt. Spr._ (1879). These were the first specimens
    found. See also Erman and Krebs, _Aus den Papyrus d. kgl. Mus._ p.
    290 (Berlin, 1899).

  [5] _Mittheilungen ... Rainer_, i. 38 (Wien, 1886).

  [6] Those in France were collected by Schwab in _Nouvelles archives_,
    xii. 3. See also Chwolson, _Corpus Inscr. Hebr._ (St Petersburg,
    1882).

  [7] These have been collected by J. H. Stevenson, _Babyl. and Assyr.
    Contracts_ (New York, 1902). A more complete collection has been
    prepared by Professor A. T. Clay.

  [8] For the literature see Kalinka, _Tituli Lyciae_, No. 152 (Vienna,
    1901).

  [9] _Répertoire d'épigr. sém._, No. 438.

  [10] So Bacher in _J. Q. R._ xix. 441.

  [11] In _Mém. Acad. inscr._ 1^(re) sér. xi. 297. See also _Rép.
    d'épigr. sém._, for some smaller fragments, Nos. 244-248.

  [12] Sayce and Cowley, _Aramaic Papyri_ (London, 1906).

  [13] Sachau, "Drei aram. Papyrusurkunden" _Abh. d. kgl. Preuss.
    Akad._ (Berlin, 1907).

  [14] See _P.S.B.A._ (1907), p. 260.

  [15] See Lidzbarski, _Ephemeris_, ii. 247.

  [16] _J.Q.R._ xvi. 7.

  [17] ed. E. O. Winstedt (Cambr. 1909), p. 154.

  [18] A view revived by C. Forster, even after Beer, in _The
    Israelitish Authorship of the Sinaitic Inscriptions_ (London, 1856)
    and other works.

  [19] The cross and other Christian symbols often found with the
    inscriptions have been added later by pilgrims.--_C.I.S._ ii. 1, p.
    352.

  [20] _Reise in Syrien_ (Leipzig, 1883).

  [21] _Inscriptions sém. de la Syrie, &c._ i. (Paris, 1907).

  [22] J. H. Mordtmann, "Beitr. zur Minäischen Epigraphik," in
    _Semitistische Studien_, 12 (Weimar, 1897).

  [23] In Bent's _Sacred City of the Ethiopians_ (London, 1893).

  [24] _Revue sémitique_ (1901).

  [25] _Journ. As._ x., xvii., xix.

  [26] _Zur Entzifferung d. Safa-Inschr._ (Leipzig, 1901).

  [27] It may be remarked that there are about twelve different views
    regarding the date of Kanishka and the origin of the Vikrama era.
    Some writers hold that Kanishka began to reign in A.D. 78: one writer
    would place his initial date about A.D. 123: others would place it in
    A.D. 278. The view maintained by the present writer was held at one
    time by Sir A. Cunningham; and, as some others have already begun to
    recognize, evidence is now steadily accumulating in support of the
    correctness of it.

  [28] The legends on coins form part of numismatics, though closely
    connected with inscriptions.

  [29] The amphorae which conveyed the wine and other products of
    various localities have imprinted on their handles the name of the
    magistrate and other marks of the place and date. Large collections
    have been made of them, and they repay inquiry. See Dumont,
    _Inscriptions céramiques_ (1872); Paul Becker, _Henkelinschriften_
    (Leipzig, pt. i. 1862, pt. ii. 1863); Hiller v. Gaertringen, _I.G._
    xii. 1065-1441.

  [30] e.g. Treaty between Elis and the Heraeans, about 550-500 B.C.,
    from Olympia (Boeckh, _C.I.G._ 11, Hicks, 29, and others in
    Dittenberger-Purgold, _Inschr. v. Olympia_, 1-43); a similar bronze
    treaty from the Locri Ozolae (Dittenberger, _I.G._ ix. 334); bronze
    plate from Dodona, recording the victory of Athens over the
    Lacedaemonians in a sea-fight, probably 429 B.C. (Dittenberger,
    _Syll._ 2. 30).

  [31] See Wünsch _I.G._ iii., App.; Audollent, _Defixionum Tabellae_
    (1904).

  [32] See Karapanos, _Dodone et ses ruines_; Hoffman, Gr. _Dial.
    Inschr._ 1558-1598.

  [33] What was done by Themistocles under stress of public necessity
    (Thucyd. i. 93) was done by others with less justification elsewhere;
    and from Byzantine times onward Greek temples and inscriptions were
    found convenient quarries.

  [34] It appears from Cicero, _De Legibus_, ii. 26, 27, that the size
    of Athenian gravestones was limited by law.

  [35] An index to the four volumes was long wanting; it was at length
    completed and appeared in 1877.

  [36] See E. Hübner, _Über mechanische Copieen von Inschriften_
    (Berlin, 1881).

  [37] Compare De Rossi, _Bullettino dell' instituto archeologico_
    (1871), p. 1 sq.

  [38] His works have been published by the French government in
    several volumes 4to (Paris, 1862 sqq.).

  [39] For other details of numerical notation, fractions, &c., see the
    manuals of metrology.

  [40] On the system of Roman nomenclature and the abbreviations
    employed in it see Cagnat's textbook, and for more detail Mommsen in
    _Römische Forschungen_, i. 1 seq., and in _Hermes_, iii. (1869), p.
    70, W. Schulze, _Zur Geschichte lateinischen Eigennamen_ (Berlin,
    1904); on the _cognomina_ (but only those occurring in ancient
    literature), Ellendt, _De cognomine et agnomine Romano_ (Königsberg,
    1853), and on the local _cognomina_ of the Roman patriciate, Mommsen,
    _Röm. Forsch_, ii. 290 seq.; on the _nomina gentilicia_, Hübner
    (_Ephem. epigr._ ii. 25 seq.). The indexes to Orelli, Wilmanns, and
    the volumes of the _Corpus_ may also be consulted.

  [41] This observation, applied to a large number of monuments, gave
    rise to many of the splendid epigraphical labours of Borghesi (see
    e.g. his dissertation upon the inscription of the consul L.
    Burbuleius, _[OE]uvres_, iv. 103 sq.).

  [42] The character of an _elogium_ is assumed in a special way by the
    inscriptions on triumphal arches, such as that of Augustus on the
    arch of Susa in Piedmont, dating from the year 745 (9 B.C.) (_C.I.L._
    v. 7231; Orel. 626), and the similar one on the _tropaea Augusti_
    (_la Turbia_) (_C.I.L._ v. 7817) of the year 747 (7 B.C.), which
    Pliny also (_Hist. Nat._ iii. § 136) records, and those of the other
    emperors at Rome, of which only that of Claudius, the conqueror of
    Britain (_C.I.L._ vi. 920, 921; Orel. 715; Wil. 899), with the
    statues of himself and his family, need be mentioned.

  [43] See the important work of R. Lanciani, _Commentari di Frontino
    intorno le acque e gli acquedotti, &c._ (Rome, 1880).



INSECT, the anglicized form of the Late Lat. _insectum_, used by Pliny
in his _Natural History_ as the equivalent of the Gr. [Greek: entomon].
Aristotle had included in one class "Entoma" the six-legged arthropods
which form the modern zoological class of the Hexapoda or Insecta,
besides the Arachnida, the centipedes and the millipedes. The word was
introduced to English readers in a translation (1601) of Pliny's
_Natural History_ by Philemon Holland, who defined "insects" as "little
vermine or smal creatures which have (as it were) a cut or division
betwene their heads and bodies, as pismires, flies, grashoppers, under
which are comprehended earthworms, caterpilers, &c." Few zoological
terms have been more loosely used both by scientific and popular
writers. The definition just quoted might include all animals belonging
to the groups of the Arthropoda and Annelida, and U. Aldrovandi in _De
animalibus insectis_ (1602) almost contemporaneously distinguished
between "terrestrial insects," including woodlice, earthworms and slugs,
and "aquatic insects," comprising annelids and starfishes. Perhaps the
widest meaning ever attached to the word was that of R.A.F. de Réaumur,
who "would willingly refer to the class of insects all animals whose
form would not allow them to be placed in the class of ordinary
quadrupeds, in that of birds, or in that of fishes. The size of an
animal should not suffice to exclude it from the number of insects.... A
crocodile would be a terrible insect; I should have no difficulty,
however, in giving it that name. All reptiles belong to the class of
insects, for the same reasons that earthworms belong to it."

The class Insecta of Linnaeus (1758) was co-extensive with the
Arthropoda of modern zoologists. The general practice for many years
past among naturalists has been to restrict the terms "Insecta" and
"insect" to the class of Arthropods with three pairs of legs in the
adult condition: bees, flies, moths, bugs, grasshoppers, springtails are
"insects," but not spiders, centipedes nor crabs, far less earthworms,
and still less slugs, starfishes or coral polyps.

  For a general account of the structure, development and relationships
  of insects, see ARTHROPODA and HEXAPODA, while details of the form,
  habits and classification of insects will be found in articles on the
  various orders or groups of orders (APTERA, COLEOPTERA, DIPTERIA,
  HEMIPTERA, HYMENOPTERA, LEPIDOPTERA, NEUROPTERA, ORTHOPTERA,
  THYSANOPTERA), and in special articles on the more familiar divisions
  (ANT, BEE, DRAGON-FLY, EARWIG, &c.). The history of the study of
  insects is sketched under ENTOMOLOGY.     (G. H. C.)



INSECTIVORA, an order of non-volant placental mammals of small size,
with a dentition adapted to an insect-diet. In nearly all cases these
creatures are nocturnal, and the majority are terrestrial, many
burrowing in the ground, although a few are arboreal and others aquatic.
They have plantigrade or partially plantigrade feet, that is to say,
they apply the whole or the greater portion of the soles to the ground
when walking; and there are generally five toes, each terminating in a
claw, and the first never being opposable to the others in either the
fore or hind limb. A full series of differentiated teeth, including
temporary or deciduous milk-molars, is developed, and the cheek-teeth
have distinct roots and are crowned with sharp cusps, which in some
instances are three in number and arranged in a triangle. Very
frequently the number of the teeth is the typical forty-four, arranged
as _i._ 3/3, _c._ 1/1, _p._ 4/4, _m._ 3/3, but occasionally there is a
fourth pair of molars, while the incisors may be reduced to two pairs
above and one below, and the canine is frequently like an incisor or a
premolar. The skull is of a primitive type, often with vacuities on the
palate, as in marsupials, with a small brain-chamber, and the tympanic
bone generally ring-like instead of forming a bladder-shaped bulla;
except in the African _Potamogale_, clavicles, or collar-bones, are
always present; the humerus generally has a perforation on the inner
side of its lower extremity; and a centrale bone is usually present in
the carpus. In the brain the smooth hemispheres are so short as to leave
the cerebellum and sometimes even the corpora quadrigemina exposed. The
uterus is two-horned; the placenta, so far as known, is deciduate and
discoidal; the testes are abdominal or inguinal; and the teats usually
numerous. The body in several instances is covered with sharp spines in
place of hair.

The great majority of the Insectivora are nocturnal in their habits, and
their whole structure indicates an extremely low grade of organisation,
fully as low as that of marsupials. It is noteworthy that the dentition
in several of the groups approximates to that of the extinct mammals of
the Jurassic epoch (see MARSUPIALIA), and exhibits more or less
distinctly the primitive tritubercular type. Although the past history
of the group is very imperfectly known, it seems probable that the
Insectivora are nearly related to the original primitive mammalian
stock. Indeed, it has been stated that were it not for the apparently
advanced type of placenta, they might easily be regarded as the little
modified descendants of the ancestors of most other mammals. Probably
they are in some way related to the creodont carnivores (see CREODONTA),
but if, as has been suggested, the latter are akin to the primitive
ungulates, the connexion would seem to be less close than has been
sometimes supposed.

Representatives of this order are found throughout the temperate and
tropical parts of both hemispheres, with the exception of South America
(where only a few shrews have effected an entrance from the north) and
Australia, and exhibit much variety both in organization and in habit.
The greater number are cursorial, but some (_Talpa_, _Chrysochloris_,
_Oryzorictes_) are burrowing, others (_Limnogale_, _Potamogale_,
_Nectogale_, _Myogale_) aquatic, and some (_Tupaiidae_) arboreal. To the
great majority the term insectivorous is applicable, although
_Potamogale_ is said to feed on fish, and the moles live chiefly on
worms. Notwithstanding the nature of their food, much variety prevails
in the form and number of the teeth, and while in many cases the
division into incisors, canines, premolars and molars may be readily
traced, in others, forming the great majority of the species, such as
the shrews, this is difficult.

In most cases the brain-cavity is of small relative capacity, and in no
instance is the brain-case elevated to any considerable extent above the
face-line. The facial part of the skull is generally much produced, and
the premaxillary and nasal bones well developed; but the cheek, or
zygomatic arch, is usually slender or deficient, the latter being the
case in most of the species, and post-orbital processes of the frontals
are found only in the _Tupaiidae_ and _Macroscelididae_. The number of
dorsal vertebrae varies from 13 in _Tupaia_ to 19 in _Centetes_, of
lumbar from 3 in _Chrysochloris_ to 6 in _Talpa_ and _Sorex_, and of
caudal from the rudimentary vertebrae of _Centetes_ to the 40 or more
well-developed ones of _Microgale_.

The breast-bone, or sternum, is variable, but generally narrow, bilobate
in front and divided into segments. The shoulder-girdle presents extreme
adaptive modifications in the mole, in relation to the use of the
fore-limbs in burrowing; but in the golden moles the fore-arm and
fore-foot alone become specially modified. In _Macroscelides_ the bones
of the fore-arm are united at their lower ends, but in all other
Insectivora the radius and ulna are distinct. The fore-foot has
generally five digits; but in _Rhynchocyon_ and in one species of
_Oryzorictes_ the first toe is absent, and in the moles it is extremely
modified. The femur has, in most species, a prominent ridge below the
greater trochanter presenting the characters of a third trochanter. In
_Tupaia_, _Centetes_, _Hemicentetes_, _Ericulus_ and _Solenodon_ the
tibia and fibula are distinct, but in most other genera united. The
hind-foot consists usually of five digits (rarely four by reduction of
the first), and in some, as in the leaping species (Macroscelides,
_Rhynchocyon_), the tarsal bones are elongated. The form of the pelvis,
and especially of the symphysis pubis, varies within certain limits, so
that while in the _Tupaiidae_ and _Macroscelididae_ there is a long
symphysis, in the _Erinaceidae_, _Centetidae_ and _Potamogalidae_ it is
short, and in the _Soricidae_, _Talpidae_ and _Chrysochloridae_ there is
none.

Owing to the similarity in the character of the food, the truly
insectivorous species, forming more than nine-tenths of the order,
present little variety in the structure of the digestive organs. The
stomach is a simple, thin-walled sac; sometimes as in _Centetes_, with
the pyloric and oesophageal openings close together; the intestinal
canal has much the same calibre throughout, and varies from three (in
the shrews) to twelve times (in the hedgehogs) the length of the head
and body. In the arboreal _Tupaia_ and the allied _Macroscelididae_,
which probably feed on vegetable substances as well as insects most of
the species possess a caecum. The liver is deeply divided into lobes,
the right and left lateral being cut off by deep fissures; both the
caudate and Spigelian lobes are generally well developed, and the
gall-bladder, usually large and globular, is placed on the middle of the
posterior surface of the right central lobe.

All the members of the order appear to be highly prolific, the number of
young varying from two to eight in the hedgehog, and from twelve to
twenty-one in the tenrec. The position of the milk-glands and the number
of teats vary greatly. In _Solenodon_ there is a single pair of
post-inguinal teats, but in most species these organs range from the
thorax to the abdomen, varying from two pairs in _Gymnura_ to twelve in
the tenrec. In the golden moles the thoracic and inguinal teats are
lodged in deep cut-shaped depressions.

Scent-glands exist in many species. In most shrews they occur on the
sides of the body at a short distance behind the axilla, and their
exudation is probably protective, as few carnivorous animals will eat
their dead bodies. In both species of _Gymnura_ and in _Potamogale_
large pouches are situated on each side of the rectum, and discharge
their secretions by ducts, opening in the first-named genus in front of
and in the latter within the margin of the vent. In the tenrec similarly
situated glands discharge by pores opening at the bottom of deep pits.

The skin is thin, but in many species lined with well-developed muscles,
which are probably more developed in hedgehogs than in any other
mammals. In this family and in the tenrec most of the species are
protected by spines implanted in the skin-muscle, or panniculus
carnosus.


    Tree-Shrews.

  The Insectivora may be divided into two groups, according to the
  degree of development of the union between the two halves of the
  pelvis. The first group is characterized by the full development of
  this union, both pubis and ischium entering into the symphysis. The
  tympanum remains as a ring within an auditory bulla; the orbit is
  either surrounded by bone, or separated from the hinder part of the
  skull by a post-orbital process of the frontal; the upper molars have
  broad 5-cusped crowns with a W-shaped pattern; and the intestine is
  generally furnished with a caecum. The first family of this group is
  the _Tupaiidae_, represented by the tree-shrews, or tupaias, of the
  Indo-Malay countries, characterized by the complete bony ring round
  the eye-socket, the freedom of the fibula from the tibia in the
  hind-limb, and the absence of any marked elongation of the tarsus. The
  dental formula is _i._ 2/3, _c._ 1/1, _p._ 3/3, _m._ 3/3, total 38. In
  appearance and habits tree-shrews are extremely like squirrels,
  although they differ, of course, _in toto_ as regards their dentition.
  A large number of species are included as the typical genus _Tupaia_,
  which ranges from north-eastern India to the great Malay Islands. In
  these animals the tail has a fringe of long hairs on opposite sides
  throughout its length. In the pen-tailed, tree-shrew (_Ptilocercus
  lowii_), fig. 1, the only representative of its genus, and a native of
  Sumatra, Borneo and the Malay Peninsula, the fringes of long hair are
  confined to the terminal third of the tail. There are also differences
  in the skulls of the two genera. A third genus, _Urogale_, represented
  by _U. cylindrura_ of the mountains of Mindanao, in the Philippines,
  and _U. everetti_, of Borneo, has been established for the
  round-tailed tupaias, in which the tail is uniformly short-haired, and
  the second upper incisor and the lower canines are unusually large,
  the third lower incisor being proportionately small, and also erect,
  while the second upper incisor resembles a canine. (See TREE-SHREW.)

  [Illustration: FIG. 1. Pen-tailed Tree-Shrew (_Ptilocercus lowii_).]

   In Africa the tupaias are apparently represented by the
  jumping-shrews, or elephant-shrews (so called from their elongated
  muzzles), constituting the family _Macroscelididae_. From the
  _Tupaiidae_ the members of this family are readily distinguished by
  the fact that the socket of the eye, in place of having a complete
  bony ring, is separated from the hinder part of the skull merely by a
  post-orbital process of the frontal bone, and also by the more or less
  marked elongation of the tarsus or lower portion of the hind-limb;
  another feature being the union of the lower ends of the tibia and
  fibula. As indicated by one of their names, the members of the group
  leap after the fashion of gerbils, or jerboas, and hence walk much
  more on their toes than the majority of the order. In the typical
  genus _Macroscelides_, which ranges all over Africa and has numerous
  specific representatives, the dental formula is _i._ 3/3, _c._ 1/1,
  _p._ 4/4, _m._ 2/(2 or 3), total 40 or 42; while there are five toes
  to each foot, and the lower ends of the radius and ulna are united. In
  _Petrodromus_ (fig. 2) of East Africa, there are only four front-toes,
  and the hairs on the lower part of the tail form stiff bristles, with
  swollen tips; the dental formula being the same as that of those
  species of _Macroscelides_ as have only two lower molars. A further
  reduction of the number of the digits takes place in the long-nosed
  jumping-shrews of the genus _Rhynchocyon_, which are larger animals
  with a much longer snout, only four toes to each foot, and a dental
  formula of _i._ (1 or 0)/3, _c._ 1/1, _p._ 4/4, _m._ 2/2, total 36 or
  34. Some of the species, all of which are East African, differ from
  the members of the typical genus by the deep rufous brown instead of
  olive-grey colour of their coat. (See JUMPING-SHREW.)

  In the second group, which includes all the other members of the
  order, the pelvic symphysis is either lacking or formed merely by the
  epiphyses of the pubes; the orbit and temporal region of the skull are
  confluent; and, except in the _Talpidae_ and _Chrysochloridae_, the
  tympanum is ring-like, the tympanic cavity being formed by the
  alisphenoid and basisphenoid bones. The upper molars are triconodont,
  being either of the typical or a modified form of what is known as
  the tritubercular sectorial type. There is no caecum.


    Moles.

  The first representatives of this group are the moles, or _Talpidae_,
  in which the lower ends of the tibia and fibula are united (fig. 3, t,
  fb), there is a descent of the testes, the tympanum forms a
  bladder-like bulla, the zygomatic, or cheek-arch, although slender, is
  complete, there is no pelvic symphysis, the upper molars are
  five-cusped, and the first upper incisor is simple, and the lower
  vertical. In habits the majority of the family are burrowing, but a
  few are aquatic; and all feed on animal substances. The distribution
  is limited to the temperate regions of Europe, Asia and North America.

  Throughout the family the eyes are minute, and in some species are
  covered with skin; the ears are short and hidden in the fur; and the
  fore-limbs are generally more or less modified for digging.

  [Illustration: FIG. 2.--Peter's Jumping-Shrew (_Petrodromus
  tetradactylus_).]

  The true moles of the genus _Talpa_ are the typical representatives of
  the first subfamily, or _Talpinae_, in which the clavicle (fig. 3,
  cl.) and humerus (h) are very short and broad, while there is an
  additional sickle-like bone (fc) on the inner side of the fore-foot.
  In Talpa itself the first upper incisor is but little larger than the
  second, the fore-foot is very broad, and the dental formula is _i._
  2/2, _c._ 1/(1 or 0), _p._ 3/3, 3/4, or 4/4, _m._ 3/3. There are about
  a dozen species, all confined to the Old World. The variation in the
  dental formula of some of the best known of these is as follows:--

    _i._ 3/3, _c._ 1/0, _p._ 4/4, _m._ 3/3 × 2 (_T. wogura_, _robusta_).
    _i._ 3/3, _c._ 1/1, _p._ 4/4, _m._ 3/3 × 2 (_T. europaea_, _caeca_,
        _romana_, _longirostris_, _micrura_).
    _i._ 3/3, _c._ 1/1, _p._ 3/4, _m._ 3/3 × 2 (_T. leucura_, _leptura_).
    _i._ 3/3, _c._ 1/1, _p._ 3/3, _m._ 3/3 × 2 (_T. moschata_).

  Except in _T. europaea_, the eyes are covered by a membrane. In _T.
  micrura_ the short tail is concealed by the fur. _T. europaea_ extends
  from England to Japan.

  _T. caeca_ and _T. romana_ are found south of the Alps, the remaining
  species are all Asiatic, two only--_T. micrura_ and _T.
  leucura_--occurring south of the Himalaya.

  The genus may be split up into subgenera corresponding with the above
  table; these subdivisions being sometimes accorded full generic rank.
  For instance the Japanese _T. wogura_ and the Siberian _T. robusta_
  are often referred to under the ill-sounding titles of _Mogera wogura_
  and _M. robusta_.

  Referring more fully to the European species, it may be mentioned that
  the mole exhibits in its organization perfect adaptation to its mode
  of life. In the structure of the skeleton striking departures from the
  typical mammalian forms are noticeable. The first sternal bone is so
  much produced as to extend forward as far as a vertical line from the
  second cervical vertebra, carrying with it the very short almost
  quadrate clavicles, which are articulated with its anterior extremity
  and externally with the humeri, being also connected ligamentously
  with the scapula. The fore-limbs are thus brought opposite the sides
  of the neck, and from this position a threefold advantage is
  derived:--in the first place, as this is the narrowest part of the
  body, they add little to the width, which, if increased, would lessen
  the power of movement in a confined space; secondly this position
  allows of a longer fore-limb than would otherwise be possible, and so
  increases its lever power; and, thirdly, although the entire limb is
  relatively short, its anterior position enables the animal, when
  burrowing, to thrust the claws so far forward as to be in a line with
  the end of the muzzle, the importance of which is evident.
  Posteriorly, we find the hind-limbs removed out of the way by
  approximation of the hip-joints to the centre line of the body. This
  is effected by inward curvature of the innominate bones at the
  acetabulum to such an extent that they almost meet in the centre,
  while the pubic bones are widely separated behind. The shortness of
  the fore-limb is due to the humerus, which, like the clavicle, is so
  reduced in length as to present the appearance of a flattened X-shaped
  bone, with prominent ridges and deep depressions for the attachments
  of powerful muscles. Its upper extremity presents two rounded
  prominences; the smaller, the true head of the bone, articulates as
  usual with the scapula; the larger, which is the external tuberosity
  rounded off, forms a separate joint with the end of the clavicle. This
  double articulation gives the rigidity necessary to support the great
  lateral pressure sustained by the fore-limb in excavating. The bones
  of the fore-leg are normal, but those of the fore-foot are flattened
  and laterally expanded. The great width of the fore-foot is also
  partly due to the presence of a peculiar bone on the inner side of the
  palm and articulating with the wrist.

  [Illustration: FIG. 3.--Skeleton of Mole (_Talpa europaea_) (lower jaw
  removed to show base of skull).

    c,   Calcaneum.
    c.h, Clavicular articulation of the humerus.
    cl,  Clavicle.
    e.c, External condyle of humerus.
    f,   Femur.
    fb,  Fibula.
    fc,  Falciform bone (radial sesamoid).
    h,   Humerus.
    i.c, Internal condyle of humerus.
    il,  Left iliac bone.
    i.p, Ramus of the ilium and pubis.
    is,  Ischium.
    l.d, Ridge of insertion of latissimus dorsi muscle.
    l.t, Lesser trochanter.
    m,   Manubrium sterni.
    o,   Fourth hypapophysial sesamoid ossicle.
    ol,  Olecranon.
    p,   Pubic bone widely separated from that of the opposite side.
    pa,  Patella.
    p.m, Ridge for insertion of pectoralis major muscle.
    pt,  Pectineal eminence.
    r,   Radius.
    rb,  First rib.
    s,   Plantar sesamoid ossicle corresponding to the radial sesamoid
           (os falciform) in the manus.
    sc,  Scapula.
    s.h, Scapular articulation of the humerus.
    t,   Tibia.
    u,   Ulna.]

  The muscles acting on these modified limbs are homologous with those
  of cursorial insectivora, differing only in their relative
  development. The tendon of the biceps traverses a long bony tunnel,
  formed by the expansion of the margin of the bicipital groove for the
  insertion of the pectoralis major muscle; the anterior division of the
  latter muscle is unconnected with the sternum, extending across as a
  band between the humeri, and co-ordinating the motions of the
  fore-limbs. The teres major and latissimus dorsi muscles are of
  immense size, inserted into the prominent ridge below the pectoral
  attachment, and are the principal agents in the excavating action of
  the limb. The cervical muscles connecting the slender scapulae, and
  through them the fore-limbs, with the centre line of the neck and with
  the occiput are large, and the ligamentum nuchae between them is
  ossified. The latter condition appears to be due to the prolongation
  forwards of the sternum, preventing flexion of the head downwards; and
  accordingly, the normal office of the ligament being lost, it
  ossifies, and affords a fixed point for the origins of the
  superficial cervical muscles.

  The skull is long, with slender zygomatic arches; the nasal bones are
  strong and early become united, and in front of them the nostrils are
  continued forwards in tubes formed of thick cartilage, the septum
  between which becomes partially or wholly ossified beneath. There are
  7 cervical, 13 dorsal, 6 lumbar, 6 sacral and 10-12 caudal vertebrae;
  of the dorsal and lumbar there may be one more or less. The sacral
  vertebrae are united by their expanded and compressed spinous
  processes, and all the others, with the exception of the cervical, are
  closely and solidly articulated together, so as to support the
  powerful propulsive and fossorial actions of the limbs. The upper
  incisors are simple chisel-edged teeth; the canine is long and
  two-rooted; then follow three subequal conical premolars, and a
  fourth, much larger, and like a canine; these are succeeded by three
  molars with W-shaped cusps. In the lower jaw the three incisors on
  each side are slightly smaller, and slant more forwards; close behind
  them is a tooth which, though like them, must, from its position in
  front of the upper canine, be considered as the canine; behind it, but
  separated by an interval, is a large double-rooted conical tooth, the
  first premolar; the three following premolars are like the
  corresponding teeth above, but smaller, and are succeeded, as above,
  by the three molars. See MOLE.

  [Illustration: FIG. 4.--Russian Desman (_Myogale moschata_).]

  In the other members of the _Talpinae_, which are North American, the
  first upper incisor is much taller than the second. They include the
  curious star-nosed mole (_Condylura cristata_), which has the typical
  series of 44 teeth and a series of fleshy appendages round the
  extremity of the snout; the species known as _Scapanus townsendi_ and
  _Parascalops americanus_, each representing a genus by itself, and
  characterized by the absence of nasal appendages and the presence of
  only two pairs of lower incisors; and, finally, _Scalops aquaticus_,
  in which the dentition is further reduced by the loss of the lower
  canine, the total number of teeth thus being forty.

  Forming a transition to the subfamily _Myogalinae_, in which the
  clavicle and humerus are typically of normal form, and there is no
  sickle-shaped bone in the fore-foot, is the Chinese mole (_Scaptonyx
  piscicauda_), characterized by having the clavicle and humerus of the
  true mole-type, but the foot like that of the under-mentioned
  _Urotrichus_. The relative proportions of the first and second upper
  incisors are also as in _Talpa_, but there are only two pairs of lower
  incisors.

  Among the more typical _Myogalinae_, mention may be made of _Dymecodon
  pilirostris_, from Japan, representing a genus by itself; nearly
  allied to which are the shrew-moles, as represented by the small and
  long-tailed _Urotrichus_ of Japan, with incisors 2/1 and premolars
  4/3, and _U. (Neurotrichus) gibbsi_ of North America, in which the
  premolars are ¾. A still more interesting form is the Tibetan
  _Uropsilus soricipes_, a non-burrowing species, with the external
  appearance of a shrew combined with the skull of a mole, the feet
  being much narrower than in _Urotrichus_, and the dental formula _i._
  2/1, _c._ 1/1, _p._ 3/3, _m._ 3/3.

  The typical representatives of the subfamily are the two European
  desmans, _Myogale moschata_ and _M. pyrenaica_, which are aquatic in
  habits and have the feet webbed and the full series of 44 teeth. The
  former is by far the largest member of the whole family, its total
  length being about 16 in. Its long proboscis-like snout projects far
  beyond the margin of the upper lip; the toes are webbed as far as the
  bases of the claws; and the long scaly tail is laterally flattened,
  forming a powerful instrument of propulsion when swimming. This
  species inhabits the banks of streams and lakes in south-east Russia,
  where its food consists of various aquatic insects. _M. pyrenaica_,
  living in a similar manner in the Pyrenees, is much smaller, has a
  cylindrical tail, and a relatively long snout.


    Shrews.

  The Shrew-mice, or, shortly, shrews (_Soricidae_), are closely related
  to the _Talpidae_, with which they are connected by means of some of
  the subfamily _Myogalinae_. They are, however, distinguished by the
  ring-like tympanic, the incompleteness of the zygomatic arch, the
  tubercular-sectorial type of upper molar, the two-cusped first upper
  incisor, and the forward direction of the corresponding lower tooth.
  As a rule they are terrestrial, but a few are aquatic.

  [Illustration: FIG. 5.--Skull and Dentition of a Shrew-mouse
  (_Sorex-verae-pacis_); i, first incisors; c in the upper jaw is the
  canine; and p-m the three premolars, behind which are the three
  molars; in the lower jaw c is the second incisor, and p the single
  premolar.]

  The dentition (fig. 5) is characteristic, and affords one of the chief
  means of classifying this exceedingly difficult group of mammals.
  There are no lower canines, and always six functional teeth on each
  side of the lower jaw, but in some rare instances an additional
  rudimentary tooth is squeezed in between two of the others. The first
  pair of teeth in each jaw differ from the rest; in the upper jaw they
  are hooked and have a more or less pronounced basal cusp; in the lower
  jaw they are long and project horizontally forwards, sometimes with an
  upward curve at the tip. Behind the first upper incisor comes a
  variable number of small teeth, of which, when all are developed, the
  first two are incisors, the third the canine, and the next two
  premolars; behind these, again, are four larger teeth, of which the
  front one is the last premolar, while the other three are molars. Thus
  we have in the typical genus _Sorex_ (fig. 5) the dental formula _i._
  3/2, _c._ 1/0, _p._ 3/1, _m._ 3/3, total 32, or twenty upper and
  twelve lower teeth. The lower formula, as already stated, is constant,
  but the number of the upper series varies from the above maximum of
  twenty to a minimum of fourteen in _Diplomesodon_ and _Anurosorex_, in
  which the formula is _i._ 2, _c._ 1, _p._ 1, _m._ 3. From the relation
  of the fourth upper tooth to the premaxillo-maxillary suture it has
  been supposed that shrews, like many polyprotodont marsupials, have
  four pairs of upper incisors; but this is improbable, and the formula
  is accordingly here taken to follow the ordinary placental type.

  Shrews may be divided into two sections, according as to whether the
  teeth are tipped with brownish or reddish or are wholly white, the
  former group constituting the _Soricinae_ and the latter the
  _Crocidurinae_.

  In the red-tipped group is the typical genus _Sorex_, which ranges
  over Europe and Asia north of the Himalaya Mountains to North America.
  There are twenty upper teeth with the formula given above, the ears
  are well developed, the tail is long and evenly haired, and the
  aperture of the generative organs in at least one of the sexes is
  distinct from the vent. The common shrew-mouse (_Sorex araneus_) has a
  distribution co-extensive with that of the genus in the Old World, and
  the North American _S. richardsoni_ can scarcely be regarded as more
  than a local race. A few species, such as _Sorex hydrodomus_ of Alaska
  and _S. palustris_ of the United States, have fringes of long hairs on
  the feet, and are aquatic in habit. The latter has been made the type
  of the genus _Neosorex_, but such a distinction, according to Dr J. E.
  Dobson, is unnecessary. The same authority likewise rejects the
  separation of the North American _S. bendirei_ as _Atophyrax_,
  remarking that this species is an inhabitant of marshy land, and
  appears to present many characters intermediate between _S. palustris_
  and the terrestrial species of the genus, differing from the former in
  the absence of well-defined fringes to the digits, but agreeing with
  it closely in dentition, in the large size of the infra-orbital
  foramen, and in the remarkable shortness of the angular process of the
  lower jaw. In India and Burma the place of _Sorex_ is taken by
  _Soriculus_, in which the upper teeth are generally 18, although
  rarely 20, and the generative organs have an opening in common with
  the vent after the fashion of the monotreme mammals. The latter
  feature occurs in the North American _Blarina_, which is characterized
  by the truncation of the upper part of the ear and the short tail, the
  number of upper teeth being 20 or 18. Another American genus,
  _Notiosorex_, in which the ear is well developed and the tail medium,
  has only 16 upper teeth. From all the rest of the red-toothed group
  the water-shrew, _Neomys_ (or _Crossopus_) _fodiens_, of Europe and
  northern Asia, differs by the fringe of long hairs on the lower
  surface of the tail; the number of upper teeth being 18.

  In the white-toothed, or crocidurine, group, the small African genus
  _Myosorex_, which has either 18 or 20 upper teeth, includes
  long-tailed and large-eared species in which the aperture of the
  generative organs and the vent, although close together, are yet
  distinct. In the musk-shrews (_Crocidura_), on the other hand, which
  are common to Europe, Asia and Africa, the reproductive organs and the
  alimentary canal discharge into a common cloaca, the long tail is
  sparsely covered with long and short hairs, there are anal glands
  secreting a strong musky fluid, and the number of upper teeth is 16 or
  18. _Diplomesodon pulchellus_ of the Kirghiz steppes, has, on the
  other hand, only 14 upper teeth, and is further characterized by the
  moderately long tail and the hairy soles of the hind-feet. Another
  genus is represented by the Tibetan _Anurosorex squamipes_, which has
  the same dental formula, but a mole-like form, rudimentary tail and
  scaly hind-soles. Lastly, we have two Asiatic mountain aquatic
  species, _Chimarrogale himalayaca_ of the Himalayas and _Nectogale
  elegans_ of Tibet, which have fringed tails like the European
  water-shrew, and 16 upper teeth, the former characterized by the small
  but perfect external ears, and the latter (fig. 6) by the absence of
  the ears and presence of adhesive disks on the feet.

  It will be seen that the red- and the white-toothed series have
  parallel representative forms, which may indicate that the division of
  the family into the two groups is one based rather on convenience than
  on essential differences. See SHREW.

  From the shrews, the hedgehogs and gymnuras, or rat-shrews,
  collectively forming the family _Erinaceidae_, differ structurally by
  the broader ring made by the tympanic, the complete zygomatic arch,
  the five-cusped broad upper molars, and the presence of a short pubic
  symphysis. At the present day they are an exclusively Old World group.

  [Illustration: FIG. 6.--The Tibetan Water-shrew (_Nectogale
  elegans_).]


    Hedgehogs.

  The typical group, or _Erinaceinae_, is represented only by the
  hedgehogs, with the one genus _Erinaceus_, easily recognized by their
  spiny coats, and further characterized by the rudimentary tail, the
  presence of vacuities in the palate, and the broad pelvis. Hedgehogs
  (_Erinaceus_) have the dental formula i. 2/2, c. 1/1, p. 3/2, m. 3/3,
  and are represented by over a score of species, distributed throughout
  Europe, Africa and the greater part of Asia, but unknown in
  Madagascar, Ceylon, Burma, Siam, the Malay countries, and, of course,
  Australia. All the species resemble one another in the armour of
  spines covering the upper surface and sides of the body; and all
  possess the power of rolling themselves up into the form of a ball
  protected on all sides by these spines, the skin of the back being
  brought downwards and inwards over the head and tail so as to include
  the limbs by the action of special muscles.

  Curiously enough the European hedgehog (_E. europaeus_) is the most
  aberrant species, differing from all the rest in the peculiarly-shaped
  and single-rooted third upper incisor and first premolar (fig. 7, A),
  and in its very coarse harsh fur. The dentition of the long-eared
  Indian _E. grayi_ (fig. 7, B) may, on the other hand, be considered
  characteristic of all the other species, the only important
  differences being found in the variable size and position of the
  second upper premolar, which is very small, external and deciduous in
  the Indian _E. micropus_ and _E. pictus_. The former species, limited
  to South India, is further distinguished by the absence of the jugal
  bone. Of African species, _E. diadematus_, with long frontal spines,
  is probably the commonest, and _E. albiventris_ has been made the type
  of a separate genus on account of the total absence of the first
  front-toe. See HEDGEHOG.


    Rat-shrew.

  The members of the second subfamily, _Gymnurinae_, are more or less
  rat-like animals, confined to the Malay countries, and easily
  distinguished from the hedgehogs by the absence of spines among the
  fur and the well-developed tail. They also lack vacuities in the
  palate, and have a long and narrow pelvis. The typical representative
  of the family is the greater rat-shrew, or greater gymnura (_Gymnura
  rafflesi_) a creature which may be compared to a giant shrew, and
  whose colour is partly black and partly white, although a uniformly
  pale-coloured race. (_G. r. alba_) inhabits Borneo. In common with the
  next genus, it has the full series of 44 teeth; and its range extends
  from Tenasserim and the Malay Peninsula to Sumatra and Borneo, the
  island individuals being stated to be considerably larger than those
  from the mainland. In this species the length of the tail is about
  three-fourths that of the head and body; but in the lesser rat-shrew
  (_Hylomys suillus_), ranging from Burma and the Malay Peninsula to
  Java and Sumatra, the former dimension is only about one-sixth of the
  latter. In the Philippines the group is represented by _Podogymnura
  truei_, distinguished from the other genera by the great elongation of
  the hind-foot, the tail being likewise long. There are only three
  pairs of premolars in each jaw.

  [Illustration: FIG. 7.--Fore-part of Skulls of Common Hedgehog
  (_Erinaceus europaeus_), A, and Gray's Hedgehog (_E. grayi_), B, much
  enlarged.]

  [Illustration: FIG. 8.--The Insectivorous Otter (_Potagmogale
  velox_).]


    Insectivorous Otter.

  In the remaining families of the Insectivora the tibia and fibula may
  be either separated or united at the lower end; there is no descent of
  the testes, except in _Solenodon_; a short symphysis is formed by the
  junction of the pubic epiphyses; and the upper molars are generally
  small, and triangular, with three cusps arranged in a V. The first
  family, _Potamogalidae_, is represented by the otter-like _Potamogale
  velox_ of the rivers of West Africa (fig. 8), distinguished from all
  other members of the order by the absence of clavicles. The tibia and
  fibula are united interiorly, the skull has a ring-like tympanic, no
  zygomatic arch, and the upper molars are of the tuberculo-sectorial
  type, with broader crowns than in the following families. The dental
  formula is i. 3/3, c. 1/1, p. 3/3, m. 3/3, total 40. This animal
  inhabits the banks of streams in west equatorial Africa, and its whole
  structure indicates an aquatic life. It is nearly 2 ft. in length, the
  tail measuring about half. The long cylindrical body is continued
  uninterruptedly into the thick laterally compressed tail, the legs are
  very short, and the toes are not webbed, progression through the water
  depending wholly on the action of the powerful tail, while the limbs
  are folded inwards and backwards. The muzzle is broad and flat, and
  the nostrils are protected by valves. The fur is dark brown above,
  the extremities of the hairs on the back being of a metallic violet
  hue by reflected light, beneath whitish.


    Tenrec.

  In the remaining groups the upper molars form narrow V's of the true
  tritubercular type. The family, _Centetidae_, represented by the
  tenrec and a number of allied animals from Madagascar, is specially
  characterized by the ring-like tympanic, and the absence of a
  zygomatic arch and of any constriction of the skull behind the orbits,
  and the presence of teats on the breast as well as the abdomen. In the
  more typical members of the family the tibia and fibula are separate,
  and, as in hedgehogs, spines are mingled with the fur. The true or
  great tenrec (_Centetes ecaudatus_), alone representing the typical
  genus, has the dental formula _i._ (3 or 2)/3, _c._ 1/1, _p._ 3/3, m.
  (3 or 4)/(3 or 4), total 38, 40, 42 or 44. The fourth lower molar,
  when developed, does not appear till late in life. Of the long and
  sharp canines, the tips of the lower pair are received into pits in
  the upper jaw (fig. 9). The creature grows to a length of aoout a
  foot. The young have strong white spines arranged in longitudinal
  lines along the back, but these are lost in the adult which has only a
  crest of long rigid hairs on the nape of the neck. The lesser tenrecs,
  _Hemicentetes semispinosus_ and _H. nigriceps_, are distinguished by
  the persistence of the third upper incisor and the form of the skull.
  The two species are much smaller than the great tenrec, and spines are
  retained in the adult on the body. The hedgehog-tenrec, _Ericulus
  setosus_, has the whole upper surface, and even the short tail,
  densely covered with close-set spines. The facial bones are much
  shorter than in the preceding genera, and the first upper incisors are
  elongated; while there are only two pairs of incisors in each jaw.
  Judging from the slight development of the cutaneous muscles compared
  with those of the hedgehog, it would seem that these creatures cannot
  roll themselves completely into balls in hedgehog-fashion. A second
  species of this genus, _Ericulus (Echinops) telfairi_, has two, in
  place of three, pairs of molars, thus reducing the total number of
  teeth to 32. Moreover, the zygomatic arches of the skull are reduced
  to mere threads. Here should perhaps be placed _Geogale aurita_, a
  small long-tailed Malagasy insectivore, with 34 teeth, and no spines;
  the tibia and fibula being separate. It has been classed in the
  _Potamogalidae_, but from its habitat such a reference is improbable.
  The absence of spines may entitle it to separation from the
  _Centetinae_, so that it should perhaps be regarded as representing a
  subfamily, _Geogalinae_, by itself.

  [Illustration: FIG. 9.--Skull of the Tenrec (_Centeles ecaudatus_),
  somewhat reduced.]

  [Illustration: FIG. 10.--Skull of the Lesser Tenrec (_Hemicentetes
  spinosus_).]

  The absence of spines coupled with the union of the tibia and fibula
  form the leading characteristics of the subfamily _Oryzorictinae_,
  typified by the rice-tenrecs _Oryzorictes_, of which there are several
  species. These creatures, which excavate burrows in the rice-fields of
  Madagascar, are somewhat mole-like in appearance, but have tails of
  considerable length. In the typical _O. hova_ the fore-feet are
  five-toed, but in _O. tetradactylus_ the number of front digits is
  reduced to four. The long-tailed tenrecs (_Microgale_) are represented
  by fully half-a-dozen species with tails of great length; that
  appendage in the typical _M. longicaudata_ being more than double the
  length of the head and body, and containing no fewer than forty-seven
  vertebrae. The teeth are generally similar to those of _Centetes_, but
  are not spaced in front; their number being _i._ 3/3, _c._ 1/1, _p._
  3/3, _m._, 3/3, total 40, or the same as in _Oryzorictes_. Finally,
  _Limnogale mergulus_, a creature about the size of a black rat, has
  webbed toes and a laterally compressed tail, evidently adapted for
  swimming. See TENREC.

  [Illustration: FIG. 11.--_Solenodon cubanus._]


    Solenodon.

  All the foregoing are natives of Madagascar. It has been suggested
  however, that two remarkable West Indian insectivores, namely
  _Solendon cubanus_ of Cuba (fig. 11) and _S. paradoxus_ of Hayti,
  should be regarded as representing merely a subfamily of _Centetidae_.
  It is true that the main features distinguishing these strange
  creatures from the Malagasy representatives of that family are the
  constriction of the skull behind the orbits, the descent of the testes
  into the perineum, and the post-inguinal position of the teats, and
  that none of these are of very great importance. But the geographical
  positions of the two groups are so widely sundered that it seems
  preferable to await further evidence before definitely assigning the
  two to a single family; and the family _Solenodontidae_ may
  accordingly be retained for the West Indian animals. Solenodons, which
  look like huge long-nosed, parti-coloured rats, have the tibia and
  fibula separate, and the same dental formula as _Microgale_. Each of
  the two species (which differ in colour and the quality of the fur)
  has a long cylindrical snout, an elongated naked tall, feet formed for
  running, and the body clothed with long, coarse fur. The position of
  the teats on the buttocks is unique among Insectivora. The first upper
  incisors are much enlarged, and like the other incisors, canines and
  premolars, closely resemble the corresponding teeth of _Myogale_; the
  second lower incisors are much larger than the upper ones, and
  hollowed out on the inner side.

  [Illustration: FIG. 12.--A Golden Mole (_Chrysochloris obtusirostris_)
  reduced.]


    Golden Mole.

  The last family, _Chrysochloridae_, is represented by the golden moles
  of South and East Africa, which differ from the _Centetidae_ and
  _Solenodontidae_ by the development of a bulla to the tympanic, and
  the presence of a zygomatic arch to the skull; the tibia and fibula
  being separate, and the symphysis of the pelvis formed merely by
  ligament. The skull is not constricted across the orbits. The teats,
  which are placed both on the breast and in the groin, are situated in
  shallow depressions. The ears are buried in the fur, and the eyes
  concealed beneath the skin; the feet are four-toed and provided with
  powerful claws for burrowing in the fashion of the mole, but it is
  interesting to note that the skeleton is modified for the same purpose
  in a manner quite different from that obtaining in the latter animal.
  These animals derive their name from the metallic iridescence of the
  fur of most of the species. In the more typical species the dental
  formula is the same as in _Microgale_, that is to say, there are 40
  teeth. In other species, which it has been proposed to separate as
  _Amblysomus_, there are, however, only 36 teeth, owing to the absence
  of the last pair of molars. The group is evidently nearly related to
  the _Centetidae_--most nearly perhaps to the _Oryzorictinae_.

    _Fossil Insectivora._

  Some years ago Dr F. Ameghino, of Buenos Aires, described from the
  Tertiary formation of Santa Cruz, in Patagonia, the remains of an
  insectivore under the name of _Necrolestes_. The occurrence of a
  member of the Insectivora in these beds is remarkable, since this
  group is represented at the present day in South America only by a
  shrew or two which have wandered from the north. Dr Ameghino expressed
  his belief that the extinct Patagonian insectivore was nearly related
  to the golden moles, and although this opinion appears to have been
  withdrawn, Professor W. B. Scott states that he is convinced of the
  close affinity existing between _Necrolestes_ and _Chrysochloris_.
  Although this view may not be accepted, it must be remembered that it
  represents the opinion of a palaeontologist who has had better
  opportunities than most of his fellow-workers of forming a trustworthy
  judgment. So convinced is Dr Scott of the closeness of the
  relationship between _Necrolestes_ and the golden moles that he
  regards it as rendering probable the former existence of a direct
  land-connexion between Africa and South America. There is no reason,
  he says, to suppose that the track of migration could have been by way
  of Europe and North America, for no trace of the group has been found
  anywhere north of the equator. This supposed connexion between Africa
  and South America in Tertiary times has often been suggested, and is
  supported by many independent lines of evidence; and the presumed
  affinity between the two mammals here referred to adds to the weight
  of such evidence.

  The discovery in the Oligocene Tertiary deposits of Dakota of the
  remains of a species of hedgehog is a fact of great interest, for the
  hedgehog-tribe (_Erinaceidae_) is at the present day an exclusively
  Old World group. The discovery of the fossil American species, which
  has been made the type of a new genus under the name of _Protherix_,
  serves to strengthen the view that the northern countries of the
  Western and Eastern hemispheres form a single zoological region; and
  that formerly there was comparatively free communication between them
  in the neighbourhood of Bering Sea, under climatic conditions which
  permitted of temperate forms passing from one continent to the other.
  As might have been expected, remains of hedgehog-like mammals have
  been obtained in the Tertiary deposits of Europe. Among these,
  _Palaeoerinaceus_, from the Upper Oligocene of France, seems scarcely
  separable from the existing genus. _Necrogymnurus_ (_Neurogymnurus_)
  from the Lower Oligocene, of the same country, appears to be allied to
  _Hylomys_, which is itself the most generalised of the family, so that
  the extinct genus, of which _Caluxotherium_ is a synonym, may
  represent the ancestral type of the _Erinaceidae_. The genus
  _Galerix_, or _Lanthanotherium_, of the Oligocene, which has the
  typical series of 44 teeth, a bony ring round the orbit, and conjoint
  tibia and fibula, has been regarded as representing the _Tupaiidae_
  and _Macroscelididae_, but is more probably referable to the
  _Erinaceidae_, being apparently akin to _Gymnura_. The moles are
  represented in the French Oligocene by _Amphidozotherium_ and in the
  Miocene by _Talpa_, while in the North American early Tertiary we have
  the primitive _Talpavus_. Shrews are also known from the Lower
  Oligocene upwards both in the eastern and western hemispheres. Of the
  Lower Eocene _Adapisorex_, with the typical 22 lower teeth,
  _Adapisoriculus_ and _Orthaspidotherium_, all from France, the
  affinities are quite uncertain. The American Oligocene _Leptictis_,
  with i. 2, c. 1, p. 4, m. 3 in the upper jaw, and Ictops, with i. 3/2,
  c. 1/1, p. 4/4, m. 3/3, may be insectivorous mammals, with affinities
  to the creodont Carnivora. It is, indeed, probable that not only is
  there a relationship between the Creodonta and the Insectivora, but
  also one between the latter and the Marsupialia, so that the marked
  similarity between the cheek-teeth of the insectivorous
  _Chrysochloris_ and the Marsupial _Notoryctes_ may be due to genetic
  relationship. That the bats and the flying-lemur are descendants of
  the Insectivora cannot be doubted.

  BIBLIOGRAPHY.--G. E. Dobson, "Monograph of the Insectivora" (London,
  1883-1890); W. Leche, "Zur Morphologie des Zahnsystems der
  Insectivoren," _Anatom. Anzeiger_ (xiii. 1 and 514, 1897); C. J.
  Forsyth-Major, "Diagnoses of New Mammals from Madagascar." _Ann. Mag.
  Nat. Hist._ ser. 6. vol. xviii. pp. 318 and 461 (1896): A. A. Mearns,
  "Descriptions of New Mammals from the Philippine Islands," _Proc. U.S.
  Museum_ (xxviii. 425, 1905).     (R. L.*)



INSECTIVOROUS PLANTS. Insectivorous or, as they are sometimes more
correctly termed, carnivorous plants are, like the parasites, the
climbers, or the succulents, a physiological assemblage belonging to a
number of distinct natural orders. They agree in the extraordinary habit
of adding to the supplies of nitrogenous material afforded them in
common with other plants by the soil and atmosphere, by the capture and
consumption of insects and other small animals. The curious and varied
mechanical arrangements by which these supplies of animal food are
obtained and utilized are described under the headings of the more
important plants.

The best known and most important order of insectivorous
plants--Droseraceae--includes six genera: _Byblis_, _Roridula_,
_Drosera_, _Drosophyllum_, _Aldrovanda_ and _Dionaea_, of which the last
three are monotypic, i.e. include only one species. The Sarraceniaceae
contain the genera _Sarracenia_, _Darlingtonia_, _Heliamphora_, while
the true pitcher plants or Nepenthaceae consist of the single large
genus _Nepenthes_. These three orders are closely allied and form the
series Sarraceniales of the free-petalled section (Choripetalae) of
Dicotyledons. The curious pitcher-plant, _Cephalotus follicularis_,
comprises a separate natural order Cephalotaceae, closely allied to the
Saxifragaceae. Finally the genera _Pinguicula_, _Utricularia_,
_Genlisea_ and _Polypompholix_ belong to the gamopetalous order
Lentibulariaceae.

  While the large genus _Drosera_ has an all but world-wide
  distribution, its congeners are restricted to well-defined and usually
  comparatively small areas. Thus _Drosophyllum_ occurs only in Portugal
  and Morocco, _Byblis_ in tropical Australia, and, although
  _Aldrovanda_ is found in Queensland, in Bengal and in Europe, a wide
  distribution explained by its aquatic habit, _Dionaea_ is restricted
  to a few localities in North and South Carolina. _Cephalotus_ occurs
  only near Albany in Western Australia, _Heliamphora_ on the Roraima
  Mountains in Venezuela, _Darlingtonia_ on the Sierra Nevada of
  California, and these three genera too are as yet monotypic; of
  _Sarracenia_, however, there are seven known species scattered over
  the eastern states of North America. The forty species of _Nepenthes_
  are mostly natives of the hotter parts of the Indian Archipelago, but
  a few range into Ceylon, Bengal, Cochin China, and some even occur in
  tropical Australia on the one hand, and in the Seychelles and
  Madagascar on the other. _Pinguicula_ is abundant in the north
  temperate zone, and ranges down the Andes as far as Patagonia; the 250
  species of _Utricularia_ are mostly aquatic, and some are found in all
  save polar regions; their unimportant congeners, _Genlisea_ and
  _Polypompholix_, occur in tropical America and south-western Australia
  respectively. It is remarkable that all the insectivorous plants agree
  in inhabiting damp heaths, bogs, marshes and similar situations where
  water is abundant, but where they are not brought into contact with
  the plenteous supply of inorganic nitrogenous food as are the roots of
  terrestrial plants.



INSEIN, a town of British India, in the Hanthawaddy district of Burma,
10 m. N.W. of Rangoon; pop. (1901) 5350. It is an important railway
centre, containing the principal workshops of the Burma railway company,
also a government engineering school, a reformatory school and the
largest gaol in the province.



INSOMNIA, or deprivation of sleep (Lat. _somnus_), a common and
troublesome feature of most illnesses, both acute and chronic. It may be
due to pain, fever or cerebral excitement, as in _delirium tremens_, or
to organic changes in the brain. The treatment, when failure to sleep
occurs in connexion with a definite illness, is part of the treatment of
that illness. But there is a form of sleeplessness not occurring during
illness to which the term "insomnia" is commonly and conveniently
applied. It must not be confounded with occasional wakefulness caused by
some minor discomfort, such as indigestion, nor with the "bad nights" of
the valetudinarian. Real insomnia consists in the prolonged inability to
obtain sleep sufficient in quantity and quality for the maintenance of
health. It is a condition of modern urban life, and may be regarded as a
malady in itself. It is a potent factor in causing those nervous
breakdowns ascribed to "overwork." It may occur as a sequel to some
exhausting illness, notably influenza, which affects the nervous system
long after convalescence. But it very often occurs without any such
cause. Professional and business men are the most frequent sufferers.
Insomnia is comparatively rare among the poor, who do little or no brain
work. It may be brought on by some exceptional strain, by long-continued
worry, or by sheer overwork. The broad pathology is simple enough. It
has been demonstrated by exact observations that in sleep the blood
leaves the brain automatically. The function is rhythmical, like all the
vital functions, and the mechanism by which it is carried out is no
doubt the vaso-motor system, which controls the contraction and
dilation of the blood-vessels. In sleep the vessels in the brain
automatically contract, but when the brain is working actively a
plentiful supply of blood is required, and the vessels are dilated. If
the activity is carried to great excess the vessels become engorged, the
mechanism does not act and sleep is banished. In insomnia this condition
has become fixed.

When a breakdown has happened or is pending the only treatment is
complete rest, combined, if possible, with change of air and scene; but
if the mischief has gone far it will take very long to repair, and may
never be repaired at all. In no matter of health is the importance of
"taking it early" more pronounced. Delay is the worst economy. A few
days' holiday at the commencement of trouble may save months or years of
enforced idleness. Sea-air sometimes acts like a charm. But if it is
impossible to give up work and leave worry behind, even for a short
time, sleep should be carefully wooed by every possible means. In the
first place, plenty of time should be devoted to it, and no chance
should be missed. That is to say, the night should not be curtailed at
either end, and if sleepiness approaches in the daytime, as it often
does, it should be encouraged. It is better to lie still at night and
try to sleep than to give way to restlessness, and a few minutes
snatched in the daytime, when somnolence offers the opportunity, has a
restorative effect out of all proportion to the time occupied. Then all
accidental causes of disturbance should be avoided. Lights and sounds
should be excluded, comfort studied and digestion attended to. Fresh air
is a great help. As much time should be spent out of doors as possible,
and exercise, even to the point of fatigue, may be found helpful. But
this requires watching: in some cases bodily exhaustion aggravates the
malady. A little food (e.g. a glass of hot milk) immediately before
going to bed is useful in inducing sleep, and persons who are apt to
wake in the night and lie awake for hours may obtain relief by the same
means. Hypnotic drugs, which have greatly multiplied of late years,
should only be taken under medical advice. The real end to aim at is the
restoration of the natural function, and the substitution of artificial
sleep, which differs in character and effect; tends rather to prevent
than to promote that end. It is often possible to induce sleep by
rhythmic breathing.



INSPIRATION (Lat. _inspirare_, breathe upon or into), strictly the act
of drawing physical breath into the lungs as opposed to "expiration."
Metaphorically the term is used generally of analogous mental phenomena;
thus we speak of a sudden spontaneous idea as an "inspiration." The term
is specially used in theology for the condition of being directly under
divine influence, as the equivalent of the Greek [Greek: theopneustia]
(the adjective [Greek: theopneustos] is used of the Holy Scriptures in 2
Timothy iii. 16). Similar in meaning is [Greek: enthousiasmos],
enthusiasm (from [Greek: enthousiazo] from [Greek: entheos]). Possession
by the divine spirit ([Greek: pneuma]) was regarded as necessarily
accompanied by intense stimulation of the emotions. The possibility of a
human being becoming the habitation and organ of a divinity is generally
assumed in the lower religions. In the popular religion of China some of
the priests, the _Wu_, claim to be able to take up into their body a god
or a spirit, and thereby to give oracles. In wild frenzy they rush about
half naked with hair hanging loose, wounding themselves with swords,
knives, daggers, and uttering all kinds of sounds, which are then
interpreted by people who claim to be able to understand such divine
speech. The Maoris at the initiation of the young men into the tribal
mysteries sing a song, called "breath," to the mystic wind by which they
believe their god makes his presence known. An Australian woman claimed
to have heard the descent of the god as a rushing wind. In some savage
tribes blood is drunk to induce the frenzy of inspiration; music and
dancing are widely employed for the same purpose. Dionysus, the god of
wine in Greece, was also the god of inspiration; and in their orgies the
worshippers believed themselves to enter into real union with the deity.
In Delphi the Pythia, the priestess who delivered the oracles, was
intoxicated by the vapour which rose from a well, through a small hole
in the ground. As the oracles were often enigmatic, they were
interpreted by a _prophet_. In Rome the inspiration of Numa was derived
from the nymph Egeria; and great value was attached to the books of the
Cumaean Sibyl. In Arabia the _kahin_ (priest) was recognized as the
channel of divine communication. Inspiration may mean only possession by
the deity, or it may mean further that the person so possessed becomes
the channel through which the deity reveals his word and will. (See J.
A. Macculloch's _Comparative Theology_, chap. xv., 1902).

Prophecy in the Old Testament in its beginnings is similar to the
phenomenon in other religions. Saul and his servant came to Samuel, the
man of God, the seer, with a gift in their hands to inquire their way (1
Sam. ix. 8). The companies of prophets who went about the country in
Samuel's time were enthusiasts for Yahweh and for Israel. When Saul
found himself among them he was possessed by the same spirit (1 Sam. x.
10, 11.). The prophesying in which he took part probably included
violent movements of the body, inarticulate cries, a state of ecstasy or
even frenzy. The phrase "holy spirit" in Acts, as applied to the
Apostolic Church, probably indicates a similar state of religious
exaltation; it was accompanied by speaking with tongues, inarticulate
utterances, which needed interpretation (1 Corinthians xiv. 27). In
every religious revival, when the emotions are deeply stirred, similar
phenomena are met with. Such a movement was Montanism in the 3rd
century. At the Reformation, while Luther was at the Wartburg,
fanaticism broke out, and spread from Wittenberg; prophets went about
declaring the revelations which they had received. The Evangelical
Revival in the 18th century also had its abnormal religious features.
The Revival in Scotland in 1860 was marked by one curious feature--the
Gospel dance--when in their excitement men and women got up and spun
round and round till they were exhausted. Spontaneous praise and prayer
marked the revival in Wales in 1905-1906.

_Prophecy_, as represented by the writings of the prophets, arose out of
this state of religious exaltation, but left behind many of its
features. Yahweh was believed to guide and guard the history of His
chosen people Israel; He controlled the action of the nations that came
in contact with His people, so that, using them as His instruments, He
might accomplish His purpose. The function of the prophets was to
interpret the course of history so as to communicate God's Word and will
in judgment or in mercy. They were divinely endowed for this function by
their inspiration. While these prophets seem to have continued in the
exercise of all their normal faculties, which were stimulated and not
suppressed, yet they do claim a distinctive divine activity in their
consciousness, and distinguish with confidence their own thoughts from
the revealed word. That abnormal psychic states, such as visions and
voices, were sometimes experienced is not improbable; but the usual
prophetic state seems to have been one of withdrawal of attention from
the outer world, absorption of interest in the inner life, devout
communion and intercession with God, and the divine response in a moral
or a spiritual intuition rather than an intellectual ratiocination.
Possession by the Spirit in its external manifestations is ascribed to
Gideon, Jephthah, Samson, Saul, Elijah; but even when the same language
is used of the later prophets, it is probably such an inward state as
has just been described which is to be assumed. A feature inseparable
from this later phase of prophecy is _prediction_. For the warning or
the encouragement of the people the prophet as Jehovah's messenger
declares what He is about to do. Thus the fall of Samaria in 722 B.C.,
the deliverance of Jerusalem in 701, the overthrow of the kingdom of
Judah in 586, the return from exile in 537 were all heralded by
prophecy. This prediction was no shrewd political conjecture, but an
application to existing conditions of the permanent laws of God's
government. The abnormal phenomena of inspiration, the presence and
operation of the Holy Spirit, in the Apostolic Church, have already been
noticed. While Paul does not deny nor depreciate these charisms, as
tongues, miracles, &c., he represents as the more excellent way the
Christian life in faith, hope and love (1 Cor. xii. 31). The New
Testament represents the Christian life as an inspired life. It is
living communion with Christ, and therefore constant possession of the
Holy Spirit. Every Christian in the measure in which he has become a
new creature in Christ is a prophet, because he knows by the
enlightening of God's Spirit "what is the good and acceptable and
perfect will of God" (Romans xii. 2). An occasional state of divine
possession in the other religions becomes in the prophets of Israel a
permanent endowment for a few select agents of God's revelation; but
when that revelation is consummated in Christ, inspiration becomes the
universal privilege of all believers.

While there is much superstition in the view of inspiration found in
many religions, and much imposture in the claims to the possession of
it, yet it would be illogical to conclude that this feature of religion
is altogether human error and not at all divine truth. Man's knowledge
of God is conditional, and therefore limited by his knowledge of the
world and himself, and has accordingly the same imperfection. The
reality of a divine communion and communication with man is not to be
denied because its nature has been imperfectly apprehended. We must
estimate the worth of inspiration by the higher and not the lower
stages, by the vision of an Isaiah or the consecration of a Paul; but at
the same time we must be prepared to recognize its lowly beginnings.

In dealing with the inspiration of the Bible, to which the use of the
term has in the Christian Church been largely restricted, it is
important to remember that inspiration is primarily personal; and that
it assumes varied forms and allows varying degrees.

Other religions besides Christianity possess their sacred scriptures.
The value attached to the Sibylline writings in Rome has already been
mentioned. In Greece, Homer and Hesiod were esteemed as authoritative
exponents of the mythology; a distinction was made between the poet's
own words and the divine element, and what was offensive to reason,
conscience or taste was explained allegorically. Hinduism distinguishes
two classes of sacred writings, the _S'ruti_ (hearing), which were
believed to have been heard by inspired men from a divine source, and
were endowed with supernatural powers, and the _Smriti_ (recollection)
derived from tradition. While the poets of the Rig-Veda, the oldest of
the holy writings, do not claim inspiration, it is ascribed to them in
the highest degree. Some of the Hindu sects--Vaishnavist and
Saivist--regard some of the later writings, as also divine revelation.
In Zoroastrianism, the books of the _Zend-Avesta_ were conceived by
later generations at least as having been eternally formed by Ormuzd,
and revealed at the creation to his prophet Zoroaster, who, however,
guarded the communication carefully in his mind until a very much later
date in the world's history. Ormuzd drove Ahriman back to hell by
reciting one of the holy hymns. Buddhism has its _Tripitaka_ (three
baskets), and the reading, reciting and copying of the sacred scriptures
is one of the surest means of acquiring merit. But as it ignores the
gods, and places Buddha far above them, it does not claim divine
inspiration for its writings. Buddha himself enlightens, but every man
must save himself by walking in the true way which has been shown to
him. Confucianism has its literature of absolute authority on manners,
morals, rites and politics, but its claim does not rest on inspiration.
These writings are revered as preserving the beliefs and customs of
former ages, which are believed to have been more familiar than the
present with the Way of Heaven. For the _Koran_ very extravagant claims
are made by orthodox Islam. Although Mahomet at first feared that his
call to be a prophet was a deception of evil spirits, and wished to take
his own life, yet afterwards he uttered his decisions on most trivial
matters as divine oracles. God preserves the original text of the
_Koran_ in Heaven, and blots out what He wills and leaves what He wills.
By the angel Gabriel God communicated this book word for word to the
prophet, so that the _Koran_ is a faithful copy of the heavenly book.
The angels in heaven read the _Koran_. While the orthodox theology
asserted the eternity of the _Koran_, the Mo'tazilite school denied this
for the reason that the spoken sounds and the written signs in which
alone a revelation could be given must have come to be in time. As Islam
was not altogether independent of Christianity and Judaism, this
doctrine of the _Koran_ was probably intended as a reply to the claims
of Jews and Christians for their holy writings.

The Pentateuch was accepted as authoritative law by the Jewish Church in
444 B.C. About two centuries later the Prophets (including the histories
as well as the prophetic writings proper) were also acknowledged as
sacred scriptures, although of inferior authority to the Law. In the
century before the Christian era the Writings, including Psalms and
Proverbs, were included in the Canon. Palestinian and Hellenistic
Judaism disagreed about the recognition of the books now known as the
Apocrypha. The writers of the New Testament use the Old Testament as
holy scriptures, as an authoritative declaration of the mind and will of
God; but the inaccuracy of many of the quotations, together with the use
of the Greek translation as well as the original Hebrew, forbid our
ascribing to them any theory of verbal inspiration. By the middle of the
2nd century the four Gospels were probably accepted as trustworthy
records of the life of Jesus. The Epistles were accepted as
authoritative in virtue of apostolic authorship. By the end of the 3rd
century the use and approval of the churches had established the present
canon.

The doctrine of the inspiration of these writings in the Jewish and
Christian Church now claims attention. Inspiration is first of all
ascribed to persons to account for abnormal states, or exceptional
powers and gifts; in this doctrine it is transferred to writings, and
its effects in securing for these inerrancy, authority, &c., are
discussed with little regard for the psychic state of the writers.

The New Testament affirms the inspiration of the Old Testament. Jesus
introduced a quotation from the 110th Psalm with the words "David
himself by the Holy Spirit said" (Mark xii. 36), and in appealing to the
law against tradition He used the phrase "God said" (Matt. xv. 4). The
author of the first Gospel describes a prediction as that "which was
spoken by the Lord through the prophet" (Matt. i. 22), and so Peter
refers to "the scripture which the Holy Spirit spake before by the mouth
of David" (Acts i. 16). For Paul as for Peter the utterances of the Old
Testament are "the oracles of God" (Romans iii. 2; 1 Peter iv. 11). The
final appeal is to what is written. God spoke in the prophets (Romans
ix. 25; Hebrews i. 1). The use of [Greek: theopneustos] in regard to the
Scriptures in 2 Timothy iii. 16 has already been noted. The Spirit of
Christ is said to have been in the prophets (1 Peter i. 11); and it is
affirmed that "no prophecy ever came by the will of man; but men spake
from God, being moved by the Holy Spirit" (2 Peter i. 21). The constant
use of the Old Testament in the New confirms this doctrine of
inspiration. Contemporary Jewish thought was in agreement with this view
of the Old Testament. Philo describes Moses as "that purest mind which
received at once the gift of legislation and of prophecy with divinely
inspired wisdom" (_De congr. erud._ c. 24). Josephus again and again
expresses his deep reverence for the holy Scriptures, and his belief
that the authors wrote under the influence of the Spirit of God.
According to Weber the doctrine of the Talmud is that "the holy
scripture came to be through the inspiration of the Holy Spirit, and has
its origin in God Himself, who speaks in it." But the nature of this
inspiration must be more closely defined, and hence have arisen a number
of theories of inspiration.

The first theory is that of _mechanical dictation_, or _verbal
inspiration_. The writers of the books of the Bible were God's pens
rather than His penmen; every word was given them by God. Their
faculties were suppressed that God alone might be active in them. This
conception is found in Plato, "God has given the art of divination, not
to the wisdom, but to the foolishness of man. No man, when in his wits,
attains prophetic truth and inspiration; but when he receives the
inspired word, either his intelligence is enthralled in sleep, or he is
demented by some distemper or possession" (_Timaeus_, 71). Philo
declares that "the understanding that dwells in us is ousted on the
arrival of the Divine Spirit, but is restored to its own dwelling when
that Spirit departs, for it is unlawful that mortal dwell with immortal"
(_Quis rer. div. haeres_, c. 53). Athenagoras adopted this view in
regard to the prophets. "While entranced and deprived of their natural
powers of reason by the influence of the Divine Spirit, they uttered
that which was wrought in them, the spirit using them as its instrument,
as a flute player might blow a flute." Other figures used are these; the
inspired writer was the lyre, and the Holy Spirit the plectrum, or the
writer was the vase, and the Holy Spirit filled it. The extravagances of
Montanism threw some discredit on this conception, and we find Miltiades
writing a treatise with the title _That the Prophet ought not to speak
in Ecstasy_. But Gregory the Great called the writers of Scripture the
_calami_ of the Holy Spirit. After the Reformation the Protestant
Scholastics revived this view. Gerhard, Calovius and Quenstedt agree in
ascribing to the Scriptures absolute infallibility in all matters, and
describe the writers as "amanuenses of God, or Christ," "hands of the
Spirit," "clerks," "secretaries," "manus et Spiritus sive." The _Formula
consensus Helvetica_ probably reaches the extreme statement, when it
declares that the Old Testament was "tum quoad consonas, tum quoad
vocalia, sive puncta ipsa, sive punctorum saltem potestatem, et tum
quoad res, tum quoad verba [Greek: theopneustos]." Seeing that the
vowel-point system was introduced by Jewish scribes centuries after the
books were written, this statement shows how recklessly theory may
override fact. Of this theory, which has now few advocates, it is
sufficient to say that it ignores all the data the Bible itself offers.
On the one hand it is impossible to maintain the inerrancy of the Bible
in matters of science, philosophy, history, and even in doctrine and
morals there is progress; on the other hand the personal
characteristics, the historical circumstances, the individual
differences of the writers are so reproduced in the writings that the
action of the human factor must be frankly and fully recognized as well
as the divine activity.

The second theory is that of _dynamic influence or degrees of
inspiration_. While the Spirit controls and directs, the human
personality is not entirely suppressed. Even Philo recognized that all
portions of Scripture were not equally inspired, and assigned to Moses
the highest degree of inspiration. The Jewish rabbis placed the Law, the
Prophets and the Writings on a descending scale of inspiration. "The
schoolmen followed them, and some distinguished four degrees of
influence: _superintendence_, which saved from positive error;
_elevation_, which imparted loftiness to the thought; _direction_, which
prompted the writer what to insert and what to omit; and _suggestion_,
which inspired both thoughts and words" (M. Dods, _The Bible, its Origin
and Nature_, p. 118, 1905). The co-operation of the divine and the human
factors is recognized in Augustine's saying about the authors:
"Inspiratus a Deo, sed tamen homo." It is interesting to note that
Plutarch had to account for the same human peculiarities and
imperfections in the Pythian responses as the Christian apologist in the
Bible, and he offers a similar explanation. "If she were obliged to
write down, and not to utter the responses, we should not, I suppose,
believe the handwriting to be the god's, and find fault with it, because
it is inferior in point of calligraphy to the imperial rescripts; for
neither is the old woman's voice, nor her diction, nor her metre the
god's; but it is the god alone who presents the visions to this woman,
and kindles light in her soul regarding the future; for this is the
inspiration" (_op. cit._ p. 119). While degrees of inspiration must be
recognized, the distinction must be made objectively, and not
subjectively. We may say that where the revelation is the clearest,
there inspiration is the fullest, that nearness to the perfect
fulfilment in Christ of God's progressive purpose determines the degree
of inspiration; but we cannot formulate any elaborate theory of the
operation of the Spirit from the standpoint of the psychic states of the
writers. While subjectively we cannot separate the divine and the human
spirit in the process, so objectively we cannot distinguish the divine
substance and the human form in the product of inspiration. This theory
neither helps us to explain the origin of the writings nor guides us in
estimating the contents.

The third theory, which is a modification of the second, is that of
_essential inspiration_, which distinguishes _matters of doctrine and
conduct_ as closely related to God's purpose in the Scriptures from the
remaining contents of the Scripture, and claims for the Bible only such
inspiration as was necessary to secure accuracy in regard to these. The
theology and the morality of the Bible are inspired, but not its
history, science, philosophy. This distinction is already anticipated in
Thomas Aquinas' theory of two kinds of inspiration, "the _direct_, which
is to be found where doctrinal and moral truths are directly taught, and
the _indirect_, which appears in historical passages, whence the
doctrinal and moral can only be indirectly evolved by the use of
allegorical interpretation." This view has the support of such names as
Erasmus, Hugo Grotius, Richard Baxter, W. Paley and J. J. I. von
Döllinger. It is to be observed that it lays emphasis on the necessity
of correct views about doctrine and conduct; and this is an
intellectualist standpoint which is not in accord either with the
character or the influence of the Bible. Further, it does not explain
how the same human mind can by divine inspiration obtain infallible
knowledge in some matters, and yet be left prone to err in others. Again
it does not take account of the fact that the teaching of the Old
Testament as regards belief and morals is progressive; and that the
imperfections of the earlier stages of the development are corrected in
the later. That it is an advance on the other theories must be
acknowledged, as from this standpoint errors in history or science are
no difficulties to the believer in the Bible as so inspired. It is
necessary here to add that this emphasis on the infallibility of the
knowledge of doctrine and morals communicated by the Scriptures had as
its legitimate inference in the patristic and medieval period the claim
that the Church alone was the infallible interpreter of the Scriptures.

The fourth theory--that of the Reformers (though not of their
successors, the Protestant scholastics)--might be called that of _vital
inspiration_, as its emphasis is on religious and moral life rather than
on knowledge. While giving to the Scriptures supreme authority in all
matters of faith and doctrine, the Reformers laid stress on the use of
the Bible for edification; it was for them primarily a means of grace
for awakening and nourishing the new life in the hearts of God's people.
By the enlightening work of the Spirit of God the World of God is
discovered in the Scriptures: it is the _testimonium Spiritus Sancti_ in
the soul of the Christian that makes the Bible the power and wisdom of
God unto salvation. By thus laying stress on this redemptive purpose of
the divine revelation, the Reformers were delivered from the bondage of
the letter of Scripture, and could face questions of date and authorship
of the writings frankly and boldly. Hence a pioneer of the higher
criticism in Great Britain, W. Robertson Smith, was able to appeal to
this Reformation doctrine. "If I am asked why I receive Scripture as the
Word of God, and as the only perfect rule of faith and life, I answer
with all the fathers of the Protestant Church, 'Because the Bible is the
only record of the redeeming love of God, because in the Bible alone I
find God drawing near to man in Christ Jesus, and declaring to us in Him
His will for our salvation. And this record I know to be true by the
witness of His Spirit in my heart, whereby I am assured that none other
but God Himself is able to speak such words to my soul'" (in Denney's
_Studies in Theology_, p. 205). The Reformers' application of this
theory to the Bible was necessarily conditioned by the knowledge of
their age; but it is a theory wide enough to leave room for our growing
modern knowledge of the Bible.

Briefly stated, these are the conclusions which our modern knowledge
allows. (1) Inspiration, or the presence and influence of the Divine
Spirit in the soul of man, cannot be limited to the writers of the
Scriptures; but, comparing the Bible with the other sacred literature of
the world, its religious and moral superiority cannot be denied, and we
may, therefore, claim for it as a whole a fuller inspiration. (2) As
different writings in the Bible have more or less important functions in
the progressive divine revelation, we may distinguish degrees of
inspiration. (3) This inspiration is primarily personal, an inward
enlightening and quickening, both religious and moral, of the writer,
finding an expression conditioned by his individual characteristics in
his writing. (4) The purpose of inspiration is practical; the inspired
men are used of God to give guidance in belief and duty by declaring the
word and will of God as bearing on human life. (5) As revelation is
progressive, inspiration does not exclude defects in doctrine and
practice in the earlier stages and their correction in the later stages
of development. (6) As the progressive revelation culminates in Christ,
so He possesses fullest inspiration; and it varies in others according
to the closeness of their contact, and intimacy of their communion with
Him. (7) As the primary function of Christ is redemptive, so the
inspiration of the Bible is directed to make men "wise unto salvation."
(8) It is the presence and influence in the souls of men of the same
Spirit of God as inspired the Scriptures which makes the Bible effective
as a means of grace; and only those who yield themselves to the Spirit
of God have the witness in themselves that the Bible conveys to them the
truth and the grace of God.

