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Title: The Principal Navigations, Voyages, Traffiques, and Discoveries of the English Nation, Volume XIV (of 16) - America, Part III
Author: Hakluyt, Richard, 1552-1616
Language: English
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VOYAGES, TRAFFIQUES, AND DISCOVERIES OF THE ENGLISH NATION, VOLUME XIV (OF
16)***
Transcriber's note:
The original publication has been replicated faithfully except
as noted at the end of the text.
To preserve the alignment of tables and headers, this e-text
presumes a mono-spaced font on the user's device, such as
Courier New.
Text enclosed by underscores is in italics (_italics_).
This volume consists of the completion of Part II, started in
Volume XIII, and the complete Part III.
THE PRINCIPAL
NAVIGATIONS, VOYAGES, TRAFFIQUES,
AND
DISCOVERIES
OF
THE ENGLISH NATION.
Collected by
RICHARD HAKLUYT, PREACHER,
and
Edited by
EDMUND GOLDSMID, F.R.H.S.
VOL. XIV.
AMERICA.
PART III.
Edinburgh:
E. & G. GOLDSMID.
1890.
Contents
(Part II Continued)
Virginia richly valued, by the description of the maine land of
Florida, her next neighbour: out of the foure yeeres continuall
trauell and discouerie, for aboue one thousand miles east and
west, of Don Ferdinando de Soto and sixe hundred able men in
his companie.--(_Continued._) 5
An extract of a letter of captaine Francis Vasques de Coronado,
written to a Secretary of the right noble Don Antonio de
Mendoça, viceroy of Nueua Espanna. Dated in Culiacan, the 8. of
March 1539. 60
A Letter written by the most honourable Lord Don Antonio de
Mendoça, Vice-roy of Nueua Espanna, to the Emperours Maiestie. 63
A relation of the reuerend father Frier Marco de Niça, touching
his discouery of the kingdome of Ceuola or Cibola, situate
about 30. degrees of latitude, to the North of Nueua Espanna. 67
El viaie qve hizo Antonio de Espeio en el anno de ochenta y tres:
el qual con sus companneros descubrieron vna tierra en que
hallaron quinze prouincias todas llenas de pueblos, y de casas de
quatro y cinco altos, a quien pusieron por nombre el Nueuo
Mexico, por parecerse en muchas cosas al viejo. Esta à la parte
del norte, y se cree que por ella, y por poblado, se puede venir
hasta llegar a la tierra que llaman del labrador. 84
A briefe relation of two notable voyages, the first made by frier
Augustin Ruyz a Franciscan, in the yeere 1581: the second by
Antonio de Espejo in the yere 1583: who together with his
company discouered a land wherein they found fifteene prouinces
all full of townes, conteining houses of foure and fiue stories
high, which they named New Mexico; for that in many respects it
resembleth the prouince of olde Mexico. This land is situate to
the North of Nueua Espanna, and stretcheth from 24 to 34
degrees and better: by the which and by other inhabited lands
it is thought that men may trauell euen to Terra de Labrador.
Taken out of the history of China written by Frier Iuan
Gonzales de Mendoça, and printed in Madrid 1586. 100
A letter of Bartholomew Cano from Mexico the 30. of May 1590. to
Francis Hernandes of Siuil, concerning the speedy building of
two strong Forts in S. Iohn de Vllua, and in Vera Cruz, as also
touching a notable new and rich discouery of Cibola or New
Mexico 400. leagues Northwest of Mexico. 115
The relation of Francis Vasquez de Coronado, Captaine general of
the people which were sent in the name of the Emperours
maiestie to the Countrey of Cibola newly discouered, which he
sent to Don Antonio de Mendoça Viceroy of Mexico, of such
things as happened in his voyage from 22. of Aprill in the
yeere 1540. which departed from Culiacan forward, and of such
things as hee found in the Countrey which he passed. 117
The foresayd Francis Lopez de Gomara in his generall historie of
the West Indies, Chap. 215. writeth in maner following of
certaine great and strange beasts neuer seene nor heard of in
our knowen world of Asia, Europe, and Africa: which somewhat
resembling our oxen, hauing high bunches on their backes like
those on the backes of Camels, are therefore called by him
Vacas corcobados, that is to say, Crooke-backed oxen, being
very deformed and terrible in shewe, and fierce by nature:
which notwithstanding for foode, apparell, and other necessarie
vses, are most seruiceable and beneficiall to the inhabitants
of those countreys. He reporteth also in the same chapter of
certaine strange sheepe as bigge as horses, and of dogs which
vse to carie burthens of 50. pound weight vpon their backes. 136
The voyage of Robert Tomson Marchant, into Noua Hispania in the
yeere 1555. with diuers obseruations concerning the state of
the Countrey: And certaine accidents touching himselfe. 138
A voyage made by M. Roger Bodenham to S. Iohn de Vllua in the bay
of Mexico, in the yeere 1564. 155
A notable discourse of M. Iohn Chilton, touching the people,
maners, mines, cities, riches, forces, and other memorable
things of New Spaine, and other prouinces in the West Indies,
seene and noted by himselfe in the time of his trauels,
continued in those parts, the space of seuenteene or eighteene
yeeres. 156
A relation of the commodities of Noua Hispania, and the maners of
the inhabitants, written by Henry Hawkes merchant, which liued
fiue yeeres in the sayd countrey, and drew the same at the
request of M. Richard Hakluyt Esquire of Eton in the county of
Hereford, 1572. 170
A discourse written by one Miles Philips Englishman, one of the
company put on shoare Northward of Panuco, in the West Indies,
by M. Iohn Hawkins 1568. conteining many special things of that
countrey and of the Spanish gouernment, but specially of their
cruelties vsed to our Englishmen and amongst the rest to
himselfe for the space of 15 or 16 yeres together, vntil by
good and happy means he was deliuered from their bloody hands,
and returned into his owne Countrey. An. 1582. 187
The trauailes of Iob Hortop, which Sir Iohn Hawkins set on land
within the bay of Mexico, after his departure from the Hauen of
S. Iohn de Vllua in Nueua Espanna, the 8. of October 1568. 226
A relation of the Hauen of Tecuanapa, a most conuenient place for
building of ships, situate vpon the South sea not farre from
Nicaragua, which was sent vnto the viceroy of Mexico or to the
king of Spaine: wherein are described the riuers of Ometepec,
Tlacamama, and Tlacolula falling into the said Hauen, with the
townes, people, and mountaines adioyning to the said riuers,
and other things fit for the building and victualling of ships.
244
A briefe relation of two sundry voyages made by the worshipful M.
William Haukins of Plimmouth, father to Sir Iohn Haukins
knight, late Treasurer of her Majesties Nauie, in the yeere
1530 and 1532. 250
An ancient voyage of M. Robert Reniger and M. Thomas Borey to
Brasil in the yeere of our Lord 1540. 251
A voyage of one Pudsey to Baya in Brasil anno 1542. 252
A letter written to M. Richard Staper by Iohn Whithal from Santos
in Brasil, the 26. of Iune 1578. 252
A copie of the letters of the Aduenturers for Brasill sent to
Iohn Whithall dwelling in Santos, by the Minion of London, Anno
1580. the 24. of October in London. 256
Certaine notes of the voyage to Brasil with the Minion of London
aforesaid, in the yere 1580. written by Thomas Grigs Purser of
the said ship. 258
A letter of Francis Suares to his brother Diego Suares dwelling
in Lisbon, written from the riuer of Ienero in Brasill in Iune
1596. concerning the exceeding rich trade newly begunne
betweene that place and Peru, by the way of the Riuer of Plate,
with small barks of 30. and 40. tunnes. 263
The well gouerned and prosperous voyage of M. Iames Lancaster,
begun with three ships and a galley-frigat from London in
October 1594, and intended for Fernambuck, the porte-towne of
Olinda in Brasil. In which voyage (besides the taking of nine
and twenty ships and frigats) he surprized the sayd port-towne,
being strongly fortified and manned; and held possession
thereof thirty dayes together (notwithstanding many bolde
assaults of the enemy both by land and water) and also
prouidently defeated their dangerous and almost ineuitable
fireworks. Heere he found the cargazon or freight of a rich
East Indian carack; which together with great abundance of
sugars, Brasil-wood, and cotton he brought from thence; lading
therewith fifteene sailes of tall ships and barks. 266
A speciall letter written from Feliciano Cieça de Carualsho the
Gouernour of Paraiua in the most Northerne part of Brasil,
1597, to Philip the second king of Spaine, answering his desire
touching the conquest of Rio Grande, with the relation of the
besieging of the castle of Cabodelo by the Frenchmen, and of
the discouerie of a rich siluer mine and diuerse other
important matters. 283
A special note concerning the currents of the sea betweene the
Cape of Buena Esperança and the coast of Brasilia, giuen by a
French Pilot to Sir Iohn Yorke knight, before Sebastian Cabote;
which Pilot had frequented the coasts of Brasilia eighteene
voyages. 290
A report of a Voyage of two Englishmen in the company of
Sebastian Cabota, intended for the Malucos by the Streights of
Magellan, but perfourmed onely to the riuer of Plate in April
1527. Taken out of the information of M. Robert Thorne to
Doctor Ley Ambassador for King Henry the eight, to Charles the
Emperour, touching the discouery of the Malucos by the North.
306
An extract out of the discourse of one Lopez Vaz a Portugal,
touching the fight of M. Fenton with the Spanish ships, with a
report of the proceeding of M. Iohn Drake after his departing
from him to the riuer of Plate. 307
A ruttier which declareth the situation of the coast of Brasil
from the Isle of Santa Catelina vnto the mouth of the riuer of
Plata, and all along vp within the sayd riuer, and what armes
and mouthes it hath to enter into it, as farre as it is
nauigable with small barks. 310
VOL. XIV. PART III.