  In addition to the books mentioned, see: A. B. Bruce, _The Chief End
  of Revelation_ (1881); C. A. Briggs, _The Bible, the Church, and the
  Reason_ (1892); W. N. Clarke, _The Use of the Scriptures in Theology_
  (1906); H. E. Ryle, _The Canon of the Old Testament_ (1892); B. F.
  Westcott, _A General Survey of the History of the Canon of the New
  Testament_ (7th ed., 1896); W. Sanday, _Inspiration_ (3rd ed., 1896);
  A. B. Davidson, article "Prophecy" in Hastings's _Bible Dictionary_,
  iv.; A. E. Garvie, "Revelation" in Hastings's _Bible Dictionary_
  (extra volume).     (A. E. G.*)



INSTALLATION, the action of installing or formally placing some one in
occupation of an office or place. The med. Lat. _installare_ meant
literally "to place in a seat or stall" (_stallum_), and the word, as
now, was particularly used of the ceremonial induction of an
ecclesiastic, such as a canon or prebendary, to his stall in his
cathedral choir. Similarly knights of an order of chivalry are
ceremonially led to their stalls in the chapel of their order. The term
is transferred to any formal establishment in office or position. From a
French use of _installer_ and _installation_, the word is frequently
applied in a transferred sense to the fixing in position and making
ready for use of a mechanical, particularly electrical, apparatus or
plant.



INSTALMENT (for earlier _stallment_ or _estallment_, from Fr. _estaler_,
to fix, arrange; the change is probably due to the influence of the verb
"install"), the payment of a sum of money at stated intervals and in
fixed portions instead of in a lump sum; hence the sums of money as they
fall due at the periods agreed upon. For the system of purchase by
deferred payments or instalments see HIRE-PURCHASE AGREEMENT.



INSTERBURG, a town in the kingdom of Prussia, situated at the point
where the Angerapp and Inster join to form the Pregel, 57 m. E. of
Königsberg by the railway to Eydtkuhnen, and at the junction of lines to
Memel and Allenstein. Pop. (1900) 27,787. It has four Evangelical
churches, of which the town church is celebrated for its fine wood
carvings, a Roman Catholic church, a synagogue, several schools and a
park. Besides flax-spinning and iron-founding, Insterburg has
manufactures of machinery, shoes, cement, leather and beer, along with a
considerable trade in cereals, vegetables, flax, linseed and wood, while
horse-breeding is extensively carried on in the neighbourhood. Close to
the town lies the demesne of Georgenburg, with an old castle which
formerly belonged to the Teutonic order. Insterburg, the "burg" on the
Inster, was founded in the 14th century by the knights of the Teutonic
order. Having passed to the margraves of Brandenburg, the village which
had sprung up round the castle received civic privileges in 1583. During
the next century it made rapid advances in prosperity, partly owing to
the settlement in it of several Scottish trading families. In 1679 it
was besieged by the Swedes; in 1690 it suffered severely from a fire;
and in 1710-1711 from pestilence.

  See Töws, _Urkunden zur Geschichte des Hauptamts Insterburg_ (Inst.,
  1895-1897, 3 parts); and _Kurze Chronik der Stadt Insterburg_
  (Königsberg, 1883).



INSTINCT.

  Conscious concomitant.

It is in the first place desirable to distinguish between the word
"instinct" (Lat. _instinctus_, from _instinguere_, to incite, impel) as
employed in general literature and the term "instinct" as used in
scientific discourse. The significance of the former is somewhat
elastic, and is in large measure determined by the context. Thus in
social relationships we speak of "instinctive" liking or distrust; we
are told that the Greeks had "instinctive" appreciation of art; we hear
of an instinct of reverence or "instinctive" beliefs. We understand what
is meant and neither desire nor demand a strict definition. But in any
scientific discussion the term instinct must be used within narrower
limits, and hence it is necessary that the term should be defined. There
are difficulties, however, in framing a satisfactory definition. That
given by G. J. Romanes in the 9th edition of the _Encyclopaedia
Britannica_ runs as follows: "Instinct is a generic term comprising all
those faculties of mind which lead to the conscious performance of
actions that are adaptive in character but pursued without necessary
knowledge of the relation between the means employed and the ends
attained." This has been criticized both from the biological and from
the psychological standpoint. From the biological point of view the
reference of certain modes of behaviour, termed instinctive, to
faculties of mind for which "instinct" is the generic term is scarcely
satisfactory; from the psychological point of view the phrase "without
necessary knowledge of the relation between the means employed and the
end attained" is ambiguous. (See INTELLIGENCE OF ANIMALS.) In recent
scientific literature the term is more frequently used in its adjectival
than in its substantive form; and the term "instinctive" is generally
applied to certain hereditary modes of behaviour. Investigation thus
becomes more objective, and this is a distinct advantage from the
biological point of view. It is indeed sometimes urged that instinctive
modes of behaviour should be so defined as to entirely exclude any
reference to their psychological concomitants in consciousness, which
are, it is said, entirely inferential. But as a matter of fact no small
part of the interest and value of investigations in this field of
inquiry lies in the relationships which may thereby be established
between biological and psychological interpretations. Fully realizing,
therefore, the difficulty of finding and applying a criterion of the
presence or absence of consciousness, it is none the less desirable, in
the interests of psychology, to state that truly instinctive acts (as
defined) are accompanied by consciousness. This marks them off from such
reflex acts as are unconsciously performed, and from the tropisms of
plants and other lowly organisms. There remains, however, the difficulty
of finding any satisfactory criterion of the presence of consciousness.
We seem forced to accept a practical criterion for purposes of
interpretation rather than one which can be theoretically defended
against all adverse criticism. We have reason to believe that some
organisms profit by experience and show that they do so by the
modification of their behaviour in accordance with circumstances. Such
modification is said to be individually acquired. To profit by
individual experience is thus the only criterion we possess of the
existence of the conscious experience itself. But if hereditary
behaviour is unaccompanied by consciousness, it can in no wise
contribute to experience, and can afford no data by which the organism
can profit. Hence, for purposes of psychological interpretation it seems
necessary to assume that instinctive behaviour, including the
stimulation by which it is initiated and conditioned, affords that naive
awareness which forms an integral part of what may be termed the
primordial tissue of experience.

We are now in a position to give an expanded definition of instinctive
behaviour as comprising those complex groups of co-ordinated acts which,
though they contribute to experience, are, on their first occurrence,
not determined by individual experience; which are adaptive and tend to
the well-being of the individual and the preservation of the race; which
are due to the co-operation of external and internal stimuli; which are
similarly performed by all members of the same more or less restricted
group of animals; but which are subject to variation, and to subsequent
modification under the guidance of individual experience.


  Definitions.

If a brief definition of instinct, from the purely biological point of
view be required, that given in the _Dictionary of Philosophy and
Psychology_ may be accepted: "An inherited reaction of the sensori-motor
type, relatively complex and markedly adaptive in character, and common
to a group of individuals." Instinctive behaviour thus depends solely on
how the nervous system has been built through heredity; while
intelligent behaviour depends also on those characters of the nervous
system which have been acquired under the modifying influence of
individual relation to the environment.

Such definitions, however, are not universally accepted. Wasmann, for
example, divides instinctive actions under two groups: (1) those which
immediately spring from the inherited dispositions; (2) those which
indeed proceed from the same inherited dispositions but through the
medium of sense experience. The first group, which he regards as
instinctive in the strict acceptance of the term, seem exactly to
correspond to those which fall under the definition given above. The
second group, which he regards as instinctive in the wider acceptance of
the term, nearly, if not quite, correspond to those above spoken of as
intelligent--though he regards this term as falsely applied (see
INTELLIGENCE OF ANIMALS). By using the term instinctive in both its
strict and its wider significance, Wasmann includes under it the whole
range of animal behaviour.


  Examples from bird life.

It will be seen that from the biological standpoint there fall under the
stricter definition those hereditary modes of behaviour which are
analogous to hereditary forms of structure; and that a sharp line of
distinction is drawn between the behaviour which is thus rendered
definite through heredity, and the behaviour the distinguishing
characteristics of which are acquired in the course of individual life.
What in popular usage are spoken of as the instincts of animals, for
example, the hunting of prey by foxes and wolves, or the procedure of
ants in their nests, are generally joint products of hereditary and
acquired factors. Wasmann's comprehensive definition so far accords with
popular usage. But it tends to minimize the importance of the
distinction of that which is prior to individual experience and that
which results therefrom. It is the business of scientific interpretation
to disentangle the factors which contribute to the joint-products. It is
indeed by no means easy to distinguish between what is dependent on
individual experience, and what is not. Only the careful observation of
organisms throughout the earlier phases of their life-history can the
closely related factors be distinguished with any approach to scientific
accuracy. By the patient study of the behaviour of precocious young
birds, such as chicks, pheasants, ducklings and moorhens, it can be
readily ascertained that such modes of activity as running, swimming,
diving, preening the down, scratching the ground, pecking at small
objects, with the characteristic attitudes expressive of fear and anger,
are so far instinctive as to be definite on their first occurrence--they
do not require to be learnt. No doubt they are subsequently guided to
higher excellence and effectiveness with the experience gained in their
oft-repeated performance. Indeed it may be said that only on the
occasion of their initial performance are they purely instinctive; all
subsequent performance being in some degree modified by the experience
afforded, by previous behaviour of like nature and the results it
affords. It should be remembered that such comparatively simple
activities, though there is little about them to arrest popular
attention, are just the raw material out of which the normal active life
of such organisms is elaborated, and that for scientific treatment they
are therefore not less important than those more conspicuous
performances which seem at first sight to call for special treatment, or
even to demand a supplementary explanation. The instincts of
nest-building, incubation and the rearing of young, though they occur
later in life than those concerned in locomotion and the obtaining of
food, are none the less founded on a hereditary basis, and in some
respects are less rather than more liable to modification by the
experience gained by the carrying out of hereditarily definite modes of
procedure. Here the instinctive factor probably predominates over that
which is experiential. But in the "homing" of pigeons there is little
question that the experiential factor predominates. The habit results
mainly from the modification of the higher nerve-centres through
individual and intelligent use. In the migration of birds we are still
uncertain as to the exact nature and proportional value of the
instinctive and intelligent factors. The impulse to migrate, that is to
say, the calling forth of specific activities by climatal or other
presentations, appears to be instinctive; whether the direction of
migration is in like manner instinctive is a matter of uncertainty; and,
if it be instinctive, the nature of the stimuli and the manner in which
they are hereditarily linked with responsive acts is unexplained. To say
that it is due to hereditary experience is generally regarded as
inadmissible. For modern interpretation hereditary modes of behaviour
afford experience; in no other sense can it be said that experience is
inherited.


  Examples from insect life.

A good example of the methods of recent investigation is to be found in
Dr G. W. and Mrs Peckham's minute observations on the habits and
instincts of the solitary wasps. They enumerate the following primary
types of instinctive behaviour: the manner of attacking and capturing a
particular kind of prey which alone affords the requisite presentation
to sense; the manner of conveying the prey to the nest; the general
style and locality of the nest; the method and order of procedure in
stocking the nest with food for the unseen young. It is noteworthy,
however, that although the manner in which the prey is stung (for
example) is on the whole similar in the case of the members of any given
species--that is to say, all the wasps of the species behave in very
much the same manner--yet there are minor variations in detail. This
outcome of prolonged and careful observation is of importance. It
affords a point of departure for the interpretation of the genesis of
existing instincts. Furthermore, the observations on American wasps
render it probable that the earlier accounts of the instinctive
behaviour of such wasps are exaggerated. Romanes thought that the manner
of stinging and paralysing their prey might be justly deemed the most
remarkable instinct in the world. Spiders, caterpillars and grasshoppers
are, he said, stung in their chief nerve-centres, in consequence of
which the victims are not killed outright, but rendered motionless and
continue to live in this paralysed condition for several weeks, being
thus available as food for the larvae when these are hatched. Of course,
he adds, the extraordinary fact which stands to be explained is that of
the precise anatomical, not to say the physiological, knowledge which
appears to be displayed by the insect in stinging only the nerve-centres
of its prey. But the Peckhams' careful observations and experiments show
that, with the American wasps, the victims stored in the nests are quite
as often dead as alive; that those which are only paralysed live for a
varying number of days, some more, some less; that wasp larvae thrive
just as well on dead victims, sometimes dried up, sometimes undergoing
decomposition, as on living and paralysed prey; that the nerve-centres
are not stung with the supposed uniformity; and that in some cases
paralysis, in others death, follows when the victims are stung in parts
far removed from any nerve-centre. It would seem then that by the
stinging of insects or spiders their powers of resistance are overcome
and their escape prevented; that some are killed outright and some
paralysed is merely an incidental result.


  Mode of origin.

Granted that instinctive modes of behaviour are hereditary and definite
within the limits of congenital variation, the question of their manner
of genesis is narrowed to a clear issue. Do they originate through the
natural selection of those variations which are the more adaptive; or do
they originate through the inheritance of those acquired modifications
which are impressed on the nervous system in the course of individual
and intelligent use? Romanes, taking up the inquiry where Darwin left
it, came to the conclusion that some instinctive modes of behaviour
which he termed "primary" are due to the operation of natural selection
alone; that others, which he termed "secondary," and of which he could
give few examples, were due to the inheritance of acquired modifications
from which, in the phrase of G. H. Lewes, the intelligence had lapsed;
while others, which he termed "blended," were partly due to natural
selection and partly resulted from the inheritance of acquired habit.
There has been a prolonged controversy between the school of
interpretation, commonly spoken of as Lamarckian, which advocates a
belief in the inheritance of acquired characters, and the school, with
Weismann as their leader, which questions the evidence for, or the
probability of, such inheritance. The trend of modern opinion appears to
be in the direction of the Weismannian interpretation. And it must be
regarded as questionable, if not improbable, that instinctive modes of
behaviour are in any degree directly due to the inheritance of habits
intelligently acquired. That intelligent habits may secure the survival
of those organisms whose germ-plasm bears the seeds of favourable
congenital variations is not improbable. But in that case intelligent
procedure only contributes to the survival and not to the origin of
hereditary variations.


  Crucial observations.

To test the hypothesis that natural selection is an essential condition
to the genesis of instinctive behaviour it should be the aim of
investigation to find crucial cases. This is, however, no easy task. We
ought to be able to adduce cases in which, where the incidence of
natural selection is excluded, acquired habits do not become
instinctive. But it is difficult to do so. It seems, however, that in
young chicks drinking from still water is a habit acquired through
imitation of the acts of the hen-mother. The presentation of such water
to sight does not evoke the appropriate instinctive response, while the
presentation of water taken into the bill does at once evoke a
characteristic response. Now it would seem that in the former case,
since the hen "teaches" all her chicks to peck at the water, she shields
them from the incidence of natural selection. But though the hen can
lead her young to peck at the water, she cannot "teach" them how to
perform the complex movements of mouth, throat and head required for
actual drinking. In this matter they are not shielded from the incidence
of natural selection. Thus it would seem that, where natural selection
is excluded, the habit has not become congenitally linked with a visual
stimulus; but where natural selection is in operation, the response has
been thus linked with the stimulus of water in the bill.


  Imitation.

If this interpretation be correct we have here an example of the manner
in which imitation plays an important part in the formation of habits
which though oft-repeated are not transmitted as hereditary instincts.
But the imitative act is itself instinctive. The characteristic feature
of the imitative act, at the instinctive level, is that the presentation
to sight or hearing calls forth a mode of behaviour of like nature to,
or producing like results to, that which affords the stimulus. The
nature of instinctive imitation needs working out in further detail. But
it is probable that what we speak of as the imitative tendency is, in
any given species, the expression of a considerable number of particular
responses each of which is congenitally linked with a particular
presentation or stimulus. The group of instincts which we class as
imitative (and they afford only the foundations on which intelligent
imitation is based) are of biological value chiefly, if not solely, in
those species which form larger or smaller communities.


  Relation to heredity

The study of instinct is in the genetic treatment of evolutionary
science a study in heredity. The favouring bionomic conditions are those
of a relatively constant environment under which relatively stereotyped
responses are advantageous. If the environment be complex, there is a
corresponding complexity in instinctive behaviour. But adjustment to a
complex environment may be reached in two ways; by instinctive
adaptation through initially stereotyped behaviour; or by plastic
accommodation by acquired modifications. The tendency of the evolution
of intelligence is towards the disintegration of the stereotyped modes
of response and the dissolution of instinct. Natural selection which,
under a uniform and constant environment, leads to the survival of
relatively fixed and definite modes of response, under an environment
presenting a wider range of varying possibilities leads to the survival
of plastic accommodation through intelligence. This plasticity is,
however, itself hereditary. All intelligent procedure implies the
inherited capacity of profiting by experience. Instinctive in the
popular sense, it does not fall within the narrower definition of the
term; it is more conveniently described as innate. It is important to
grasp clearly the distinction thus drawn. A duckling only a few hours
old if placed in water swims with orderly strokes. The stimulus of water
on the breast may be regarded as a sensory presentation which is
followed by a definite and adaptive application of behaviour. But this
specific application is dependent upon a prolonged racial preparation of
the organism to respond in this particular way. Such response is
instinctive. It is wholly due, as such, to racial preparation. Compare
the case of a boy who learns to ride a bicycle. This is not wholly due,
as such, to racial preparation, but is also partly due to individual
preparation. The boy no doubt inherits a capacity for riding a bicycle,
otherwise he could never do so. But he has to learn to ride none the
less. Individual experience is a condition which without the innate
capacity cannot take effect. Instinct involves inherited adaptation;
intelligence, an inherited power, embodied in the higher nerve-centres,
of accommodation to varying circumstances.

  See C. Lloyd Morgan, _Habit and Instinct_ (1896), and _Animal
  Behaviour_ (1900); G. J. Romanes, _Mental Evolution in Animals_
  (1883), and _Natural History of Instinct_ (1886); Lord Avebury, _On
  the Instincts of Animals_ (1889); Marshall, _Instinct and Reason_
  (1898); Mills, _Nature of Animal Intelligence_ (1898); St George
  Mivart, _Nature and Thought_ (1882), and _Origin of Human Reason_
  (1899); E. Wasmann, _Zur Entwickelung der Instincte_ (1897), _Instinct
  und Intelligenz im Tierreich_ (1899, Eng. trans. 1903); G. and C.
  Peckham, _Instincts and Habits of Solitary Wasps_ (1898); see also the
  bibliography (section "Instinct and Impulse") in Baldwin's _Dict. of
  Philosophy and Psychology_.     (C. Ll. M.)



INSTITUTE (from Lat. _instituere_, to establish or set up), something
established, an institution, particularly any society established for an
artistic, educational, scientific or social purpose. The word seems to
have been first applied in English to such institutions for the
advancement of science or art as were modelled on the great French
society, the _Institut National_ (see ACADEMIES). It is thus the name of
such societies as the Royal Institute of British Architects, the
Imperial Institute and the like. It is extended to similar
organizations, particularly to educational, on a smaller or local scale,
such as Mechanics' or Workmen's Institutes, and is sometimes applied to
charitable foundations. In the United States the word is, in a
particular sense, applied to periodic classes giving instruction in the
principles of education to the teachers of elementary and district
schools. The term "institute" is often used to translate the Lat.
_institutio_, in the sense of a treatise on the elements of any subject,
and particularly of law or jurisprudence; thus the compilation of the
principles of Roman law, made by order of the emperor Justinian, is
known as _Justinian's Institutes_, and hence Coke's treatise on English
law, of which the first part is better known as _Coke upon Littleton_,
is called _The Institute_. The same title is borne by Calvin's work on
the elements of the Christian doctrine. In Scots law "institute" is the
person named, in a settlement or testament to whom an estate is first
limited; those who follow, failing him, are termed "substitutes."



INSTITUTIONAL CHURCH, the name generally applied both in the British
Isles and in America to a type of church which supplements its ordinary
work by identifying itself in various ways with the secular interests of
those whom it seeks to influence. The idea of such extension of function
grew out of the recognition of the fact that the normal activities of
church work entirely failed to retain the interest of a large class of
the population to whom the ritual formality of ordinary services was
unacceptable. Various attempts were made to overcome this deficiency,
e.g. by modifying the form of service or of some services, by the
addition to the ordinary services of more or less informal meetings
(e.g. the Pleasant Sunday Afternoon services), by specially excusing
persons from wearing the normal church-going attire in holiday resorts,
and by holding services out of doors. The principle underlying all these
changes is systematized in the Institutional Church which, in addition
to its main building for specifically religious services, provides
other rooms or buildings which during the week are open for the use of
members and friends. Lectures, concerts, debates and social gatherings
are organized; there are reading rooms, gymnasiums and other recreations
rooms; various clubs (cycling, cricket, football) are formed. The
organization of the whole is subdivided into special departments managed
by committees. By these various means many persons are attracted into
the atmosphere of the church's work who could not be induced to attend
the formal services.

This expansion of normal church work may be traced back in England to at
least as early as 1840, but the full development of the Institutional
Church belongs only to the latter years of the 19th century. The chief
example in England is Whitefield's Central Mission in Tottenham Court
Road, London, a church which, in addition to an elaborate organization
on the lines above described, has an official journal. In the United
States the movement may be said to date from about 1880. The name
"Institutional" was first applied to Berkeley Temple, Boston, by Dr
William Jewett Tucker, then president of Dartmouth College. The obvious
criticism that this epithet emphasizes the administrative and secular
side to the exclusion of the spiritual led to the tentative adoption of
other titles, e.g. the "Open Church," the "Free Church," the former of
which is the more commonly used. In 1894 was formed the "Open and
Institutional Church League" at New York, which held a number of
conventions and served as a headquarters for the numerous separate
churches. In connexion with this league was formed the "National
Federation of Churches and Christian Workers," which held a convention
in 1905.

  See C. Silvester Horne, _The Institutional Church_ (London, 1906); G.
  W. Mead, _Modern Methods in Church Work_ (New York, 1897); R. A.
  Woods, _English Social Movements_ (New York, 1891).



INSTRUMENT (Lat. _instrumentum_, from _instruere_, to build up, furnish,
arrange, prepare), that which can be used as a means to an end, hence a
mechanical contrivance, implement or tool; the word is more particularly
applied to the implements of applied science, in mathematics, surgery,
surveying, &c., while those of the handicrafts are generally known as
"tools." A specific use of the term is for the various contrivances used
to produce musical sounds, "musical instruments."

In law an "instrument" is any formal or written document by which
expression is given to a legal act or agreement. This is a classical use
of the Lat. _instrumentum_, a document, record. The term may be used in
a wide sense, as a mere writing, meant only to form a record, or in a
particular sense with reference to certain statutes. For example, the
Stamp Act 1891 defines an instrument as an expression including every
written document; for the purposes of the Forgery Act 1861 a post-office
telegram accepting a wager has been defined as an instrument. In
expressions such as "deed, will, or other written instrument" the word
means any written document under which a right or liability, legal or
equitable, exists.



INSTRUMENTATION. "Instrumentation" is the best term that can be found
for that aspect of musical art which is concerned with timbre. The
narrower term "orchestration" is applied to the instrumentation of
orchestral music. Since the most obvious differences of timbre are in
those of various instruments, the art which blends and contrasts timbre
is most easily discussed as the treatment of instruments; but we must
use this term with philosophic breadth and allow it to include voices.
Instrumentation is in all standard text-books treated as a technical
subject, from the point of view of practical students desirous of
writing for the modern orchestra. And as there is no branch of art in
which mechanical improvements, and the consequent change in the nature
of technical difficulties, bear so directly upon the possibilities and
methods of external effect, it follows that an exclusive preponderance
of this view is not without serious disadvantage from the standpoint of
general musical culture. There is probably no other branch of art in
which orthodox tradition is so entirely divorced from the historical
sense, and the history, when studied at all, so little illuminated by
the permanent artistic significance of its subjects. When improvements
in the structure of an instrument remove from the modern composer's
memory an entire category of limitations which in classical music
determined the very character of the instrument, the temptation is easy
to regard the improvement as a kind of access of wisdom, in comparison
with which not only the older form of the instrument, but the part that
it plays in classical music, is crude and archaic. But we should do
better justice to improvements in an instrument if we really understood
how far they give it, not merely new resources, but a new nature. And,
moreover, those composers who have done most to realize this new nature
(as Wagner has done for the brass instruments) have also retained, to an
extent unsuspected by their imitators, the definite character which the
instrument had in its earlier form.

As it is with mechanical improvements, so is it to a still greater
degree with changes in the function of timbre in art. Throughout the
19th century so fatal was the hold obtained on the popular mind by the
technical expert's view of instrumentation, that it was impossible to
hear the works of Handel and Bach without "additional accompaniments"
conceived in terms of art as irrelevant to those of 18th-century
polyphonys as the terms of Turnerian landscape are irrelevant to the
decoration of the outside walls of a cathedral. There is some reason to
hope that the day of these misconceptions is passed; although there is
also some reason to fear that on other grounds the present era may be
known to posterity as an era of instrumentation comparable, in its
gorgeous chaos of experiment and its lack of consistent ideas of harmony
and form, only to the monodic period at the beginning of the 17th
century, in which no one had ears for anything but experiments in
harmonic colour. We do not propose to concern ourselves here with those
technical subjects which are the chief concern of standard treatises on
instrumentation. Our task is simply to furnish the general reader with
an account of the types of instrumentation prevalent at various musical
periods, and their relation to other branches of the art.

_The Vocal Style of the 16th Century._--In the 16th century
instrumentation was, in its normal modern sense, non-existent; but in a
special sense it was at an unsurpassable stage of perfection, namely, in
the treatment of pure vocal harmony. In every mature period of art it
will be found that, however much the technical rules may be collected in
one special category, every artistic category has a perfect interaction
with all the others; and this is nowhere more perfectly shown than when
the art is in its simplest possible form of maturity. Practically every
law of harmony in 16th-century music may be equally well regarded as a
law of vocal effect. Discords must not be taken unprepared, because a
singer can only find his note by a mental judgment, and in attacking a
discord he has to find a note of which the harmonic meaning is at
variance with that of other notes sung at the same time. Melody must not
make more than one wide skip in the same direction, because by so doing
it would cause an awkward change of vocal register. Two parts must not
move in consecutive octaves or fifths, because by so doing they
unaccountably reinforce each other by an amount by which they impoverish
the rest of the harmony. Thus we justify, on grounds of instrumentation,
laws usually known as laws of harmony and counterpoint. Apart from such
considerations, 16th-century vocal harmony shows in the hands of its
greatest masters an inexhaustible variety of refinements of vocal
colour. A volume might be written on Orlando di Lasso's art of so
crossing the voices as to render possible successions of chords which,
on a keyed instrument where such crossing cannot be expressed, would be
a horrible series of consecutive fifths; the beauty of the device
consisting in the extreme simplicity of the chords, combined with the
novelty due to the fact that these chords cannot be produced by any
ordinary means without incorrectness.

_Decorative Instrumentation._--In the 17th century the use of
instruments became a necessity; but there were at first no organized
ideas for their treatment except those which were grounded on their use
as supporting and imitating the voice. The early 17th-century attempts
at their independent use and characterization are historically
interesting, but artistically almost barbarous. Sometimes they achieve
rare beauty by accident. Heinrich Schütz's _Lamentatio Davidi_ is
written for a bass voice accompanied by four trombones and organ. The
trombone parts are on exactly the same material as the voice, which in
fact forms with them a five-part fugue-texture. The effect is
magnificent, and admirably suited to the dignity of the trombone.
Moreover, the opening theme is formed of slow arpeggios; and the more
modern harmonic elements, though technically chromatic, consist, from
the modern point of view, rather in swift changes between nearly related
keys than in chromatic blurring of the main key. All this, especially in
a writer like Schütz, who is saturated with every progressive tendency
of the time, seems to point to a deep sense of the appropriate style of
trombone writing. Yet, so insensible is Schütz to the euphony of his own
work, that he proposes, as an alternative for the first and second
trombones, two violins an octave higher, the other parts remaining
unaltered! Imagination boggles at the vileness of this effect.

The chief work done in instrumentation in the 17th century is
undoubtedly that of the Italian writers for the violin, who developed
the technique of that instrument until it proved not only more
resourceful but more artistically organized than that of the solo voice,
which by the time of Handel had become little better than an acrobatic
monstrosity. In the art of Bach and Handel, instrumentation, as
distinguished from choral writing, has attained a definite artistic
coherence. Choral writing itself has become different from what it was
in the 16th century. The free use of discords and of wider intervals,
together with the influence of the florid elements of solo-singing,
enlarged the bounds of choral expression almost beyond recognition,
while they crowded into very narrow quarters the subtleties of
16th-century music. These, however, by no means disappeared; and such
devices as the crossing of parts in the second Kyrie of Bach's _B Minor
Mass_ (bars 7, 8, 14, 15, 22, 23, 50) abundantly show that in the hands
of the great masters artistic truths are not things which a change of
date can make false.

But the treatment of instruments in Bach and Handel has a radical
difference from that of the art which was soon to succeed it. It has
precisely the same limitation as the treatment of form and emotion; it
cannot change as the work proceeds. Its contrasts are like those of an
architectural scheme, not those of a landscape or a drama. It admits of
the loveliest combinations of timbre, and it can alternate them in
considerable variety. Modern composers have often produced their most
characteristic orchestral effects with fewer contrasting elements than
Bach uses in his _Trauer-Ode_, in the pastoral symphony in his
_Christmas Oratorio_, in the first chorus of the cantata _Liebster Gott,
wann werd' ich sterben_, and in many other cases; but the modern
instrumental effects are as far outside Bach's scope as a long passage
of preparation on the dominant leading to the return of a first subject
is beyond the scope of a gigue in a suite. Bach's conception of the
function of an instrument is that it holds a regular part in a
polyphonic scheme; and his blending of tones is like the blending of
colours in a purely decorative design.

Those instruments of which the tones and compass are most suitable for
polyphonic melody are for the most part high in pitch; a circumstance
which, in conjunction with the practice (initiated by the monodists and
ratified by science and common sense) of reckoning chords upwards from
the bass, leads to the conclusion that the instruments which hold the
main threads in the design shall be supported where necessary by a
simple harmonic filling-out on some keyed instrument capable of forming
an unobtrusive background. The chords necessary in this part, which with
its supporting bass is called the _continuo_, were indicated by figures;
and the evanescent and delicate tones of the harpsichord lent themselves
admirably to this purpose where solo voices and instruments were
concerned. For the support of the chorus the more powerful organ was
necessary. It is in the attempt to supply the place of this _continuo_
(or _figured bass_) by definite orchestral parts that modern
performances, until the most recent times, have shown so radical an
incapacity to grasp the nature of 18th-century instrumentation. The
whole point of this filling-out is that, the polyphonic design of the
main instruments being complete in itself, there is no room for any such
additional inner parts as can attract attention. In the interest of
euphony some harmonious sound is needed to bridge the great gap which
almost always exists between the bass and the upper instruments, but
this filling out must be of the softest and most atmospheric kind. Bach
himself is known to have executed it in a very polyphonic style, and
this for the excellent reason that plain chords would have contrasted so
strongly with the real instrumental parts that they could not fail to
attract attention even in the softest tones of the harpsichord or the
organ, while light polyphony in these tones would elude the ear and at
the same time perfectly bridge over the gap in the harmony. There seems
no good reason why in modern performances the pianoforte should not be
used for the purpose; if only accompanists can be trained to acquire the
necessary delicacy of touch, and can be made to understand that, if they
cannot extemporize the necessary polyphony, and so have to play
something definitely written for them, it is not a mass of interesting
detail which they are to bring to the public ear. A lamentable instance
of the prevalent confusion of thought on this point is shown by the
vocal scores of the Bach cantatas corresponding to the edition of the
_Bach Gesellschaft_ (which must not be held responsible for them). In
these Bach's polyphonic designs are often obliterated beneath a mass of
editorial counterpoint (even where Bach has carefully written the words
"_tasto solo_," i.e. "no filling out"). The same comments apply to the
attempts sometimes made to fill out the bare places in 18th-century
clavier music. There is no doubt that such filling out was often done on
a second harpsichord with stops of a very light tone; but, if it cannot
be done on the modern pianoforte in a touch so light as to avoid
confusion between it and the notes actually written as essential to the
design, it certainly ought not to be done at all. The greater richness
of tone of the modern pianoforte is a better compensation for any
bareness that may be imputed to pure two-part or three-part writing than
a filling out which deprives the listener of the power to follow the
essential lines of the music. The same holds good, though in a lesser
degree, of the resources of the harpsichord in respect of
octave-strings. To sacrifice phrasing, and distinctness in real
part-writing, to a crude imitation of the richness produced mechanically
on the harpsichord by drawing 4-ft. and 8-ft. registers, is artistically
suicidal. The genius of the modern pianoforte is to produce richness by
depth and variety of tone; and players who cannot find scope for such
genius in the real part-writing of the 18th century will not get any
nearer to the 18th-century spirit by sacrificing the essentials of its
art to an attempt to imitate its mechanical resources by a modern _tour
de force_.

_Symphonic Instrumentation._--The difference between decorative and
symphonic instrumentation is admirably shown by Gluck. In the famous
dedicatory letter of his _Alceste_ he mentions among other conceptions
on which his reform of opera was to be based, that the co-operation of
the instruments ought to be regulated in proportion to the interest and
the passion, a doctrine of which the true significance lies in its
connexion with other conditions of opera which are incompatible with the
polyphonic treatment of instruments as threads in a decorative scheme.
The date of this famous letter was 1767, but after _Alceste_ Gluck was
still able to use material from earlier work; and the overture to
_Armide_ is adapted from that of _Telemacco_, written in the year of
Bach's death (1750).

To write an account of symphonic instrumentation in any detail would be
like attempting a history of emotional expression; and all that we can
do here is to point out that the problem which was, so to speak, shelved
by the polyphonic device of the _continuo_, was for a long time solved
only by methods which, in any hands but those of the greatest masters,
were very inartistic conventions. In the new art the concentration of
attention upon _form_, as a more important source of dramatic interest
and climax than _texture_, resulted in a neglect of polyphony which
seriously damaged even Gluck's work, and which always had the grave
inconvenience that while the new methods of blending and contrasting
instruments stimulated an increase in the variety, if not in the size of
orchestras, there was at the same time extreme difficulty in finding
occupation for the members of the lower middle class of the orchestra in
ordinary passages. On the other hand, it is significant how everything
in the development of new instruments seems to suggest, and be suggested
by, the new methods of expression. The invention of the damper-pedal in
the pianoforte epitomizes the difference between polyphony and symphonic
art, for it is the earliest device by which sounds are produced and
prolonged in a way contrary to the spirit of "real" part-writing. It is
possible to conceive of any number of notes struck and sustained by the
fingers as consisting of so many quasi-vocal parts; but when a series of
single sounds is played and each sound continues to vibrate by means of
a pedal which prevents the dampers from falling on the strings, then we
are conscious that the sounds have been produced as from one part, and
that they nevertheless combine to form a chord; and this is as remote
from the spirit of polyphonic part-writing as modern English is from
classical Greek.

The pianoforte trios of Haydn are perhaps the only works of first-rate
artistic importance in which there is no doubt that the earlier stages
of the new art do not admit of sufficient polyphony to give the
instruments fair play. Haydn finds the pianoforte so completely capable
of expressing his meaning that he is at a loss to find independent
material for any accompanying instruments; and the violoncello in his
trios has, except perhaps in four passages in the whole collection of
thirty-three works, not a note to play that is not already in the bass
of the pianoforte; while the melodies of the violin are, more often than
not, doubled in the treble. Yet there is a certain difference between
this and the work of a poor artist whose designs are threadbare. It
would be impossible to add a note to Haydn's trio; the only question is
how to account for the superfluity of much of the string parts and how
to make the trios effective in performance. It is sometimes suggested
that the 'cello part is best omitted and these works played as violin
sonatas. But experiment shows that in this condition much of the violin
part sounds incomplete; and the truth appears to be that Haydn is
thinking, like any modern composer, of the opposition of two solid
bodies of tone--the pianoforte and the stringed instruments. And it will
be found that the method of performance which most nearly justifies the
instrumental effect of these otherwise beautiful works is that in which
the pianoforte player regards himself as frequently doubling the
stringed instruments, and not vice versa. He should therefore in all
such passages play extremely lightly, so as to give the violin and
'cello the function of drawing the main outline. In the time of Bach
such writing was beautifully suited to enliven the dry glitter of the
harpsichord, and Bach's duets for clavier and violin seem to have been
sometimes played as trios with a violoncello playing from the clavier
bass. But this was ineffective with the pianoforte, and is only
explicable in Haydn as a survival. His trios were, indeed, published
under the title of "pianoforte sonatas with accompaniment of violin and
violoncello"; but this in no way militates against the above remarks as
to their proper method of performance nowadays, when we take into
consideration the greater strength of tone of the modern pianoforte,
especially in the bass, and the fact that in no case could a violinist
consent to play as an accompaniment such melodies as that at the
beginning of the G major trio known as No. 1.

For Mozart there never was any such _embarras de richesse_ in any
combination of instruments. His music is highly polyphonic, and modern
in its instrumental treatment throughout. It was lucky for the
development of instrumentation (as in all branches of music during the
change from polyphonic to formal design) that whenever the texture is
not polyphonic the natural place for melody is on the surface: in other
words, when the accompaniment is simple the tune is generally on the
top. Haydn, when he was not tempted by the resources of an instrument so
complete in itself as the pianoforte, soon learnt to write artistically
perfect string quartets in which the first violin, though overwhelmingly
the most important part, is nevertheless in perfect balance with the
other members of the scheme, inasmuch as they contribute exactly what
their pitch and the little polyphonic elaboration admissible by the
style will enable them to give. In the treatment of the orchestra
volumes might be written about Haydn's and Mozart's sense of fitness, as
shown in Haydn's experiments and Mozart's settled methods. Where they
consent to any practical custom from practical necessity they also
consent because it is artistically right for them, and if it had not
been artistically right they would have soon swept it away. For example,
it has often been said that the extent to which their orchestral viola
parts double the basses is due, partly to bad traditions of Italian
opera, and partly to the fact that viola players were, more often than
not, simply persons who had failed to play the violin. This was in many
cases true, and it is equally true that Mozart and Haydn often had no
scruple in following the customs of very bad composers. But, when we
look at the many passages in which the violas double the basses, we
shall do well to consider whether there is room in the harmonic scheme
for the violas to do anything else, and whether the effect would not be
thin without them. As music becomes more polyphonic the inner parts of
the orchestra become more and more emancipated. Already Mozart divides
his violas into two parts quite as often as he makes them play with the
basses. In Beethoven's orchestration there is almost always room for an
independent viola part. There is not room for one together with an
independent violoncello part; the wonderful use of muted solo
violoncellos in the slow movement of the _Pastoral Symphony_ being a
special effect, like the earlier instance in Haydn's 12th _Salomon
Symphony_. Otherwise, when Beethoven has anything special for the
violoncellos to say, he invariably softens and deepens their singularly
incisive cantabile tones by doubling them with the violas. In the
orchestras of his day this was perhaps the only safe proceeding for
players unaccustomed to such responsibilities, and that may have been
one of Beethoven's reasons for it. But it is equally certain that the
pure violoncello tone in large masses belongs to a distinctly different
region of orchestral effect. Haydn's numerous examples of independent
violoncello melodies are almost all either marked _solo_ or written for
such small orchestras that they would be played as solos.

Similar principles apply in infinite detail to the treatment of wind
instruments, and we must never lose sight of them in speculating as to
the reasons why the genius of Beethoven was able to carry
instrumentation into worlds of which Haydn and Mozart never dreamt, or
why, having gone so far, it left anything unexplored. A subject so vast
and so incapable of classification cannot be discussed here, but its
aesthetic principles may be illustrated by the extreme case of the
trumpets and horns, which in classical times had no scale except that of
the natural harmonic series. This could be fixed, within certain limits,
at whatever pitch suited the composition; but on the horn it could be
only very partially filled out by notes of a muffled quality produced by
inserting the hand into the bell of the instrument, a device impossible
on the trumpet. These instruments thus produced, in Haydn's and
Beethoven's times, a very remarkable but closely limited series of
effects, which, as Sir George Macfarren pointed out in the article
"Music" in the 9th edition of the _Encyclopaedia Britannica_, gave them
a peculiar character and function in strongly asserting the main notes
of the key. An instance of this characteristic function, specially
remarkable because the composer has taken exceptional measures for it,
is Beethoven's overture to _Fidelio_. It is in E major, while Beethoven
chooses to use trumpets in C. The only note which these can play in E
major is the tonic, to which they are accordingly confined until the
recapitulation of the second subject. This is unexpectedly placed in C
major, the remotest key reached in the overture, and one that had
already appeared in an impressive passage in the introduction which
foreshadows the reference in the first act to the hero in his dungeon
("Der kaum mehr lebt und wie ein Schatten schwebt"). In this key the
trumpets blaze out with an effect which entirely depends upon their
restricted part hitherto. On a sufficient acquaintance with the work
this would probably have revealed the essential nature of the instrument
to a hearer unacquainted with technicalities, and revealed it rather as
a characteristic than as a limitation. A still more remarkable instance
will be found in the third statement of the theme of the finale of the
9th symphony. When the trumpets take it up they make a remarkable change
at its 11th bar, for no other reason than that one of the notes, though
perfectly within their scale, and, indeed, already produced by them in
the very same bar, is so harmonized as to suggest the freedom of an
instrument with a complete scale. This passage shows that if Beethoven
had had the modern trumpet at his disposal, while he would no doubt
freely have used its resources, he would nevertheless have maintained
its character as an instrument founded on the natural scale, and would
have agreed with Brahms that the nobility and purity of its tone depends
upon its faithful adherence, at least within symphonic limits, to types
of melody suggestive of that scale.

This brings us to the latest radical change effected in instrumentation,
the change from symphonic to dramatic principles. It will be convenient
to take one supreme composer as the artist who has dealt so consistently
with the essentials of the new style that he may be conveniently
regarded as its creator. Even with this limitation the subject is too
vast for us to enter into details.

_Dramatic Instrumentation._--There is hardly one of Wagner's orchestral
innovations which is not inseparably connected with his adaptation of
music to the requirements of drama; and modern conductors, in treating
Wagner's orchestration, as the normal standard by which all previous and
contemporary music must be judged, are doing their best to found a
tradition which in another fifty years will be exploded as thoroughly as
the tradition of symphonic additional accompaniments is now exploded in
the performances of Bach and Handel. The main difference between
symphonic and modern dramatic orchestration depends on this: that in a
symphony any important incident will probably be heard again within five
minutes, in every circumstance of formal symmetry and preparation that
can attract the attention. This being so, it is absurd in a symphony to
use only such orchestral colours as would be fit for dramatic moments
which are not likely to recur for an hour or two, if they recur at all.
Such a passage as bars 5 to 8 in the first movement of Beethoven's 8th
symphony is as unintelligible from the point of view of Wagnerian opera
as the opening of the _Rheingold_ is unintelligible from the point of
view of symphony. But both are quite right. The modern Wagnerian
conductor is apt to complain that Beethoven, in his four-bar phrase,
drowns a melody which lies in the weakest register of the clarinet by a
crowd of superfluous notes in oboes, horns and flutes. The complainer
entirely overlooks the fact that this is the kind of music in which such
a phrase will certainly be heard again before we have time to forget it;
and as a matter of fact the strings promptly repeat it _fortissimo_ in a
position which nothing can overpower. A crowd of instruments that seemed
at first to overwhelm it in sympathetic comments is perfectly dramatic
and appropriate on the symphonic scale. On the operatic scale
established by Wagner such detail is simply lost. Far greater polyphonic
detail of another kind is no doubt possible, but it requires far longer
time for its expression. It cannot change so rapidly. It engages the ear
more exclusively, and therefore it needs an accuracy and an elaboration
of paraphernalia quite irrelevant to symphonic art. The accuracy and the
paraphernalia are equally exemplified in all Wagner's additions and
alterations of the classical orchestral scheme, for these all consist in
completing the families of instruments so that each timbre can be
presented pure in complete harmony. But the greatness of Wagner is shown
in the fact that with all the effect his additions have in
revolutionizing the resources of orchestration, he never regards his
novelties as substitutes for the natural principles of instrumental
effect. His brass instruments have lost nothing of their ancient
nobility. In his gigantic designs it inevitably happens that
instrumental resources are strained to their utmost, and there is,
perhaps, hardly anything which the makers and players of instruments can
be trained to do which is too remote to be demanded by some extreme
dramatic necessity in Wagner's scheme. But it is always some such
extreme necessity that demands it, and never an appetite too jaded for
natural resources. The crucial example of this is what Richard Strauss
has ingeniously called the "al fresco" treatment of instruments in large
orchestral masses (Berlioz-Strauss, _Instrumentationslehre_, edition
Peters). Experience shows that in the modern orchestra there is safety
in numbers, and that passages may with impunity be written for
thirty-two violins which no single player can execute clearly. Whether
this justifies Wagner's successors and imitators in showing a constant
preference for passages of which not even the general outline is
practicable; whether it justifies a state of things in which the normal
compass of every instrument in an advanced 20th-century score would
appear to be about a fifth higher than any player of that instrument
will admit; whether it proves that it is artistically desirable that
when there are eight horns in the orchestra their material should be
indistinguishable from pianoforte writing, and that, in short, the part
of every instrument should look exactly like the part of every
other--such questions are for posterity to decide. At present we can
only be certain that the criterion according to which Brahms, being a
symphonic writer, has no mastery of orchestration whatever, is not a
criterion compatible with any sense of symphonic style. It is therefore
not a criterion which can do justice to the principles of Wagner's
non-symphonic art, for its appreciation thereof is inevitably one-sided.
Least of all can it conduce to the formation of sound critical standards
for the new instrumentation which is now in process of development for
the future forms of instrumental music. These, we cannot doubt, will be
as profoundly influenced by Wagner as the sonata style was influenced by
Gluck.

Finally it must be remembered that musical euphony and emotional effect
are inseparable from considerations of harmony and polyphony. Timbre
itself is, as Helmholtz shows, a kind of harmony felt but not heard. Not
even the imagination and skill of Berlioz could galvanize into permanent
artistic life an instrumentation based exclusively upon instruments,
however suggestive his wonderful orchestral effects may have been to
contemporary and later artists, who realize that artistic effects must
proceed from artistic causes.

_Chamber-music_--The instrumentation of solo combinations is one of the
largest and most detailed subjects in the art of music. Something has
been said above as to its earlier aspects in the time of Haydn. Before
that time it was based exclusively on the use of the harpsichord either
as a means of supporting the other instruments or its also contributing
principal parts to the combination. Thus there were no string-quartets
before Haydn--at least none that can be distinguished from symphonies
for string-band.

Richard Strauss, in his edition of Berlioz's works on _Instrumentation_,
paradoxically characterizes the classical orchestral style as that which
was derived from chamber-music. Now it is true that in Haydn's early
days orchestras were small and generally private; and that the styles of
orchestral and chamber-music were not distinct; but surely nothing is
clearer than that the whole history of the rise of classical
chamber-music lies in its rapid differentiation from the coarse-grained
orchestral style with which it began. Orchestral wind-parts have been
discovered belonging to Haydn's string-quartet Op. 1, No. 5; his quartet
in D minor, Op. 9, No. 4, is already in a style which not even the most
casual listener could mistake for anything orchestral. On this
differentiation of styles rests the whole aesthetics of chamber-music;
but the subject is very subtle, and there is much, as for example in
Schubert's quartets and his C major quintet, that is inspired by
orchestral ideas without in the least vitiating the chamber-music style;
though, judged by its appearance on paper, it seems as unorthodox as the
notoriously orchestral beginnings of Mendelssohn's quartet in D and
quintet in B[flat]. The beginning of Mendelssohn's F minor quartet is,
again, a case usually, but perhaps wrongly, condemned for its
orchestral appearance on paper. Such matters cannot be decided off-hand
by the mere fact that _tremolos_ are characteristic of orchestras: the
question is whether in individual cases they have not a special
character when played by single players. Where this is so there need be
no confusion of style; but the danger of such confusion is great, and
with the rise of modern dramatic instrumentation it may be doubted
whether there are any standards of criticism in current use for
chamber-music of other than the sonata style. The development of
pianoforte technique since Beethoven has been in some ways even more
revolutionizing than that of the brass instruments; and pianoforte
instrumentation, both in solo and in chamber-music, is a study for a
lifetime.


_Orchestral Schemes Typical of Different Periods._

  1. _16th Century._--We, with our stereotyped modern notions of the
  grouping of voices, may get some idea of the freedom of the
  16th-century composers' imagination by noting that the four-part
  movements for semi-chorus or solo voices in Palestrina's Masses
  present us with no fewer than seventeen different combinations of
  voices, and that of these the familiar group of soprano, alto, tenor
  and bass is not the most common, though it is invariable as that used
  for entire four-part Masses. In three-part movements Palestrina
  presents us with twelve combinations of voices. In his five-part
  Masses and single movements we find eight combinations, and his
  six-part Masses and single movements show eleven. And when he writes
  in eight parts for a double chorus the two groups are seldom
  identical.

  2. _18th Century._--17th-century instrumentation may be neglected here
  as having begun in chaos and ended in the schemes of the 18th-century
  decorative instrumentation. The following is Bach's fullest orchestra:
  the string-band, consisting (as at the present day) of violins in two
  parts, violas, violoncellos, doubled (where the contrary is not
  indicated) by double basses; the wind instruments (generally one to
  each part, as the string-band was never large)--2 flutes, 2 or 3
  oboes, or _oboe d' amore_ (a lower-pitched and gentler type), _taille_
  or _oboe da caccia_ (some kind of alto oboe corresponding to the cor
  anglais), bassoon, generally doubling the string basses, 2 horns, with
  parts needing much greater practice in high notes than is customary
  to-day, 3 (occasionally 4) trumpets, of which at least the first 2
  were played by players especially trained to produce much higher notes
  than are compatible with the power to produce the lower notes (the
  high players were called _Clarin-Bläser_; and the others
  _Principal-Bläser_); a pair of kettle-drums, tuned to the tonic and
  dominant of the piece.

  Handel's orchestra is less detailed. He does not seem to have found
  any English trumpeters capable of playing as high parts as those of
  the German _Clarin-Bläser_, and his plan seems generally to get as
  many oboes and bassoons as could be procured to double the top and
  bottom of his string-band. But his definite orchestral effects in
  certain places (e.g. "He led them forth like sheep," in _Israel in
  Egypt_, and the music of the _Witch of Endor_, and the appearance of
  Samuel's spirit in Saul) are as modern as Gluck's.

  3. _Symphonic Orchestration._--Mozart's full symphonic scheme requires
  the string-band, 1 flute (rarely 2), 2 oboes, 2 clarinets (whenever he
  could obtain them, he being the first composer who really appreciated
  them, instead of regarding them either as cheap substitutes for the
  _clarino_ or high trumpet of Bach, or, like Gluck and, with rare and
  late exceptions, Haydn, as merely adding to the force of _tutti_
  passages). Further, 2 horns, 2 bassoons, 2 trumpets and a pair of
  kettle-drums.

  Mozart imports from church music 3 trombones for special passages in
  his operas.

  Beethoven almost always has 2 flutes, and invariably 2 clarinets. In
  his 5th symphony he introduced 3 trombones and extended both the upper
  and lower extremes of the wind-band by a piccolo and a double bassoon.
  "Turkish music," i.e. the big drum, cymbals and triangle, was used by
  Haydn in his _Military Symphony_, and Mozart in his _Entführung_, for
  reasons of "local colour"; it appears as an extreme means of climax in
  the finale of Beethoven's 9th symphony.

  4. _Wagner's Orchestra: Tristan und Isolde._--(Families of instruments
  are connected by a brace.)

      Strings: as usual, but subject to minutely complex grouping.
      3 flutes (3rd to play piccolo when required).
    / 2 oboes.
   |  1 cor anglais.
   |  3 bassoons.
   |  2 clarinets.
    \ 1 bass clarinet.
      4 horns. (The mechanical improvements by which horns and
         trumpets acquired a complete scale have revolutionized the
         nature of those instruments; and Wagner's orchestration, more
         than that of any other composer, has profited by this. Yet, in
         the preface to the score Wagner speaks very strongly of the
         loss of the original character of the horn in the hands of
         ordinary players; and goes so far as to say that, if experience
         had not shown that they could be trained to play _nearly_ as
         smoothly as the classical players, he would have renounced all
         the advantages of the new mechanism.)
      3 trumpets.
      3 trombones.
      1 tuba.
      2 or, for safety in tuning, 3 kettle-drums.
      Triangle and cymbals.
      1 harp (multiplied _quant. suf._).

  In _Der Ring des Nibelungen_ Wagner specifies the proportions of the
  string-band as 16 first and 16 second violins, 12 violas, 12
  violoncellos, 8 double basses. The rest of the orchestra consists of--

      Piccolo and 3 flutes.
    / 3 oboes and cor anglais, or 4th oboe.
    \ 3 bassoons, or 2 and contra-fagotto.
      3 clarinets and 1 bass clarinet.
      8 horns, 4 of whom are also required to play 4 specially
         constructed tenor and bass tubas.
      1 ordinary (double-bass) tuba.
    / 3 trumpets.
    \ 1 bass trumpet. (A project of Wagner's which
         instrument-makers found impracticable, so that Wagner had to
         content himself with a kind of valve trombone shaped like a
         trumpet.)

      3 trombones and 1 double-bass trombone.
      2 pairs of kettle-drums.
    / Triangle.
   |  Cymbals.
   |  Big drum.
    \ Gong.
      6 harps.

  5. _Chamber-music._--Bach's and his contemporaries' combinations with
  the harpsichord show the natural fondness, in his day, for instruments
  of a tone too gentle for prominent use in large rooms, or indeed for
  survival in modern times. Thus there was quite as much important solo
  music for the flute as for the violin; and almost more music for the
  viola da gamba than for the violoncello. A frequent combination was
  flute, violin and harpsichord (very probably with a violoncello
  doubling the bass), and in more than one case the violin was partly
  tuned lower to soften its tone.

  Classical and modern chamber-music in the sonata style consists mainly
  of string-quartets for 2 violins, viola and violoncello; string-trios
  (rare, because very difficult to write sonorously); pianoforte-trios
  (pianoforte, violin and violoncello); pianoforte-quartets (pianoforte
  with string-trio); pianoforte-quintets (pianoforte with
  string-quartet); string-quintets (with 2 violas, very rarely with 2
  violoncellos), and (in two important cases by Brahms) string-sextets.
  Larger combinations, being semi-orchestral, especially where the
  double-bass and wind instruments are used, lend themselves to a
  somewhat lighter style; thus Beethoven's septet and Schubert's octet
  are both in the nature of a very large serenade.

  Wind instruments produce very special effects in chamber-music, and
  need an exceedingly adroit technique on the part of the composer.
  Magnificent examples are Mozart's trio for pianoforte, clarinet and
  viola, his quintet for pianoforte, oboe, clarinet, horn and bassoon
  (imitated by Beethoven), his quintet for clarinet and strings,
  Brahms's clarinet-quintet for the same combination, and his trio for
  pianoforte, violin and horn.     (D. F. T.)



INSTRUMENT OF GOVERNMENT, the name given to the decree, or written
constitution, under which Oliver Cromwell as "lord protector of the
commonwealth" governed England, Scotland and Ireland from December 1653
to May 1657.

The Long Parliament was expelled in April 1653 and the council of state
dissolved; the Little, or Nominated, parliament which followed ended its
existence by abdication; and Cromwell, officially lord general of the
army, with a new council of state, remained the only recognized
authority in the country. It was in these circumstances that the
Instrument of Government, drawn up by some officers in the army,
prominent among whom was John Lambert, was brought forward. The document
appears to have been under consideration since the middle of October
1653, but Ludlow says it was "in a clandestine manner carried on and
huddled up by two or three persons," a remark probably very near the
truth. The nominated parliament abdicated on the 12th of December 1653,
and after certain emendations the Instrument was accepted by Cromwell on
the 16th. Consisting of forty-two articles, the Instrument placed the
legislative power in the hands of "one person, and the people assembled
in parliament"; the executive power was left to the lord protector,
whose office was to be elective and not hereditary, and a council of
state numbering from thirteen to twenty-one members. The councillors
were appointed for life; fifteen were named in the Instrument itself;
and Cromwell and the council were empowered to add six. To fill
vacancies parliament must name six persons, of whom the council would
select two, the choice between these two being left to the protector. A
parliament was to meet on the 3rd of September 1654, and until that date
the protector with the consent of the council could make ordinances
which would have the force of laws. After the meeting of parliament,
however, he had no power of legislation, nor had he any veto upon its
acts, the utmost he could do being to delay new legislation for twenty
days. A new parliament must be called "once in every third year,"
elaborate arrangements being made to prevent any failure in this
respect, and for five months it could not be dissolved save with its own
consent. The parliament, composed of a single chamber, was to consist of
460 members--400 for England and Wales, and 30 each for Scotland and
Ireland--and the representative system was entirely remodelled, growing
towns sending members for the first time, and many small boroughs being
disfranchised. A large majority of the English members, 265 out of 400,
were to be elected by the counties, where voters must possess land or
personal property of the value of £200, while in the boroughs the
franchise remained unaltered. In Scotland and Ireland the arrangement of
the representation was left to the protector and the council. Roman
Catholics and all concerned in the Irish rebellion were permanently
disfranchised and declared incapable of sitting in parliament, and those
who had taken part in the war against the parliament were condemned to a
similar disability during the first four parliaments. The protector was
empowered to raise a revenue of £200,000 in addition to a sum sufficient
to maintain the navy and an army of 30,000 men, and religious liberty
was granted "provided this liberty be not extended to Popery or
Prelacy." The chief officers of state were to be chosen with the consent
of parliament, and a parliament must be summoned at once in case of war.
The practical effect of the Instrument was to entrust the government of
the three countries to the parliament for five months out of every three
years, and to the protector and the council for the remainder of the
time. Although the Instrument bristled with possibilities of difference
between parliament and protector, "it is impossible," as Gardiner says,
"not to be struck with the ability of its framers."

Having issued many ordinances and governed in accordance with the terms
of the Instrument, Cromwell duly met parliament on the 3rd of September,
and on the following day he urged the members to give it the force of a
parliamentary enactment. Many representatives objected to the provision
placing the supreme power in the hands of a single person and of
parliament, a discussion which was futile, as clause XII. of the
Instrument declared that "the persons elected shall not have power to
alter the government as it is hereby settled in one single person and a
parliament." The proceedings were soon stopped by Cromwell, who on the
12th of September explained that there was a difference between
"fundamentals" which they might not, and "circumstantials" which they
might, alter. He concluded by stating that they would be excluded unless
they subscribed a recognition to be true to the protector and the
commonwealth, and to respect the terms of clause XII. Over three hundred
members took the required step; but they proceeded to alter the
Instrument in other ways, and over the question of the control of the
army they were soon in sharp conflict with the protector. At length, on
the 22nd of January 1655, Cromwell, counting twenty weeks as five
months, dissolved parliament.

Regarding the Instrument as still in force the protector sought for a
time to rule in accordance with its provisions; but new difficulties and
growing discontent forced him to govern in a more arbitrary fashion.
However, in July 1656 he issued writs for a second parliament which met
in the following September. Many members, men of advanced views, were
excluded by the council of state, acting on the strength of clause
XVII., which declared that those elected must be "persons of known
integrity, fearing God, and of good conversation." The remainder
discussed the question of the future government of the country, and in
May 1657 Cromwell assented to the Humble Petition and Advice, which
supplanted the Instrument of Government. Gardiner says the Instrument
was "the first of hundreds of written constitutions which have since
spread over the world, of which the American is the most conspicuous
example, in which a barrier is set up against the entire predominance of
any one set of official persons, by attributing strictly limited
functions to each."

  The text of the Instrument is printed in S. R. Gardiner's
  _Constitutional Documents of the Puritan Revolution_ (Oxford, 1899).
  See also S. R. Gardiner, _History of the Commonwealth and
  Protectorate_, vols. ii. and iii. (London, 1897-1901); L. von Ranke,
  _Englische Geschichte_ (1859-1868); and T. Carlyle, _Cromwell's
  Letters and Speeches_ (London, 1897-1901).     (A. W. H.*)



INSUBRES ([Greek: Isombres, Insoubroi]), a Celtic people of upper Italy,
the most powerful in Gallia Transpadana, inhabiting the country between
the Adda, the Ticinus and the Alps. According to Livy (v. 34) they
appear to have been a branch of the Aedui in Gallia Transalpina, though
others assume that they were Umbrians, a view to some extent supported
by the form Is-ombr-es. Livy states that Bellovesus and his Gauls,
having crossed the Alps and defeated the Etruscans near the Ticinus,
found themselves in the territory of the Insubres (also the name of a
_pagus_ of the Aedui). Here they built a city and called it Mediolanum
(Milan), after the name of a village in their home in Gallia
Transalpina. The name Insubres thus appears applied to the inhabitants
(1) of the Aeduan _pagus_, (2) of the territory in Gallia Transpadana
occupied by Bellovesus, (3) to the founders of Mediolanum. From 222 to
195 B.C. the Insubres were frequently at war with the Romans. In 222
they were defeated at Clastidium by M. Claudius Marcellus, who gained
the _spolia opima_ by slaying with his own hand their king Viridomarus
(Virdumarus), and in 194 they were finally subdued by L. Valerius
Flaccus.

  See H. Nissen, _Italische Landeskunde_ (1902) ii. 179; A. Holder,
  _Altkeltischer Sprachschatz_, ii. (1904).



INSURANCE, a term meaning generally "making oneself safe against"
something, but specially used in connexion with making financial
provision against certain risks in the business of life. The terms
Assurance and Insurance are in ordinary usage synonymous, but in the
profession "assurance" is confined to the "life" business, and
"insurance" to fire, marine and other miscellaneous risks. Assurance was
the earlier term, and was used of all forms of insurance
indiscriminately till the end of the 16th century. Insurance--in its
earlier form, "ensurance"--was first applied to fire risks (see note
_s.v._ "Insurance" in the _New English Dictionary_).


I. GENERAL HISTORY

During the latter half of the 19th century the practice of insurance
extended with unprecedented rapidity, partly in novel forms. While its
several branches, such as life insurance, casualty insurance and others,
have each had an independent and characteristic development, all these
together form an institution peculiar to the modern world, the origin
and growth of which attest a remarkable change in men's ideas and habits
of thought.

The simplest and most general conception of insurance is a provision
made by a group of persons, each singly in danger of some loss, the
incidence of which cannot be foreseen, that when such loss shall occur
to any of them it shall be distributed over the whole group. Its
essential elements, therefore, are foresight and co-operation; the
former the special distinction of civilized man, the latter the means of
social progress. But foresight is possible only in the degree in which
the consequences of conduct are assured, i.e. it depends on an
ascertained regularity in the forces of nature and the order of society.
To the savage, life is a lottery. In hunting, rapine and war, all his
interests are put at hazard. The hopes and fears of the gambler dominate
his impulses. As nature is studied and subdued, and as society is
developed, the element of chance is slowly eliminated from life. In a
progressive society, education, science, invention, the arts of
production, with regular government and civil order, steadily work
together to narrow the realm of chance and extend that of foresight. But
there remain certain events which may disturb all anticipations, and in
spite of any man's best wisdom and effort may deprive him of the fruits
of his labour. These are mainly of two classes: (1) damage to property
by the great forces of nature, such as lightning and hail, by the perils
of the sea and by fire; (2) premature death. A useful life has an
economical value. But no skill can make certain its continuance to its
normal close. In the reasonable expectation that it will last until a
competence is gained or the family ceases to be dependent, young men
marry; but some will die too soon, and in the aggregate multitudes are
left destitute. Both classes of loss are alike, in that they fall on
individuals in the mass who are not known beforehand nor selected by any
traceable law. But the sufferers are ruined, while the same pecuniary
loss, if distributed over the whole number, would be little felt.
Wherever the sense of community has existed this has been discerned, and
some effort made to act upon it. Thus in feudal Europe it was customary
for the houses of vassals to be restored after fire at the cost of the
estate. In England in the 17th century the government practised a method
of relief after accidental fires. When such a loss was proved to the
king in council, the chancellor sent a king's brief to churches,
sheriffs and justices, asking contributions, and trustees for the
sufferers administered the funds collected. But under the last two
Stuarts gross frauds resulted, and the system fell into disrepute and
disuse. At best, the voluntary relief provided by charity after losses
are incurred is but sporadic and irregular. Insurance begins when the
liability to loss is recognized as common, and provision is made
beforehand to meet it from a common fund. The efficient organization of
communities or groups for this purpose is an essentially modern
achievement of social science. But the history of the conception in its
formative stages is extremely obscure.

Its first appearance in business life is often sought in the marine
loans of the ancient Greeks, fully described by Demosthenes. Money was
advanced on a ship or cargo, to be repaid with large interest if the
voyage prosper, but not repaid at all if the ship be lost, the rate of
interest being made high enough to pay not only for the use of the
capital, but for the risk of losing it. Loans of this character have
ever since been common in maritime lands, under the name of bottomry and
respondentia bonds. (See below, _Marine Insurance_.) But the direct
insurance of sea-risks for a premium paid independently of loans began,
as far as is known, in Belgium about A.D. 1300. During the next century
the risks of insurance for the usual voyages between London and European
ports were carefully considered, and customary rates became established.
In his address in opening Elizabeth's first parliament in 1559, Sir
Nicholas Bacon said, "Doth not the wise merchant in every adventure of
danger give part to have the rest assured?" In 1601 parliament created a
commission to decide disputes under contracts for marine insurance, and
the preamble of the act (43 Eliz. ch. 12) expresses the best thought of
the British mind in that day upon the subject. Thus the business of
marine insurance was intelligently and wisely practised three centuries
ago. But the underwriters were private persons, acting independently, so
that the insured lacked the benefit of large aggregations of capital to
make his contract safe; while the insurer, who took one or a few risks,
was without the security of large averages and might be crushed by an
exceptional loss. A partial remedy was gradually reached in London. Men
who had capital to employ in this hazardous business used to meet at
fixed hours when shipowners and merchants could negotiate with them. The
higgling of the open market, in view of all the circumstances of each
risk--as the character and condition of the ship, its crew and cargo,
the length and route of the voyage, the season, the current rate of
interest and profits--determined the rate of premium; and when this
obtained general assent, the written agreement was signed by each
underwriter for that part of the risk which he assumed. Towards the end
of the 17th century these meetings were held in Lloyd's coffee-house,
and their simple practice gradually grew into the complete and
complicated system of marine insurance now general. The underwriters
together evolved rules and improved methods, but continued for
generations to insure severally, without corporate powers or common
responsibility, so that the name Lloyd's became throughout the
commercial world the symbol of marine insurance. More recently the name
has been adopted in the United States by associations of private or
individual underwriters as distinguished from insurance corporations.

Although the underwriters at Lloyd's often considered and assumed other
than marine risks, and made contracts some of which were merely wagers
on public or private events, there is no record of insurances by them
against fire on land. But fire insurance, it is vaguely known, had
previously been practised, in a crude form, in several European cities.
In 1635, and again in 1638, citizens of London petitioned Charles I. for
a patent of monopoly to insure houses at the rate of one shilling yearly
for each £20 of rent, the association to repair or rebuild those burned,
to maintain a perpetual fire-watch in the streets, and to pay £200
yearly towards rebuilding St Paul's cathedral until finished. The
attorney-general approved the project, but in the disorders of the
kingdom it was forgotten. The Great Fire of 1666 revived interest in the
subject, and led to practical measures. In May 1680 a private fire
office was opened "at the back side of the Royal Exchange" to insure
houses in London, by assuming the risk of loss to a fixed amount for a
fixed premium, namely, 2½% of the yearly rent for brick houses and 5%
for frame houses, the rent being always assumed to be one-tenth of the
value of the fee. The estimates of the promoters are interesting. In the
fourteen years since the Great Fire 750 houses had been burned in
London, with an average loss of £200. A fund of £40,000 subscribed as
guaranty was to be increased by £20,000 for every 10,000 houses insured,
and the interest of the fund alone therefore might be expected to meet
all losses and leave a surplus. Thus the security was perfect and the
promise of profit great. Meagre as was the basis of facts for the
calculations, and crude as was the statistical method employed, the
insurance offered met a general want and the business grew rapidly.
Within a year a strong demand was heard that the city of London should
itself insure the houses of its citizens, and the common council voted
to do so at lower rates than the fire office. But the courts put a
speedy end to this movement, holding that the charter conferred on the
city no power to transact such business. Thus the socialistic theory
that insurance is properly a branch of government is almost as old as
the business itself, though it has never found favour or been
practically tested on a large scale in Great Britain or America.

The next notable step in the evolution of modern methods was the
organization of mutual insurance associations. In 1684 the Friendly
Society was organized. Each member paid a small entrance fee for
expenses, made a cash deposit as a reserve for emergencies, to be
returned at the end of his term, and agreed to meet equitable
assessments for current losses. Payments were computed on the assumption
that one house in 200 is burned every fifteen years. The rivalry between
the proprietary and the mutual systems began at once, and has continued
till now. In 1686 "the Fire Office at the back side of the Royal
Exchange" petitioned for a patent of the fire insurance policy and a
monopoly of its issue for thirty-one years. The Friendly Society opposed
the grant. The most eminent lawyers for both were heard by the king in
council, and on the 30th of January 1687 King James II. decided the
case. No charter was granted, but the Fire Office might continue its
business, having a monopoly for one year. Thereafter the Friendly
Society might for three months sell policies, but must then suspend for
three months, and so on for alternate quarters. But the Fire Office must
pay the ordinance service for its work in extinguishing fires, the
amount to be fixed for each fire by the king. This was the first
appearance of the plan, so widely prevalent in after years, of imposing
on insurance companies the support of fire departments; that is, of
taxing the prudent who insure to protect the reckless who do not.

After 1688 the atmosphere of England was freer, and underwriting was
soon practised without special licence. In 1704 the societies began to
insure household goods and stocks in trade, and the insurance of
personal property rapidly became as important as that of buildings. In
1706 the Sun Fire Office was founded, and began to issue policies on
both real and personal property in all parts of England. Other
associations arose in quick succession of which the Union Fire Office,
dating from 1714, and the Westminster from 1717, still survive. Before
1720 both fire and marine insurance had become general in all great
centres of trade. But life insurance was as yet hardly conceived.
Sporadic evidences that it was needed, and that men were feeling after
it, occur in very early records. It was a medieval custom to advance to
a mariner goods or money, to be restored with large additions, but only
in case of safe return; or to contract, for a sum in hand, to ransom him
if captured by pirates, or to pay a fixed amount to his family if he
were lost. To evade the usury laws life annuities were often sold at a
low rate, redeemable for a stipulated sum. Life estates were sold upon
some guess at their probable duration; and leases, especially of church
lands, were made for one, two or three lives on rude and conventional
estimates of the time they would run. Thus there was a commercial and
social pressure for some intelligent method of valuing life
contingencies. But the direct insurance of life, as a means of reducing
the element of chance in human affairs, was hardly thought of. Indeed,
such contracts were commonly regarded as mere forms of gambling, and
were prohibited in France as against good morals.

The earliest known policy of life insurance was made in the Royal
Exchange, London, on the 18th of June 1583, for £383 6s 8d. for twelve
months, on the life of William Gibbons. Sixteen underwriters signed it,
each severally for his own share, and the premium was 8%. The age of the
insured is not referred to, nor was it then considered, except when far
advanced, in fixing the premium. Gibbons died on the 29th of May 1584.
The underwriters refused to pay, alleging that twelve months, in law,
are twelve times twenty-eight days, and that Gibbons had survived the
term. The court, of course, enforced payment. A few instances of similar
contracts are found, mostly in judicial records, during the 17th
century; but every such transaction was justly regarded as a mere wager,
at least on the part of the insurer. It could not be otherwise until the
principles of probability and the uniformity of large averages were
understood and trusted. A few great thinkers were groping for principles
which were profoundly to modify the practical reasoning of
after-generations. But their work first obtained wide recognition upon
the publication of the _Ars Conjectandi_, the posthumous treatise of
Jacques Bernoulli, in 1713. Meanwhile the social need for insurance
continued to express itself in empirical efforts, which at least helped
to make clearer the problems to be solved. Thus in 1699 "The Society of
Assurance for Widows and Orphans" was founded in London, a crude form of
what is now called an assessment company. Each of 2000 healthy men under
fifty-five years of age was to pay 5s. as entrance fee, 1s. quarterly
for expenses, and 5s. at the death of another member; and at his own
death his estate should receive £500, less 3%. On default in any payment
his interest was forfeited. The society lasted about eleven years, and
the accounts of its eighth year are preserved, showing the payment of
£5200 upon twenty-four claims. The economic significance of this society
lies in its distinct recognition of the principle of association for the
distribution of losses. Together with the Friendly Society, it shows
that this principle had now been so widely grasped by business men that,
when embodied in a practical venture, it found substantial support.

The conception of a corporation as an artificial person to hold property
and support obligations uninterrupted by the death of individuals was
found in Roman law and custom. Its first use in modern business
enterprise was perhaps the Bank of St George in Genoa, about A.D. 1200,
a joint-stock company with transferable shares, whose owners were liable
only to the amount of their shares. In England the crown, itself the
chief and type of corporations sole, was the source of chartered rights,
and from about 1600 the principle steadily gained recognition, the
advantages of incorporation being attested by the successes of the great
trading companies. Experience showed that the corporate form was the
obvious remedy for the chief difficulties in the practice of insurance.
Single risks were but speculative wagers; a great number must be taken
together to obtain a trustworthy average. A larger capital than an
average private fortune was demanded as a guaranty, and this capital
must not be exposed to the dangers of trade, but set aside for the
special purpose. Individual underwriters may die or fail; only a
permanent institution can be trusted in long contracts. Several projects
were devised on this basis. Early in the 18th century, indeed, the
English government refused a charter for marine insurance, declaring
that corporate insurance was an untried and needless experiment, while
private underwriting was satisfactory and sufficient. But in 1720, when
two sets of promoters offered £300,000 each for a charter, exclusive of
other associations though not of individuals, to insure marine risks,
parliament chartered the Royal Exchange and the London Assurance Company
with a monopoly to this extent. The business disappointed its projectors
at first, and the government accepted half the price rather than revoke
the grant. In 1721 the companies extended their operations to fire
insurance throughout England.

Thus the principle of insurance had now become a distinct part of the
common stock of thought in enlightened nations, and gradually, by
association with successive new ideas, plans and methods, was developed
into a business or trade, which before the middle of the 18th century
already formed an essential element of the social scheme. Most of the
modern forms of insurance against the elements were known, and at least
crudely practised. But there was no scientific basis for the business.
Premiums were fixed, not by computation from known facts or reasonable
assumptions, but by guess and the higgling of the market. Only the
competition of capital checked the extortionate demands of underwriters.
The first important steps towards a scientific valuation of hazards were
taken in dealing with the class of risks hitherto so much neglected,
those which depend upon human mortality. Marine and fire insurance had
their origin in the pressure of need. The practice began before a theory
existed. But life insurance had its origin in the scientific study of
the facts of human mortality. Both marine and fire insurance became
general before there was any intelligent study of the risks by
statistical or mathematical methods, nor can it be said that much
progress has since been made towards establishing a scientific basis for
the valuation of risks in these classes. But life insurance may be said
to have been impossible until the theory of probabilities had become a
recognized part of the common stock of ideas.

The value of insurance as an institution cannot be measured by figures.
No direct balance-sheet of profit and loss can exhibit its utility. The
insurance contract produces no wealth. It represents only expenditure.
If a thousand men insure themselves against any contingency, then,
whether or not the dreaded event occurs to any, they will in the
aggregate be poorer, as the direct result, by the exact cost of the
machinery for effecting it. The distribution of property is changed, its
sum is not increased. But the results in the social economy, the
substitution of reasonable foresight and confidence for apprehension and
the sense of hazard, the large elimination of chance from business and
conduct, have a supreme value. The direct contribution of insurance to
civilization is made, not in visible wealth, but in the intangible and
immeasurable forces of character on which civilization itself is
founded. It is pre-eminently a modern institution. Some two centuries
ago it had begun to influence centres of trade, but the mass of
civilized men had no conception of its meaning. Its general application
and popular acceptance began within the first half of the 19th century,
and its commercial and social importance have multiplied a hundred-fold
within living memory. It has done more than all gifts of impulsive
charity to foster a sense of human brotherhood and of common interests.
It has done more than all repressive legislation to destroy the gambling
spirit. It is impossible to conceive of our civilization in its full
vigour and progressive power without this principle which unites the
fundamental law of practical economy, that he best serves humanity who
best serves himself, with the golden rule of religion, "Bear ye one
another's burdens."


II. CASUALTY AND MISCELLANEOUS INSURANCE

Before proceeding with an account of the standard institutions of fire
and life insurance, it is proper to glance at the modern vast extension
of casualty insurance, and to notice certain novel applications of the
insurance principle to other special classes of events. The novelty of
these enterprises, however, is not in the general idea underlying each
of them. In almost every instance in which insurance has been extended,
so as successfully to cover new kinds of risks, it will be found that
the suggestion is nearly as old as the practice of life insurance. Many
more kinds of insurance than are even now found useful were attempted
more than a century ago. But no statistical basis then existed for
determining the probability of loss from various casualties, nor had the
methods of canvassing, accounting, proving and checking losses, reached
the perfection now recognized as necessary for efficiency and safety.
The various branches of business which, in distinction from the great
standard institutions of life, fire and marine insurance, are commonly
treated as miscellaneous insurance, differ widely in their subjects and
methods. The most general of them, and that most widely known, is
insurance against personal injury by accidents of every kind. Much has
already been done by the companies in collecting and analysing facts, so
as to determine the average risk of injury and disablement among
different classes of men. But there is as yet no such union of effort
among them to combine their resources for such purposes as among the
life companies, nor does the subject admit of treatment so exact as that
of human mortality. Hence it is impossible to speak of a theory of
accident insurance in a scientific sense; and in its practice premiums
and necessary reserves are determined by the trained business judgment
of individual managers rather than by the calculations of actuaries from
statistical collections of facts.

The insurance of railway travellers against injury upon trains was the
first form of accident insurance which proved widely acceptable. This is
still practised as a special business by several companies, tickets,
entitling the purchaser or his family to a fixed compensation in case of
his injury or death, being offered for sale with the railway tickets.
But the development of insurance against personal injuries, which is
most characteristic of the times, is the wholesale insurance of the
employer against liability to the employed for accidental injuries
sustained in his service. This was first undertaken on a large scale by
the "Employers' Liability Assurance Corporation of London," founded for
the purpose in 1880, immediately after the passage of the Employers'
Liability Act by parliament, which made employers of labour liable for
injuries sustained in their service to an extent unknown to the common
law. The Workmen's Compensation Act 1906 greatly extended the classes of
employers liable for accidents to their servants, and the number of
companies devoting themselves to accidents and workmen's compensation
has greatly increased, while practically every fire insurance office has
taken up the business. The policies are issued to employers of labour,
agreeing to indemnify them for any loss to which they may be subjected,
at common law or by statute, in consequence of bodily injuries suffered
by any employee while engaged in their service. In some cases the
insurance company undertakes the investigation and settlement of each
claim within the limits prescribed by the policy, and conducts any
litigation which may result. The adjustment of damages can be made with
more economy and skill by the companies than is usually possible for the
employer, and the danger of fraudulent claims is largely reduced by
methods experience has taught them. The price charged for such insurance
is either a small percentage of the aggregate wages paid during the
term, or a standard rate for each particular class of employment, or
(in the case of large employers of labour) an "all-round" rate designed
to cover every class of employee.