A relation of the discouery, which in the Name of God the Fleete
of the right noble Fernando Cortez Marques of the Vally, made
with three ships; The one called Santa Agueda of 120. tunnes,
the other the Trinitie of 35. tunnes, and the thirde S. Thomas
of the burden of 20. tunnes. Of which Fleete was Captaine the
right worshipfull knight Francis de Vlloa borne in the Citie of
Merida. Taken out of the third volume of the voyages gathered
by M. Iohn Baptista Ramusio. 317
The true and perfect description of a voyage performed and done
by Francisco de Gualle a Spanish Captaine and Pilot, for the
Vice-roy of New Spaine, from the hauen of Acapulco in New
Spaine, to the Islands of the Luçones or Philippinas, vnto the
Hauen of Manilla, and from thence to the Hauen of Macao in
China, and from Macao backe againe to Acapulco, accomplished in
the yeere of our Lord, 1584. 378
The relation of the nauigation and discouery which Captaine
Fernando Alarchon made by the order of the right honourable
Lord Don Antonio de Mendoça, Viceroy of New Spaine, dated in
Colima, an hauen of New Spaine. 388
An extract of a Spanish letter written from Pueblo de los Angeles
in Nueua Espanna in October 1597, touching the discouerie of
the rich Isles of California, being distant eight dayes sayling
from the maine. 421
The course which Sir Francis Drake held from the hauen of
Guatulco in the South sea on the backe side of Nueua Espanna,
to the North-west of California as far as fourtie three
degrees: and his returne back along the said Coast to thirtie
eight degrees: where finding a faire and goodly hauen, he
landed, and staying there many weekes, and discouering many
excellent things in the countrey and great shewe of rich
minerall matter, and being offered the dominion of the countrey
by the Lord of the same, hee tooke possession thereof in the
behalfe of her Maiestie, and named it Noua Albion. 421
Of the large, rich, and beautifull empire of Guiana, with a
relation of the great and golden citie of Manoa (which the
spaniards call El Dorado) and the prouinces of Emeria,
Aromaia, Amapaia, and other countries, with their riuers
adioyning. Performed in the yeere 1595 by Sir Walter Ralegh
Knight, captaine of her Maiesties Guard, Lorde Warden of the
Stanneries, and Her Highnesse Lieutenant Generall of the
countie of Corne-Wall. 428
NAUIGATIONS, VOYAGES, TRAFFIQUES, AND DISCOUERIES
OF THE
ENGLISH NATION IN AMERICA.
(Continuation of Part II.)
Virginia richly valued, by the description of the maine land of
Florida, her next neighbour: out of the foure yeeres continuall
trauell and discouerie, for aboue one thousand miles east and
west, of Don Ferdinando de Soto and sixe hundred able men in his
companie.--(_Continued._)
Chap. XXV.
How the Gouernour departed from Pacaha to Quigaute, and to Coligoa,
and came to Cayas.
The Gouernour rested in Pacaha fortie daies. In all which time the two
Caciques serued him with great store of fish, mantles and skinnes, and
stroue who should doe him greatest seruice. At the time of his
departure, the Cacique of Pacaha gaue him two of his sisters, saying
that in signe of loue that hee might remember him, he should take them
for his wiues: the ones name was Macanoche, and the others Mochila; they
were well proportioned, tall of bodie, and well fleshed. Macanoche was
of a good countenance, and in her shape and physiognimie looked like a
Ladie; the other was strongly made. The Casiqui of Casqui commanded the
bridge to be repaired, and the Gouernour returned through his Country,
and lodged in a field neere his towne, whither hee came with great store
of fish, and two women, which hee exchanged with two Christians for
shirts. He gaue vs a guide and men for carriages. The Gouernour lodged
at a towne of his, and the next day at another neere a Riuer, whither he
caused canoes to be brought for him to passe ouer, and with his leaue
returned. The Gouernour tooke his iourney toward Quigaute. The fourth of
August, he came to the towne, where the Cacique vsed to keepe his
residencie: on the way he sent him a present of many mantles and
skinnes, and not daring to stay for him in the towne, he absented
himselfe. The towne was the greatest that was seene in Florida. The
Gouernour and his people lodged in the one halfe of it; and within few
daies, seeing the Indians became liars, he commanded the other halfe to
be burned, because it should not bee a shelter for them, if they came to
assault him by night, nor an hindrance to his horsemen for the resisting
of them. There came an Indian very well accompanied with many Indians,
saying, that he was the Cacique. He deliuered him ouer to the men of his
guard to look vnto him. There went and came many Indians, and brought
mantles and skinnes. The counterfeit Cacique, seeing so little
opportunitie to execute his euill thought, as hee went one day abroad
talking with the Gouernour, he shewed him such a paire of heeles, that
there was no Christian that could ouertake him, and he leaped into the
Riuer, which was a crossebow shot from the towne: and assoone as hee was
on the other side, many Indians that were thereabout making a great crie
began to shoote. [Sidenote: Coligoa neere to certaine mountaines
Northwest.] The Gouernour passed presently ouer to them with horsemen
and footemen, but they durst not tarrie for him. Going forward on his
way, hee came to a towne where the people were fled, and a little
further to a lake, where the horses could not passe, and on the
otherside were many women. The footemen passed, and tooke many of them,
and much spoile. The Gouernour came to the Camp: And that night was a
spie of the Indians taken by them of the watch. The Gouernour asked him,
whether he would bring him where the Cacique was? he said, he would. And
he went presently to seeke him with twentie horsemen, and fiftie
footemen: and after he had sought him a day, and an halfe, hee found him
in a strong wood: And a souldiour not knowing him, gaue him a wound on
the head; and he cried out, that he should not kill him, saying, that he
was the Cacique: so he was taken, and an hundred and fortie of his men
with him. The Gouernour came againe to Quigaute, and willed him to cause
his men to come to serue the Christians: and staying some daies for
their comming, and seeing they came not, he sent two Captaines, euery
one his way on both sides of the Riuer with horsemen and footemen. They
tooke many men and women. Now seeing the hurt which they sustained for
their rebellion, they came to see what the Gouernour would command them,
and passed to and fro many times, and brought presents of cloth and
fish. The Cacique and his two wiues were in the lodging of the Gouernour
loose, and the halbardiers of his guard did keepe them. The Gouernour
asked them which way the Countrie was most inhabited? They said, that
toward the South downe the Riuer, were great townes and Caciques, which
commanded great Countries, and much people: And that toward the
Northwest there was a Prouince neere to certaine mountaines, that was
called Coligoa. The Gouernour and all the rest thought good to goe first
to Coligoa: saying, that peraduenture the mountains would make some
difference of soile, and that beyond them there might be some gold or
siluer: As for Quigaute, Casqui, and Pacaha, they were plaine Countries,
fat grounds, and full of good medowes on the Riuers, where the Indians
sowed large fields of Maiz. From Tascaluca to Rio grande, or the great
Riuer, is about 300. leagues: it is a very low Countrie, and hath many
lakes. From Pacaha to Quigaute may bee an hundred leagues. The Gouernour
left the Cacique of Quigaute in his owne towne: And an Indian, which was
his guide, led him through great woods without any way seuen daies
iournie through a desert, where, at euery lodging, they lodged in lakes
and pooles in verie shold water; there were such store of fish, that
they killed them with cudgils; and the Indians which they carried in
chaines, with the mud troubled the waters, and the fish being therewith,
as it were astonied, came to the top of the water, and they tooke as
much as they listed. The Indians of Coligoa had no knowledge of the
Christians, and when they came so neere the towne, that the Indians saw
them, they fled vp a Riuer, which passed neere the towne, and some
leaped into it; but the Christians went on both sides of the Riuer, and
tooke them. There were many men and women taken, and the Cacique with
them. And by his commandement within three daies came many Indians with
a present of mantles and Deeres skinnes, and two oxe hides: And they
reported, that 5. or 6. leagues from thence toward the North, there
were many of these oxen, and that because the Countrie was cold, it was
euill inhabited. That the best Countrie which they knew, the most
plentifull, and most inhabited, was a Prouince called Cayas, lying
toward the South. From Quiguate to Coligoa may be 40. leagues. This
towne of Coligoa stood at the foote of an hill, on the bank of a meane
Riuer, of the bignesse of Cayas, the Riuer that passeth by Estremadura.
It was a fat soile and so plentifull of Maiz, that they cast out the
old, to bring in the new. There was also great plentie of French beanes
and pompions. The French beanes were greater, and better than those of
Spaine, and likewise the pompions, and being roasted, they haue almost
the taste of chesnuts. The Cacique of Coligoa gaue a guide to Cayas, and
staied behind in his owne towne. Wee trauelled fiue daies, and came to
the Prouince of Palisema. The house of the Cacique was found couered
with Deeres skinnes of Diuers colours and works drawne in them, and with
the same in manner of carpets was the ground of the house couered. The
Cacique left it so, that the Gouernour might lodge in it, in token that
he sought peace and his friendship. But hee durst not tarrie his
comming. The Gouernour, seeing he had absented himselfe, sent a Captaine
with horsemen and footemen to seeke him. Hee found much people, but by
reason of the roughnesse of the Countrie, he tooke none saue a few women
and children. The towne was little and scattering, and had very little
Maiz. For which cause the Gouernour speedilie departed from thence. Hee
came to another towne called Tatalicoya, hee carried with him the
Cacique thereof, which guided him to Cayas. From Tatalicoya are foure
daies iournie to Cayas. When hee came to Cayas, and saw the towne
scattered; hee thought they had told him a lie, and that it was not the
Prouince of Cayas, because they had informed him that it was well
inhabited: He threatned the Cacique, charging him to tell him where hee
was: and he and other Indians which were taken neere about that place,
affirmed that this was the towne of Cayas, and the best that was in that
Countrie, and that though the houses were distant the one from the
other, yet the ground that was inhabited was great, and that there was
great store of people, and many fields of Maiz. The towne was called
Tanico: he pitched his Campe in the best part of it neere vnto a Riuer.