  The most common form of accident insurance, however, is still
  represented by the policy which promises the assured a fixed sum in
  case of death by accident, and a weekly compensation during disability
  from such a cause. Many policies also specify a sum to be paid for the
  loss or permanent damage of a member, as an eye, a hand or foot.
  Another extension of the personal accident policy is the addition of
  some form of health insurance, especially the grant of a weekly sum to
  the insured during incapacity for work caused by certain named
  diseases. Besides the ordinary joint stock companies which carry on
  this class of business with fixed premiums, many associations organize
  for insurance against personal injury by accident, relying upon the
  assessment of members to pay claims as they mature. Many of these are
  local and ephemeral; but a number of them, formed by men engaged in
  common pursuits, for mutual protection, have attained importance. Such
  are especially some of the commercial travellers' and the railway
  employees' accident associations, and a few connected with the Masonic
  or similar beneficiary orders.

  Another large class of casualty insurances applies to various forms of
  damage to property. The branch which seems most to have attracted
  promoters is the insurance of plate glass against fracture, which is
  carried on by a number of companies in Great Britain, and is the only
  business of several of them. In the United States there are five
  corporations which insure plate glass alone, while many other casualty
  companies issue also policies on glass. This business is not conducted
  in any other country upon so large a scale as in the United States,
  but is attracting more attention than heretofore in Europe, and
  especially in Great Britain.

  There are several companies in the United Kingdom and in America which
  make the insurance against damage by the explosion of steam boilers a
  special feature of their work, but by far the greater part of the
  business is transacted by one company in each country. The service
  rendered is one of special skill and vigilance, extending far beyond
  the contract for indemnity. The company, in fact, employs inspectors
  of the highest scientific qualifications, who assume constant
  supervision of the machinery, and require its structure and conduct to
  be freed from elements of danger. It is prevention rather than
  compensation that is sought, and the outlay made by the companies is
  mainly for inspection and control, not for losses. It is usual to
  promise in a policy upon a steam boiler some compensation also for any
  personal injury which may result from an explosion.

  There are some companies in England having insurance against burglary
  for their principal purpose, while several of the British and American
  accident companies issue policies of this kind. It is somewhat of an
  experiment, and the risks taken are for moderate sums, at premiums
  determined in each case by an estimate of the danger founded on a
  study of all the circumstances. There is no information published
  concerning this branch of insurance in other countries, but the
  aggregate premiums paid are not at present very large. It is believed
  by many that there is an important future for burglary insurance, in
  connexion with improved methods of protection, by safes, automatic
  alarms and constant inspection, for dwelling-houses, shops and
  offices, which are often unoccupied.

  Insurance against damage to growing crops by hail is practised in
  several parts of Europe and America, commonly by small local
  associations on the mutual plan or as an incident to the business of
  fire insurance. No statistics can be obtained of these operations. The
  same is true of the insurance against the ravages of tornadoes, and
  against sickness and accident in domestic animals.

  A wholly distinct business, commonly classed as a branch of insurance,
  has now grown to great importance, that of guaranteeing the fulfilment
  of contracts and of indemnifying employers against defalcations in
  their service. The bond of a corporation of large capital is widely
  taking the place which personal surety has filled in connexion with
  undertakings on contract, and with offices and occupations of trust,
  both in public and in private life. Fidelity insurance is carried on
  by a few of the general casualty companies, but as the practice of it
  extends it becomes more and more the work of special institutions
  organized for this purpose alone. In the United States there are many
  corporations of excellent standing, with aggregate paid-up capital of
  more than $15,000,000 and surplus funds of nearly $10,000,000 more,
  and collecting in premiums about $4,000,000 annually upon bonds and
  guaranties amounting to more than $1,250,000,000. The business
  practically only started at the close of the 19th century. It has had
  similar if not equal development in Great Britain and in several other
  countries, but it is only in the United States that the statistics of
  it are officially collected.

  The insurance of titles to real property is also becoming widely
  extended. This business, however, has indemnity for losses as but an
  incidental purpose. The principal aim is to furnish a final and
  responsible assurance that the title is flawless. Several of the
  companies in the United States possess elaborate and expensive
  collections of records, covering the sources of title for cities or
  large districts; all of them employ expert ability of a high order;
  and when they approve a title as perfect, the purchaser or lender of
  money may receive, with the approval, a guaranty against loss in
  accepting it, which private examiners or counsel cannot give. Titles
  are insured also in other countries, but the business has nowhere else
  attained such importance, nor do the institutions transacting it make
  full and separate statements of their accounts. Other minor forms of
  insurance are against bad debts, bonds and securities in transit,
  earthquakes, failure of issue, loss on investment, leasehold
  redemption, non-renewal of licences, loss of or damage to luggage in
  transit, damage to pictures, loss of profits through fire, imperfect
  sanitation, birth of twins, &c.


III. FIRE INSURANCE

The growth of the business of fire insurance since 1880 or thereabouts
has been commensurate with the increase of wealth and of commercial
activity in the foremost nations, while the practice of it has also
become general in countries in which it was formerly little known. The
statistics of the subject have in recent years become far more full and
more accessible than formerly; partly because many governments require
detailed reports of resources, receipts and expenditures from all
companies permitted to establish agencies within their jurisdiction, and
periodically publish summaries of the returns; but also largely because
the companies seek the widest publicity as their best means of
advertising. It is to be regretted that there is as yet no uniformity of
method in these returns; while some of the most important elements of
the subject are not sufficiently illustrated for the student in the
published statistics. Many companies of the United Kingdom transact
business throughout a great part of the world, and there is no means of
determining how much of their receipts or their losses must be referred
to Great Britain. Further, they fail to give classified amounts at risk,
so that it is impossible to estimate with any confidence the total sum
for which any kind of property, such as dwellings, factories, household
goods, stocks of merchandise or wares in transit, is insured. The
returns of the London Fire Brigade, however, which is in part maintained
by regular contributions from the fire underwriters at the rate of £35
for each £1,000,000 of risks assumed by them within the metropolitan
district, continue to exhibit a regular growth. The aggregate amount
insured in the metropolis was reported as follows:--

  In 1882     £696,715,141
     1886      741,109,316
     1890      806,131,385
     1895      858,899,409
     1900      963,291,097
     1905    1,034,819,587

It appears probable that the rate of increase here shown is not greater
than the actual growth of insurable property during the same period, so
that it may be reasonably supposed that the custom of protecting all
exposed property by insurance was already general in London many years
ago. But the transactions of the British fire offices have grown much
more rapidly, and indicate that, outside of the metropolitan district,
the practice of insurance has extended greatly. The returns show that
there is a tendency to concentrate the business in the control of large
capital and experience, for practically all the premiums received and
losses paid were shared by thirty-one companies, although there are at
the same time a greater number of corporations of foreign countries with
agencies for fire insurance in the United Kingdom; but many of these do
but a nominal amount of business, and twenty-three of them are
exclusively or chiefly engaged in re-insurance. This tendency has been a
marked feature in the later history of fire insurance everywhere. The
companies which are now in the field are the survivors of tenfold as
many projected enterprises which have failed. The records of about two
thousand organizations for the purpose, in America alone, which have
undertaken the work and disappeared within fifty years, show the dangers
to which inadequate skill and capital are exposed. But a small
proportion of these failures were the direct result of sweeping
disasters, though about seventy of them followed the memorable fires in
Chicago and Boston in 1871 and 1872. Many more, nearly one-half of the
whole, have followed a short career, in which the helplessness of
inexperience to compete with long training and complete organization
was demonstrated. Many hundreds of these projects were mere
speculations or even frauds from the beginning; and the better education
of the community at large in the principles and methods of insurance has
been the chief agent in checking such enterprises, aided by the
stringent legislation of several countries and of the United States in
America and by the criticism of the press.

  The difficulty of establishing a new joint-stock fire insurance
  company is far greater in the present highly perfected state of the
  business than formerly, and constantly increases. The reports of the
  state insurance departments in America show that less than one-eighth
  of the premiums are now collected by companies founded since 1880;
  and, except in districts remote from the principal financial centres,
  or mutual associations for special classes of hazards, new companies
  are not often formed. In Great Britain a considerable number of new
  corporations are registered every year, with fire insurance among
  their professed objects, but almost always in connexion with some
  forms of casualty insurance, which appear to be practically the
  purpose in view. The reports of the fire business in the United
  Kingdom for recent years, as collected in _Bourne's Manual_, show that
  less than one-fourteenth of it is done by companies organized since
  1870. Though new companies have been registered, usually several every
  year, the number actually transacting successful business has not
  increased since 1880. Of the various British companies now recognized,
  the twelve smallest together collect but 1% of the premiums received
  by one of the largest, and the tendency to concentrate the business
  seems progressive. These facts are explained by the necessity of a
  vast basis of average and of a large capital for security, and still
  more by the increasing demand for a thoroughly trained and organized
  body of agents, able to protect their companies from fraud and
  imposition, and at the same time to compete for public patronage.


  Mutual system.

The _Mutual_ principle has a strong attraction for many insurers and
projectors. When a large number of pieces of property, so distributed
that a single fire cannot destroy a considerable proportion of the
whole, are yet owned and controlled by persons who can fully trust one
another, both for financial responsibility and for good faith, there may
be no need of a large capital in hand, nor of much of the costly
machinery required for general competition. A contract for the
assessment on all the property of losses as they occur, at rates fixed
by the estimated exposure, may form a safe basis for an association. The
fixed payments may be limited to necessary expenses, with a moderate
reserve for emergencies, all excess of collections to be returned to the
insured. This simple conception of an insurance association, with such
modifications as experience indicates, has been accepted for a time as
ideal in almost every civilized community, and attempts are continually
made to realize it, but in the vast majority of instances with complete
failure as the result. Like every other product of human skill,
insurance is, for the most part, best supplied to the market by those
who make it their calling to produce it for gain. But while the mutual
plan has proved poorly adapted to the general service of the commercial
world, in some communities, and especially among the owners of certain
classes of property, it has achieved great and apparently permanent
success. This is particularly true of manufacturing districts, in which
numbers of mills and factories are exposed to peculiar danger of fire by
the nature of their own operations. The best safeguard they can have is
by employing great skill in the construction, arrangement and conduct of
their works. A group of such properties, associated for the prevention
of loss, is naturally stimulated to highest efficiency when the whole
group undertakes to bear all losses which are not prevented, and thus
every member has a strong interest in making the protection complete. It
is in associations of this character that the mutual plan of fire
insurance has rendered its greatest services. The mutual plan has been
widely adopted also in local associations for the insurance of dwellings
and farm improvements, where the individual risks are small, and where
technical classification and special safeguards against fraud are not
considered necessary, often with the result of affording satisfactory
protection at low rates. But the ratio of this part of the business to
that conducted by joint-stock companies diminishes from year to year,
even in the agricultural and rural districts of the United States.
According to the reports of the insurance departments of the states, as
summarized in the Spectator Company's Year-Book, more than half of the
cash premiums of mutual insurance companies are collected in the two
manufacturing states of Massachusetts and Rhode Island.

It is, after all, only within a very limited field that the mutual
principle can be adopted. The essential principle of fire insurance is
the distribution of loss. It does not aim, directly at least, at the
prevention and only in a secondary way even at the minimizing of loss;
but what it seeks to accomplish is that such losses shall not fall
exclusively, and possibly with overwhelming effect, on the owner of the
property destroyed, but shall be borne in easy proportions by a large
number of persons who are all alike exposed to the risk of a similar
catastrophe. To work out the equitable solution of such a problem an
amount of technical skill and extended experience is required which few
bodies or communities possess. Certainly, experience in Great Britain
has shown that the one system of fire insurance which has contributed
most to the public benefit is that which is conducted by joint-stock
companies, offering to the insured the guarantee of their capital and
other funds, and looking to make a profit by the business. In France,
Belgium, Holland, Russia and Norway, also, the joint-stock plan is
almost exclusively employed.

  Such an opinion must be qualified by observing that, under the
  fostering influence of the national and municipal governments, the
  mutual plan has reached an important development in Austria-Hungary,
  Germany, Switzerland and Sweden. In all these countries, indeed,
  corporate enterprise on a large scale, in every branch of business, is
  of comparatively late growth, and mutual fire insurance was a familiar
  practice long before joint-stock companies entered upon this field of
  activity. The tendency in the large cities and commercial centres is
  to throw new insurances into the business corporations, while the
  time-honoured mutual associations retain their standard character and
  customary clientage. But in these countries the mutual plan has an
  established place in the confidence of the rural population, who are
  generally strongly prejudiced against moneyed corporations. This is
  especially true of the cantons in Switzerland and certain districts in
  Austria-Hungary, where fire insurance is administered by the local
  governments in connexion with a minute police supervision of the
  construction of buildings and of other conditions affecting the risk.
  From the published returns of the companies and the authorities, as
  collected for the _Post Magazine Almanack_ (1900), it would appear
  that of all the fire insurance premiums paid in Switzerland nearly 54%
  is collected by the mutual associations and the cantonal authorities;
  while in Italy 37%, in Germany 27%, in Sweden 27% and in the
  Austro-Hungarian monarchy 20% go to mutual companies.


  Lloyd's.

The earliest plan of insurance which was successful as a business was
that practised at Lloyd's Coffee-house (see LLOYD'S) in London, and
there applied almost exclusively to marine risks. Although the
association known as Lloyd's has been for generations a strong financial
institution, with every modern safeguard, and since 1871 has been a
chartered corporation with large funds, yet its name has become accepted
as the symbol of the primitive practice of combined underwriting by
individuals, each upon his own credit, for a share of the risk and
without common liability.

  A few associations on this general principle were known to exist in
  America, and to issue fire policies on a small scale, before 1892, but
  chiefly for mutual insurance. In that year, in a general revision of
  the insurance law of New York, such associations already in existence
  were expressly exempted from all its provisions. Speculators at once
  discerned an opportunity. If a company by omitting to take corporate
  form could carry on the business free from all restrictions and burden
  of state supervision, it would compete at great advantage with the
  insurance corporations. While the new law was in prospect there was
  time to take action; and upon its passage there suddenly appeared a
  multitude of "organizations" claiming the exemption as Lloyd's, or
  associations of individual underwriters, and offering fire policies at
  rates materially lower than those of the joint-stock companies. Each
  of these was represented and managed by an attorney for the
  subscribers, supposed to have power to bind them severally to the
  amount of their subscriptions. The standard policy prescribed by law
  in New York was issued, with a clause making the liability several
  only, and fixing the amount. The Lloyd's entered the market with the
  zeal and prestige of a new idea and a great name, and they grew
  rapidly in number and in business, but made no reports. Extending
  their agencies into other states, they occasioned much litigation
  concerning their legal existence and rights and some rash and
  inharmonious legislation. But several attempts to establish similar
  Lloyd's in other places failed. Experience soon showed that it was
  impossible to enforce claims in the courts, when the liability was
  distributed among many, without excessive expense and delay, even when
  all the subscribers were solvent, while a few good names, however
  useful in canvassing, were no guarantee of the responsibility of
  unknown associates. In 1896 the executive and legal authorities of New
  York assumed a hostile attitude towards speculative schemes of this
  class, and indictments were found against a number of promoters for
  falsely antedating constituent agreements. The bubble burst suddenly,
  and within three years more than one hundred of the Lloyd's
  disappeared. A few reinsured their risks or were merged in permanent
  companies, but the mass of them proved to have no substance. Four or
  five only of the best Lloyd's continue to issue fire policies within a
  narrow and special circle, but as a group they no longer compete for
  general business.

The rate of premium varies with the supposed risk, but certain
descriptions of property are specially and more elaborately rated. This
has been done to a considerable extent by common agreement amongst the
offices, and the arrangements are known as the "tariff system," which
requires here a few words of explanation.

We may suppose the question to arise, What ought to be paid for insuring
a cotton-mill, or a flax or woollen mill, or a weaving factory, or a
wharf or warehouse in some large city? The experience of any one office
scarcely affords adequate data, and a rate based on the combined
experience of many offices has a greater chance of being at once safe
and fair. The problem, indeed, is a more complicated one than what has
been already said would indicate. The property to be insured may consist
of several distinct buildings and the contents of them: one building may
be devoted to operations involving in a high degree the risk of fire; in
another the processes carried on may be more simple and safe; a third
may be used only for the storage of materials having little tendency to
burn. Fairly to measure these various hazards it has been found
necessary that the experience and skill at the command of many companies
shall be combined, and that the rates shall be the result of
consultation and a common understanding.

Now it is clear that no office will contribute its skill and experience
to such a common stock if the effect is to be that other offices may
avail themselves of the information in order to undersell it.
Consultation about rates and a common understanding necessarily involve
a reciprocal obligation to charge not less than the rates thus agreed
on; in other words, a tariff of rates is developed to which each office
binds itself to adhere. The system tends to restrain and moderate the
competition for business which inevitably and to some extent properly
exists among the companies, and its value to them is manifest. But it is
also of service to the insuring public. At first sight it might seem
that free competition would suit the public best, and that a combination
among the offices must tend to keep up rates, and to secure for the
companies excessive profits, but a little consideration will show that
this is a mistake.

It is an unquestionable truth, though one often lost sight of, that all
losses by fire must ultimately be borne by the public. The insurance
companies are the machinery for distributing these losses, nothing more.
If the losses fell on them, their funds, large as they are, would
speedily be exhausted, and the service which they render to the public
would come to an end. To those who require insurance against loss by
fire it must be a manifest advantage that they should have many sound
and prosperous offices ready to accept their business, and no less able
than desirious to earn or to retain the public favour by fair and
liberal conduct. A necessary condition of this state of things is that
the rates of premium paid for insurance should be remunerative to the
offices, and the main object of the tariff system is to secure such
remunerative rates.

This it endeavours to do by two methods--by an agreement as to what
rates are to be charged, and by affixing such a penalty to dangerous
constructions, substances and processes as to induce, if possible, a
lessening of the danger. In other words, and reversing the order, it
seeks to diminish the risk of fire, and to secure adequate payment for
what risk remains. On the supposition that the offices are correct in
their estimate of risks, the effect, and indeed the intention, of their
rule is not so much to put money into their own coffers as to lessen the
danger, and to save themselves in the first instance, and the owners of
property ultimately, from the consequences of preventible fires.

  These rules, as will readily be seen, must have powerful influences on
  trade and manufactures. Many individual warehouses and mills are, with
  their contents, insured for very large sums, £10,000, £20,000,
  £50,000, £100,000 and more. An additional charge of 5s. or 10s. % in
  respect of a supposed increase of risk may mean a payment by the owner
  of several hundred pounds a year, and may operate as a complete veto
  on some arrangement or some machine which it might otherwise be
  desirable to resort to. The occurrence of a few severe fires in one
  town, followed by an increase of insurance rates, may have, and indeed
  has had, the effect of driving some branch of trade to another
  locality, the seat of greater caution or better fortune. It is
  therefore obviously desirable that so important an influence should be
  exercised, not precariously or capriciously, but according to the
  combined wisdom and experience of those associations which may be
  supposed to understand the subject best, and which obtain their
  experience in the way that makes it perhaps of most value, by paying
  for it.

  It is equally for the public benefit that rates of insurance should be
  fixed on some common scale. Suppose the system of unrestricted
  competition to be tried, the first effect will be a general and great
  reduction in rates. But it may be said, "So much the better for the
  insured; if the offices can afford this reduction of rate, it will
  only be a fair result of competition; if they cannot afford it, they
  will be the losers, but the public will gain; will the effect not be
  simply to reduce the rates to the paying point and no further?" This
  would be all very well if the paying point could be absolutely
  ascertained or determined in any way beforehand, but the rate comes
  first and the losses come afterwards. In other businesses prices are
  based on some certainty as to the cost of production, but in selling
  fire insurance the cost is not known till after it has been sold. In a
  free competition it is the sanguine man's views which regulate the
  market price, and the rates therefore cease to be remunerative. The
  consequences are that some offices disappear altogether, others take
  fright in time to avoid ruin, though not to escape serious loss,
  persons who might establish new offices are deterred from doing so,
  the business gets the character of being a highly speculative and
  hazardous one, requiring extravagant profits to induce men to carry it
  on at all, and the public have to bear the cost. Unrestricted
  competition therefore is not for their advantage.

  The combination for uniform rates has another beneficial effect; it
  serves to distribute the burden of losses fairly. If it is a just
  thing that cotton-spinners should bear all the losses that arise in
  cotton-mills, and not leave them to be borne by the owners of private
  dwelling-houses, or vice versa, it is well that the loss by each class
  of risks should be measured fairly. But, while the experience of any
  one office, taken by itself, furnishes a very imperfect criterion,
  each contributes its quota of knowledge and experience to the common
  stock, and the public get the benefit both of broad and trustworthy
  data and of that peculiar and intimate acquaintance with each
  different class of property or process which the conductors of one
  company or another are sure to possess.

  No conventional or excessive rates can, however, be maintained for any
  length of time. Some member of the union is sure to perceive that
  popularity and profit may be gained by introducing a lower rate, if a
  lower rate is manifestly sufficient, or a new company starts into
  existence to remedy the grievance. It is to be remembered, too, that
  the directors and shareholders who control the offices are likewise
  insurers, quick to raise the question of how far the rates they have
  to pay as individuals are justified by the risks run; and if it cannot
  be shown that these rates are a true measure of the risk, offices are
  soon constrained by a sense of justice or by self-interest or by
  pressure from without to mitigate them. In short, the association is a
  union bound together by necessity and tempered by competition.

  Adequately to measure the risk of loss by fire demands not merely
  reference to an extended experience but a watchful regard to current
  changes. While the profits of fire insurance business fluctuate
  considerably from year to year, and seem even to follow cycles of
  elevation and depression, the tendency on the whole appears to be
  towards a growth of risk, although excessive competition among offices
  prevents the rates from rising in proportion.


  Tariff difficulties.

The _Tariff_ system has steadily developed in minuteness of
classification and in adaptation to wider experience, as well as to the
changes in the character of many classes of risks by improvements in
building and by the introduction of new kinds of goods and machinery.
The estimates of risk and the determination of premiums are largely
governed by individual opinion and by competition, no amount of
experience furnishing a statistical basis on which trustworthy
predictions of average loss can be made. Hence it is only by constant
co-operation among insuring institutions in the exchange and combination
of their observations that justice can be done to them and to the
public. The proper extent of this co-operation is easily attained where
the business is free from all restrictions except those of the common
law, as in Great Britain, and the competition of capital for profits is
keen enough to keep the rates within reasonable limits. But in countries
in which the government regulates the business in a more paternal
spirit, and meddles with all its details for the avowed purpose of
securing the safest and best public service, many difficulties arise.
This is increasingly the case in several of the nations of Europe,
notably in Austria, Switzerland and Germany.

  But it is in the several states of the United States that the
  government supervision of insurance has most interfered with and
  modified the natural development of the business. In recent years,
  beginning with 1885, sixteen of these states have enacted legislation,
  dictated by the growing jealousy of corporate powers and privileges,
  forbidding fire insurance companies or their agents to combine in any
  form for the determination of rates. Companies have often been
  indicted, fined and deprived of authority to issue policies because of
  membership in associations for the purely scientific purpose of
  ascertaining their average experience. The courts have frequently
  narrowed in their interpretations the sweeping intent of such laws,
  but have generally sustained them as within the power of the
  legislature, and at the present time there is an overwhelming public
  sentiment in large sections of the country arrayed against every
  semblance of union or consultation among the companies upon the basis
  of their business. In several instances all the important insurance
  companies have withdrawn their agencies at once from particular
  states, and the business community has been sorely distressed for want
  of their protection. But the popular prejudice has not yielded to its
  demand, and the companies have never been able to maintain their own
  position with unanimity, the temptation to secure a vast business upon
  any terms being always too strong for some of them to resist. This
  form of legislation has beyond dispute increased the cost of insurance
  to the people, while it has embarrassed and disturbed the regular work
  of the companies.

  Another pernicious tendency of popular legislation in the United
  States is found in the _Valued Policy laws_, the first of which was
  adopted by Wisconsin in 1874, providing that when any insured building
  is wholly destroyed by fire the amount of the policy shall be
  conclusively taken as the amount of the loss. This principle, with
  various modifications and extensions, has become law in some twenty
  states of the Union, though in many of them its enactment has been
  vigorously resisted by the executive government; several governors
  have vetoed such bills, while most of the supervising officers have
  had the intelligence to disapprove them. The provision is regarded by
  all insurance authorities as highly dangerous, inviting over-insurance
  and incendiarism; and there is no doubt that it has this tendency in
  many instances. But the statistics available, while showing that in
  general the rate of loss has increased where such laws are in force,
  do not demonstrate any such wide and ruinous stimulation of fraudulent
  practices as has been apprehended by thoughtful critics. The actual
  result is commonly to throw upon the insurer the responsibility for
  providing in advance against over-insurance by minute surveys and, in
  special cases, for continual watchfulness against depreciation. Like
  all other interference of government with private contract, however,
  it has a marked effect in increasing the difficulty and expense of
  business transactions.


  Need of co-insurance.

The direction in which fire insurance as a social institution calls most
pressingly for improvement is the extension of the principle of
co-insurance. The importance of this can only be understood by
remembering that the aggregate losses of the community by fire are
chiefly made up of innumerable small fires and not of sweeping
conflagrations. The experience of every company confirms the general
truth, that the number of fires in which a building is totally
destroyed, or in which the loss amounts to the greater part of the
property exposed under the same risk, is comparatively very small. It
may be asserted with confidence that, in the grand aggregate of the
business, much more than three-fourths of the loss occurs in fires in
which less than one-tenth of the insurable value at risk is destroyed.
The practical result is obvious. If fires destroy a million of dollars'
worth in property insured for its full value, and a million's worth more
in property insured for one-tenth of its value, the insurers will pay
$1,000,000 upon the first group and more than $750,000 upon the second.
But if all the insurance is taken at the same rate the insurers will
have received premiums ten times as great on the former group as upon
the latter. This rough illustration shows that in an equitable
adjustment of rates the amount insured as compared with the value
exposed is a prime element, and that premiums might justly form a scale,
highest on the smallest fractions of value, and diminishing rapidly as
the percentage of insurance increases. Such a scale is, however,
impracticable for many reasons, apart from the endless complications
which, even if it could be constructed, it would introduce into the
classification of risks. Any scientific plan of insurance, therefore,
must provide another method for maintaining the proportion between
amounts of premiums paid and the share in its benefits obtained for
them. This is the purpose of what are generally called _average_ or
_co-insurance clauses_. The principle is, that when a proper rate for a
class of risks is found, then the insured may protect at that rate any
percentage of such a risk, and in case of fire shall be indemnified for
the same percentage of his loss. When once clearly grasped, this
principle largely simplifies and rectifies the business. It is in
universal use in marine insurance under the name of "average," and is
there recognized as indispensable. It is embodied in all fire policies
in France, Germany and several other countries of Europe, and in 1826
was made compulsory in Great Britain by law in all "floating policies,"
those, that is, which cover stocks of goods distributed in several
places and in fluctuating amounts. But it has not yet become general in
Great Britain or America, although every writer of authority on the
subject, and every practical underwriter of large experience, approves
it. Systematic attempts have been made since about 1892 to extend its
application in the United States with much success, but they have been
met by strong opposition, which shows a widespread misunderstanding of
its true bearing.

  The co-insurance clause, indeed, which has been generally approved by
  the American associations of underwriters, and applied in the great
  commercial cities, is less sweeping than the parallel agreements used
  in France and Germany. The latter regard the insured owner as
  self-insurer for the entire value at risk not covered by the policy,
  and grant indemnity only for that fraction of the loss which the
  amount insured bears to the whole amount exposed. The American clause
  is less logical, commonly providing that: "If at the time of fire the
  whole amount of insurance on the property covered by this policy shall
  be less than 80% of the actual cash value thereof, this company shall
  ... be liable only for such portion of such loss or damage as the
  amount insured by this policy shall bear to the said 80% of the actual
  cash value of such property." But this limitation of the basis of
  co-insurance average to 80% of the total value is in perfect harmony
  with the conservative policy which seeks in all cases to prevent
  over-insurance. The most serious danger to which the entire system is
  open is that a fire may promise profit to the insured. To avoid this,
  it is a small enough margin to exclude from protection by the policy
  one-fifth of the estimated value, and to require the owner to assume
  that proportion of the risk. It is therefore reasonable not to require
  in any case a larger share than four-fifths to be covered, and not to
  press the co-insurance principle so far as to offer a differential
  advantage to those who insure above this limit. Thus, for practical
  purposes, and in the general mass of business, the 80% clause may be
  accepted as approximately the best application of the principle. It
  makes possible substantial equity in distributing the cost, while it
  does not interfere with proper safeguards against over-insurance. The
  cordial support of the mercantile community in the great cities, and
  of the most intelligent state officers, has been given to it.

  A popular outcry has, however, arisen against all forms of
  co-insurance, on the superficial and mistaken assumption that in every
  case the principal sum named in the policy measures the insurance paid
  for by the premium; and that any limitation upon it must be a wrong to
  the insured, for the emolument of the insurance corporation. No less
  than ten states have passed laws prohibiting the clause within their
  jurisdiction, though Maine in 1895, after a trial of two years,
  repealed the prohibition. The law of Tennessee, a typical form, is as
  follows: "Insurance companies shall pay their policyholders the full
  amount of loss sustained upon property insured by them, provided said
  amount of loss does not exceed the amount of insurance expressed in
  the policy, and all stipulations in such policies to the contrary are
  and shall be null and void" (except in case of insurance upon cotton
  in bales). In several states the use of the co-insurance clause is
  made a penal offence. It is an interesting fact, however, that while
  this principle, whenever it has been generally applied, has led not
  only to a fairer equalization of premium rates, but, on the whole, to
  a marked reduction of them, the laws in question have deprived the
  people adopting them of the resulting benefit. In the year 1899 the
  average premium rate upon all fire risks written in the states in
  which co-insurance was wholly or partly prohibited was something more
  than $1.20 per $1000, while in the rest of the country, where the
  clause was permitted and to a large extent used, the rate was but 96
  cents per $1000. The marked difference, which tends to increase, is a
  perpetual object-lesson which must in the end appeal strongly to the
  popular intelligence.


  Taxation of insurance.

The varying attitude of several civilized governments towards the
institution of insurance has found significant expression in their tax
laws. In Great Britain a stamp duty of 6d. was imposed in 1694 upon
"every piece of vellum or parchment or sheet of paper upon which any
policy of insurance should be engrossed or written," and was doubled in
1698. It was further increased (reaching 3s. 10d. per policy in 1713)
and varied by many subsequent acts, under some of which the percentage
duty on fire insurance was also made payable by stamps upon policies.
But in 1865 the stamp tax was finally reduced to the nominal sum of 1d.
upon each policy. A far heavier burden, however, was imposed upon
insurers by the measure of Lord North in 1782, charging all fire
insurances in force with an annual duty of 1s. 6d. for every £100
insured. In 1815 the general rate was made 3s. per £100, but was
collected once for all upon the policy when issued; and it so remained
until reductions began in 1864. The duty was wholly abolished in 1869.
The revenue from this source reached its highest point in 1863, when it
was £1,714,622, presumably representing insurances effected in that year
to the amount of £1,143,081,333. There are no data for determining the
amount of premium receipts or of losses realized on the same volume of
insurance; but the tax was recognized by economists as well as by all
parties to the policy contracts as an excessive burden. In many
instances it more than doubled the cost of insurance. Its effect in
discouraging the prudent custom of insuring against fire was very
serious, and after its abolition this custom extended so rapidly that it
soon became, and continues, practically universal in Great Britain. Upon
the continent of Europe fire insurance is generally taxed quite heavily;
most so in France, where the direct duties on the premiums, together
with the registry and stamp taxes paid by the companies, have been
estimated to add one-fourth, or perhaps one-third, to the cost of
insurance.

In the United States the companies are taxed, each by the state in which
it is domiciled, upon their real estate, and often upon their capital,
surplus of profits, and are required in other states to pay fees to the
insurance departments, and commonly an excise of from 1 to 2½% of their
premiums. An elaborate table is prepared each year by a committee of the
National Board of Fire Underwriters, showing the aggregate amount of
taxes paid by the companies operating in New York in comparison with
their receipts and profits. The statement received and published by the
board in 1900 contained the following:--

  +--------------------------------+-------------+----------------+
  |                                |For the Year |For Twelve Years|
  |                                |    1899.    |   1888-1899.   |
  +--------------------------------+-------------+----------------+
  | Premiums (fire and marine)     |$134,450,639 | $1,425,929,631 |
  | Losses paid (fire and marine)  |  91,031,677 |    856,978,494 |
  | Expenses                       |  52,849,129 |    517,667,238 |
  | Increase of liability (unearned|             |                |
  |   premiums, &c.)               |   8,998,526 |     59,104,388 |
  | Net loss in the last year      |  18,428,693 |       ..       |
  | Net profit in twelve years     |      ..     |      7,820,489 |
  | Amount of taxes paid           |   4,495,332 |     35,984,081 |
  | Taxes were of premiums         |     3.34%   |      2.52%     |
  | Taxes were of premiums, less   |             |                |
  |   losses                       |    10.35%   |      6.32%     |
  +--------------------------------+-------------+----------------+

In qualification of this statement, it may be said that the reported
expenses appear to include taxes, and that the additions charged, to
liability are to some extent theoretical and flexible. It also appears
from the state reports that upon the entire capital and net surplus of
$191,000,000 employed in the business in the United States by 316
joint-stock companies, dividends to the amount of $8,000,000, or 4.2%,
were paid in 1899 to shareholders. Nevertheless it is true that
competition among the companies, together with unfriendly legislation,
has reduced the profit upon their aggregate capital near the vanishing
point, and that the taxes, the average rate of which increased 50%
within the period 1891-1899, are heavier in many states than can be
justified by public policy or by the analogy of other corporate
interests. The true principle, doubtless, is that while the capital
employed in insurance for gain ought to contribute to the state the
same share of its profits as other capital, yet the premiums, agencies,
policies and entire machinery representing only losses, and providing
for their distribution, should be exempted, as far as the necessities of
the public treasury permit.

  One aspect of the taxation of fire insurance is of especial interest,
  namely, the very general disposition of legislatures and municipal
  authorities to impose upon the underwriters the cost of fire
  departments. The systematic prevention and extinguishment of fires are
  everywhere assumed to be proper work for the community at large. But
  the first license granted by the crown to issue insurance policies in
  London in 1687 was conditioned upon regular contributions by the
  authorities to support the king's gunners as a fire brigade, and in
  the public mind the privilege of insuring the prudent has ever since
  been vaguely associated with the duty of guarding the property of the
  whole community. The voluntary support of fire patrols by the
  companies in London, New York and other cities has done much to
  promote this view; and a substantial part of the taxes paid upon fire
  policies in the United States is levied for the support of fire
  departments, the pay and pensions of firemen and similar purposes. The
  tendency to increase such taxes, under the pretext that the protection
  afforded is for the special benefit of the companies, is strong in
  some of the states; though it would be equally rational to compel life
  insurance companies to maintain general hospitals for the sick.


  Statistics.

The most complete statistics of the fire insurance business collected in
any country are those presented in the _United States_ to the National
Board of Fire Underwriters at each annual meeting. The following summary
of part of the information submitted by the committee on statistics,
10th May 1900, giving the amount of fire risks insured in the United
States, premiums received for them, and losses paid upon them, by all
joint-stock fire insurance companies for the year 1899 will serve as an
example:--

  _Fire Insurance in the United Slates. Joint-Stock Companies._

  +--------------+----------------+------------+------------+----------+--------+----------+
  |              |   Fire Risks   |    Fire    |    Fire    | Premiums |Loss per| Loss per |
  |  Companies.  |    assumed.    |  Premiums  |   Losses   | per $100 |  $100  | $100 of  |
  |              |                |  received. |    paid.   | of Risk. |of Risk.| Premiums.|
  +--------------+----------------+------------+------------+----------+--------+----------+
  |              |        $       |      $     |      $     |    $     |   $    |    $     |
  | American 218 | 12,251,299,499 | 93,577,169 | 59,119,018 |  .7638   | .4826  |  .6318   |
  | Foreign   35 |  6,087,570,275 | 42,958,472 | 29,865,014 |  .7057   | .4906  |  .6975   |
  | All      253 | 18,338,869,774 |136,535,641 | 88,984,032 |  .7445   | .4852  |  .6517   |
  +--------------+----------------+------------+------------+----------+--------+----------+

These returns do not include mutual companies. The compilers of the
_Insurance Year-Book_, however, obtain from the several state
departments of insurance the reports of all companies made to them of
the business done within each state; and from these it appears that in
1899, for example, 160 mutual companies assumed fire risks to the amount
of $1,119,772,848. Many small local associations have made no returns,
but their operations are too limited to materially affect the aggregate.
It is noteworthy that while mutual companies transact less than 6% of
the business of the whole country, yet in the state of Rhode Island, a
densely peopled manufacturing community, they have more than 78%, and in
Massachusetts nearly 24%; and that, while less than one-ninth of the
insured property of the United States is situated in these two states,
they contain nearly two-thirds of that which is insured by mutual
associations.

  The fire insurance business of foreign companies in the United States
  was comparatively small until 1870. Four strong British corporations
  were then in the field, and their transactions amounted to less than
  9% of the entire joint-stock business. But their success attracted
  others in rapid succession, especially from Great Britain and from
  Germany, and in 1880, 19 foreign companies assumed 23.7% of all the
  risks reported to the National Board; in 1889, 23 such companies took
  30.3%; and in 1899, 35 such companies took 33.2%. The distribution of
  the business among them is not given by the board tables, but can be
  gathered from the reports of the American branches to the insurance
  departments of the states, which are summarized in the Spectator
  Company's Year-Books. The total net payments of the British and
  colonial fire insurance companies in connexion with the disastrous
  fire in San Francisco in 1906 amounted to over ten million pounds,
  and the prompt settlement of all claims strengthened considerably
  their position in the United States.

In the _United Kingdom_ the statistics of fire insurance are less
accessible and less complete, no official records being made of the
local distribution of the property insured, while the published accounts
of the companies are not sufficiently uniform and detailed to make a
trustworthy summary of the entire business possible. Much of it is done
by foreign companies, of whose British business we have no separate
statement. A statement of the revenue accounts of the various British
companies insuring against fire will be found in the annual _Insurance
Blue Book and Guide_.

In the _Dominion of Canada_ the insurance companies make detailed
reports to the government bureau, and the statistics of the business are
full and accurate. The following table shows the aggregate business of
five companies in the Dominion in 1869 and 1907:--

  +-----------+------------+---------------+------------+--------------+------------+
  |           |  Net Cash  |   Amount of   |  Amount at |   Amount at  |   Losses   |
  | Companies.|  Premiums  |   Policies    |   Risk in  |    Risk in   |    paid.   |
  |           |  received. |    taken.     |    1869.   |     1907.    |            |
  +-----------+------------+---------------+------------+--------------+------------+
  |           |      $     |       $       |      $     |      $       |     $      |
  | Canadian  |            |               |            |              |            |
  |  Companies| 54,849,706 | 5,663,696,931 | 59,340,916 |  412,019,532 | 36,073,543 |
  | British   |            |               |            |              |            |
  |  Companies|159,372,986 |14,745,342,255 |115,222,003 |  937,240,828 |105,203,259 |
  | American  |            |               |            |              |            |
  |  Companies| 32,449,482 | 2,801,078,045 | 13,796,890 |  265,401,198 | 20,129,323 |
  | All       |            |               |            |              |            |
  |  Companies|246,672,174 |23,210,117,231 |188,359,809 |1,614,661,558 |161,406,125 |
  +-----------+------------+---------------+------------+--------------+------------+

Upon the _continent of Europe_ the fire insurance business is conducted
partly by local companies in each country and partly by the great
international offices of Great Britain and Germany. The local
associations in Austria, Germany and Switzerland are of three
classes--public assurance organizations connected with local
governments, private mutual companies and joint-stock companies. It is
impossible to obtain balance-sheets of all, nor is any information
available concerning the local distribution of the risks, or the whole
amount of property insured. The capital employed by stock corporations
in this business in each country, and the aggregate premium receipts and
payments for losses in the last year of which a report is available will
be found in the annual _Post Magazine Almanack_.

While most of the fire insurance business in the _Australian colonies_
is in the hands of British companies, local institutions for the purpose
have had a considerable development on the same general lines as in
Great Britain and with similar freedom from interference by the
governments. But no accounts of the receipts and losses are available,
most of the companies conducting a marine or life insurance business, or
both, under the same general management.

  Beyond the limits of the great commercial nations, no satisfactory
  information is accessible concerning the practice of fire insurance.
  Even in Spain and Portugal there is far less intelligent interest in
  the subject than in neighbouring countries, and the agencies of
  foreign companies transact much of the business in the large towns.
  Six Portuguese companies have maintained themselves for many years, a
  few of them for nearly a century, and have established agencies in the
  Spanish islands and in Madeira. For other nations than those
  mentioned, the only systematic effort to collect the facts is made by
  the compilers of the _Year-Book_, and the results are extremely
  meagre. The great British and German corporations are zealous in
  extending their transactions to the commercial ports everywhere, and
  local companies are often formed in the British colonies. In addition
  to those in Canada and Australia some companies in South Africa have
  become financially important. Small native companies have been
  successful in establishing their credit in Japan, Brazil, the
  Argentine Republic, Chile and Peru. A considerable business is done in
  insuring the property of foreign residents in the Levant, on the
  coasts of Asia, in South Africa and the Pacific Islands, but mostly by
  European companies, and as an incident to the more general practice of
  marine insurance. There are several successful fire companies among
  the Dutch in Java. The small business in Mexico appears to be wholly
  in the hands of foreign companies.


IV. LIFE INSURANCE

  History.

  Halley's Table.

Guesses at the probable length of life for the purpose of valuing or
commuting life-estates, leases or annuities were made even by the
ancients, and crude estimates of the number of years' purchase such
interests are worth occur in Roman law and in many medieval writings. In
1540 the English parliament enacted that an estate for a single life
should be valued as a lease of seven years, one for two lives as a lease
of fourteen years, and for three lives as a lease of twenty-one years.
More than a century later _The Cambridge Tables for renewing of Leases
and purchasing Liens_, a standard work in England, with the certificate
of Sir Isaac Newton to its accuracy, proposed, as a remedy for the
inequity of this fanciful rule, to make the increase for each additional
life less by one year, so that, valuing a single life at ten years, two
lives shall be reckoned as nineteen years and three lives as
twenty-seven years. No distinction of ages was recognized, and the
results, tabulated to decimal parts of months, are worthless. Thus the
foremost minds of the world had as yet no apprehension of a true method
of reasoning on the subject. The first clear insight into the character
of the problem appears in _Natural and Political Observations on the
Bills of Mortality_, published in 1661 under the name of John Graunt, a
haberdasher and train-band captain of London. Graunt recognized the
principle of uniformity in large groups of vital and social facts, and
actually prepared, from the mortality registers of London, what he calls
a "Table showing of one hundred quick conceptions, how many die within
six years, how many the next decade, and so for every decade till 76."
This was the earliest crude suggestion of a table of mortality, and
Graunt's interest in the inquiry was scientific, without definite
practical purpose. But a little later the sale of annuities was pressed
upon governments as a method of discounting future revenues. In 1671
John de Witt, grand pensionary of Holland, reported to the states
general a plan for such sales upon a scientific method, the insight and
skill of which, had he possessed proper statistical data, would have
anticipated results only reached by later generations. The report,
however, was buried in the Dutch archives and forgotten for nearly two
centuries. It was unknown in England when, in 1692, the government
undertook the sale of annuities. A loan of £1,000,000 was offered, each
£100 paid in to purchase a life annuity of £14, without distinction of
age. A table accompanied the offer, purporting to show how many of
10,000 persons now living, old and young taken together at random, are
likely to die in each year from one to ninety-nine. The purchasers,
though without clear understanding of the principle, were instinctively
shrewd enough to select healthy young lives for annuitants, and the
nation paid enormously for the error. This speculation of the public
treasury led the eminent mathematician and astronomer, Dr Edmund Halley,
to examine the subject. In 1693 he presented to the Royal Society a
study of "The degrees of mortality of mankind." The parish registers of
England took no note of age at death, and Halley, perceiving that the
average duration of life in large groups of persons can only be
determined when ages at death are known, sought in vain a statistical
basis for such an inquiry in his own and in many other countries. But it
happened that the city of Breslau in Silesia had kept such records, and
he succeeded in obtaining the registers for five years, 1687-1691,
including 6193 births and 5869 deaths. No census of the city having been
taken, Halley made the best estimate he could of the population, and
computed how many of a thousand children taken at the age of one year
will die in each succeeding year. Arranging the results in three
parallel columns, showing in successive lines the age, the number living
at that age, and the number of deaths during the year, he formed the
first mortality table. The arrangement was itself a discovery,
exhibiting at a glance the essential data for valuing life-risks, and
suggesting solutions for problems which had puzzled the ablest students.
This general form of the mortality table remains in use as the natural
and best for such collections of facts. The method of using such a
table in calculating the values of life contingencies was also
discovered by Dr Halley. He showed that where a payment is to be made at
a future date, if a named person be then alive, its present value is the
sum which compounded at interest during the interval will amount to that
payment multiplied by the fraction representing the probability that the
person will survive. These two elements, compound interest and the
probability of life or death, are the foundations of the theory of life
contingencies.

From Halley's time the progress of the theory has been in three
directions: first, in accumulating facts from which averages are
deduced, and analysing the data so as to eliminate disturbing
influences, that is, in constructing trustworthy tables of mortality;
secondly, in extending the inferences from such tables, and multiplying
their applications to needs of practical life; and thirdly, in
facilitating the calculations which these applications require. But
while Halley thus firmly and lastingly drew, in outline, the theory of
life contingencies, the numerical results attained by him were grossly
imperfect. Forced by the lack of data to assume that the population was
stationary, and to rely on a rude estimate of its numbers, he well knew
that his conclusions were but provisional. Yet they were far in advance
of the general mind of his time. As late as 1694, and even in 1703,
parliament substantially re-enacted the old law for valuing leases at
seven years for each life. The meagre Breslau Table long remained the
only serious attempt to utilize actual observations of mortality for
scientific purposes. In 1746 A. de Parcieux (1703-1768), a mathematician
of Paris, published an _Essai sur les probabilités de la durée de la vie
humaine_, in which he presented mortality tables formed by himself, one
from the records of certain Tontine associations, and five others from
those of several religious orders in Paris. The Tontine experience table
was a much closer approximation to the true course of mortality, as
shown by later investigations, than any of its predecessors, and indeed
now appears, despite the crude manner in which the materials were
treated, to have been more accurate and more trustworthy than the
Northampton or even the Carlisle Table of much later date. The essay of
de Parcieux was an important source of information to advanced students
in France and Germany, but attracted no general or popular interest, nor
was it followed up by progressive researches of the same character in
continental Europe, while it remained almost unnoticed in England.


  Northampton Table.

Throughout the 18th century the customary treatment of life annuities
was as chaotic and fanciful as before, though some writers of eminence,
most notably Dr Thomas Simpson of London (1752), treated the theory of
the subject with great intelligence, and in 1753 James Dodson of London
(great-grandfather of Augustus de Morgan) projected a life insurance
company in which the premiums should be accommodated justly to the ages
of the insured. But life insurance as a business really began with the
Equitable Society of London, founded in 1762. The associates petitioned
for a charter, but the law officers of the crown refused it, saying that
the scheme depended for success on the truth of certain tables of life
and death, "Whereby the Chance of Mortality is attempted to be reduced
to a certain standard. This is a mere speculation, never tried in
practice." The society was organized as a voluntary association, and
began business in 1765. Its premiums were computed from the Breslau
Table, with some corrections from the London Bills of Mortality, and
were far higher than any now in use. But the managers, in face of actual
business, needed more light. Dr Richard Price, a student of the new
science of life contingencies, was consulted, and soon devised tests of
the society's experience and measures of the financial results, which
are in principle those still practised. He also aspired to construct a
more accurate table of mortality, and discovered data in certain parish
registers of Northampton which promised to represent the average of life
in England. From these he formed in 1780 the Northampton Table of
Mortality, and computed a new and largely reduced scale of premiums for
the society. The historical importance of the Northampton Table lies in
the profound impression it made on the general mass of intelligent
persons. Although mortality had long been recognized by special
inquirers as a promising theme for statistical inquiry, its actual
treatment, except in the narrow school founded by Johann Süssmilch in
Germany (1746), and in the isolated and almost prophetic work of de
Parcieux in France, had been speculative and vague. Demoivre handled it
with mathematical acuteness, but framed his scale of mortality (about
1750) on a hypothesis of his own, not on known facts. Out of each group
of eighty-six deaths, according to this scale, one dies on the average
each year till all are gone; so that x being the present age, the
probability of death within a year is always 1/(86-x). This conjecture,
which, during middle life, served as a rough approximation to the truth,
almost as well as some of the early tables of repute, long found
remarkable acceptance among men of science. Dr Price's researches first
brought to general apprehension the conviction that a large basis of
observed facts is the only source of real knowledge. The government of
the day felt the influence of the movement. In 1786 Pitt, then
chancellor of the exchequer, consulted Dr Price on plans for the
conversion of debt, and in 1789 the government first showed knowledge
that in granting annuities ages must be distinguished, and that the
prospective life at ninety and that at twenty-five are not to be
estimated as equal. About 1808 a conversion of 3% into annuities was
planned. The Northampton Table was adopted, and Morgan computed rates
from it which were used for twenty years. It proved to represent a
mortality far in excess of the average, and in 1821 John Finlaison,
being made actuary to the debt commissioners, protested against the
rates in use. But not until 1828, when the treasury had lost two
millions of pounds by selling annuities too cheap, was the law repealed.
Finlaison then constructed a new and less wasteful scale for
conversions, but singular results followed. At the age of ninety, for
instance, £100 would purchase an annuity of £62. Combinations were
formed to purchase annuities on the lives of old people selected for
their vigour; 675 of these were taken, with a further loss of at least a
million to the treasury. The Northampton Table, in fact, like the
earlier Breslau Table, was formed without a census, and upon the false
assumption that the population was stationary. Dr Price's estimate,
founded on the recorded baptisms, was much too low, many of the people
being of a sect which rejected infant baptism. His table represents an
average life of twenty-four years, whilst subsequent inquiries indicate
a true average of about thirty years at that time in the same parishes.
The actual mortality in the Equitable Society proved to be less by
one-third than that anticipated by the table. The error had consequences
of vast moment. The immediate and dazzling prosperity of the societies
founding rates on this supposed scientific basis excited the public
imagination, stimulated the business exceedingly, and led to many
extravagant projects, followed by fluctuations and failures which
impaired its healthy growth and usefulness.


  Recent actuarial progress.

In spite of gross defects, the Northampton Table remained for a century
by far the most important table of mortality, employed as the basis of
calculation by leading companies in Great Britain, and adopted by the
courts as practically a part of the common law. Parliament, followed by
some state legislatures and many courts in America, even made it the
authorized standard for valuing annuity charges and reversionary
interests. But in life insurance practice it is now wholly antiquated.
Like its most famous successor, the Carlisle Table of Joshua Milne, it
rested upon observations of the population of a town. How far this
limited and peculiar group represented the nation was still doubtful; no
less so how far the rate of mortality among applicants for insurance,
accepted by the offices, would correspond with that of the urban
citizens or of the whole body. As soon as the companies had sufficient
records of their own experience the work began of striving to construct,
for business use, tables which should truly express it. This branch of
research has ever since been prosecuted with all the resources they
could command of industry, practical judgment and mathematical skill;
and the successive achievements in it may be accepted as in general the
sum and measure of the progress of actuarial science. Now the
recognition of an ascertainable uniformity in human mortality has become
part of the general stock of thought. But actuarial science, which
originated in Great Britain, was long the peculiar and almost exclusive
possession of British students, and even till now has been practised
most fruitfully in its first home, mainly by the actuaries of life
insurance institutions, but with important contributions from other
inquirers, especially those in the service of the registrar-general. The
most complete storehouse of technical and practical learning on the
general theory and on all its applications to life insurance practice is
found in the successive volumes of the _Journal of the Institute of
Actuaries_. The tables published by the Institute in 1872, founded on
the experience to 1863 of twenty companies (see ANNUITY), still remain
the most authoritative expression of the mortality of insured lives, and
have largely replaced all earlier standards in the valuations of the
British companies, more than three-fourths of which, in their latest
returns to the Board of Trade, compute their reinsurance reserves by the
H^m. and H^m.5 tables. But for several years a committee of the
Institute and of the Scottish Faculty of Actuaries has been engaged in
collecting and arranging for investigation the far vaster experience
which has now accumulated in the hands of sixty companies, including the
records of more than a million policies. The large basis of facts thus
obtained will be treated with special reference to different classes of
risks, and will throw much light on difficult questions of selection,
which have hitherto been treated speculatively, or at least without the
conclusive evidence of large averages, and are still more or less in
controversy. Some of these will require more detailed notice hereafter.

  It is only since the middle of the 19th century that actuarial science
  has rapidly advanced in other countries, chiefly under the stimulus of
  the extending practice of life insurance. Both in America and upon the
  continent of Europe the small business transacted by the pioneer
  companies was largely conducted on empirical and conjectural methods
  from year to year, English custom being consulted as a guide in fixing
  premiums. The Gotha Bank, the first institution to insure lives upon
  business principles in Germany, adopted at its foundation in 1827 a
  mortality table formed by Charles Babbage upon the basis of the
  Northampton Table, corrected from cursory notes upon the early
  experience of the Equitable Society, which had been given by its
  actuary to a general meeting of its members in 1800. The French
  companies, and several in Germany of later origin than the Gotha, took
  as their standard the so-called Table of de Parcieux, previously
  described; and this table, with modifications dictated by experience,
  continued until very recently in general use in France. The Seventeen
  Companies' Table of 1843 was adopted by the Insurance Commissioners of
  Massachusetts, who in 1859 introduced the methods of state supervision
  of insurance now generally practised in the United States. This table,
  though long superseded in the esteem of actuaries in their ordinary
  work, is still the standard for official valuations in most states of
  the union, a fact which has given it undue prominence. The so-called
  American Table, derived in 1868 from the limited experience of the
  largest American company during its earliest years, was the first
  important work of the kind done in America. In view of its narrow
  basis of facts, it has stood the test of time singularly well, and it
  is now in wider use than any other for computing the premiums of
  American companies. Its most marked difference from the standard
  British tables for insured lives is that it indicates a decidedly
  lower rate of mortality throughout the period of mature manhood,
  between the ages of thirty-five and seventy-five, though with a higher
  rate at the extremes of life; and this peculiarity is also found in
  American tables deduced from more recent and far larger experience.

  Actuarial science has been widely cultivated in the United States of
  late years, the numbers and zeal of its professional students having
  kept pace with the extraordinary growth of life insurance. The
  aggressive activity of the companies has brought the principles of the
  business home to the popular mind as in no other country, and a large
  number of periodicals are devoted entirely to the subject. These
  tendencies have been strengthened by the system of supervision
  practised by the states, which has also greatly influenced public
  opinion, directing attention in an extraordinary degree to certain
  special and technical features, to the neglect of more comprehensive
  and more useful criticism. In the official work of the state
  departments the actuary's province appears substantially to begin and
  end with the valuation of liabilities upon the net premium basis,
  which is applied with increasing strictness as the sole and final
  standard of solvency, and the determination by it of the "legal
  surplus" of each company. But a considerable number of professional
  actuaries have prosecuted their studies in a scientific spirit, and
  most of these since 1889 have been associated in the Actuarial
  Society of America, which has established a high standard of
  professional competence in its examinations and transactions. The
  question how far the rate of mortality among insured lives in America
  is fairly represented by tables drawn from British experience has
  attracted much inquiry; and many companies have made important
  contributions to it from their own records, in several instances in
  the finished form of carefully graduated tables, each with an
  individual character, but all with some features which distinguish
  them as a group. By far the most comprehensive effort to establish a
  standard table for America is that of a committee of actuaries, for
  which, in 1881, L. W. Meech published the classified experience of
  thirty offices to the end of 1874, including most of the large
  companies in the United States, and embracing more than a million
  policies. The observations collected in this work have furnished
  materials for many important investigations, but the finished tables
  have rarely been applied in practice, being drawn from an aggregation
  of largely incongruous experiences, the influence of each of which
  upon the general average is indeterminate.

  The business of life insurance upon the continent of Europe has given
  an extraordinary stimulus to actuarial studies. Before 1883 the German
  companies computed their premiums and reserves by antiquated life
  tables. The most approved of these, as illustrating the duration of
  German life, was that prepared by Brune of Berlin in 1837 from the
  records for seventy years of an annuity society for widows, which
  practised careful medical selection of the husbands and kept exact
  mortality registers. In 1883 was published an admirable table founded
  on the combined experience of twenty-three German companies, which has
  superseded all other standards for ordinary valuations within the
  German empire. The French companies generally continued to rely on the
  tables of de Parcieux, with modifications of their most glaring
  defects, until a still later date. In 1898 a committee of French
  actuaries published a new set of tables drawn from the experience of
  four of the principal offices in France, and these are now accepted as
  the best basis for life insurance practice by similar companies there.
  Schools of actuarial science have been opened in both Germany and
  France, and the professional actuaries of these countries, and of
  Austria and Belgium, have formed associations for the promotion of
  their pursuits. Sessions of delegates from the several institutes and
  societies of actuaries throughout the world meet triennially in
  general congress in the various capitals. Such sessions do much to
  broaden and harmonize the scope and aims of the profession.


  Rates of mortality.

Elaborate efforts have been made by several governments to employ the
machinery of census bureaus for determining the general rate of
mortality, and it has been the worthy ambition of able actuaries to
devise trustworthy methods of utilizing the census returns for this
purpose. The British Statistical Office under Dr William Farr and his
successors, and, later, the Swiss Federal Bureau of Statistics have
accomplished the best work in this direction, and the series of "English
Life Tables," founded on successive decennial censuses, interpreted by
the registered deaths during the intervals, are the most useful data now
available for the average value of civilized life. But all such general
tables are as yet but tentative and provisional. The imperfections of
mortuary registries and of census returns are great, and corrections are
largely conjectural. Until more complete methods of collecting the facts
are practised, the experience of life insurance companies promises to
furnish the only mortality tables having claim to authority. It is
already becoming evident that the general rate of mortality, and in
particular the rate at each age of life, not only differs widely in
different communities, but undergoes important changes in successive
generations. A multitude of forces are at work in civilized society
which must influence the average duration of life, such as the
extension and concentration of many industries, the vast growth of
cities, the progress of medical and hygienic science, the increase of
wealth, comfort and luxury, the changes in the frequency and
destructiveness of war. It is plausibly maintained, on the one hand,
that these and other causes have already added some years to the average
lifetime of civilized man; and, on the other hand, that their combined
effect has been to lessen the sharpness of the struggle for existence,
to rescue the weaklings from destruction and enable them to multiply,
and so to weaken society at large. The final decision of the question
will be found in the gradual modifications of the true table of
mortality through successive epochs.

For the purposes of life insurance the future of mortality tables looks
to less ambitious problems. The business calls for exact equity in
determining the value of all life contingencies, and therefore for the
most precise forecast attainable of the dates at which the amounts
assured must be paid. Some idea of the historical progress of this
inquiry may be gathered from the accompanying table, which epitomizes
the general characteristics of a number of typical tables of mortality,
showing at ages which are multiples of five years the annual death-rate
indicated by each of them. The comparison will be found interesting in
many ways, most strikingly, perhaps, as suggesting what is confirmed by
a detailed examination of the facts, that insured life on the average in
Great Britain is decidedly inferior to that in the United States, but
superior to that upon the continent of Europe, and especially in
Germany. From a careful investigation of the published experience, Dr
McClintock concludes: "It is an ascertained fact that after the first
five years of insurance the probability of death," in Great Britain, "is
fully one-fifth greater at any given age than the corresponding
probability shown by American experience"; while "the average value of
assured life in Germany is as much inferior to that shown in the H^m.
experience as that in America has been found to be superior."[1]

  _Table showing the number of Persons who will die in a year out of
  100,000 who have attained the given Age, according to several Tables
  of Mortality._

  +----+-------+---------+---------+---------+---------+--------+--------+--------+--------+
  |    |       |         |         |Institute|Institute|American| Thirty |Twenty- |  Four  |
  |    | North-|Carlisle.|Seventeen|   of    |   of    | Experi-|American| three  | French |
  |    |ampton.|         | Offices.|Actuaries|Actuaries|  ence. |Offices.| German |Offices.|
  |Age.|       |         |         |         |         |        |        |Offices.|        |
  |    +-------+---------+---------+---------+---------+--------+--------+--------+--------+
  |    |       |         |         |   H^m.  | H^(m.5) |        |        |        |        |
  |    | 1780. |  1815.  |  1843.  |   1869. |  1869.  |  1868. |  1881. |  1883. |  1895. |
  +----+-------+---------+---------+---------+---------+--------+--------+--------+--------+
  | 10 |   916 |    449  |    676  |    490  |    400  |    749 |    648 |   ..   |    364 |
  | 15 |   922 |    619  |    694  |    287  |    325  |    763 |    659 |   ..   |    515 |
  | 20 | 1,403 |    706  |    729  |    633  |    833  |    780 |    676 |    919 |    690 |
  | 25 | 1,575 |    731  |    777  |    663  |  1,050  |    806 |    703 |    854 |    628 |
  | 30 | 1,710 |  1,010  |    842  |    772  |    920  |    843 |    748 |    882 |    698 |
  | 35 | 1,870 |  1,026  |    929  |    877  |  1,000  |    895 |    821 |    999 |    807 |
  | 40 | 2,090 |  1,300  |  1,036  |  1,031  |  1,132  |    979 |    936 |  1,176 |    975 |
  | 45 | 2,401 |  1,481  |  1,221  |  1,219  |  1,294  |  1,116 |  1,120 |  1,437 |  1,236 |
  | 50 | 2,835 |  1,342  |  1,594  |  1,595  |  1,712  |  1,378 |  1,417 |  1,814 |  1,638 |
  | 55 | 3,350 |  1,792  |  2,166  |  2,103  |  2,219  |  1,857 |  1,893 |  2,506 |  2,258 |
  | 60 | 4,023 |  3,349  |  3,034  |  2,968  |  3,064  |  2,669 |  2,653 |  3,535 |  3,213 |
  | 65 | 4,902 |  4,109  |  4,408  |  4,343  |  4,461  |  4,013 |  3,864 |  4,943 |  4,675 |
  | 70 | 6,493 |  5,164  |  6,493  |  6,219  |  6,284  |  6,199 |  5,778 |  7,276 |  6,897 |
  | 75 | 9,615 |  9,552  |  9,556  |  9,816  |  9,949  |  9,437 |  8,779 | 10,647 | 10,241 |
  | 80 |13,433 | 12,172  | 14,040  | 14,465  | 14,577  | 14,447 | 13,407 | 15,516 | 15,119 |
  | 85 |22,043 | 17,528  | 20,509  | 20,988  | 21,010  | 33,555 | 20,363 | 22,211 | 22,332 |
  | 90 |26,087 | 26,056  | 32,373  | 27,945  | 28,244  | 45,455 | 32,815 | 32,356 | 32,225 |
  +----+-------+---------+---------+---------+---------+--------+--------+--------+--------+


  Problems of selection.

No final explanation has been given, and there is no proof that the
average life in America is longer than in England or Germany. Dr
McClintock inclines to believe that one potent cause of the great
difference in the insured experience is that, while European offices
have generally awaited applications, which are commonly prompted by some
sense of need for insurance, the custom of American companies is
actively to solicit business through agents. On the average, lives which
are only induced by persuasion to insure are better than those which
voluntarily apply. That this suggestion points out a real and perhaps
an important differentiating influence upon groups of risks is not
doubted, but the measure of its effects has not yet been determined. The
question is one of many which yearly assume more prominence, and which,
as a class, are conventionally termed problems of selection. Assuming
that the general rate of mortality is precisely known, any deviation
from it occurring in a special group of insured lives, as the result of
some influence peculiar to that group, is called the effect of
selection. If insurance were offered on equal terms to all, the feeble
and dying would apply in disproportionate numbers, and the mortality
would be excessive. To avoid this danger careful medical examinations
are required, excluding risks which appear to be impaired; and this
selection by the insurer uniformly reduces the mortality below the
general average during the earliest years of insurance. During these
years large numbers of the insured withdraw, either from inability or
from indisposition to pay their premiums, but the motive to do so is
weakest with lives which have become impaired. The average vitality is
lowered by the loss on the whole of a superior class, and the average
mortality of those who persist rises. The extent of this influence
varies widely with the proportionate number of lapses and the motives
which induce them, increasing in a startling degree when lapses multiply
in a discredited company, and remaining small, or even at times
doubtful, under very favourable conditions; so that the ascertainment of
its amount in different circumstances, and for different groups of the
insured, is a problem of extreme complication. Its importance is
increased by two tendencies which have grown stronger in the practice of
recent years: first, to permit at all times the withdrawal by any
policyholder of a substantial part of the technical or average reserve
upon his assurance, a privilege which legislation and public opinion in
the United States have extorted from the companies; and, secondly, the
extensive introduction, under competition for public favour, of forms of
policies which grant the option, at fixed dates in the future, between
withdrawing the entire "accumulations," or technical reserve and
surplus, and continuing the insurance. It is well known that at the
maturity of these options the motive is strong for impaired lives to
remain insured, and that the cash withdrawals are so largely of superior
lives that the subsequent rate of mortality is much increased. Other
problems in selection arise from varieties in the forms of policies. It
is commonly recognized that there are general and marked differences
between the mortality experienced upon assurances issued at low and
those at high premium rates. Policies for short terms, on which the
computed net rates are the lowest, have been found so unprofitable to
the insurers that they are rarely granted, and only with a very heavy
loading of the tabular value. Upon those insured for life, with annual
premiums, there is a large and constant excess of death losses above the
endowment assurances, while groups of policies with tontine or
cumulative features or reserved bonuses, available only after surviving
a term of years, uniformly experience a low mortality.

It is also to be remarked that it is found in general that the average
amount of policies matured by death is higher than the average of all
policies in force; and some actuaries incline to believe that tables of
pecuniary loss might, for practical use, take the place of tables of
mortality, since the actual claims are in units of money, not of lives.
The vast field of inquiry opened to actuaries by these and many more
special questions of selection promises to engross more and more of
their attention and labour. The technical methods of reducing and
treating the data of mortality have been brought to a high degree of
perfection, but the necessity for a better classification of the data
themselves, with reference to special groups of lives or policies,
differentiated by social or local circumstances, by business methods, by
forms of contract, by race or personal characteristics, must assume ever
greater prominence. It is conceivable that, at some period hereafter,
the practical reliance of the offices will be more upon tables to be
computed for such special groups, from select experience, than upon
those drawn from vast aggregates without discriminating among their
somewhat incongruous divisions.


  The interest factor.

The mortality tables in common use, however, have been proved by a vast
experience to furnish a safe and fairly equitable basis for the business
of assuring lives. Assuming that the table shows how many of a large
group now assured may be expected to end in each succeeding year, the
present value of the claims upon them depends exclusively upon the rate
of interest at which funds will accumulate. Exact foresight of this rate
being impossible, the insurer must assume a rate which can with
certainty be realized. The difficult problem of determining the limits
of safety in this assumption attracts the more attention now, because of
the recent persistent decline in the average productiveness of invested
capital. The actuary is forced to observe that the interest factor in
his calculations is much less definitely fixed by known facts than the
mortality factor. The longer a contract has to run, the greater the
effect of the difference in rate. The value of a payment to be made in
thirty years is greater by above one-half with interest taken at 3% than
at 4½%, and one to be made in thirty-six years is more than twice as
great. Hence the most careful study of the forces determining for long
periods the average rate of interest is fundamental in life insurance.
The tendency of opinion is to hold that a progressive lowering of
interest rates must result from the accumulation of wealth. In support
of this belief it is pointed out that from 1872 nearly to the present
time there has been a general and somewhat uniform decline in the yield
of invested capital, as represented by government stocks, mortgage
loans, savings bank deposits and discounts in all commercial nations.
The movement has been disguised by wide fluctuations, temporary or
local, but has been on the whole world-wide and continuous, when great
masses of capital, such as the investments of life companies, are kept
in view. The fall has been greatest, too, in countries where rates were
formerly highest, suggesting that as the great financial markets of the
world become more intimately connected the normal rate of interest
assumes a more cosmopolitan character, with an increasing tendency to
equality among them. These considerations have had an important
influence upon the computations of life insurance companies. In Great
Britain, and commonly in continental Europe, the leading offices from
the first assumed lower rates of interest than those in America, usually
3½ or 3%; and the reductions in their estimates have as yet been
moderate, only thirty-one out of seventy-four British offices having
lowered the interest basis in their valuations reported to the Board of
Trade.

  These returns show that of these companies only twenty-three now
  compute reserves upon a rate as high as 3½%, while forty-four assume
  3% and seven a still lower rate. But in America, when the business
  first became important 6% was a more frequent rate of investment than
  5%, and the laws of New York and of many other states countenanced the
  confident expectation of a permanent yield of at least 4½%. The rate
  of 4% adopted by the principal companies, and by the law of
  Massachusetts from 1861, was regarded as highly conservative. But as
  early as 1882 one important company began to reserve upon new business
  at 3%, and since 1895 there has been a gradual change by the leading
  offices to 3½%, and in a few instances to 3%, as the basis of premiums
  and of reserves upon new policies. Serious efforts have been made to
  induce legislation which will gradually establish one of these rates
  as a test of technical solvency.

There are not wanting, however, indications that the protracted decline
in rates of interest in the world's markets may have been checked, and
even that a reverse movement has begun. Rates of discount everywhere,
interest on government loans except in America, and on mortgage loans in
Europe, have on the whole advanced, the minimum average rates having
been reached, after twenty-five years of gradual reduction, in 1897.
These facts are entirely consistent with the conclusions suggested by
the history of the subject. No uniform or secular tendency to reduction
in the average rate of interest, which is the index of the average
productiveness of capital, not of its amount, can be found to have
prevailed. Fluctuations in the average rate are found, quite independent
of the local and temporary fluctuations, which are often extreme; and
these long tidal waves of change have at times, for generations
together, risen and fallen with some approach to periodicity. The
prevailing rate has been a little lower on the average in the 19th
century than in the 18th, but was lower through the middle decades of
the 18th century than through those of the 19th. On the whole, it seems
clear that the accumulation of wealth in itself has no necessary
tendency to diminish the productiveness of capital; that this
productiveness, on the general average, has not materially varied in
many generations; but that the promise and expectation of productiveness
which prompt the demand for its use depend upon the activity of
enterprise, growing out of the prevailing spirit of hope; upon the
rapidity with which new inventions are made, industries extended, and
floating or loanable capital expended in permanent works. These
conditions are subject to fluctuations extending through considerable
periods, so that for a number of years the rate may be higher, and then
for a similar series of years lower than the normal rate, determined by
average productiveness, but always tending to return to this normal
rate, as the tide-swept surface of the ocean to its normal level.

  While the excess of the average yield of capital in America, above
  that of the older nations, is diminished as the facilities of transfer
  and exchange increase, there is no reason to conclude that it will
  disappear for generations to come. It seems, therefore, that the
  general assumption of 3% for the valuation of British offices, and
  that of 3½% which is becoming the accepted standard for the companies
  of the United States, should command unquestioned confidence.


  Assets and reserve.

The business of life insurance being founded on well-ascertained natural
laws, and on principles of finance which in their broad aspect are of
the simplest description, there exists no necessity for frequent close
scrutiny of the affairs of an insurance office, in so far as the
maintenance of a mere standard of solvency is concerned. We have seen
that the premiums charged for insurances are based on certain
assumptions in regard to (1) the rate of mortality to be experienced,
(2) the rate of interest to be earned by the office on its funds, and
(3) the proportion of the premiums to be absorbed in expenses and in
providing against unforeseen contingencies. If these assumptions are
reasonably safe, an insurance office proceeding upon them may be
confidently regarded as solvent so long as there is no conspicuously
unfavourable deviation from what has been anticipated and provided for,
and so long as the funds are not impaired by imprudent investments or
otherwise. The ascertainment and division of profits, however, require
that the affairs should be looked into periodically; but the
fluctuations to which the surplus funds are liable within limited
periods of time are generally regarded as furnishing a sufficient reason
why such investigations should not take place too frequently.
Accordingly in most offices the division of profits takes place only at
stated intervals of years--usually five or seven years--when a complete
survey is taken of the whole engagements present and future, and of the
funds available to meet these. The mode in which the liability of an
office under its current policies is estimated requires explanation.

All statistical observations on the duration of human life point to the
conclusion that, after the period of extreme youth is past, the
death-rate among any given body of persons increases gradually with
advancing age. If, therefore, insurance premiums were annually adjusted
according to the chances of death corresponding to the current age of
the insured, their amount would be at first smaller, but ultimately
larger, than the uniform annual payment required to insure a given sum
whenever death may occur. This is illustrated by the following figures,
calculated from the H^M mortality table at 3% interest. In column 2 is
the uniform annual premium at age thirty for a whole-term insurance of
£100. In column 3 are shown the premiums which would be required at the
successive ages stated in column 1 to insure £100 in the event of death
taking place within a year. Column 4 shows the differences between the
figures in column 2 and those in column 3.

From this table it appears that if a number of persons effect, at the
age of thirty, whole-term insurances on their lives by annual premiums
which are to remain of uniform amount during the subsistence of the
insurances, each of them pays for the first year £1.130 more than is
required for the risk of that year. The second year the premiums are
each £1.111 in excess of that year's risk. The third year the excess Is
only £1.093, and so it diminishes from year to year. By the time the
individuals who survive have reached the age of fifty-four, their
uniform annual premiums are no longer sufficient for the risk of the
following year; and this annual deficiency goes on increasing until at
the extreme age in the table it amounts to £95.207, the difference
between the uniform annual premium (£1.880) and the present value
(£97.087) of £100 certain to be paid at the end of a year. Now, since
the uniform annual premiums are just sufficient to provide for the
ultimate payment of the sums insured, it is obvious that the
deficiencies of later years must be made up by the excess of the earlier
payments; and, in order that the insurance office may be in a position
to meet its engagements, these surplus payments must be kept in hand and
accumulated at interest until they are required for the purpose
indicated. It is, in effect, the accumulated excess here spoken of which
constitutes the measure of the company's liability under its policies,
or the sum which it ought to have in hand to be able to meet its
engagements. In the individual case this sum is usually called the
"reserve value" of a policy.

  +---------+-------+--------------+-------------------+
  |   Age,  |       |              |                   |
  | 30 + n. |  P30. | |1A(30 + n). | P30 - |1A(30 + n).|
  |   (1)   |  (2)  |     (3)      |          (4)      |
  +---------+-------+--------------+-------------------+
  |    30   |£1.880 |     £.750    |      +£1.130      |
  |    31   | 1.880 |      .769    |      + 1.111      |
  |    32   | 1.880 |      .787    |      + 1.093      |
  |    ..   |  ..   |      ..      |         ..        |
  |    ..   |  ..   |      ..      |         ..        |
  |    ..   |  ..   |      ..      |         ..        |
  |    53   | 1.880 |     1.806    |      +  .074      |
  |    54   | 1.880 |     1.916    |      -  .036      |
  |    55   | 1.880 |     2.042    |      -  .162      |
  |    ..   |  ..   |      ..      |         ..        |
  |    ..   |  ..   |      ..      |         ..        |
  |    ..   |  ..   |      ..      |         ..        |
  |    95   | 1.880 |    61.848    |      -59.968      |
  |    96   | 1.880 |    79.265    |      -77.385      |
  |    97   | 1.880 |    97.087    |      -95.207      |
  +---------+-------+--------------+-------------------+


In another view the reserve value of a policy is the difference between
the present value of the engagement undertaken by the office and the
present value of the premiums to be paid in future by the insured. This
view may be regarded as the counterpart of the other. For practical
purposes it is to be preferred as it is independent of the variations of
past experience, and requires only that a rate of mortality and a rate
of interest be assumed for the future.

  According to it, the reserve value (_nV_x) of a policy for the sum
  of 1, effected at age x, and which has been in force for n years--the
  (n + 1)th premium being just due and unpaid--may be expressed thus, in
  symbols with which we have already become familiar.

    _nV_x = A_(x+n) - P_x (1 + a_(x+n))  (1).

  If we substitute for A_(x + n) its equivalent P_(x+n)(1 + a_(x+n))
  this expression becomes

    _nV_x = (P_(x+n) - P_x) (l + a_(x+n))  (2);

  whence we see that the sum to be reserved under a policy after any
  number of years arises from the difference between the premium
  actually payable and the premium which would be required to assure the
  life afresh at the increased age attained. By substituting for P_(x+n)
  and P_x their equivalents

          1                      1
    ----------- - (1 - v) and ------- - (1 - v),
    1 + a_(x+n)               1 + a_x

  we obtain another useful form of the expression,

              1 + a_(x+n)
    V_x = 1 - -----------  (3)
                1 + a_x

      a_x - a_(x+n)
    = -------------  (4).
         1 + a_x


  Net liability.

The preceding formulae indicate clearly the nature of the calculations
by which an insurance office is able to ascertain the amount of funds
which ought to be kept in hand to provide for the liabilities to the
assured. In cases other than whole-term insurances by uniform annual
premiums, the formulae are subject to appropriate modifications. When
there are bonus additions to the sums insured, the value of these must
be added, so that by the foregoing formula (1), for example, the value
of a policy for 1 with bonus additions B is (1 + B)A_(x+n) - P(1 + a_(x
+n)). But the general principles of calculation are the same in all
cases. The present value of the whole sums undertaken to be paid by the
office is ascertained on the one hand, and on the other hand the present
value of the premiums to be received in future from the insured. The
difference between these (due provision being made for expenses and
contingencies, as afterwards explained) represents the "net liability"
of the office. Otherwise the net liability is arrived at by calculating
separately the value of each policy by an adaptation of one or other of
the above formulae. In either case, an adjustment of the annuity-values
is made, in order to adapt these to the actual conditions of a
valuation, when the next premiums on the various policies are not
actually due, but are to become due at various intervals throughout the
succeeding year.


    Provision for expenses, &c.

    Net-premium method.

  So far in regard to the provision for payment of the sums contained in
  the policies, with their additions. We now come to the provision for
  future expenses, and for contingencies not embraced in the ordinary
  calculations. In what is called the "net-premium" method of valuation,
  this provision is made by throwing off the whole "loading" in
  estimating the value of the premiums to be received. That is to say,
  the premiums valued, in order to be set off against the value of the
  sums engaged to be paid by the office, are not the whole premiums
  actually receivable, but the net or pure premiums derived from the
  table employed in the valuation. The practical effect of this is that
  the amount brought out as the net liability of the office is
  sufficient, together with the net-premium portion of its future
  receipts from policyholders, to meet the sums assured under its
  policies as they mature, thus leaving free the remaining portion--the
  margin or loading--of each year's premium income to meet expenses and
  any extra demands. When the margin thus left proves more than
  sufficient for those purposes, as under ordinary circumstances it
  always ought to do, the excess falls year by year into the surplus
  funds of the office, to be dealt with as profit at the next periodical
  investigation.


    Negative values.

  There appears to be a decided preference among insurance companies for
  the net-premium method as that which on the whole is best suited for
  valuing the liabilities of an office transacting a profitable business
  at a moderate rate of expense, and making investigations with a view
  to ascertaining the amount of surplus divisible among its
  constituents. In certain circumstances it may be advisable to depart
  from a strict application of the characteristic feature of that
  method, but it must always be borne in mind that any encroachment made
  upon the "margin" in valuing the premiums is, so far, an anticipation
  of future profits. Any such encroachment is indeed inadmissible,
  unless the margin is at least more than sufficient to provide for
  future expenses, and in any case care must be taken to guard against
  what are called "negative values." These arise when the valuation of
  the future premiums is greater than the valuation of the sums engaged
  to be paid by the office, or when in the expression (P_(x+n) - P_x))(l
  + a_(x+n)) the value of P_x is increased so as to be greater than that
  of P_(x+n). It is evident that any valuation which includes "negative
  values" must be misleading as policies are thereby treated as assets
  instead of liabilities, and such fictitious assets may at any time be
  cut off by the assured electing to drop their policies.