The same day that the Gouernour came thither, he went a league farther
with certaine horsemen, and without finding any people, hee found many
skinnes in a pathway, which the Cacique had left there, that they might
bee found, in token of peace. For so is the custome in that Countrie.
Chap. XXVI.
How the Gouernour discouered the Prouince of Tulla, and what
happened vnto him.
The Gouernour rested a moneth in the Prouince of Cayas. In which time
the horses fattened and thriued more, then in other places in a longer
time, with the great plentie of Maiz and the leaues thereof, which I
thinke was the best that hath been seene, and they dranke of a lake of
very hot water, and somewhat brackish, and they dranke so much, that it
swelled in their bellies when they brought them from the watering.
Vntill that time the Christians wanted salt, and there they made good
store, which they carried along with them. The Indians doe carrie it to
other places to exchange it for skinnes and mantles. They make it along
the Riuer, which when it ebbeth, leaueth it vpon the vpper part of the
sand. And because they cannot make it, without much sand mingled with
it, they throw it into certaine baskets which they haue for that
purpose, broad at the mouth, and narrow at the bottom, and set it in the
aire vpon a barre, and throw water into it, and set a small vessell
vnder it, wherein it falleth: "Being strained and set to boile vpon the
fire, when the water is sodden away, the salt remaineth in the bottome
of the pan." On both sides of the Riuer the Countrie was full of sowne
fields, and there was store of Maiz. The Indians durst not come ouer
where wee were: and when some of them shewed themselues, the souldiers
that saw them called vnto them; then the Indians passed the Riuer, and
came with them where the Gouernor was. He asked them for the Cacique.
They said, that he remained quiet, but that he durst not shew himselfe.
The Gouernour presently sent him word, that he should come vnto him, and
bring him a guide and an interpretour for his iournie, if he made
account of his friendship: and if he did not so, he would come himselfe
to seeke him, and that it would be the worse for him. Hee waited three
daies, and seeing he came not, he went to seeke him, and brought him
prisoner with 150. of his men. He asked him whether hee had notice of
any great Cacique, and which way the Countrie was best inhabited. Hee
answered, that the best Countrie thereabout was a Prouince toward the
South, a day and an halfes iournie, which was called Tulla; and that he
could giue him a guide, but no interpretour, because the speech of that
Countrie was different from his, and because he and his ancestors had
alwaies warres with the Lords of that Prouince: therefore they had no
commerce, nor vnderstood one anothers language. Immediatly the Gouernour
with certaine horsemen, and 50. footemen, departed toward Tulla, to see
if the Countrie were such, as hee might passe through it with all his
companie: and assoone as hee arriued there, and was espied of the
Indians, the Countrie gathered together, and assoone as 15. or 20.
Indians could assemble themselues, they set vpon the Christians: and
seeing that they did handle them shrewdly, and that the horsemen
ouertooke them when they fled, they gat vp into the tops of their
houses, and sought to defend themselues with their arrowes: and being
beaten downe from one, they gat vp vpon another. And while our men
pursued some, others set vpon them another way. Thus the skirmish lasted
so long, that the horses were tired, and they could not make them runne.
The Indians killed there one horse, and some were hurt. There were 15.
Indians slaine there, and 40. women and boies were taken prisoners. For
whatsoeuer Indian did shoot at them, if they could come by him, they put
him to the sword. The Gouernour determined to returne toward Cayas,
before the Indians had time to gather a head; and presently that
euening, going part of the night to leaue Tulla, he lodged by the way,
and the next day came to Cayas: and within three daies after he departed
thence toward Tulla with all his companie: He carried the Cacique along
with him, and among all his men, there was not one found that could
vnderstand the speech of Tulla. He staied three daies by the way, and
the day that he came thither, he found the towne abandoned: for the
Indians durst not tarrie his comming. But assoone as they knew that the
Gouernour was in Tulla, the first night about the morning watch, they
came in two squadrons two seuerall waies, with their bowes and arrowes,
and long staues like pikes. Assoone as they were descried, both horse
and foot sallied out vpon them, where many of the Indians were slaine:
And some Christians and horses were hurt: Some of the Indians were taken
prisoners, whereof the Gouernour sent sixe to the Cacique, with their
right hands and noses cut off: and sent him word, that if he came not
to him to excuse and submit himselfe, that hee would come to seeke him,
and that hee would doe the like to him, and as many of his as hee could
find, as hee had done to those which hee had sent him: and gaue him
three daies respit for to come. And this he gaue them to vnderstand by
signes, as well as hee could, for there was no interpretour. At the
three daies end, there came an Indian laden with Oxe hides. He came
weeping with great sobs, and comming to the Gouernour cast himselfe
downe at his feet: He tooke him vp, and he made a speech, but there was
none that vnderstood him. The Gouernour by signes commanded him, to
returne to the Cacique, and to will him, to send him an interpretor,
which could vnderstand the men of Cayas. The next day came three Indians
laden with oxe hides; and within three daies after came 20. Indians, and
among them one that vnderstood them of Cayas: Who, after a long oration
of excuses of the Cacique, and praises of the Gouernour, concluded with
this, that he and the other were come thither on the Caciques behalfe,
to see what his Lordship would command him to doe, for he was readie at
his commandement. The Gouernour and all his companie were verie glad.
For in no wise could they trauell without an interpretour. The Gouernour
commanded him to be kept safe, and bad him tell the men that came with
him, that they should returne to the Cacique, and signifie vnto him,
that he pardoned him for that which was past, and thanked him much for
his presents and interpretour, which he had sent him, and that he would
bee glad to see him, and that he should come the next day to talke with
him. [Sidenote: The Cacique of Tulla.] After three daies, the Cacique
came, and 80. Indians with him: and himselfe and his men came weeping
into the Camp, in token of obedience and repentance for the errour
passed, after the manner of that Countrie: He brought a present of many
oxe hides: which, because the Countrie was cold, were verie profitable,
and serued for couerlets, because they were very soft, and wolled like
sheepe. Not farre from thence toward the North were many oxen.
[Sidenote: Gomara Histor. Gener. cap. 215.] The Christians saw them not,
nor came into the Countrie where they were, because those parts were
euil inhabited, and had small store of Maiz where they were bred. The
Cacique of Tulla made an oration to the Gouernour, wherein he excused
himselfe, and offered him his Countrie, subiects, and person. Aswell
this Cacique as the others, and all those which came to the Gouernour
on their behalfe, deliuered their message or speech in so good order,
that no oratour could vtter the same more eloquentlie.
Chap. XXVII.
How the Gouernour went from Tulla to Autiamque, where he passed the
winter.
The Gouernour enformed himselfe of all the Countrie round about: and
vnderstood, that toward the West was a scattered dwelling, and that
toward the Southeast were great townes, especially in a Prouince called
Autiamque, tenne daies iournie from Tulla; which might be about 80.
leagues; and that it was a plentifull Countrie of Maiz. And because
winter came on, and they could not trauell two or three moneths in the
yeere for cold, waters, and snow: and fearing, that if they should stay
so long in the scattered dwelling, they could not be susteined; and also
because the Indians said, that neere to Autiamque was a great water, and
according to their relation, the Gouernour thought it was some arme of
the Sea: And because he now desired to send newes of himselfe to Cuba,
that some supplie of men and horses might be sent vnto him: (for it was
aboue three yeeres, since Donna Isabella, which was in Hauana, or any
other person in Christendome had heard of him, and by this time he had
lost 250. men, and 150. horses) he determined to winter in Autiamque,
and the next spring, to goe to the sea coast, and make two brigantines,
and send one of them to Cuba, and the other to Nueua Espanna, and that
which went in safetie, might giue newes of him: Hoping with the goods
which he had in Cuba, to furnish himselfe againe, and to attempt the
discouery and conquest toward the West: for he had not yet come where
Cabeça de Vaca had been. [Sidenote: Quipana, fiue daies iournie from
Tulla.] Thus hauing sent away the two Caciques of Cayas and Tulla, he
tooke his iournie toward Autiamque: Hee trauelled fiue daies ouer very
rough mountaines, and came to a towne called Quipana, where no Indians
could be taken for the toughnesse of the Countrie: and the towne being
betweene hilles, there was an ambush laid, wherewith they tooke two
Indians; which told them, that Autiamque was sixe daies iournie from
thence, and that their was another Prouince toward the South, eight
daies iournie off, plentiful of Maiz, and very well peopled, which was
called Guahate. But because Autiamque was neerer, and the most of the
Indians agreed of it, the Gouernour made his iournie that way. In three
daies he came to a towne called Anoixi. He sent a Captaine before with
30. horsemen, and 50. footemen, and tooke the Indians carelesse, hee
tooke many men and women prisoners. Within two daies after the Gouernour
came to another towne called Catamaya, and lodged in the fields of the
towne. Two Indians came with a false message from the Cacique to know
his determination. Hee bad them tell their Lord, that hee should come
and speake with him. The Indians returned and came no more, nor any
other message from the Cacique. The next day the Christians went to the
towne, which was without people: they tooke as much Maiz as they needed.