  In recognition of the fact that a large proportion of the first year's
  premiums is in most offices absorbed by the expense of obtaining new
  business, it has been proposed by some actuaries to treat the first
  premium in each case as applicable entirely to the risk and expenses
  of the first year. At a period of valuation the policies are to be
  dealt with as if effected a year after their actual date, and at the
  increased age then attained.


    Hypothetical method.

  Another modification of the net-premium method has been advocated for
  valuing policies entitled to bonus additions. It consists in
  estimating the value of _future_ bonuses (at an assumed rate) in
  addition to that of the sum assured and _existing_ bonuses, and
  valuing on the other hand so much of the office premiums as would have
  been required to provide the sum assured and bonuses at the time of
  effecting the insurance. This tends to secure, to some extent, the
  maintenance of a tolerably steady rate of bonus.

  An essentially different method is employed by some offices, and is
  not without the support of actuaries whose judgment is entitled to
  every respect. It has been called the "hypothetical method." By it the
  office premiums are made the basis of valuation. Hypothetical
  annuity-values, smaller than those which would be employed in the
  net-premium method, are deduced from the office premiums by means of
  the relation P´ = 1/(1 + a´) - (1 - v) and the policies are valued
  according to the formula

    _(n)V´_x = P´_(x+n) - P´_x(1 + a´_(x+n)),

  where P´_x and P´_(x+n) are the office premiums at ages x and x+n
  respectively, and a´_(x+n) is the hypothetical annuity-value at the
  latter age. Mr Sprague has shown (_Ass. Mag._ xi. 90) that the
  policy-values obtained by this method will be greater or less than, or
  equal to, those of the net-premium method according as the "loading"
  is a constant percentage of the net premium or an equal addition to it
  at all ages, or of an intermediate character, its elements being so
  adjusted as to balance each other.

  When the net-premium method is employed, it is important that the
  office premiums be not altogether left out of view, otherwise an
  imperfect idea will be formed as to the results of the valuation.
  Suppose two offices, in circumstances as nearly as possible similar,
  estimate their liabilities by the net-premium method upon the same
  data, but office A charges premiums which contain a margin of 20%
  above the net premiums, and office B charges premiums with a margin of
  30%. Then, in so far as regards their net liabilities (always
  supposing the sum set aside in each case to be that required by the
  valuation), the reserves of those offices will be of equal strength,
  and if nothing further were taken into account they might be supposed
  to stand in the same financial position. But it is obvious that office
  B, which has a margin of income 50% greater than that of office A, is
  so much better able to bear any unusual strain in addition to the
  ordinary expenditure, and is likely to realize a larger surplus on its
  transactions. Hence it appears that in order to obtain an adequate
  view of the financial position of any office it is necessary to
  consider, not only the basis upon which its reserves are calculated,
  but also the proportion of "loading" or "margin" contained in its
  premiums, and set aside for future expenses and profits.


  Effects of different data.

Valuations may be made on different data as to mortality and interest,
and the resulting net liability will be greater or less according to the
nature of these. Under any given table of mortality a valuation at a low
rate of interest will produce a larger net liability--will require a
higher reserve to be made by the office against its future engagements
to the insured--than a valuation at a higher rate. The effect of
different assumptions in regard to the rates of mortality cannot be
expressed in similar terms. A table of mortality showing a high
death-rate, and requiring consequently large assurance premiums, does
not necessarily produce large reserve values. The contrary, indeed, may
be the case, as with the Northampton Table, which requires larger
premiums than the more modern tables, but gives on the whole smaller
reserve values. The amount of the net liability depends, not on the
absolute magnitude of the rates of mortality indicated by the table, but
on the ratio in which these increase from age to age.

  If the values deduced by the net-premium method from any two tables be
  compared, it will be seen that

    V´_x >, =, or < _(n)V_x

  according as       1 + a´_(x+n)               1 + a_(x+n)
                 1 - ------------ >, =, or < 1- -----------
                       1 + a´_x                 1 + a_x

           1 + a_(x+n)            1 + a´_(x+n)
  i.e. as  ----------- >, =, or < ------------  (1)
             1 + a_x                1 + a´_x

           1 + a´_(x)            1 + a´_(x+n)
  or as    ---------- >, =, or < ------------  (2)
             1 + a_x              1 + a_(x+n)

  where the accented symbols throughout refer to one table and the
  unaccented symbols to the other.

  We have thus the means of ascertaining whether the policy-values of
  any table will be greater or less than, or equal to, those of another,
  either (1) by calculating for each table separately the ratios of the
  annuity-values at successive ages, and comparing the results, or (2)
  by calculating at successive ages the ratios of the annuity-values of
  one table to those of another, and observing whether these ratios
  decrease or increase with advancing age or remain stationary
  throughout. The above relations will subsist whatever may be the
  differences in the data employed, and whether or not the
  annuity-values by the different tables are calculated at the same rate
  of interest. When the same rate of interest is employed, any
  divergence in the ratios of the annuity-values will of necessity be
  due to differences in the rates of mortality.


  Fallacy of single-policy reserve.

A prevailing fallacy in the popular mind, which has grown out of the
practice of net valuations, is the inference that the average technical
reserve represents the value of the individual policy. Each risk is
properly assumed at its probable or average value at the time. But from
that moment its circumstances are constantly changing in directions then
unforeseen, and the expectation that such changes will occur is the
motive for insuring. To treat them singly as unchanged in value at any
later time is as illogical as it would be after some have matured. The
actual value of any one risk borne by a company is indeterminate. It may
become a claim to-morrow, or not for a generation to come. In the former
case the company must now hold funds to pay in full; in the latter, the
future premiums will perhaps more than suffice, so that no present
reserve is needed. An entire reserve for the whole body of risks is
essential, and its amount is definite, upon the reasonable assumption
that the general average remains undisturbed by individual changes. A
distinct reserve for a single policy is inconceivable. To recognize it
is to deny the first principle of insurance. The average amount by which
the reserve of a company must be increased, because of the existence of
policies of a given class, is to the actuary an important fact, and is
commonly accepted as his best guide in the distribution of surplus. But
a popular theory has seized upon the assignment of this average sum to
each policy, in the technical shorthand of the actuary, and holds that
it is in each case the special property of the owner of that policy. The
practical consequences are serious when, as often, many of the insured
cease to pay premiums, and each demands the amount of the supposed
individual reserve. His right to claim it is countenanced by a
widespread public opinion, which has inspired statutes in Massachusetts
and some other states, requiring companies to redeem all policies
lapsing after the first two or three years of insurance at a price
founded on the technical reserve. Yet, in by far the majority of
instances, the lapse of policies is of itself a loss to the company. It
is deprived of business secured at much expense before it has derived
any of the advantage expected from the accession. It is compelled to pay
numbers of its profitable contributors for ceasing to contribute. The
burden falls in a mutual company upon the insured who fulfil their
contracts. Such laws favour those who withdraw after few payments at the
cost of those who maintain their insurance to the end, or for many
years. The American companies formerly yielded to the pressure of a
mistaken public sentiment, and competed for favour by promising
excessive values in case of surrender.[2] Similar conditions exist in
Switzerland, Austria, and other countries in which the business is
minutely regulated by government bureaus. But in Great Britain the
companies are largely free from such influences, while an open market
exists for policies which have a commercial value, with results on the
whole more satisfactory to all parties interested than any rule of
compulsory purchase which could be enforced on the companies.


  Industrial Insurance.

A special form of life insurance, which has wonderfully developed, is
the family insurance of the labouring people by the so-called industrial
companies. Until recently this class of people had no satisfactory share
in the benefits of insurance, although the friendly societies in Great
Britain, and many forms of beneficial associations in the United States,
were attempts, often in part successful, to provide for special wants,
mainly for maintenance of the sick and for the costs of burial. Most of
them, however, lacked a scientific basis and an efficient and permanent
organization, while thousands of them were grossly mismanaged. In
Germany an elaborate scheme of compulsory insurance for labourers was
established by a law of the empire in 1883, and extended in subsequent
years; and similar legislation has been enacted in several other
countries, most thoroughly in Switzerland and Austria. The ultimate
value of this great social experiment cannot yet be determined. That it
relieves much want and does a great service in preventing pauperism is
not disputed; but that it also undermines the independent spirit of the
people, and that it imposes a burden upon the national industry, which
not only hampers it in the world's competition, but reacts with special
injury upon the class it aims to benefit, are criticisms not
satisfactorily answered. No scheme of government insurance, certainly,
is adapted to a people impatient of paternalism in its rulers and
thoroughly habituated to voluntary association for all common interests.
The solution of the great problem, how to apply the insurance principle
to the most pressing needs for protection of the class supported by the
wages of labour, is now sought in Great Britain and America mainly in
the universal offer to them of industrial insurance. The Prudential
Assurance Company of London was the pioneer in this work, beginning it
experimentally in 1848, but gradually adapting its methods to the new
field, until a generation later they showed themselves so efficient that
an extraordinary growth resulted, and has continued without
interruption. This company and others upon a similar plan insure whole
households together for burial expenses in case of death, and a small
provision for dependants or for old age, charging as premiums small
fractions of a day's wages, which must be collected weekly. The great
difficulties encountered were the cost of small and frequent
collections, and the high rate of mortality, which is from 40 to 90%
more than that in the experience of the older companies. This high
death-rate is due not so much to the fact that life is shorter in the
labouring class as to the lack of efficient medical selection, which
would be too costly. The premiums, at best, must be made higher than in
offices insuring for annual payments, but the demand for insurance
extended as rapidly as the system could be explained, and the Prudential
is said to have now in force some 12,000,000 policies, with an average
premium of twopence a week, secured by an accumulated insurance fund of
£17,000,000. It has superseded a host of petty assessment societies of
various classes without scientific basis or business responsibility,
which deluded and disappointed the poor. The British government in 1864
undertook to administer a plan for the insurance of working men, but in
thirty years accomplished less than the work of one private company in a
year. In addition to the many insurance companies which transact
industrial business in the United Kingdom, a large number of friendly
societies have adopted similar plans.

  The system of industrial insurance was introduced into the United
  States in 1876. Its growth, though much more rapid than in Great
  Britain, was at first slow compared with that of later years. The
  following table, condensed from the Insurance Year-Book for 1900, is
  an interesting exhibit of the character as well as of the extent of
  this form of insurance among working men:--

    _Industrial Insurance in the United States._

    +------+------+-------------+------------+--------------+------------+------------+
    |      |      |             | Policies in| Insurance in |            |            |
    | Year.|No. of|  Insurance  | force 31st |  force 31st  |  Premiums  |   Losses   |
    |      | Cos. |   written.  |  December. |   December.  |  received. |    paid.   |
    +------+------+-------------+------------+--------------+------------+------------+
    | 1876 |   1  |    $400,000 |      2,500 |     $248,342 |    $14,495 |     $1,958 |
    | 1880 |   3  |  34,212,131 |    228,357 |   19,590,780 |  1,155,360 |    430,631 |
    | 1884 |   3  |  89,150,302 |  1,076,422 |  108,451,099 |  4,486,612 |  1,499,432 |
    | 1888 |   7  | 161,260,335 |  2,788,000 |  302,033,066 | 11,939,540 |  4,162,745 |
    | 1892 |  11  | 276,893,923 |  5,118,897 |  582,710,309 | 24,352,900 |  8,847,322 |
    | 1896 |  11  | 360,852,458 |  7,375,688 |  886,484,869 | 40,058,701 | 13,420,336 |
    | 1899 |  16  | 519,789,085 | 10,048,625 |1,292,805,402 | 56,159,889 | 17,023,485 |
    +------+------+-------------+------------+--------------+------------+------------+

  It is remarkable that the average weekly premium in the United States
  appears to be about 10 cents, or two and a half times as high as in
  Great Britain. The average policy is also proportionally larger, and
  the progressive increase in its amount deserves notice. At the rate at
  which the practice of insurance is extending among working men, it
  would require but few years for it to become as universal in these
  countries as any paternal government has aimed to make it by
  compulsion.


  Division of surplus.

There are various sources from which a surplus of funds may arise in an
insurance company: (1) from the rate of interest actually earned being
higher than that anticipated in the calculations; (2) from the
death-rate among the insured being lower than that provided for by the
mortality tables; (3) from the expenses and contingent outlay being less
than the "loading" provided to meet them; and (4) from miscellaneous
sources, such as profitable investments, the cancelment of policies, &c.

Supposing a valuation to have been made on sound data and by a proper
method, and to have resulted in showing that the funds in hand exceed
the liabilities, the surplus thus ascertained may be regarded as
_profit_, and either its amount may be withdrawn from the assets of the
office or the liabilities may be increased in a corresponding degree.


  Bonuses.

Various methods are employed by insurance companies in distributing
their surplus funds among the insured. In some offices the share or
"bonus" falling to each policyholder is paid to him in cash; in others
it is applied in providing a reversionary sum which is added to the
amount assured by the policy; in others it goes to reduce the annual
contributions payable by the policyholder. A method of more recent
introduction is to apply the earlier bonuses on a policy to limit the
term for which premiums may be payable, thus relieving the policyholder
of his annual payments after a certain period. Another method is to
apply the bonuses towards making the sum insured payable in the lifetime
of the policyholder. The plan of reversionary bonus additions is most
common, and when it is followed the option is usually given of
exchanging the bonuses for their value in cash or of having them applied
in the reduction of premiums.

Not only are there different modes of applying surplus, but the basis on
which it is divided among the insured also varies in different offices.
In some the reversionary bonus is calculated as an equal percentage per
annum of the sum insured, reckoning back either to the commencement of
the policy in every case, or (more commonly) to the preceding division
of profits. In others the rate is calculated, not only on the original
sums insured, but also on previous bonus additions. In others the ratio
of distribution is applied to the cash surplus, and the share allotted
to each policy is dealt with in one or other of the ways above
indicated. The following are some of the ratios employed by different
offices in the allocation of profits: (1) in proportion to the amount of
premiums paid (with or without accumulated interest) since the last
preceding valuation; (2) in proportion to the accumulated "loading" of
the premiums so paid; (3) in proportion to the reserve values of the
policies; (4) in proportion to the difference between the accumulated
premiums and the reserve value of the policy in each case.

Some offices have a special system of dealing with surplus, reserving it
for those policyholders who survive the ordinary "expectation of life,"
or whose premiums paid, with accumulated interest, amount to the sums
insured by their policies. This system is usually connected with
specially low rates of premium.

  In the United States the so-called "contribution plan" has been
  accepted in theory by many companies, though carried out with many
  variations in detail by different actuaries. The principle is, that
  since each of the insured is charged in his premium a safe margin
  above all probable outlays, when the necessary amount under each head
  becomes determinate the several excesses should be returned to him. It
  is therefore sought to calculate what each member would have been
  charged for net premium and loading had the mortality, rate of
  interest, and expenses been precisely known beforehand, and to credit
  him with the balance of his payments. As a corollary of the theory of
  net valuations, which regards every life insured as an average life
  until its end, and assumes the rigid accuracy and equity of all the
  formulas employed to represent business facts, it is consistent and
  complete. But many minds find it more curious than practical, and
  prefer to seek equity in faithfulness to contract rights rather than
  in adjustments which they deem too refined, if not fanciful. The plan
  has met with little favour in England, where surplus is more commonly
  distributed on general business principles. Enormous bonuses were
  saved by the British offices out of the excessive premiums at first
  collected, and by the American companies during the epoch of high
  interest rates. But the use of more accurate tables, the decline in
  interest, and the increased expenses of later years, have vastly
  reduced the apparent profits. Former methods of distributing surplus,
  when ascertained, have largely given way in America to novel and more
  complex plans. The Tontine idea, historically familiar, was for many
  years imitated by some offices in their insurance contracts. All
  premiums above outlay, in a company or a class of policies, were
  accumulated, only stipulated amounts being paid on death claims
  meanwhile maturing, with no compensation to its members withdrawing,
  until the end of a fixed term, when the whole fund was apportioned to
  the survivors. Large returns were sometimes made, but many who could
  not maintain their policies were dissatisfied. "Semi-tontines"
  followed, partly meeting the difficulty by pooling only the surplus,
  and allowing some return in case of withdrawal. But these cruder forms
  of contract are now largely superseded by various "reserve-dividend,"
  "accumulation," "bond," and "investment" policies, with options at
  stated periods between cash withdrawals and continued insurance, the
  simple inducement to provide against death being more or less merged
  in that of making a profitable investment of capital.


  Surrender values.

In those branches of insurance where the contract is one of indemnity
against loss, the risk remaining the same from year to year--and where
the consent of both parties, insurer and insured, is required at each
periodical renewal--no question of allowance in respect of past payments
can arise when one party or the other determines to drop the contract.
It is quite recognized that the premiums are simply an equivalent for
the risk undertaken during the period to which they apply, with a
certain margin for expenses and for profit to the insurer, and that
therefore a favourable issue of the particular contract supplies no
argument for a return of any part of the sums paid. In life insurance,
however, we have shown that the premiums contain a third element,
namely, the portion that is set aside and accumulated to meet the risk
of the insurance when the premium payable is no longer sufficient of
itself for that purpose.

When a policyholder withdraws from his contract with a life insurance
office, the provision made for the future in respect of his particular
insurance is no longer required, and out of it a surrender value may be
allowed him for giving up his right to the policy. If there were no
reasons to the contrary, the office might hand over the whole of this
provision, which is in fact the reserve value of the policy. No more
could be given without encroaching upon the provision necessary for the
remaining policies. But the policyholder in withdrawing is exercising a
power which circumstances give to him only and not to the other party in
the contract. The office is bound by the policy so long as the premiums
are duly paid and the other conditions of insurance are not infringed.
It has no opportunity of reviewing its position and withdrawing from the
bargain should that appear likely to be a losing one. The policyholder,
however, is free to continue or to drop the insurance as he pleases, and
it may fairly be presumed that he will take whichever course will best
serve his own interest. The tendency obviously is that policies on
deteriorated and unhealthy lives are kept in force, while those on lives
having good prospects of longevity are more readily given up. Again, the
retiring policyholder, by withdrawing his annual contribution, not only
diminishes the fund from which expenses are met, but lessens the area
over which these are spread, and so increases the burden for those who
remain. Considerations like these point to the conclusion that, in
fairness to the remaining constituents of the office, the surrender
value to be allowed for a policy which is to be given up should be less
than the reserve value. The common practice is to allow a proportion
only of the reserve value. Some offices have adopted the plan of
allowing a specified proportion of the amount of premiums paid. This
plan is not defended on any ground of principle, but is followed for its
simplicity and as a concession to a popular demand for fixed surrender
values.


  Non-forfeiture system.

Another mode of securing to retiring policyholders the benefit of the
reserve values of their insurances is that known as the _non-forfeiture
system_. This system was first introduced in America, whence it found
its way to the United Kingdom, where it was gradually adopted by a large
proportion of the insurance companies. In its original form it was known
as the "ten years non-forfeiture plan." The policies were effected by
premiums payable during ten years only, the rates being of course
correspondingly high. If during those ten years the policyholder wished
to discontinue his payments, he was entitled to a free "paid-up policy"
for as many tenth parts of the original sum insured as he had paid
premiums. The system, once introduced, was gradually extended first to
insurances effected by premiums payable during longer fixed periods, and
ultimately, by some offices, to insurances bearing annual premiums
during the whole of life. The methods of fixing the amount of paid-up
policy in the last-mentioned class of cases vary in different offices,
but the principle underlying them all is that of applying the reserve
value to the purchase of a new insurance of reduced amount.


  Conditions of insurance.

An office, in entering on a contract of life insurance, does so in the
faith that all circumstances material to be known in order to a proper
estimate of the risk have been disclosed. These circumstances are beyond
its own knowledge, and as the office for the most part (except as
regards the result of the medical examination, which may reveal features
of the case unknown to the proposer himself) is dependent on the
information furnished by the party seeking to effect the insurance, it
is proper that the latter be made responsible for the correctness of
such information. Accordingly it is made a stipulation, preliminary to
the issue of every policy, that all the required information bearing
upon the risk shall have been truly and fairly stated, and that in case
of any misrepresentation, or any concealment of material facts, the
insurance shall be forfeited. In practice, however, this forfeiture is
rarely insisted on unless there has been an evident intention to
deceive. Other systems and conditions of life insurance policies may be
shortly noticed.

The usual division of policies is into "non-participating" and
"participating." Non-participating policies are contracts for the
payment on death of a certain fixed sum in consideration of a given
premium, and these amounts are not affected by the profit made by the
company. Participating policies entitle the holders to a share in the
profits of the company. These profits are applied in various ways, as
described above. A policy may be a whole life one, that is, the
policyholder may pay a periodical premium throughout life, or it may be
a limited payment one (the holder paying a premium for a limited number
of years), or an endowment policy, under which the insurer receives the
amount he has insured for at a given age, say fifty-five or sixty; or if
death occur previously, the sum is paid to his representatives. There
are also endowment policies for children, under which parents or others
receive a specified sum on a child attaining a given age, the premiums
being returnable if the child dies before the specified age.

  _As to Payment of Premiums._--A certain period of grace is allowed,
  most commonly thirty days, after each premium falls due. If payment is
  not made within that time, the presumption is that the policyholder
  intends to drop the contract, and the risk of the office comes to an
  end. It may, however, be revived on certain conditions, usually the
  production of evidence of health and payment of a fine in addition to
  the premium. An impression used to prevail among the public that the
  offices were interested in encouraging the forfeiture of policies. If
  any such impression was ever shared by the offices themselves it must
  have long since passed away, every reasonable effort being now made on
  their part, not only to secure insurances but to retain them, and to
  afford all the facilities that can be extended to policyholders with
  that object.

  _As to Foreign Travel and Residence, and as to Hazardous
  Occupations._--When Babbage wrote his _Comparative View of Assurance
  Institutions_ in 1826, voyaging abroad was scarcely permitted under a
  British life policy. The Elbe and the Garonne, Texel and Havre, Texel
  and Brest, the Elbe and Brest were the limits prescribed by most of
  the English offices. Even at a much later period the extra premiums
  charged for leave to travel or reside abroad were very heavy. But
  improved means of conveyance--in some places better sanitary
  appliances, and habits of living more suited to the climatic
  conditions--and, more than all perhaps, the knowledge that has been
  gained by experience as to the extent of the extra risks involved and
  the relative salubrity of foreign climates--have enabled the offices
  to modify their terms very considerably. The limits of free residence
  and travel have been greatly widened, and where extra premiums are
  still required these are, as a rule, much lower than formerly. The
  assured are now commonly permitted to reside anywhere within such
  limits as north of 35° N. lat. (except in Asia) or south of 30° S.
  lat., and to travel to and from any places within those limits,
  without extra premium.

  Military men (when on active service) and seafaring men are usually
  charged extra rates, as are also persons following specially dangerous
  or unhealthy occupations at home.

  _As to Suicide._--The policies of most companies used to contain a
  proviso that the insurance shall be void in case the person whose life
  is insured dies by his own hand, but it is now seldom inserted. Some
  offices, acting on a sound principle, limit its operation to a fixed
  period, the extent of which varies in different offices from six
  months to seven years from the date of issue of the policy.

  The practice of rendering policies _indisputable_ and free from
  restriction as to foreign travel or residence, after a certain period,
  has tended greatly to simplify the contract between the office and the
  insured. A declaration of indisputability covers any inaccuracies in
  the original documents on which a policy was granted, unless these
  inaccuracies amount to fraud, which the law will not condone under any
  circumstances.

  A remarkable difference in the development of life insurance between
  Great Britain and the United States is, that among the British
  companies only one-third of the insurances in force is in purely
  mutual institutions, while in America the proportion exceeds
  four-fifths. In both countries there are also "mixed" companies, in
  which policyholders receive a fixed percentage of the realized
  surplus, often from three-fourths to nine-tenths of the whole, but the
  control and management are in the hands of shareholders. These form
  the great majority of the proprietary offices in the United Kingdom,
  and the profits of the business have been large. The amount of capital
  paid in by shareholders of forty-one joint-stock companies was
  £5,931,000, but the capital authorized and subscribed was much more,
  and the subscriptions have often been paid, wholly or in part, by
  credits from surplus. The shares of these companies, at market prices,
  represent a value of at least £50,000,000, but the dividends upon
  these shares are drawn largely from other business, many of the
  largest and most prosperous corporations conducting also fire
  insurance, and some of them marine or casualty insurance.

No branch of social statistics has been more diligently studied than
life insurance, and several governments publish classified accounts of
corporations insuring lives within their jurisdiction. But the reports
are not uniform in method and in periods covered, and aggregates derived
from them must be used with reserve. By the Life Assurance Companies Act
1870, and amendments made in later years, each company issuing policies
in the United Kingdom must deposit with the Board of Trade every year
its revenue account and balance-sheet for the preceding year, and must
at fixed intervals cause an investigation of its financial condition to
be made by an actuary, and furnish the public through the Board of Trade
with the detailed results, in forms prescribed by the act. Thus these
returns are the highest authority for the conditions and operations of
the offices, which often supplement or anticipate them by voluntary
publications. In the United States the laws exact still more minute and
much prompter reports to the insurance departments of the states; and
every annual statement is required to show the results of an actuarial
investigation. All these facts are collected, classified and compared by
statisticians for several standard annuals in both countries, especially
the _Post Magazine Almanack_, _Bourne's Directory_ and _Manual_ and the
_Insurance Blue Book_ in London, and _The Insurance Year-Book_ of the
Spectator Company in New York.

  The reports of the insurance department of New York cover more
  companies than those of any other state. The institutions not included
  in them are about thirty-five in number, mostly small and local. The
  New York reports represent very nearly 95% of the entire business of
  the United States. While the amount of life assurance done by British
  and other foreign offices in the United States is insignificant,
  fourteen companies of the United States have agencies in Canada (ten
  for new business), and four transact business in Europe and in other
  parts of the world. The home business of the American companies is in
  the aggregate about 87½% of the whole.

  In the principal countries of continental Europe life assurance is
  offered by the chief international institutions of Great Britain and
  the United States, and their policies are in force probably to the
  aggregate amount of £140,000,000. The domestic companies have been
  stimulated to increased activity by the aggressive canvassing of the
  foreign agencies, and the business in recent years has grown rapidly,
  until now the total sum insured upon lives on the continent of Europe
  is little less than a milliard of pounds sterling. Much information
  about life assurance in the different countries of Europe will be
  found in Ehrenzweig's _Assekuranzjahrbuch_ (Vienna).
       (C. T. L.; T. A. I.)


V. BRITISH POST OFFICE INSURANCE

In 1864 Mr Gladstone, then chancellor of the exchequer, advocated the
extension of life insurance amongst persons of small means, and,
encouraged by the remarkable success of the Post Office Savings Bank,
then recently established, proposed that the services of the
postmaster-general should be enlisted in the promotion of insurance. The
result was the passing of the Government Annuities Act 1864. This act
authorized the commissioners for the reduction of the national debt, for
the first time, to insure a life without granting an annuity upon it,
and enabled the postmaster-general to act as the agent of the
commissioners in the issue of life policies and the grant of annuities.
The limits of insurance were fixed at £20 and £100, and of annuities at
£4 and £50; and the purchase of deferred annuities or old-age pay, by
monthly, or even more frequent instalments, was sanctioned. The work was
eagerly accepted by Lord Stanley of Alderley, the postmaster-general of
the day, and the machinery for putting the act in action was elaborated
by Frank Ives Scudamore of the Post Office and Sir Alexander Spearman of
the National Debt office. The business was commenced on the 17th of
April 1865. By the end of the year 560 policies of insurance had been
issued, and 94 immediate and 54 deferred annuities granted. In the first
twelve months these figures had increased to 809 policies and 230
annuities. The opportunity thus given of insuring through the Post
Office with government security was not, however, embraced with the
warmth which had been anticipated. In 1882, when Mr Henry Fawcett, then
in office, examined the subject, he found that the average number of
policies of insurance granted annually during the seventeen years which
had elapsed was under 400--less, in fact, than during the first twelve
months of the system. The purchase of annuities had increased slightly,
but the business was transacted chiefly in immediate annuities, and
hardly indicated any progress in provision for old age by means of early
savings. Mr Fawcett procured a Select Committee of the House of Commons
on the subject. Before this committee Mr James Cardin, then assistant
receiver and accountant-general of the Post Office, propounded a scheme
for combining the annuity and insurance business of the Post Office with
that of the savings bank. The Committee recommended the adoption of this
scheme, together with some enlargement of range and some relaxation of
conditions. The recommendations of the Committee were embodied in the
Government Annuities Act 1882, which came into operation on the 3rd of
June 1884, and which forms the basis of the present system.

  Any person between 14 and 65 can now insure through the medium of the
  Post Office Savings Bank for any amount from £5 to £100; and the life
  of a young person between 8 and 14 can be insured for £5. Through the
  same channel can be purchased annuities, immediate or deferred, from
  £1 to £100, on the life of any person from 5 years old upwards.
  Old-age policies, that is, policies securing payment of a specific sum
  either at the expiration of a fixed period (varying from 10 to 40
  years), or upon the attainment of a certain age, or sooner in case of
  death, can also be obtained. Policies for a fixed period can only be
  purchased by a single payment, but in all other cases the purchase can
  be effected by payment either of a lump sum or of annual instalments.
  Further, all purchases are effected through the Post Office Savings
  Bank. As soon as a contract is completed, the purchaser is required to
  pay the first instalment to his account in the bank, or, if he has no
  account already, to open an account for the purpose. This and all
  further instalments are then transferred by the postmaster-general, as
  they become due, to the credit of the National Debt Commissioners; all
  the purchaser has to do is to keep his banking account in funds; he
  can pay his savings into the bank when and as he pleases. So, also,
  when old-age pay, secured either by a deferred annuity or an endowment
  policy, becomes due, it is paid to the account of the purchaser; and,
  if it does not cause the sum standing to his credit to exceed the
  statutory limits, it can remain there earning interest, and be drawn
  out in such amounts as may be convenient from time to time. The
  purchaser has also the advantage of the ubiquity of the Post Office
  Savings Bank. He can make his deposits, and can draw out his old-age
  pay when it becomes due, at any one of the 13,000 odd post offices
  where savings bank business is transacted. He can even, if his savings
  are made from day to day, use the penny stamp slips introduced by Mr
  Fawcett, affixing a stamp whenever he has a penny to spare, and paying
  in the slip when it is worth a shilling. In short, every advantage
  open to the ordinary depositor in the Savings Bank is placed at the
  service of the working man or woman who wishes to secure old-age pay,
  or to have a small sum to aid those who may suffer pecuniarily from
  his or her death. Even the reluctance of many persons to submit
  themselves to medical examination is tenderly regarded. A policy for
  any sum up to £25 may, if the information afforded is satisfactory,
  be obtained without a doctor's certificate, on condition that, if
  death happens during the first year, only the premium paid is
  returned, and if during the second year, only half the sum insured is
  paid. As regards old-age pay, a purchaser can, by adopting a slightly
  higher scale of payment, secure the return of his purchase money if at
  any time before the annuity falls in he repents of his bargain.
  Further, employers of labour and friendly societies can, on behalf of
  their workmen or members, make all the payments necessary to buy an
  insurance or annuity, and recoup themselves out of wages or members'
  contributions.

  The act of 1882 directed that the tables upon which annuities and
  policies of insurance are granted should be revised from time to time;
  and in February 1896 new tables reducing the rates of annual premiums,
  and giving greater facilities for old-age insurance, were issued. The
  rates are now but very slightly (less than 3%) higher than the average
  rates of the larger insurance offices. But the expense of small
  insurance business must necessarily be above the average, and it is
  fairer to compare the Post Office rates with those of the office which
  stands pre-eminent in the insurance of the working classes. Such a
  comparison shows that up to the age of 40 a life insurance can be
  effected with the Post Office at a cheaper rate than with the
  Prudential Insurance Company; between 40 and 60 the advantage is
  slightly on the side of the company.

  In 1885, the first complete year after Mr Fawcett's improvement took
  effect, 103 deferred annuities and 457 insurance policies were
  granted; in 1905, 158 deferred annuities and 741 policies. The
  increase of business, measured in percentages, is no doubt
  appreciable, but the figures themselves are so small as to make such a
  comparison trivial. If we compare the two periods, before and after Mr
  Fawcett's reforms, we find that between the 17th of April 1865 and the
  2nd of June 1884 (about nineteen years) 7064 policies of insurance,
  amounting to £557,625, were issued, and between the latter date and
  the end of 1905, 16,577 policies, amounting to £875,496. For the whole
  period the figures are 23,641 policies for £1,433,121. During the same
  time 3144 contracts for old-age pay, amounting in all to £64,378, were
  made. When we contrast with this sum total the fact that in 1905 alone
  1,435,329 new accounts were opened in the Post Office Savings Bank,
  and more than £42,000,000 deposited in the bank in the course of the
  year, it becomes apparent that, while the Savings Bank has reached the
  mass of the population, insurance against old age and death through
  the Post Office has not.

  In 1894 Mr C. D. Lang, the Controller of the Post Office Savings Bank,
  and Mr Cardin, giving evidence before the Commission on Old-Age
  Pensions, ascribed the small insurance and annuity business of the
  Post Office to the want of a personal canvass. They pointed out that
  there had been some temporary increase in insurance, through an appeal
  to the Post Office employés themselves, and they suggested that
  something might be done if the masters of the elementary schools could
  be induced to interest themselves in recommending to their scholars
  and the parents of their scholars the advantages offered by the Post
  Office. It was also pointed out that the friendly societies might, if
  they were so disposed, act as intermediaries between their members and
  the Post Office, and thereby, as it were, reinsure their risks with
  the government; but it was added that all overtures of this nature to
  the societies had failed, apparently from the fear--quite
  groundless--of introducing government control of the societies'
  affairs. There may, indeed, be another reason for the failure of the
  deferred annuity system. The insurance of old-age pay is not popular
  even amongst the members of friendly societies, or even in Germany,
  where it has been given to the workmen largely at the expense of other
  people. Insurance against death, sickness and accidents appeals to the
  young working man; but old age is too far off to be an object of
  solicitude, especially since the grant of old-age pensions by the
  state has made the future secure from destitution at least. However,
  if at any time opinion changes, the Post Office stands ready to make
  foresight or philanthropy easy. Though no great results have been
  achieved, a machinery has been established which works with perfect
  smoothness, and which may some day be of service to the nation.


VI. MARINE INSURANCE

  History.

Marine insurance long antedates the kindred businesses of fire and life
insurance. Villani, a 14th-century Florentine historian, speaks of
marine insurance as having originated in Lombardy in 1182. This proves,
at least, that in his day it was no novelty. It is mentioned in a Pisan
ordinance of 1318, and in Venetian public documents of the early years
of the 15th century. The earliest form of policy known is that given in
the Florentine statute of 1523. It is uncertain whether insurance was
introduced into England directly from Italy or by way of Flanders. The
earliest policies issued in England which have yet been discovered are
in Italian, but the subscriptions are in English ("Santa Maria di
Venetia," Cadiz to London, 1547, "Santa Maria de Porto Salvo," Hampton
to Messina, 1548).

  The earliest known policies in English are one of 1555 on the "Sancta
  Crux" "from any porte of the Isles of Indea of Calicut unto Lixborne,"
  and one of 1557 on the "Ele" from Velis Maliga to Antwerp. The
  authority for this statement is Mr R. G. Marsden, who edited for the
  Selden Society the records of the Admiralty Court; nothing earlier had
  been found at the Record Office down to May 1907. In the "Sancta Crux"
  policy there is no detailed statement of perils insured against, or of
  risks undertaken by the underwriter; the whole obligation of the
  underwriter to the assured is embodied in the following words: "We
  will that this assurans shall be so strong and good as the most ample
  writinge of assurans, which is used to be maid in the strete of
  London, or in the burse of Andwerp, or in any other forme that shulde
  have more force." This reference to Antwerp usage is 67 years before
  the date of C. Malynes' statement that all Antwerp policies contained
  a clause providing that they should in all things be the same as
  policies made in Lombard Street of London. The wording of the English
  policies written in Italian is very much simpler than the Florentine
  form of 1523, from which it almost seems that the wording used in
  England followed an earlier Italian form. But even the Italian
  policies in the two "Santa Marias" mention the uses and customs of
  "_questa strada Lombarda di Londra_" as the standard of the assurance
  they afford. The next most ancient policy we possess is dated 1613; it
  covers goods on the "Tiger" from London to "Zante, Petrasse and
  Saphalonia." The "Tiger" policy is interesting in another connexion.
  It recalls Shakespeare's _Macbeth_ I. iii. 7 (written about 1605):--

    "Her husband's to Aleppo gone, master of the 'Tiger.'"

  Clark & Wright's note (in the "Clarendon Press" series edition) cites
  Sir Kenelm Digby's journal of 1628 mentioning "the 'Tyger' of London
  going for Scanderone" (Alexandretta). Hakluyt (_Voyages_) gives
  letters and journals of a voyage of the "Tyger of London" to Tripolis
  in 1583. Shakespeare again mentions a ship called the "Tiger" in
  _Twelfth Night_, V. iii. 63:--

    "And this is he that did the 'Tiger' board."

  The policy by the "Tiger" is much more ample than any of those already
  mentioned; it details the perils insured against in words closely
  resembling the Florentine formula of 1523, and differing only slightly
  from the form adopted by Lloyd's at a general meeting held in 1779,
  and afterwards incorporated in the Sea Insurance Stamp Act of 1795,
  which is the stem form of all modern British and American marine
  insurance policies.

  While the form of the insurance policy was thus developing, there was
  a singular absence of legislation (and, as far as we can yet trace, of
  litigation) on the subject. Till 1601 differences seem to have been
  generally settled by arbitration. This accounts for the poverty of the
  British Admiralty records in matters of marine insurance. In 1601 a
  special tribunal was established by statute for summary trial of
  disputes arising on insurance policies; but, owing mainly to the
  opposition of the common-law judges, the new court languished, and by
  1720 it had fallen into utter disuse. J. A. Park states that not more
  than sixty insurance cases were reported between 1603 and 1756.
  Consequently, when Lord Mansfield came to the court of king's bench in
  the latter year, he found a clear field. He practically created the
  insurance law of England. He made use of all the continental
  ordinances and codes extant in his day, taking his legal principles
  largely from them; the customs of trade he learnt from mercantile
  special jurors. Subsequent legislation referred solely to the
  prohibiting of certain insurances (wager policies, &c.), the naming in
  the policy of parties interested therein, and the stamp duty levied on
  marine insurances. In 1894 Lord Herschell introduced his Marine
  Insurance Bill, which endeavoured "to reproduce as exactly as possible
  the existing law relating to marine insurance." After Lord Herschell's
  death, Lord Chancellor Halsbury took up the bill, introducing it in
  the House of Lords in 1899 and again in 1900; he appointed a committee
  on which underwriters, shipowners and average adjusters were
  represented, and, presiding himself, went through the bill with them
  clause by clause. The bill was then passed by the Lords, but was
  always blocked in the House of Commons till 1906, when it was taken up
  by Lord Chancellor Loreburn in conjunction with Lord Halsbury. After
  some amendment and modification it was finally passed by both Houses
  and became law on the 1st of January 1907 (6 Ed. VII., c. 41).[3] In
  America a less happy fate has attended the insurance code, forming
  part of the proposed civil code of New York, completed and published
  in 1865, of which a very slightly altered version was adopted in
  California and has been in effect there since the 1st of January 1873.
  On the continent of Europe legislation at first took the form of local
  ordinances of commercial cities, such as Barcelona (1434-1484),
  Florence (1523), Burgos (1538), Bilbao (1560), Middelburg (1600),
  Rotterdam (1604-1655). In the third quarter of the 16th century Rouen
  produced a handy guide to marine insurance, _Le Guidon de la mer_; and
  in 1656 Étienne Cleirac published there his _Us et coutumes de la
  mer_. This was followed in 1681 by the _Ordonnance de la marine_,
  which, through Lord Mansfield, had a great effect on English case law.
  In 1807 France produced the _Code de commerce_, on the model of which
  nearly every European nation has issued a similar code. Probably the
  "best considered" (Willes, J.) of these, and the most adequate as
  regards marine insurance, is that of the German empire; but Hamburg
  and Bremen still preserve many of their local conditions by special
  contract in their policies. In fact it is doubtful whether the German
  Code could have been produced without the previous elaboration of the
  Conditions of Hamburg and of Bremen. The Hamburg Conditions of 1847,
  revised 1867, constitute an admirable compendium of marine insurance
  as practised in that city.


    Conflict of laws.

  Marine insurance being peculiarly an international business, being a
  factor in 95% of the operations of oversea trade, it is natural that
  those engaged in this business or making use of marine insurance in
  their business should experience the difficulty and hardship arising
  from the differences between the marine insurance law of different
  states, and should attempt to find a remedy. Such an attempt was made
  at the Buffalo conference of the International Law Association in 1899
  to prepare a body of rules dealing with those parts of marine
  insurance on which the laws of maritime countries differ. This
  undertaking was of the same nature as the earlier efforts of the same
  association which resulted in the formulation of the York-Antwerp
  rules of general average. There are four important subjects on which
  great divergence prevails: (a) Constructive total loss; (b) Deductions
  from costs of repairs, new from old; (c) Effect of unseaworthiness and
  negligence; (d) Double insurance.

  (a) Constructive total loss results, according to the law of France,
  Italy, Spain, Belgium, Holland, in case of loss or deterioration of
  the things insured amounting to not less than three-quarters; in
  German law a ship is considered to be "unworthy of repair" when the
  cost of the repair, without deductions new for old, would amount to
  over three-fourths of the ship's former value (no similar provision
  seems to exist in Germany for goods); in the law of America a damage
  over 50% of the value of the vessel when repaired is a constructive
  total loss of the vessel, in case of the policy containing no express
  provision to the contrary. None of these varying systems appears to be
  so equitable to all concerned as the British rule, which was for this
  reason suggested to the Buffalo conference for international adoption.
  As regards the time when the test for constructive total loss should
  be applied, it was suggested to reject the British rule, prescribing
  that it shall be the time of commencing action against underwriters,
  and to adopt the continental and American rule referring to the facts
  as they existed at the time of abandonment. Then, as respects the
  effect of a valid abandonment on the rights in the property insured,
  the conference proposed to adopt the British and American rule of
  making the abandonment refer back to the time of the loss, as against
  the continental European system of making the transfer operative only
  from the date of the notice of abandonment. Finally, as to the freight
  of a properly-abandoned ship, it was proposed to follow for
  international purposes the American rule of dividing the freight of
  the voyage between shipowner and underwriter in the proportion of the
  distances run before the disaster and to be run thereafter, rejecting
  the British rule of complete transfer to the underwriter and the
  various continental rules of proportional division between shipowner
  and underwriter.

  (b) It was proposed to adopt the deductions set forth in the
  York-Antwerp rules as being suitable for international adoption in
  marine insurance contracts.

  (c) As regards unseaworthiness and its effect on insurances on ships
  and goods, it was proposed in the case of ships to reduce materially
  the obligations of the insured as required by English and American
  law; to diminish the requirement from the absolute attainment of
  seaworthiness to the mere exercise of all reasonable care to make the
  vessel seaworthy. Even this attenuation did not appear sufficient, as
  it was proposed to degrade the performance of the already minimized
  warranty from being a condition of the insurance, and its
  non-performance from invalidating the policy. As to goods, they were
  proposed to be exempted from any warranty of seaworthiness of ship.
  Concerning negligence, it was proposed to hold the underwriter liable
  (subject to the new seaworthiness warranty) for any loss caused
  proximately by a peril insured against, although wholly or partly the
  result of the neglect of the insured, or his servants or agents, or by
  the wilful act of his servants or agents, or the inherent nature or
  unsoundness of the article insured.

  (d) In case of double or multiple insurance, the conference proposed
  to adopt the British rule of making all the policies effectual,
  independently of the order in which they were effected, and of making
  all the underwriters entitled to contributions _inter se_. As regards
  the premium, it was proposed that no premium should be returnable,
  where the risk has attached.

  With the exception of those embodying the two suggestions named in
  par. (a), all the resolutions proposed were accepted by the
  conference. But it appears extremely unlikely that British and
  American underwriters will voluntarily consent to the practical
  annihilation of the seaworthiness warranty, and no less improbable
  that American and continental assured will voluntarily accept the
  stricter rule of constructive total loss embodied in English law, when
  their national law enforces on the underwriter terms more favourable
  to the assured. The fewness of the international insurance markets of
  the world diminishes the need for uniform international regulations in
  this matter. The matter may be one for adjustment by variation in the
  rate of premium, but this is not certain.

  The Glasgow conference of 1901 adopted the rules, after excepting time
  policies from the scope of the rule respecting seaworthiness. The
  rules are known as the Glasgow Marine Insurance Rules. The writer
  knows of no instance in which they have been adopted in practice.

  Returning to marine insurance in the United Kingdom, it is to be
  observed that the passing of the Marine Insurance Act of 1906 sharply
  marks an important change in the nature of the law of the subject.
  Till then it was based almost entirely on common law, only a few
  disconnected points having been dealt with by statute. The reported
  cases were thus of great importance, and being about 2000 in number
  (_teste_ Sir M. D. Chalmers) were not easy to master. No doubt many of
  them referred to commercial conditions no longer prevalent; still they
  could not be entirely ignored. But the original introducer of the bill
  described it as an endeavour "to reproduce as exactly as possible the
  existing law relating to marine insurance," and as by being made law
  the language of the act has become authoritative, insured and insurers
  have now no call to go behind the wording of the act in any matter
  with which it deals. It thus appears that the case law of the subject
  existing before the 1st of January 1907 may be left aside, unless,
  perhaps, for use as affording examples of the way in which the
  provisions of the act work.


  Definition.

A contract of marine insurance is a contract of indemnity whereby the
insurer undertakes to indemnify the insured, in the manner and to the
extent agreed, against marine losses, i.e. the losses incident to marine
adventure. The contract may by its express terms or by usage be extended
to cover risks on inland waters or land risks incidental to any sea
voyage. There is a "maritime adventure," where any ship, goods or other
movables are exposed to maritime perils, such property being termed
"insurable property"; also where the earning of any freight, hire or
other pecuniary profit or benefit, or the security for any loan or
expenditure, is endangered by the exposure of insurable property to
maritime perils; and where any liability to a third party may be
incurred by the person interested in or responsible for insurable
property by reason of its exposure to maritime perils. By "maritime
perils" are meant the perils consequent on or incidental to the
navigation of the sea, i.e. perils of the seas, fire, war perils,
pirates, rovers, thieves, captures, seizures and restraints, and
detainments of princes and peoples, jettisons, barratry, and any other
perils, either of the like kind or which may be designated by the
policy.

  The contract being one of indemnity against maritime perils, it is
  evident that no one can derive benefit from it who has not some
  interest exposed to these perils. Consequently while, subject to the
  provisions of the act, every lawful marine adventure may be insured,
  all contracts of marine insurance are void when (1) the assured has no
  insurable interest, and has entered into the contract without
  expectation of acquiring such interest; (2) when the policy is a
  "wager" policy, being made "interest or no interest," "without further
  proof of interest than the policy itself," "without benefit of salvage
  to the insurer," or subject to any similar terms. But if there is no
  possibility of salvage a policy "without benefit of salvage to the
  insurer" is legally valid. Wager policies are illegal only in the
  sense of being void to all legal purposes. They cannot be sued upon,
  hence they are known as "honour" policies. They are of frequent use,
  generally for the protection of interests which, though real, are not
  easily defined, or are of pecuniary value hard to determine. But they
  are ignored by the courts. The essential of insurable interest is the
  pecuniary advantage seen at the time of insurance as arising to the
  assured from the safety or due arrival of the adventure, or the
  pecuniary disadvantage similarly arising from its loss or
  deterioration. But such interest may lapse before arrival or
  destruction of the venture, and with the interest lapses the right of
  the assured to recover from the underwriter. Without interest at the
  time of the loss there is no right to recover from the underwriter.
  Should the assured simply transfer his interest to another, e.g. by
  sale, he can assign his policy to the party who acquires his
  interest--unless, of course, the policy contains terms expressly
  prohibiting assignment. The customary form of assignment is
  endorsement of the policy either in blank or to a specified party.
  Within the limits already named, interests are insurable whether
  complete or partial, defeasible or contingent; similarly loans on
  bottomry or respondentia, advance freight not repayable in case of
  loss, charges of insurance, also shipmaster's, officers' and seamen's
  wages.


  Value.

The owner of insurable property may insure its full value even though
some third party have agreed or become liable to indemnify him in case
of loss: a mortgagor has the same right of insuring to full value;
while a mortgagee may insure only up to the sum due or to become due to
him under the mortgage, unless the mortgagee is insuring for the benefit
of the mortgagor as well as for himself, in which case, even though he
insure in his own name only, he may insure up to the full value. A
consignee may insure in his own name the total amount of his interest
and that of others for whose benefit he insures. Where no special
contract is made between insured and underwriter, the insurable value of
certain matters of insurance is ascertained as follows:--_Ship_--Her
value at the commencement of the risk, including outfit, provisions,
stores, advances of wages, and any other outlays expended to make the
ship fit for the voyage or period of navigation covered, _plus_ cost of
insurance upon the whole. In the case of a steamship, the word "ship"
includes machinery, boilers, coals and engine stores. In the case of a
vessel engaged in a special trade, the word "ship" includes the ordinary
fittings necessary for that trade. _Freight_ (whether paid in advance or
not)--The gross amount of freight at the risk of the assured, _plus_
cost of insurance. _Goods_--The prime cost, _plus_ expenses of and
incidental to shipping and cost of insurance. _Other interests_--The
amount at the insured's risk when the policy attaches, _plus_ cost of
insurance.


  Policy.

To be admissible in evidence a contract of marine insurance must be
embodied in a document called a policy, which must specify the name of
the assured (or of his agent in the effecting of the policy), the
objects insured, and the risk insured against, the voyage or time (or
both) covered, the sum insured, the name of the assurers. The signature
of the assurer is necessary; it is found at the end of the policy, and
the assurer is often on this account called the _underwriter_. The
objects insured must be designated with reasonable certainty, regard
being had to customary usage. The undertaking to insure is usually
expressed by saying that the insured or his agent "doth make assurance
and cause himself to be insured." The risks are either the whole body of
maritime perils detailed above, or any one or set of these, or any other
named peril against which the assured desires protection. There is no
restriction by law of the length of voyage that may be insured, but time
policies are, subject to the Finance Act 1901, invalid if made for more
than one year; a voyage and a period of time may be covered on one
policy. Policies are classed as "time" or "voyage" policies. It is not
necessary to state in the policy the value of the objects insured, but
generally the value is given; policies are therefore classed as "valued"
or "unvalued," the latter being often called "open" policies. The values
of objects insured under open or unvalued policies are the insurable
values given above. As it frequently happens that merchants desire to
have all their shipments of whatever nature covered, by whatever vessel
they may come, they require insurance in general terms; such a policy is
termed a "floating" policy. It states the limits of voyage and value
covered by the underwriter, and the class of ships to be employed. The
particulars of each shipment are declared as the shipments occur, and in
the order of despatch or shipment, the declarations being usually
endorsed on the policy. All shipments within the terms of the policy
must be declared at their honest value, or in accordance with the
special provisions of the policy, if any. An omission or erroneous
declaration may be corrected even after loss or arrival, provided it was
made in good faith.

  The consideration paid by the insured to the underwriter in return for
  the protection granted by the latter is called the _premium_. Until
  payment be made or tendered the policy is not ordinarily issuable,
  i.e. unless otherwise agreed. When the insured effects insurance with
  an underwriter through a broker, then, unless otherwise agreed, the
  broker is liable for the premium to the underwriter, who is, however,
  directly responsible to the assured for losses or liabilities falling
  on the policy and for returnable premium. But the broker has a lien on
  the policy for the premium and for his brokerage, and in case he has
  had dealings as a principal with the insured, he has a lien on the
  policy for any balance due to himself in insurance transactions,
  unless he should have known that in these transactions the insured was
  merely an agent. Some policy forms state definitely that the premium
  has been paid; when such a form is used and no fraud is proved, this
  receipt is binding between assured and underwriter, but not between
  broker and underwriter. If an insurance is effected at a premium "to
  be arranged," and no arrangement is made, then a reasonable premium
  is payable. The same holds where additional premiums have to be
  charged at a rate to be arranged and no arrangement is made.

  It is evident that in nearly all the particulars of any adventure
  insured by an underwriter he is entirely dependent upon the insured
  for correct information. It is therefore the law that an insurance
  contract can be avoided and broken by either of the parties to it if
  the utmost good faith (_uberrima fides_) be not observed by the other.
  The obligation of perfect good faith is thus made reciprocal. Bad
  faith may show itself either in _concealment_ or in
  _misrepresentation_. It is therefore made essential to the stability
  of any insurance contract that the insured must disclose before
  conclusion of the contract every material circumstance known by him,
  failing which the underwriter may avoid the contract. The insured is
  deemed to know every circumstance which in the ordinary course of
  business ought to be known by him. Every circumstance is deemed
  material which would influence the underwriter in his decision as to
  acceptance of the risk or the fixing of the rate of premium.
  Consequently the insured is not bound, unless specially asked by the
  underwriter, to disclose the favourable features of the risk offered,
  or matters known or presumably known by the underwriter (matters which
  are of common knowledge, and such as an underwriter ought in his usual
  business to be aware of), or matters respecting which the underwriter
  waives or declines information, or which any express or implied
  warranty renders superfluous. An agent effecting an insurance must, in
  addition to his principal's material knowledge, disclose everything
  material known to _himself_, or that _he_ should know in the ordinary
  conduct of _his_ business. Every representation of material fact made
  to an underwriter before conclusion of a contract by the insured or
  his agent must be true, or the underwriter may avoid the contract.
  Every representation is material which would influence the underwriter
  in his decision as to acceptance of the risk or to fixing the rate of
  premium. A representation of fact is regarded as true if it be
  substantially correct; literal correctness is not essential. A
  representation of expectation or belief is true if it is made in good
  faith. A representation may be withdrawn or corrected before the
  contract is concluded. The contract is deemed to be concluded when the
  underwriter accepts the risk, whether the policy be then issued or
  not.


  Voyage insured.

It frequently happens that before a vessel has completed the venture on
which she is engaged arrangements have already been made for her future
employment. Where a vessel is insured on time, this is of no moment as
respects her insurance. It has likewise been decided that where any
insurable object is covered by a voyage policy "from" or "at and from" a
named place, the policy is not rendered invalid by her not being at that
place when the insurance is concluded; but, on the other hand, there is
an implied condition that she will begin the venture within a reasonable
time, and that if she fails in this the underwriter may avoid the
contract. If the delay springs from circumstances known to the
underwriter at the time of conclusion of the contract, or if the
underwriter then acquiesces in it, the implied condition is nullified.
If the insured abandons the venture insured, the contract expires; e.g.
if, before the risk commences, the vessel's destination is changed to
one not covered by the policy. Where the policy specifies a place of
departure, and the ship does not sail from that place, the risk does not
attach. If, however, the vessel actually starts from her intended port
of departure, and commences the venture, and thereafter it is decided to
change her destination, this decision constitutes a _change of voyage_.
In default of provision to the contrary, the underwriter may elect to
avoid his insurance from the time of that decision, although the ship be
still in the course she would have followed in her originally intended
venture.

  Should a ship depart from the proper course of the voyage she starts
  upon, and for which she is insured, such departure, when made without
  lawful excuse or justification, is termed _deviation_. From the moment
  it occurs, even though she subsequently return to her proper course
  without loss or injury, the underwriter may avoid his contract; but
  the mere intention to deviate is immaterial. Deviation occurs (1) when
  in a policy a course is definitely specified and the vessel departs
  from it; (2) when, in absence of such definite specification in the
  policy, the vessel departs from the course usually and customarily
  followed in the voyage insured. If a policy provides for several named
  ports of discharge, the vessel may, without committing deviation, omit
  to proceed to one or more; but whether she goes to all or to some she
  must (in absence of usage or sufficient cause to the contrary) take
  them in the order in which they appear in the policy, if not there is
  a deviation. If the policy provides for "ports of discharge" in a
  given district, then (in absence of usage or sufficient cause to the
  contrary) unless the vessel proceeds to them in their geographical
  order she makes a deviation. Similarly, in the case of a voyage
  policy, the want of reasonable despatch throughout, unless lawful
  excuse or justification exists, entitles the underwriter to avoid the
  contract from the time that the delay becomes unreasonable. As excuses
  for deviation or delay on the voyage contemplated by the policy, the
  following are regarded as valid: authorization by licence or other
  provision in the policy, _force majeure_, compliance with express or
  implied conditions of the policy (e.g. warranties, see below),
  reasonable steps taken for the safety of the ship or other objects
  insured, saving life, helping a ship in such distress that life may be
  in danger, or obtaining medical or surgical aid for some person on
  board. If barratry is insured against, delay arising from barratrous
  conduct of master or crew does not avoid the policy. A deviation
  ceases to be excusable unless the ship resumes her proper course and
  proceeds on her voyage with reasonable promptitude after the cause of
  the excusable deviation or delay ceases to be effective.


  Warranties.

In every contract of insurance there are certain conditions precedent to
the liability of the underwriter and incumbent on the insured, which
must be fully and literally complied with, whether material to the risk
or not. These conditions are known in insurance as _warranties_. The
name is unfortunate, as in every other branch of the law of contract it
bears another meaning; still it is convenient, and its insurance
signification is now firmly established. Failure on the part of the
insured to fulfil a warranty _literally_ entitles the underwriter to
avoid his contract as from the moment of breach,[4] but it does not
limit his obligation up to that moment. Breach of warranty is not
nullified by subsequent remedy of the breach, consequently loss
occurring after breach of warranty is not at the charge of the
underwriter, even although before the loss the insured has again
complied with the warranty. But breach of warranty may be waived by the
insurer. Breach of warranty is excused in two cases only: (a) when by
change of circumstances the warranty ceases to be applicable to the
contract, (b) when by subsequent legislation the warranty becomes
unlawful.

  Warranties are of two classes: (1) express (2) implied. Express
  warranties must be written or printed on the policy, or contained in
  some document explicitly referred to in the policy, and so regarded as
  incorporated in the contract. No special form of words is essential to
  the validity of a warranty if the intention to warrant can be
  inferred. Express warranties may refer to anything which the parties
  to the contract choose, e.g. the nationality of the vessel, her
  sailing on a named day, proceeding under convoy, being excluded from
  certain voyages or trades or the carriage of certain cargoes, being
  "well" or "in good safety" on a named day (in which case the warranty
  is fulfilled if she be safe at any time of that day). As regards
  _nationality_, if no express warranty be given there is no undertaking
  on the part of the insured that the vessel is of any particular
  nationality or that she will not change it while the risk lasts. The
  warranty of _neutrality_ in case of insurance of ship or goods means
  that at the beginning of the risk the property concerned is actually
  neutral, and that as far as the insured can control the matter it
  shall so continue during the whole course of the risk. It is also an
  implied condition of the ship being warranted neutral that to the
  utmost of the insured's power she must carry the papers necessary to
  establish her neutrality, must not falsify or suppress these papers,
  or use simulated papers; if this condition is broken the insurer can
  avoid the contract. The words of an express warranty are always to be
  taken in their commercial sense; within that sense they are to be
  strictly and literally taken. An "express" warranty does not exclude
  an "implied" warranty (see below) unless it be inconsistent therewith.

  In addition to these expressed conditions, there are also certain
  essential factors or conditions inherent in each and every contract of
  marine insurance without exception; these are _implied_ warranties,
  which are presumed from the very fact of the making of the insurance.
  They are (a) completion of the prescribed venture without _deviation_,
  (b) _legality_ of the venture (viz. that the adventure insured is a
  lawful one, and that, so far as the insured can control it, it shall
  be carried out in a lawful manner), (c) _seaworthiness_ of the ship.
  In a voyage policy it is an implied warranty that at the commencement
  of the voyage the ship shall be seaworthy for the particular venture
  insured. If the risk commences when the ship is in port, then she must
  in addition be reasonably fit to stand the ordinary dangers of the
  port. If the voyage insured is one in which different degrees of peril
  are to be encountered, or for which the ship needs different kinds of
  outfit at different stages, then she must be seaworthy for each stage
  at its commencement, and the warranty will be fulfilled if she is at
  the beginning of each stage seaworthy for that stage. The warranty of
  seaworthiness is held to be fulfilled when the ship is reasonably fit
  in every respect to meet the ordinary marine dangers of the venture
  insured; that is to say, the mere loss of a vessel by perils of the
  sea is not a proof of unseaworthiness in the sense of this warranty.
  The only ship policies not subject to the warranty of seaworthiness
  are policies on time (the reason given being that there is nothing to
  prevent a time policy lapsing and a new one commencing when the vessel
  is at sea beyond her owner's control as to seaworthiness); but where
  the insured knowingly sends a ship to sea in an unfit state and a loss
  is attributable to that unseaworthiness, the underwriter is not liable
  for such loss. It is not implied in a policy on goods or movables that
  these goods, &c., are seaworthy, but it is implied that at the
  beginning of the voyage the carrying vessel is not only seaworthy as a
  ship but reasonably fit to carry the goods to the destination named in
  the policy.

When the main points of the preceding particulars of the contract of
insurance are summarized it may be said that the transaction is (1) a
contract of indemnity reduced to written or printed words, (2) made in
good faith, (3) referring to a defined proportion or amount, (4) of a
genuine interest in a named object, (5) being against contingencies
definitely expressed, to which that object is actually exposed, and (6)
in return for a fixed and determined consideration.


  Multiple Insurance.

It may happen by accident or by design that an insurance object has been
covered twice or more times, and that in consequence the sum of the
insurance effected exceeds the value in the policy or the insurable
value, if an unvalued policy has been employed. This occurrence involves
a new set of relations between the insured and his various underwriters;
the underwriters themselves are brought into relation to one another. As
regards the insured, he may, in the absence of agreement to the
contrary, claim payment from whomsoever of the underwriters he may
select, but he is not entitled to receive in all more than his proper
indemnity. Each underwriter, whether his policy be valued or unvalued,
is entitled to receive credit for his proper proportion of the sum
obtained by the insured under any other policy. If the insured does
obtain any sum in excess of indemnity, he is regarded as holding it in
trust for his whole body of underwriters. It thus appears that in case
of multiple insurance each underwriter is bound, as between himself and
the other underwriters, to contribute to the loss rateably in proportion
to the amount of his liability under the policy; and if any one pays
more than his proper share, he is entitled to sue the rest for
contribution. Should the insured get any of his premium back? It would
not be equitable to enforce a return from any underwriter who has at any
time stood alone so as to be liable to the full extent of his policy;
but if overlapping policies were accidentally effected all at the same
time, the case is rather different. This leads to the general question
of _return of premium_. Such return may be claimed under the terms of
the policy, in which case the claim for return is simply the carrying
out of the agreement between the parties; it may refer to the whole or
to a part of the interest insured. But there are other circumstances in
which returns can legally be claimed. For instance, it may turn out that
interest insured by a particular vessel and for a particular voyage is
never shipped in that vessel for that voyage; the underwriter has in
this case run no risk, and therefore the consideration for which he
received the premium totally fails, and the premium is properly
returnable to the intending insured, unless there has been fraud or
illegality on the part of the insured. Similarly, in the case of part of
the interest insured on a policy, if that part is distinguishable in the
policy or by custom of trade. But the interest might have made the
voyage in the vessel, and the intending insured might yet remain without
insurable interest. In this case, in absence of fraud or illegality, and
if the policy is not merely a gaming or wagering contract, the insured
is entitled to return of his premium. Similarly, in the absence of fraud
or illegality, if the underwriter legally voids his policy from the
beginning of the risk; as he runs no risk, he receives no premium. The
only cases, except those of fraud and illegality, in which the
underwriter can retain his premium without running risk, are those of
risks underwritten "lost or not lost," and arrived safely without the
underwriter's knowledge, in which the underwriter takes his chance as to
the condition and situation of the ship when he assumes the risk. But
this is practically a case of agreement that there shall be no return.

When the insured has overinsured on an unvalued policy, a proportionate
part of the premium is returnable. But where double insurance has been
knowingly effected by the insured or any earlier policy has at any time
borne the entire risk or a claim has been paid on a policy in respect of
its full value, no premium is returnable.

The policy issued by the underwriter to the insured makes mention of
certain perils against which the insurance is granted, and unless the
policy otherwise provides, the underwriter is liable for any loss
proximately caused by any of these perils, but is not liable for any
loss not proximately caused by a peril insured against. He is not
responsible for any loss due to the wilful misconduct of the insured
but, unless the policy otherwise provides, he is liable for any loss
proximately caused by a peril insured against even though it would not
have happened but for the misconduct or negligence of master or crew.
Nor is he responsible for any loss caused by delay, although the delay
be caused by a peril insured against; nor for ordinary wear and tear,
ordinary leakage or breakage, inherent vice or character of objects
insured, loss from rats or vermin, or injury to machinery not
proximately caused by sea-perils.


    Total loss.

    Abandonment.

  Losses are divided into "total" and "partial." A "total" loss may be
  (1) actual, or (2) constructive; and an insurance against total loss
  covers the insured against both, unless a different intention appears
  from the terms of the policy. It is an "actual" total loss when the
  object insured is destroyed or damaged so as to cease to be of the
  denomination of goods to which it belonged when insured, or when the
  insured is irretrievably deprived of the property insured. In the case
  of an actual total loss no notice of abandonment need be given. In the
  case of a missing ship after the lapse of a reasonable time without
  news, an "actual" total loss may be presumed. There is a
  "constructive" total loss when the interest insured has been abandoned
  on account of what appears inevitable actual total loss, or because
  the cost of preventing such loss would exceed the value after such
  expenditure. E.g. if ship or merchandise is in such a position that
  recovery is unlikely or the cost of recovery would exceed the value
  recovered, there is constructive total loss; likewise in the case of a
  damaged ship, if the cost of repair would exceed the repaired value of
  the ship. (In making the estimate of cost of repairs no deduction is
  to be made for the share of them payable in general average by other
  interests, but account is to be taken of the cost of later salvage
  operations and of the ship's proportion of any later general
  averages.) Similarly for damaged goods, there is constructive total
  loss if the cost of repair and of forwarding to destination exceeds
  the arrived value. The insured may either treat constructive total
  loss as a partial loss or as an actual total loss, in which latter
  case he abandons his insured interest to the underwriter. If he
  decides to abandon he must give notice of abandonment, else he will
  recover only for a partial loss. This notice may be wholly or partly
  written or oral, and in any terms if only they indicate the intention
  to transfer unconditionally all interest to the underwriter. The
  refusal of abandonment by the underwriter does not prejudice the
  assured's rights. Abandonment may either be expressly accepted by the
  underwriter or may be implied from his conduct, but his mere silence
  does not imply acceptance. When notice is accepted, abandonment is
  irrevocable. Notice may be waived by the underwriter. Notice is
  unnecessary where, when the news reaches the insured, there would be
  no benefit to the underwriter if notice were given to him. On valid
  abandonment the underwriter adopts the interest of the insured in the
  subject insured, or what remains of it, and all incidental proprietary
  rights, e.g. in the case of a ship he is entitled to any freight in
  the course of being earned and which is earned by her subsequent to
  the accident causing the loss, less the expenses incurred after the
  accident; and if the cargo is on owner's account, the underwriter is
  entitled to reasonable freight from the place of casualty to
  destination.


    Partial loss.

    General average.

    Salvage charges.

    Particular average.

  Any loss other than a total loss, as defined and described above, is a
  "partial" loss. As such are classed general average, salvage charges,
  particular average, particular charges. "General average" is really an
  outlying branch of the law of affreightment (see AVERAGE and
  AFFREIGHTMENT): its connexion with insurance is merely secondary,
  arising out of the underwriter's contract to pay losses generally and
  this special liability in accordance with definite provisions of the
  policy. Any extraordinary sacrifice or expenditure voluntarily and
  reasonably made in a moment of peril in order to preserve all the
  property in the venture, is a general average act and the loss arising
  therefrom is a general average loss. The party on whom it falls is
  entitled to a rateable contribution from the others. These rateable
  contributions are repayable by the respective underwriters subject to
  the special provisions of their policies, unless the sacrifice or
  expenditure was made to avert a peril not covered by the policies,
  when there is no liability. The party originally incurring a general
  average sacrifice may recover from his underwriter the whole loss
  without having enforced his right of contribution from the others
  concerned in the venture. When ship, freight and cargo, or any two of
  them, belong to one person, the underwriter's liability is determined
  as if these interests were each owned by separate persons. "Salvage
  charges" are the charges recoverable under maritime law by a salvor
  independently of contract: if incurred in averting perils insured
  against, and if not otherwise provided in the policy, they are
  recovered as a loss from these perils. The cost of similar services of
  the insured or his agents or hired employees are recovered as a
  general average loss when the cost fulfils the character of general
  average expenditure, or in all other cases as "particular charges."
  Thus all expenses by or on behalf of the insured to save or preserve
  the interest insured are either general average, salvage charges or
  particular charges. Particular charges are not included in "particular
  average," which may now be defined as a partial loss of the subject
  insured, caused by a peril insured against, and not being a general
  average loss.


    Measure of indemnity.

    F.P.A. liabilities.

  The nature of the liability for loss of the underwriter having been
  determined, it remains to fix its extent, or in other words the
  "measure of indemnity"; each underwriter bears that proportion of the
  loss which his subscription bears in the case of a valued policy to
  the insured value, and in the case of an unvalued policy to the
  insurable value. In the case of a total loss, the measure of indemnity
  is the sum fixed by the policy if valued, or the insurable value of
  the object insured if the policy be unvalued. When the insured fails
  in an action for total loss, he is not precluded from recovering a
  partial loss if the policy insures him against partial loss. In the
  case of damage to a ship not amounting to a total loss the insured is,
  subject to the terms of his policy, entitled to recover the reasonable
  cost of repairs less customary deductions, but not exceeding for any
  one casualty the sum insured. If the repairs are only partial he is in
  addition entitled to an allowance for unrepaired damage, but the
  aggregate must not exceed the cost of complete repairs, less customary
  deductions. If the damaged ship has neither been repaired nor sold
  during the risk, the insured is entitled to reasonable depreciation
  but not exceeding the reasonable cost of repairs, less customary
  deductions. As regards freight, the underwriter's liability for
  partial loss is, subject to the terms of the policy, the proportion of
  the policy value, or (in case of an unvalued policy) of the insurable
  value, which the freight lost bears to the whole freight at risk of
  the insured under the policy. When there is liability under a policy
  for total loss of part of the goods insured its amount is determined
  as follows: on an unvalued policy, it is the insurable value of the
  portion lost, ascertained as in case of total loss; on a valued
  policy, it is the proportion of the sum insured which the insurable
  value of the portion lost bears to that of the whole. Subject to any
  express provision of the policy, when goods are delivered at
  destination damaged throughout or in part, the liability is for the
  same proportion of the sum insured (or, in an unvalued policy, of the
  insurable value) that the difference between gross sound and gross
  damaged values at destination bears to the gross sound value there.
  Gross sound value means the wholesale price including freight, landing
  charges and duty; gross damaged value means the actual price obtained
  at a sale when all charges on sale are paid by the sellers. In case of
  goods customarily sold in bond, the bonded price is taken to be the
  gross value. When different kinds of property are insured under a
  single valuation, that valuation is apportioned over them in
  proportion to the respective insurable values they would have on an
  unvalued policy, but when the prime cost cannot be ascertained the
  division is made over the net arrived sound values of the different
  kinds of property. The liability for general average contribution and
  salvage charges is, for anything insured for its full contributing
  value, the full amount of the contribution; but in case of insurance
  not attaining the full contributing value there is a reduction in
  proportion to the under insurance; and where a particular average is
  payable on the contributing goods, its amount must be deducted from
  the insured value when the underwriter's liability is being
  ascertained. On policies covering liabilities to third parties, the
  measure of indemnity, subject to the condition of the policy, is the
  amount paid or payable to the third party. When property is insured
  "free of particular average" (f.p.a.), then unless the policy is
  apportionable, as above, there is no liability for loss of part with
  exception of loss of part occasioned by a general average sacrifice,
  but there is liability for total loss of an apportionable part. The
  underwriter on f.p.a. terms is liable for salvage charges, particular
  charges and charges incurred under the "sue and labour" clause of the
  policy to avert a loss insured against. Unless otherwise provided in
  the policy when goods are insured f.p.a. under a certain named
  percentage, a general average loss cannot be added to a particular
  average loss to make up the specified percentage; nor may particular
  charges nor the expenses of ascertaining and proving the loss; in fact
  only the actual loss suffered by the object insured may be taken into
  account. The engagement evidenced by the "sue and labour" clause of a
  policy is regarded as supplementary to the contract of insurance, and
  the expenses incurred under it are recoverable from the underwriter,
  even if he has paid a total loss or has insured the goods f.p.a. with
  or without any franchise being specified. General average losses and
  contributions are not "sue and labour" expenses, nor are salvage
  charges, as defined above. The expenses of averting a loss not covered
  by the policy cannot be recovered under the "sue and labour" clause.
  The Marine Insurance Act specially declares that "It is the duty of
  the insured and his agents, in all cases, to take such measures as may
  be reasonable for the purpose of averting or minimizing a loss."

  Unless otherwise provided, and subject to the provisions of the law,
  the underwriter is liable for successive losses, even though their
  aggregate amount exceeds the sum insured. But where, under one policy,
  an unrepaired or uncompensated partial loss is followed by a total
  loss, the insured can only recover the total loss. These provisions do
  not affect the underwriter's liability under the "sue and labour"
  clause, for, as explained above, the "sue and labour" clause is a
  contract supplementary to the insurance contract contained in the
  policy.


    Subrogation.

  The payment of a total loss of the whole or of an apportionable
  portion of the object insured entitles the underwriter to take over
  the insured's interest in all that remains of the same, the
  underwriter becoming subrogated to all the rights and remedies of the
  insured in and regarding the interest insured as from the time of the
  accident occasioning the loss. The payment of a partial loss gives the
  underwriter a similar subrogation but only in so far as the insured
  has been indemnified in accordance with law by such payment for the
  loss.


    Coinsurance.

  In case of double (or multiple) insurance each underwriter is bound to
  contribute, as between himself and the other underwriters, rateably to
  loss in proportion to the amount for which his policy makes him
  liable; for any excess of this amount he may maintain action against
  the coinsurers and may obtain the same remedy as a surety who has paid
  more than his proportion of a debt.

  Where the object is insured for less than the insurable value, as
  defined above, the insured is deemed to be his own underwriter for the
  balance.


    Liabilities.

  Recent extensions of marine insurance in England have mostly been in
  the direction of giving to shipowners protection against liabilities
  to third parties. The first addition was the running down clause
  (r.d.c.) by which underwriters take burden of a proportion, usually
  three-quarters, of the damage inflicted on other vessels by collision
  for which the insured vessel is held to blame. The rapid increase in
  the use and size of steamships was accompanied by an equally rapid
  increase in the frequency of collisions at sea, tending to make the
  shipowner desirous of insuring himself against the balance of his
  collision liability, and against whatever other liabilities to third
  parties might be imposed upon him. There was a hesitation on the part
  of underwriters to meet these wants and the result is that in Great
  Britain most liability insurances are effected in mutual insurance
  societies. The insurance of such liabilities is perhaps simpler in
  Great Britain than in other countries, as the amount for which a
  shipowner can be liable is limited by law, although, of course, none
  but English tribunals are bound by that law. A new and extensive set
  of liabilities has been thrown on shipowners by the Workmen's
  Compensation Act of 1906; the liabilities in this case vary with the
  wages of the workmen concerned. Another interesting class of
  insurances has received much attention, namely, those against the
  risks of capture, seizure and detention by a hostile power, generally
  described briefly as _war risks_. But the difficulties connected with
  such risks probably lie more in determining the legal position of the
  owners of the property, and the obligations under which they lie, than
  in settling those of their underwriters. Such questions concern
  _blockade_, _contraband_, _domicile_, _nationality_, _neutrality_, &c.


    Course of business.

  The usual procedure in the offer and acceptance of a risk is as
  follows: The intending insured (principal or broker) offers the risk
  by showing to the underwriter a brief description of the venture in
  question, called in Great Britain a slip, in America an application.
  The underwriter signifies his acceptance of the whole or of a part of
  the value exposed to perils by signing or initialling the slip,
  putting down the amount for which he accepts liability. Or he may sign
  and issue to the insured (principal or broker) a similar document made
  out in his own office, called a covering note or insurance note. These
  documents are simply first sketches of the contract, _mémoires pour
  servir_, so imperfect that they can be explained only in conjunction
  with the contract in its completed form (the policy). In America it is
  not at all rare for insurances to be effected through applications
  alone without any policy existing. In Great Britain the existence of a
  policy is essential, slips and covering notes being merely provisional
  agreements, binding in honour only, to issue policies on certain terms
  and conditions on receipt of the necessary information. One reason for
  insisting on a policy being issued for every risk is that a means of
  raising revenue by stamp taxes is thus created. In Great Britain the
  stamp duties under the Stamp Act 1891 are as follows:--

    Where the premium does not exceed 1/8% of the amount
      insured                                               1d.

    Where the premium exceeds 1/8% of amount insured:--
      (a) On any voyage, per £100 or per any fractional
            part of £100                                    1d.
      (b) For any time not exceeding six months, per
            £100, &c., as above                             3d.
      (c) For any time exceeding six months, and not
            exceeding twelve months, per £100, &c., as
            above                                           6d.

  In consequence of this regulation, no time policy can be issued for a
  period exceeding twelve months. Policies or certificates of insurance
  coming from abroad are subject to the same duties, which should be
  paid within ten days after receipt in the United Kingdom. The
  shortness of the time allowed for stamping often prevents payment of
  the tax. These stamp regulations are very troublesome, and produce
  only a comparatively insignificant revenue. On small premium
  insurances the tax is so excessive that it drives business out of the
  country. A uniform tax per policy has been several times suggested,
  but these proposals have not yet been accepted by the Treasury.

  The documents required to establish a claim for total loss are: (1)
  Protest of master. (2) Set of bills of lading (endorsed if necessary,
  so as to be available to the underwriter). (3) Policy or certificate
  of insurance (endorsed if necessary). (4) In the United States:
  Statement of loss in detail. In the United States certified copies of
  Nos. (1), (2), and (3) are taken; but as none of these copy-documents
  can transfer possession to the underwriter, there is necessary for
  that purpose another document, viz. (5) Bill of sale and abandonment
  with subrogation to underwriter--that is, an assignment of all
  interest to the underwriter. In the absence of the _full_ set of bills
  of lading, a similar document should be taken in Great Britain,
  especially in all cases in which salvage operations are likely to be
  undertaken. Such a document handed to a salvage association or a
  manager of salvage (whether acting for shipowner or for underwriter)
  settles the ownership of salved goods, and ensures that any claim for
  salvage expenses will be sent directly to the underwriter. This is
  from the insured's point of view desirable, and it greatly simplifies
  the management of salvage cases. As a claim for total loss cannot
  extend beyond the full amount insured in the policy, it follows that
  the documents required to substantiate such a claim must be supplied
  to the underwriter free of charge.

  For the substantiation of a claim for particular average the following
  documents are required: (1) Protest of master or logbook. (2) Set of
  bills of lading (cargo claims). (3) Policy or certificate of insurance
  (endorsed if necessary). (4) Certified statements in detail of actual
  cash value at destination of goods in _damaged_ state, all charges
  paid. Certified statements in detail of sound value at destination of
  goods on same day, all charges paid. Or original vouchers of costs of
  repair of ship, all discounts, rebates, allowances and returns
  deducted. (5) In the United States, subrogation to underwriters of
  damaged goods.

  AUTHORITIES.--E. K. Allen, _Stamp Duties on Sea Insurances_ (2nd ed.,
  London, 1903); Th. Andresen, _Seeversicherung_ (Hamburg, 1888); Joseph
  Arnould, _Treatise on the Law of Marine Insurance and Average_ (2
  vols., 2nd edition, London, 1857); eighth edition by de Hart and Simey
  (London, 1909); Laurence R. Baily, _Perils of the Seas_ (London,
  1860); William Barber, _Principles of the Law of Insurance_ (San
  Francisco, 1887); W. G. Black, _Digest of Decisions in Scottish
  Shipping Cases, 1865-1890_ (Edinburgh, 1891); Sir M. D. Chalmers and
  Douglas Owen, _Marine Insurance Act 1906_ (London, 1906); Alfred de
  Courcy, _Commentaire des polices françaises d'assurances maritimes_
  (2nd edition, Paris, 1888); E. L. de Hart and R. I. Simey, _The Marine
  Insurance Act 1906_ (London, 1907); R. R. Douglas, _Index to Maritime
  Law Decisions_ (London, 1888); John Duer, _Law and Practice of Marine
  Insurance_ (2 vols., New York, 1845, 1846); William Gow, _Marine
  Insurance_ (3rd corrected edition, London, 1909); Victor Jacobs,
  _Étude sur les assurances maritimes et les avaries_ (Brussels, 1885);
  Richard Lowndes, _Practical Treatise on the Law of Marine Insurance_
  (2nd edition, London, 1885); _Law of General Average, English and
  Foreign_ (4th edition, London, 1888); Charles M'Arthur, _Contract of
  Marine Insurance_ (2nd edition, London, 1890); D. Maclachlan, _Arnould
  on the Law of Marine Insurance_ (2 vols., 6th edition, London, 1887);
  Reginald G. Marsden, _Admiralty Cases, 1648 to 1860_ (London, 1885);
  _Law of Collisions at Sea_ (5th edition, London, 1904), Douglas Owen,
  _Marine Insurance Notes and Clauses_ (3rd edition, 1890); Theophilus
  Parsons, _Law of Marine Insurance and General Average_ (2 vols.,
  Boston, 1868); G. G. Phillimore, "Marine Insurance" in _Encyclopaedia
  of the Laws of England_, vol. viii. (London, 1907); Willard Phillips,
  _Treatise on the Law of Insurance_ (2 vols., 5th edition, New York,
  1867); C. R. Tyser, _Law relating to Losses under a Policy of Marine
  Insurance_ (London, 1894); Rudolph Ulrich, _Grosse Haverei_ (2nd ed.,
  3 vols., Berlin, 1903, 1905, 1906); G. Denis Weil, _Des assurances
  maritimes et des avaries_ (Paris, 1879).     (W. Go.)


FOOTNOTES:

  [1] _On the Effects of Selection_, by Emory McClintock (New York,
    1892), p. 94.

  [2] As a result of investigation into the affairs of various American
    insurance companies in 1905 by a committee appointed by the state
    legislature of New York, a new law regulating life insurance down to
    the minutest details was passed in 1906 (ch. 326). The surrender
    value of a policy is to be the amount of insurance which the reserve,
    computed on the 4½% mortality table, standing to its credit, will
    purchase as a single premium. Other important features of the
    legislation are that no New York company may hold a contingency
    reserve beyond a fixed proportion of the net value of its policies;
    the limiting of types of policies permitted, the defining of the
    nature of investments permitted, and provisions for state
    supervision, valuation, and annual division of profits.

  [3] An important addition to the marine insurance law of the United
    Kingdom was made by the Marine Insurance (Gambling Policies) Act
    1909, which made void policies taken out by persons uninterested in
    ships or cargo, who only gain by the loss of the vessel. Such
    policies are known as "policies proof of interest."     (P. P. I.).

  [4] Lord Mansfield expressed it: "The warranty in a contract of
    insurance is a condition or a contingency, and unless that be
    performed there is no contract" (_Hibbert_ v. _Pigou_, _apud_
    Marshall, 3rd ed., p. 375).



INTAGLIO (an Ital. word, from _intagliare_, to incise, cut into), a form
of engraving or carving, in which the pattern or design is sunk below
the surface of the material thus treated, opposed to "cameo" or
"relievo"--carving or engraving where the design is raised. Intaglio is
thus applied to incised gems, as cameo (q.v.) to gems cut in relief (see
GEMS).



INTELLECT (Lat. _intellectus_, from _intelligere_, to understand), the
general term for the mind in reference to its capacity for knowing or
understanding. It is very vaguely used in common language. A man is
described as "intellectual" generally because he is occupied with theory
and principles rather than with practice, often with the further
implication that his theories are concerned mainly with abstract
matters: he is aloof from the world, and especially is a man of training
and culture who cares little for the ordinary pleasures of sense.
"Intellect" is thus distinguished from "intelligence" by the field of
its operations, "intelligence" being used in the practical sphere for
readiness to grasp a situation. (The employment of the word as a synonym
for "news" is mere journalese; such phrases as "Intelligence Department"
in connexion with newspapers and public offices are more justifiable.)
In philosophy the "intellect" is contrasted with the senses and the
will; it sifts and combines sense-given data, which otherwise would be
only momentary, lasting practically only as long as the stimuli
continued to operate. It thus includes the cognitive processes, and is
the source of all real knowledge. Various attempts have been made to
narrow the use of the term, e.g. to the higher regions of knowledge
entirely above the region of sense (so Kant), or to conceptual
processes; but no agreement has been reached. "Intellection" (i.e. the
process as opposed to the capacity) has similarly been narrowed (e.g. by
Professor James Ward) to the sphere of concepts; other writers, however,
give it a much wider meaning. "Intellectualism" is a term given to any
system which emphasizes the cognitive function; thus aesthetic
intellectualism is that view of aesthetics which subordinates the
sensual gratification or the delight in purely formal beauty to what may
be called the ideal content.



INTELLIGENCE IN ANIMALS.[1] Professor G. J. Romanes, in his work on
_Animal Intelligence_ (1881), used the term "intelligence" as synonymous
with "reason," and defined it as follows: "Reason or intelligence is the
faculty which is concerned in the intentional adaptation of means to
ends. It therefore implies the conscious knowledge of the relation
between means employed and ends attained, and may be exercised in
adaptation to circumstances novel alike to the experience of the
individual and that of the species." There is here some ambiguity as to
the exact psychological significance of the words "intentional
adaptation" and of the phrase "conscious knowledge of the relation
between the means employed and the ends attained." A chick a day or two
old learns to leave untouched nauseous caterpillars, and Romanes would
certainly have regarded this as a case of intelligent profiting by
experience; but how far there is intentional adaptation and whether the
chick has conscious knowledge of the relation of means to ends, is
doubtful, and, to say the least of it, open to discussion. St George
Mivart, the acute dialectical opponent of Romanes, denied that animals
are capable of the exercise of reason or intelligence. He urged that
according to traditional views reason should denote and include all
intellectual perception, whether it be direct and intuitive or indirect
and inferential (_sensu stricto_), and contended that under neither head
are to be included the sensuous perceptions and merely practical
inferences of animals. Wasmann, who argues on similar grounds, regards
such behaviour as that of the chicken as instinctive in the wider sense
(see INSTINCT) and not intelligent; man alone, he contends, is
intelligent, that is to say has the power of perceiving the relations of
concepts to each other, and of drawing conclusions therefrom. It is
clear that the discussion largely turns on the definition of terms; but
more than this lies behind it. Both Mivart and Wasmann are emphatic in
their assertions that instinctive modes of behaviour in the wider sense
or the sensuous perceptions and practical inferences of animals differ
fundamentally in kind from the rational or intelligent conduct of human
folk, and that by no conceivable process of evolution could the one pass
upwards into the other.


  Psychological definition.

Wasmann regards the inclusion of those activities which result from
sense-experience under the term "intelligence" as pseudo-psychological.
To modern psychologists of standing we must therefore turn. Under the
heading "Intellect or Intelligence," in the _Dictionary of Philosophy and
Psychology_, G. F. Stout and J. Mark Baldwin say: "There is a tendency to
apply the term intellect more especially to the capacity for conceptual
thinking. This does not hold in the same degree of the connected word
intelligence. We speak freely of 'animal intelligence,' but the phrase
'animal intellect' is unusual. However, the restriction of the term to
conceptual process is by no means so fixed and definite as to justify us
in including it in the definition." With respect to the word intellection
again: "There is a tendency to restrict the term to conceptual thinking.
Ward does so definitely and consistently. Croom-Robertson, on the other
hand, gives the word the widest possible application, making it cover all
forms of cognitive process. On the whole, if the term is to be employed
at all, Robertson's usage appears preferable, as corresponding better to
the generality of the words intellect and intelligence." It does not seem
to be pseudo-psychological, therefore, to apply the term intelligence to
the capacity, unquestionably possessed by animals, of profiting by
sensory experience. The present writer has suggested that the term may be
conveniently restricted to the capacity of guiding behaviour through
perceptual process, reserving the terms intellect and reason for the
so-called faculties which involve conceptual process. There are, however,
advantages, as Stout and Baldwin contend, in employing the word in a
somewhat wide and general sense. It is probably best for strictly
psychological purposes to define somewhat strictly perceptual and
conceptual (or ideational) process and to leave to intelligence the
comparative freedom of a word to be used in general literature and
therein defined by its context. It may be helpful, however, to place in
tabular form the different uses above indicated:--

          _Perceptual Process._          _Conceptual Process._

  1. Instinct (wider sense).           Intelligence (e.g. Wasmann).
  2. Sense-perception                  Intelligence (e.g. Mivart).
                     \_______  _______/
                             \/
  3.                    Intelligence     (e.g. Stout and Baldwin).
  4. Intelligence.                     Intellect and Reason
                                         (e.g. Lloyd Morgan).

From this table it may be seen at a glance that, with such divergence of
usage, the application of the word "intelligent" to any given case of
animal behaviour has in itself little psychological significance. If the
psychological status of the animal is to be seriously discussed, the
question to be answered is this: Are the observed activities explainable
in terms of perceptual process only, or do they demand also a
supplementary exercise of conceptual process? Granting that they are
intelligent in the broad acceptation of the word, are they only
perceptually intelligent or also conceptually intelligent?


  Perceptual process.

  Conceptual process.

It would require more space than is at our command to make the
distinction which is drawn by those who use these terms clear and
distinct; but enough may perhaps be said to enable the general reader to
grasp the salient points. It will be convenient to take a concrete case.
A chick in the performance of its truly instinctive activities pecks at
all sorts of small objects. In doing so it gains a certain amount of
initial experience. Very soon it may be observed that some grubs and
caterpillars are seized with avidity whenever occasion offers; while
others are after a few trials let alone. Broadly speaking, we have here
intelligent selection and rejection. Psychologically interpreted what is
believed to take place is somewhat as follows. Each grub or caterpillar
affords a visual impression or sensation. This as such is just a
presentation to sight and nothing more. But in virtue of previous
experience it suggests what was formerly presented to consciousness in
that experience. It has meaning. An impression which carries meaning
begotten of previous experience is raised to the level of a percept; and
behaviour which is influenced and guided by such percepts, that is to
say by impressions _and_ the meaning for behaviour they suggest, is the
outcome of perceptual process. If a dog learns to open a gate by lifting
the latch, this may be due to perceptual process. Through previous
experience the sight of the latch may suggest meaning for practical
behaviour. His action may be simply due to the fact that the visual
presentation has been directly associated with the appropriate bodily
activities, and now by suggestion reinstates like activities; he may
not, though on the other hand he may, exercise conceptual thought. Let
us suppose that the chick which selects certain caterpillars and rejects
others does form concepts. What does this imply from the standpoint of
psychology? Stout and Baldwin define conception as the "cognition of a
universal as distinguished from the particulars which it unifies. The
universal apprehended in this way is called a concept." If then the
chick apprehends the universal "good-for-eating" as exemplified in the
particular maggot, and the maggot as a concrete case of the abstract and
universal "good-for-eating," it has a capacity for conceptual thought.
"There is one point in our definition," say Stout and Baldwin, "which
requires to be specially emphasized. Conception is the cognition of a
universal as distinguished from the particulars which it unifies. The
words "as distinguished from" are of essential importance. The mere
presence of a universal element in cognition does not constitute a
concept. Otherwise all cognition would be conceptual. The simplest
perception includes a universal.... The universal must be apprehended in
antithesis to the particulars which it unifies." The general, or in
technical phraseology, the universal characteristic "good-for-eating" is
present in all that the chick practically finds to be edible; but the
chick may just eat the nice caterpillars without thinking for a moment
of edibility.


  Their value.

Few would dream of contending that the chick a few days old is capable
of conceptual thought. Naïve perceptual process pretty obviously
suffices for an explanation of the behaviour of the little bird. But so
too, it may be said, does it suffice for the explanation of much of the
practical behaviour of men. If a great number of the actions of animals
are only perceptually intelligent, so too are a great number of the
actions of men and women. This is unquestionably the case; and it serves
to bring out the distinction in value which may be assigned to the
percept and the concept respectively. The value of the percept is for
simple direct practical behaviour; the value of the concept is for the
elaboration of systematic knowledge. Any given impression may have
meaning for behaviour in a given situation which is like that which has
previously developed in a certain manner; but it may also have
significance for the interpretation of such situations in a conceptual
scheme of thought. The sight of the sage-blossom may have meaning for
the bee which has sucked the sweets contained in such flowers; the sight
of the bee in this situation may have significance for scientific
interpretation as an example of the fertilization of flowers by insects.
The bee may be only perceptually intelligent; the man who observes its
action may or may not be conceptually intelligent.

A good deal of human behaviour may be interpreted in terms of perceptual
intelligence, and a far larger proportion of animal behaviour may be so
interpreted. But some human conduct cannot be explained save as the
outcome of conceptual intelligence. The question is, whether any
carefully observed and well-authenticated cases of animal procedure are
inexplicable in the absence of conceptual thought, and if so what
concepts are necessarily involved? It is now conceded that the mere
collection of anecdotes which result from casual as opposed to
systematic observation can afford no satisfactory basis for an answer to
this question. A solution can only be obtained by well-planned
observations conducted by those who have an adequate psychological
training. Even under these conditions a criterion of the presence or
absence of conceptual factors is needed; and such a criterion is not
easy to formulate or to apply.


  Development of concept.

If we institute inquiries with a view to ascertaining how the conceptual
factor originates, it appears to be the result of analysis and
abstraction, and to be reached by a process of comparison which becomes
intentional and deliberate. If, for example, in educational procedure,
we seek to assist children in forming concepts of colour, shape and
material, we place before them a number of objects, some round, some
square, some triangular; some red, some yellow, some blue; some made of
paper, some of wood, some of flannel. Any given object is both red and
square and made of flannel, blue and round and made of wood, and so on.
We teach the child to group the objects, to put all the blues, yellows
and reds together irrespective of shape or material; then all the
rounds, squares and triangles together; then all which are made of like
material. We thus help the children to grasp that though shape, colour
and material are combined in each object, yet for the immediate purpose
in hand one matters and the others do not matter. That which does matter
is abstracted from the rest. The child has to analyse his experience and
fix his attention on some given factor therein. He has to compare the
objects intentionally, that is, for a definite end. He reaches, for
example, the concept "blue" and realizes that the word may be applied to
a number of particular objects differing in other respects, and that
each is an example of what he understands by the word blue. Whether he
could reach the concept without words is a question on which opinions
differ.


  Are animals conceptually intelligent?

Locke held that animals are incapable of the abstraction which is
implied in such procedure. Dr Stout considers that observation of their
behaviour shows little if any evidence of intentional comparison. And it
is open to discussion whether they are able to analyse the situations
opened up by their perceptual behaviour. The matter cannot be fully
considered here. It must suffice if enough has been said to show the
nature of the distinction between perceptual and conceptual process.

An example may, however, be given of the kind of observation which,
since it was carefully planned and carried out, is of evidential value.
Dr Alexander Hill's fox terrier was "taught" to open the side door of a
large box by lifting a projecting latch. When the door swung open he was
never allowed to find anything in the box, but was given a piece of
biscuit from the hand. Then a warm chop-bone was put inside the box,
which was placed in a courtyard so that the dog would pass it when no
one was near, though he could be watched from the window. Details of the
terrier's behaviour are given by Dr Hill in _Nature_ (lxvii. 558, April
1903). The net result was that the dog failed to apply at once his quite
familiar experience of lifting the latch in the usual way. Here two
situations were presented; first the box with people around and a piece
of biscuit to be obtained from one of them by lifting the latch;
secondly the box with no one near and a redolent chop-bone inside. To us
it is obvious enough that the lifted latch is the key to the development
of both situations; we analyse them so as to get the essential factor
which matters. The dog apparently did not do so. He seemingly was
incapable of this modest amount of analysis and abstraction.


  Ambiguity of phrase "conscious knowledge of means."

We can now see more clearly what was meant by saying that Romanes'
phrase (that intelligence "implies a conscious knowledge of the relation
between means employed and ends attained") is ambiguous. The dog which
lifts the latch of a gate and goes out when the gate swings open
undoubtedly employs means to reach an end; he need not analytically
think the means as conducive to the end and the end as reached by the
means; he need not conceive this relationship as exemplified in a number
of particular cases; he need not cognize the universal as distinguished
from the particulars. Perceptual experience, therefore, does not imply
what Romanes states if his words are interpreted in terms of conception;
it does, however, imply that the relationship is contained within the
unanalysed whole of experience and is a factor contributing to an
acquired mode of behaviour.

Opinions differ as to how far, if at all, animals show what we are bound
to interpret as the rudiments of conceptual thinking. It is perhaps best
to regard the question as still _sub judice_. The evolutionist school,
but not without exception, incline to the view that we find in animals
the beginnings of conceptual experience; some are, however, of opinion
that, in the absence of language, conceptual analysis is well-nigh
impossible, and in any case cannot be carried far. To an evolutionist
the assertion that conceptual intelligence could not conceivably have
had a natural genesis from perceptual experience, appears to be made on
grounds other than scientific. Few if any psychologists contend, on
strictly psychological grounds, for a distinction of kind such as Mivart
and Wasmann postulate. Conscious experience is indeed _sui generis_ and
is distinct in kind from the energy with which the physicist or the
physiologist has to deal; but within conscious experience from its
earliest manifestation to its latest development scientific psychology
only recognizes differences of mode.


  Stages of development.

In individual development the earliest manifestation of experience is
the conscious accompaniment or concomitant of that type of organic
behaviour which includes all reflex and instinctive acts. This affords
the primordial tissue of experience, including a conscious awareness of
the stimulating presentations which initiate organic behaviour and the
kinaesthetic presentations which accompany it. Thus arises an awareness
of the development of the instinctive situation. Perceptual intelligence
depends upon associative re-presentation--the earlier phases of a
presented situation calling up a revival of the whole previous
experience before its later phases are again actually presented. Through
the process of inhibition, to the clearer understanding of which
physiology is daily contributing fresh data, the actual development
through behaviour of the later phases of the situation is checked, and
an acquired modification of the behaviour results. The whole range of
perceptual intelligence in animals illustrates the manner in which
accommodation to varied circumstances is reached. On these foundations
in varied experience conceptual intelligence is developed. The early
stages of its development, whether in the child, in whom it
unquestionably occurs, or in the higher animals, in which it is not
improbably incipient, are difficult to determine on the basis of
observation of its expression in behaviour or conduct. But the
distinguishing features of conceptual as contrasted with perceptual
intelligence are the comparison of situations with a view to their
analysis, the disentangling of factors which are of importance for some
purpose of interpretation or of conduct, and the attitude of mind which
is expressed by saying that the particular case is an example of what
experience has shown to be, in technical phrase, universal, and is
realized as such. Under the comprehensive phrase, intelligence in
animals, this may or may not be included.

  For literature, see under INSTINCT.     (C. Ll. M.)


FOOTNOTE:

  [1] For a discussion of human intelligence, see PSYCHOLOGY.



INTENDANT (from Lat. _intendens_, pres. part. of _intendere_, to apply
the mind to, to watch over; cf. "superintendent"), the name used in
early times in France to designate a functionary invested by the king
with an important and durable commission.[1] As early as the 14th
century the title of _intendentes_ or _superintendentes financiarum_ was
given to the commissaries appointed by the king to levy the _aides_, or
temporary subsidies. In the 16th century Francis I. created the
_intendants des finances_, permanent functionaries who formed the
central and superior administration in financial matters. They took the
place of the _généraux des finances_ and the "treasurers of France," who
became provincial functionaries in the various _généralités_. The
_intendants des finances_ existed until the end of the _ancien régime_;
they were at first under the authority of the _surintendant_, and
subsequently under that of the _contrôleur général des finances_. The
_intendants des provinces_ date from the last thirty years of the 16th
century. They were commissaries sent by the king with wide powers to
restore order in the provinces after the civil wars. Their functions
were at first extraordinary and temporary, but a few were retained as
permanent state officials, and in course of time they came to be fairly
generally distributed over the whole kingdom. The existing territorial
divisions were not disturbed, each _intendant_ being placed over a
_généralité_, save in some cases where slight modifications were
necessary for administrative purposes. In their functions, however,
there is another element worthy of notice. In the 13th and 14th
centuries the monarchy had organized a species of inspection
(_chevauchée_) over the provincial functionaries, which was performed by
the _maîtres des requêtes_, and this the reform ordinances of the 16th
century sought to revive. This inspectorate passed to the _intendant_,
who became the resident local inspector and supervisor of all the other
functionaries in his district; its connexion with the old _chevauchée_
is plainly shown by the fact that the intendants were almost invariably
selected from the _maîtres des requêtes_. The early intendants had
naturally been largely concerned with the troops; eventually special
military intendants (the only ones that exist in modern French law) were
created, but the _intendants des provinces_ retained certain military
duties, notably those relating to the housing of the troops.

The early intendants were called indifferently _intendants de justice_
or _intendants de finances_, their full official title being _intendants
de justice, police et finances, et commissaires, départis dans les
généralités du royaume pour l'exécution des ordres de Sa Majesté_. This
title shows the wide range of their duties, the word "_police_" in this
connexion connoting general administration. Not being officers of the
king, but merely commissaries, they could always be recalled, and their
powers were fixed by the commission they received from the king. As
their functions became pre-eminently administrative the laws of the 17th
and 18th centuries referred many questions to their decision, and, in
this respect, their powers were determined by law. They became the
direct general representatives of the king in each _généralité_, with
authority over the other officials, whom they were empowered to censure,
suspend or sometimes even replace. They were in constant touch with the
king's council, with which they were connected by their original rights
as _maîtres des requêtes_. In the first half of the 17th century they
encountered some opposition from the governors of provinces, who had
formerly been the direct political representatives of the crown, and
also from the parliaments, which traditionally intervened in the
administration, especially by means of _arrêts de règlement_ (decisions,
from which there was no appeal, regulating questions of procedure, civil
law or custom). The intendants, however, were energetically supported,
and so complete was their triumph that in the 18th century governors of
provinces could not enter upon their duties without formal _lettres de
résidence_.

The intendants had wide powers in the drawing by lot of the militia and
in the royal _corvées_ for the making and repair of the high roads, and
were largely concerned with the administration of the _taille_, in which
they effected useful reforms. They were the sole administrators of the
principal direct and indirect imposts created in the second half of the
17th century and in the 18th century, and had full powers to settle
disputes arising out of these taxes. Owing to the vast size of the
districts allotted to the intendants (there were no more than thirty-two
intendants in 1788), they often felt the need of assistants. As
commissaries of the king, they could delegate their powers to
_sub-délégués_, who were, however, not royal officials, but merely
mandatories of the intendant. Decisions of the intendant could be
carried to the king's council, and those of the _sub-délégué_ to the
intendant.

  See Gabriel Hanotaux, _Origines de l'institution des intendants des
  provinces_ (1884); D'Arbois de Jubainville, _L'Administration des
  intendants d'après les archives de l'Aube_ (1880); P. Ardascheff,
  _Provintzalnaya administratsiya vo Frantsii ve poshednoyo porou
  starago poryadka: provintsialny Intendanty_ (St Petersburg,
  1900-1906).     (J. P. E.)


FOOTNOTE:

  [1] In Germany the title _Intendant_ is applied to the head of public
    institutions, more particularly to the high officials in charge of
    court theatres, royal gardens, palaces and the like. The director of
    certain civic theatres is now also sometimes styled Intendant. The
    title _Generalintendant_ implies the same official duties, but higher
    rank. In the German army the _Intendantur_ corresponds to the British
    quartermaster-general's and financial departments of the War Office,
    the French _intendance militaire_. Subordinate to these are the
    _intendances_ (_Intendanturen_) under general officers commanding,
    the heads of which are in Germany called _Korpsintendanten_, and in
    France _intendants-généraux_, _intendants militaires_, &c. (see ARMY,
    § 58).



INTENT (from Lat. _intendere_, to stretch out, extend, particularly in
the phrase _intendere animum_, to turn one's mind to, purpose), in law,
the purpose or object with which an act is done. The question of intent
is important with reference both to civil and criminal responsibility.
Briefly, it may be said that in criminal law the constituent element of
an offence is the _mens rea_ or the guilty intent. The commission of an
act without the intent is not, as a general rule, sufficient to
constitute a crime, nor, on the other hand, does the existence of a
guilty intent without commission of the act amount to the legal
conception of a crime (see CRIMINAL LAW). In the case of civil wrongs,
in general, the opposite holds good. A wrongful act done to the person
or property of another carries with it legal liability, irrespective of
the motive with which the act was done (see TORT). In reference to the
construction of contracts, wills and other documents, the question of
intention is material as showing the sense and meaning of the words
used, and what they were intended to effect.



INTERAMNA LIRENAS, an ancient town of Italy in the Volscian territory
near the modern Pignataro Interamna, 5 m. S.E. of Aquinum; the
additional name distinguishes it from Interamna Praetuttianorum (mod.
Teramo) and Interamna Nahartium (mod. Terni). It was founded by the
Romans as a Latin colony in 312 B.C. as a military base in the war
against Samnium, no fewer than 4000 colonists being sent thither. It was
among the Latin colonies which in 209 B.C. refused to supply further
contingents or money for the Hannibalic war. It became a _municipium_
with the other Latin colonies, but we hear no more of it--mainly, no
doubt, because it lay off the Via Latina. Livy's description of it as on
the Via Latina is not strictly accurate, and cannot be used as an
indication that the former course of the Via Latina was through
Interamna. The city lay on a hill on the N. bank of the Liris, between
two of its tributaries, thus lacking natural defences on the N. side
alone. Many inscriptions have been found, and there are considerable
remains of antiquity. One inscription bears the date A.D. 408, and the
site was occupied in the middle ages by a castle called Terame or
Termine.     (T. As.)



INTERCALARY (from Lat. _intercalare_, to proclaim, _calare_, the
insertion of a day in the calendar), a term applied to a month, day or
days inserted between other months or days in order to adjust the
reckoning of time, based on the revolution of the earth round the sun,
the day, and of the moon round the earth, the lunar month, to the
revolution of the earth round the sun, the solar year (see CALENDAR).
From the meaning of something inserted or placed between, intercalary is
used for something which interrupts a series, or comes between two
types. In botany, the term is used of growth which is not apical but
somewhere between the apex and base of an organ, such as the growth in
length of an Iris leaf, or of the internode of a grass-haulm.



INTERCOLUMNIATION, in architecture, the distance between the columns of
a peristyle, generally referred to in terms of the lower diameter of the
column. They are thus set forth by Vitruvius (iii. 2): (a) Pycnostyle,
equal to 1½ diameters; (b) Systyle, 2 diameters; (c) Eustyle, 2¼
diameters (which was the proportion preferred by him); (d) Diastyle, 3
diameters; and (e) Araeostyle or wide spaced, 4 diameters, a span only
possible when the architrave was in wood. Vitruvius's definition would
seem to apply only to examples with which he was acquainted in Rome, or
to Greek temples described by authors he had studied. In the earlier
Doric temples the intercolumniation is sometimes less than one diameter,
and it increases gradually as the style developed; thus in the Parthenon
it is 1¼, in the Temple of Diana Propylaea at Eleusis, 1¼; and in the
portico at Delos, 2½. The intercolumniations of the columns of the Ionic
Order are greater, averaging 2 diameters, but then the relative
proportion of height to diameter in the column has to be taken into
account, as also the width of the peristyle. Thus in the temple of
Apollo Branchidae, where the columns are slender and over 10 diameters
in height, the intercolumniation is 1¾, notwithstanding its late date,
and in the Temple of Apollo Smintheus in Asia Minor, in which the
peristyle is pseudodipteral, or double width, the intercolumniation is
just over 1½. Temples of the Corinthian Order follow the proportions of
those of the Ionic Order.



INTERDICT (Lat. _interdictum_, from _interdicere_, to forbid by decree,
lit., interpose by speech), in its full technical sense as an
ecclesiastical term, a sentence by a competent ecclesiastical authority
forbidding all celebration of public worship, the administration of some
sacraments (baptism, confirmation and penance are permitted) and
ecclesiastical burial. From general interdicts, however, are excepted
the feast days of Christmas, Easter, Whitsunday, the Assumption and
Corpus Christi. An interdict may be either local, personal or mixed,
according as it applies to a locality, to a particular person or class
of persons, or to a particular locality as long as it shall be the
residence of a particular person or class of persons. Local interdicts
again may be either general or particular; in the latter instance they
refer only to particular buildings set apart for religious services. An
interdict is a measure which seeks to punish a population or a religious
body (e.g. a chapter) for the fault of some only of its members, who
cannot be reached separately. It is a penalty directed against society
rather than against individuals. In 869 Hincmar of Laon laid his entire
diocese under an interdict, a proceeding for which he was severely
censured by Hincmar of Reims. In the _Chronicle_ of Ademar of Limoges
(_ad ann._ 994) it is stated that Bishop Alduin introduced there "a new
plan for punishing the wickedness of his people; he ordered the churches
and monasteries to cease from divine worship and the people to abstain
from divine praise, and this he called excommunication" (see Gieseler,
_Kirchengesch_. iii. 342, where also the text is given of a proposal to
a similar effect made by Odolric, abbot of St Martial, at the council of
Limoges in 1031). It was not until the 11th century that the use of the
interdict obtained a recognized place among the means of discipline at
the disposal of the Roman hierarchy, which used it, without great
success, to bring back the secular authorities to obedience. Important
historical instances of the use of the interdict occur in the cases of
Scotland under Pope Alexander III. in 1181, of France under Innocent
III. in 1200, and of England under the same pope in 1209. So far as the
interdict is "personal," that is to say, applied to a particular
individual, it may be regarded as a kind of partial excommunication; for
instance, a bishop may, for certain faults, be interdicted from entering
the church (_ab ingressu ecclesiae_), that is, without being
excommunicated, he must not celebrate or assist at the celebration of
divine offices. Interdicts cease at the expiration of the term, or by
removal (_relaxatio_). General and local interdicts are no longer in
use.

  See the canonists in tit. 39 _lib._ v., _De sententia excommun_., &c.;
  L. Ferraris, _Prompta bibliotheca canonica_, &c., s.v. "Interdictum."

_Interdict_, in Scots law, is an order of court pronounced on cause
shown for stopping any proceedings complained of as illegal or wrongful.
It may be resorted to as a remedy against all encroachments either on
property or possession. For the analogous English practice see
INJUNCTION.



INTERDICTION, in Scots law, a process of restraint applied to prodigals
and others who, "from weakness, facility or profusion, are liable to
imposition." It is either voluntary or judicial. Voluntary interdiction
is effected by the prodigal himself, who executes a bond obliging
himself to do no deed which may affect his estate without the assent of
certain persons called the "interdictors." This may be removed by the
court of session, by the joint act of the interdictors and the
interdicted, and by the number of interdictors being reduced below the
number constituting a quorum. Judicial interdiction is imposed by order
of the court, either moved by an interested party or acting in the
exercise of its _nobile officium_, and can only be removed by a similar
order. Deeds done by the interdicted person, so far as they affect or
purport to affect his heritable estate, are reducible, unless they have
been done with the consent of the interdictors. Interdiction has no
effect, however, on movable property.



INTERESSE TERMINI (Lat. for "interest in a term"), in law, an executory
interest, being the right of entry which the grant of a lease confers
upon a lessee. Actual entry on the lands by the lessor converts the
right into an estate. If the lease, however, has been created by a
bargain and sale or by any other conveyance under the Statute of Uses,
which does not require an entry, the term vests in the lessee at once.
An _interesse termini_ gives a cause of action against any person
through whose action entry by the lessee or delivery of possession to
him may have been prevented. An _interesse termini_ is a right _in rem_,
alienable at common law, and transmissible to the executors of the
lessee.



INTEREST, etymologically a state or condition of being concerned in or
having a share in anything, hence a legal or other claim to or share in
property, benefits or advantages. Further developments of meaning are
found in the application of the word to the benefits, advantages,
matters of importance, &c., in which "interest" or concern can be felt,
and to the feeling of concern so excited; hence also the word is used of
the persons who have a concern in some common "interest," e.g. the
trading or commercial interest, and of the personal or other influence
due to a connexion with specific "interests." The word is derived from
the Latin _interesse_ (literally "to be between"), to make a difference,
to concern, be of importance. The form which the word takes in English
is a substantival use of the 3rd person singular of the present
indicative of the Latin verb, and is due to a similar use in French of
the older _interest_, modern _intérêt_. The earlier English word was
_interess_, which survived till the end of the 17th century; the
earliest example of "interest" in the _New English Dictionary_ is from
the _Rolls of Parliament_ of 1450.

These meanings of "interest" are plainly derived from the ordinary uses
of the Latin _interesse_. The origin of the application of the word to
the compensation paid for the use of money or for the forbearance of a
debt, with which, as far as present English law is concerned, this
article deals, forms part of the history of USURY and MONEY-LENDING
(q.v.). By Roman law, where one party to a contract made default, the
other could enforce, over and above the fulfilment of the agreement,
compensation based on the difference (_id quod interest_) to the
creditor's position caused by the default of the debtor, which was
technically known as _mora_, delay. This difference could be reckoned
according as actual loss had accrued, and also on a calculation of the
profit that might have been made had performance been carried out. Now
this developed the canonist doctrine of _damnum emergens_ and _lucrum
cessans_ respectively, which played a considerable part in the breaking
down of the ecclesiastical prohibition of the taking of usury. The
medieval lawyers used the phrase _damna et interesse_ (in French
_dommages et intérêts_) for such compensation by way of damages for the
non-fulfilment of a contract, and for damages and indemnity generally.
Thus _interesse_ and _intérêt_ came to be particularly applied to the
charge for the use of money disguised by a legal fiction under the form
of an indemnity for the failure to perform a contract.

At English common law an agreement to pay interest is not implied unless
in the case of negotiable instruments, when it is supported by
mercantile usage. As a general rule therefore debts certain, payable at
a specified time, do not carry interest from that time unless there has
been an express agreement that they should do so. But when it has been
the constant practice of a trade or business to charge interest, or
where as between the parties interest has been always charged and paid,
a contract to pay interest is implied. It is now provided by the Civil
Procedure Act 1833 that, "upon all debts or sums certain payable at a
certain time or otherwise, the jury on the trial of any issue or in any
inquisition of damages _may_ if they shall think fit allow interest to
the creditor at a rate not exceeding the current rate of interest, from
the time when such debts or sums certain were payable, if such debts or
sums be payable by virtue of some written instrument at a certain time;
or if payable otherwise, then from the time when demand of payment
shall have been made in writing, so as such demand shall give notice to
the debtor that interest will be claimed from the date of such demand
until the term of payment: provided that interest shall be payable in
all cases in which it is now payable by law." Compound interest requires
to be supported by positive proof that it was agreed to by the parties;
an established practice to account in this manner will be evidence of
such an agreement. When interest is awarded by a court it is generally
at the rate of 4%; under special circumstances 5% has been allowed.



INTERFERENCE OF LIGHT. § 1. This term[1] and the ideas underlying it
were introduced into optics by Thomas Young. His Bakerian lecture on
"The Theory of Light and Colours" (_Phil. Trans._, 1801) formulated the
following hypotheses and propositions, and thereby laid the foundations
of the wave theory:--


  _Hypotheses._

  (i.) A luminiferous aether pervades the universe, rare and elastic in
  a high degree.

  (ii.) Undulations are excited in this aether whenever a body becomes
  luminous.

  (iii.) The sensation of different colours depends on the different
  frequency of vibrations excited by the light in the retina.

  (iv.) All material bodies have an attraction for the aethereal medium,
  by means of which it is accumulated in their substance, and for a
  small distance around them, in a state of greater density but not of
  greater elasticity.


  _Propositions._

  (i.) All impulses are propagated in a homogeneous elastic medium with
  an equable velocity.

  (ii.) An undulation conceived to originate from the vibration of a
  single particle must expand through a homogeneous medium in a
  spherical form, but with different quantities of motion in different
  parts.

  (iii.) A portion of a spherical undulation, admitted through an
  aperture into a quiescent medium, will proceed to be further
  propagated rectilinearly in concentric superfices, terminated
  laterally by weak and irregular portions of newly diverging
  undulations.

  (iv.) When an undulation arrives at a surface which is the limit of
  mediums of different densities, a partial reflection takes place,
  proportionate in force to the difference of the densities.

  (v.) When an undulation is transmitted through a surface terminating
  different mediums, it proceeds in such a direction that the sines of
  the angles of incidence and refraction are in the constant ratio of
  the velocity of propagation in the two mediums.

  (vi.) When an undulation falls on the surface of a rarer medium, so
  obliquely that it cannot be regularly refracted, it is totally
  reflected at an angle equal to that of its incidence.

  (vii.) If equidistant undulations be supposed to pass through a
  medium, of which the parts are susceptible of permanent vibrations
  somewhat slower than the undulations, their velocity will be somewhat
  lessened by this vibratory tendency; and, in the same medium, the
  more, as the undulations are more frequent.

  (viii.) When two undulations, from different origins, coincide either
  perfectly or very nearly in direction, their joint effect is a
  combination of the motions belonging to each.

  (ix.) Radiant light consists in undulations of the luminiferous
  aether.

In the _Philosophical Transactions_ for 1802, Young refers to his
discovery of "a simple and general law." The law is that "wherever two
portions of the same light arrive at the eye by different routes, either
exactly or very nearly in the same direction, the light becomes most
intense where the difference of the routes is a multiple of a certain
length, and least intense in the intermediate state of the interfering
portions; and this length is different for light of different colours."

This appears to be the first use of the word _interfering_ or
_interference_ as applied to light. When two portions of light by their
co-operation cause darkness, there is certainly "interference" in the
popular sense; but from a mechanical or mathematical point of view, the
superposition contemplated in proposition viii. would more naturally be
regarded as taking place without interference. Young applied his
principle to the explanation of colours of striated surfaces (gratings),
to the colours of thin plates, and to an experiment which we shall
discuss later in the improved form given to it by Fresnel, where a
screen is illuminated simultaneously by light proceeding from two
similar sources. As a preliminary to these explanations we require an
analytical expression for waves of simple type, and an examination of
the effects of compounding them.

  § 2. _Plane Waves of Simple Type._--Whatever may be the character of
  the medium and of its vibration, the analytical expression for an
  infinite train of plane waves is

           / 2[pi]                     \
    A cos ( -------- (Vt - x) + [alpha] )  (1),
           \[lambda]                   /

  in which [lambda] represents the wave-length, and V the corresponding
  velocity of propagation. The coefficient A is called the amplitude,
  and its nature depends upon the medium and may here be left an open
  question. The phase of the wave at a given time and place is
  represented by [alpha]. The expression retains the same value whatever
  integral number of wave-lengths be added to or subtracted from x. It
  is also periodic with respect to t, and the period is

    [tau] = [lambda]/V  (2).

  In experimenting upon sound we are able to determine independently
  [tau], [lambda], and V; but on account of its smallness the periodic
  time of luminous vibrations eludes altogether our means of
  observation, and is only known indirectly from [lambda] and V by means
  of (2).

  There is nothing arbitrary in the use of a circular function to
  represent the waves. As a general rule this is the only kind of wave
  which can be propagated without a change of form; and, even in the
  exceptional cases where the velocity is independent of wave-length, no
  generality is really lost by this procedure, because in accordance
  with Fourier's theorem any kind of periodic wave may be regarded as
  compounded of a series of such as (1), with wave-lengths in harmonical
  progression.

  A well-known characteristic of waves of type (1) is that any number of
  trains of various amplitudes and phases, but of the _same
  wave-length_, are equivalent to a single train of the same type. Thus

                  / 2[pi]                    \
    [Sigma]A cos ( --------(Vt - x) + [alpha] )
                  \[lambda]                  /

                                2[pi]                                      2[pi]
    = [Sigma]A cos[alpha]·cos --------(Vt - x) - [Sigma]A sin[alpha]·sin --------(Vt - x)
                              [lambda]                                   [lambda]

             / 2[pi]                  \
    = P cos ( --------(Vt - x) + [phi] )  (3),
             \[lambda]                /

  where P² = ([Sigma]A cos [alpha])² = [Sigma](A sin[alpha])²  (4),

               [Sigma](A sin[alpha])
    tan[phi] = ---------------------  (5).
               [Sigma](A cos[alpha])

  An important particular case is that of two component trains only.

           / 2[pi]                    \            / 2[pi]                     \
    A cos ( --------(Vt - x) + [alpha] ) + A´ cos ( --------(Vt - x) + [alpha]´ )
           \[lambda]                  /            \[lambda]                   /

             /  2[pi]                 \
    = P cos ( --------(Vt - x) + [phi] ),
             \[lambda]                /

  where P² = A² + A´² + 2AA´ cos ([alpha] - [alpha]´)  (6).

  The composition of vibrations of the same period is precisely
  analogous, as was pointed out by Fresnel, to the composition of
  forces, or indeed of any other two-dimensional vector quantities. The
  magnitude of the force corresponds to the amplitude of the vibration,
  and the inclination of the force corresponds to the phase. A group of
  forces, of equal intensity, represented by lines drawn from the centre
  to the angular points of a regular polygon, constitute a system in
  equilibrium. Consequently, a system of vibrations of equal amplitude
  and of phases symmetrically distributed round the period has a zero
  resultant.

  According to the phase-relation, determined by ([alpha] - [alpha]´),
  the amplitude of the resultant may vary from (A - A´) to (A + A´). If
  A´ and A are equal, the minimum resultant is zero, showing that two
  equal trains of waves may neutralize one another. This happens when
  the phases are opposite, or differ by half a (complete) period, and
  the effect is that described by Young as "interference."

  § 3. _Intensity._--The intensity of light of given wave-length must
  depend upon the amplitude, but the precise nature of the relation is
  not at once apparent. We are not able to appreciate by simple
  inspection the relative intensities of two unequal lights; and, when
  we say, for example, that one candle is twice as bright as another, we
  mean that two of the latter burning independently would give us the
  same light as one of the former. This may be regarded as the
  definition; and then experiment may be appealed to to prove that the
  intensity of light from a given source varies inversely as the square
  of the distance. But our conviction of the truth of the law is perhaps
  founded quite as much upon the idea that something not liable to loss
  is radiated outwards, and is distributed in succession over the
  surfaces of spheres concentric with the source, whose areas are as the
  squares of the radii. The something can only be energy; and thus we
  are led to regard the rate at which energy is propagated across a
  given area parallel to the waves as the measure of intensity; and this
  is proportional, not to the first power, but to the _square_ of the
  amplitude.

  § 4. _Resultant of a Large Number of Vibrations of Arbitrary
  Phase._--We have seen that the resultant of two vibrations of equal
  amplitude is wholly dependent upon their phase-relation, and it is of
  interest to inquire what we are to expect from the composition of a
  large number (n) of equal vibrations of amplitude unity, and of
  arbitrary phases. The intensity of the resultant will of course depend
  upon the precise manner in which the phases are distributed, and may
  vary from n² to zero. But is there a definite intensity which becomes
  more and more probable as n is increased without limit?

  The nature of the question here raised is well illustrated by the
  special case in which the possible phases are restricted to two
  _opposite_ phases. We may then conveniently discard the idea of phase,
  and regard the amplitudes as at random _positive or negative_. If all
  the signs are the same, the intensity is n²; if, on the other hand,
  there are as many positive as negative, the result is zero. But,
  although the intensity may range from 0 to n², the smaller values are
  much more probable than the greater.

  The simplest part of the problem relates to what is called in the
  theory of probabilities the "expectation" of intensity, that is, the
  mean intensity to be expected after a great number of trials, in each
  of which the phases are taken at random. The chance that all the
  vibrations arc positive is 2^(-n), and thus the expectation of
  intensity corresponding to this contingency is 2^(-n)·n². In like
  manner the expectation corresponding to the number of positive
  vibrations being (n - 1) is

    2^(-n)·n·(n -)²,

  and so on. The whole expectation of intensity is thus

      1    /                    n(n - 1)
    ----- ( 1·n² + n·(n - 2)² + -------- (n - 4)²
    2^(n)  \                       1·2

        n(n - 1)(n - 2)              \
      + ---------------(n - 6)² + ... )  (1).
            1·2·3                    /

  Now the sum of the (n + 1) terms of this series is simply n, as may be
  proved by comparison of coefficients of x² in the equivalent forms

    (e^x + e^(-x))^n = 2^n(1 + ½ x² + ... )^n

                             n(n - 1)
    = e^(nx) + ne^[(n-2)x] + -------- e^[(n-4)x] + ...
                                1·2

  The expectation of intensity is therefore n, and this whether n be
  great or small.

  The same conclusion holds good when the phases are unrestricted. From
  (4), § 2, if A = 1,

    P² = n + 2[Sigma] cos ([alpha]2 - [alpha]1)  (2),

  where under the sign of summation are to be included the cosines of
  the ½ n(n - 1) differences of phase. When the phases are arbitrary,
  this sum is as likely to be positive as negative, and thus the mean
  value of P² is n.

  The reader must be on his guard here against a fallacy which has
  misled some high authorities. We have not proved that when n is large
  there is any tendency for a single combination to give the intensity
  equal to n, but the quite different proposition that in a large number
  of trials, in each of which the phases are rearranged arbitrarily, the
  _mean_ intensity will tend more and more to the value n. It is true
  that even in a single combination there is no reason why any of the
  cosines in (2) should be positive rather than negative, and from this
  we may infer that when n is increased the sum of the terms tends to
  vanish in comparison with the number of terms. But, the number of
  terms being of the order n², we can infer nothing as to the value of
  the sum of the series in comparison with n.

  Indeed it is not true that the intensity in a single combination
  approximates to n, when n is large. It can be proved (_Phil. Mag._,
  1880, 10, p. 73; 1899, 47. p. 246) that the probability of a resultant
  intermediate in amplitude between r and r + dr is

    2
    -- e^(-r²/n) rdr  (3),
    n

  The probability of an amplitude less than r is thus

         _
    2   /r
    --  |  e^(-r²/n) rdr = 1 - e^(-r²/n)  (4),
    n  _/0

  or, which is the same thing, the probability of an amplitude greater
  than r is

    e^(-r²/n)  (5).

  The accompanying table gives the probabilities of intensities less
  than the fractions of n named in the first column. For example, the
  probability of intensity less than n is .6321.

    +-----+-------+------+-------+
    | .05 | .0488 |  .80 | .5506 |
    | .10 | .0952 | 1.00 | .6321 |
    | .20 | .1813 | 1.50 | .7768 |
    | .40 | .3296 | 2.00 | .8647 |
    | .60 | .4512 | 3.00 | .9502 |
    +-----+-------+------+-------+


  It will be seen that, however great n may be, there is a fair chance
  of considerable relative fluctuations of intensity in consecutive
  combinations.

  The _mean_ intensity, expressed by
        _
    2  / [oo]
    -- |     e^(-r²/n)·r²·rdr,
    n _/ 0

  is, as we have already seen, equal to n.

  It is with this mean intensity only that we are concerned in ordinary
  photometry. A source of light, such as a candle or even a soda flame,
  may be regarded as composed of a very large number of luminous centres
  disposed throughout a very sensible space; and, even though it be true
  that the intensity at a particular point of a screen illuminated by it
  and at a particular moment of time is a matter of chance, further
  processes of averaging must be gone through before anything is arrived
  at of which our senses could ordinarily take cognizance. In the
  smallest interval of time during which the eye could be impressed,
  there would be opportunity for any number of rearrangements of phase,
  due either to motions of the particles or to irregularities in their
  modes of vibration. And even if we supposed that each luminous centre
  was fixed, and emitted perfectly regular vibrations, the manner of
  composition and consequent intensity would vary rapidly from point to
  point of the screen, and in ordinary cases the mean illumination over
  the smallest appreciable area would correspond to a thorough averaging
  of the phase-relationships. In this way the idea of the intensity of a
  luminous source, independently of any questions of phase, is seen to
  be justified, and we may properly say that two candles are twice as
  bright as one.

[Illustration: FIG. 1.]

§ 5. _Interference Fringes._--In Fresnel's fundamental experiment light
from a point O (fig. 1) falls upon an isosceles prism of glass BCD, with
the angle at C very little less than two right angles. The source of
light may be a pin-hole through which sunlight enters a dark room, or,
more conveniently, the image of the sun formed by a lens of short focus
(1 or 2 in.). For actual experiment when, as usually happens, it is
desirable to economize light, the _point_ may be replaced by a _line_ of
light perpendicular to the plane of the diagram, obtained either from a
linear source, such as the filament of an incandescent electric lamp, or
by admitting light through a narrow vertical slit.

  If homogeneous light be used, the light which passes through the prism
  will consist of two parts, diverging as if from points O1 and O2
  symmetrically situated on opposite sides of the line CO. Suppose a
  sheet of paper to be placed at A with its plane perpendicular to the
  line OCA, and let us consider what illumination will be produced at
  different parts of this paper. As O1 and O2 are images of O, crests of
  waves must be supposed to start from them simultaneously. Hence they
  will arrive simultaneously at A, which is equidistant from them, and
  there they will reinforce one another. Thus there will be a bright
  band on the paper parallel to the edges of the prism. If P1 be chosen
  so that the difference between P1O2 and P1O1 is half a wave-length
  (i.e. half the distance between two successive crests), the two
  streams of light will constantly meet in such relative conditions as
  to destroy one another. Hence there will be a line of darkness on the
  paper, through P1, parallel to the edges of the prism. At P2, where
  O2P2 exceeds O1P2 by a whole wave-length, we have another bright band;
  and at P3, where O2P3 exceeds O1P3 by a wave-length and a half,
  another dark band; and so on. Hence, as everything is symmetrical
  about the bright band through A, the screen will be illuminated by a
  series of bright and dark bands, gradually shading into one another.
  If the paper screen be moved parallel to itself to or from the prism,
  the locus of all the successive positions of any one band will (by the
  nature of the curve) obviously be an hyperbola whose foci are O1 and
  O2. Thus the interval between any two bands will increase in a more
  rapid ratio than does the distance of the screen from the source of
  light. But the intensity of the bright bands diminishes rapidly as the
  screen moves farther off; so that, in order to measure their distance
  from A, it is better to substitute the eye (furnished with a convex
  lens) for the screen. If we thus measure the distance AP1 between A
  and the nearest bright band, measure also AO, and calculate (from the
  known material and form of the prism, and the distance CO) the
  distance O1O2, it is obvious that we can deduce from them the lengths
  of O1P2 and O2P2. Their difference is the _length of a wave_ of the
  homogeneous light experimented with. Though this is not the method
  actually employed for the purpose (as it admits of little precision),
  it has been thus fully explained here because it shows in a very
  simple way the possibility of measuring a wave-length.

  The difference between O1P1 and O2P1 becomes greater as AP1 is
  greater. Thus it is clear that the bands are _more widely separated
  the longer the wave-length of the homogeneous light employed_. Hence
  when we use white light, and thus have systems of bands of every
  visible wave-length superposed, the band A will be red at its edges,
  the next bright bands will be blue at their inner edges and red at
  their outer edges. But, after a few bands are passed, the bright bands
  due to one kind of light will gradually fill up the dark bands due to
  another; so that, while we may count hundreds of successive bright and
  dark bars when homogeneous light is used, with white light the bars
  become gradually less and less defined as they are farther from A, and
  finally merge into an almost uniform white illumination of the screen.

  If D be the distance from O to A, and P be a point on the screen in
  the neighbourhood of A, then approximately

                  /                     /
    O1P - O2P = \/ {D² + (u + ½b)²} - \/{D² + (u - ½b)²} = ub/D,

  where O1O2 = b, AP = u.

  Thus, if [lambda] be the wave-length, the places where the phases are
  accordant are given by

    u = n[lambda]D/b  (1),

  n being an integer.

  If the light were really homogeneous, the successive fringes would be
  similar to one another and unlimited in number; moreover there would
  be no place that could be picked out by inspection as the centre of
  the system. In practice [lambda] varies, and (as we have seen) the
  only place of complete accordance for all kinds of light is at A,
  where u = 0. Theoretically, there is no place of complete discordance
  for all kinds of light, and consequently no complete blackness. In
  consequence, however, of the fact that the range of sensitiveness of
  the eye is limited to less than an "octave," the centre of the first
  dark band (on either side) is sensibly black, even when white light is
  employed; but it should be carefully remarked that the existence of
  even one band is due to selection, and that the formation of several
  visible bands is favoured by the capability of the retina to make
  chromatic distinctions within the visible range.

  The number of perceptible bands increases _pari passu_ with the
  approach of the light to homogeneity. For this purpose there are two
  methods that may be used.

  We may employ light, such as that from the soda flame, which possesses
  _ab initio_ a rather high degree of homogeneity. If the range of
  wave-length included be 1/50000, a corresponding number of
  interference fringes may be made visible. The above was the number
  obtained by A. H. L. Fizeau. Using vacuum tubes containing, for
  example, mercury or cadmium vapour, A. A. Michelson has been able to
  go much farther. The narrowness of the bright line of light seen in
  the spectroscope, and the possibility of a large number of Fresnel's
  bands, depend upon precisely the same conditions; the one is in truth
  as much an interference phenomenon as the other.

  In the second method the original light may be highly composite, and
  homogeneity is brought about with the aid of a spectroscope. The
  analogy with the first method is closest if we use the spectroscope to
  give us a line of homogeneous light in simple substitution for the
  artificial flame. Or, following J. B. L. Foucault and Fizeau, we may
  allow the white light to pass, and subsequently analyse the mixture
  transmitted by a narrow slit in the screen upon which the interference
  bands are thrown. In the latter case we observe a channelled spectrum,
  with maxima of brightness corresponding to the wave-lengths bu/(nD).
  In either case the number of bands observable is limited solely by the
  resolving power of the spectroscope, and proves nothing with respect
  to the regularity, or otherwise, of the vibrations of the original
  light.

In lieu of the biprism, reflectors may be invoked to double the original
source of light. In one arrangement two reflected images are employed,
obtained from two reflecting surfaces nearly parallel and in the same
plane. Glass, preferably blackened behind, may be used, provided the
incidence be made sufficiently oblique. In another arrangement, due to
H. Lloyd, interference takes place between light proceeding directly
from the original source, and from one reflected image. Lloyd's
experiment deserves to be better known, as it may be performed with
great facility and without special apparatus. Sunlight is admitted
horizontally into a darkened room through a slit situated in a
window-shutter, and, at a distance of 15 to 20 ft., is received at
nearly grazing incidence upon a vertical slab of plate glass. The length
of the slab in the direction of the light should not be less than 2 or 3
in., and for some special observations may advantageously be much
increased. The bands are observed on a plane through the hinder vertical
edge of the slab by means of a hand-magnifying glass of from 1 to 2 in.
focus. The obliquity of the reflector is, of course, to be adjusted
according to the fineness of the bands required.

From the manner of their formation it might appear that under no
circumstances could more than half the system be visible. But according
to Sir G. B. Airy's principle (see below) the bands may be displaced if
examined through a prism. In practice all that is necessary is to hold
the magnifier somewhat excentrically. The bands may then be observed
gradually to detach themselves from the mirror, until at last the
complete system is seen, as in Fresnel's form of the experiment.

  The fringes now under discussion are those which arise from the
  superposition of two simple and equal trains of waves whose directions
  are not quite parallel. If the two directions of propagation are
  inclined on opposite sides of the axis of x at small angles [alpha],
  the expressions for two components of equal amplitude are

         2[pi]
    cos -------- {Vt - x cos [alpha] - y sin [alpha]},
        [lambda]

  and

         2[pi]
    cos -------- {Vt - x cos [alpha] + y sin [alpha]},
        [lambda]

  so that the resultant is expressed by

          2[pi]y sin [alpha]      2[pi]
    2 cos ------------------ cos -------- {Vt - x cos [alpha]},
               [lambda]          [lambda]

  from which it appears that the vibrations advance parallel to the axis
  of x, unchanged in type, and with a uniform velocity V/cos [alpha].
  Considered as depending on y, the vibration is a maximum when y sin
  [alpha] is equal to O, [lambda], 2[lambda], 3[lambda], &c.,
  corresponding to the centres of the bright bands, while for
  intermediate values ½[lambda], (3/2)[lambda], &c., there is no
  vibration.

  From (1) we see that the linear width [Lambda] of the bands, reckoned
  from bright to bright or dark to dark, is

    [Lambda] = [lambda]D/b  (2).

  The degree of homogeneity necessary for the approximate perfection of
  the n^(th) Fresnel's band may be found at once from (1) and (2). For
  if du be the change in u corresponding to the change d[lambda], then

    du/[Lambda] = nd[lambda]/[lambda]  (3).

  Now clearly du must be a small fraction of [Lambda], so that
  d[lambda]/[lambda] must be many times smaller than 1/n, if the darkest
  places are to be sensibly black. But the phenomenon will be tolerably
  well marked if the proportional range of wave-length do not exceed
  1/2n, provided, that is, that the distribution of illumination over
  this range be not concentrated towards the extreme parts.

  So far we have supposed the sources at O1, O2 to be mathematically
  small. In practice, the source is an elongated slit, whose direction
  requires to be carefully adjusted to parallelism with the reflecting
  surface or surfaces. By this means an important advantage is gained in
  respect of brightness without loss of definition, as the various parts
  of the aperture give rise to coincident systems of bands.

  The question of the admissible _width_ of the slit requires
  consideration. We will suppose that the light issuing from various
  parts of the aperture is without permanent phase-relations, as when
  the slit is backed immediately by a flame, or by an incandescent
  filament. Regular interference can then only take place between light
  coming from _corresponding_ parts of the two images, and a distinction
  must be drawn between the two ways in which the images may be situated
  relatively to one another. In Fresnel's experiment, whether carried
  out with the mirrors or with the biprism, the corresponding parts of
  the images are on the same side; that is, the right of one corresponds
  to the right of the other, and the left of the one to the left of the
  other. On the other hand, in Lloyd's arrangement the reflected image
  is reversed relatively to the original source; the two outer edges
  corresponding, as also the two inner. Thus in the first arrangement
  the bands due to various parts of the slit differ merely by a lateral
  shift, and the condition of distinctness is simply that the projection
  of the width of the slit be a small fraction of the width of the
  bands. From this it follows as a corollary that the limiting width is
  independent of the order of the bands under examination. It is
  otherwise in Lloyd's method. In this case the centres of the systems
  of bands are the same, whatever part of the slit is supposed to be
  operative, and it is the distance apart of the images (b) that varies.
  The bands corresponding to the various parts of the slit are thus upon
  different scales, and the resulting confusion must increase with the
  order of the bands. From (1) the corresponding changes in u and b are
  given by

    du = -n[lambda]D db/b²;

  so that

    du/[Lambda] = -n db/b  (4).

  If db represents twice the width of the slit, (4) gives a measure of
  the resulting confusion in the bands. The important point is that the
  slit must be made narrower as n increases if the bands are to retain
  the same degree of distinctness.

§ 6. _Achromatic Interference Bands._--We have already seen that in the
ordinary arrangement, where the source is of white light entering
through a narrow slit, the heterogeneity of the light forbids the
visibility of more than a few bands. The scale of the various
band-systems is proportional to [lambda]. But this condition of things,
as we recognize from (2) (see § 5), depends upon the constancy of b,
i.e. upon the supposition that the various kinds of light all come from
the same place. Now there is no reason why such a limitation need be
imposed. If we regard b as variable, we see that we have only to take b
proportional to [lambda], in order to render the band-interval [Lambda]
independent of colour. In such a case the system of bands is
_achromatic_, and the heterogeneity of the light is no obstacle to the
formation of visible bands of high order.

  These requirements are very easily met by the use of Lloyd's mirrors,
  and of a diffraction grating (see DIFFRACTION) with which to form a
  spectrum. White light enters the dark room through a slit in the
  window-shutter, and falls in succession upon a grating and an
  achromatic lens, so as to form a real diffraction spectrum, or rather
  a series of such, in the focal plane. The central image and all the
  lateral coloured images except one are intercepted by a screen. The
  spectrum which is allowed to pass is the proximate source of light in
  the interference experiment, and since the deviation of any colour
  from the central white image is proportional to [lambda], it is only
  necessary to arrange the mirror so that its plane passes through the
  white image in order to realize the conditions for the formation of
  achromatic bands.

  When a suitable grating is at hand, the experiment in this form
  succeeds very well. If we are satisfied with a less perfect fulfilment
  of the achromatic conditions, the diffraction spectrum may be replaced
  by a prismatic one, so arranged that d([lambda]/b) = 0 for the most
  luminous rays. The bands are then achromatic in the sense that the
  ordinary telescope is so. In this case there is no objection to a
  merely virtual spectrum, and the experiment may be very simply
  executed with Lloyd's mirror and a prism of (say) 20° held just in
  front of it.

  The number of black and white bands shown by the prism is not so great
  as might be expected. The lack of contrast that soon supervenes can
  only be due to imperfect superposition of the various component
  systems. That the fact is so is at once proved by observing according
  to the method of Fizeau; for the spectrum from a slit at a very
  moderate distance out is seen to be traversed by bands. If the
  adjustment has been properly made, a certain region in the
  yellow-green is uninterrupted, while the closeness of the bands
  increases towards the other end of the spectrum. So far as regards the
  red and blue rays, the original bands may be considered to be already
  obliterated, but so far as regards the central rays, to be still
  fairly defined. Under these circumstances it is remarkable that so
  little colour should be apparent on direct inspection of the bands. It
  would seem that the eye is but little sensitive to colours thus
  presented, perhaps on account of its own want of achromatism.

§ 7. _Airy's Theory of the White Centre._--If a system of Fresnel's
bands be examined through a prism, the central white band undergoes an
abnormal displacement, which has been supposed to be inconsistent with
theory. The explanation has been shown by Airy (_Phil. Mag._, 1833, 2,
p. 161) to depend upon the peculiar manner in which the white band is in
general formed.

  "Any one of the kinds of homogeneous light composing the incident
  heterogeneous light will produce a series of bright and dark bars,
  unlimited in number as far as the mixture of light from the two
  pencils extends, and undistinguishable in quality. The consideration,
  therefore, of homogeneous light will never enable us to determine
  which is the point that the eye immediately turns to as the centre of
  the fringes. What then is the physical circumstance that determines
  the centre of the fringes?

  "The answer is very easy. For different colours the bars have
  different breadths. If then the bars of all colours coincide at one
  part of the mixture of light, they will not coincide at any other
  part; but at equal distances on both sides from that place of
  coincidence they will be equally far from a state of coincidence. If
  then we can find where the bars of all colours coincide, that point is
  the centre of the fringes.

  "It appears then that the centre of the fringes is not necessarily the
  point where the two pencils of light have described equal paths, but
  is determined by considerations of a perfectly different kind.... The
  distinction is important in this and in other experiments."

  The effect in question depends upon the dispersive power of the prism.
  If v be the linear shifting due to the prism of the originally central
  band, v must be regarded as a function of [lambda]. Measured from the
  original centre, the position of the n^(th) bar is now

    v + n[lambda]D/b.

  The coincidence of the various bright bands occurs when this quantity
  is as independent as possible of [lambda], that is, when n is the
  nearest integer to

           b     dv
    n = - --- ---------  (1);
           D  d[lambda]

  or, as Airy expresses it in terms of the width of a band ([Lambda]), n
  = -dv/d[Lambda].

  The apparent displacement of the white band is thus not v simply, but

    v - [Lambda]dv/d[Lambda]  (2).

  The signs of dv and d[Lambda] being opposite, the abnormal
  displacement is in addition to the normal effect of the prism. But,
  since dv/d[Lambda], or dv/d[lambda], is not constant, the achromatism
  of the white band is less perfect than when no prism is used.

  If a grating were substituted for the prism, v would vary as [Lambda],
  and (2) would vanish, so that in all orders of spectra the white band
  would be seen undisplaced.

  In optical experiments two trains of waves can interfere only when
  they have their origin in the same source. Otherwise, as it is usually
  put, there can be no permanent phase-relation, and therefore no
  regular interference. It should be understood, however, that this is
  only because trains of optical waves are never absolutely homogeneous.
  A really homogeneous train could maintain a permanent phase-relation
  with another such train, and, it may be added, would of necessity be
  polarized in its character. The peculiarities of polarized light with
  respect to interference are treated under POLARIZATION OF LIGHT.

  In a classical experiment interference-bands were employed to examine
  whether light moved faster or slower in glass than in air. For this
  purpose a very thin piece of glass may be interposed in the path of
  one of the interfering rays, and the resulting displacement of the
  bands is such as to indicate that the light passing through the glass
  is _retarded_. In a better form of the experiment two pieces of
  parallel glass cut from the same plate are interposed between the
  prism and the screen, so that the rays from O1 (fig. 1) pass through
  one part and those from O2 through the other. So long as these pieces
  are parallel, no shifting takes place, but if one be slightly turned,
  the bands are at once displaced. In the absence of dispersion the
  retardation R due to the plate would be independent of [lambda], and
  therefore completely compensated at the point determined by u = DR/b;
  but when there is dispersion it is accompanied by a fictitious
  displacement of the fringes on the principle explained by Airy, as was
  shown by Stokes.

  Before quitting this subject it is proper to remark that Fresnel's
  bands are more influenced by diffraction than their discoverer
  supposed. On this account the fringes are often unequally broad and
  undergo fluctuations of brightness. A more precise calculation has
  been given by H. F. Weber and by H. Struve, but the matter is too
  complicated to be further considered here. The observations of Struve
  appear to agree well with the corrected theory.

§ 8. _Colours of Thin Plates._--These colours, familiarly known as those
of the soap-bubble, are seen under a variety of conditions and were
studied with some success by Robert Hooke under the name of "fantastical
colours" (_Micrographia_, 1664). The inquiry was resumed by Sir Isaac
Newton with his accustomed power ("Discourse on Light and Colours,"
1675, _Opticks_, book ii.), and by him most of the laws regulating these
phenomena were discovered. Newton experimented especially with thin
plates of air enclosed by slightly curved glasses, and the coloured
rings so exhibited are usually called after him "Newton's rings."

  The colours are manifested in the greatest purity when the reflecting
  surfaces are limited to those which bound the thin film. This is the
  case of the soap-bubble. When, as is in other respects more
  convenient, two glass plates enclosing a film of air are substituted,
  the light under examination is liable to be contaminated by that
  reflected from the outer surfaces. A remedy may be found in the use of
  wedge-shaped glasses so applied that the outer surfaces, though
  parallel to one another, are inclined to the inner operating surfaces.
  By suitable optical arrangements the two portions of light, desired
  and undesired, may then be separated.

  In his first essay upon this subject Thomas Young was able to trace
  the formation of these colours as due to the interference of light
  reflected from the two surfaces of the plate; or, as it would be
  preferable to say, to the superposition of the two reflected
  vibrations giving resultants of variable magnitude according to the
  phase-relation. A difficulty here presents itself which might have
  proved insurmountable to a less acute inquirer. The luminous vibration
  reflected at the second surface travels a distance increased by twice
  the thickness of the plate, and it might naturally be supposed that
  the relative retardation would be measured by this quantity. If this
  were so, the two vibrations reflected from the surfaces of an
  infinitely thin plate would be in accordance, and the intensity of the
  resultant a maximum. The facts were notoriously the reverse. At the
  place of contact of Newton's glasses, or at the thinnest part of a
  soap-film just before it bursts, the colour is black and not white as
  the explanation seems to require. Young saw that the reconciliation
  lies in the circumstance that the two reflections occur under
  different conditions, one, for example, as the light passes from air
  to water, and the second as it passes from water to air. According to
  mechanical principles the second reflection involves a change of sign,
  equivalent to a gain or loss of half an undulation. When a series of
  waves constituting any particular coloured light is reflected from an
  infinitely thin plate, the two partial reflections are in absolute
  discordance and, if of equal intensity, must give on superposition
  complete darkness. With the aid of this principle the sequence of
  colours in Newton's rings is explained in much the same way as that of
  interference fringes (above, § 5).

  [Illustration: FIG. 2.]

  The complete theory of the colours of thin plates requires us to take
  account not merely of the two reflections already mentioned but of an
  infinite series of such reflections. This was first effected by S. D.
  Poisson for the case of retardations which are exact multiples of the
  half wave-length, and afterwards more generally by Sir G. B. Airy
  (_Camb. Phil. Trans._, 1832, 4, p. 409).

  In fig. 2, ABF is the ray, perpendicular to the wave-front, reflected
  at the upper surface, ABCDE the ray transmitted at B, reflected at C
  and transmitted at D; and these are accompanied by other rays
  reflected internally 3, 5, &c., times. The first step is to calculate
  the retardation [delta] between the first and second waves, so far as
  it depends on the distances travelled in the plate (of index µ) and in
  air.

  If the angle ABF = 2[alpha], angle BCD = 2[alpha]´ and the thickness
  of plate = t, we have

    [delta] = µ(BC + CD) - BG
            = 2µBC - 2BC sin [alpha] sin [alpha]´ = 2µBC(l - sin²[alpha]´)
            = 2µt cos [alpha]´  (1).

  In (1) [alpha]´ is the angle of refraction, and we see that, contrary
  to what might at first have been expected, the retardation is least
  when the obliquity is greatest, and reaches a maximum when the
  obliquity is zero or the incidence normal. If we represent all the
  vibrations by complex quantities, from which finally the imaginary
  parts are rejected, the retardation [delta] may be expressed by the
  introduction of the factor [epsilon]^(-i[kappa][delta]), where i =
  [root](-1), and [kappa] = 2[pi]/[lambda].

  At each reflection or refraction the amplitude of the incident wave
  must be supposed to be altered by a certain factor which allows room
  for the reversal postulated by Young. When the light proceeds from the
  surrounding medium to the plate, the factor for reflection will be
  supposed to be b, and for refraction c; the corresponding quantities
  when the progress is from the plate to the surrounding medium will be
  denoted by e, f. Denoting the incident vibration by unity, we have
  then for the first component of the reflected wave b, for the second
  cef[Epsilon]^(-i[kappa][delta]), for the third ce³f[epsilon]^{-2i[kappa
  delta]}, and so on. Adding these together, and summing the geometric
  series, we find

         cef[epsilon]^(-i[kappa][delta])
    b + ----------------------------------  (2).
        1 - e²[epsilon]^(-i[kappa][delta])

  In like manner for the wave transmitted through the plate we get

                   cf
    ----------------------------------  (3).
    1 - e²[epsilon]^(-i[kappa][delta])

  The quantities b, c, e, f are not independent. The simplest way to
  find the relations between them is to trace the consequences of
  supposing [delta] = 0 in (2) and (3). This may be regarded as a
  development from Young's point of view. A plate of vanishing thickness
  is ultimately no obstacle at all. In the nature of things a _surface_
  cannot reflect. Hence with a plate of vanishing thickness there must
  be a vanishing reflection and a total transmission, and accordingly

    b + e = 0, cf = l - e²  (4),

  the first of which embodies Arago's law of the equality of
  reflections, as well as the famous "loss of half an undulation." Using
  these we find for the reflected vibration,

    e{1 - [epsilon]^(-i[kappa][delta])}
    -----------------------------------  (5),
    1 - e²[epsilon]^(-i[kappa][delta])

  and for the transmitted vibration

                 1 - e²
    ----------------------------------  (6).
    1 - e²[epsilon]^(-i[kappa][delta])

  The intensities of the reflected and transmitted lights are the
  squares of the moduli of these expressions. Thus

  Intensity of reflected light =

            (1 - cos [kappa][delta])² + sin² [kappa][delta]
    = e² -----------------------------------------------------
         (1 - e²cos [kappa][delta])² + e^4 sin² [kappa][delta]

          4e²sin²(½[kappa][delta])
    = -------------------------------  (7);
      1 - 2e² cos[kappa][delta] + e^4

                                              (1 - e²)²
  Intensity of transmitted light = ------------------------------- (8),
                                   1 - 2e²cos [kappa][delta] + e^4

  the sum of the two expressions being unity.

  According to (7) not only does the reflected light vanish completely
  when [delta] = 0, but also whenever ½[kappa][delta] = n[pi], n being
  an integer, that is, whenever [delta] = n[lambda]. When the first and
  third mediums are the same, as we have here supposed, the central
  spot in the system of Newton's ring is _black_, even though the
  original light contain a mixture of all wave-lengths. If the light
  reflected from a plate of any thickness be examined with a
  spectroscope of sufficient resolving power, the spectrum will be
  traversed by dark bands, of which the centre corresponds to those
  wave-lengths which the plate is incompetent to reflect. It is obvious
  that there is no limit to the fineness of the bands which may be thus
  impressed upon a spectrum, whatever may be the character of the
  original mixed light.

  The relations between the factors b, c, e, f have been proved,
  independently of the theory of thin plates, in a general manner by
  Stokes, who called to his aid the general mechanical principle of
  _reversibility_. If the motions constituting the reflected and
  refracted rays to which an incident ray gives rise be supposed to be
  reversed, they will reconstitute a reversed incident ray. This gives
  one relation; and another is obtained from the consideration that
  there is no ray in the second medium, such as would be generated by
  the operation alone of either the reversed reflected or refracted
  rays. Space does not allow of the reproduction of the argument at
  length, but a few words may perhaps give the reader an idea of how the
  conclusions are arrived at. The incident ray (IA) (fig. 3) being 1,
  the reflected (AR) and refracted (AF) rays are denoted by b and c.
  When b is reversed, it gives rise to a reflected ray b² along AI, and
  a refracted ray bc along AG (say). When c is reversed, it gives rise
  to cf along AI, and ce along AG. Hence bc + ce = 0, b² + cf = 1, which
  agree with (4). It is here assumed that there is no change of phase in
  the act of reflection or refraction, except such as can be represented
  by a change of sign.

  [Illustration: FIG. 3.]

  When the third medium differs from the first, the theory of thin
  plates is more complicated, and need not here be discussed. One
  particular case, however, may be mentioned. When a thin transparent
  film is backed by a perfect reflector, no colours should be visible,
  all the light being ultimately reflected, whatever the wave-length may
  be. The experiment may be tried with a thin layer of gelatin on a
  polished silver plate. In other cases where a different result is
  observed, the inference is that either the metal does not reflect
  perfectly, or else that the material of which the film is composed is
  not sufficiently transparent. Some apparent exceptions to the above
  rule, exhibited by thin films of collodion resting upon silver
  surfaces, have been described by R. W. Wood (_Physical Optics_, p.
  143), who attributes the very curious effects observed to _frilling_
  of the collodion film.

  For study of the colours of thin plates there are no more interesting
  subjects than the soap-film. For projection the films may be stretched
  across vertical rings of iron wire coated with paraffin. In their
  undisturbed condition they thin from the top, and the colours are
  disposed in horizontal bands. If, as suggested by Brewster, a jet of
  wind issuing from a small nozzle and supplied from a well-regulated
  bellows be allowed to impinge obliquely, parts of the film are set in
  rotation, and displays of colours may be exhibited to a large
  audience, astonishing by their brilliance and by the rapidity with
  which they change. Permanent films, analogous to soap-films, are best
  obtained by Glew's method. A few drops of celluloid varnish are poured
  upon the surface of water contained in a large dish. After evaporation
  of the solvent, the films may be picked up upon rings of iron wire.

  As a variant upon Newton's rings, interesting effects may be obtained
  by the partial etching of the surfaces of picked pieces of
  plate-glass. A surface is coated in parallel stripes with paraffin wax
  and treated with dilute hydrofluoric acid for such a time (found by
  preliminary trials) as is required to eat away the exposed portions to
  a depth of one quarter of the mean wave-length of light. Two such
  prepared surfaces pressed in the crossed position into suitable
  contact exhibit a chess-board pattern. Where two uncorroded, or where
  two corroded, parts overlap, the colours are nearly the same; but
  where a corroded and an uncorroded surface meet, a strongly contrasted
  colour is developed. The combination lends itself to projection and
  the pattern seen upon the screen is very beautiful if proper
  precautions are taken to eliminate the white light reflected from the
  first and fourth surfaces of the plates (see _Nature_, 1901, 64, 385).

  Theory and observation alike show that the transmitted colours of a
  thin plate, e.g. a soap film or a layer of air, are very inferior to
  those reflected. Specimens of ancient glass, which have undergone
  superficial decomposition, on the other hand, sometimes show
  transmitted colours of remarkable brilliancy. The probable
  explanation, suggested by Brewster, is that we have here to deal not
  merely with one, but with a series of thin plates of not very
  different thicknesses. It is evident that with such a series the
  transmitted colours would be much purer, and the reflected much
  brighter, than usual. If the thicknesses are strictly equal, certain
  wave-lengths must still be absolutely missing in the reflected light;
  while on the other hand a constancy of the interval between the plates
  will in general lead to a special preponderance of light of some other
  wave-length for which all the component parts as they ultimately
  emerge are in agreement as to phase.

  On the same principle are doubtless to be explained the colours of
  fiery opals, and, more remarkable still, the iridescence of certain
  crystals of potassium chlorate. Stokes showed that the reflected
  light is often in a high degree monochromatic, and that it is
  connected with the existence of twin planes. A closer discussion
  appears to show that the twin planes must be repeated in a periodic
  manner (_Phil. Mag._, 1888, 26, 241, 256; also see R. W. Wood, _Phil.
  Mag._, 1906).

  A beautiful example of a similar effect is presented by G. Lippmann's
  coloured photographs. In this case the periodic structure is actually
  the product of the action of light. The plate is exposed to stationary
  waves, resulting from the incidence of light upon a reflecting surface
  (see PHOTOGRAPHY).

  All that can be expected from a physical theory is the determination
  of the composition of the light reflected from or transmitted by a
  thin plate in terms of the composition of the incident light. The
  further question of the chromatic character of the mixtures thus
  obtained belongs rather to physiological optics, and cannot be
  answered without a complete knowledge of the chromatic relations of
  the spectral colours themselves. Experiments upon this subject have
  been made by various observers, and especially by J. Clerk Maxwell
  (_Phil. Trans._, 1860), who has exhibited his results on a colour
  diagram as used by Newton. A calculation of the colours of thin
  plates, based upon Maxwell's data, and accompanied by a drawing
  showing the curve representative of the entire series up to the fifth
  order, has been given by Rayleigh (_Edin. Trans._, 1887). The colours
  of Newton's scale are met with also in the light transmitted by a
  somewhat thin plate of doubly-refracting material, such as mica, the
  plane of analysis being perpendicular to that of primitive
  polarization.

  The same series of colours occur also in other optical experiments,
  e.g. at the centre of the illuminated area when light issuing from a
  point passes through a small round aperture in an otherwise opaque
  screen.