That day they lodged in a wood, and the next day they came to Autiamque.
[Sidenote: Autiamque sixe daies iournie from Quipana.] They found much
Maiz laid vp in store, and French beanes, and walnuts, and prunes, great
store of all sorts. They tooke some Indians which were gathering
together the stuffe which their wiues had hidden. This was a champion
Countrie, and well inhabited. The Gouernour lodged in the best part of
the towne, and commanded presently to make a fense of timber round about
the Campe distant from the houses, that the Indians might not hurt them
without by fire. And measuring the ground by pases, hee appointed euery
one his part to doe according to the number of Indians which he had:
presently the timber was brought by them: and in three daies there was
an inclosure made of very hie and thicke posts thrust into the ground,
and many railes laid acrosse. Hard by this towne passed a Riuer, that
came out of the Prouince of Cayas: and aboue and beneath it was very
well peopled. Thither came Indians on the Caciques behalfe with a
present of mantles and skinnes; and an halting Cacique, subiect to the
Lord of Autiamque, Lord of a towne called Tietiquaquo, came many times
to visit the Gouernour, and to bring him presents of such as hee had.
The Cacique of Autiamque sent to know of the Gouernour, how long time
hee meant to stay in this Countrie? And vnderstanding that he meant to
stay aboue three daies, he neuer sent any more Indians, nor any other
message, but conspired with the lame Cacique to rebell. Diuers inrodes
were made, wherein there were many men and women taken, and the lame
Cacique among the rest. The Gouernour respecting the seruices which he
had receiued of him, reprehended and admonished him, and set him at
libertie, and gaue him two Indians to carrie him in a chaire vpon their
shoulders. The Cacique of Autiamque desiring to thrust the Gouernour out
of his Countrie, set spies ouer him. And an Indian comming one night to
the gate of the inclosure, a soldier that watched espied him, and
stepping behind the gate, as he came in, he gaue him such a thrust, that
he fell downe; and so he carried him to the Gouernour: and as he asked
him wherefore he came, not being able to speake, hee fell downe dead.
[Sidenote: Great prouidence.] The night following the Gouernour
commanded a souldiour to giue the alarme, and to say that he had seene
Indians, to see how ready they would be to answere the alarme. And hee
did so sometimes as well there, as in other places, when he thought that
his men were carelesse, and reprehended such as were slacke. And as well
for this cause, as in regard of doing their dutie, when the alarme was
giuen, euery one sought to be the first that should answere. They staied
in Autiamque three moneths with great plentie of Maiz, French beanes,
Walnuts, Prunes, and Conies: which vntill that time they knew not how to
catch. And in Autiamque the Indians taught them how to take them: which
was, with great springes, which lifted vp their feete from the ground:
And the snare was made with a strong string, whereunto was fastened a
knot of a cane, which ran close about the neck of the conie, because
they should not gnaw the string. They tooke many in the fields of Maiz,
especiallie when it freesed or snowed. The Christians staied there one
whole moneth so inclosed with snow, that they went not out of the towne:
and when they wanted firewood, the Gouernour with his horsemen going and
coming many times to the wood, which was two crossebow shot from the
towne, made a pathway, whereby the footemen went for wood. In this meane
space, some Indians which went loose, killed many conies with their
giues, and with arrowes. These conies were of two sorts, some were like
those of Spaine, and the other of the same colour and fashion, and as
big as great Hares, longer, and hauing greater loines.
Chap. XXVIII.
How the Gouernour went from Autiamque to Nilco, and from thence to
Guacoya.
Vpon Monday the sixt of March 1542, the Gouernour departed from
Autiamque to seeke Nilco, which the Indians said was neere the Great
riuer, with determination to come to the Sea, and procure some succour
of men and horses: for hee had now but three hundred men of warre, and
fortie horses, and some of them lame, which did nothing but helpe to
make vp the number: and for want of iron they had gone aboue a yeere
vnshod: and because they were vsed to it in the plaine countrie, it did
them no great harme. [Sidenote: The death of Iohn Ortiz, and the great
misse of him being their interpretour.] Iohn Ortiz died in Autiamque;
which grieued the Gouernour very much: because that without an
Interpretour hee feared to enter farre into the land, where he might be
lost. From thence forward a youth that was taken in Cutifachiqui did
serue for Interpretour, which had by that time learned somewhat of the
Christians language. The death of Iohn Ortiz was so great a mischiefe
for the discouering inward, or going out of the land, that to learne of
the Indians, that which in foure words hee declared, they needed a whole
day with the youth: and most commonly hee vnderstood quite contrarie
that which was asked him: whereby it often happened that the way that
they went one day, and sometimes two or three daies, they turned backe,
and went astray through the wood here and there. The Gouernour spent ten
daies in trauelling from Autiamque to a prouince called Ayays; and came
to a towne that stood neere the Riuer that passeth by Cayas and
Autiamque. There hee commanded a barge to be made, wherewith he passed
the Riuer. [Sidenote: Great snow about the twentieth of March.] When he
had passed the Riuer there fell out such weather, that foure daies he
could not trauell for snow. Assoone as it gaue ouer snowing, hee went
three daies iourney through a Wildernesse, and a countrie so low, and so
full of lakes and euill waies, that hee trauelled one time a whole day
in water, sometimes knee deepe, sometimes to the stirrup, and sometimes
they swamme. He came to a towne called Tutelpinco, abandoned, and
without Maiz: there passed by it a lake, that entered into the riuer,
which carried a great streame and force of water. Fiue Christians
passing ouer it in a periagua, which the Gouernour had sent with a
Captaine, the periagua ouerset: some tooke hold on it, some on the trees
that were in the lake. One Francis Sebastian, an honest man of Villa
noua de Barca Rota, was drowned there. The Gouernour went a whole day
along the lake seeking passage, and could finde none, nor any way that
did passe to the other side. Comming againe at night to the towne hee
found two peaceable Indians, which shewed him the passage, and which way
hee was to goe. There they made of canes and of the timber of houses
thatched with canes, rafts wherewith they passed the lake. They
trauelled three daies, and came to a towne of the territorie of Nilco,
called Tianto. There they tooke thirtie Indians, and among them two
principall men of this towne. The Gouernour sent a Captaine with
horsemen and footmen before to Nilco, because the Indians might haue no
time to carrie away the provision. They passed through three or foure
great townes; and in the towne where the Cacique was resident, which was
two leagues from the place where the Gouernour remained, they found many
Indians with their bowes and arrowes, in manner as though they would
haue staied to fight, which did compasse the towne; and assoone as they
saw the Christians come neere them without misdoubting them, they set
the Caciques house on fire, and fled ouer a lake that passed neere the
towne, through which the horses could not passe. The next day being
Wednesday the 29. of March the Gouernour came to Nilco: he lodged with
all his men in the Caciques towne, which stood in a plaine field, which
was inhabited for the space of a quarter of a league: and within a
league and halfe a league were other very great townes, wherein was
great store of Maiz, of French beanes, of Walnuts, and Prunes.
[Sidenote: The best Countrie of Florida.] This was the best inhabited
countrie, that was seene in Florida, and had most store of Maiz, except
Coca, and Apalache. There came to the campe an Indian, accompanied with
others, and in the Caciques name gaue the Gouernour a mantle of Marterns
skinnes, and a cordon of perles. The Gouernour gaue him a few small
Margarites, which are certaine beades much esteemed in Peru, and other
things, wherewith he was very well contented. He promised to returne
within two daies, but neuer came againe: but on the contrarie the
Indians came by night in canoes, and carried away all the Maiz they
could, and made them cabins on the other side of the Riuer in the
thickest of the wood, because they might flee if wee should goe to seeke
them. The Gouernour seeing hee came not at the time appointed, commanded
an ambush to be laid about certaine store-houses neere the lake, whither
the Indians came for Maiz: where they tooke two Indians, who told the
Gouernour, that hee which came to visit him, was not the Cacique, but
was sent by him vnder pretence to spie whether the Christians were
carelesse, and whether they determined to settle in that country or to
goe forward. Presently the Gouernour sent a Captaine with footmen and
horsemen ouer the riuer; and in their passage they were descried of the
Indians, and therefore he could take but tenne or twelue men and women,
with whom hee returned to the campe. This Riuer which passed by Nilco,
was that which passed by Cayas and Autiamque, and fell into Rio grande,
or the Great Riuer, which passed by Pachaha and Aquixo neere vnto the
prouince of Guachoya: and the Lord thereof came vp the Riuer in canoes
to make warre with him of Nilco. On his behalf there came an Indian to
the Gouernour and said vnto him, That he was his seruant, and prayed him
so to hold him, and that within two daies hee would come to kisse his
Lordships hands: and at the time appointed he came with some of his
principal Indians, which accompanied him, and with words of great offers
and courtesie hee gaue the Gouernour a present of many mantles and
Deeres skinnes. The Gouernour gaue him some other things in recompense,
and honoured him much. Hee asked him what townes there were downe the
Riuer? He answered that he knew none other but his owne: and on the
other side of the Riuer a prouince of a Cacique called Quigalta. So hee
tooke his leaue of the Gouernour and went to his owne towne. Within few
daies the Gouernour determined to goe to Guachoya, to learne there
whether the Sea were neere, or whether there were any habitation neere,
where hee might relieue his companie, while the brigantines were making,
which he meant to send to the land of the Christians. As he passed the
Riuer of Nilco, there came in canoes Indians of Guachoya vp the streame,
and when they saw him, supposing that he came to seeke them to doe them
some hurt, they returned downe the Riuer, and informed the Cacique
thereof: who with all his people, spoiling the towne of all that they
could carrie away, passed that night ouer to the other side of Rio grande,
or the Great Riuer. The [Sidenote: Foure names of Rio grande.] Gouernour
sent a Captaine with fiftie men in sixe canoes downe the Riuer, and went
himselfe by land with the rest: hee came to Guachoya vpon Sunday the 17.
of April: he lodged in the towne of the Cacique, which was inclosed about,
and seated a crossebow shot distant from the Riuer. Here the Riuer is
called Tamaliseu, and in Nilco Tapatu, and in Coça Mico, and in the port
or mouth Ri.