  The colours of which we have been speaking are those formed at nearly
  perpendicular incidence, so that the retardation (reckoned as a
  distance), viz. 2µt cos [alpha]´, as sensibly independent of [lambda].
  This state of things may be greatly departed from when the thin plate
  is rarer than its surroundings, and the incidence is such that
  [alpha]´ is nearly equal to 90°, for then, in consequence of the
  powerful dispersion, cos [alpha]´ may vary greatly as we pass from one
  colour to another. Under these circumstances the series of colours
  entirely alters its character, and the bands (corresponding to a
  graduated thickness) may even lose their coloration, becoming sensibly
  black and white through many alternations (Newton's _Opticks_, bk.
  ii.; Fox-Talbot, _Phil. Mag._, 1836, 9, p. 40l). The general
  explanation of this remarkable phenomenon was suggested by Newton.

  Let us suppose that plane waves of white light travelling in glass are
  incident at angle [alpha] upon a plate of air, which is bounded again
  on the other side by glass. If µ be the index of the _glass_, [alpha]´
  the angle of refraction, then sin [alpha]´ = µ sin [alpha]; and the
  retardation, expressed by the equivalent distance in air, is

  2t sec [alpha]´ - µ·2t tan [alpha]´ sin [alpha] = 2t cos [alpha]´;

  and the retardation in _phase_ is 2t cos [alpha]´/[lambda], [lambda]
  being as usual the wave-length in air.

  The first thing to be noticed is that, when [alpha] approaches the
  critical angle, cos[alpha]´ becomes as small as we please, and that
  consequently the retardation corresponding to a given thickness is
  very much less than at perpendicular incidence. Hence the glass
  surfaces need not be so close as usual.

  A second feature is the increased brilliancy of the light. According
  to (7) the intensity of the reflected light when at a maximum
  (sin ½[kappa][gamma] = 1) is 4e²/(1 + e²)². At perpendicular incidence
  e is about 1/5, and the intensity is somewhat small; but, as
  cos[alpha]´ approaches zero, e approaches unity, and the brilliancy is
  much increased.

  But the peculiarity which most demands attention is the lessened
  influence of a variation in [lambda] upon the phase-retardation. A
  diminution of [lambda] of itself increases the retardation of phase,
  but, since waves of shorter wave-length are more refrangible, this
  effect may be more or less perfectly compensated by the greater
  obliquity, and consequent diminution in the value of cos [alpha]´. We
  will investigate the conditions under which the retardation of phase
  is stationary in spite of a variation of [lambda].

  In order that [lambda]^(-1) cos [alpha]´ may be stationary, we must have

    [lambda] sin [alpha]´ d[alpha]´ + cos [alpha]´ d[lambda] = 0,

  where ([alpha] being constant)

    cos [alpha]´ d[alpha]´ = sin [alpha] dµ.

                         [lambda]   dµ
  Thus cot² [alpha]´ = - -------- ---------  (9),
                             µ    d[lambda]

  giving [alpha]´ when the relation between µ and [lambda] is known.

  According to A. L. Cauchy's formula, which represents the facts very
  well throughout most of the visible spectrum,

    µ = A + B[lambda]^(-2)  (10),

  so that

                       2B        2(µ - A)
    cot² [alpha]´ = ---------- = --------  (11).
                    [lambda]²µ       µ

  If we take, as for Chance's "extra-dense flint," B = .984 × 10^(-10),
  and as for the soda lines, µ = 1.65, [lambda] = 5.89 × 10^(-6), we get

    [alpha]´ = 79°30´.

  At this angle of refraction, and with this kind of glass, the
  retardation of phase is accordingly nearly independent of wave-length,
  and therefore the bands formed, as the thickness varies, are
  approximately achromatic. Perfect achromatism would be possible only
  under a law of dispersion

    µ² = A´ - B´[lambda]².

  If the source of light be distant and very small, the black bands are
  wonderfully fine and numerous. The experiment is best made (after
  Newton) with a right-angled prism, whose hypothenusal surface may be
  brought into approximate contact with a plate of black glass. The
  bands should be observed with a convex lens, of about 8 in. focus. If
  the eye be at twice this distance from the prism, and the lens be held
  midway between, the advantages are combined of a large field and of
  maximum distinctness.

  If Newton's rings are examined through a prism, some very remarkable
  phenomena are exhibited, described in his twenty-fourth observation
  (_Opticks_; see also Place, _Pogg. Ann._, 1861, 114, 504). "When the
  two object-glasses are laid upon one another, so as to make the rings
  of the colours appear, though with my naked eye I could not discern
  above eight or nine of those rings, yet by viewing them through a
  prism I could see a far greater multitude, insomuch that I could
  number more than forty.... And I believe that the experiment may be
  improved to the discovery of far greater numbers.... But it was on but
  one side of these rings, namely, that towards which the refraction was
  made, which by the refraction was rendered distinct, and the other
  side became more confused than when viewed with the naked eye....

  "I have sometimes so laid one object-glass upon the other that to the
  naked eye they have all over seemed uniformly white, without the least
  appearance of any of the coloured rings; and yet by viewing them
  through a prism great multitudes of those rings have discovered
  themselves."

  Newton was evidently much struck with these "so odd circumstances";
  and he explains the occurrence of the rings at unusual thicknesses as
  due to the dispersing power of the prism. The blue system being more
  refracted than the red, it is possible under certain conditions that
  the n^(th) blue ring may be so much displaced relatively to the
  corresponding red ring as _at one part of the circumference_ to
  compensate for the different diameters. A white stripe may thus be
  formed in a situation where without the prism the mixture of colours
  would be complete, so far as could be judged by the eye.

  The simplest case that can be considered is when the "thin plate" is
  bounded by plane surfaces inclined to one another at a small angle. By
  drawing back the prism (whose edge is parallel to the intersection of
  the above-mentioned planes) it will always be possible so to adjust
  the effective dispersing power as to bring the n^(th) bars to
  coincidence for any two assigned colours, and therefore approximately
  for the entire spectrum. The formation of the achromatic band, or
  rather central black band, depends indeed upon the same principles as
  the fictitious shifting of the centre of a system of Fresnel's bands
  when viewed through a prism.

  But neither Newton nor, as would appear, any of his successors has
  explained why the bands should be more numerous than usual, and under
  certain conditions sensibly achromatic for a large number of
  alternations. It is evident that, in the particular case of the
  wedge-shaped plate above specified, such a result would not occur. The
  width of the bands for any colour would be proportional to [lambda],
  as well after the displacement by the prism as before; and the
  succession of colours formed in white light and the number of
  perceptible bands would be much as usual.

  The peculiarity to be explained appears to depend upon the _curvature_
  of the surfaces bounding the plate. For simplicity suppose that the
  lower surface is plane (y = 0), and that the approximate equation of
  the upper surface is y = [alpha] + bx², a being thus the least
  distance between the plates. The black of the n^(th) order for
  wave-length [lambda] occurs when

    ½n[lambda] = [alpha] + bx²  (12);

  and thus the width ([delta]x) at this place of the band is given by

    ½[lambda] = 2bx[delta]x  (13);

                 [lambda]                  [lambda]
  or  [delta]x = -------- =  -------------------------------------  (14).
                    4bx      4[root]b·[root](½n[lambda] - [alpha])

  If the glasses be in contact, as is usually supposed in the theory of
  Newton's rings, [alpha] = 0, and [delta]x[oo][lambda]^½, or the
  width of the band of the n^(th) order varies as the square root of the
  wave-length, instead of as the first power. Even in this case the
  overlapping and subsequent obliteration of the bands is greatly
  retarded by the use of the prism, but the full development of the
  phenomenon requires that [alpha] should be finite. Let us inquire what
  is the condition in order that the width of the band of the n^(th)
  order may be stationary, as [lambda] varies. By (14) it is necessary
  that the variation of [lambda]²/(½n[lambda] - [alpha]) should vanish.
  Hence a = ¼n[lambda], so that the interval between the surfaces at the
  place where the n^(th) band is formed should be half due to curvature
  and half to imperfect contact at the place of closest approach. If
  this condition be satisfied, the achromatism of the n^(th) band,
  effected by the prism, carries with it the achromatism of a large
  number of neighbouring bands, and thus gives rise to the remarkable
  effects described by Newton. Further developments are given by Lord
  Rayleigh in a paper "On Achromatic Interference Bands" (_Phil. Mag._,
  1889, 28, pp. 77, 189); see also E. Mascart, _Traité d'optique_.

  In Newton's rings the variable element is the thickness of the plate,
  to which the retardation is directly proportional, and in the ideal
  case the angle of incidence is constant. To observe them the eye is
  focused upon the thin plate itself, and if the plate is very thin no
  particular precautions are necessary. As the plate thickens and the
  order of interference increases, there is more and more demand for
  homogeneity in the light, and we may have recourse to a sodium-flame
  or a helium vacuum tube. At the same time the disturbing influence of
  obliquity increases. Unless the aperture of the eye is reduced, the
  rays reaching it from even the same point of the plate are differently
  affected, and complications ensue tending to impair the distinctness
  of the bands. To obviate this disturbance it is best to work at
  incidences as nearly as possible perpendicular.

  [Illustration: FIG. 4.]

  The bands seen when light from a soda flame falls upon nearly parallel
  surfaces are often employed as a test of flatness. Two flat surfaces
  can be made to fit, and then the bands are few and broad, if not
  entirely absent; and, however the surfaces may be presented to one
  another, the bands should be straight, parallel and equidistant. If
  this condition be violated, one or other of the surfaces deviates from
  flatness. In fig. 4, A and B represent the glasses to be tested, and C
  is a lens of 2 or 3 ft. focal length. Rays diverging from a soda flame
  at E are rendered parallel by the lens, and after reflection from the
  surfaces are recombined by the lens at E. To make an observation, the
  coincidence of the radiant point and its image must be somewhat
  disturbed, the one being displaced to a position a little beyond, and
  the other to a position a little in front of the diagram. The eye,
  protected from the flame by a suitable screen, is placed at the image,
  and being focused upon AB, sees the field traversed by bands. The
  reflector D is introduced as a matter of convenience to make the line
  of vision horizontal.

  These bands may be photographed. The lens of the camera takes the
  place of the eye, and should be as close to the flame as possible.
  With suitable plates, sensitized by cyanin, the exposure required may
  vary from ten minutes to an hour. To get the best results, the hinder
  surface of A should be blackened, and the front surface of B should be
  thrown out of action by the superposition of a wedge-shaped plate of
  glass, the intervening space being filled with oil of turpentine or
  other fluid having nearly the same refraction as glass. Moreover, the
  light should be purified from blue rays by a trough containing
  solution of bichromate of potash. With these precautions the dark
  parts of the bands are very black, and the exposure may be prolonged
  much beyond what would otherwise be admissible.

  By this method it is easy to compare one flat with another, and thus,
  if the first be known to be free from error, to determine the errors
  of the second. But how are we to obtain and verify a standard? The
  plan usually followed is to bring _three_ surfaces into comparison.
  The fact that two surfaces can be made to fit another in all azimuths
  proves that they are spherical and of equal curvatures, but one convex
  and the other concave, the case of perfect flatness not being
  excluded. If A and B fit one another, and also A and C, it follows
  that B and C must be similar. Hence, if B and C also fit one another,
  all three surfaces must be flat. By an extension of this process the
  errors of three surfaces which are not flat can be found from a
  consideration of the interference bands which they present when
  combined in three pairs.

  The free surface of undisturbed water is almost ideally flat, and, as
  Lord Rayleigh (_Nature_, 1893, 48, 212) has shown, there is no great
  difficulty in using it as a standard of comparison. Following the same
  idea we may construct a parallel plate by superposing a layer of water
  upon mercury. If desired, the superior reflecting power of the mercury
  may be compensated by the addition of colouring matter to the water.

_Haidinger's Rings dependent on Obliquity._--It is remarkable that the
well-known theoretical investigation, undertaken with the view of
explaining Newton's rings, applies more directly to a different system
of rings discovered at a later date.

  The results embodied in equations (1) to (8) have application in the
  first instance to plates whose surfaces are absolutely parallel,
  though doubtless they may be employed with fair accuracy when the
  thickness varies but slowly.

  We have now to consider t constant and [alpha]´ variable in (1). If
  [alpha]´ be small,

    [delta] = 2µt(1 - ½[alpha]´²) = 2µt - t[alpha]²/µ  (15);

  and since the differences of [delta] are proportional to [alpha]², the
  law of formation is the same as for Newton's rings, where [alpha]´ is
  constant and t proportional to the square of the distance from the
  point of contact. In order to see these rings distinctly the eye must
  be focused, not upon the plate, but for infinitely distant objects.

The earliest observation of rings dependent upon obliquity appears to
have been made by W. von Haidinger (_Pogg. Ann._, 1849, 77, p. 219;
1855, 96, p. 453), who employed sodium light reflected from a plate of
mica (e.g. 0.2 mm. thick). The transmitted rays are the easier to see in
their completeness, though they are necessarily somewhat faint. For this
purpose it is sufficient to look through the mica, held close to the eye
and perpendicular to the line of vision, at a sheet of white paper or
card illuminated by a sodium flame. Although Haidinger omitted to
consider the double refraction of the mica and gave formulae not quite
correct for even singly refracting plates, he fully appreciated the
distinctive character of the rings, contrasting _Berührungsringe und
Plattenringe_. The latter may appropriately be named after him. Their
tardy discovery may be attributed to the technical difficulty of
obtaining sufficiently parallel plates, unless it be by the use of mica
or by the device of pouring water upon mercury. Haidinger's rings were
rediscovered by O. R. Lummer (_Wied. Ann._, 1884, 23, p. 49), who
pointed out the advantages they offer in the examination of plates
intended to be parallel.

  The illumination depends upon the intensity of the monochromatic
  source of light, and upon the reflecting power of the surfaces. If R
  be the intensity of the reflected light we have from (7)

     1                 (1 - e²)²
    --- = 1 + --------------------------;
     R        4e² sin² (½[kappa][delta])

  from which we see that if e = 1 absolutely, 1/R = R = 1 for all values
  of [delta]. If e = 1 very nearly, R = 1 nearly for all values of
  [delta] for which sin²(½[kappa][delta]) is not very small. In the
  light reflected from an extended source, the ground will be of full
  brightness corresponding to the source, but it will be traversed by
  _narrow_ dark lines. By transmitted light the ground, corresponding to
  general values of the obliquity, will be dark, but will be interrupted
  by narrow bright rings, whose position is determined by sin
  ½([kappa][delta]) = 0. In permitting for certain directions a complete
  transmission in spite of a high reflecting power (e) of the surfaces,
  the plate acts the part of a resonator.

  There is no transparent material for which, unless at high obliquity,
  e approaches unity. In C. Fabry and A. Pérot's apparatus the
  reflections at nearly perpendicular incidence are enhanced by lightly
  silvering the surfaces. In this way the advantage of narrowing the
  bright rings is attained in great measure without too heavy a
  sacrifice of light. The plate in the optical sense is one of air, and
  is bounded by plates of glass whose inner silvered surfaces are
  accurately flat and parallel. The outer surfaces need only ordinary
  flatness, and it is best that they be not quite parallel to the inner
  ones. The arrangement constitutes a _spectroscope_, inasmuch as it
  allows the structure of a complex spectrum line to be directly
  observed. If, for example, we look at a sodium flame, we see in
  general two distinct systems of narrow bright circles corresponding to
  the two D-lines. With particular values of the thickness of the plate
  of air the two systems may coincide so as to be seen as a single
  system, but a slight alteration of thickness will cause a separation.

  It will be seen that in this apparatus the optical parts are
  themselves of extreme simplicity; but they require accuracy of
  construction and adjustment, and the demand in these respects is the
  more severe the further the ideal is pursued of narrowing the rings by
  increase of reflecting power. Two forms of mounting are employed. In
  one instrument, called the _interferometer_, the distance between the
  surfaces--the thickness of the plate--is adjustable over a wide range.
  In its complete development this instrument is elaborate and costly.
  The actual measurements of wave-lengths by Fabry and Pérot were for
  the most part effected by another form of instrument called an
  _étalon_ or interference-gauge. The thickness of the optical plate is
  here fixed; the glasses are held up to metal knobs, acting as
  distance-pieces, by adjustable springs, and the final adjustment to
  parallelism is effected by regulating the pressure exerted by these
  springs. The distance between the surfaces may be 5 or 10 mm.

  The theory of the comparison of wave-lengths by means of this
  apparatus is very simple, and it may be well to give it, following
  closely the statement of Fabry and Pérot (_Ann. chim. phys._, 1902,
  25, p. 110). Consider first the cadmium radiation [lambda] treated as
  a standard. It gives a system of rings. Let P be the ordinal number of
  one of these rings, for example the first counting from the centre.
  This integer is supposed known. The order of interference at the
  centre will be p = P + [epsilon]. We have to determine this number
  [epsilon], lying ordinarily between 0 and 1. The diameter of the ring
  under consideration increases with [epsilon]; so that a measure of
  the diameter allows us to determine the latter. Let t be the thickness
  of the plate of air. The order of interference at the centre is p =
  2t/[lambda]. This corresponds to normal passage. At an obliquity i the
  order of interference is p cos i. Thus if x be the angular diameter of
  the ring P, p cos ½x = P; or since x is small,

    p = P(1 + (1/8)x²).

  In like manner, from observations upon another radiation [lambda]´ to
  be compared with [lambda], we have

    p´ = P´(1 + (1/8)x´²);

  whence if t be treated as an absolute constant,

    [lambda]´     P   /     x²   x´² \
    ---------  = --- ( 1 + --- - ---  )  (16).
    [lambda]      P´  \     8     8  /

  The ratio [lambda]/[lambda]´ is thus determined as a function of the
  angular diameters x, x´ and of the integers P, P´. If P, say for the
  cadmium red line, is known, an approximate value of [lambda]/[lambda]´
  will usually suffice to determine what integral value must be assigned
  to P´, and thence by (16) to allow of the calculation of the corrected
  ratio [lambda]´/[lambda].

  In order to find P we may employ a modified form of (16), viz.,

     P´   [lambda]   /     x²   x´² \
    --- = --------- ( 1 + --- - ---  )  (17).
     P    [lambda]´  \     8     8  /

  using spectrum lines, such as the cadmium red and the cadmium green,
  for which the relative wave-lengths are already known with accuracy
  from A. A. Michelson's work. To test a proposed integral value of P
  (cadmium red), we calculate P´ (cadmium green) from (17), using the
  observed values of x, x´. If the result deviates from an integer by
  more than a small amount (depending upon the accuracy of the
  observations), the proposed value of P is to be rejected. In this way
  by a process of exclusion the true value is ultimately arrived at
  (Rayleigh, _Phil. Mag._, 1906, 685). It appears that by Fabry and
  Pérot's method comparisons of wave-lengths may be made accurate to
  about one-millionth part; but it is necessary to take account of the
  circumstance that the effective thickness t of the plate is not
  exactly the same for various wave-lengths as assumed in (16).

§ 9. _Newton's Diffusion Rings._--In the fourth part of the second book
of his _Opticks_ Newton investigates another series of rings, usually
(though not very appropriately) known as the colours of thick plates.
The fundamental experiment is as follows. At the centre of curvature of
a concave looking-glass, quicksilvered behind, is placed an opaque card,
perforated by a small hole through which sunlight is admitted. The main
body of the light returns through the aperture; but a series of
concentric rings are seen upon the card, the formation of which was
proved by Newton to require the co-operation of the two surfaces of the
mirror. Thus the diameters of the rings depend upon the thickness of the
glass, and none are formed when the glass is replaced by a metallic
speculum. The brilliancy of the rings depends upon imperfect polish of
the anterior surface of the glass, and may be augmented by a coat of
diluted milk, a device used by Michel Ferdinand, duc de Chaulnes. The
rings may also be well observed without a screen in the manner
recommended by Stokes. For this purpose all that is required is to place
a _small_ flame at the centre of curvature of the prepared glass, so as
to coincide with its image. The rings are then seen surrounding the
flame and occupying a definite position in space.

  The explanation of the rings, suggested by Young, and developed by
  Herschel, refers them to interference between one portion of light
  scattered or diffracted by a particle of dust, and then regularly
  refracted and reflected, and another portion first regularly refracted
  and reflected and then diffracted at emergence by the same particle.
  It has been shown by Stokes (_Camb. Trans._, 1851, 9, p. 147) that no
  regular interference is to be expected between portions of light
  diffracted by different particles of dust.

  In the memoir of Stokes will be found a very complete discussion of
  the whole subject, and to this the reader must be referred who desires
  a fuller knowledge. Our limits will not allow us to do more than touch
  upon one or two points. The condition of fixity of the rings when
  observed in air, and of distinctness when a screen is used, is that
  the systems due to all parts of the diffusing surface should coincide;
  and it is fulfilled only when, as in Newton's experiments, the source
  and screen are in the plane passing through the centre of curvature of
  the glass.

  [Illustration: FIG. 5.]

  As the simplest for actual calculation, we will consider a little
  further the case where the glass is plane and parallel, of thickness t
  and index µ, and is supplemented by a lens at whose focus the source
  of light is placed. This lens acts both as collimator and as
  object-glass, so that the combination of lens and plane mirror
  replaces the concave mirror of Newton's experiment. The retardation is
  calculated in the same way as for thin plates. In fig. 5 the
  diffracting particle is situated at B, and we have to find the
  relative retardation of the two rays which emerge finally at
  inclination [theta], the one diffracted at emergence following the
  path ABDBIE, and the other diffracted at entrance and following the
  path ABFGH. The retardation of the former from B to I is 2µt + BI, and
  of the latter from B to the equivalent place G is 2µBF. Now FB = t sec
  [theta]´, [theta]´ being the angle of refraction; BI = 2t tan
  [theta]´sin[theta]; so that the relative retardation F is given by

    R = 2µt{1 + µ^(-1) tan [theta]´ sin [theta] -sec [theta]´}
      = 2µt(1 - cos [theta]´).

  If [theta], [theta]´ be small, we may take

    R = 2t[theta]²/µ  (1).

  as sufficiently approximate.

  The condition of distinctness is here satisfied, since R is the same
  for every ray emergent parallel to a given one. The rays of one
  parallel system are collected by the lens to a focus at a definite
  point in the neighbourhood of the original source.

  The formula (1) was discussed by Herschel, and shown to agree with
  Newton's measures. The law of formation of the rings follows
  immediately from the expression for the retardation, the radius of the
  ring of n^(th) order being proportional to n and to the square root of
  the wave-length.

§ 10. _Interferometer._--In many cases it is necessary that the two rays
ultimately brought to interference should be sufficiently separated over
a part of their course to undergo a different treatment; for example, it
may be desired to pass them through different gases.

  [Illustration: FIG. 6.]

  A simple modification of Young's original experiment suffices to solve
  this problem. Light proceeding from a slit at A (fig. 6) perpendicular
  to the plane of the paper, falls upon a collimating lens B whose
  aperture is limited by two parallel and rather narrow slits of equal
  width. The parallel rays CE, DF (shown broken in the figure)
  transmitted by these slits are brought to a focus at G by the lens EF
  where they form an image of the original slit A. This image is
  examined with an eye-piece of high magnifying power. The interference
  bands at G undergo displacement if the rays CE, DF are subjected to a
  relative retardation. Consider what happens at the point G, which is
  the geometrical image of A. If all is symmetrical so that the paths
  CE, DF are equal, there is brightness. But if, for example, CE be
  subjected to a relative retardation of half a wave-length, the
  brightness is replaced by darkness, and the bands are shifted through
  half a band-interval.

  [Illustration: FIG. 7.]

  An apparatus of this kind has been found suitable for determining the
  refractivity of gases, especially of gases available only in small
  quantities (_Proc. Roy. Soc._, 1896, 59, p. 198; 1898, 64, p. 95).
  There is great advantage in replacing the ordinary eye-piece by a
  simple cylindrical magnifier formed of a glass rod 4 mm. in diameter.
  Under these conditions a paraffin lamp sufficed to illuminate the slit
  at A, and allowed the refractivities of gases to be compared to about
  one-thousandth part.

  If the object be to merely see the bands in full development the
  lenses of the above apparatus may be dispensed with. A metal or
  pasteboard tube 10 in. long carries at one end a single slit
  (analogous to A) and at the other a double slit (analogous to C, D).
  This double slit, which requires to be very fine, may be made by
  scraping two parallel lines with a knife on a piece of silvered glass.
  The tube is pointed to a bright light, and the eye, held close behind
  the double slit, is focused upon the far slit.

  § 11. _Other Refractometers._--In another form of refractometer,
  employed by J. C. Jamin, the separations are effected by reflections
  at the surfaces of thick plates. Two thick glass mirrors, exactly the
  same in all respects, are arranged as in fig. 7. The first of the two
  interfering rays is that which is reflected at the first surface of
  the first reflector and at the second surface of the second reflector.
  The second ray undergoes reflection at the second surface of the first
  reflector and at the first surface of the second reflector. Upon the
  supposition that the plates are parallel and equally thick, the paths
  pursued by these two rays are equal. P represents a thin plate of
  glass interposed in the path of one ray, by which the bands are
  shifted.

  [Illustration: FIG. 8.]

  In Jamin's apparatus the two rays which produce interference are
  separated by a distance proportional to the thickness of the mirrors,
  and since there is a practical limit to this thickness, it is not
  possible to separate the two rays very far. In A. A. Michelson's
  interferometer there is no such restriction. "The light starts from
  source S (fig. 8) and separates at the rear of plate A, part of it
  being reflected to the plane mirror C, returning exactly, on its path
  through A, to O, where it may be observed by a telescope or received
  upon a screen. The other part of the ray goes through the glass plate
  A, passes through B, and is reflected by the plane mirror D, returns
  on its path to the starting point A, where it is reflected so as
  nearly to coincide with the first ray. The plane parallel glass B is
  introduced to compensate for the extra thickness of glass which the
  first ray has traversed in passing twice through the plate A. Without
  it the two paths would not be optically identical, because the first
  would contain more glass than the second. Some light is reflected from
  the front surface of the plate A, but its effect may be rendered
  insignificant by covering the rear surface of A with a coating of
  silver of such thickness that about equal portions of the incident
  light are reflected and transmitted. The plane parallel plates A and B
  are worked originally in one piece, which is afterwards cut in two.
  The two pieces are placed parallel to one another, thus ensuring exact
  equality in the two optical paths AC and AD" (see Michelson,
  _Light-Waves and their Uses_, Chicago, 1903).

  The adjustments of this apparatus are very delicate. Of the fully
  silvered mirrors C, D, the latter must be accurately parallel to the
  image of the former. For many purposes one of the mirrors, C, must be
  capable of movement parallel to itself, usually requiring the use of
  very truly constructed ways. An escape from this difficulty may be
  found in the employment of a layer of mercury, standing on copper, the
  surface of which automatically assumes the horizontal position.

  Michelson's apparatus, employed to view an extended field of
  homogeneous light, exhibits Haidinger's rings, and if all is in good
  order the dark parts are sensibly black. As the order of interference
  increases, greater and greater demand is made upon the homogeneity of
  the light. Thus, if the illumination be from a sodium flame, the rings
  are at first distinct, but as the difference of path increases the
  duplicity of the bright sodium line begins to produce complications.
  After 500 rings, the bright parts of one system coincide with the dark
  parts of the other (Fizeau), and if the two systems were equally
  bright all trace of rings would disappear. A little later the rings
  would again manifest themselves and, after 1000 had gone by, would be
  nearly or quite as distinct as at first. And these alternations of
  distinctness and indistinctness would persist until the point was
  reached at which even a single sodium line was insufficiently
  homogeneous. Conversely, the changes of _visibility_ of the rings as
  the difference of path increases give evidence as to the duplicity of
  the line. In this way Michelson obtained important information as to
  the constitution of the approximately homogeneous lines obtained from
  electrical discharge through attenuated metallic vapours. Especially
  valuable is the vacuum tube containing cadmium. The red line proved
  itself to be single and narrow in a high degree, and the green line
  was not far behind.

  But although in Michelson's hands the apparatus has done excellent
  spectroscopic work, it is not without its weak points. A good deal of
  labour is required to interpret the visibility curves, and in some
  cases the indications are actually ambiguous. For instance, it is
  usually impossible to tell on which side of the principal component a
  feebler companion lies. It would seem that for spectroscopic purposes
  this apparatus must yield to that of Fabry and Pérot, in which
  multiple reflections are utilized; this is a spectroscope in the
  literal sense, inasmuch as the constitution of a spectrum line is seen
  by simple inspection.     (R.)


FOOTNOTE:

  [1] The word "interference" as formed, on the false analogy of such
    words as "difference," from "to interfere," which originally was
    applied to a horse striking (Lat. _ferire_) one foot or leg against
    the other.



INTERIM, originally a Latin word for "in the meantime." The word was
hence applied to certain edicts and decrees passed by the emperor and
the diets during the reformation in Germany with the object of
_temporarily_ settling a controversy. These "interims" regulated points
of religious and ecclesiastical difference until they could be decided
by a general council. The best example of such a _modus vivendi_ is the
Augsburg Interim of 1548, drawn up by Michael Helding, Julius von Pflug
and John Agricola (a medievalist, an Erasmian, and a conservative
Lutheran) at the bidding of Charles V., and accepted by the diet. It was
an ambiguous document, teaching from the Roman Catholic side
transubstantiation, the seven sacraments, adoration of the Virgin and
saints, and papal headship, and from the Protestant, justification by
faith, marriage of priests, the use of the cup by the laity. Maurice of
Saxony was permitted to vary the interim for his dominions, and his
edition was called the Leipzig Interim. An earlier interim was that of
Regensburg, 1541.



INTERLACED ARCHES, the term for a scheme of decoration employed in
Romanesque and Gothic architecture, where arches are thrown from
alternate piers, interlacing or intersecting one another. In the former
case, the first arch mould is carried alternately over and under the
second, in the latter the mouldings actually intersect and stop one
another. An example of the former exists in St Peter's in the East,
Oxford, and of the latter in St Joseph's chapel, Glastonbury, and in the
cathedral of Bristol.



INTERLAKEN, a Swiss town (1864 ft.) in the canton of Berne, situated on
the flat plain (_Bödeli_) between the lakes of Brienz (E.) and of Thun
(W.), and connected by steamer, as well as by railway (17½ m.) with the
town of Thun. It is built on the left bank of the Aar, and grew up
around the religious house of Austin Canons, founded about 1130 and
suppressed in 1528. In the surviving buildings of the convent religious
services (Anglican, Scottish Presbyterian and French Protestant) are now
held, while the more modern castle is occupied by offices of the
Cantonal Government. The fine and well-shaded avenue called the
_Höheweg_ runs through the main portion of the town, and is lined on the
north side by a succession of huge hotels and the large Kursaal.
Interlaken is much frequented in summer, partly because of the glorious
view of the Jungfrau (13,669 ft.) which it commands to the south, and
partly because it is the best starting-point for many excursions, as to
Schynige Platte, Lauterbrunnen and Grindelwald. The lines serving these
places all start from the eastern railway station (that from Thun
reaches the western or main railway station), whence steamers depart for
the Giessbach Falls, Brienz and Meiringen, on the way to Lucerne or to
the Grimsel Pass. In 1900 the population of Interlaken was 2962 (mainly
Protestant and German-speaking). Opposite Interlaken, and on the right
bank of the Aar is Unterseen (in 1900, 2607 inhabitants), which was
built in 1280 by Berthold von Eschenbach.

  See _Fontes rerum Bernensium_ (original documents up to 1366) (8
  vols., Berne, 1883-1903); _Die Regesten des Klosters zu Interlaken_
  (Coire, 1849); E. Tatarinoff, _Die Entwickelung der Probstei
  Interlaken im XIII. Jahrhundert_ (Schaffhausen, 1892).
       (W. A. B. C.)



INTERLOPER, one who interferes in affairs in which he has no concern.
This word, with the verbal form "to interlope," first appears at the end
of the 16th and beginning of the 17th century in connexion with the
interference of unauthorized persons in the trading monopoly of the
Russia Company and later of the East India Company. The _New English
Dictionary_ quotes from H. Lane (1590), _Hakluyt's Voyages_, "From those
parts the Muscovites were furnished out of Dutchland by enterlopers with
all arts and artificers and had few or none by us," and also from the
_Minutes of the Court of the East India Company_, 22nd of February 1615,
"to examine all suspected personnes that intend interlopinge into the
East Indies or Muscovy." Edward Phillips (_New World of Words_, 1658)
defines interlopers at common law as those "that without legal authority
intercept the trade of a company, as it were Interleapers." The word
appears to be of English origin, for the Dutch _enterlooper_, smuggler,
often given as the source, was taken from English, as was the French
_interlope_. The word is a compound of _inter_, between, and _lope_, a
dialectal variant of "leap." A common word for a vagrant, or
"straggler," as it is defined, was till 1580 "landloper," and the
combination of "straggler" and "interloper" is found in _Horsey's
Travels_ (Hakluyt Soc.), 1603-1627, "all interlopers and straglyng
Englishmene lyving in that country."



INTERNATIONAL, THE. The International Working Men's Association,
commonly called "The International," was formed at London in 1864. It
was a society of working men of all nations, somewhat like a
cosmopolitan trades union, but bearing a still closer resemblance to an
international social science association for discussing and furthering
the rights of labour. The occasion of its formation was the visit of
some French workmen to the London Exhibition of 1862. In the course of
their visit the labour question was discussed, and a desire for the
further interchange of ideas expressed. Nothing decisive was done till
1864, when a great public meeting of working men of all nations was held
at St Martin's Hall, London, and a provisional committee was appointed
to draft the constitution of the new association.

The first four congresses of the International, held at Geneva
(September 1866), Lausanne (1867), Brussels (1868), and Basel (1869),
marked the rapid development of the association. It gained its first
triumph in the effectual support of the bronze-workers at Paris during
their lock-out in 1867; and it repeatedly aided the English unionists by
preventing the importation of cheap labour from the continent. It soon
spread as far east as Poland and Hungary, and it had affiliated
societies with journals devoted to its cause in every country of western
Europe.

It was supposed to be concerned in all the revolutionary movements and
agitations of Europe, gaining notoriety as the rallying point of social
overthrow and ruin. Its prestige, however, was always based more on the
vast possibilities of the cause it represented than on its actual power.
Its organization was loose, its financial resources insignificant; the
continental unionists joined it more in the hope of borrowing than of
contributing support. At the successive congresses its socialistic
tendencies became more and more pronounced; it declared its opposition
to private property not only in railways but in mines and the soil,
holding that these should revert to the community. Even the principle of
inheritance was saved only by a narrow majority. In 1869 M. Bakunin, the
Russian socialist or nihilist, with his party joined the association,
and at once asserted his character as the "apostle of universal
destruction."

The relation of the association to the communal rising at Paris in the
spring of 1871 has been the subject of much dispute. It is now agreed
that the International as such had no part either in originating or
conducting it; some of its French members joined it, but only on their
individual responsibility. Its complicity after the event is equally
clear. After the fall of the commune the general council of London, Karl
Marx included, issued a long and trenchant manifesto, approving its
action and extolling the "glorious vanquished." From this point the
decline and fall of the association is to be dated. The English
unionists, intent on more practical concerns at home, never took a deep
interest in its proceedings; the German socialists were hindered by law
from corporate action; America was too remote. But it found its worst
enemies amongst its own friends; the views of Marx and his school were
too moderate for the universally subversive principles of M. Bakunin and
the radical Swiss federation of the Jura. It came to a rupture at the
congress of 1872, held at the Hague, when Bakunin, being outvoted and
"excommunicated" by the Marx party, formed a rival International, which
found its chief support in Spain and Italy. Wearied of its European
contentions and desirous to form a basis of operation in America, the
Marx International now transferred the seat of its general council to
New York; but it survived just long enough to hold another congress at
Geneva in 1874, and then quietly expired.

The party of destruction styling themselves "autonomists" had a bloodier
history. The programme of this party was to overturn all existing
institutions, with the view to reconstructing them on some vague
communal basis such as had been tried at Paris in 1871. It endeavoured
to realize this in the great communal risings in southern Spain in 1873,
when its adherents set up their peculiar form of government at
Barcelona, Seville, Cadiz and Cartagena--at the last-mentioned place
also seizing part of the ironclad fleet of Spain. As at Paris, they
failed in leadership and organization, and were suppressed, though not
without difficulty, by the national troops. The "autonomists" lingered
on till 1879. The collapse was complete of an association which once
extended from Hungary to San Francisco, and alarmed the minds of men
with visions of universal ruin.

  See Villetard, _Histoire de l'Internationale_ (Paris, 1871); Testut,
  _L'Internationale_ (Paris, 1871); Onslow Yorke, _Secret History of the
  International_ (London, 1871); J. Rae, _Contemporary Socialism_; also
  the articles MARX and SOCIALISM.



INTERNATIONAL LAW, the general term for the law governing the relations
and intercourse of states with one another. The parties in its
application are states (see STATE) and not nations, so that the word
"international" does not accurately limit the scope of the subject. Nor
do authors always confine themselves to its proper limitation. Thus the
rules relating to nationality and naturalization, extradition, patents,
trade marks, &c., which affect states on the one side and foreign
persons on the other, are generally included among the subject-matter of
International Law. There is a special branch of International Law known
as Private International Law (see INTERNATIONAL LAW, PRIVATE) which
deals exclusively with the relations of persons belonging to different
states, in which states as such are not parties.

The term "international" was first used by Bentham. His explanation of
the new term was as follows:--

  "The word _international_, it must be acknowledged, is a new one;
  though, it is hoped, sufficiently analogous and intelligible. It is
  calculated to express, in a more significant way, the branch of law
  which goes commonly under the name of "law of nations," an appellation
  so uncharacteristic that, were it not for the force of custom, it
  would seem rather to refer to internal jurisprudence. The chancellor
  d'Aguesseau has already made, I find, a similar remark; he says that
  what is commonly called _droit des gens_ ought rather to be termed
  _droit entre les gens_. There remain then the mutual transactions
  between sovereigns as such, for the subject of that branch of
  jurisprudence which may be properly and exclusively termed
  international."[1]

There has been much controversy as to the aptness of the use of the word
"law" in this connexion. "International law," said the 3rd marquess of
Salisbury in a speech on the establishment of a Court of International
Arbitration, "has no existence in the sense in which the term 'law' is
usually understood. It depends generally upon the prejudices of writers
of text-books. It can be enforced by no tribunal, and therefore to apply
to it the phrase 'law' is to some extent misleading."[2] This has been
more or less the view not only of most British statesmen but also of
many practical English jurists. It found one of its most emphatic
exponents in Lord Chief-Justice Coleridge. "Strictly speaking," he
observed in his judgment on the Franconia case,[3] "international law is
an inexact expression, and it is apt to mislead, if its inexactness is
not kept in mind. Law implies a lawgiver and a tribunal capable of
enforcing it and coercing its transgressors, but there is no common
lawgiver to sovereign states, and no tribunal has the power to bind them
by decrees or coerce them if they transgress. The law of nations is that
collection of usages which civilized states have agreed to observe in
their dealings with one another. What these usages are, whether a
particular one has or has not been agreed to, must be matter of
evidence. Treaties and acts of states are but evidence of the agreement
of nations, and do not, in England at least, _per se_ bind the
tribunals. Neither certainly does a consensus of jurists, but it is
evidence of the agreement of nations on international points, and on
such points, when they arise, the English courts give effect as part of
English law to such agreement."

In opposition to this view may be cited the more recent one expressed by
Lord Russell of Killowen, who challenged Lord Coleridge's view as "based
on too narrow a definition of law, a definition which relies too much on
force as the governing idea." "If," he added, "the development of law is
historically considered it will be found to exclude that body of
customary law which in early stages of society precedes law. As
government becomes more frankly democratic, laws bear less and less the
character of commands imposed by a coercive authority, and acquire more
and more the character of customary law founded on consent.... I claim
that the aggregate of the rules to which nations have agreed to conform
in their conduct towards one another are properly to be designated
International Law."[4] This recalls Blackstone's definition: "The law of
nations is a system of rules, deducible by natural reason, and
established by universal consent among the civilized inhabitants of the
world, in order to decide all disputes, to regulate all ceremonies and
civilities, and to ensure the observance of justice and good faith in
that intercourse which must frequently occur between two or more
independent states, and the individuals belonging to each."[5] The
current English narrower view owes its origin chiefly to the influence
of John Austin, and the current broader one to that of Sir Henry
Maine.[6] The increasing popularity of references to international
arbitration (see ARBITRATION, INTERNATIONAL), the adoption of a large
number of special treaties making such references compulsory in certain
cases, the establishment of and increasing recourse to the court for the
decision of difficulties between states created by The Hague "Convention
for the pacific settlement of disputes between States" of 1899 (see
PEACE), the adoption of fixed rules of law in the international
conventions in 1899, 1907 and 1909 dealing with many of the most
controversial questions of international usage, have so transformed the
subject that if, as Lord Coleridge said, law implies a lawgiver and a
tribunal capable of enforcing it, these conditions are now at any rate
partly fulfilled. We shall see below to what extent it may be necessary
to regard power of enforcement against transgressors as requisite to
give international law the character of law properly so-called.

_Sanctions._--The subject of the enforcement of International Law, or
its "sanctions," has given rise to much controversy. The word "sanction"
is derived from the Lat. _sanctio_, which in turn is derived from
_sancire_, to consecrate. In its original sense _sanctio_ means
consecration. From this followed the sense of religious obligation. Thus
_sancire legem_ is used by Roman writers as meaning that observance was
made obligatory, but without reference to the idea of there being a
remedy or penalty for non-observance. With the development of an
organized judicial system the religious or moral obligation was
displaced by the growth of remedial procedure. Cicero observes of some
legal restrictions, _hoc non sancitur lege civili_ (this is not
consecrated by the civil law, i.e. with penalties). A collateral sense
of the word grew up which meant ratification, as where Cicero speaks of
_sancire acta Caesaris_ or of _sancire foedus_.

Bentham, who worked out the theory of legal sanctions as applied to
modern law, describes them as equivalent to pleasures and pains derived
from four different sources. These are physical, political, moral and
religious. The first three belong to experience in the present life, the
fourth to that in the present life or hereafter.[7]

Austin's analysis of this vague subdivision led him to a more precise
determination of the relationship of sanctions to law, viz. that a law
properly so-called is a command and its sanction is the power to enforce
obedience to it. Stated briefly, any other kind of law according to
Austin is not positive law but merely called so by analogy. Applying
this test to International Law he concludes that the law obtaining
between nations is not positive law; for every positive law is set by a
given sovereign to a person or persons in a state of subjection to its
author. The law obtaining between nations is only law set by general
opinion, with duties which are only enforced by moral sanction; by fear
on the part of nations, or by fear on the part of a sovereign, of
provoking general hostility, and incurring its probable evils, in case
they should violate maxims generally respected.[8]

Sir H. Maine's somewhat indirect answer to Austin may now be taken as
the view held at least by British theoretical writers. "Austin," he
said, "has shown, though not without some straining of language, that
the sanction is found everywhere, in positive law, civil and criminal.
This is, in fact, the great feat which he performed, but some of his
disciples seem to me to draw the inference from his language that men
always obey rules from fear of punishment. As a matter of fact this is
quite untrue, for the largest number of rules which men obey are obeyed
unconsciously, from a mere habit of mind. Men do sometimes obey rules
for fear of the punishment which will be inflicted if they are violated,
but, compared with the mass of men in each community, this class is but
small; probably it is substantially confined to what are called the
criminal classes, and for one man who refrains from stealing or
murdering because he fears the penalty there must be hundreds of
thousands who refrain without a thought on the subject."[9]

The view, however, that a law is not devoid of binding character because
there is no authority to enforce its observance hardly requires
justification at the present day. The fact that any well-established
international usage is observed, and that states invariably endeavour to
answer any reproach of departing from such usage by explanations showing
that the incriminated act is justified by recognized rules of
International Law, is evidence of its binding character. As the late
Professor Rivier, one of the leading authorities on Roman Law, as well
as an international jurist of eminence, has expressed it: "The law of
nations is positive law because states wish it to be so. They recognize
its compulsory character and proclaim it. As they are their own
legislators and make their common laws by express or tacit consent, they
attest explicitly and implicitly their conviction that its principles
are binding upon them, as judicial principles, as law. Innumerable
public acts, affirmations, declarations and conventions are there to
prove it. On the other hand, never in any published official act of the
present age, verbal or written, has a state dared to declare that it did
not consider itself bound by the law of nations and its principles."[10]
States, as Professor Rivier says, have again and again solemnly declared
their determination to abide by the principles of International Law.
Witness the Declaration of Aix-la-Chapelle of November 15, 1818, in
which the representatives of five powers, Austria, France, Great
Britain, Russia and Prussia, solemnly stated that "the sovereigns in
forming this august union have regarded as its fundamental basis their
unchangeable resolution never to depart, either amongst themselves or in
their relations with other states, from the strictest observance of the
principles of the law of nations, principles which, in their application
to a permanent state of peace, can alone effectively guarantee the
independence of each government and the stability of the general
association." In the negotiations for the Treaty of London concerning
the Black Sea (March 13, 1871), at which seven powers were represented,
Austria-Hungary, France, Germany, Great Britain, Italy, Russia and
Turkey, a resolution on the sanctity of treaties was annexed to the
first protocol, stating that the plenipotentiaries recognize that it is
an essential principle of the law of nations that "no power can liberate
itself from the engagements of a treaty, nor modify the stipulations
thereof, unless with the consent of the contracting powers by means of
an amicable arrangement." Even in 1908, when Austria-Hungary proceeded
to the annexation of Bosnia-Herzegovina without obtaining the prior
assent of the high contracting powers, who under the treaty of Berlin of
1878 had granted her temporary occupation of the annexed provinces, the
protests of the powers concerned were answered by Austria-Hungary
declaring that she had done nothing contrary to the law of nations or
affecting the sanctity of treaties, because the powers had given their
tacit consent to the practical transformation of her temporary into a
permanent occupation.

The public opinion of the civilized world, in fact, plays in an
ever-increasing degree the part of a sanctioning authority. With the
growth of international intercourse and international interdependence
the danger of isolation or of discredit or even of "boycotting" becomes
a matter of increasing importance in the conduct of states. The national
press and periodical literature, with exceptions no doubt, are among the
chief factors in the development of this public opinion, but it is by no
means dependent upon them. Personal intercourse among citizens of the
same country, and between statesmen, politicians and citizens of
different countries has a still greater effect in the creation of the
mental attitude of nations towards each other. This exposes any
departure from recognized usage or any disregard for international
obligations to such reprobation throughout the whole world, that, far
from taking advantage of the absence of any coercive method of enforcing
obedience to the principles of international law, states compete with
each other in asserting their strict fidelity to such principles. And
now successive diplomatic conferences have codified many of the chief
branches of international usage, thus diminishing the possible cases in
which states can take advantage of the uncertainty of the law and, by
quibbling over its interpretation, escape from its obligations.

_Sources and Foundations._--It is usual, following Wheaton's
classification,[11] to enumerate the sources of International Law in the
following groups: text-writers of authority as witnesses of usage;
treaties of peace, alliance and commerce; ordinances of particular
states, prescribing rules for the conduct of their commissioned cruisers
and prize tribunals; adjudications of international tribunals; written
opinions of official jurists given confidentially to their own
government; history of wars, negotiations, treaties and other
transactions relating to the public intercourse of nations. It is in
these different classes of opinions and precedents that writers have
been in the habit of searching for those arguments and analogies on
which have been built up the system and principles called International
Law.

Wheaton, it is seen, regarded text-writers as witnesses of the usage of
nations. He explains his meaning as follows: "Without wishing to
exaggerate the importance of these writers, or to substitute in any case
their authority for the principles of reason, it may be affirmed that
they are generally impartial in their judgment. They are witnesses of
the sentiments and usages of civilized nations, and the weight of their
testimony increases every time that their authority is invoked by
statesmen, and every year that passes without the rules laid down in
their works being impugned by the avowal of contrary principles." This
distinguished writer's quasi-explanation of the sources of International
Law is extremely vague. He masses together cause and effect, private and
public opinions, usage and exceptions. Professor Oppenheim has
endeavoured to give a more scientific explanation of the growth and
development of International Law, and objects to calling sources of
International Law what are mere factors influencing its growth:--

  "... Custom and treaties," he observes, "are the two exclusive sources
  of the Law of Nations. When writers on International Law frequently
  enumerate other sources besides custom and treaties they confound the
  term 'source' with that of 'cause'[12] by calling sources of
  International Law such factors as influence the gradual growth of new
  rules of International Law without, however, being the historical
  facts out of which these rules receive their legal force. Important
  factors of this kind are: Opinions of famous writers on International
  Law, decisions of prize courts, arbitral awards, instructions issued
  by the different states for the guidance of their diplomatic and other
  organs, state papers concerning foreign politics, certain municipal
  laws, decisions of municipal courts. All these and other factors may
  influence the growth of International Law either by creating usages
  which gradually turn into custom, or by inducing the members of the
  Family of Nations to conclude such treaties as stipulate legal rules
  for future international conduct.

  "A factor of the special kind which also influences the growth of
  International Law is the so-called comity (_Comitas gentium,
  Convenance et courtoisie internationale, Staatengunst_). In their
  intercourse with one another states do observe not only legally
  binding rules and such rules as have the character of usages, but also
  rules of politeness, convenience and goodwill. Such rules of
  international conduct are no rules of law, but of comity. The Comity
  of Nations is certainly not a source of International Law, as it is
  distinctly the contrast to the Law of Nations. But there can be no
  doubt that many a rule which formerly was a rule of International
  Comity only is nowadays a rule of International Law. And it is
  certainly to be expected that this development will go on in future
  also, and that thereby many a rule of present International Comity
  will in future become one of International Law."[13]


  Precedents.

  Italian influence.

We prefer to regard International Law as deriving the rules composing it
from practically the same sources as domestic law, and to attribute to
text-writers more or less the same value in its development as in that of
the private law of nations. The same primary rules of conduct are
appealed to between states as between individuals, and precedents play
exactly the same part wherever human actions are concerned. In both cases
what has been done before commends itself when the responsibility of
taking steps pledging the future is concerned. Statesmen on whom great
responsibility impends, on whom the conduct of momentous negotiations has
devolved, and who will have to render an account of their work to the
sovereign or nation they represent, preserve an argument in their own
favour in departing as little as possible from any course taken in
previous similar circumstances. Precedents, moreover, are arguments for
acceptance by their adversaries or counter-negotiators. In fact, in
diplomacy even more than in matters of domestic government precedents
play a dominant part in the growth of usage. These precedents are often
in themselves originally local usages, such as grew up in the intercourse
of the Italian communities. Italy, in fact, served as a laboratory for
early diplomatists and writers. It was in the intercourse of these active
and ambitious states that grew up the very notion of a foreign diplomacy
and the necessity of rules of conduct in this miniature Europe, with its
perpetual antagonisms and jealousies, its balance of power, its idea of a
state distinct from a nation and of a community of states elbowing each
other in their daily contact. It was there that grew up the institution
of passports, the distinction between armed forces and civilians,
international comity, and in fact the very notion that states have an
interest in the observance of law and order among them. In the same way
the active commercial intercourse in the Mediterranean led, in the common
interest, to the development of rules of the sea in time of peace, and
later to others in time of war.


  Thirty Years' War.

In the north of Europe, again, out of the active commercial intercourse
among the Baltic and North Sea communities grew rules of the sea in the
same common interest. It was the Thirty Years' War, with its revolting
cruelty, which brought out the contrast between the more humane practice
of war as an art in Italy and the mere bludgeonry which prevailed in the
brutal struggle which disgraced the first half of the 17th century. The
brutality of the struggle turned thinkers' attention to the need of
formulating rules for the protection in time of war of non-combatants
and the innocent subjects of absolute sovereigns, the treatment of the
sick and wounded, the prohibition of wanton pillage and the other
horrors which shocked the awakening conscience of northern Europe. It
was the starting-point of the age of text-books.


  Grotius.

  Pufendorf.

The first effective work, the one which was the first to influence
sovereigns and statesmen, was Grotius's _De jure belli ac pacis_ (Paris,
1625), which practically exhausted the theoretical arguments in favour
of the new subject. Nobody has in fact since brought to light any new
conception of the foundations of international law. An exhaustive and
masterly treatise having been published, no further subsequent treatise
was necessary to show what all men were beginning to feel. He sublimated
the feelings of his age, and having arrived at the pure substance, the
work of proving the need of his subject was disposed of for all time.
Pufendorf (1632-1697), who, in the sequence of effective text-writers,
succeeded Grotius, endeavoured to base international law on an ethical
basis accepted by all peoples without necessity for a common creed or
standard of morals, but it is doubtful, whatever may have been the
extent to which he stimulated the study of jurisprudence, whether he did
much in advancing the practical development of the law of nations. His
book _De jure naturae et gentium_ (1672), as its name indicates, based
international law on what he called the law of nature, a subject which
has much exercised the minds of jurists searching for an ethical basis
for existing law.


  Leibnitz.

The scientific mind of Leibnitz (1646-1716) revolted against this
theoretical and doctrinaire tendency of Pufendorf and other writers, who
were following with feeble tread in the giant footsteps of Grotius. He
saw that the practice of nations was taking a course dictated by the
current moral standards of civilized society, and that the
philosophizing of the text-book writers was leading them away from that
actual practice which they should use as data for their conclusions.
Natural science, moreover, had taught him the risk of theorizing on
imperfect data, and while writing a history of Brunswick it occurred to
him that treaties and diplomatic documents generally were the substances
and tests of the publicist's laboratory. His _codex juris gentium
diplomaticus_ (1693-1700) gave a more precise direction to speculations
on the subject.


  Bynkershoek.

The next great writer of authority united all the qualities of a
practical lawyer and jurist. This was Bynkershoek (1673-1743). He was
the first writer on international law who dealt with public maritime law
as a matter demanding special treatment and involving a set of
principles not called into action in territorial warfare. A magistrate
administering the law in a great commercial country, whose interests
were on or across the high seas rather than within the narrow European
limits of Holland, Bynkershoek, like Leibnitz, searched for his data in
the actual practice of nations in their intercourse with one another. He
applied his clear legally trained mind to deriving principles from
practice instead of endeavouring to build up a practice on abstract
principles. It was he who first generalized the different isolated
usages which had grown up at different spots in northern Europe in the
interest of maritime defence, and evolved from practice the principle
that dominion seawards was limited to the extent to which it was
possible to enforce it (cannon-shot range), a principle which not only
created the legal institution of territorial waters, but has since been
imported into other branches of International Law, and has indirectly
influenced the suppression of fictitious blockades and more recently of
fictitious occupations of territory.


  C. de Wolff.

  Vattel.

A contemporary of Bynkershoek was Christian de Wolff (1679-1754), a
philosopher, mathematician, theologian, lawyer and disciple of Leibnitz.
Wolff's great work on the _Institutions of the Law of Nature and
Nations_ is a learned and accurate treatise drawn from all the
well-known sources of knowledge, and, just as Grotius based his
demonstrations on the then imperfect knowledge of public events of his
time, Wolff based his on the more accurate sources of information which
had grown up under the influence of Leibnitz, and created a connected
system out of the scattered fragments available. But his book was
written in Latin at a period when scholarship had declined, and its
influence was only felt after Vattel (1714-1767) wrote his _Droit des
gens, ou principes de la loi naturelle appliquées à la conduite et aux
affaires des nations et des souverains_ (1758). His book had all the
charm, although Vattel was a Neufchatelois, of the French writers of his
time, and he it was who popularized the study of International Law. His
book was based chiefly on the work of Wolff, but in it he gave what was
best amongst his predecessors without attempting to add anything
original of his own. It became the handbook of statesmen and jurists,
and has never ceased to be quoted by them down to the present day.

But the opinions of jurists in International Law can have little more
than the value of criticism and co-ordination. They have seldom served
to make law, though they have the weight of all statements made by those
who have made a special study of any branch of law, as to what they had
gathered to be the existing practice at the time when they wrote, or as
to the trend which they showed that practice might be taking. Great
lawyers and writers like those we have mentioned, and such as Lord
Mansfield, Sir William Scott, Chief-Justice Marshall and others, have
done the work of classifying facts, deducing conclusions from them and
connecting rules with psychological and ethical motives, and have thus
sent a current of higher intelligence through the subject which has
raised it to its present methodical form. Still International Law
remained a wide field for controversy. Authors were agreed on general
principles, but when these general principles were applied in practice,
the shortcomings of unwritten usage often caused as much difficulty as
that which the appeal to principles was intended to overcome.


  Hague and London Conferences.

What may be called the first enactment of rules of International Law was
the Declaration of Paris of 1856, but the great work of codification, or
rather of reducing into writing the rules which had been floating as an
unwritten law in the conscience of Europe, was undertaken by the Hague
Conferences, which may be said to be and to have created an entirely new
factor in the domain of International Law. Two of the conventions
adopted in 1899 completed work which had already been commenced long
before, viz. those on the usages of war and on the adaptation of the
Geneva Convention to naval war. The third established methods for the
pacific settlement of international difficulties, including the
formation of the Hague Court of Arbitration. Recourse to the latter was
purely optional, but the other two conventions have been absorbed into
the national law of the ratifying countries, and thus have also the
domestic sanction states give to their own laws. The work of the
Conference of 1907 was of a much wider and more exhaustive character
than that of 1899. It comprised, besides revised conventions on the
matters dealt with in 1899, new Conventions on the following subjects:
Opening of hostilities; Position in naval war of enemy's merchant ships
at beginning of hostilities; Conversion of merchant vessels into
warships; Rights and duties of neutral states in naval war; The laying
of automatic submarine contact mines; The bombardment of undefended
places by naval forces; Treatment of fishing vessels, postal
correspondence and capture generally in maritime war; and Recovery by
force of contract debts. It also adopted a convention for the creation
of an International Prize Court of Appeal, which led to the calling of a
fresh Conference on Prize Law. This conference sat in London from
December 4, 1908, to February 26, 1909, and was confined to
representatives of the following countries: Great Britain, France,
Germany, United States of America, Italy, Austria-Hungary, Russia,
Japan, Holland and Spain. It adopted a series of rules on naval warfare
relating to Blockade in time of war; Contraband of war; Unneutral
service; Destruction of neutral prizes; Transfer to neutral flag; Enemy
character; Convoy; and Resistance to search and Compensation.

The revolution effected in the relations of states by the Hague and
London Conferences, however, is not confined to the reduction into
writing of more or less vague usages nor to the elaboration of details
which no usage can possibly determine. Until a machinery was provided
for the reform of the law it was futile to speculate on the advantages
or disadvantages of any rule admitted by the majority of civilized
nations. The territorial waters 3 m. limit, for instance, had its origin
in the distance seawards of cannon-range in a past period. Its almost
universal recognition only came long after the range of coast-guns had
far exceeded this distance. This superannuated rule has now no legal
basis at all except the so-called "common consent of nations," a boon no
doubt which outweighs any consideration of absolute fitness still
unrecognized, but of which the learned Barbeyrac truly said,[14] "Ce
commun consentement des peuples que l'on suppose avoir force de loi est
une chose qu'on ne prouvera jamais." The institution of the Hague
Conferences has now provided a method of obtaining the consent of
nations, not only to existing rules, but to their reform and to the
introduction of new rules. It is now an understanding among the states
of the world, that these conferences shall be held periodically. It is,
of course, possible for one great state to hold aloof and thus wreck the
chances of universal agreement, but even then we have the power of the
majority as against that of the minority. A case actually arose in a
recent war between non-signatories of the declaration of Paris of 1856.
Neither the United States nor Spain was a party to that declaration, yet
neither ventured to disregard it.

The chief source of International Law will, therefore, in all
probability for the future be that "Parliament of mankind," the Hague
Conferences. The Hague Court and its adjunct in time of war, the
proposed International Prize Court of Appeal, will form the Judicature
applying and construing the enactments of the Conferences acting as a
sort of international Legislature.


  Standard of right conduct.

_Fundamental Principles._--Underlying the details of both the new
International Legislature and the new International Judicature are
certain principles which may some day have to be officially defined.
These principles have necessarily fluctuated with the standard of morals
of each period. With the contemporary development of the public
conscience, they are undergoing changes and a betterment which it is not
desirable to check by yet nailing them up as immutable articles of
faith. Till quite recently it was usual to speak of the common standard
of right conduct prevailing throughout the Christian world, a standard
to which responsible statesmen tried to adjust their direction of the
affairs of state. The admission of Japan into the councils of the great
powers has introduced a non-Christian element whose standard of conduct
was not identical with nor based upon Christian morals. Turkey, though
admitted in 1856 to European Councils, remained rather the occasion of
their deliberations than a deliberating party. Her new position as a
constitutional state, with a code of morals at any rate in some
essentials distinct from that of Christian peoples, will add a further
new non-Christian element into the moral foundations of international
conduct. The influence of western Europe, however, in both Japan and
Turkey, has hitherto in all external development been paramount. Japan,
after examining all the existing systems, has even adopted the best she
found in Western morals, and in her schools inculcates Christian ethics
as a subject _per se_ without reference to divine revelation or
authority. Turkey too has the advantage of possessing a code of morals
which produces so high a standard of right conduct in private life that
very little in the way of moral lessons will have to be learned by the
Ottomans from Western civilization. As regards practice, it is
unreasonable to expect that the high estimate of the moral standard of
west European civilization, which is cherished by those who profess its
principles, should be accepted by other peoples with unqualified assent.
Are not the nations of western Europe still vaguely influenced by the
instincts of their conquering ancestors, and by the traditions of--

       "... the good old rule,
        ... The simple plan,
  That they should take who have the power
  And they should keep who can"?

There is nothing essentially different between many recent wars and
military enterprises undertaken by Western nations against heathen
peoples, and wars and conquering enterprises undertaken by the Northmen
of a thousand years ago. In his _Northern Antiquities_ Mallet[15]
describes the primitive feeling of the Northmen in the following
passages:--

  "The rules of justice, far from checking their prejudices, had been
  themselves warped and adapted to their bias. It is no exaggeration to
  say that all the Teutonic nations entertained opinions on this subject
  quite opposite to the theory of our times. They looked upon war as a
  real act of justice, and esteemed it an incontestable title over the
  weak, a visible mark that God had intended to subject them to the
  strong. They had no doubt but the intentions of this divinity had been
  to establish the same dependence among men which there is among
  animals, and setting out from the principle of the inequality of men,
  as our modern civilians do, from that of their equality, they inferred
  thence that the weak had no right to what they could not defend. This
  maxim which formed the basis of the law of Nations among the ancient
  inhabitants of Europe being dictated by their most darling passion, we
  cannot wonder that they should so steadily act up to it in practice.
  And, which after all is worst, to act and think as they did, or, like
  the moderns, with better principles, to act as ill? As to the ancient
  nations, we attribute nothing to them here but what is justified to
  them by a thousand facts. They adopted the above maxim in all its
  rigour and gave the name of Divine Judgment not only to the Judiciary
  Combat, but to conflicts and battles of all sorts: victory being in
  their opinion the only certain mark by which Providence enables us to
  distinguish those which it has appointed to command others."


  What is a civilized state?

The very notion of the "right of conquest," and that the victorious are
entitled to an indemnity without reference to any question of right and
wrong or of justice and injustice, shows that there are principles in
actual practice which lie outside and have no analogy in the principles
of private law. In the partition of Africa native states have been
treated as non-existent except as local bodies. They have been annexed
to European states without reference to their will or consent. Treaties
have indeed been made with them, but they have rather been regarded as
evidence of prior occupation than as involving any question of native
right. The test in the distinction between civilized and uncivilized
states which is regarded as warranting exclusion from enjoyment of the
right to consideration as independent states, and admission to the
community of the civilized world, is in practice the possession of a
regular government sufficient to ensure to Europeans who settle among
them safety of life and property. Every country, in principle,
possessing such a government has prima facie the rank of a state and is
entitled to treatment as a civilized community. Treaties made with it
for the purpose of extra-territorial jurisdiction are intended merely to
take into account a difference of judicial institutions but are not
supposed to detract otherwise from the possession of such equality and
independence. This principle has no analogy in private morals, and has
been, slight as it is, more honoured in the breach than the observance.
If indifference to native right has provoked reaction, it has been on
the part rather of philanthropists than of statesmen. Their movement for
the protection of African aborigines has, however, resulted in at least
one great international charter for the prevention of the further
degradation of African aborigines, viz. the General Act of Brussels of
1885. A vigorous outcry has also been raised against the methods of the
government of the Congo State. But the agitation ought not to be
confined to this part of Central Africa. Other governments are also in
fault. In fact, the contact of the European with Central Africa has,
throughout, with few exceptions, been one of barbarous practice quite
inconsistent with the principles which Christian missionaries have been
sent to teach the African native.

In the case of European enterprise in Asia, the "good old rule" has had
still less justification. The action taken for the repression of the
Boxer movement in China, like previous European incursions, had no
essential characteristic distinguishing it from the expeditions of the
Northmen described by Mallet in the above-quoted passage. The Japanese
took part in the "Boxer" expedition, and the example of respect for
native right and of orderly self-restraint they set has been universally
acknowledged. But the lesson is one of greater significance than one of
comparative ethics. The rise of the power of Japan and her obvious
determination to constitute herself the champion of the races of eastern
Asia has widened the scope of International Law, and we may now regard
China as henceforth under the protection of the same principles as
European states.

The three chief principles of interstate intercourse, those, in fact, on
which International Law is based are:--

  1. Recognition of each other's existence and integrity as states.

  2. Recognition of each other's independence.

  3. Recognition of equality, one with another, of all independent
  states.


  Chief principles.

As regards the first o£ these principles see STATE. From the principle
of independence it follows that every state has a right to change its
form of government and to enjoy the free exercise o£ its internal
energies. This is subject only to the limitation that in the exercise of
this right other states or their subjects shall not be molested or
otherwise suffer. The equality of all independent states entitles them
to respect by other states of all the forms of ceremonial and to the
same treatment by others, where their interests are identical, whether
they are strong or weak. This principle has often been violated, but it
is, nevertheless, acknowledged wherever possible, as in diplomatic
conferences relating to all matters of an economic, hygienic, industrial
or social character. Even at the Conference of Algeciras, though the
powers immediately concerned from a political point of view were only
Great Britain, France, Germany and Spain, the following were also
represented as having economic interests in Morocco, Austria-Hungary,
Italy, Russia, Belgium, Holland, Portugal and Sweden.


  High sea.

Ships on the high sea being regarded as detached portions of the
national territory, there is also the derived principle of the freedom
of the high sea, of the independence and equality upon it of the ships
of all nations, subject only to due respect being paid to the
independence and equality of all others and to such conventional
restrictions as states may impose upon themselves (see TERRITORIAL
WATERS). This principle is re-enunciated in the preamble to the
Convention of 1907 on the laying of automatic submarine contact mines
(see PEACE CONFERENCES).


  The right to arbitration.

The Hague Conventions are based on these principles, to which there is a
tendency to add another, viz. the right to arbitration in certain cases.
This principle is set out more or less tentatively, it is true, but it
is being completed by separate treaties of compulsory arbitration in
connexion with the cases referred to. It is enunciated in the following
article of the Convention of 1907 for the pacific settlement of
International disputes:--

  "In questions of a legal nature, and especially in the interpretation
  or application of International Conventions, arbitration is recognized
  by the contracting powers as the most effective, and, at the same
  time, the most equitable means of arranging disputes which diplomacy
  has failed to settle. Consequently, it is desirable that, in disputes
  regarding the above-mentioned questions, the contracting powers
  should, if need be, have recourse to arbitration, in so far as
  circumstances permit" (Art. 28).

The principle of arbitration has also been adopted in reference to the
recovery of contract debts under the following article of the
"Convention respecting the limitation of the employment of force for the
recovery of contract debts":--

  "The contracting powers agree not to have recourse to armed force for
  the recovery of contract debts claimed from the government of one
  country by the government of another country as being due to its
  subjects or citizens. This undertaking is, however, not applicable
  when the debtor state refuses or neglects to reply to an offer of
  arbitration, or, after accepting the offer, renders the settlement of
  the _Compromis_ impossible, or, after the arbitration, fails to comply
  with the award" (Art. 1).

The codification of International Law itself, begun at the Hague and
London Conferences, is an admission of the binding character of the
primary principles set out above.


  Restriction of effect of fictions.

One of the chief tendencies of contemporary reform is also to restrict
the effect of fictions and reduce rights to the limits of their
practical application. Between two alternatives, the one to assert
rights which cannot possibly be maintained by force such as claims to
dominion over portions of the high sea (see HIGH SEA, TERRITORIAL
WATERS), "paper blockades" (see BLOCKADE) and fictitious occupations of
territory (see OCCUPATION), and the other to require actual physical
assertion, a medium course is growing up, viz. that of recognizing
potential assertion, that is assertion limited to physical
possibilities.[16] With the aid of the Institute o£ International Law,
the International Law Association and other reforming agencies (see
PEACE), expert opinion in these matters is becoming homogeneous
throughout the civilized world, and the ground is being prepared for a
clearer understanding of these fundamental principles by the statesmen
and state officials who have to apply them in practice.

  BIBLIOGRAPHY.--The following are works on international law, diplomacy
  and treaty relations, from the beginning of the 19th century until
  1910. Many of the older authors have been omitted to permit the
  inclusion of more recent writers.

  Alcorta, _Tratado de derecho internacional_ (Buenos Aires, 1878); D.
  Anzilotti, _Teoria generale della responsabilità dello Stato nel
  diritto internazionale_ (Florence, 1902); Arendt, _Le Droit public et
  la neutralité de la Belgique_ (Brussels, 1845); Nagao Ariga, _La
  Guerre russo-japonaise, au point de vue continental et le droit
  international_ (Paris, 1908), _La Guerre sino-japonaise au point de
  vue du droit international_ (Paris, 1896); Sir Sherston Baker, _First
  Steps in International Law_ (London, 1899); Barboux, _Jurisprudence du
  conseil des prises pendant la guerre franco-allemande_ (1872); Sir T.
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FOOTNOTES:

  [1] Introduction to the _Principles of Morals and Legislation_
    (Clarendon Press edition of 1879).

  [2] _The Times_, July 26, 1887.

  [3] _R._ v. _Keyn_, 2, Ex.D. 63.

  [4] Address at Saratoga Springs, N.Y., 1896 (_Law Quarterly Review_,
    October 1896).

  [5] _Commentaries on the Law of England_, 4th ed., iv. 66.

  [6] Austin's view, as set out in the _Province of Jurisprudence
    Determined_, is that laws proper, or properly so-called, are
    commands; laws which are not commands are laws improper or improperly
    so-called. A command implies a definite superior in a position to
    enforce the command. Where there is no superior to impose obedience
    there is no law. Rules which "are imposed among nations or sovereigns
    by opinions current among nations are usually styled the law of
    nations or international law. Now, a law set or imposed by public
    opinion is a law improperly so-called" (p. 147). For Sir H. Maine's
    views see below.

  [7] Introduction to the _Principles of Morals and Legislation_
    (Oxford, 1879), pp. 24 et seq.

  [8] _Province of Jurisprudence Determined_ (1861), p. 177; Austin
    explains his view more fully at p. 127.

  [9] _International Law_, p. 50.

  [10] _Droit des gens_ (1896), i. 22. Compare Savigny: "A community of
    judicial conscience can be formed among nations like that which
    positive law creates in the bosom of one people. The foundations of
    that intellectual community are constituted partly by a community of
    race, partly and especially by a community of religious convictions.
    Such is the basis of the law of nations which exists principally
    among European Christian states, but which was not known to the
    peoples of antiquity. We are entitled to look upon this law as a
    positive law, although it is an incomplete judicial formation" (eine
    unvollendete Rechtsbildung), _System des heutigen römischen Rechts_
    (1840), i. § 11.

  [11] _Elements_ (London, 1885), pp. 22 et seq.

  [12] "It seems to me," says Professor L. Oppenheim, "that most
    writers confound the conception of 'source' with that of 'cause,' and
    through this mistake come to a standpoint from which certain factors
    which influence the growth of International Law appear as sources of
    rules of the Law of Nations. This mistake can be avoided by going
    back to the meaning of the term 'source' in general. Source means a
    spring or well, and has to be defined as the rising from the ground
    of a stream of water; and, wanting to know whence it comes, we follow
    the stream upwards until we come to the spot where it rises naturally
    from the ground. On that spot, we say, is the source of the stream of
    water. We know very well that this source is not the cause of the
    existence of the stream of water. 'Source' signifies only the natural
    rising of water from a certain spot of the ground, whatever natural
    causes there may be for that rising. If we apply the conception of
    source in this meaning to the term 'source of law' the confusion of
    source with cause cannot arise. Just as we see streams of water
    running over the surface of the earth, so we see, as it were, streams
    of rules running over the area of law. And if we want to know whence
    these rules come, we have to follow these streams upwards until we
    come to their beginning. Where we find that such rules rise into
    existence there is the source of them. Of course, rules of law do not
    rise from a spot on the ground as water does; they rise from facts in
    the historical development of a community. Thus a good many rules of
    law rise every year from the Acts of Parliament. Source of Law is
    therefore the name for an historical fact out of which rules of
    conduct rise into existence and legal force" (International Law,
    London, 1905, sec. 15.).

  [13] _International Law_ (London, 1905) sec. 19.

  [14] Note 8 to Grotius, L., ii. c. iii. § 3.

  [15] Bishop Percy's translation (1847), p. 138.

  [16] We have seen this in the progress made in the three instances
    given above at the Congress of Paris (1856), the Conference of Berlin
    (1878) and the Hague Conference of 1907.



INTERNATIONAL LAW (PRIVATE). There is in every territory the law of the
land, or territorial law, by which the courts decide all cases that
include no circumstances connected with any foreign territory. Often,
however, such a circumstance suggests the question whether justice does
not require that the law of some other territory shall be applied. Thus
the Gretna Green marriages, by which English minors escaped the
necessity of banns or the consent of parents or guardians, suggested the
question, which was answered in the affirmative, whether even in England
their validity ought not to be tried by the law of Scotland, where they
were celebrated. Often, again, the question is suggested whether justice
does not require that the courts of law should allow some effect to
foreign legal proceedings, such as a judgment obtained or litigation
pending abroad. Such questions as these are answered by private
international law, which, since both laws and legal proceedings are
emanations of public authority, may be defined as the department of
legal science which is concerned with the effect to be given in the
courts of law of any territory to public authority of another territory.
The extradition of criminals is also an effect given to foreign public
authority, but rather by the government which surrenders the criminal
(see EXTRADITION) than by the courts of law, whose only function is to
check the surrender so far as the domestic legislation allows them to do
so. If private international law were defined as the effect to be given
by any mode in one territory to the public authority of another,
extradition would be included in it, as is often done; but since the
principles governing extradition have little to do with those applicable
to other cases, it seems best to treat it as a separate department of
law, as is generally done in England.

_Comity of Nations._--In the 17th century the Dutch jurists Paul and
John Voet and Huber brought forward a view which has since been largely
adopted in England and the United States, namely, that the effect given
by courts of law to foreign public authority is only due to the comity
of nations, but for which every possible question before them would have
to be decided by the law of the land. Comity, in that phrase, may only
be intended to express the truth that foreign public authority has no
inherent effect, without denying that the effect which domestic public
authority allows to it is dictated by justice. But the limitations
implied in the popular meaning of comity have sometimes been made the
ground for deciding questions of private international law in the manner
supposed to be most for the interest of litigants belonging to the
territory; the phrase is consequently reprobated by most European
continental writers, and had better be dropped. The justice on which
private international law is founded acknowledges no interest but the
general one of intercourse between persons sharing a common civilization
in different countries. This interest, as manifesting itself in the
domain of law, it seeks to satisfy and it is therefore a true legal
justice, rightly classed under _law_, _droit_, _recht_, _diritto_,
_derecho_ and other corresponding terms.

Of the two words which, together with _law_, make up the title of our
subject, _private_ is justified by the fact that its application is
between litigants in courts of law, and not between governments except
so far as they may be such litigants. _International_ (although
_interterritorial_ would be better) is justified by the facts that
public authority, which may be internationally foreign, has to be
considered, and that governments display a great interest in the
question by concluding treaties about it, and occasionally even by
suspending diplomatic relations when a court of one country has applied
to the subjects of another a rule which the government of the latter
deems unjust. But those who think that the primary division of law
should be into public and private, and not into international (or
interterritorial) and territorial, object to the order in which the
three words of the name are usually placed, and call the subject
"international private law."

_Conflict of Laws._--This is another name for our subject, and indeed an
older one than "private international law," besides being still much
used. But although laws may differ, they cannot properly be said to
conflict, unless each can lay a just claim to application in the same
circumstances. Now this does not happen. The justice which points out
that in certain cases effect ought to be given in one territory to the
laws or legal proceedings of another really traces the limits of laws
and legal proceedings in space; and the tracing of limits is rather the
prevention of conflict than its solution. Savigny has well pointed out
that our subject is analogous to the determination of the limits of laws
in time, which has to be made when the just application of a new
enactment is to be distinguished from the _ex post facto_ application
which cannot justly be allowed it. The truth which is aimed at in the
phrase "conflict of laws" is that the main problem of our subject is the
selection of a law for each given case; but different laws are
candidates for selection, not from anything in them as laws, but from
differing opinions about the justice of the case. From this selection,
again, will be seen the contrast between private international law and
attempts at the assimilation of the laws of different countries. To a
great extent such assimilation is desirable, especially in mercantile
law, but it must always be limited by different views of social order
and differences in national habits of thought and action. So far as it
is realized, private international law comes to an end with the occasion
for selection.

_Territory._--This word, as entering into the definition of private
international law, does not imply a separate state, whether sovereign or
semi-sovereign; it includes every geographical area having a separate
legal system, England and Scotland, as well as France or Germany. The
case of the Gretna Green marriages illustrates the necessity of rules of
private international law between all such, as well as between areas
internationally foreign to one another; and indeed the rules are so
applied, and in the language of our subject, the area of every separate
legal system is foreign to every other such area. Only where a rule
contemplates a person as attached more or less permanently to a
particular territory, the tie which so attaches him to it may be either
nationality or domicile if the territory is a separate state, as France;
but it can only be domicile if the territory is combined with others in
one state. Nothing but domicile can distinguish British subjects as
belonging to England, Scotland or Jamaica, or citizens of the United
States as belonging to New York or Pennsylvania.

Legal rules must have relation to the physical and mental characters,
and the consequent habits of action, of the populations for which they
are intended; they would not satisfy legal justice if they endangered
social order as understood and desired by those populations, or if they
failed to give due effect to the expectations of parties. This must be
true for the rules of private international law as well as for those of
any territorial law, and it leads us to ask whether the differences
which preclude the universal identity of the latter must not also
preclude the existence of the former. The answer is: (1) That where
circumstances connected with different territories are concerned, wise
rules for the selection of a law will generally give better effect to
the expectations of the parties than an exclusive adherence to the
territorial law of the court; (2) That the circumstances in which a
foreign law is held to apply are exceptional as compared with those in
which the domestic law applies, and naturally occur oftenest among the
persons and in the affairs having most of a cosmopolitan character, so
that the moral shock of applying to them a law founded on a foreign
social order is greatly attenuated; (3) That throughout Christendom (to
which Japan has now been added for legal purposes) there does exist,
though not an identity, yet a considerable similarity in views of social
order and prevalent habits of thought and action. Within the same
geographical limits there also exists another requisite for the working
of a system of private international law, namely, a mutual confidence
between countries in the enlightenment and purity of their respective
judicatures, to whose proceedings the respect enjoined by the rules of
our subject is to be mutually given.