Chap. XXIX.
Of the message which the Gouernour sent to Quigalta, and of the
answere which he returned; and of the things which happened in
this time.
As soone as the Gouernour come to Guachoya, hee sent Iohn Danusco with
as many men as could goe in the canoes vp the Riuer. For when they came
downe from Nilco, they saw on the other side the Riuer new cabins made.
Iohn Danusco went and brought the canoes loden with Maiz, French beanes,
Prunes, and many loaues made of the substance of prunes. That day came
an Indian to the Gouernour from the Cacique of Guachoya, and said, that
his Lord would come the next day. The next day they saw many canoes come
vp the Riuer, and on the other side of the great Riuer, they assembled
together in the space of an houre: they consulted whether they should
come or not; and at length concluded to come, and crossed the Riuer. In
them came the Cacique of Guachoya, and brought with him manie Indians
with great store of Fish, Dogges, Deeres skinnes, and Mantles: And
assoone as they landed, they went to the lodging of the Gouernour, and
presented him their gifts, and the Cacique vttered these words:
Mightie and excellent Lord, I beseech your Lordship to pardon mee the
errour which I committed in absenting my selfe, and not tarrying in this
towne to haue receiued and serued your Lordship; since, to obtaine this
opportunitie of time, was, and is as much as a great victorie to me. But
I feared that, which I needed not to haue feared, and so did that which
was not reason to do; But as haste maketh waste, and I remoued without
deliberation; so, as soone as I thought on it, I determined not to
follow the opinion of the foolish, which is, to continue in their
errour; but to imitate the wise and discreet, in changing my counsell,
and so I came to see what your Lordship will command me to doe, that I
may serue you in all things that are in my power.
The Gouernour receiued him with much ioy, and gaue him thankes for his
present and offer. He asked him, whether hee had any notice of the Sea.
Hee answered, no, nor of any townes downe the Riuer on that side; saue
that two leagues from thence was one towne of a principall Indian a
subiect of his; and on the other side of the Riuer, three daies iourney
from thence downe the Riuer, was the Prouince of Quigalta, which was the
greatest Lord that was in that Countrie. The Gouernour thought that the
Cacique lied vnto him, to rid him out of his owne townes, and sent Iohn
Danusco with eight horsemen downe the Riuer, to see what habitation
there was, and to informe himselfe, if there were any notice of the Sea.
Hee trauelled eight daies, and at his returne hee said, that in all that
time he was not able to go aboue 14. or 15. leagues, because of the
great creekes that came out of the Riuer, and groues of canes, and
thicke woods that were along the banks of the Riuer, and that hee had
found no habitation. [Sidenote: The Gouernor falleth sick of thought.]
The Gouernour fell into great dumps to see how hard it was to get to the
Sea: and worse, because his men and horses euery day diminished, being
without succour to sustaine themselues in the country: and with that
thought he fell sick. But before he tooke his bed hee sent an Indian to
the Cacique at Quigalta to tell him, that hee was the Childe of the
Sunne, and that all the way that hee came all men obeyed and serued him,
that he requested him to accept of his friendship, and come vnto him;
for he would be very glad to see him; and in signe of loue and obedience
to bring something with him of that which in his countrie was most
esteemed. The Cacique answered by the same Indian:
[Sidenote: A most wittie and stout answere of the Cacique of Quigalta.]
That whereas he said he was the Child of the Sunne, if he would drie vp
the Riuer he would beleeue him: and touching the rest, that he was wont
to visit none; but rather that all those of whom he had notice did visit
him, serued, obeyed and paid him tributes willingly or perforce:
therefore if hee desired to see him, it were best he should come
thither: that if hee came in peace, he would receiue him with speciall
good will; and if in warre, in like manner hee would attend him in the
towne where he was, and that for him or any other hee would not shrinke
one foote backe.
By that time the Indian returned with this answere, the Gouernour had
betaken himselfe to bed, being euill handled with feuers, and was much
agrieued, that he was not in case to passe presently the Riuer and to
seeke him, to see if he could abate that pride of his, considering the
Riuer went now very strongly in those parts; for it was neere halfe a
league broad, and 16. fathomes deep, and very furious, and ranne with a
great current; and on both sides there were many Indians, and his power
was not now so great, but that hee had need to helpe himselfe rather by
slights then by force. The Indians of Guachoya came euery day with fish
in such numbers, that the towne was full of them. The Cacique said, that
on a certaine night hee of Quigalta would come to giue battell to the
Gouernour. Which the Gouernour imagined that he had deuised, to driue
him out of his countrey, and commanded him to bee put in hold: and that
night and all the rest, there was good watch kept. Hee asked him
wherefore Quigalta came not? He said that hee came, but that he saw him
prepared, and therefore durst not giue the attempt: and hee was earnest
with him to send his Captaines ouer the Riuer, and that he would aide
him with many men to set vpon Quigalta. The Gouernour told him that
assoone as he was recouered, himselfe would seeke him out. And seeing
how many Indians came daily to the towne, and what store of people was
in that countrie, fearing they should al conspire together and plot some
treason against him; and because the towne had some open gaps which were
not made an end of inclosing, besides the gates which they went in and
out by: because the Indians should not thinke he feared them, he let
them all alone vnrepaired; and commanded the horsemen to be appointed to
them, and to the gates: and all night the horsemen went the round; and
two and two of euery squadron rode about, and visited the skouts that
were without the towne in their standings by the passages, and the
crossebowmen that kept the canoes in the Riuer. And because the Indians
should stand in feare of him, hee determined to send a Captaine to
Nilco, for those of Guachoya had told him that it was inhabited; that by
vsing them cruelly, neither the one nor the other should presume to
assaile him; and hee sent Nunnez de Touar with fifteene horsemen, and
Iohn de Guzman Captaine of the footmen with his companie, in canoes vp
the Riuer. The Cacique of Guachoya sent for many canoes and many warlike
Indians to goe with the Christians: and the Captaine of the Christians,
called Nunnez de Touar, went by land with his horsemen, and two leagues
before he came to Nilco hee staied for Iohn de Guzman, and in that place
they passed the Riuer by night: the horsemen came first, and in the
morning by breake of day in sight of the towne they lighted upon a spie;
which assoone as he perceiued the Christians, crying out amaine fled to
the towne to giue warning. Nunnez de Touar and his companie made such
speed, that before the Indians of the towne could fully come out, they
were vpon them: it was champion ground that was inhabited, which was
about a quarter of a league. [Sidenote: Five or sixe thousand people in
Nilco.] There were about fiue or sixe thousand people in the towne: and,
as many people came out of the houses, and fled from one house to
another, and many Indians came flocking together from all parts, there
was neuer a horseman that was not alone among many. The Captaine had
commanded that they should not spare the life of any male. Their
disorder was so great, that there was no Indian that shot an arrow at
any Christian. The shreekes of women and children were so great, that
they made the eares deafe of those that followed them. There were slaine
an hundred Indians, little more or lesse: and many were wounded with
great wounds, whom they suffered to escape to strike a terror in the
rest that were not there. There were some so cruell and butcherlike,
that they killed old and young, and all that they met, though they made
no resistance: and those which presumed of themselues for their valour,
and were taken for such, brake through the Indians, bearing downe many
with their stirrops and brests of their horses; and some they wounded
with their lances, and so let them goe: and when they saw any youth or
woman they tooke them, and deliuered them to the footmen. "These mens
sinnes by Gods permission lighted on their own heads: who, because they
would seeme valiant, became cruell; shewing themselues extreme cowards
in the sight of all men, when as most neede of valour was required, and,
afterward[1] they came to a shameful death." Of the Indians of Nilco
were taken prisoners, fourescore women and children, and much spoile.
The Indians of Guachoya kept back before they came at the towne, and
staied without, beholding the successe of the Christians with the men of
Nilco. And when they saw them put to flight, and the horsemen busie in
killing of them, they hastened to the houses to rob, and filled their
canoes with the spoile of the goods; and returned to Guachoya before the
Christians; and wondring much at the sharpe dealing which they had seene
them vse toward the Indians of Nilco, they told their Cacique all that
had passed with great astonishment.
[1] Chap. 37.
Chap. XXX.
Of the death of the Adelantado Fernando de Soto: And how Aluarado
was elected Gouernour in his stead.
The Gouernour felt in himselfe that the houre approched, wherein hee was
to leaue this present life, and called for the Kings officers, Captaines
and principall persons, to whom he made a speech, saying:
That now he was to goe to giue an account before the presence of God of
all his life past: and since it pleased him to take him in such a time,
and that the time was come that he knew his death, that he his most
vnworthie seruant did yeeld him many thankes therefore; and desired all
that were present and absent (whom he confessed himselfe to be much
beholding vnto for their singular vertues, loue and loyaltie, which
himselfe had well tried in the trauels, which they had suffered, which
alwaies in his mind he did hope to satisfie and reward, when it should
please God to giue him rest, with more prosperitie of his estate,) that
they would pray to God for him, that for his mercie he would forgiue him
his sinnes, and receiue his soule into eternall glorie: and that they
would quit and free him of the charge which hee had ouer them, and ought
vnto them all, and that they would pardon him for some wrongs which they
might haue receiued of him: And to auoid some diuision, which vpon his
death might fall out vpon the choice of his successour, he requested
them to elect a principall person, and able to gouerne, of whom all
should like well; and when he was elected, they should sweare before him
to obey him: and that he would thanke them very much in so doing;
because the griefe that he had, would somewhat be asswaged, and the
paine that he felt, because he left them in so great confusion, to wit,
in leauing them in a strange Countrie, where they knew not where they
were.
Baltasar de Gallegos answered in the name of all the rest: And first of
all comforting him, he set before his eies how short the life of this
world was, and with how many troubles and miseries it is accompanied,
and how God shewed him a singular fauor which soonest left it: telling
him many other things fit for such a time. And for the last point, that
since it pleased God to take him to himselfe, although his death did
justly grieue them much, yet as wel he, as al the rest, ought of
necessitie to conforme themselues to the will of God. And touching the
Gouernour which he commanded they should elect, he besought him, that it
would please his Lordship to name him which he thought fit, and him they
would obey. And presently he named Luys de Moscoso de Aluarado his
Captaine generall. And presently he was sworne by all that were present
and elected for Gouernour. [Sidenote: The death of Don Ferdinando de
Soto the 21. of May, 1542 at Guacoya.] The next day, being the 21. of
May, 1542. departed out of this life, the valorous, virtuous, and
valiant Captaine, Don Fernando de Soto, Gouernour of Cuba, and
Adelantado of Florida: whom fortune aduanced, as it vseth to doe others,
that hee might haue the higher fal. He departed in such a place, and at
such time, as in his sicknesse he had but little comfort; and the danger
wherein all his people were of perishing in that Countrie, which
appeared before their eies, was cause sufficient, why euery one of them
had need of comfort, and why they did not visit nor accompanie him as
they ought to haue done. Luys de Moscoso determined to conceale his
death from the Indians, because Ferdinando de Soto had made them
beleeue, That the Christians were immortall; and also because they tooke
him to be hardie, wise, and valiant: and if they should know that he was
dead, they would bee bold to set vpon the Christians, though they liued
peaceablie by them. [Sidenote: A wittie stratagem.] In regard of their
disposition, and because they were nothing constant, and beleeued all
that was tolde them, the Adelantado made them beleeue, that he knew some
things that passed in secret among themselues, without their knowledge,
how, or in what manner he came by them: and that the figure which
appeared in a glasse, which he shewed them, did tell him whatsoeuer they
practised and went about: and therefore neither in word nor deed durst
they attempt any thing that might bee preiudiciall vnto him.
Assoone as he was dead, Luis de Moscoso commanded to put him secretly in
an house, where hee remained three daies: and remoouing him from thence,
commanded him to bee buried in the night at one of the gates of the
towne within the wall. And as the Indians had seene him sick, and missed
him, so did they suspect what might bee. And passing by the place where
hee was buried, seeing the earth mooued, they looked and spake one to
another. Luys de Moscoso vnderstanding of it, commanded him to be taken
vp, by night, and to cast a great deale of sand into the mantles,
wherein he was winded vp, wherein hee was carried in a canoe, and
throwne into the middest of the Riuer. The Cacique of Guachoya inquired
for him, demanding what was become of his brother and Lord, the
Gouernour: Luys de Moscoso told him, that hee was gon to heauen, as many
other times hee did: and because hee was to stay there certaine daies
hee had left him in his place. The Cacique thought with himselfe that he
was dead; and commanded two young and well proportioned Indians to be
brought thither; [Sidenote: This is also the costome of the old
Tartars.] and said, that the vse of that Countrie was, when any Lord
died, to kill Indians to wait vpon him, and serue him by the way: and
for that purpose by his commandement were those come thither: and prayed
Luys de Moscoso to command them to be beheaded, that they might attend
and serue his Lord and brother. Luys de Moscoso told him, that the
Gouernour was not dead, but gone to heauen, and that of his owne
Christian souldiers, he had taken such as he needed, to serue him, and
praied him to command those Indians to be loosed and not to vse any such
bad custome from thencefoorth: straightway hee commanded them to be
loosed, and to get them home to their houses. And one of them would not
goe; saying, that hee would not serue him, that without desert had
judged him to death, but that hee would serue him as long as hee liued,
which had saued his life. [Sidenote: Seven hundred hogges.] Luys de
Moscoso caused all the goods of the Gouernor to be sold at an outcrie:
to wit, two men slaues, and two women slaues, and three horses, and 700.
hogges. For euery slaue or horse, they gaue two or three thousand
ducats: which were to be paied at the first melting of gold or siluer,
or at the diuision of their portion of inheritance. And they entered
into bonds, though in the Countrie there was not wherewith, to pay it
within a yeere after, and put in sureties for the same. Such as in
Spaine had no goods to bind, gaue two hundred ducats for an hog, giuing
assurance after the same maner. Those which had any goods in Spaine,
bought with more feare, and bought the lesse. From that time forward,
most of the companie had swine, and brought them vp, and fed vpon them;
and obserued Fridaies and Saturdaies, and the euenings of feasts, which
before they did not. For sometimes in two or three moneths they did eate
no flesh, and whensoeuer they could come by it, they did eate it.
Chap. XXXI.
How the Gouernour Luys de Moscoso departed from Guachoya, and went
to Chaguate; and thence to Aguacay.
Some were glad of the death of Don Ferdinando de Soto, holding for
certaine, that Luys de Moscoso (which was giuen to his ease) would
rather desire to be among the Christians at rest, then to continue the
labours of the warre in subduing and discouering of Countries; whereof
they were alreadie wearie, seeing the small profit that insued thereof.
The Gouernour commanded the Captaines and principall persons to meet to
consult and determine what they should doe. And being informed what
peopled habitation was round about, he vnderstood that to the West, the
Countrie was most inhabited, and that downe the Riuer beyond Quigalta
was vninhabited, and had little store of food. He desired them all, that
euerie one would giue his opinion in writing, and set his hand to it:
that they might resolue by generall consent, whether they should goe
downe the Riuer, or enter into the maine land. [Sidenote: Their general
resolution to trauell by land Westward.] All were of opinion, that it
was best to go by land toward the West, because Nueua Espanna was that
way: holding the voyage by sea more dangerous, and of greater hazard,
because they could make no ship of any strength to abide a storme,
neither had they Master, nor Pilot, Compasse, nor Chart, neither knew
they how farre the sea was off, nor had any notice of it: nor whether
the Riuer did make any great turning into the land, or had any great
fall the rocks, where all of them might be cast away. And some which had
seene the sea-chart, did find, that from the place where they were by
the sea coast to Noua Espanna, might bee 400. leagues, little more or
lesse; and said, that though they went somewhat about by land in seeking
a peopled Countrie, if some great wildernesse which they could not passe
did not hinder them, by spending that sommer in trauell, finding
prouision to passe the winter in some peopled Countrie, that the next
summer after they might come to some Christian land, and that it might
fortune in their trauel by land to find some rich Countrie, where they
might doe themselves good. The Gouernour, although he desired to get out
of Florida in shorter time, seeing the inconueniences they laid before
him in trauelling by sea, determined to follow that which seemed good
to them all. On Monday the fifth of Iune, he departed from Guachoya. The
Cacique gaue him a guide to Chaguate, and staied at home in his owne
towne. They passed through a prouince called Catalte: and hauing passed
a wildernesse of sixe daies iournie, the twentieth day of the moneth he
came to Chaguate. The Cacique of this Prouince had visited the Gouernour
Don Ferdinando de Soto at Autiamque, whither he brought him presents of
skinnes, and mantles and salt. And a day before Luys de Moscoso came to
his towne, we lost a Christian that was sicke; which hee suspected that
the Indians had slaine. Hee sent the Cacique word, that he should
command his people to seeke him vp, and send him vnto him, and that he
would hold him, as he did, for his friend: and if he did not, that
neither he, nor his, should escape his hands, and that hee would set his
Countrie on fire. Presently the Cacique came vnto him, and brought a
great present of mantles and skinnes, and the Christian that was lost,
and made this speech following:
Right excellent Lord, I would not deserue that conceit which you had of
me, for all the treasure of the world. What inforced me to goe to visit
and serue the excellent Lord Gouernour your father in Autiamque, which
you should haue remembred, where I offered my selfe with all loyaltie,
faith and loue, during my life to serue and obey him? What then could be
the cause, I hauing receiued fauours of him, and neither you nor he
hauing done me any wrong, that should mooue me to doe the thing, which I
ought not? Beleeue this of mee, that neither wrong, nor any worldly
interest, was able to make me to haue done it, nor shall be able to
blind me. But as in this life it is a naturall course, that after one
pleasure, many sorrowes doe follow: so by your indignation, fortune
would moderate the ioy, which my heart conceiueth with your presence;
and that I should erre, where I thought surest to haue hit the marke; in
harboring this Christian which was lost, and vsing him in such manner,
as he may tell himselfe, thinking that herin I did you service, with
purpose to deliuer him vnto you in Chaguate, and to serue you to the
vttermost of my power. If I deserue punishment for this, I will receiue
it at your hands, as from my Lord, as if it were a fauour. For the loue
which I did beare to the excellent Gouernour, and which I beare to you
hath no limit. And like as you giue me chastisement, so will you also
shew me fauour. And that which now I craue of you is this, to declare
your will vnto me, and those things, wherein I may bee able to doe you
the most and best seruice.