Even within the geographical limits just mentioned there are certain
differences on points of social order, especially on marriage or
divorce, which have hitherto prevented a complete agreement being
attained in the rules of private international law. But no attempt has
ever been made to establish any system of the kind as between Christian
communities and Mahommedan or other polygamous ones, or between
countries enjoying a Christian standard of civilization and those, of
which China may be taken as an example, which, whether polygamous or
not, do not inspire the necessary confidence in their judicatures. In
Turkey and other Eastern countries (in which designation Japan is no
longer included for purposes of law) Christians are placed by treaty
under the jurisdiction in civil matters of their respective consuls.
When in the courts of Christian countries Eastern persons or
circumstances connected with Eastern laws have to be dealt with, the
peculiar institutions of those countries are not enforced; and while in
other respects the judges may be assisted by some of the rules of
private international law, especially such as have for their object to
carry into effect the reasonable intentions of parties, yet those rules
are not applied as parts of an authoritative system.

Rules for the selection of the territorial law to be applied in the
different classes of cases, or for the recognition of foreign legal
proceedings, have sometimes been made the subject of international
treaties, and have often been enacted by territorial legislatures.
England possesses a few such enactments, as in the Bills of Exchange Act
1882, and many other countries possess them to a much larger extent in
their codes. Where such enactments exist, or where treaty stipulations
have been entered into, and the territorial law makes such stipulations
binding on the judges, the courts of law must obey and apply them as
they must obey and apply any other part of the law of the land. If, as
in England, judicial precedents are held to be binding, so that the law
of the land consists in part of judge-made law, a similar result is
produced; an English court must follow English precedents on the
application of foreign law or the refusal to apply it, to the same
extent to which it would be bound to follow them on any other point. So
far as our matter remains open for a judge, he has, to assist him
towards a just decision, the treaties, written laws and judicial
precedents of other countries as examples, and a vast literature which
has grown up in all Christian countries. That this apparatus is far from
having furnished concordant results is due, not only to the divergences
on points of social order referred to, but also to the different bases
of the legal systems with which the respective governments and writers
have been familiar. The legal systems of different countries have been
founded on Roman law, feudal law, English common law and still other
bases. The arguments of lawyers are affected by the prepossessions
thence arising, and they have consequently failed to arrive by their
unaided efforts at so much agreement on the rules of private
international law as would have been compatible with the conditions and
modes of life and action surrounding them. But the general acceptance of
a complete body of rules on private international law is a goal which
for other countries than England is well within sight by the road of
international treaties concluded under the joint direction of
professional and non-professional minds.

The most remarkable steps taken in or towards the conclusion of such
treaties are those initiated, to its high credit, by the government of
the Netherlands. That government first moved in the matter in 1874, and
has succeeded in assembling at the Hague the official representatives of
nearly all European powers in conferences held in 1893, 1894, 1900 and
1904. At these conferences rules on many branches of private
international law were agreed on for submission to the respective
governments, which has led to conventions, one of the 14th of November
1896, three of the 12th of June 1902, and four of the 19th of July 1905,
regulating the selection of the laws for determining the validity of
marriage and of contracts made on the occasion of marriage, their
effects on property and on the status of the wife and children, divorce
and judicial separation, the guardianship of minors and of interdicted
persons, the validity of testamentary dispositions and the rules of
intestate succession, and many points of judicial procedure. These
conventions may be found at length in the _Revue de droit international
et de legislation comparée_, t. 28, pp. 574-579; 2^e série, t. 4, pp.
485-500; and 2^e série, t. 7, pp. 646-678. A draft relating to
bankruptcy was also prepared at the conference of 1904, but was intended
to serve, not as a general convention, but as the base of separate
conventions to be concluded between particular states. The extent to
which the continent has become united with regard to private
international law appears from the fact that France, Germany, Italy, the
Netherlands, Portugal, Rumania and Sweden are parties to all the
conventions--that Luxemburg, Russia and Spain are parties to those
relating to judicial procedure--and that all the ten except Russia, but
with the addition of Austria, Belgium and Switzerland, are parties to
those on the validity of marriage, divorce and judicial separation, and
the guardianship of minors; while all remain open to adhesion by other
powers. It is much to be regretted that the British government has
declined all invitations to take part in this great international work.
The fact must in part be ascribed to the hindrance which the difference
between the English common law and the Roman law places, even for
lawyers, in the way of joint action with the continent, and in part to
the necessity that the rules laid down in any convention should be
enacted for the United Kingdom by parliament, the leaders of which
belonging to either party take no interest in any such matters.

Next in importance among combined official efforts should be mentioned
the congress of seven South American states at Montevideo in 1888-1889,
which on many branches of private international law drew up rules
intended for adoption by treaty on that continent.

_Nationality: Domicile._--Coming now to the particular rules of private
international law which are received in England, or have been most
widely received elsewhere, the most obvious cases which present
themselves for admitting foreign circumstances to influence the decision
of a judge are those in which rights are so connected with the person of
an individual that the justice of deciding on them by a law having
relation to his person speaks almost for itself. Hence arises the notion
of a personal law, which must be that either of the person's political
nationality or of his domicile, these being the only circumstances that
for the time being are fixed for the individual, irrespectively of the
spot where he may happen to be, and of the transaction in which he may
happen to engage. We have seen in the article on Domicile what is the
legal meaning of that term, how its existence is ascertained, that in
and long after the middle ages it was the usual criterion of the
personal law, and that in modern times political nationality has largely
replaced it as such criterion on the continent of Europe. Thus as well
by the conventions mentioned as by the codes of many states--France,
Italy and Germany among the number--the capacity and status of persons
is now governed by the law of their political nationality. In Latin
America the criterion of the personal law is still generally held to be
domicile, which is among the reasons why the South American states
prefer to pursue the codification of private international law
independently of European conferences and conventions.

The English courts were slow to recognize a personal law at all and as
late as Lord Eldon's time they held that the competency of a person to
contract depended on the law of the place where the contract was made.
Their decisions have since come into line with the continental decisions
so far as to make capacity and status depend on a personal law, but not
so far as to make nationality its criterion. Hence in England, and in a
minority of European continental countries, of which Denmark is an
example, the capacity of a party to enter into a contract, whether it be
disputed on the ground of his age, or, in the case of the contract of
marriage, on the ground of his consanguinity or affinity with the other
party, will be decided by the law of his domicile. Guardians, curators
and committees of foreign minors or lunatics, deriving their authority
from the law or jurisdiction of the latter's domicile or nationality,
can sue and give receipts for their personal property. A court will not
decree the divorce of persons not domiciled within its jurisdiction, and
it will recognize foreign divorces if, and only if, they have been
decreed by a jurisdiction to which the parties were subject by domicile
or nationality. And the legitimation of a child by the subsequent
marriage of its parents will be held to depend on the law of its
father's domicile or nationality. But the reference to the place of
contract, carried to North America with the rest of the English
jurisprudence of that date, still maintains in the courts of the United
States a struggle with the doctrine of personal law as governing
capacity and status.

Here must be noticed a difficulty which arises about the application of
any foreign law to the capacity for contracting. It will be understood
by the German provision intended to meet it, namely, that "if a
foreigner enters in Germany into a transaction for which he is incapable
or has only a restricted capacity, he is to be treated for that
transaction as being so far capable as he would be by the German
legislation. This, however, does not apply to transactions with regard
to rights of family or of succession, or to those disposing of foreign
immovable property" (Art. 7 of the statute enacting the code). In a
spirit similar to that which dictated the German enactment, the French
courts have not generally allowed a Frenchman to suffer from the
incapacity, by his personal law, of a foreigner who contracts in France,
when the foreigner would have been capable by French law, and the
Frenchman was in good faith and without great imprudence ignorant of his
incapacity. Lately a disposition has been shown to limit this protection
of nationals to the case in which the foreigner has been guilty of
fraud. English courts usually hold themselves to be more stringently
bound by rules, whether those enacted by parliament or those adopted for
themselves; and if they should continue to profess the doctrine that
capacity depends on the law of the domicile, it is not probable that
they will deem themselves entitled to make exceptions for the protection
of persons contracting in England with foreigners not enjoying such
capacity. The point furnishes an illustration of the fact that to deal
satisfactorily with so complex a subject as private international law
requires the assistance of the legislature, which again cannot be given
with full utility unless uniform provisions, to be enacted in different
countries, are settled by international convention.

Another ground for the application of a personal law is furnished by the
cases in which masses of property and rights have to be dealt with
collectively, by reason of their being grouped around persons. The
principal instances of that kind are when it is necessary to determine
the validity and operation of a marriage settlement or contract, or the
effect of marriage on the property of the husband and wife in the
absence of any express settlement or contract, and when property passes
on death, either by a will or by intestate succession.

  These matters, at least when the property concerned is movable, are
  generally referred to the personal law of the husband at the time of
  the marriage, or to that of the deceased respectively; but about them,
  besides the question between domicile and nationality, there arises
  the question whether immovable property is to be included in the mass
  governed by the personal law, or is to follow the territorial law of
  its own situation (_lex situs_). Here we touch the distinction between
  _real_ and _personal_ statutes which arose in the middle ages, when
  the local legislation of the free cities was contrasted, under the
  name of statutes, with the general Roman law. That distinction did not
  bear the same character at all times, but in the 16th century, under
  d'Argentré, it acquired its most developed form, absorbing all laws
  into one or other of the two classes, and giving a vast extension to
  the real class, for which was claimed exclusive application to
  immovables situate in the territory of the law. In accordance with
  this system, the highly feudal character of which was very sympathetic
  to English jurisprudence, English practice has refused to include
  English immovables in the mass to be dealt with as a unit on marriage
  or death. But it refers the validity and operation of a marriage
  settlement, at least as to movables, and the effect of marriage, in
  the absence of express contract, on the movable property of the
  husband and wife, to the law of the husband's domicile at the time of
  the marriage, called the matrimonial domicile. And with regard to the
  succession to movables on death, it adopts the principle of massing
  them irrespectively of their situation, so far as is permitted by the
  peculiar system under which the property in movables situate in
  England does not pass directly to the legatees or next of kin, but to
  the executors or administrators, who are charged with the duty of
  paying the debts of the deceased and distributing the beneficial
  surplus. The validity of a will of movables, otherwise than in respect
  of form (about which more hereafter), and the rights, whether under a
  will or under an intestacy, in the beneficial surplus arising from
  them, are determined in England by the law of the testator's last
  domicile. On the points glanced at in this paragraph the decisions in
  the United States generally agree with those in England, only allowing
  the pecuniary relations of a married couple, in the absence of express
  contract, to be varied by a change of domicile, notwithstanding that
  such change is in the husband's exclusive power, instead of
  maintaining them as fixed by the matrimonial domicile. On the
  continent of Europe partisans of a variation after the marriage are
  scarcely to be found; but as between the nationality and the domicile
  of the husband or of the deceased, and on the question whether the
  mass to be governed either by nationality or domicile, on marriage or
  on death, includes immovables situate under a different law, the
  division of opinion, legislation and practice is considerable and
  intricate.

_Lex situs_, _lex loci actus_, _lex loci contractus_, _lex fori._--The
law of the territory in which they are situate (_lex situs_) is
generally applied to the property in particular things, whether movable
or immovable, so far as they are not included in any mass grouped round
a person; in England, therefore, always to immovables. In drawing up
documents and conducting ceremonies public functionaries must
necessarily follow the law from which they derive their authority,
wherefore the law of the place where any public document is entered
into, or any public ceremony performed (_lex loci actus_), is the only
one that can be followed in its external form. This maxim applies to the
forms of notarial acts, and to that of marriage celebrated with the
official concurrence of clergymen, registrars and so forth. And since
documents and ceremonies entered into without official concurrence are
rarer on the continent of Europe than in England, the inevitableness of
the form of the _lex actus_, when such concurrence is had, has generally
led to that form being also held sufficient whenever the affair comes to
be inquired into later. Nor in England has the sufficiency of the form
of the _lex loci actus_ for the celebration of marriage ever been
doubted, but a will made by a notarial act in accordance with that law
was not admitted. Disregarding the distinction between external form and
internal validity and operation, a will of English land could not take
effect unless made in English form (that is, since the Wills Act of
1837, with two witnesses), and a will of personal estate could not be
admitted in England to probate unless made in the form of the law of the
testator's last domicile. But now, by Lord Kingsdown's Act, passed in
1861, there are given for wills of personal property made by British
subjects, besides the form of their last domicile, three alternative
forms, namely, the form of the place of making the will, that of the
testator's domicile at the time when it was made, and that of the part
of the British dominions where he had his domicile of origin--only the
first of the three, however, being offered when the will is made in the
United Kingdom; and no will is to be revoked or invalidated by a change
of the testator's domicile after making it.

  The law of the place of contract _lex loci contractus_, is
  distinguished into that of the place where the contract is entered
  into, _lex loci contractus celebrati_, and that of the place where it
  is to be performed, which, from the particular case in which the
  performance consists only in a payment, is called _lex loci
  solutionis_. To the first of these is generally referred the formal
  validity of a contract, so far as entered into without the
  intervention of a functionary, and therefore not covered by the
  principle of the _lex loci actus_, and so far also as the performance
  is not tied to any particular place. For example, the form for
  contracting marriage, whether with official intervention as in
  England, or by private and even oral contract as in Scotland, depends,
  both as to necessity and as to sufficiency, on the law of the place of
  contracting it. But as to the internal validity, interpretation and
  operation of a contract, there has been and still remains much
  difference of opinion between the laws of the place of contracting and
  of that of stipulated performance; the former being supported, among
  other grounds, on some texts of Roman law which Savigny has shown to
  have been misunderstood, while the latter agrees much oftener with the
  intention of the parties. The English decisions do not adhere closely
  to either of those laws, but while repeating much of the traditional
  language about the _lex loci contractus_, they aim at doing
  substantial justice by referring a contract to that place with which
  its matter has the closest connexion, or which the intention of the
  parties points out.

  In matters of legal procedure every court follows its own practice
  exclusively (_lex fori_), as, for instance, whether the remedy on a
  contract shall be damages or specific performance, and whether a
  judgment may be executed against the person or only against the
  property of a party. A point much disputed under this head is whether
  the time of limitation of actions shall, as held in the United
  Kingdom, be decided by the _lex fori_, as an incident to the
  procedure, or by the _lex loci contractus_ in one of its varieties, as
  an essential modality of the obligation.

_Renvoi._--We will now suppose that the rules of private international
law, as practised in any country (A), refer a case arising in its courts
to the law of another country (B), as being that of the domicile or
nationality of a person, and that those rules as practised in (B) in
turn refer (_renvoient_) the same case to the law of (A), as being that
of the nationality or domicile or perhaps of the _locus actus_: what are
the courts of (A) to decide? This question, which involves nothing less
than that of the meaning in which the reference to a law is to be
understood in our subject, has during recent years excited great
discussion both among the jurists and in the courts of all nations. It
is answered by the English courts to the effect that (B) by its
reference back (_renvoi_) has disclaimed the control of the case, which
must therefore be decided without regard to (B)'s particular laws. See
_In re Trufort_, 36 Ch. D. 600, and _In re Johnson_, 1903, 1 Ch. 821.
This principle practically gives efficacy to the renvoi, and coincides
with the express provisions both of the above-mentioned convention of
the 12th of June 1902, Art. 1, as to the right of contracting marriage,
and of the statute enacting the German code, Art. 27, as to capacity
generally. The English law agrees in opinion, and is supported by a
numerical preponderance of the judicial precedents in France and
Belgium; but it must be admitted that a numerical preponderance of the
jurists who have declared themselves hold that the courts of (A) ought
to apply the particular laws of (B).

_Public Order._--It must not be supposed that the law of the land, the
proper territorial law of the court which has to deal with a case in
which foreign circumstances arise, always gives way to the foreign law
pointed out by the general maxims which even that particular court
accepts. All rules for the application of foreign laws are subject to an
exception commonly called that of public order, i.e. where such
application would interfere with essential principles of morality or
policy received in the territory. This reservation is usually made in
general terms where legislation on private international law is
attempted, as in Article 6 of the Code Napoleon, and preliminary Article
12 of the Italian code; but the courts have to administer it, as they
have also in England and other countries where it rests only on judicial
practice, and the greater or less extent given to it is one of the
causes of the uncertainty and want of uniformity in our subject. One
example often quoted is the refusal of the courts in all Christian
countries to give effect to polygamous marriage, but this case goes
deeper still, for none of the countries in which polygamous marriage
exists is allowed to enter at all into the communion of private
international law. All, so far as Great Britain has settled legal
relations with them, are among those in which British subjects live
under consular protection and jurisdiction, or (in Egypt) under that of
the Mixed Courts. A better instance is afforded by the refusal of
courts, normally within the pale of European legal communion, to
recognize divorce as dissolving a marriage, notwithstanding that it has
been decreed under the personal law. As another instance, there can be
little doubt that an incapacity to marry imposed by the personal law in
virtue of religious vows or orders would be disregarded by the English
courts in the case of a person marrying in England. Again, it is
established in England that damages cannot be recovered for a tort
unless the act complained of was a wrong both by the law of the country
where it was done and by the law of England; and Article 12 of the
statute enacting the German code is in accordance with that doctrine.
Now the law of the country where the act is done would naturally give
the standard for measuring its legal consequences, and it seems to be
due to the connexion which laws qualifying acts as wrongs have with
public order that respect for that law is tempered by respect for the
law of the countries in which it is invoked; but Article 8 of the
Belgian code refers the liability for torts to the former law without
any restriction.

_Foreign Judgments._--In the rules which have passed before us in the
foregoing general review it is easy to perceive a leading motive--that
of securing, so far as public order allows, the certainty and stability
both of personal and of business relations in the international or
interterritorial intercourse which has always accompanied civilization,
but is now especially frequent and extensive. It has been attempted to
erect this motive into a guiding principle of law, laying down that
rights once accrued in any territory, or sometimes, it is said, by
virtue of any territorial law, are to be recognized and enforced,
subject to the requirements of public order, in any other territory in
which they may be invoked before a court of justice. From this, which
may be called the principle of the acceptance of foreign rights, it is
claimed that the rules of private international law are to be deduced,
and that by their consonance with it any such rules are to be tested
when proposed. The difficulties of the subject, however, do not admit of
being unlocked by so simple a key. They meet us again when we inquire in
what territory, or by virtue of what territorial law, a particular
alleged right has accrued. Persons belonging by domicile or nationality
to A enter in B into a contract to be performed in C; where and by
virtue of what law does either acquire a right against the other? Is it
to be in or by the law of their homes, where they are normally, though
not always necessarily, to be sued? Or of the country where they
contract, which for various purposes, as those of police, but not for
all purposes, has the control of them when they contract? Or of the
country where their contract is to be performed, under a similar control
by which, perhaps extending to the very acts of performance, they or
their agents may be brought by the operation of their contract?
Evidently we cannot apply the principle to guide us in our choice of a
law till the very problem which that choice presents has first been
solved. There is, however, one case in which the principle of the
acceptance of foreign rights leads to a conclusion, namely, where the
right has been declared by the judgment of a competent court, which may
have been given in an ordinary case, presenting no question of private
international law, but in which, if such a question arose, it has been
solved by choosing the law and basing the judgment on it. The rule in
England and in many other countries as to foreign judgments is that the
judgments of competent courts in other territories (foreign in the sense
of civil law, whether politically foreign or not) are to be enforced
without reopening the merits of the questions disposed of by them. In
some countries, however, a foreign judgment is examinable on its merits
before being enforced. This was formerly the unquestioned rule in
France, though the practice there seems to be now turning the other way.
In the system adopted in England everything turns on the competence. For
judgments _in rem_, declaring or disposing of the property in a thing,
the test of competence is that the thing, whether movable or immovable,
was within the territory of the court. Judgments which declare the
status of a person, as with regard to marriage or majority, are
competent if the person was subject to the jurisdiction by nationality
or domicile. The property or the status is treated as being what has
been so declared or decreed. For judgments _in personam_, decreeing the
payment of a certain sum, the test of competence for the present purpose
is again that the person against whom it was pronounced was subject to
the jurisdiction by nationality or domicile; the judgment may then be
sued on as giving of itself a good title to the sum decreed by it to be
paid. For domestic purposes the competence may exist on quite other
grounds. By its own territorial law a court may be authorized to
entertain a suit _in personam_ because the plaintiff possesses its
nationality, as by Article 14 of the code Napoleon, or because the
contract sued on was made or was to be performed in the territory, and
so forth. But judgments based on these grounds will not be enforceable
outside the territory. Here we touch the root principles of our subject.
The distinction between domestic and international grounds of competence
can only be explained by the history of law, and we come in sight of the
fact that the rules of private international law rest finally on
conventions which could not have existed if the civilization of
different countries had not so much that was common in its origin and in
the course which it has followed, but which suit the life of those
countries just because that life is itself another outcome of those
common antecedents.

  AUTHORITIES.--The best authority on the history of private
  international law to the end of the 18th century is Lainé,
  _Introduction au droit international privé_ (2 vols., Paris, 1888).
  For modern progress the most copious materials are to be found in the
  _Revue de droit international et de législation comparée_ (Brussels,
  from 1869); the _Journal du droit international privé et de la
  jurisprudence comparée_ (Paris, from 1874); and the _Annuaire de
  l'institut de droit international_ (Paris, from 1877). The most
  comprehensive general treatise is that of von Bar, of which the 2nd
  edition appeared at Göttingen in 1889, and has been translated: _The
  Theory and Practice of Private International Law_, by L. v. Bar, 2nd
  ed., translated, by Gillespie (Edinburgh, 1892). Other works, many of
  great merit, are numerous in all languages; but in this, as in every
  department of law, the first place for England and the United States
  must be given to the different Law Reports, since in those countries
  it is not in the study but on the bench that the highest legal
  intellect is usually displayed, and the judgments delivered are often
  essays on the points involved. The following works, however, among
  others, treat the subject from the English or United States point of
  view: Story, _Commentaries on the Conflict of Laws, Foreign and
  Domestic_, 8th ed., by Bigelow (Boston, 1883); Wharton, _A Treatise on
  the Conflict of Laws or Private International Law_ (2nd ed.,
  Philadelphia, 1881); J. Westlake, _A Treatise on Private International
  Law, with Principal Reference to its Practice in England_ (4th ed.,
  London, 1905); Foote, _A Concise Treatise on Private International
  Jurisprudence, based on the Decisions in the English Courts_ (3rd ed.,
  London, 1904); A. V. Dicey, _A Digest of the Law of England with
  Reference to the Conflict of Laws_ (2nd ed., London, 1908); Beale, _A
  Selection of Cases on the Conflict of Laws, with Notes and Summary_
  (Cambridge, Mass., 1900-1903); Bate, _Notes on the Doctrine of Renvoi_
  (1904).     (Jno. W.)



INTERPELLATION (from Lat. _interpellare_, to interrupt), a term meaning,
in general, an interruption, more particularly used of a method of
procedure adopted in some of the legislative chambers of continental
Europe, especially those of France and Italy, and somewhat similar to
that of a motion to adjourn the House in the British parliament. It was
originally confined to the asking of a question, after due notice, on
some affair of state. It is now, however, the chief means by which the
policy or action of the ministry of the day is challenged. An
interpellation can be brought on without the consent of the minister to
be attacked; it is usually made the subject of a general debate, and
generally ends with a vote of confidence or want of confidence in the
ministry. The right of permitting or vetoing an interpellation rests
with the chamber. In France a tendency has been growing among deputies
to use the interpellation as a method of attack on or accusation against
individual colleagues.



INTERPLEADER, in English law, the form of action by which a person who
is sued at law by two or more parties claiming adversely to each other
for the recovery of money or goods wherein he has no interest, obtains
relief by procuring the rival claimants to try their rights between or
among themselves only. Originally the only relief available to the
possessor against such adverse claims was by means of a bill of
interpleader in equity. The Interpleader Act 1831 enabled the defendant
in such cases, on application to the court, to have the original action
stayed and converted into a trial between the two claimants. The Common
Law Procedure Act of 1860 further extended the power of the common law
courts in interpleader; and the Judicature Act 1875 enacted that the
practice and procedure under these two statutes should apply to all
divisions of the High Court of Justice. The Judicature Act also extended
the remedy of interpleader to a debtor or other person liable in respect
of a debt alleged to be assigned, when the assignment was disputed. In
1883 the acts of 1831 and 1860 were embodied in the form of rules by the
_Rules of the Supreme Courts_ (1883), O. lvii. by reference to which all
questions of interpleader in the High Court of Justice are now
determined. The acts themselves were repealed by the Statute Law
Revision Act of the same year. Interpleader is the equivalent of
multiplepoinding in Scots law.



INTERPOLATION (from Lat. _interpolare_, to alter, or insert something
fresh, connected with _polire_, a polish), in mathematics, the process
of obtaining intermediate terms of a series of which particular terms
only are given. The cubes, for instance, shown in the second column of
the accompanying table, may

  +-------+----------------+
  |Number.| Cube of Number.|
  +-------+----------------+
  |   0   |        0       |
  |   1   |        1       |
  |   2   |        8       |
  |   3   |       27       |
  |   4   |       64       |
  |   5   |      125       |
  |   6   |      216       |
  |   .   |       .        |
  |   .   |       .        |
  |   .   |       .        |
  +-------+----------------+

be regarded as terms of a series, and the cube of a fractional number,
not exceeding the last number in the first column, may be found by
interpolation. The process of obtaining the cube of a number exceeding
the last number in the first column would be _extrapolation_; the
formulae which apply to interpolation apply in theory to extrapolation,
but in practice special precautions as to accuracy are necessary. The
present article deals only with interpolation.

The term is usually limited to those cases in which there are two
quantities, x and u, which are so related that when x has any arbitrary
value, lying perhaps between certain limits, the value of u is
determinate. There is a given series of associated values of u and of x,
and interpolation consists in determining the value of u for any
arbitrary value of x, or the value of x for any arbitrary value of u,
lying between two of the values in the series. Either of the two
quantities may be regarded as a function of the other; it is convenient
to treat one, x, as the "independent variable," the other, u, being
treated as the "dependent variable," i.e. as a function of x. If, as is
usually the case, the successive values of one of the quantities proceed
by a constant increment, this quantity is to be regarded as the
independent variable. The two series of values may be tabulated, those
of x being placed in a column (or row), and those of u in a parallel
column (or row); u is then said to be _tabulated in terms of_ x. The
independent variable x is called the _argument_, and the dependent
variable u is called the _entry_. Interpolation, in the ordinary sense,
consists in determining the value of u for a value of x intermediate
between two values appearing in the table. This may be described as
_direct interpolation_, to distinguish it from _inverse interpolation_,
which consists in determining the value of x for a value of u
intermediate between two in the table. The methods employed can be
extended to cases in which the value of u depends on the values of two
or more independent quantities x, y,...

  In the ordinary case we may regard the values of x as measured along a
  straight line OX from a fixed point O, so that to any value of x there
  corresponds a point on the line. If we represent the corresponding
  value of u by an ordinate drawn from the line, the extremities of all
  such ordinates will lie on a curve which will be the graph of u with
  regard to x. Interpolation therefore consists in determining the
  length of the ordinate of a curve occupying a particular position,
  when the lengths of ordinates occupying certain specified positions
  are known. If u is a function of two variables, x and y, we may
  similarly represent it by the ordinate of a surface, the position of
  the ordinate being determined by the values of x and of y jointly.

  The series or tables to which interpolation has to be applied may for
  convenience be regarded as falling into two main groups. The first
  group comprises mathematical tables, i.e. tables of mathematical
  functions; in the case of such a table the value of the function u for
  each tabulated value of x is calculated to a known degree of accuracy,
  and the degree of accuracy of an interpolated value of u can be
  estimated. The second group comprises tables of values which are found
  experimentally, e.g. values of a physical quantity or of a statistical
  ratio; these values are usually subject to certain "errors" of
  observation or of random selection (see PROBABILITY). The methods of
  interpolation are usually the same in the two groups of cases, but
  special considerations have to be taken into account in the second
  group. The line of demarcation of the two groups is not absolutely
  fixed; the tables used by actuaries, for instance, which are of great
  importance in practical life, are based on statistical observations,
  but the tables formed directly from the observations have been
  "smoothed" so as to obtain series which correspond in form to the
  series of values of mathematical functions.

  It must be assumed, at any rate in the case of a mathematical
  function, that the "entry" u varies continuously with the "argument"
  x, i.e. that there are no sudden breaks, changes of direction, &c., in
  the curve which is the graph of u.

  Various methods of interpolation are described below. The simplest is
  that which uses the _principle of proportional parts_; and
  mathematical tables are usually arranged so as to enable this method
  to be employed. Where this is not possible, the methods are based
  either on the use of Taylor's Theorem, which gives a formula involving
  differential coefficients (see INFINITESIMAL CALCULUS), or on the
  properties of finite differences (see DIFFERENCES, CALCULUS OF).
  Taylor's Theorem can only be applied directly to a known mathematical
  function; but it can be applied indirectly, by means of finite
  differences, in various cases where the form of the function
  expressing u in terms of x is unknown; and even where the form of this
  function is known it is sometimes more convenient to determine the
  differential coefficients by means of the differences than to
  calculate them directly from their mathematical expressions. Finally,
  there are cases where we cannot even employ finite-difference formulae
  directly. In these cases we must adopt some special method; e.g. we
  may instead of u tabulate some function of u, such as its logarithm,
  which is found to be amenable to ordinary processes, then determine
  the value of this function corresponding to the particular value of x,
  and thence determine the corresponding value of u itself.

  In considering methods of interpolation, it will be assumed, unless
  the contrary is stated, that the values of x proceed by a constant
  increment, which will be denoted by h.

  In order to see what method is to be employed, it is usually necessary
  to arrange the given series of values of u in the form of a table, as
  explained above, and then to take the successive _differences_ of u.
  The differences of the successive values of u are called its _first
  differences_; these form a new series, the first differences of which
  are the _second differences_ of u; and so on. The systems of notation
  of the differences are explained briefly below. For the fuller
  discussion, reference should be made to DIFFERENCES, CALCULUS OF.


  I. INTERPOLATION FROM MATHEMATICAL TABLES

  A. Direct Interpolation.

  1. _Interpolation by First Differences._--The simplest cases are those
  in which the first difference in u is constant, or nearly so. For
  example:--

    _Example_ 1.--(u = log_10 x).   _Example_ 2.--(u = log_10 x).

    +-------+--------+---------+     +------+--------+---------+
    |   x.  |    u.  |1st Diff.|     |  x.  |   u.   |1st Diff.|
    +-------+--------+---------+     +------+--------+---------+
    |       |        |    +    |     |      |        |    +    |
    | 4.341 |.6375898|         |     | 7.40 | .86923 |         |
    |       |        |   1000  |     |      |        |    59   |
    | 4.342 |.6376898|         |     | 7.41 | .86982 |         |
    |       |        |   1000  |     |      |        |    58   |
    | 4.343 |.6377898|         |     | 7.42 | .87040 |         |
    |       |        |   1000  |     |      |        |    59   |
    | 4.344 |.6378898|         |     | 7.43 | .87099 |         |
    |       |        |   1000  |     |      |        |    58   |
    | 4.345 |.6379898|         |     | 7.44 | .87157 |         |
    +-------+--------+---------+     +------+--------+---------+

  In Example 1 the first difference of u corresponding to a difference
  of h [equivalent] .001 in x is .0001000; but, since we are working
  throughout to seven places of decimals, it is more convenient to write
  it 1000. This system of ignoring the decimal point in dealing with
  differences will be adopted throughout this article. To find u for an
  intermediate value of x we assume the principle of proportional parts,
  i.e. we assume that the difference in u is proportional to the
  difference in x. Thus for x = 4.342945 the difference in u is .945 of
  1000 = 945, so that u is .6376898 + .0000945 = .6377843. For x =
  4.34294482 the difference in u would be 944.82, so that the value of u
  would apparently be .6376898 + .000094482 = .637784282. This, however,
  would be incorrect. It must be remembered that the values of u are
  only given "correct to seven places of decimals," i.e. each tabulated
  value differs from the corresponding true value by a _tabular error_
  which may have any value up to ± ½ of .0000001; and we cannot
  therefore by interpolation obtain a result which is correct to nine
  places. If the interpolated value of u has to be used in calculations
  for which it is important that this value should be as accurate as
  possible, it may be convenient to retain it temporarily in the form
  .6376898 + 944 82 = .6377842 82 or .6376898 + 944^82 = .6377842^82;
  but we must ultimately return to the seven-place arrangement and write
  it as .6377843. The result of interpolation by first difference is
  thus usually subject to two inaccuracies, the first being the tabular
  error of u itself, and the second being due to the necessity of
  adjusting the final figure of the added (proportional) difference. If
  the tabulated values are correct to seven places of decimals, the
  interpolated value, with the final figure adjusted, will be within
  .0000001 of its true value.

  In Example 2 the differences do not at first sight appear to run
  regularly, but this is only due to the fact that the final figure in
  each value of u represents, as explained in the last paragraph, an
  approximation to the true value. The general principle on which we
  proceed is the same; but we use the actual difference corresponding to
  the interval in which the value of x lies. Thus for x = 7.41373 we
  should have u = .86982 + (.373 of 58) = .87004; this result being
  correct within .00001.

  2. _Interpolation by Second Differences._--If the consecutive first
  differences of u are not approximately equal, we must take account of
  the next order of differences. For example:--

    _Example 3._--(u = log_10 x).

    +-----+-------+---------+---------+
    |  x. |   u.  |1st Diff.|2nd Diff.|
    +-----+-------+---------+---------+
    | 6.0 |.77815 |         |         |
    |     |       |  +718   |         |
    | 6.1 |.78533 |         |   -12   |
    |     |       |  +706   |         |
    | 6.2 |.79239 |         |   -11   |
    |     |       |  +695   |         |
    | 6.3 |.79934 |         |   -11   |
    |     |       |  +684   |         |
    | 6.4 |.80618 |         |   -11   |
    |             |  +673   |         |
    | 6.5 |.81291 |         |         |
    +-----+-------+---------+---------+

  In such a case the _advancing-difference_ formula is generally used.
  The notation is as follows. The series of values of x and of u are
  respectively x0, x1, x2, ... and u0, u1, u2, ... ; and the successive
  differences of u are denoted by [Delta]u, [Delta]²u, ... Thus
  [Delta]u0 denotes u1 - u0, and [Delta]²u0 denotes [Delta]u1 -
  [Delta]u0 = u2 - 2u1 + u0. The value of x for which u is sought is
  supposed to lie between x0 and x1. If we write it equal to x0 +
  [theta](x1 - x0) = x0 + [theta]h, so that [theta] lies between 0 and
  1, we may denote it by x_([theta]), and the corresponding value of u by
  u_([theta]). We have then

                                       [theta] (1 - [theta])
    u[theta] = u0 + [theta][Delta]u0 - --------------------- [Delta]²u0
                                                 2!

        [theta] (1 - [theta]) (2 - [theta])
      + ----------------------------------- [Delta]³u0 - ...  (1).
                         3!

  Tables of the values of the coefficients of [Delta]²u0 and [Delta]³u0
  to three places of decimals for various values of [theta] from 0 to 1
  are given in the ordinary collections of mathematical tables; but the
  formula is not really convenient if we have to go beyond [Delta]²u0,
  or if [Delta]²u0 itself contains more than two significant figures.

  To apply the formula to Example 3 for x = 6.277, we have [theta] =
  .77, so that u_([theta]) = .79239 + (.77 of 695) - (.089 of -11) =
  .79239 + 535 15 + 0 98 = .79775.

  Here, as elsewhere, we use two extra figures in the intermediate
  calculations, for the purpose of adjusting the final figure in the
  ultimate result.

  3. _Taylor's Theorem._--Where differences beyond the second are
  involved, Taylor's Theorem is useful. This theorem (see INFINITESIMAL
  CALCULUS) gives the formula

                                      [theta]²      [theta]³
    u_([theta]) = u0 + c1[theta] + c2 -------- + c3 -------- + ...  (2),
                                         2!            3!

  where, c1, c2, c3, ... are the values for x = x0 of the first, second,
  third, ... differential coefficients of u with regard to x. The values
  of c1, c2, ... can occasionally be calculated from the analytical
  expressions for the differential coefficients of u; but more generally
  they have to be calculated from the tabulated differences. For this
  purpose _central-difference_ formulae are the best. If we write

    µ[delta]u0  = ½([Delta]u0 + [Delta]u_(-1))       \
    [delta]²u0  = [Delta]²u_(-1)                      |  (3),
    µ[delta]³u0 = ½([Delta]³u_(-1) + [Delta]³u_(-2))  |
      &c.                                            /

  so that, if (as in §§ 1 and 2) each difference is placed opposite the
  space between the two quantities of which it is the difference, the
  expressions [delta]²u0, [delta]^4u0, ... denote the differences of
  even order in a horizontal line with u0, and µ[delta]u0, µ[delta]³u0,
  ... denote the means of the differences of odd order immediately below
  and above this line, then (see DIFFERENCES, CALCULUS OF) the values
  of c1, c2, . . . are given by

    c1 = µ[delta]u0 - (1/6)µ[delta]³u0 + (1/30)µ[delta]^5u0 - (1/140)µ[delta]^7u0 + ... \
    c2 = [delta]²u0 - (1/12)[delta]^4u0 + (1/90)[delta]^6u0 - (1/560)[delta]^8u0 + ...  |
    c3 = µ[delta]³u0 - (1/4)µ[delta]^5u0 + (7/120)µ[delta]^7u0 - ...                    |
    c4 = [delta]^4u0 - (1/6)[delta]^6u0 + (7/240)[delta]^8u0 - ...                      |
    c5 = µ[delta]^5u0 - (1/3)µ[delta]^7u0 + ...                                         | (4).
    c6 = [delta]^6u0 - (1/4)[delta]^8u0 + ...                                           |
      .          .                                                                      |
      .          .                                                                      |
      .          .                                                                     /

  If a calculating machine is used, the formula (2) is most conveniently
  written

    u_([theta]) = u0 + P1[theta]      \
    P1          = c1 + (1/2)P2[theta]  |
    P2          = c2 + (1/3)P3[theta]  |  (5).
     .            .                    |
     .            .                    |
     .            .                   /

  Using [theta] as the multiplicand in each case, the successive
  expressions ... P3, P2, P1, u_([theta]) are easily calculated.

  As an example, take u = tan x to five places of decimals, the values
  of x proceeding by a difference of 1°. It will be found that the
  following is part of the table:--

    _Example_ 4.--(u = tan x).

    +-----+--------+---------+---------+---------+---------+
    |  x. |   u.   |1st Diff.|2nd Diff.|3rd Diff.|4th Diff.|
    +-----+--------+---------+---------+---------+---------+
    |     |        |    +    |    +    |    +    |    +    |
    | 65° | 2.14451|         |   732   |         |    16   |
    |     |        |  10153  |         |    96   |         |
    | 66° | 2.24604|         |   828   |         |    19   |
    |     |        |  10981  |         |   115   |         |
    | 67° | 2.35585|         |   943   |         |    18   |
    +-----+--------+---------+---------+---------+---------+

  To find u for x = 66° 23´, we have [theta] = 23/60 = .3833333. The
  following shows the full working: in actual practice it would be
  abbreviated. The operations commence on the right-hand side. It will
  be noticed that two extra figures are retained throughout.

                   u0.               µ[delta]u0.               [delta]²u0.              µ[delta]³u0. [delta]^4u0.

                 2.24604               +10567^00                   +828^00                   +105^50       +19^00
                                       -   17^58                   -  1^58
                                       ---------                   -------                 ---------       ------
                                  c1 = +10549^42              c2 = +826^42              c3 = +105^50  c4 = +19^00
    P1[theta] = +4105^67  ½P2[theta] = +  161^02  (1/3)P3[theta] = + 13^71  (1/8)c4[theta] = +  1^82
                --------               ---------                   -------                   -------
    u_[theta] =  2.28710          P1 = +10710^44              P2 = +840^13              P3 = +107^32

  The value 2.2870967, obtained by retaining the extra figures, is
  correct within .7 of .00001 (§ 8), so that 2.28710 is correct within
  .00001 1.

  In applying this method to mathematical tables, it is desirable, on
  account of the tabular error, that the differences taken into account
  in (4) should end with a difference of even order. If, e.g. we use
  µ[delta]³u0 in calculating c1 and c3, we ought also to use [delta]^4u0
  for calculating c2 and c4, even though the term due to [delta]^4u0
  would be negligible if [delta]^4u0 were known exactly.

  4. _Geometrical and Algebraical Interpretation._--In applying the
  principle of proportional parts, in such a case as that of Example 1,
  we in effect treat the graph of u as a straight line. We see that the
  extremities of a number of consecutive ordinates lie approximately in
  a straight line: i.e. that, if the values are correct within ±½[rho],
  a straight line passes through points which are within a corresponding
  distance of the actual extremities of the ordinates; and we assume
  that this is true for intermediate ordinates. Algebraically we treat u
  as being of the form A + Bx, where A and B are constants determined by
  the values of u at the extremities of the interval through which we
  interpolate. In using first and second differences we treat u as being
  of the form A + Bx + Cx²; i.e. we pass a parabola (with axis vertical)
  through the extremities of three consecutive ordinates, and consider
  that this is the graph of u, to the degree of accuracy given by the
  data. Similarly in using differences of a higher order we replace the
  graph by a curve whose equation is of the form u = A + Bx + Cx² + Dx³
  + ... The various forms that interpolation-formulae take are due to
  the various principles on which ordinates are selected for determining
  the values of A, B, C ...


  B. _Inverse Interpolation._

  5. To find the value of x when u is given, i.e. to find the value of
  [theta] when u_([theta]) is given, we use the same formula as for
  direct interpolation, but proceed (if differences beyond the first are
  involved) by successive approximation. Taylor's Theorem, for instance,
  gives

                                            [theta]
    [theta] = (u_[theta] - u0) ÷ (c1 + c2 + ------- + ...)
                                               2!

            = (u_[theta] - u0) ÷ P1  (6),

  We first find an approximate value for [theta]: then calculate P1, and
  find by (6) a more accurate value of [theta]; then, if necessary,
  recalculate P1, and thence [theta], and so on.


  II. CONSTRUCTION OF TABLES BY SUBDIVISION OF INTERVALS

  6. When the values of u have been tabulated for values of x proceeding
  by a difference h, it is often desirable to deduce a table in which
  the differences of x are h/n, where n is an integer.

  If n is even it may be advisable to form an intermediate table in
  which the intervals are ½h. For this purpose we have

    u_½ = ½(U0 + U1)  (7),

  where

    U = u - (1/8)[delta]²u + (3/128)[delta]^4u - (5/1024)[delta]^6u + ...

    = u - (1/8)[[delta]²u - (3/16){[delta]^4u - (5/24)([delta]^6u - ...)}]  (8).

  The following is an example; the data are the values of tan x to five
  places of decimals, the interval in x being 1°. The differences of odd
  order are omitted for convenience of printing.

    _Example 5._

    +-----+---------+----------+-----------+-----------+------------+------------+------+
    |     |  u [eq] |          |           |           |            |u = mean of |      |
    |  x. |  tan x. |[delta]²u.|[delta]^4u.|[delta]^6u.|      U.    |values of U.|  x.  |
    +-----+---------+----------+-----------+-----------+------------+------------+------+
    |     |         |     +    |     +     |     +     |            |            |      |
    | 73° | 3.27085 |   2339   |    100    |     5     | 3.26794 95 |            |      |
    |     |         |          |           |           |            |   3.37594  | 73½° |
    | 74° | 3.48741 |   2808   |    132    |    23     | 3.48392 98 |            |      |
    |     |         |          |           |           |            |   3.60588  | 74½° |
    | 75° | 3.73205 |   3409   |    187    |    18     | 3.72783 17 |            |      |
    |     |         |          |           |           |            |   3.86671  | 75½° |
    | 76° | 4.01078 |   4197   |    260    |    51     | 4.00559 22 |            |      |
    |     |         |          |           |           |            |   4.16530  | 76½° |
    | 77° | 4.33148 |   5245   |    384    |    64     | 4.32501 07 |            |      |
    +-----+---------+----------+-----------+-----------+------------+------------+------+

  If a new table is formed from these values, the intervals being ½°, it
  will be found that differences beyond the fourth are negligible.

  To subdivide h into smaller intervals than ½h, various methods may be
  used. One is to calculate the sets of quantities which in the new
  table will be the successive differences, corresponding to u0, u1, ...
  and to find the intermediate terms by successive additions. A better
  method is to use a formula due to J. D. Everett. If we write [phi] = 1
  - [theta], Everett's formula is, in its most symmetrical form,

                              ([theta] + 1)[theta]([theta] - 1)
    u_([theta]) = [theta]u1 + ---------------------------------[delta]²u1
                                              3!

        ([theta] + 2)([theta] + 1)[theta]([theta] - 1)([theta] - 2)
      + -----------------------------------------------------------[delta]^4u1 + ...

                  ([phi] + 1)[phi]([phi] - 1)
      + [phi]u0 + ---------------------------[delta]²u0
                              3!

        ([phi] + 2)([phi] + 1)[phi]([phi] - 1)([phi] - 2)
      + -------------------------------------------------[delta]^4u0 + ...  (9).
                                 5!

  For actual calculations a less symmetrical form may be used. Denoting

    ([theta] + 1)[theta]([theta] - 1)
    ---------------------------------[delta]²u1
                    3!

        ([theta] + 2)([theta] + 1)[theta]([theta] - 1)([theta] - 2)
      + -----------------------------------------------------------[delta]^4u1 + ... (10)
                                      5!

  by _([theta])V1, we have, for interpolation between u0 and u1,

    u_([theta]) = u0 + [theta][Delta]u0 + _([theta])V1 + _(1 - [theta])V0  (11),

  the successive values of [theta] being 1/n, 2/n, ... (n-1)/n. For
  interpolation between u1 and u2 we have, with the same succession of
  values of [theta],

    u_(1+[theta]) = u1 + _([theta])V1, V2 + _(1-[theta])V1  (12).

  The values of _(1-[theta])V1 in (12) are exactly the same as those of
  ([theta])V1 in (11), but in the reverse order. The process is
  therefore that (i.) we find the successive values of u0 +
  [theta][Delta]u0, &c., i.e. we construct a table, with the required
  intervals of x, as if we had only to take first differences into
  account; (ii.) we construct, in a parallel column, a table giving the
  values of _([theta])V1, &c.; (iii.) we repeat these latter values,
  placing the set belonging to each interval h in the interval next
  following it, and writing the values in the reverse order; and (iv.)
  by adding horizontally we get the final values for the new table.

  As an example, take the values of tan x by intervals of ½° in x, as
  found above (Ex. 5). The first diagram below is a portion of this
  table, with the differences, and the second shows the calculation of
  the terms of (11) so as to get a table in which the intervals are 0.1
  of 1°. The last column but one in the second diagram is introduced for
  convenience of calculation.

    _Example 6._

    +------+-----------+---------+----------+----------+-----------+
    |  x.  | u = tan x.|[delta]u.|[delta]²u.|[delta]³u.|[delta]^4u.|
    +------+-----------+---------+----------+----------+-----------+
    |      |           |    +    |     +    |     +    |     +     |
    |      |           |  11147  |          |    62    |           |
    | 74°.0|  3.48741  |         |    700   |          |     8     |
    |      |           |  11847  |          |    70    |           |
    | 74°.5|  3.60588  |         |    770   |          |     9     |
    |      |           |  12617  |          |    79    |           |
    +------+-----------+---------+----------+----------+-----------+

    +-------+------------------+--------------+----------------+----------------+---------+
    |       |       u0 +       |              |                | _([theta])V1 + |         |
    |   x.  | [theta][Delta]u0.| _([theta])V1.| _(1-[theta])V0.| _(1-[theta])V0.|    u.   |
    +-------+------------------+--------------+----------------+----------------+---------+
    | 73°.6 |        .         |    -22 35    |       .        |       .        |    .    |
    | 73°.7 |        .         |    -39 11    |       .        |       .        |    .    |
    | 73°.8 |        .         |    -44 71    |       .        |       .        |    .    |
    | 73°.9 |        .         |    -33 54    |       .        |       .        |    .    |
    | 74°.0 |    3.48741 00    |              |                |                | 3.48741 |
    | 74°.1 |    3.51110 40    |    -24 58    |     -33 54     |     -58 12     | 3.51052 |
    | 74°.2 |    3.53479 80    |    -43 02    |     -44 71     |     -87 73     | 3.53392 |
    | 74°.3 |    3.55849 20    |    -49 18    |     -39 11     |     -88 29     | 3.55761 |
    | 74°.4 |    3.58218 60    |    -36 89    |     -22 35     |     -59 24     | 3.58159 |
    | 74°.5 |    3.60588 00    |              |                |                | 3.60588 |
    +-------+------------------+--------------+----------------+----------------+---------+

  The following are the values of the coefficients of u1, [delta]²u1,
  [delta]^4u1, and [delta]^6u1 in (9) for certain values of n. For
  calculating the four terms due to [delta]²u1 in the case of n = 5 it
  should be noticed that the third term is twice the first, the fourth
  is the mean of the first and the third, and the second is the mean of
  the third and the fourth. In table 3, and in the last column of table
  2, the coefficients are corrected in the last figure.

    TABLE 1.--n = 5.

    +------+--------------+---------------+--------------------------+
    |co. u.|co. [delta]²u.|co. [delta]^4u.|      co. [delta]^6u.     |
    +------+--------------+---------------+--------------------------+
    |   +  |      -       |       +       |            -             |
    |  .2  |    .032      |    .006336    | .00135168 = 1/740 approx.|
    |  .4  |    .056      |    .010752    | .00226304 = 1/442    "   |
    |  .6  |    .064      |    .011648    | .00239616 = 1/417    "   |
    |  .8  |    .048      |    .008064    | .00160512 = 1/623    "   |
    +------+--------------+---------------+--------------------------+

    TABLE 2.--n = 10.

    +------+--------------+---------------+---------------+
    |co. u.|co. [delta]²u.|co. [delta]^4u.|co. [delta]^6u.|
    +------+--------------+---------------+---------------+
    |   +  |      -       |       +       |       -       |
    |  .1  |    .0165     |   .00329175   |  .000704591   |
    |  .2  |    .0320     |   .00633600   |  .001351680   |
    |  .3  |    .0455     |   .00889525   |  .001887064   |
    |  .4  |    .0560     |   .01075200   |  .002263040   |
    |  .5  |    .0625     |   .01171875   |  .002441406   |
    |  .6  |    .0640     |   .01164800   |  .002396160   |
    |  .7  |    .0595     |   .01044225   |  .002115799   |
    |  .8  |    .0480     |   .00806400   |  .001605120   |
    |  .9  |    .0285     |   .00454575   |  .000886421   |
    +------+--------------+---------------+---------------+

    TABLE 3.--n = 12.

    +------+--------------+---------------+---------------+
    |co. u.|co. [delta]²u.|co. [delta]^4u.|co. [delta]^6u.|
    +------+--------------+---------------+---------------+
    |  +   |      -       |      +        |       -       |
    | 1/12 |  .013792438  |  .002753699   |  .000589623   |
    | 2/12 |  .027006173  |  .005363726   |  .001145822   |
    | 3/12 |  .039062500  |  .007690430   |  .001636505   |
    | 4/12 |  .049382716  |  .009602195   |  .002032211   |
    | 5/12 |  .057388117  |  .010979463   |  .002307357   |
    | 6/12 |  .062500000  |  .011718750   |  .002441406   |
    | 7/12 |  .064139660  |  .011736667   |  .002419911   |
    | 8/12 |  .061728395  |  .010973937   |  .002235432   |
    | 9/12 |  .054687500  |  .009399414   |  .001888275   |
    |10/12 |  .042438272  |  .007014103   |  .001387048   |
    |11/12 |  .024402006  |  .003855178   |  .000748981   |
    +------+--------------+---------------+---------------+


  III. GENERAL OBSERVATIONS

  7. _Derivation of Formulae._--The advancing-difference formula (1) may
  be written, in the symbolical notation of finite differences,

    u_[theta] = (1 + [Delta])^([theta])u0 = E^([theta])u0  (13);

  and it is an extension of the theorem that if n is a positive integer

                            n(n - 1)
    u_n = u0 + n[Delta]u0 + --------[Delta]²u0 + ...  (14),
                               2!

  the series being continued until the terms vanish. The formula (14) is
  identically true: the formula (13) or (1) is only formally true, but
  its applicability to concrete cases is due to the fact that the series
  in (1), when taken for a definite number of terms, differs from the
  true value of u_([theta]) by a "remainder" which in most cases is very
  small when this definite number of terms is properly chosen.

  Everett's formula (9), and the central-difference formula obtained by
  substituting from (4) in (2), are modifications of a standard formula

                                         [theta]([theta] - 1)
    u_[theta] = u0 + [theta][delta]u_½ + --------------------[delta]²u0 +
                                                  2!

      ([theta] + 1)[theta]([theta] - 1)
      ----------------------------------[delta]³u_(½) +
                       3!


      ([theta] + 1)[theta]([theta] - 1)([theta] - 2)
      ----------------------------------------------[delta]^4u0 + ...  (15)
                            4!

  which may similarly be regarded as an extension of the theorem that,
  if n is a positive integer,

                             n(n - 1)             (n + 1)n(n - 1)
    u_n = u0 + n[delta]u_½ + --------[delta]²u0 + ---------------[delta]³u_½ + ... (16).
                                2!                      3!

  There are other central-difference formulae besides those mentioned
  above; the general symbolical expression is

    u_[theta] = (cosh [theta]hD + sinh [theta]hD)u0  (17),

  where

    cosh ½hD = µ, sinh ½hD = ½[delta]  (18).

  8. _Comparative Accuracy._--Central-difference formulae are usually
  more accurate than advancing-difference formulae, whether we consider
  the inaccuracy due to omission of the "remainder" mentioned in the
  last paragraph or the error due to the approximative character of the
  tabulated values. The latter is the more important. If each tabulated
  value of u is within ±½[rho] of the corresponding true value, and if
  the differences used in the formulae are the tabular differences, i.e.
  the actual successive differences of the tabulated values of u, then
  the ratio of the limit of error of u_([theta]), as calculated from the
  first r terms of the series in (1), to ½[rho] is the sum of the first
  r terms of the series

    1 + o + [theta](1 - [theta]) + [theta](1 - [theta])(2 - [theta]) +
     (7/12)[theta](1 - [theta])(2 - [theta])(3 - [theta]) +
     ¼[theta](1 - [theta])(2 - [theta])(3 - [theta])(4 - [theta]) +
     (31/360)[theta](1 - [theta])...(5 - [theta])+ ...,

  while the corresponding ratio for the use of differences up to
  [delta]^(2p)u0 inclusive in (4) or up to [delta]^(2p)u1 and o^(2p)u0
  in (9) (i.e. in effect, up to [delta]^(2p + 1)u(½)) is the sum of the
  first p + 1 terms of the series

        [theta](1 - [theta])   (1 + [theta])[theta](1 - [theta])(2 -[theta])
    1 + -------------------- + --------------------------------------------- +
                1·1                                (2!)²

      (2 + [theta])(1 + [theta])[theta](1 - [theta])(2 - [theta])(3 -[theta])
      ----------------------------------------------------------------------- + ...,
                                         (3!)²

  it being supposed in each case that [theta] lies between 0 and 1. The
  following table gives a comparison of the respective limits of error;
  the lines I. and II. give the errors due to the advancing-difference
  and the central-difference formulae, and the coefficient [rho] is
  omitted throughout.

    TABLE 4.

    +----------+------------------------------------------------+
    |          |    Error due to use of Differences up to and   |
    |          |                    including                   |
    |          +------+------+------+------+------+------+------+
    |          | 1st. | 2nd. | 3rd. | 4th. | 5th. | 6th. | 7th. |
    +----------+------+------+------+------+------+------+------+
    |.5 /  I.  | .500 | .625 | .813 |1.086 |1.497 |2.132 |3.147 |
    |   \ II.  | .500 | .625 | .625 | .696 | .696 | .745 | .745 |
    |.2 /  I.  | .500 | .580 | .724 | .960 |1.343 |1.976 |3.042 |
    |   \ II.  | .500 | .580 | .580 | .624 | .624 | .653 | .653 |
    |.4 /  I.  | .500 | .620 | .812 |1.104 |1.553 |2.265 |3.422 |
    |   \ II.  | .500 | .620 | .620 | .688 | .688 | .734 | .734 |
    |.6 /  I.  | .500 | .620 | .788 |1.024 |1.366 |1.886 |2.700 |
    |   \ II.  | .500 | .620 | .620 | .688 | .688 | .734 | .734 |
    |.8 /  I.  | .500 | .580 | .676 | .800 | .969 |1.213 |1.582 |
    |   \ II.  | .500 | .580 | .580 | .624 | .624 | .653 | .653 |
    +----------+------+------+------+------+------+------+------+

  In some cases the differences tabulated are not the tabular
  differences, but the corrected differences; i.e. each difference, like
  each value of u, is correct within ±½[rho]. It does not follow that
  these differences should be used for interpolation. Whatever formula
  is employed, the first difference should always be the tabular first
  difference, not the corrected first difference; and, further, if a
  central-difference formula is used, each difference of odd order
  should be the tabular difference of the corrected differences of the
  next lower order. (This last result is indirectly achieved if
  Everett's formula is used.) With these precautions (i.) the
  central-difference formula is slightly improved by using corrected
  instead of tabular differences, and (ii.) the advancing-difference
  formula is greatly improved, being better than the central-difference
  formula with tabular differences, but still not so good as the latter
  with corrected differences. For [theta] = .5, for instance, supposing
  we have to go to fifth differences, the limits ±1.497 and ±.696, as
  given above, become ±.627 and ±.575 respectively.

  9. _Completion of Table of Differences._--If no values of u outside
  the range within which we have to interpolate are given, the series of
  differences will be incomplete at both ends. It may be continued in
  each direction by treating as constant the extreme difference of the
  highest order involved; and central-difference formulae can then be
  employed uniformly throughout the whole range.

  Suppose, for instance, that the values of tan x in § 6 extended only
  from x = 60° to x = 80°, we could then complete the table of
  differences by making the entries shown in italics below.

    _Example 7._

    +-----+---------+---------+----------+----------+-----------+-----------+-----------+
    |  x. | tan x.  |[delta]u.|[delta]²u.|[delta]³u.|[delta]^4u.|[delta]^5u.|[delta]^6u.|
    +-----+---------+---------+----------+----------+-----------+-----------+-----------+
    |     |         |    +    |     +    |     +    |     +     |       +   |     +     |
    |     |         |  _6775_ |          |    _34_  |           |           |           |
    | 60° | 1.73205 |         |   _425_  |          |     _9_   |           |           |
    |     |         |   7200  |          |    _43_  |           |           |           |
    | 61° | 1.80405 |         |    468   |          |     _9_   |           |           |
    |     |         |   7668  |          |     52   |           |           |           |
    | 62° | 1.88073 |         |    520   |          |      9    |           |           |
    |     |         |   8188  |          |     61   |           |           |           |
    | 63° | 1.96261 |         |    581   |          |     10    |           |           |
    |     |         |   8769  |          |     71   |           |           |           |
    | 64° | 2.05030 |    .    |    652   |     .    |      9    |           |           |
    |  .  |    .    |    .    |     .    |     .    |     .     |     .     |     .     |
    |  .  |    .    |    .    |     .    |     .    |     .     |     .     |     .     |
    |  .  |    .    |    .    |     .    |     .    |     .     |     .     |     .     |
    | 75° | 3.73205 |    .    |   3409   |     .    |    187    |     .     |    18     |
    |     |         |  27873  |          |    788   |           |     73    |           |
    | 76° | 4.01078 |         |   4197   |          |    260    |           |    51     |
    |     |         |  32070  |          |   1048   |           |    124    |           |
    | 77° | 4.33148 |         |   5245   |          |    384    |           |    64     |
    |     |         |  37315  |          |   1432   |           |    188    |           |
    | 78° | 4.70463 |         |   6677   |          |    572    |           |   _64_    |
    |     |         |  43992  |          |   2004   |           |   _252_   |           |
    | 79° | 5.14455 |         |   8681   |          |   _824_   |           |   _64_    |
    |     |         |  52673  |          |  _2828_  |           |   _316_   |           |
    | 80° | 5.67128 |         | _11509_  |          |  _1140_   |           |   _64_    |
    |     |         | _64182_ |          |  _3968_  |           |   _380_   |           |
    +-----+---------+---------+----------+----------+-----------+-----------+-----------+

  For interpolating between x = 60° and x = 61° we should obtain the
  same result by applying Everett's formula to this table as by using
  the advancing-difference formula; and similarly at the other end for
  the receding differences.


  _Interpolation by Substituted Tabulation._

  10. The relation of u to x may be such that the successive differences
  of u increase rapidly, so that interpolation-formulae cannot be
  employed directly. Other methods have then to be used. The best method
  is to replace u by some expression v which is a function of u such
  that (i.) the value of v or of u can be determined for any given value
  of u or of v, and (ii.) when v is tabulated in terms of x the
  differences decrease rapidly. We can then calculate v, and thence u,
  for any intermediate value of x.

  If, for instance, we require tan x for a value of x which is nearly
  90°, it will be found that the table of tangents is not suitable for
  interpolation. We can, however, convert it into a table of cotangents
  to about the same number of significant figures; from this we can
  easily calculate cot x, and thence tan x.

  11. This method is specially suitable for statistical data, where the
  successive values of u represent the area of a figure of frequency up
  to successive ordinates. We have first to determine, by inspection, a
  curve which bears a general similarity to the unknown curve of
  frequency, and whose area and abscissa are so related that either can
  be readily calculated when the other is known. This may be called the
  _auxiliary curve_. Denoting by [xi] the abscissa of this curve which
  corresponds to area u, we find the value of [xi] corresponding to each
  of the given values of u. Then, tabulating [xi] in terms of x, we have
  a table in which, if the auxiliary curve has been well chosen,
  differences of [xi] after the first or second are negligible. We can
  therefore find [xi], and thence u, for any intermediate value of x.


  _Extensions._

  12. _Construction of Formulae._--Any difference of u of the rth order
  involves r + 1 consecutive values of u, and it might be expressed by
  the suffixes which indicate these values. Thus we might write the
  table of differences

    +----+----+---------+----------+--------------+-----------------+
    | x. | u. |1st Diff.| 2nd Diff.|  3rd Diff.   |    4th Diff.    |
    +----+----+---------+----------+--------------+-----------------+
    |  . |  . |    .    |     .    |       .      |        .        |
    |  . |  . |    .    |     .    |       .      |        .        |
    |  . |  . |    .    |     .    |       .      |        .        |
    |  . |  . | (-1, 0) |     .    |(-2, -1, 0, 1)|        .        |
    | x0 | u0 |         |(-1, 0, 1)|              |(-2, -1, 0, 1, 2)|
    |    |    |  (0, 1) |          | (-1, 0, 1, 2)|                 |
    | x1 | u1 |         | (0, 1, 2)|              | (-1, 0, 1, 2, 3)|
    |    |    |  (1, 2) |          |  (0, 1, 2, 3)|                 |
    | x2 | u2 |         | (1, 2, 3)|              |  (0, 1, 2, 3, 4)|
    |  . |  . |  (2, 3) |     .    |  (1, 2, 3, 4)|        .        |
    |  . |  . |    .    |     .    |       .      |        .        |
    |  . |  . |    .    |     .    |       .      |        .        |
    |  . |  . |    .    |     .    |       .      |        .        |
    +----+----+---------+----------+--------------+-----------------+

  The formulae (1) and (15) might then be written

             x - x0         x - x0   x - x1
    u = u0 + ------(0, 1) + ------ . ------(0, 1, 2) +
                h              h        2h

      x - x0   x - x1   x - x2
      ------ . ------ . ------(0, 1, 2, 3) + ...  (19),
         h       2h       3h

             x - x0         x - x0   x - x1
    u = u0 + ------(0, 1) + ------ . ------(-1, 0, 1) +
                h              h       2h

      x - x0   x - x1   x - x_(-1)
      ------ . ------ . ----------(-1, 0, 1, 2) + ...  (20).
         h       2h         3h

  The general principle on which these formulae are constructed, and
  which may be used to construct other formulae, is that (i.) we start
  with any tabulated value of u, (ii.) we pass to the successive
  differences by steps, each of which may be either downwards or
  upwards, and (iii.) the new suffix which is introduced at each step
  determines the new factor (involving x) for use in the next term. For
  any particular value of x, however, all formulae which end with the
  same difference of the _r_th order give the same result, provided
  tabular differences are used. If, for instance, we go only to first
  differences, we have

         x - x0              x - x1
    u0 + ------(0, 1) = u1 + ------(0, 1)
            h                   h

  identically.

  13. _Ordinates not Equidistant._--When the successive ordinates in the
  graph of u are not equidistant, i.e. when the differences of
  successive values of x are not equal, the above principle still
  applies, provided the differences are adjusted in a particular way.
  Let the values of x for which u is tabulated be a = x0 + [alpha]h, b =
  x0 + ßh, c = x0 + [gamma]h,... Then the table becomes

    +---------------+----------+-------------------------------------------+
    |               |          |            Adjusted Differences           |
    |       x.      |    u.    +--------------+---------------------+------+
    |               |          |  1st Diff.   |      2nd Diff.      |  &c. |
    +---------------+----------+--------------+---------------------+------+
    |       .       |    .     |       .      |          .          |      |
    |       .       |    .     |       .      |          .          |      |
    |       .       |    .     |       .      |          .          |      |
    | a = x_[alpha] | u_[alpha]|              |                     |      |
    |               |          | ([alpha], ß) |                     |      |
    | b = x_ß       | u_(ß)    |              |([alpha], ß, [gamma])|      |
    |               |          | (ß, [gamma]) |                     |      |
    | c = x_[gamma] | u_[gamma]|       .      |          .          |      |
    |       .       |    .     |       .      |          .          |      |
    |       .       |    .     |       .      |          .          |      |
    |       .       |    .     |       .      |          .          |      |
    +---------------+----------+--------------+---------------------+------+

  In this table, however, ([alpha], ß) does not mean u_(ß) - u_([alpha]),
  but u_(ß) - u_([alpha]) ÷ (ß - [alpha]); ([alpha], ß, [gamma]) means
  {(ß, [gamma]) - ([alpha], ß)} ÷ ½([gamma] - [alpha]); and, generally
  any quantity ([eta], ... [phi]) in the column headed "rth diff." is
  obtained by dividing the difference of the adjoining quantities in the
  preceding column by ([phi] - [eta])/r. If the table is formed in this
  way, we may apply the principle of § 12 so as to obtain formulae such
  as

                    x - a                  x - a   x - b
    u = u_[alpha] + ----- . ([alpha], ß) + ----- . ----- . ([alpha], ß, [gamma]) + ... (21),
                      h                      h      2h

                    x - c                  x - c   x - b
    u = u_[gamma] + ----- . (ß, [gamma]) + ----- . ----- . ([alpha], ß, [gamma]) + ... (22).
                      h                      h      2h

  The following example illustrates the method, h being taken to be
  1°:--

    _Example 8._

    +-----+------------+-------------+-------------+-------------+
    |  x. | u = sin x. |  1st Diff.  |  2nd Diff.  |  3rd Diff.  |
    |     |            | (adjusted). | (adjusted). | (adjusted). |
    +-----+------------+-------------+-------------+-------------+
    |     |            |      +      |      -      |      -      |
    | 20° |  .3420201  |             |             |             |
    |     |            |  162932 50  |             |             |
    | 22° |  .3746066  |             |   1125 00   |             |
    |     |            |  161245 00  |             |    48 75    |
    | 23° |  .3907311  |             |   1222 50   |             |
    |     |            |  158800 00  |             |    48 30    |
    | 26° |  .4383711  |             |   1303 00   |             |
    |     |            |  156194 00  |             |    47 49    |
    | 27° |  .4539905  |             |   1445 47   |             |
    |     |            |  151857 60  |             |    46 00    |
    | 32° |  .5299193  |             |   1583 48   |             |
    |     |            |  145523 67  |             |             |
    | 35° |  .5735764  |             |             |             |
    +-----+------------+-------------+-------------+-------------+

  To find u for x = 31°, we use the values for 26°, 27°, 32° and 35°,
  and obtain

                       5                5     4
    u = .4383711 00 + ---(156194 00) + --- . ---(-1445 47) +
                       1                1     2

       5     4    -1
      --- . --- . ---(-46 00) = .5150380,
       1     2     3

  which is only wrong in the last figure.

  If the values of u occurring in (21) or (22) are u_(alpha), u_(beta),
  u_(gamma), ... u_(lambda), corresponding to values a, b, c, ... l of x,
  the formula may be more symmetrically written

        (x - b) (x - c) ... (x - l)            (x - a) (x - c) ... (x - l)
    u = ---------------------------u_[alpha] + ---------------------------u_[beta] + ...
        (a - b) (a - c) ... (a - l)            (b - a) (b - c) ... (b - l)

            (x - a) (x - b) (x - c) ...
      ... + ---------------------------u_[lambda]  (23).
            (l - a) (l - b) (l - c) ...

  This is known as _Lagrange's formula_, but it is said to be due to
  Euler. It is not convenient for practical use, since it does not show
  how many terms have to be taken in any particular case.

  14. _Interpolation from Tables of Double Entry._--When u is a function
  of x and y, and is tabulated in terms of x and of y jointly, its
  calculation for a pair of values not given in the table may be
  effected either directly or by first forming a table of values of u in
  terms of y for the particular value of x and then determining u from
  this table for the particular value of y. For direct interpolation,
  consider that [Delta] represents differencing by changing x into x +
  1, and [Delta]´ differencing by changing y into y + 1. Then the
  formula is

    u_(x, y) = (l + Delta)^x (1 + [Delta]´)^y u_(0, 0);

  and the right-hand side can be developed in whatever form is most
  convenient for the particular case.

  REFERENCES.--For general formulae, with particular applications, see
  the _Text-book of the Institute of Actuaries_, part ii. (1st ed. 1887,
  2nd ed. 1902), p. 434; H. L. Rice, _Theory and Practice of
  Interpolation_ (1899). Some historical references are given by C. W.
  Merrifield, "On Quadratures and Interpolation," _Brit. Assoc. Report_
  (1880), p. 321; see also _Encycl. der math. Wiss._ vol. i. pt. 2, pp.
  800-819. For J. D. Everett's formula, see _Quar. Jour. Pure and
  Applied Maths._, No. 128 (1901), and _Jour. Inst. Actuaries_, vol.
  xxxv. (1901), p. 452. As to relative accuracy of different formulae,
  see _Proc. Lon. Math. Soc._ (2) vol. iv. p. 320. Examples of
  interpolation by means of auxiliary curves will be found in _Jour.
  Royal Stat. Soc._ vol. lxiii. pp. 433, 637. See also DIFFERENCES,
  CALCULUS OF.     (W. F. Sh.)



INTERPRETATION (from Lat. _interpretari_, to expound, explain,
_interpres_, an agent, go-between, interpreter; _inter_, between, and
the root _pret-_, possibly connected with that seen either in Greek
[Greek: phrazein], to speak, or [Greek: prattein], to do), in general,
the action of explaining, or rendering the sense of an obscure form of
words or an unknown tongue into a language comprehended by the person
addressed. In legal use the word "interpretation" is employed in the
sense of ascertaining the meaning of the language of a document, as well
as its relation to facts. It is also applied to acts of parliament, as
pointing out the sense in which particular words used therein are to be
understood. The interpretation of documents and statutes is subject to
definite legal rules, the more important of which will be found in the
articles CONTRACT, STATUTE, WILL, &c.



INTERREGNUM (Lat. _inter_, between, and _regnum_, reign), strictly a
period during which the normal constituted authority is in abeyance, and
government is carried on by a temporary authority specially appointed.
Though originally and specifically confined to the sphere of sovereign
authority, the term is commonly used by analogy in other connexions for
any suspension of authority, during which affairs are carried on by
specially appointed persons. The term originated in Rome during the
regal period when an _interrex_ was appointed (traditionally by the
senate) to carry on the government between the death of one king and the
election of his successor (see ROME: _History_, _ad init._). It was
subsequently used in Republican times of an officer appointed to hold
the _comitia_ for the election of the consuls when for some reason the
retiring consuls had not done so. In the regal period when the senate,
instead of appointing a king, decided to appoint _interreges_, it
divided itself into ten decuries from each of which one senator was
selected. Each of these ten acted as king for five days, and if, at the
end of fifty days, no king had been elected, the rotation was renewed.
It was their duty to nominate a king, whose appointment was then
ratified or refused by the _curiae_. Under the Republic similarly
_interreges_ acted for five days each. When the first consuls were
elected (according to Dionysius iv. 84 and Livy i. 60), Spurius
Lucretius held the comitia as interrex, and from that time down to the
Second Punic War such officers were from time to time appointed.
Thenceforward there is no record of the office till 82 B.C., when the
senate appointed an _interrex_ to hold the _comitia_ which made Sulla
dictator (Appian, _Bell. civ._ i. 98). In 55, 53 and 52 _interreges_ are
again found, the last-mentioned being on the occasion when Pompey was
elected sole consul.

The most noteworthy use of the term "Interregnum" in post-classical
times is that of the Great Interregnum in German history between the
death of Conrad IV. (1254) and the election of Rudolf of Habsburg
(1273). See GERMANY: _History_.



INTERSTATE COMMERCE. The phrase "interstate commerce," as used in the
United States, denotes commerce between the citizens of different states
of the Union. The words "interstate" and "intrastate" are not found in
the constitution nor, until comparatively recently, in decisions of the
courts or in legislative acts (probably being first used officially in
1887 in the Interstate Commerce Act). The constitution of 1789 uses the
phrase "commerce among the states," and the first official decision
interpreting the phrase says that "it may very properly be restricted to
that commerce which concerns more states than one" (Chief Justice
Marshall in _Gibbons_ v. _Ogden_, 9 _Wheaton_ 194). Commerce among the
states is there distinguished from "commerce which is completely
internal, which is carried on between man and man in a state, or between
parts of the same state, and which does not extend to or affect other
states." It was declared (_Lehigh_ case, 145 _U.S._ 192) that commerce
between two persons in the same state is not interstate even when there
is a temporary deviation to the soil of another state; but later
(_Hanley_ case, 187 _U.S._ 617, distinguishing the _Lehigh_ case) it was
declared that as to transportation, such commerce is interstate. The
courts have interpreted commerce to denote not merely a mutual selling
or traffic, but as "a term of the largest import," including intercourse
for the purposes of trade in any and all its forms (_Gibbons_ v.
_Ogden_, 9 _Wheaton_ 194, and _Welton_ v. _Missouri_, 91 _U.S._ 280).
Thus have been included not only the actions of trading, navigation,
transportation, and communication, but also the instruments and agents
employed, including even telegraph messages and, in the extremest cases,
lottery tickets.[1]

The decision of the question where federal control of interstate traffic
ends and state control begins has been one of great practical
difficulty. In general it has been held that whenever a commodity begins
to move as an article of trade from one state to another, commerce in
that commodity between the states has begun. Mere intention to ship
goods does not make them subjects of interstate commerce, but they must
actually be put in motion or committed to the carrier for that purpose
(_Coe_ v. _Errol_, 116 _U.S._ 517). As a practical guide in deciding
when state control should be resumed, the court as early as 1827
(_Brown_ v. _Maryland_) laid down the "original package rule," that the
taxing power of the state should begin when the original package in
which the goods had been imported into the state had been broken up or
sold. The injustice of allowing goods to be held thus, for long periods
escaping local taxation, led to a modification of the rule in 1868
(_Woodruff_ v. _Parkham_, 8 _Wall._ 123), and such goods after reaching
their destination may be taxed as property in common with other
property in the state.[2]

_Reason for Federal Control of Interstate Commerce._--Immediately after
the close of the War of American Independence in 1783 appeared the
separatist tendencies and local jealousies usual in a confederation. The
Congress of the Confederation had no power to levy tariff duties or to
regulate commerce between the states, and the separate states freely and
recklessly exercised their rights in this matter. Though commerce at
that time was comparatively unimportant, the results of this restrictive
policy were most unfortunate. The Annapolis Convention of 1786 was
called by the Virginia legislature to take into consideration the trade
of the United States and to consider how far a uniform system in their
commercial relations might be necessary to the common interests and
their permanent harmony. This conference resulted in the call of the
Philadelphia Convention of 1787, which framed the present Constitution.
Chief Justice Marshall, in one of the early cases on this subject
(_Brown_ v. _Maryland_, 12 _Wheaton_ 419, in 1827), said in words often
since quoted: "It may be doubted whether any of the evils proceeding
from the feebleness of the federal government contributed more to that
great revolution which introduced the present system than the deep and
general conviction that commerce ought to be regulated by Congress."

Every year has increased the importance of the congressional power of
regulating commerce. At the time of the adoption of the Constitution,
each neighbourhood supplied nearly all its needs by its own industry,
but improving means of transportation and communication have multiplied
the commercial ties between the citizens of the various states. This
change went on slowly until 1830, more rapidly between 1830 and 1860,
and at an ever-hastening pace after the Civil War. Until 1824 no case
involving directly the consideration of this power reached the United
States Supreme Court. From 1824 to 1840 the Supreme Court decided an
average of one-third of a case a year; from 1841 to 1860, an average of
three-fourths of a case; from 1861 to 1870, an average of one case; from
1871 to 1880, an average of nearly six cases; from 1881 to 1890, an
average of more than seven cases; and from 1891 to 1900, an average of
more than ten cases. The decisions have not been entirely uniform, and
there were some decisions too contradictory to be explained by any
ingenuity. The Supreme Court itself has said (_Fargo_ v. _Michigan_, 121
_U.S._ 230) that "it may be admitted that the court has not always
employed the same language, and that all of the judges of the court who
have written opinions for it may not have meant precisely the same
thing." Though in the period just preceding the Civil War the doctrine
of states' rights tended to weaken somewhat the federal power, the broad
outlines of the interpretation by Chief Justice Marshall laid down in
1824 in _Gibbons_ v. _Ogden_ remain to-day almost undimmed.

_Interstate Commerce in the Federal Constitution._--Freedom of trade,
without discrimination, between the citizens of all the states was in
the main ensured by one brief sentence, usually called the "commerce
clause" of the federal constitution:--"The Congress shall have power ...
to regulate commerce with foreign nations, and among the several states,
and with the Indian tribes" (Art. 1, sec. 8, clause 3). Hardly less
important is the power "to make all laws which shall be necessary and
proper for carrying into execution the foregoing powers, and all other
powers vested by this Constitution in the government of the United
States, or in any department or officer thereof" (Art. 1, sec. 8, clause
18). To the same end of freedom of commerce, Congress is limited in that
"no tax or duty shall be laid on articles exported from any state," and
"no preference shall be given by any regulation of commerce or revenue
to the ports of one state over those of another; nor shall vessels
bound to or from one state be obliged to enter, clear, or pay duties in
another" (Art. 1, sec. 9, clauses 5 and 6). Directly and by implication,
Congress was granted a number of other powers over commerce, in that it
may coin money, establish uniform laws of bankruptcy, establish
post-offices and post roads, regulate weights and measures, exercise
admiralty jurisdiction (now interpreted to extend to all public
waterways accessible to the traffic of more than one state), grant
patents and copyrights, and use the power of taxation to protect,
repress or even destroy the agencies of commerce (e.g. state bank
notes). But these powers can be exercised only in ways which favour and
make free the intercourse among all parts of the nation.

Even if the commerce clause had been omitted from the Constitution, a
large part of its object would have been attained by certain
prohibitions upon the states as follows: "The citizens of each state
shall be entitled to all privileges and immunities of citizens in the
several states" (Art. 4, sec. 2). "No state shall, without the consent
of the Congress, lay any impost or duties on imports or exports, except
what may be absolutely necessary for executing its inspection laws; and
the net produce of all duties and impost, laid by any state on imports
or exports, shall be for the use of the treasury of the United States,
and all such laws shall be subject to the revision and control of the
Congress" (Art. 1, sec. 10, clause 2). "No state shall, without the
consent of Congress, lay any duty of tonnage" (Art. 1, sec. 10, clause
3). Thus by threefold measures of precaution was ensured domestic
freedom of trade from every point in the land to its farthest frontiers.

_Negative Working of the Commerce Provisions._--For nearly a hundred
years these provisions were important only in their negative effects of
preventing the states from granting special privileges to their citizens
or taxing unequally the citizens of other states. The decision in 1824
of _Gibbons_ v. _Ogden_ stopped the attempt of the state of New York to
grant the monopoly of steamboat traffic on the waters of that state. Had
the clear and unequivocal opinion in that case been different, local
ingenuity doubtless would have devised a multitude of discriminations.
"The power to tax involves the power to destroy," and ever since the
decision of _McCulloch_ v. _Maryland_ in 1819 it has been held that no
agencies created by the federal government, such as banks or legal
tender notes, are subject to state taxation, and the rule has also been
laid down repeatedly by the Supreme Court (for the first time in 1886)
that no burden can be laid upon the act of taking goods into or out of
the state, of soliciting sales, or of delivering goods even though the
tax is without discrimination as between the state's own citizens and
others; that is, interstate commerce "cannot be taxed at all" (_Robbins_
v. _Shelby County Taxing District_, 120 _U.S._ 489).[3] Federal control
of interstate commerce has been interpreted by the courts to be
exclusive of any control by the states. This is not self-evident in the
clause, "Congress shall have power to regulate commerce among the
several states." Over some other subjects the power of the federal and
state governments is concurrent, the state being able to act until
Congress enacts some conflicting legislation. Although the early
decisions suggested that the power of Congress was exclusive, yet for
nearly a century no positive decision was rendered and no positive
action was taken by Congress. Between 1870 and 1886 the states made
great progress in the regulation of railways on the assumption that
until Congress had acted the states were free to act. The question was
put beyond doubt in a series of decisions establishing the principle
that the non-action of Congress indicates its will that commerce shall
be free and untrammelled and that the states cannot interfere either
through their police power or their taxing power.[4]

_Positive Federal Regulation._--Though the regulation of interstate
commerce up to the Civil War was mainly negative, some positive actions
of the federal government had indirect effects on commerce, as, for
example, the coinage of money, the establishment of post-offices, the
charter of the first and second United States banks, and the charter of
the Pacific Railroad. The power to do these things was conferred by the
Constitution in some cases directly, in other cases by implication in
that any means appropriate to lawful ends might be employed (as in case
of charter of the United States Bank, _McCulloch_ v. _Maryland_). From
1850 to 1862 the federal government had made numerous land grants in aid
of railways, but always to the states, not directly to the corporations,
and it had never until 1862 granted a charter to a railway, canal,
turnpike or transportation company. In 1866 Congress passed an act
authorizing railway companies whose roads were operated by steam to
carry passengers, freight, &c., "on their way from any state to another
state and to receive compensation therefor and to connect with roads of
other states so as to form continuous lines for the transportation of
the same to the place of destination."[5] This act, so vague and general
in its terms, had very little effect, though it has been the occasion of
considerable litigation to determine its influence upon existing police
laws of the states. In 1884 Congress established the Bureau of Animal
Industry for preventing the exportation of diseased cattle and for the
extirpation of disease among domestic animals. This had little
significance at the time for interstate commerce, its purpose being to
meet the objections of foreign countries to the importation of American
meat. In 1887 was passed the Interstate Commerce Act, providing a
national commission to supervise interstate railways. In 1888 was passed
an Arbitration Act, replaced in 1898 by an act which provides that in
case of disputes between common carriers subject to the Interstate
Commerce Act and their employees, conciliation shall be tried, and, in
case this should fail, indicates the methods that may be used for the
voluntary submission of the dispute to a board of arbitration. In 1890
was passed the Sherman Anti-Trust Act, making illegal every contract and
combination in restraint of trade or commerce among the several states
or with foreign nations. In 1893 a Safety Appliance Act, the
administration of which was put into the hands of the Interstate
Commerce Commission, promoted the safety of employees and travellers,
and required the roads engaged in interstate commerce to equip their
cars and locomotives with automatic couplers and brakes. In 1895 was
prohibited the interstate carriage of condemned carcasses of animals,
and of lottery tickets (see above reference to the interpretation of the
Lottery Act), in 1897 of obscene literature, and in 1900 of game killed
in violation of state laws. In 1901 carriers engaged in interstate
commerce were required to make full reports of all accidents to the
Interstate Commerce Commission. In 1902 was prohibited the interstate
carriage of dairy products falsely labelled or branded as to the state
or territory in which produced, and in 1903 the Secretary of Agriculture
was empowered to establish rules concerning importation and
transportation of live stock. In 1903 the Bureau of Corporations was
established with power to investigate the conduct of corporations
engaged in interstate and foreign commerce, excepting common carriers
subject to the Interstate Commerce Act. In 1903 the Interstate Commerce
Act was amended by the Elkins Act, making much more difficult the
granting of rebates. In 1905 the President was authorized to grant
medals of honour to persons who by their daring save life or prevent
accident on railways. In 1906 the Interstate Commerce Act was amended in
important particulars (specified below). In 1906 were passed pure food
laws, greatly enlarging the duties of the Department of Agriculture in
reference to inspection of foods prepared for interstate commerce.

_The Interstate Commerce Act._--The period of positive action by
Congress in the regulating of interstate commerce practically begins,
therefore, with the enactment of the Interstate Commerce Act of February
1887, the outcome of fully seventeen years of agitation and discussion.
The law was modelled in large part upon English acts. It applied to
common carriers wholly by railway, and partly by railway and partly by
water when both are used under a common arrangement for continuous
shipment; forbade unjust discrimination and undue and unreasonable
preference; made it unlawful to charge more for a shorter than for a
longer distance over the same line in the same direction, the shorter
being included within the longer distance (though a carrier might be
freed by the Commission from the working of this provision); and forbade
pooling and division of earnings. The administration of the law was
entrusted to a Commission of five members, appointed by the President.
From this act much was expected, but eighteen years of its operation
gave as net results little more than a greater uniformity of railway
accounting and much better understanding by the public of the nature of
the railway problem. Discrimination and secret rebates continued. The
anti-pooling clause (pretty generally recognized by the well-informed to
be a mistake) prevented open but not secret agreements between carriers,
and probably hastened the movement toward consolidation. The long and
short haul clause was made meaningless by the judicial interpretation
that any competition, even that of other carriers subject to the act,
justified the railway in charging more for a shorter than for a longer
haul. The effectiveness of the Commission was destroyed by the judicial
decision that it had no power to fix rates for the future. Until 1897,
the Commission, when it adjudged a rate unreasonable, usually declared
what rate was reasonable, and directed the carrier to reduce the rate by
a given date to the designated maximum. Of 135 orders made in decisions
rendered in the first ten years of the Commission, 68 prescribed a
maximum rate for the future. In 1897 it was finally decided in the
_Cincinnati Freight Bureau Case_ (167 _U.S._ 479) that Congress had not
conferred upon the Commission the power to prescribe any rate for the
future. The court said that Congress might fix the rate itself or
authorize a sub-tribunal to do so, but that Congress had not yet given
that authority.

The need of further legislation had been felt from the beginning by
many, and after 1903 the agitation became very active. The position
taken by President Roosevelt in his message to Congress in 1904 made the
amendment of the Interstate Commerce Act the principal political issue
before Congress in the sessions of 1905 and of 1906. After the most
remarkable senatorial debates heard at Washington in years, followed
with close interest by the country, a number of amendments became law on
the 29th of June 1906. The act was strengthened to a degree hardly
expected by the most earnest advocates of revision. A number of minor
changes made in the light of experience were: increasing the number of
commissioners to seven and their pay to $10,000; facilitating procedure
and the taking of evidence; requiring thirty days notice of a change of
rates; requiring appeal from the Commission's decision to be taken
within thirty days; empowering the Commission to establish joint rates
and to order switches to be built. The following are generally thought
to be still more important changes: (1) Including within the application
of the act pipe lines (particularly for oil), express and sleeping car
companies, and all the facilities and services in connexion with goods
transported; (2) giving publicity to railway business by empowering the
Commission to prescribe all forms of accounts and to examine the books
at all times, and by forbidding any other accounts or memoranda to be
kept by the companies; and (3) empowering the Commission to prescribe
reasonable maximum rates to take effect within not less than thirty days
and to continue not over two years unless set aside by the courts.

_The Anti-Trust Act of 1890._--The growth of large corporations with
some degree of monopoly power, the so-called trusts, had called forth in
a number of the states anti-trust laws before 1890. When it became
evident that the states were not succeeding in dealing with the problem,
public sentiment found expression in the Sherman Anti-Trust Act,
approved on the 2nd of July 1890. This act declared illegal and
criminal, punishable by fine or imprisonment or both, every contract in
restraint of trade or commerce among the several states or with foreign
nations. The statute thus changed the common law wherein such contracts
were merely unenforceable but not criminal. This act was at first
construed by the Supreme Court as applying to any contract in restraint
of interstate commerce, whether reasonable or unreasonable
(_Trans-Missouri Freight Association_, 166 _U.S._ 331), but later, in
1905 (_Stock Yards case_, 25 _Supreme Court Reporter_ 276) it was held
that the act did not apply to agreements for the better conduct of
business which incidentally affected interstate commerce.[6] The act has
been interpreted to apply to transportation (_Freight Association case_,
166 _U.S._ 290, and _Northern Securities case_), with results felt even
by some of the advocates of railway regulation to be unfortunate. It
applies to unlawful combinations of manufacturers to divide the
territory and regulate the prices (_Addyston Pipe Trust Case_, 175
_U.S._ 211). In the Sugar Trust case (1895 _U.S._ v. _Knight Co._ 156
_U.S._) it was declared that the statute did not apply to a
manufacturing company which had acquired nearly complete control of the
manufacture of refined sugar by means of the purchase of stock of other
refining companies.

The Attorney-General submitted to the Senate, in June 1906, a statement
of the results of all suits instituted by the Department of Justice
under the anti-trust law, the Interstate Commerce Act and the Elkins
Act, in the period from 1887 to June 1906 inclusive. Thirty-six suits
were still pending; of the 250 which had been disposed of in some manner
186 ended in dismissal, non-prosecution or acquittal, and 64 were
successful in securing in whole or in large part the object of the suit
(in 30 cases conviction, in 34 cases the granting of a petition or an
injunction, &c.). In addition to these results of federal efforts to
regulate industry must be counted the cases in which carriers complied
with the orders of the Interstate Commerce Commission without suit; but
even then the total by 1906 was somewhat meagre.

The establishment of the Bureau of Corporations in 1903, and the
considerable extension of the powers of inspection of the Department of
Agriculture are recent changes of which the results cannot yet be fairly
judged. The aim of the Bureau of Corporations is to ensure publicity in
the management of corporations engaged in interstate and foreign
commerce. The first commissioner, Mr James R. Garfield, showed much
activity in pursuing the purposes of the act, and published informing
reports upon the beef trust (1905), and upon the Standard Oil Company
(1906). But the effect and possible extension of federal interference
became from this time burning political questions of far-reaching
importance of too recent a date to be dealt with historically in this
article.

  See also the _Annual Reports_ of the Interstate Commerce Commission
  since 1887, and decisions; Prentice and Egan, _The Commerce Clause of
  the Federal Constitution_ (Chicago, 1898); _Reports_ of the
  Commissioner of Corporations on the Beef Industry (1905), on the
  Transportation of Petroleum (1906); W. Z. Ripley (ed.). _Trusts, Pools
  and Corporations_ (1905), containing leading cases and analyses of the
  voluminous "trust" literature; F. N. Judson, _The Law of Interstate
  Commerce and its Federal Regulation_ (Chicago, 1905); Beale and Wyman,
  _Railroad Rate Regulation_ (Boston, 1906); Frank Hendrick, _The Power
  to Regulate Corporations and Commerce_ (New York, 1906), favouring
  less of new legislation.     (F. A. F.)


FOOTNOTES:

  [1] The lottery tickets were included only by a divided court
    (_Lottery Cases_, 188 U.S. 321) four judges emphatically dissenting.
    The moral issue doubtless influenced a decision so difficult to
    reconcile with other opinions of the court, which otherwise had held
    regularly that commerce involves the physical movement of persons or
    things and does not include the contractual relations between
    citizens incident to commercial intercourse. Not all things
    incidental to commerce are included in it, and it has been held that
    the following are not included: bills of exchange (in 1850, _Nathan_
    v. _Louisiana_, 8 _How._ 73), trade marks (in 1879, _trade mark
    cases_, 100 _U.S._ 82), insurance (in 1869, _Paul_ v. _Virginia_, 8
    _Wall._ 168), and manufacturing (in 1895, _U.S._ v. _Knight Co._, 156
    _U.S._ 1). In the last-named case, which concerned a combination of
    sugar refineries controlling a large proportion of the product of the
    country, it was said that commerce succeeds manufacture and is not a
    part of it. The relation of the manufacturer to interstate and
    foreign commerce being thus only incidental and indirect, the
    business is subject to state control. By a series of decisions the
    transportation of persons has been decided to be commerce. (In 1848,
    _passenger cases_, 7 _How._ 283. In 1867, _Crandall_ v. _Nevada_ 6,
    _Wall._ 35. In 1875, _Henderson_ v. the _Mayor of New York_, _92
    U.S._ 259, &c.).

  [2] The question arose with reference to the police power of the
    state in those states prohibiting the liquor traffic, and in 1889 it
    was held (Leisy _v._ Hardin) that, in the absence of legislation by
    Congress, the right to sell goods taken into a state was
    unrestricted. This made it impossible for a state to exclude the
    importation of liquors to be sold within its territory, but this
    difficulty was remedied by the Wilson Original Package Bill of 1890,
    which made liquor subject to the police powers of the state to which
    it was carried.

  [3] However, a very important distinction is drawn between taxing the
    commerce and taxing property employed in commerce. With the increase
    of interstate commerce, the states have been hard pushed to find
    sources of revenue adequate to their increasing needs. The courts,
    therefore, have sought to draw a line between taxes on the privilege
    of carrying on interstate commerce and taxes on the property employed
    in carrying on such commerce as a part of the general body of
    property in the state. Thus it has been held in the case of _State
    Freight Tax_ (1872, 15 _Wall._ 232) that a state could not lay a tax
    on freight transported from one state to another, and yet the same
    year the court held in _State Tax on Gross Receipts_ (15 _Wall._ 284)
    that a tax was valid when laid upon the receipts of railways
    organized under the laws of the state, as upon a fund which had
    become incorporated with the general mass of property. This latter
    decision was by a divided court (three of the nine judges
    dissenting), but it has since been frequently confirmed. The tax on
    gross receipts of all railway companies doing business in the state
    has been supported when levied in proportion to the mileage within as
    compared with the total within and without the state (_Erie Ry._ v.
    _Pa._, 21 _Wall._ 492). This so-called "unit rule," as applied either
    to gross receipts or to the entire value of an interstate railway,
    has been upheld in a number of decisions. The method of taxation by
    gross receipts, however, has not tended to increase of late, but the
    unit rule, as applied to _ad valorem_ taxes on property, is more and
    more being applied. Every case involving the distinction between a
    tax on commerce and a tax on property employed in commerce presents
    its own difficulties, yet a practical way is thus found to prevent
    discriminating action by the several states, while leaving to them
    adequate sources of revenue.

  [4] 1873, _State Freight Tax_, 15 _Wall._ 232; 1887, _Robbins_ v.
    _Shelby County Taxing District_, 120 _U.S._ 489; _Wabash R. R.
    Company_ v. _Illinois_, 118 _U.S._ 557. The last-named case arose out
    of the attempts of the state of Illinois to prevent discrimination
    between two shippers, both being its own citizens and within its own
    borders, one of whom was being charged more than the other for a
    shorter shipment on the same line and in the same direction, from a
    point outside the state. The court, applying the established
    definition of interstate commerce with verbal formality of logic,
    decided that the state could do nothing, for even in such a case all
    regulation of interstate commerce, from the beginning to the end of a
    shipment, was confided to Congress exclusively. Thus a clause whose
    clear purpose was to prevent one state from burdening unequally the
    citizens of other states was successfully invoked by a private
    corporation to forbid the state securing equality of treatment for
    its own citizens as regards such parts of shipments as lay within its
    own borders. Most railway traffic was by this decision declared to be
    subject to legislation by Congress but Congress had not acted. The
    impossibility of this situation was so evident that the Interstate
    Commerce Act, long under discussion, became a law a few months later.

  [5] This was probably aimed at the discriminating between New York
    and Philadelphia (see speech of Charles Sumner on the railroad
    usurpation of New Jersey in U.S. Senate, February 14, 1865).

  [6] In the Northern Securities case, Justice Brewer, who had
    concurred in the opinion in the Trans-Missouri Freight Association
    case, took occasion to say that while he still believed the former
    case had been correctly decided, he thought that the reasons given
    for the judgment were in some respects faulty, and that the ruling
    should have been that the contracts there considered were
    unreasonable restraints and as such were forbidden by the act.



INTERVAL, a space left between the component parts of a continuous
series, a pause in continuous action, a period of time intervening
between two other points of time or chronological sequence of events.
The Lat. _intervallum_, from which the English word has come through the
French, originally meant a space between the palisades on a rampart
(_vallum_), or between the rampart and the tents of the legionaries. In
medical language "interval" is used of the intervening periods between
attacks or paroxysms of a disease, particularly of the periods of a
rational or normal condition of mind sometimes experienced by an insane
person, a "lucid interval"; this phrase frequently occurs in legal
documents from the 13th to the 15th centuries, _non compos mentis sed
gaudet lucidis intervallis_. In music "interval" expresses the distance
in pitch between two or more musical sounds (see MUSIC). Interval, or
more commonly "intervale," is used, particularly in North America, as a
geographical term for a low-lying tract of land along the banks of
rivers, frequently overflowed by freshets, or more loosely for any low
level land shut in by hills. This particular application, as also the
form "intervale," is due to a confusion of the termination of the word
with "vale," valley.



INTESTACY (Lat. _intestatus_, one who has not made a will, from testari,
to bear witness), the condition of the property of a person who dies
without making a will. Here the law of England distinguishes sharply
between his real and his personal property. The devolution of the former
is regulated by the rules of inheritance (q.v.). The destination of the
latter is marked out by the Statute of Distributions. The proper
conditions of a testamentary disposition of property will be found under
the heading Will.

The distribution of an intestate's personal property is carried out
under the authority of administrators, whose duties are generally the
same as those of executors under a will. Administration was until 1857 a
matter cognizable by the ecclesiastical courts, and the ordinary was in
fact the administrator until the passing of an act of Edward III. for
administration upon intestacy (1357). An earlier statute (Westminster 2,
1275), directed against the abuses of the system, required the ordinary,
instead of applying the residue of the estate to "pious uses," to pay
the debts of the intestate. The act of Edward III. went further in
providing that "in case where a man dieth intestate, the ordinaries
shall depute of the next and most lawful friends of the dead person
intestate to administer his goods," with power to sue for debts due to
the deceased, and under obligation to pay debts due by him, and to
answer to the ordinary like executors in the case of testament.
Administrators remained on this footing of deputies appointed by the
ordinary until the Probate Act 1857 transferred the jurisdiction in
administration of the ecclesiastical courts to the new court of probate.

The courts of law having held that by the grant of administration the
authority of the ecclesiastical courts was exhausted, the administrator
became entitled to the privilege, similar to that formerly enjoyed by
the ordinary, of dealing as he pleased with residue of the property. The
next of kin of the same degree of relationship to the deceased were thus
aggrieved by the preference of the administrator, and it was to remedy
this grievance that the Statute of Distributions 1670/1 was passed. It
empowered the ordinary to take a bond from the administrator binding him
to make a fair and complete distribution of the property among the next
of kin. Such distribution is to be in the following manner: one-third to
the wife of the intestate, and all the residue by equal portions to and
amongst the children, and their representatives if any of such children
be dead, exclusive of children who shall have any estate by the
settlement of the intestate, or shall be advanced by the intestate in
his lifetime by portions equal to the shares allotted to the other
children under the distribution. If such advancement should be less than
the share of the other children in distribution, then it shall be made
equal thereto. But the "heir-at-law, notwithstanding any land that he
shall have by descent or otherwise from the intestate, is to have an
equal part in distribution with the rest of the children" (§ 5). By § 6,
if there be no children nor any legal representatives of children, one
moiety of the property is to be allotted to the wife of the intestate,
the residue "to be distributed equally to any of the next of kindred of
the intestate who are equal in degree and those who legally represent
them." By § 7 there shall "be no representation admitted among
collaterals after brothers' and sisters' children; and in case there be
no wife, then all the said estate to be distributed equally to and among
the children; and in case there be no child, then to the next of kindred
in equal degree of or unto the intestate and their legal representatives
as aforesaid, and in no other manner whatsoever." For the protection of
creditors it is enacted that there shall be no distribution till a full
year after the intestate's death, and if any debts should be discovered
after distribution, the persons sharing the estate shall refund the
amount of the same ratably. With reference to the above rules the
following points may be observed: (1) The husband's absolute right to
administer his wife's estate is not affected by the act. This was made
clear by a later act of the same reign. (The Statute of Frauds 1677).
Administration is now granted to the representatives of the husband
where he has died without taking out administration to his wife, unless
it can be shown that the wife's next of kin are beneficially interested.
(2) The widow, in the event of there being no children or next of kin,
takes only her half. The other half goes to the crown. The widow's
rights, however, have been enlarged by the Intestate Estates Act 1890.
By this act where a man dies wholly intestate and without issue, his
property, both real and personal, shall, if it does not exceed £500 in
net value, belong to his widow absolutely. If the estate exceeds £500
net, the widow is entitled to £500 out of the estate and has a charge
for that amount upon the real and personal property of the deceased. (3)
The child or children take equally, two-thirds if the widow be alive,
and the whole if she be dead. If some of the children be alive and some
dead having issue, then such issue will take their parents' share
equally among themselves. There has been some difference of opinion as
to whether if all the children have predeceased their parent but have
left issue, such grandchildren take as between themselves _per stirpes_
as representatives of their parent or _per capita_ as next of kin. Thus
if A and B predecease their father but A leaves three children and B
one, should the property be divided into fourths, or first into moieties
and then one moiety subdivided into thirds among A's children and the
other moiety be given undivided to B's child? It is now settled that the
latter method of distribution is the correct one, and it is thought that
this will also apply when only great-grandchildren are alive. (4) The
next of kin must be ascertained according to the rules of consanguinity,
which are the same in English as in the civil law. Degree is calculated
from the intestate, through the common ancestor if any, to the kindred.
Thus from son to father is one degree, to grandfather two degrees, to
brother two degrees, to uncle three degrees, and so on. The statute
ordains distribution to be made "to the next of kindred in equal degrees
_pro suo cuique jure_, according to the laws in such cases and the rules
and limitations hereafter set down." Equality in degree is therefore not
in all cases accompanied by equality in rights of succession. Neglecting
the cases of wife and children already noticed, the father excludes all
other next of kin. So would a mother, in default of a father surviving,
but an act of 1685 enacted that in such a case the brothers and sisters,
and children of brothers and sisters, of the intestate should share
equally with the mother. In the absence of brothers or sisters and their
representatives, the mother in the case supposed would take the whole.
Mothers-in-law and stepmothers are not within the rules of
consanguinity. As between a brother and a grandfather who are both in
the second degree, preference is given to the brother; but a
grandfather, being in the second degree, will exclude an uncle, who is
in the third. An uncle and a nephew, both being in the third degree,
take together. Brothers or sisters of the half blood take equally with
brothers and sisters of the whole blood. The rule which prohibits
representation after brothers' and sisters' children would, in a case
where the next of kin were uncles or nephews, wholly exclude the
children of a deceased uncle or nephew. Also, as between the son of a
brother and the grandson of a brother, the latter would not be admitted
by representation. Where a brother and the children of a deceased
brother are the next of kin, they will take _per stirpes_, i.e. the
brother will take one half, and the children of the other brother will
take the other half between them. When the next of kin are all children
of the deceased brothers or sisters, they will take equally _per
capita_. Subject to these modifications, the personal property will be
divided equally among the next of kin of equal degree, e.g.
great-grandfathers would share with uncles or aunts, as being in the
third degree. Failing next of kin, under these rules, the estate goes to
the crown as _ultimus haeres_, a result which is more likely to happen
in the case of illegitimate persons than in any other.

Personal or movable property takes its legal character from the domicile
of the owner, and the distribution of an intestate's goods is therefore
regulated by the law of the country in which the intestate was
domiciled. A domiciled Scotsman, for example, dies intestate in England,
leaving personal property in England; the administrator appointed by the
court of probate will be bound to distribute the property according to
the Scots rules of succession.

  In the law of Scotland the free movable estate of the intestate is
  divided amongst the nearest of kin, the full blood excluding the half
  blood, and neither mother nor maternal relations being originally
  admitted. The heir of the heritable (i.e. real) property if one of the
  next of kin must collate with the next of kin if he wishes to share in
  the movables. Proximity of kin is reckoned in the same order as in the
  case of inheritance. The Intestate Movable Succession Act 1855 among
  other changes allows the issue of a predeceasing next of kin to come
  in the place of their parent in succession to an intestate, gives the
  father of an intestate dying without issue one-half of the movable
  property in preference to brothers and sisters, and to the mother if
  the father be dead a similar preference to the extent of one-third,
  and admits brothers and sisters uterine in the absence of brothers and
  sisters german or consanguinean.

In the United States the English Statute of Distribution has been taken
as the basis of the law for the distribution of personal property in
intestacy, and its principles have been applied to real property also.
"In a majority of the states the descent of real and personal property
is to the same persons and in the same proportions, and the regulation
is the same in substance as the English Statute of Distribution. In
Georgia the real and personal property of the intestate is considered as
altogether of the same nature and upon the same footing." There are many
states, however, in which the distribution differs materially from the
English statute. In Illinois the distribution is the same as descent of
real property. In Alabama the whole goes to the widow if there are no
children (_Phillips_ v. _Lawing_, 1907, 43 Southern Rep. 494). In many
states the husband's share is in all cases like the widow's, as in
Texas, New York and Washington. In Pennsylvania he takes an equal share
with the children.

  The statutes of each state of the American union must be consulted, as
  no general rules can be laid down. As to the right to the intestate's
  interest in community property in the states where the law of
  "community"--of "acquets and gains"--prevails, see INHERITANCE.



INTESTINAL OBSTRUCTION (_Ilius_), in surgery, a condition in which the
onward passage of the faeces is prevented. It is often associated with
phenomena due to strangulation of the gut, leading to gangrene, and with
systemic poisoning due to the absorption of toxins, resulting from the
decomposition of the retained faeces. Intestinal obstruction may be
conveniently divided into acute and chronic.

_Acute Intestinal Obstruction_ forms one of the most urgent of surgical
emergencies. The following are its chief causes: (1) strangulation by
bands or adhesions or through apertures; (2) volvulus; (3) the impaction
of foreign bodies; (4) acute intussusception; (5) strangulation over a
band or acute kinking of the gut; (6) the termination supervening on
chronic obstruction; (7) congenital malformations of the intestines.

[Illustration: FIG. 1.--Diagram to show how Strangulation by a Band may
take place.]

  _Strangulation by Bands or Adhesions or through Apertures._--These
  terms are applied to obstruction by constricting bands within the
  abdomen. These may be the result of the stretching of old inflammatory
  adhesions, the result of former peritonitis. These bands are commonly
  situated between different parts of the mesentery or between the
  mesentery and another organ such as the appendix. Two methods of
  producing strangulation exist; in the first the bowel passes under an
  arch or loop formed by some short constricting band and cannot return,
  or if the band is long it may form a noose in which the bowel is
  strangled (fig. 1); in the second the remains of a foetal structure
  (Meckel's diverticulum) becoming adherent to some other organ may
  ensnare the intestine in the loop. A coil of intestine may also slip
  into a hole in the mesentery or omentum or find its way into a pouch
  of peritoneum, forming what is known as an internal hernia. The onset
  of symptoms is sudden and abrupt. The patient is seized with acute
  abdominal pain associated with collapse. The pain is usually referred
  to the region of the umbilicus; this localization, however, is no
  guide to the situation of the lesion. Vomiting is early and
  persistent, generally assuming a faecal character between the second
  and the ninth day. There is no obvious tumour; constipation is
  present, the abdominal walls are flaccid at first, but if no relief is
  obtained become tender when peritonitis ensues. This form of
  obstruction is most frequent in young people, and there is usually a
  history of previous peritonitis. In cases not treated by operation the
  average duration is five to seven days, and death takes place from
  exhaustion or from toxaemia following peritonitis.

  [Illustration: FIG. 2.--Diagram to show how Volvulus may take place.]

  _Volvulus_ means a torsion or twisting of the gut. There are two chief
  varieties: (1) in which the bowel is twisted upon its mesenteric axis
  (fig. 2); (2) in which it is wound round another coil of intestine.
  The sigmoid flexure is the situation in which volvulus most commonly
  takes place, but it may occur in the caecum and small intestine. When
  once present, plastic peritonitis fixes the coil in position and the
  blood supply becomes obstructed. Volvulus is generally preceded by a
  history of chronic constipation. The acute symptoms start abruptly and
  are similar to those of internal strangulation, but the pain at first
  is more intermittent in type. There is usually early tenderness over
  the spot and constipation is absolute. Much distress is occasioned by
  abdominal distension from flatus, which develops with remarkable
  rapidity. The swelling is localized at first. Spontaneous natural cure
  is unknown, and without surgical interference death is inevitable.

  _Impacted Foreign Bodies._--Gall-stones may cause obstruction when
  they are of large size. These gall-stones when lodged in the intestine
  may there be enlarged by subsequent accretion. Leichenstern describes
  such a stone with a circumference of 5 in., and Sir F. Treves removed
  from the intestine of an old lady a calculus, the large size of which
  was due to layers of magnesia, the patient having taken carbonate of
  magnesia daily for many years. Gall-stones may give rise to
  intermittent sub-acute attacks of incomplete obstruction and finally
  give rise to an acute attack accompanied by severe pain and vomiting,
  which is constant and early becomes faecal. The abdomen is soft and
  flaccid and the affected coil is rarely to be felt. The symptoms vary
  with the situation of the obstruction and are generally more urgent
  the nearer to the duodenum. Foreign bodies that have been swallowed by
  accident or otherwise may give rise to obstruction, though
  extraordinary objects, as knives, coins, pipes, flints, &c. swallowed
  by jugglers, are known to have passed by rectum without injury. In
  cases where the foreign body lodges in the intestine the caecum and
  duodenum are favourite situations for obstruction. In the museum of
  the Royal College of Surgeons is a specimen in which the duodenum is
  blocked by a mass of pins weighing nearly a pound. Foreign bodies may
  remain weeks or months in situ before giving rise to serious symptoms,
  the progress of the larger substances being marked by temporary
  obstruction. In a case quoted by Duchaussoy the obstructing mass
  consisted of over 700 cherry stones. The diagnosis of obstruction by
  foreign bodies has been much simplified since the introduction of the
  X-rays. Enteroliths may themselves cause obstruction. They may consist
  of masses of indigestible vegetable material matted together with
  faeces and mucous. In Scotland they are frequently found to consist of
  husks of coarse oatmeal (aenoliths). In thin persons large enteroliths
  and foreign bodies may be palpable. The symptoms are those similar to
  obstruction by a large gall-stone.

  [Illustration: FIG. 3.--Diagram to show how an Intussusception takes
  place.]

  _Acute Intussusception_ forms about 30% of all cases of intestinal
  obstruction, and is the most common variety found in children. More
  than 50% of the cases are found during the first ten years of life,
  and half that amount in babies under one year; the large preponderance
  is in males. By intussusception is meant an invagination or protrusion
  of a part of the intestine in the lumen of the intestine immediately
  below it; the lower part of the intestine may be said to have
  swallowed that immediately above it. The mesentery attached to the
  upper portion is necessarily dragged in with it. The condition may be
  seen by referring to the diagram (fig. 3). The invaginated portion is
  termed the _intussusceptum_, and the lower portion which it enters is
  known as the _intussuscipiens_. It is to the constriction of the
  vessels in the entering mesentery and later to their possible complete
  obstruction that are due the late serious phenomena of
  intussusception, e.g. gangrene or rupture of the gut. Peritonitis also
  ensues, and by the formation of adhesions between the serous coats of
  the entering and returning parts leads to irreducibility of the
  intussusception. A cure occasionally ensues from spontaneous reduction
  of the invagination, or again permanent stenosis of the intestine may
  result from the adhesion of the opposed surfaces, or the occurrence of
  gangrene may lead to perforation of the intestine with acute septic
  peritonitis. Occasionally when there is no perforation adherence takes
  place between the segments, and the gangrenous portion sloughs off and
  is discharged by the rectum. The cause of intussusception is said to
  be violent peristaltic action, however produced. Polypoid tumours or
  masses of worms, or masses of irritating ingesta, are said to lead to
  its occurrence. X. Dolore and R. Leriche contend that the primary
  factor is congenital mobility of the caecum. They state that in 48% of
  foeti the caecum is mobile in half, fixation gradually going on; while
  in 8.5% of adults it retains its mobility. They thus endeavour to
  account for the fact that in 300 collected cases 204 occurred in
  children less than one year old. Intussusception is met with in four
  chief situations: (a) the ileo-caecal, which is said to be the most
  frequent, constituting 44% of all cases (Treves); (b) the enteric
  variety, involving the small intestine; (c) the colic form; (d) the
  ileo-colic, the ileum being invaginated through the ileo-caecal valve.
  Intussusception may be acute or chronic, sometimes lasting
  intermittently for years. The acute form is the most common. In young
  children an attack occurs with severe pain, at first paroxysmal but
  later continuous; vomiting is less early and less continuous than in
  strangulation by bands, and diarrhoea tenesmus, much straining and the
  passage of blood mucus from the anus are common. Collapse soon
  supervenes. Early in the case the abdomen is but little distended, and
  in about half the cases a distinct tumour can be felt. In some cases
  the invaginated gut may be felt protruding through the sphincter.
  Chronic intussusception occurs more frequently in adults than in
  children; the symptoms may resemble chronic enteritis and be so masked
  that the nature of the illness remains undiagnosed until an acute
  attack supervenes, or the patient succumbs to the diarrhoea, vomiting
  and haemorrhage.

  _Congenital Malformations of the Intestines._--Cases have been
  recorded in which the small intestine ended in a blind pouch.
  Imperforate anus is a fairly frequent occurrence in young infants, but
  attention is usually called to the condition. Partial strictures of
  the intestine, if the stricture be not too narrow, may pass unnoticed
  for years, and final complete obstruction may result from a blockage
  of the stricture by some foreign substance such as a plug of hard
  faecal matter or a fruit stone.

  _Treatment of Acute Intestinal Obstruction._--Early diagnosis and
  early laparotomy are essential, and it is important to operate before
  the patient is poisoned by the absorption of toxins from the bowel. To
  administer purgatives is worse than useless. Of massage and abdominal
  taxis Sir F. Treves says: "These are to be condemned, as they may
  rupture the already moribund bowel and make effective a threatened
  perforation. These measures are for the most part feeble excuses for
  avoiding or delaying the operation." The operation may be undertaken
  in one or two stages, and includes the opening and evacuation of the
  distended intestines and the search for and reduction or removal of
  the obstruction.

_Chronic Intestinal Obstruction._--The causes of chronic obstruction are
very numerous, and may be divided into the following groups: (1)
intra-intestinal conditions, i.e. the impaction of foreign bodies and
impaction of faeces; (2) affections of the intestinal wall such as
stricture, new growths in the intestine, particularly those of a
malignant type, adhesions or matting together of the intestines from
peritonitis or kinking of the gut from disease of the mesenteric glands;
(3) chronic intussusception; (4) compression of the bowel by a tumour or
bands developing outside the intestine. Of these the commonest are
malignant growths and faecal impaction.

The general symptoms of chronic obstruction are more or less alike. The
patient is attacked with gradually increasing constipation, which may
alternate with diarrhoea which is generally set up by the irritation of
the retained faeces. In obstruction due to malignant growths the
character of the motions is changed, they become scybalous, pipe-like or
flattened. The abdomen becomes distended, and at intervals severe
symptoms may supervene, consisting of pain and vomiting with complete
constipation owing to some temporary complete obstruction. The attacks
usually pass off, and relief may be obtained naturally or by the
administration of a purgative, but they have a tendency to recur and in
malignant disease to increase to complete obstruction. Finally a seizure
may persist and take on all the characters of an acute attack, and death
may supervene from exhaustion, perforation or peritonitis, unless
immediately treated. When it arises from simple stricture no tumour is
to be felt, but in malignant disease the tumour may be frequently
palpated, unless during an acute attack when the abdomen is much
distended with gas.

  _Faecal Impaction_ is not uncommon in adult females who have suffered
  from chronic constipation. The common seat of the blockage is in the
  colon, chiefly in the sigmoid flexure and in the rectum, but it may
  occur in the caecum. The accumulation may form a doughy tumour which
  in parts may be nodular and intensely hard. The causes are due to the
  state of the contents of the bowel itself, to congenital or acquired
  weakness and diminished expulsive power of the bowel, or to painful
  affections of the anus, fissures, piles and painful bladder
  affections. The acute symptoms are always preceded by a prolonged
  period of malaise; the breath is offensive and the tongue foul, and
  the temperature may be raised from the absorption of toxins. Faecal
  impaction requires the regular and repeated administration of large
  enemata, given through a long tube, together with the administration
  of calomel and belladonna. Large impacted masses in the rectum may be
  broken up and removed by a scoop.

  _Strictures of the Intestinal Wall._--Simple strictures are
  infrequent, and are dealt with by the operation of lateral
  anastomosis. They follow dysenteric or tuberculous ulceration or the
  passage of gall-stones. Stricture due to carcinoma of the intestinal
  wall occurs usually in the old or middle-aged, and the symptoms come
  on insidiously. As soon as the condition is diagnosed an attempt
  should be made to remove the tumour if freely movable, or if this is
  not possible to afford relief by short-circuiting the intestine or by
  colotomy.

  _Chronic Intussusception_ has been frequently mistaken in the
  diagnosis for rectal polypus, cancer, tuberculous peritonitis, &c.
  (Treves). If diagnosed it may be reduced by inflation with air, but
  frequently too many adhesions are present for this to be possible, and
  laparotomy with excision of the mass should be undertaken; the results
  are said to be very encouraging.

  Compression of the bowel due to a tumour or bands external to the
  bowel may occasionally give rise to obstruction. An exploratory
  operation should be undertaken for the excision of the tumour, or the
  separation of adhesions and release of the bowel, or if the intestines
  are much matted together by peritonitis an intestinal anastomosis may
  give relief. Obstruction due to paralysis of the muscular coat of the
  intestine has been described (adynamic obstruction), but its existence
  is a subject of dispute.     (H. L. H.)



INTESTINE (Lat. _intestinus_, internal, usually in neuter plural
_intestina_, from _intus_, within), in anatomy, the lower part of the
alimentary canal; in man and mammals divided into the smaller
intestine, from the pylorus to the iliocaecal valve, and the larger,
reaching from the caecum and colon to the end of the rectum. The word is
frequently applied to the whole of the alimentary canal in
invertebrates. (See ALIMENTARY CANAL.)



INTOXICATION (Lat. _toxicare_, _intoxicare_, to smear with poison,
_toxicum_, an adaptation of Gr. [Greek: toxikon], sc. [Greek:
pharmakon], a poison smeared on arrows; [Greek: toxon], bow), poisoning,
or the action of poisons, whether of drugs, bacterial products, or other
toxic substances, and hence the condition resulting from such poisoning,
particularly the disorder of the nervous system produced by excessive
drinking of alcohol (see INEBRIETY and DRUNKENNESS).



INTRA, a town of Piedmont, Italy, in the province of Novara, on the W.
shore of Lake Maggiore, 685 ft. above sea-level, 12 m. N. of Arona by
steamer. Pop. (1901) 6924. It is situated between two torrents, which
afford water-power for cotton and silk mills, hat factories, foundries,
&c.; these chiefly belong to Swiss proprietors, who have fine villas
with beautiful gardens. The church is a large edifice of 1708-1751.



INTRADOS (a French term, Lat. _intra_, within, Fr. _dos_, back), in
architecture, the under-curved surface or soffit of an arch (q.v.).



INTRANSIGENT (adopted from the Fr. _intransigeant_, taken, through the
Spanish _intransigente_, from the Lat. _in_, not, and _transigere_, to
come to an understanding), one whose attitude is that of an
irreconcilable. The term is used chiefly of politicians of an advanced
type; those in complete antagonism to the existing form of government;
but is especially applied on the continent of Europe to members of
legislatures holding extreme Radical views. In this sense the word was
first used in the political troubles which arose in Spain in the years
1873-1874. Intransigentism implies an attitude of uncompromising
disagreement with political opponents. The word is also used
non-politically, in the sense of intractability and intolerance.



INTRINSIC (through Fr. _intrinsique_, from Lat. _intrinsecus_, inwardly;
_inter_, within, _secus_, following, from root of _sequi_, to follow),
an adjective originally applied to something internal or inside another,
but now ordinarily used to express a quality inherent in or inseparable
from a person, thing or abstract conception. In anatomy the term is,
however, still used of a muscle which has both its origin and insertion
in the organ in which it is found.



INTROSPECTION (from Lat. _introspicere_, to look within), in psychology,
the process of examining the operations of one's own mind with a view to
discovering the laws which govern psychic processes. The introspective
method has been adopted by psychologists from the earliest times, more
especially by Hobbes, Locke, Berkeley, Hume, and English psychologists
of the earlier school. It possesses the advantage that the individual
has fuller knowledge of his own mind than that of any other person, and
is able therefore to observe its action more accurately under systematic
tests. On the other hand it has the obvious weakness that in the total
content of the psychic state under examination there must be taken into
account the consciousness that the test is in progress. This
consciousness necessarily arouses the attention, and may divert it to
such an extent that the test as such has little value. Such
psychological problems as those connected with the emotions and their
physical concomitants are especially defective in the introspective
method; the fact that one is looking forward to a shock prepared in
advance constitutes at once an abnormal psychic state, just as a nervous
person's heart will beat faster when awaiting a doctor's diagnosis. The
purely introspective method has of course always been supplemented by
the comparison of similar psychic states in other persons, and in modern
psycho-physiology it is of comparatively minor importance.

  See PSYCHOLOGY, ATTENTION, &c.; a clear statement will be found in G.
  F. Stout's _Manual of Psychology_ (1898), i. 14.



INTUITION (from Lat. _intueri_, to look at), in philosophy, a term
applied to immediate or direct apprehension. The truth of a theorem in
geometry is demonstrated by a more or less elaborate series of
arguments. This is not the case, according to the intuitionalist school
of philosophy, with the apprehension of universal principles, which
present themselves as necessarily true in their own right, without any
sort of proof. The fact that things which are equal to the same things
are equal to one another is apprehended directly or immediately without
demonstration. Similarly in ethics the intuitional school holds that the
principles of right and wrong are immediately apprehended without
reference to any other criterion and without any appeal to experience.
Ethical intuitionalism sometimes goes even farther, and holds that the
conscience when faced with any particular action at once assigns to it a
definite moral value. Such a view presupposes that the moral quality of
an action has, as it were, concrete reality which the special faculty of
conscience immediately recognizes, much in the same way as a barometer
records atmospheric pressure. The intuitionalist view is attacked mainly
on the ground that it is false to the facts of experience, and it is
maintained that many of the so-called immediate a priori judgments are
in point of fact the result of forgotten processes of reasoning, and
therefore a posteriori. Minor grounds of attack are found in the
difficulty of discovering in certain primitive peoples any intuitive
conception of right and wrong, and in the great differences which exist
between moral systems in different countries and ages.



INULIN (C6H10O5)(x), in chemistry, a starch-like carbohydrate, known
also as alantin, menyanthin, dahlin, synanthrin and sinistrin. It occurs
in many plants of the large genus _Compositae_, to which the elicampane
(Lat. _inula_) belongs; and forms a white tasteless powder, sparingly
soluble in cold water, very soluble in hot water and insoluble in
alcohol. It is not coloured blue by iodine; and it reduces ammoniacal
silver and gold solutions, but not Fehling's solution. Heated with water
or dilute acids, it is converted into laevulose.



INVAR, an alloy of nickel and steel, characterized by an extremely small
coefficient of thermal expansion; it is specially useful in the
construction of pendulums and of geodetic measuring apparatus, in fact,
in all mechanical devices where it is an advantage to avoid temperature
compensation. The name was chosen as expressing the invariability of its
dimensions with heat. (See CLOCK; GEODESY.)



INVARIABLE PLANE, in celestial mechanics (see ASTRONOMY), that plane on
which the sum of the moments of momentum of all the bodies which make up
a system is a maximum. It derives its celebrity from the demonstration
by Laplace that to whatever mutual actions all the bodies of a system
may be subjected, the position of this plane remains invariable.

  A conception of it may be reached in the following way. Suppose that
  from the centre of gravity of the solar system (instead of which we
  may, if we choose, take the centre of the sun), lines or radii
  vectores be drawn to every body of the solar system. As the planet
  revolves around the centre, each radius vector describes a surface of
  which the area swept over in a unit of time measures the areal
  velocity of the planet. The constancy of this velocity in the case of
  the sun and a single planet is formulated in Kepler's second law. Next
  pass any plane through the centre of motion and project the area just
  defined upon that plane. We shall thus have a projected areal
  velocity, the product of which by the mass of the planet is the moment
  of momentum of the latter. Form this product for every body or mass of
  matter in the system, and the sum of the moments is then invariable
  whatever be the direction of the plane of projection. In the case of a
  single body revolving around the sun this plane is that of its orbit.
  When all the bodies of the system are taken into account, the
  invariable plane is a certain mean among the planes of all the orbits.

  In the case of the solar system the moment of Jupiter is so
  preponderant that the position of the invariable plane does not
  deviate much from that of the orbit of Jupiter. The influence of
  Saturn comes next in determining it, that of all the other planets is
  much smaller. The latest computation of the position of this plane is
  by T. J. J. See, whose result for the position of the invariable plane
  is inclination to ecliptic 1° 35´ 7´´.74, longitude of node on
  ecliptic 106° 8´ 46´´.7 (Eq. 1850).



INVENTORY (post-class. Lat. _inventarium_, a list or repertory, from
_invenire_ to find), a detailed list, schedule or enumeration in
writing, of goods and chattels, credits and debts, and sometimes also of
lands and tenements.

(i) In law, perhaps its earliest, and certainly its most important use
has been in connexion with the doctrine of "benefit of inventory,"
derived by many legal systems from the _beneficium inventarii_ of Roman
law, according to which an heir might enter on his ancestor's
inheritance without being liable for the debts attaching to it or to the
claims of legatees beyond the value--previously ascertained by
"inventory"--of the estate. The benefit of inventory exists in Scots
law, in France (_bénéfice d'inventaire_), in Italy, Mauritius (_Civil
Code_, Art. 774), Quebec (_Civil Code_, Art. 660), St Lucia (_Civil
Code_, Art. 585), Louisiana (_Civil Code_, Arts. 1025 et seq.), and
under the Roman Dutch law in Ceylon. In South Africa benefit of
inventory is superseded by local legislation.

(ii.) In many systems of law, the duty is imposed on executors and
administrators of making an "inventory" of the estate of the testator or
intestate, in order to secure the property to the persons entitled to
it. In England this duty was created by statute in 1529. In modern
practice an inventory is not made unless called for, but the court may
order it _ex officio_, and will do so on the application of any really
interested party. Similar provisions for an inventory of the estate of
deceased persons are made in Scots law (Probate and Legacy Duties Act
1808 (s. 38), and Executors (Scotland) Act 1900 (s. 5), and in most of
the British colonies. In Scotland, prior to the Finance Act 1894 (which
imposed a tax, called "estate duty," on the principal value of all
property, heritable or movable, passing on death), the stamp duty on
movable property was termed "inventory duty."

  In the United States, the duty of preparing an inventory is generally
  imposed on executors and administrators; see Kent, _Commentaries on
  American Law_ (new ed., 1896), ii. 414, 415; and cf. Gen. Stats. of
  Connecticut, 1888, s. 578; New York Stats. s. 2714; New Jersey
  (Orphans Court, s. 58).

(iii.) An analogous duty of preparing an "inventory" is imposed in many
countries on guardians and curators. In Scotland judicial factors are
charged with a similar statutory duty (Act of Sederunt, Nov. 25th, 1857,
under the Bankruptcy (Scotland) Act 1856) as regards the estate of
insolvent debtors.

(iv.) In Scots law, the term "inventory" is also applied to a list of
documents made up for any purpose, e.g. the _inventory of process_ or
the _inventory of documents_, in an action, and the _inventory of
title-deeds_ produced on a judicial sale of lands.

(v.) In England an "inventory" of the personal chattels comprised in the
security is required to be annexed to a bill of sale (Bills of Sale Act
1882, s. 5). See also EXECUTORS AND ADMINISTRATORS.



INVERARAY, a royal and municipal burgh, the county town of Argyllshire,
Scotland. Pop. (1901) 1369. It lies on the southern shore of a bay,
where the river Aray enters Loch Fyne, 40 m. directly N.W. of Glasgow,
and 85 m. by water. The town consists of one street running east and
west, and a row of houses facing the bay. Near the church stands an
obelisk in memory of the Campbells who were hanged, untried, for their
share in the Argyll expedition of 1685 in connexion with the duke of
Monmouth's rebellion. The ancient market-cross, 8 ft. high, supposed to
have been brought from Iona in 1472, is a beautiful specimen of the
Scottish sculptured stones. The chief industry is the herring fishery,
the herring of Loch Fyne being celebrated. The town originally stood on
the north side of the bay, clustering round the ancient baronial hold,
attributed to Sir Colin Campbell of Lochow, "the Singular," who
flourished at the end of the 14th century, but it was removed to its
present site in the middle of the 18th century. Inveraray was erected
into a burgh of barony in 1472; and Charles I., while a prisoner in
Carisbrooke Castle, raised it to a royal burgh in 1648. Much has been
done for it by the ducal house of Argyll, whose seat, Inveraray Castle,
is about 1 m. from the town. This handsome square structure, built
between 1744 and 1761 from designs by Robert Adam, consists of two
storeys, with a round overtopping tower at each corner. Some fine
tapestry and valuable relics were destroyed by fire in 1877, but the
damage to the castle was repaired in 1880. The earls and dukes of Argyll
were great planters of trees--mainly larch, spruce, silver fir and New
England pines--and their estates around Inveraray are consequently
among the most luxuriantly wooded in the Highlands. Duniquoich, a
finely timbered conical hill about 900 ft. high, adjoins the castle on
the north and is a picturesque landmark.



INVERCARGILL, the chief town of Southland county, South Island, New
Zealand, 139 m. by rail S.W. by W. from Dunedin. Pop. (1906) 7299. It
lies on a deep estuary of the south coast named New River Harbour, which
receives several streams famous for trout-fishing. It is the centre of
the large grazing and farming district of Southland; and has a number of
factories, including breweries, foundries, woollen mills and
timber-works. The plan of the town is rectangular, with wide streets;
and there is a fine open reserve. The harbour is deep and well
sheltered, but the greater part of the trade passes through the
neighbouring Bluff Harbour, on which is Campbelltown, 17 m. S. of
Invercargill by rail. Bluff Harbour is the port of call and departure
for steamers for Melbourne and Hobart. Exports are wool, preserved meat
and timber. The district of Southland was surveyed in 1841, but was
reported unfavourable, and settlement was delayed till 1857. Southland
was a separate province between 1860 and 1870, but, failing financially
as such, rejoined the parent province of Otago. Invercargill became a
municipality in 1871, and there are five suburban municipalities. The
town is the regular starting-point of a journey to the famous lakes
Wakatipu and Te Anau, which are approached by rail.



INVERELL, a town of Gough county, New South Wales, Australia, on the
Macintyre river, 341 m. N. of Sydney, with which it is connected by
rail. Pop. (1901) 3293. It is the centre of a prosperous agricultural
district producing, chiefly, wheat and maize; the vine is also largely
grown and excellent wine is made. Silver, tin and diamond mines are
worked near the town. Inverell became a municipality in 1872.



INVERKEITHING, a royal and police burgh of Fifeshire, Scotland. Pop.
(1901) 1676. It is situated on an inner bay of the shore of the Firth of
Forth, 3½ m. S.E. of Dunfermline and 13¼ m. N.W. of Edinburgh by the
North British railway, via the Forth Bridge. The chief industries are
tanning, shipbuilding, milling, paper-making, rope-making and
brick-making. With Stirling, Dunfermline, Culross and Queensferry,
Inverkeithing returns one member to parliament (the Stirling district
burghs). It received its charter from David I. St Peter's, the parish
church, dates from the 12th century, but having been nearly destroyed by
fire was rebuilt in 1826 in the Gothic style, the ancient tower,
however, being preserved. Sir Samuel Greig, the father of the Russian
navy and designer of the fortifications at Cronstadt, was born at
Inverkeithing in 1735. About half-way towards Dunfermline the battle of
Inverkeithing or Pitreavie took place on the 20th of July 1650, when
Cromwell's forces defeated the Royalists. A mile and a half to the south
lies NORTH QUEENSFERRY (pop. 594), the first railway station on the
north side of the Forth Bridge. A little to the west lies the bay of ST
MARGARET'S HOPE, which in 1903 was acquired by the government as the
site for the naval base of Rosyth, so named from the neighbouring ruined
castle of ROSYTH, once the residence of Queen Margaret, wife of Malcolm
Canmore. On the west side of the Forth Bridge, in the fairway, lies the
rocky islet of BIMAR with a lighthouse, and immediately to the east is
the island of INCHGARVIE (Gaelic, "the rough island"), which once
contained a castle used as a State prison, the ruins of which were
removed to make way for one of the piers of the Forth Bridge.



INVERNESS, a royal, municipal and police burgh, seaport and county town
of Inverness-shire, Scotland. Pop. (1891), 19,303; (1901) 21,238. It
lies on both banks, though principally on the right, of the Ness; and is
118 m. N. of Perth by the Highland railway. Owing to its situation at
the north-eastern extremity of Glen More, the beauty of its environment
and its fine buildings, it is held to be the capital of the Highlands;
and throughout the summer it is the headquarters of an immense tourist
traffic. The present castle, designed by William Burn (1789-1870), dates
from 1835, and is a picturesque structure effectively placed on a hill
by the river's side; it contains the court and county offices. Of the
churches, the High or Parish church has a square tower surmounted with
a steeple, containing one of the bells which Cromwell removed from
Fortrose cathedral. On the left bank of the river stands St Andrew's
Episcopal Cathedral, in the Decorated Gothic, erected in 1866 from
designs by Dr Alexander Ross. Among the schools are the High School, the
collegiate school, the school of science and art, and the Royal Academy,
incorporated by royal charter in 1792. Other public buildings are the
museum, public library, observatory, the northern infirmary, the
district asylum, an imposing structure at the base of Dunain Hill (940
ft.), the Northern Counties Blind Institute, the Highland Orphanage and
the Town Hall, opened in 1882. In front of the last stands the Forbes
Memorial Fountain, and near it is the old town cross of 1685, at the
foot of which, protected since the great fire of 1411, is the
lozenge-shaped stone called Clach-na-Cudain (Stone of the Tubs), from
its having served as a resting-place for women carrying water from the
river. The old gaol spire, slightly twisted by the earthquake of 1816,
serves as a belfry for the town clock. Half a mile to the west of the
Ness is the hill of Tomnahurich (Gaelic, "The Hill of the Fairies"),
upon which is one of the most beautifully-situated cemeteries in Great
Britain. The open spaces in the town include Victoria park, Maggot Green
and the ground where the Northern Meeting--the most important athletic
gathering in Scotland--is held at the end of September. Inverness is the
great distributing centre for the Highlands. Its industries, however,
are not extensive, and consist mainly of tweed (tartan) manufactures,
brewing, distilling, tanning, soap and candle-making; there are also
nurseries, iron-foundries, saw-mills, granite works, and the shops of
the Highland Railway Company. There is some shipbuilding and a
considerable trade with Aberdeen, Leith, London and the east coast
generally, and by means of the Caledonian Canal with Glasgow, Liverpool
and Ireland. The Caledonian Canal passes within 1 m. of the town on its
western side. In Muirtown Basin are wharves for the loading and
unloading of vessels, and at Clachnaharry the Canal enters Beauly Firth.
There is little anchorage in the Ness, but at Kessock on the left bank
of the river-mouth, where there are piers, a breakwater and a coastguard
station, there are several acres of deep water. The river at Inverness
is crossed by four bridges, two of them for pedestrians only, and a
railway viaduct. The town, which is governed by a provost, bailies and
council, unites with Forres, Fortrose and Nairn (Inverness Burghs) in
sending one member to parliament.

Inverness was one of the chief strongholds of the Picts, and in 565 was
visited by Columba with the intention of converting the Pictish king
Brude, who is supposed to have resided in the vitrified fort on Craig
Phadrick (550 ft.), 1½ m. W. of the town. The castle is said to have
been built by Malcolm Canmore, after he had razed to the ground the
castle in which Macbeth according to tradition murdered Duncan, and
which stood on a hill ½ m. to the north-east. William the Lion (d. 1214)
granted the town four charters, by one of which it was created a royal
burgh. Of the Dominican abbey founded by Alexander III. in 1233 hardly a
trace remains. On his way to the battle of Harlaw in 1411 Donald of the
Isles burned the town, and sixteen years later James I. held a
parliament in the castle to which the northern chieftains were summoned,
of whom three were executed for asserting an independent sovereignty. In
1562, during the progress undertaken to suppress Huntly's insurrection,
Queen Mary was denied admittance into the castle by the governor, who
belonged to the earl's faction, and whom she afterwards therefor caused
to be hanged. The house in which she lived meanwhile stands in Bridge
Street. Beyond the northern limits of the town Cromwell built a fort
capable of accommodating 1000 men, but with the exception of a portion
of the ramparts it was demolished at the Restoration. In 1715 the
Jacobites occupied the royal fortress as barracks, and in 1746 they blew
it up.



INVERNESS-SHIRE, a highland county of Scotland, bounded N. by Ross and
Cromarty, and the Beauly and Moray Firths, N.E. by the shires of Nairn
and Elgin, E. by Banff and Aberdeen shires, S.E. by Perthshire, S. by
Argyllshire and W. by the Atlantic. It includes the Outer Hebrides
south of the northern boundary of Harris, and several of the Inner
Hebrides (see HEBRIDES) and is the largest shire in Scotland. It
occupies an area of 2,695,037 acres, or 4211 sq. m., of which more than
one-third belongs to the islands. The county comprises the districts of
Moidart, Arisaig and Morar in the S.W., Knoydart in the W., Lochaber in
the S., Badenoch in the S.E. and the Aird in the N. Excepting
comparatively small and fertile tracts in the N. on both sides of the
river Ness, in several of the glens and on the shores of some of the sea
lochs, the county is wild and mountainous in the extreme and
characterized by beautiful and in certain respects sublime scenery.
There are more than fifty mountains exceeding 3000 ft. in height, among
them Ben Nevis (4406), the highest mountain in the British Isles, the
extraordinary assemblage of peaks forming the Monadhliadh mountains in
the S.E., Ben Alder (3757) in the S., and the grand group of the
Cairngorms on the confines of the shires of Aberdeen and Banff.

In the north-west the Beauly river (16 m. long) is formed by the
confluence of the Farrar and the Glass. The Enrick (18 m.), rising in
Loch-nan-Eun, takes a north-easterly direction for several miles, and
then flowing due east falls into Loch Ness, just beyond Drumnadrochit,
close to the ruined keep of Castle Urquhart. The Ness (7 m.), a fine
stream for its length, emerges from Loch Dochfour and enters the sea to
the north of Inverness. The Moriston (19 m.), flows out of Loch Clunie,
and pursuing a course E. by N.E. falls into Loch Ness 4 m. south of
Mealfourvounie (2284 ft.) on the western shore opposite Foyers. The
Lochy (9 m.), issuing from the loch of that name, runs parallel with the
Caledonian Canal and enters Loch Linnhe at Fort William. The Spean (18
m.), flowing westwards from Loch Laggan, joins the Lochy as it leaves
Loch Lochy. The Nevis (12 m.), rising at the back of Ben Nevis, flows
round the southern base of the mountain and then running north-westwards
enters Loch Linnhe at Fort William. The Leven (12 m.), draining a series
of small lochs to the north-west of Rannoch, flows westward to Loch
Leven, forming during its course the boundary between the shires of
Inverness and Argyll. The Dulnain (28 m.), rising in the Monadhliath
Mountains, flows north-eastwards and enters the Spey near Grantown,
falling in its course nearly 2000 ft. The Truim (15½ m.), rising close
to the Perthshire frontier, flows N.N.E. into the Spey. Three great
rivers spring in Inverness-shire, but finish their course in other
counties. These are the Spey, which for the first 60 m. of its course
belongs to the shire; the Findhorn (70 m.), rising in the Monadhliath
Mountains a few miles N.W. of the source of the Dulnain; and the Nairn
(38 m.), rising within a few miles of Loch Farraline. The two falls of
Foyers--the upper of 40 ft., the lower of 165 ft.--are celebrated for
their beauty, but their volume is affected, especially in drought, by
the withdrawal of water for the works of the British Aluminium Company,
which are driven by electric power derived from the river Foyers, the
intake being situated above the falls. Other noted falls are Moral on
the Enrick and Kilmorack on the Beauly.

The number of hill tarns and little lakes is very great, considerably
more than 200 being named. Loch Ness, the most beautiful and best known
of the larger lakes, is 22½ m. long, 1¾ m. broad at its widest point
(Urquhart Bay), has a drainage area of 696 m., and, owing to its vast
depth (751 ft.), uniformity of temperature, and continual movement of
its waters, never freezes. It is the largest body of fresh water in
Great Britain, and forms part of the scheme of the Caledonian Canal. A
few miles S.W. is Loch Oich (4 m. long), also utilized for the purposes
of the Canal, which reaches its summit level (105 ft.) in this lake. To
the S.W. of it is Loch Lochy (9½ m.), which is also a portion of the
Canal. Loch Arkaig (12 m.) lies in the country of the Camerons,
Achnacarry House, the seat of Lochiel, the chief of the clan, being
situated on the river Arkaig near the point where it issues from the
lake. The old castle was burnt down by the duke of Cumberland, but a few
ruins remain. After Culloden Prince Charles Edward found shelter in a
cave in the "Black Mile," as the road between Lochs Arkaig and Lochy is
called. Loch Quoich (6 m.) lies N. by W. of Loch Arkaig, and Loch Garry
(4½ m.) a few miles to the N.E.; Loch Morar (11½ m. long by 1½ broad) is
only about 600 yds. from the sea, to which it drains by the river Morar,
which falls over a rocky barrier, at the foot of which is a famous
salmon pool. The loch is 1017 ft. deep and is thus the deepest lake in
the United Kingdom. It contains several islands, on one of which Lord
Lovat was captured in 1746. Loch Laggan (7 m.) and Loch Treig (5½ m.) in
the south of the county are both finely situated in the midst of natural
forests. The principal salt-water lochs on the Atlantic seaboard are
Loch Hourn ("Hell's Lake," so named from the wild precipices rising
sheer from the water), running inland for 14 m. from the Sound of Sleat
and separating Glenelg from Knoydart; and Loch Nevis (14 m.), a few
miles farther south.

The parallel roads of Glen Roy, a glen with a north-easterly to
south-westerly trend, a few miles east of Loch Lochy, presented a
problem that long exercised the minds of geologists. At heights of 1148
ft., 1067 ft. and 835 ft., there run uninterruptedly along each side of
the glen terraces of a width varying from 3 to 30 ft. Local tradition
ascribes them to the Ossianic heroes, and John Playfair (1748-1819)
argued that they were aqueducts. The fact that they occur also in the
neighbouring Glen Gloy and Glen Spean, however, disposes of an
artificial origin. John MacCulloch (1773-1835) propounded the theory
that they were lacustrine and not marine, and Agassiz followed him with
the suggestion that the water had been held up by a barrier of glacier
ice. This view is now generally accepted, and the roads may therefore be
regarded as the gently sloping banks of lakes dammed up by glacier ice.
Glen More-nan-Albin, or the Great Glen, is a vast "fault," or
dislocation, 62 m. in length, through which Thomas Telford constructed
(1804-1822) the Caledonian Canal connecting Loch Linnhe and the Moray
Firth. Glen More is said to be liable to shocks of earthquake, and Loch
Ness was violently agitated at the time of the great Lisbon earthquake
(1755).

Among the glens renowned for beauty are Glen Urquhart and Glen Moriston
to the west of Loch Ness, Glen Feshie in the east, and Glen Nevis at the
southern base of Ben Nevis. Glen Garry, to the west of Loch Oich, gave
its name to the well-known cap or "bonnet" worn both in the Highlands
and Lowlands. In Glen Finnan, at the head of Loch Shiel, Prince Charles
Edward raised his standard in 1745, an incident commemorated by a
monument erected in 1815 by Alexander Macdonald of Glenaladale. The
great straths or valleys are in the north and east, the chief among them
being Strathfarrar, Strathglass and Strathnairn, and the heads of
Strathearn and Strathspey.

  _Geology._--Almost the entire area of this county is occupied by the
  younger Highland schists and metamorphic rocks. East of Loch Ericht
  and the rivers Traim and Spey as far as Airemore and between there and
  Duthel there are quartzites and quartzose schists; on the remaining
  area the various kinds of schistose and gneissose rock have hardly
  been worked out in detail. Granite masses occur in numerous isolated
  patches; the largest is on the eastern boundary and includes the
  flanks of Cairn Gorm, Cairn Tout, Braeriach, Carn Ban and Meall
  Tisnail. Other smaller ones are found at Ben Nevis, where the lower
  part of the mountain is granite, the upper part porphyritic felsite;
  between Moy and Ben Buidhe Mhor; E. of Foyers, including Whitebridge,
  Aberchalder and Loch Farraline; at Ben Alder, W. of Loch Ericht and
  another between that loch and the river Pattack; at Banavie on the W.
  of the river Lochy; around the upper end of Loch Clunie and at several
  other places. The dioritic mass of Rannoch Moor just enters this
  county between Loch Ericht and Loch Ossian.

  The Old Red Sandstone extends into this county from Nairn through
  Culloden Moor past Inverness and down Loch Ness to a point south of
  Foyers; it occurs also on the south-east side of Loch Oich, and around
  Beauly, where it forms the falls of Kilmorach. These rocks consist at
  the base of coarse breccias and conglomerates passing upwards into
  chocolate-coloured sandstone and flags, with the shaly series
  containing limestone nodules known as the fish bed from the abundance
  and importance of its fossil contents; it is well exposed in the Big
  Burn and near Loch Ashie. At a higher horizon come more purple flags
  and grits. The Great Glen which traverses the county is an old line of
  earth fracture along which displacements have been produced during
  more than one geological period. Roches moutonnées, glacial striations
  and moraines and other evidences of the great Ice age are abundant,
  besides the parallel roads of Glen Roy to which allusion has already
  been made. The lowest of these terraces is prolonged into Glen Spean.
  At numerous places on the coasts the remains of old marine terraces
  occur at 100 ft. and 25 ft. above the sea.

  Of the small isles belonging to Inverness-shire those of Rum and Eigg
  are of the greatest interest. The northern part of Rum is made of
  Torridonian rocks, shales below and red sandstones above; altogether
  over 10,000 ft. are visible. These rocks have suffered thrusting and
  the shales are thus made in places to overlie the sandstones. A few
  patches of Torridonian occur in the south. Tertiary peridotites in
  laccolitic masses cover a large area in the south of the island and
  form the highest ground. These are penetrated by eucrites and gabbros,
  followed later by granites; and the whole has been subsequently
  crushed into a complex gneissose mass. Still later, dolerite sills and
  sheets and dikes of granophyre and quartz felsite followed in the same
  region. Eigg is mainly built of great basaltic lava flows with
  intrusions of doleritic rocks; these were succeeded by more acid
  intrusions, and again by a more basic series of dikes. Pitchstones
  occur among the later rocks. The Sgurr is capped by a thick intrusion
  of pitchstone. Jurassic rocks, including the Estuarine Lower Oolite
  sandstones, shales and limestones and Middle Oolite Oxfordian rocks
  are found in the north of this island; there is also a small trace of
  Upper Cretaceous sandstone. Canna, Sanday and Muck are almost wholly
  basaltic; a small patch of Jurassic occurs on the south of the
  last-named island. (See also SKYE.)

_Forests and Fauna._--Deer forests occupy an enormous area, particularly
in the west, in the centre, in the south and south-east and in Skye.
From the number of trees found in peat bogs, the county must once have
been thickly covered with wood. Strathspey is still celebrated for its
forests, and the natural woods on Loch Arkaig, in Glen Garry, Glen
Moriston, Strathglass and Strathfarrar, and at the head of Loch Sheil,
are extensive. The forests consist chiefly of oak, Scotch fir, birch,
ash, mountain-ash (rowan), holly, elm, hazel and Scots poplar, but there
are also great plantations of larch, spruce, silver fir, beech and
plane. Part of the ancient Caledonian forest extends for several miles
near the Perthshire boundary. Red and roe deer, the Alpine and common
hare, black game and ptarmigan, grouse and pheasant abound on the moors
and woodlands. Foxes and wild cats occur, and otters are met with in the
lakes and streams. There are also eagles, hawks and owls, while great
flocks of waterfowl, particularly swans, resort to Loch Inch and other
lakes in Badenoch. Many of the rivers and several of the lochs abound
with salmon and trout, the salmon fisheries of the Beauly, Ness and
Lochy yielding a substantial return.

_Climate and Agriculture._--Rain is heavy and frequent in the mountains,
but slighter towards the northern coast; the fall for the year varying
from 73.17 in. at Fort William to 43.17 in. at Fort Augustus, and 26.53
in. at Inverness. The mean temperature for the year is 47.2° F., for
January 38.5° and for August 58°. Although since 1852 the cultivated
area has increased greatly, actually the percentage of land under crops
is still small. The Aird and Beauly districts, some of the straths and
several of the glens are fertile. Oats are the predominant crop, barley
is grown (mostly for the distilleries), but the wheat acreage is
trifling. Of green crops turnips do well in certain districts,
artificial manures being extensively used. In those quarters where the
soil is dry, potatoes are successfully raised. An immense number of the
holdings are crofts averaging 5 acres or under. About 50% are between 5
acres and 50; but few are above 50. The operations of the Crofters'
Commission (1886) have been beneficial in a variety of ways. Not only
have rentals been reduced considerably and arrears cancelled, but the
increased sense of security resulting from the granting of fair rentals,
fixity of tenure and compensation for disturbance has induced tenants to
reclaim waste land, to enlarge their holdings and to apply themselves
more thriftily and with greater enterprise and intelligence to the
development of their farms. On the large holdings the most modern
methods of husbandry are followed, the farm buildings are excellent and
the implements up-to-date. The hills furnish good pastures. The flocks
of sheep are exceptionally heavy, the chief varieties on the uplands
being Cheviots and black-faced and in some of the lower districts
Leicesters and half-breeds. Of the cattle the principal breed is the
Highland, the largest and best herds of which are in the Western Isles.
Polled and shorthorns are also reared, and Ayrshires are kept for dairy
purposes. Great numbers of the hardy Highland ponies are raised on the
hill farms, and the breed of agricultural horses was improved by the
introduction of Clydesdale stallions. Where pigs are reared they appear
to be kept, especially amongst the crofters, for domestic consumption.

_Industries._--Manufactures are few. Indeed, excepting the industries
carried on in Inverness, they are almost entirely confined to
distilling--at Fort William, Kingussie, Carbost, Muir of Ord and some
other places--brewing, woollens (especially tartans, plaids and rough
tweeds), milling and (at Kirktown near Inverness) artificial manures.
The catering for the wants of thousands of sportsmen and tourists,
however, provides employment for a large number of persons, and has led
to the opening of hotels even in the remotest regions. The fisheries, on
the other hand, are of great value, especially to the Hebrideans. The
kelp industry has died out.

_Communications._--Owing to its physical character communication by rail
is somewhat restricted, but the Highland railway enters the shire from
the south near Dalwhinnie and runs to Inverness via Aviemore and Daviot.
Another portion of the same system also reaches the county town from
Nairnshire. The Dingwall and Skye railway passes along the southern
shore of Beauly Firth. In the south-west the West Highland railway
(North British) enters the county 2 m. N.W. of Rannoch station and
terminates at Mallaig, via Fort William and Banavie, sending off at
Spean Bridge a branch to Fort Augustus. There is also communication by
steamer with the piers of the Caledonian Canal and with the Western
Isles, and a considerable amount of shipping reaches Beauly and
Inverness by way of Moray Firth. Coaches supplement rail and steamer at
various points.

_Population and Government._--The population was 90,121 in 1891, and
90,104 in 1901, when 43,281 persons spoke Gaelic and English, and 11,722
Gaelic only. The only considerable towns are Inverness (pop. in 1901,
23,066) and Fort William (2087). The county returns one member to
parliament, but the county town, along with Forres, Fortrose and Nairn,
belongs to the Inverness district group of parliamentary burghs.
Inverness forms a sheriffdom with Elgin and Nairn, and there are
resident sheriffs-substitute at Inverness, Fort William, Portree and
Lochmaddy. The county is under school-board jurisdiction, and there are
voluntary schools (mostly Roman Catholic) in several places. The
secondary schools in Inverness and some in the county earn grants for
higher education. The town council of Inverness subsidizes the burgh
technical and art school. At Fort Augustus is a well-known collegiate
institution for the education of the sons of well-to-do Roman Catholics.

_History._--To the north of the boundary hills of the present counties
of Argyll and Perth (beyond which the Romans attempted no occupation)
the country was occupied by the Picts, the true Caledonians. The
territory was afterwards called the province of Moray, and extended from
the Spey and Loch Lochy to Caithness. These limits it retained until the
17th century, when Caithness (in 1617), Sutherland (in 1633) and
Ross-shire (in 1661) were successively detached. Towards the end of the
6th century Columba undertook the conversion of the Picts, himself
baptizing their king, Brude, at Inverness; but paganism died hard and
tribal wars prevented progress. In the 11th century, after the death of
Duncan, Scotland was divided between Macbeth and the Norwegian leader
Thorfinn, who took for his share the land peopled by the northern Picts.
Malcolm Canmore, avenging his father, defeated and slew Macbeth (1057),
and at a later date reduced the country and annexed it to the kingdom of
Scotland. In 1107, when the bishopric of Moray was founded, the
influence of the Church was beginning to effect some improvement in
manners. Nevertheless, a condition of insurrection supervened until the
reign of David I., when colonists of noble birth were settled in various
parts of the shire. After the battle of Largs (1263) the Norse yoke was
thrown off. In 1303 Edward I.'s expedition to Scotland passed through
the northern districts, his army laying siege to Urquhart and Beaufort
castles. After the plantation the clan system gradually developed and
attained in the shire its fullest power and splendour. The Frasers
occupied the Aird and the district around Beauly; the Chisholms the
Urquhart country; the Grants the Spey; the Camerons the land to the west
and south of Loch Lochy (Locheil); the Chattan--comprising several septs
such as the Macphersons, Mackintoshes, Farquharsons and
Davidsons--Badenoch; the Macdonalds of the Isles Lochaber; the
Clanranald Macdonalds Moidart, Knoydart, Morar, Arisaig and Glengarry;
and the Macleods Skye. Unfortunately the proud and fiery chieftains were
seldom quiet. The clans were constantly fighting each other,
occasionally varying their warfare by rebellion against the sovereign.
In many quarters the Protestant movement made no headway, the clansmen
remaining steadfast to the older creed. At the era of the Covenant,
Montrose conducted a vigorous campaign in the interests of the
Royalists, gaining a brilliant victory at Inverlochy (1645), but the
effects of his crusade were speedily neutralized by the equally masterly
strategy of Cromwell. Next Episcopacy appeared to be securing a
foothold, until Viscount Dundee fell at Killiecrankie, that battle being
followed by a defeat of the Highlanders at Cromdale in 1690. The futile
rising headed by Mar in 1715 led to a combined effort to hold the clans
in check. Forts were constructed at Inverness, Kilchumin (Fort Augustus)
and Kilmallie (Fort William); Wade's famous roads--exhibiting at many
points notable examples of engineering--enabled the king's soldiers
rapidly to scour the country, and general disarming was required. Prince
Charles Edward's attempt in 1745 had the effect of bringing most of the
clans together for a while; but the clan system was broken up after his
failure and escape. Heritable jurisdictions were abolished. Even the
wearing of the Highland dress was proscribed. The effects of this policy
were soon evident. Many of the chieftains became embarrassed, their
estates were sold, and the glensfolk, impoverished but high-spirited,
sought homes in Canada and the United States. As time passed and passion
abated, the proposal was made to raise several Highland regiments for
the British army. It was entertained with surprising favour, and among
the regiments then enrolled were the 79th Cameron Highlanders. With the
closing of the chapter of the Jacobite romance the shire gradually
settled down to peaceful pursuits.

The county in parts is rich in antiquarian remains. Stone axes and other
weapons or tools have been dug up in the peat, and prehistoric jewelry
has also been found. Lake dwellings occur in Loch Lundy in Glengarry and
on Loch Beauly, and stone circles are numerous, as at Inches, Clava, and
in the valley of the Ness. Pictish towers or brochs are met with in
Glenbeg (Glenelg), and duns (forts) in the Aird and to the west and
south-west of Beauly and elsewhere. Among vitrified forts the principal
are those on Craig Phadrick, Dundbhairdghall in Glen Nevis, Dun Fionn or
Fingal's fort on the Beauly, near Kilmorack, Achterawe in Glengarry and
in Arisaig.

  See J. Cameron Lees, _History of the County of Inverness_ (Edinburgh,
  1897); C. Fraser-Mackintosh, _Letters of Two Centuries_ (Inverness,
  1890); Alexander Mackenzie, _Histories of the Mackenzies_, Camerons,
  &c. (Inverness, 1874-1896); A. Stewart, _Nether Lochaber_ (Edinburgh,
  1883); Alexander Carmichael, "Grazing and Agrestic Customs of the
  Outer Hebrides" (_Crofters' Commission Report_, 1884).



INVERSION (Lat. _invertere_, to turn about), in chemistry, the name
given to the hydrolysis of cane sugar into a mixture of glucose and
fructose (invert sugar); it was chosen because the operation was
attended by a change from dextro-rotation of polarized light to a
laevo-rotation. In mathematics, inversion is a geometrical method,
discovered jointly by Stubbs and Ingram of Dublin, and employed
subsequently with conspicuous success by Lord Kelvin in his electrical
researches. The notion may be explained thus: If R be a circle of centre
O and radius r, and P, Q be two points on a radius such that OP·OQ = r²,
then P, Q are said to be inverse points for a circle of radius r, and O
is the centre of inversion. If one point, say P, traces a curve, the
corresponding locus of Q is said to be the inverse of the path of P. The
fundamental propositions are: (1) the inverse of a circle is a line or a
circle according as the centre of inversion is on or off the
circumference; (2) the angle at the intersection of two circles or of a
line and a circle is unaltered by inversion. The method obviously
affords a ready means for converting theorems involving lines and
circles into other propositions involving the same, but differently
placed, figures; in mathematical physics it is of special value in
solving geometrically electrostatical and optical problems.



INVERURIE, a royal, municipal and police burgh of Aberdeenshire,
Scotland, situated at the confluence of the rivers Don and Ury, 16¼ m.
N.W. of Aberdeen by rail, on the Great North of Scotland railway. Pop.
(1901) 3624. Paper-making, milling, and the making of mineral waters are
the chie