The Gouernour answered him, that because he did not find him in that
towne, hee was incensed against him, thinking he had absented himselfe,
as others had done: But seeing he now knew his loyaltie and loue, he
would alwaies hold him as a brother, and fauour him in all his affaires.
The Cacique went with him to the towne where he resided, which was a
daies iournie from thence. [Sidenote: Salt made of salt springs of
water.] They passed through a smal town, where there was a lake, where
the Indians made salt: and the Christians made some one day while they
rested there, of a brackish water, which sprang neere the towne in ponds
like fountaines. The Gouernour staied in Chaguate sixe daies. There he
was informed of the habitation that was toward the West. They told him,
that three daies iournie from thence was a Prouince called Aguacay. The
day that he departed from Chaguate, a Christian, called Francisco de
Guzman, the base sonne of a Gentleman of Siuill, staied behind, and went
to the Indians, with an Indian woman which he kept as his concubine, for
feare he should be punished for gaming debts, that he did owe. The
Gouernor had trauelled two daies before he missed him; hee sent the
Cacique word to seeke him vp, and to send him to Aguacay, whither he
trauelled: which hee did not performe. From the Cacique of Aguacay,
before they came into the Countrie, there met him on the way 15. Indians
with a present of skinnes, fish and rosted venison. The Gouernour came
to his towne on Wednesday, the fourth of Iulie. He found the towne
without people, and lodged in it: he staied there about a day; during
which, he made some roades, and tooke many men and women. There they had
knowledge of the South Sea. Here there was great store of salt made of
sand, which they gather in a vaine of ground like peeble stones. And it
was made as they make salt in Cayas.
Chap. XXXII.
How the Gouernour went from Aguacay to Naguatex, and what happened
vnto him.
The same day that the Gouernour departed from Aguacay he lodged in a
small towne subiect to the Lord of that prouince. The Campe pitched hard
by a lake of salt water; and that euening they made some salt there. The
day following hee lodged betweene two mountaines in a thinne groue of
wood. The next day hee came to a small towne called Pato. The fourth day
after his departure from Aguacay he came to the first habitation of a
prouince called Amaye. There an Indian was taken, which said that from
thence to Naguatex was a day and a halfes iourney: which they trauelled,
finding all the way inhabited places. Hauing passed the peopled countrie
of Amaye, on Saturday the 20. of Iulie they pitched their Campe at noone
betweene Amaye and Naguatex along the corner of a groue of very faire
trees. In the same place certaine Indians were discouered, which came to
view them. The horsemen went out to them, and killed six, and tooke two;
whom the Gouernour asked, wherefore they came? They said, to know what
people hee had, and what order they kept; and that the Cacique of
Naguatex their Lord had sent them, and that he, with other Caciques,
which came to aide him, determined that day to bid him battell. While
they were occupied in these questiones and answeres, there came many
Indians by two waies in two squadrons: and when they saw they were
descried, giuing a great crie they assaulted the Christians each
squadron by it selfe: but seeing what resistance the Christians made
them, they turned their backes and betooke themselues to flight, in
which many of them lost their liues: and most of the horsemen following
them in chase, carelesse of the Camp, other two squadrons of Indians,
which lay in ambush, set vpon the Christians that were in the Campe,
which also they resisted, who also had their reward as the first. After
the flight of the Indians, and that the Christians were retired, they
heard a great noise a crossebow shot from the place where they were. The
Gouernour sent twelue horsemen to see what it was. They found sixe
Christians, foure footemen and two horsemen, among many Indians; the
horsemen defending the footemen with great labour. These being of them
that chased the first two squadrons, had lost themselues, and comming to
recouer the Campe fell among those with whom they were fighting: and so
they, and those that came to succour them, slew many of the Indians, and
brought one aliue to the Campe: whom the Gouernour examined, who they
were that came to bid him battell. He told him, that they were the
Cacique of Naguatex, and of Amaye, and another of a prouince called
Hacanac, a Lord of great Countries and many subiects: and that the
Cacique of Naguatex came for Captaine and chiefest of them all. The
Gouernour commanded his right arme and nose to be cut off, and sent him
to the Cacique of Naguatex, charging him to tell him, that the next day
hee would be in his countrey to destroy him; and if hee would withstand
his entrance, hee should stay for him. That night he lodged there; and
the next day hee came to the habitation of Naguatex, which was very
scattering: he inquired where the Caciques chiefe towne was? They told
him that it was on the other side of a Riuer, that passed thereby: hee
trauelled thitherward, and came vnto it: and on the other side he saw
many Indians, that taried for him, making shew as though they would
defend the passage. And because hee knew not whether it could bee waded,
nor where the passage was; and that some Christians and horses were
hurt; that they might haue time to recouer, he determined to rest
certaine daies in the towne where he was. So hee pitched his campe a
quarter of a league from the Riuer, because the weather was very hot,
neere vnto the towne, in a thinne groue of very faire and hie trees
neere a brookes side: and in that place were certaine Indians taken;
whom hee examined, whether the Riuer were wadeable or no? They said,
yea, at some times, and in some places. [Sidenote: August.] [Sidenote:
They passe the Riuer.] Within ten daies after he sent two Captaines with
fifteene horsemen a peece vpward and downe the Riuer with Indians to
shew them where they should goe ouer, to see what habitation was on the
other side: And the Indians withstood them both, defending the passage
of the Riuer as farre as they were able, but they passed in despite of
them: and on the other side of the Riuer they saw great store of
victuals; and with these newes returned to the Camp.
Chap. XXXIII.
How the Cacique of Naguatex came to visite the Gouernour: and how
the Gouernour departed from Naguatex and came to Nondacao.
The Gouernour sent an Indian from Naguatex where hee lay, to command the
Cacique to come to serue and obey him, and that hee would forgiue him
all that was past; and if he came not, that he would seeke him, and giue
him such punishment as he had deserued for that which he had done
against him. Within two daies the Indian returned, and said that the
Cacique would come the next day: which, the same day when he came, sent
many Indians before him, among whom there were some principall men: hee
sent them to see what countenance they found in the Gouernour, to
resolue with himselfe whether hee should goe or not. The Indians let him
vnderstand, that he was comming, and went away presently: and the
Cacique came within two houres accompanied with many of his men: they
came all in a ranke one before another on both sides, leauing a lane in
the middest where hee came. [Sidenote: Tulla not far from Naguatex,
Eastward.] They came where the Gouernour was, all of them weeping after
the manner of Tulla, which was not farre from thence toward the East.
The Cacique made his due obedience, and this speech following:
Right high and mightie Lord, whom all the world ought to serue and obey,
I was bold to appeare before your Lordship, hauing committed so heinous
and abominable an act, as only for me to haue imagined, deserued to be
punished; trusting in your greatnes, that although I deserue to obtaine
no pardon, yet for your owne sake only you will vse clemencie toward me,
considering how small I am in comparison of your Lordship; and not to
think vpon my weaknesses, which, to my griefe and for my greater good, I
haue knowne. And I beleeue that you and yours are immortall; and that
your Lordship is Lord of the land of nature, seeing that you subdue all
things, and they obey you, euen the very hearts of men. For when I
beheld the slaughter and destruction of my men in the battell, which,
through mine ignorance, and the counsell of a brother of mine, which
died in the same, I gaue your Lordship, presently I repented me in my
heart of the error, which I had committed; and desired to serue and obey
you: and to this end I come, that your Lordship may chastise and command
mee as your owne.
The Gouernour answered him, that he forgaue him all which was past, that
from thenceforth hee should do his dutie, and that he would hold him for
his friend, and that he would fauour him in all things. [Sidenote: The
Riuer growne vnpassable in August, at Naguatex.] Within foure daies hee
departed thence, and comming to the Riuer he could not passe, because it
was growne very bigge; which seemed to him a thing of admiration, being
at that time that it was, and since it had not rained a moneth before.
The Indians said, that it increased many times after that manner
without raining in all the countrie. [Sidenote: Coniectures of a Sea to
the Northward.] It was supposed, that it might be the tide that came
into it. It was learned that the flood came alway from aboue, and that
the Indians of all that countrie had no knowledge of the Sea. The
Gouernour returned vnto the place where he had lodged before: and
vnderstanding within eight daies after that the Riuer was passable, he
departed. He passed ouer and found the towne without people: he lodged
in the field, and sent the Cacique word to come vnto him, and to bring
him a guide to goe forward. And some daies being past, seeing the
Cacique came not, nor sent any bodie, hee sent two Captaines sundrie
waies to burne the townes, and to take such Indians as they could finde:
They burnt great store of victuals, and took many Indians. The Cacique
seeing the hurt that he receiued in his countrie, sent sixe principall
Indians with three men for guides which knew the language of the
countrie, through which the Gouernour was to passe. Hee departed
presently from Naguatex, and within three daies iourney came to a towne
of foure or fiue houses, which belonged to the Cacique of that prouince,
which is called Nissoone: it was euill inhabited and had little Maiz.
Two daies iourney forward the guides which guided the Gouernour, if they
were to goe Westward, guided him to the East; and sometimes went vp and
downe through very great woods out of the way. The Gouernour commanded
them to bee hanged vpon a tree: and a woman that they tooke in Nissoone
guided him, and went backe againe to seeke the way. In two daies he came
to another miserable towne called Lacane: an Indian was taken in that
place, that said, that the countrie of Nondacao was a countrie of great
habitation, and the houses scattering the one from the other, as they
vse to bee in mountains, and had great store of Maiz. The Cacique came
with his men weeping, like them of Naguatex: for this is their vse in
token of obedience: hee made him a present of much fish, and offered to
doe what he would command him. Hee tooke his leaue, and gaue him a guide
to the prouince of Soacatino.
Chap. XXXIV.
How the Gouernour went from Nondacao to Soacatino and Guasco, and
passed through a desert, from whence, for want of a guide, and an
interpretour, he returned to Nilco.
The Gouernour departed from Nondacao toward Soacatino, and in fiue
daies iournie came to a Prouince called Aays. The Indians which
inhabited it, had no notice of the Christians: but assoone as they saw
that they entred into their country, they assembled themselues: and as
they came together 50. or 100. they came foorth to fight: while some
fought, others came and charged our men another way, and while they
followed some, others followed them. The fight lasted the greatest part
of the day, till they came to their towne. Some horses and men were
wounded, but not to any hurt of their trauelling: for there was no wound
that was dangerous. There was a great spoile made of the Indians. That
day that the Gouernour departed from thence, the Indian that guided him
said, that in Nondacao he had heard say, that the Indians of Soacatino
had seene other Christians, whereof they all were very glad: thinking it
might be true, and that they might haue entred into those parts by Nueua
Espanna; and that if it were so, it was in their owne hand to goe out of
Florida, if they found nothing of profit: for they feared they should
lose themselues in some wildernes. This Indian led him two daies out of
the way. The Gouernour commanded to torture him. He said, that the
Cacique of Nondacao, his Lord, had commanded him to guide them so,
because they were his enemies, and that hee was to doe as his Lord
commanded him. The Gouernour commanded him to be cast to the dogs: and
another guided him to Soacatino, whither hee came the day following. It
was a verie poore Countrie: there was great want of Maiz in that place.
Hee asked the Indians, whether they knew of any other Christians. They
said, that a little from thence toward the South they heard they were.
[Sidenote: 20. daies trauell toward the South.] He trauelled 20. daies
through a Countrie euill inhabited, where they suffered great scarcitie
and trouble. For that little Maiz which the Indians had, they had hidden
and buried in the woods, where the Christians, after they were well
wearied with their trauell, at the end of their iournie went to seeke by
digging what they should eat. [Sidenote: Guasco: here they found some
Turkie stones and mantles of cotton wooll. Chap. 35.] At last, comming
to a Prouince that was called Guasco, they found Maiz, wherewith they
loaded their horses, and the Indians that they had. From thence they
went to another towne called Naquiscoça. The Indians said, they had no
notice of any other Christians. The Gouernor commanded to torment them.
They said, that they came first to another Lordship, which was called
Naçacahoz, and from thence returned again to the West, from whence they
came. The Gouernour came in two daies to Naçacahoz: Some women were
taken there: among whom there was one, which said, that she had seene
Christians, and had been taken by them, and had run away. The Gouernour
sent a Captaine with 15. horsemen to the place where the women said she
had seene them, to see if there were any signe of horses, or any token
of their being there. After they had gone three or foure leagues the
woman that guided them said, that all that she had told them was vntrue.
And so they held all the rest that the Indians had said, of seeing
Christians in the land of Florida. And, because the Countrie that way
was poore of Maiz, and toward the West, there was no notice of any
habitation, they returned to Guasco. The Indians told them there, that
10. daies iournie from thence toward the West, was a Riuer called
Daycao; whither they went sometimes a hunting and killing of Deere: and
that they had seene people on the other side, but knew not what
habitation was there. [Sidenote: The Riuer of Daycayo: which seemeth to
be the Rio del oro.] There the Christians tooke such Maiz as they found
and could carrie, and, going 10. daies iournie through a wildernesse,
they came to the Riuer which the Indians had told them of. Ten horsemen,
which the Gouernour had sent before, passed ouer the same, and went in a
way that led to the Riuer, and lighted vpon a companie of Indians that
dwelt in verie little cabins: who, assoone as they saw them, tooke
themselues to flight, leauing that which they had; all which was nothing
but miserie and pouertie. The Countrie was so poore, that among them all
there was not found halfe a peck of Maiz. The horsemen tooke two
Indians, and returned with them to the Riuer, where the Gouernour staied
for them. He sought to learne of them what habitation was toward the
West. There was none in the Camp that could vnderstand their language.
The Gouernour assembled the Captaines and principall persons, to
determine with their aduice what they should doe. And the most part
said, that they thought it best to returne backe to Rio grande, or the
Great Riuer of Guachoya; because that in Nilco and thereabout was store
of Maiz: saying, that they would make pinaces that winter, and the next
sommer passe down the Riuer to seaward in them, and comming to the Sea
they would goe along the coast to Nueua Espanna. For though it seemed a
doubtfull thing and difficult, by that which they had already alleaged,
yet it was the last remedie they had. [Sidenote: No trauelling by land
without an interpretour.] For by land they could not goe for want of an
Interpretour. And they held, that the countrie beyond the Riuer of
Daycao, where they were, was that which Cabeça de Vaca mentioned in his
relation that he passed of the Indians, which liued like the Alarbes,
hauing no setled place, and fed vpon Tunas and rootes of the fields, and
wilde beasts that they killed. Which if it were so, if they should enter
into it and finde no victuals to passe the winter, they could not chuse
but perish. For they were entred alreadie into the beginning of October:
and if they staied any longer, they were not able to returne for raine
and snowes, nor to sustaine themselues in so poore a countrey. The
Gouernour (that desired long to see himselfe in a place where hee might
sleepe his full sleep, rather then to conquer and gouerne a countrie
where so many troubles presented themselues) presently returned back
that same way that he came.
Chap. XXXV.
How they returned to Nilco, and came to Minoya, where they agreed
to make ships to depart out of the land of Florida.
When that which was determined was published in the Campe, there were
many that were greatly grieued at it: for they held the Sea voyage as
doubtfull, for the euill meanes they had, and of as great danger, as the
trauelling by land: and they hoped to finde some rich countrie before
they came to the land of the Christians, by that which Cabeça de Vaca
had told the Emperour: and that was this; [Sidenote: Gold, siluer, and
precious stones in Florida.] That after hee had found clothes made of
cotton wooll, hee saw gold and siluer, and stones of great value. And
they had not yet come where hee had been. For vntill that place hee
alwaies trauelled by the Sea coast: and they trauelled farre within the
land; and that going toward the West, of necessitie they should come
where hee had been. For he said, That in a certain place he trauelled
many daies, and entred into the land toward the North. [Sidenote:
Turkie stones and mantles of cotton wooll found in Guasco.] And in Guasco
they had alreadie found some Turkie stones, and mantles of cotton wooll:
which the Indians signified by signes that they had from the West: and
that holding that course they should draw neere to the land of the
Christians. But though they were much discontented with it, and it
grieued many to goe backward, which would rather haue aduentured their
liues and haue died in the land of Florida, then to haue gone poore out
of it: yet were they not a sufficient part to hinder that which was
determined, because the principall men agreed with the Gouernour. And
afterward there was one that said, hee would put out one of his owne
eyes, to put out another of Luis de Moscoso; because it would grieue him
much to see him prosper: because aswell himself as others of his friends
had crossed that which he durst not haue done, seeing that within two
daies hee should leaue the gouernment. [Sidenote: 150. leagues betweene
the Riuer of Daycao, and Rio grande.] From Daycao, where now they were,
to Rio grande, or the Great Riuer, was 150. leagues: which vnto that
place they had gone Westward. And by the way as they returned backe they
had much adoe to find Maiz to eate: for where they had passed, the
countrey was destroyed: and some little Maiz that was left the Indians
had hidden. The townes which in Naguatex they had burned (whereof it
repented them) were repaired againe, and the houses full of Maiz.
[Sidenote: Fine earthen vessels.] This countrie is well inhabited and
plentifull. In that place are vessels made of clay, which differ very
little from those of Estremoz, or Monte-mor. In Chaguate the Indians by
commandement of the Cacique came peaceably, and said, that the Christian
which remained there would not come. The Gouernour wrote vnto him, and
sent him inke and paper that he might answere. The substance of the
words of the letter was to declare vnto him his determination, which
was, to goe out of the land of Florida, and to put him in remembrance
that he was a Christian, that hee would not remaine in the subiection of
Infidels, that he pardoned him the fault which he had done in going away
to the Indians, that hee should come vnto him: and if they did stay him,
that hee would aduertise him thereof by writing. The Indian went with
the letters and came again without any more answere, then, on the back
side, his name and his seale, that they might know he was aliue. The
Gouernour sent twelue horsemen to seeke him: but he, which had his
spies, so hid himselfe, that they could not find him. For want of Maiz
the Gouernour could not stay any longer to seeke him. Hee departed from
Chaguate, and passed the Riuer by Aays; going downe by it hee found a
towne called Chilano, which as yet they had not seen. They came to
Nilco, and found so little Maiz, as could not suffice till they made
their ships; because the Christians, being in Guachoya in the seede
time, the Indians for feare of them durst not come to sow the grounds of
Nilco: and they knew not thereabout any other countrie where any Maiz
was: and that was the most fruitfull soile that was thereaway, and where
they had most hope to finde it. Euery one was confounded, and the most
part thought it bad counsell to come backe from the Riuer of Dacayo, and
not to haue followed their fortune, going that way that went ouer land.
For by Sea it seemed impossible to saue themselues, vnlesse God would
worke a miracle for them: for there was neither Pilot, nor Sea-chart,
neither did they know where the Riuer entred into the Sea, neither had
they notice of it, neither had they any thing wherewith to make sailes,
nor any store of Enequem, which is a grasse whereof they make Okam,
which grew there: and that which they found they saued to calke the
Pinaces withall, neither had they any thing to pitch them withall:
neither could they make ships of such substance, but that any storme
would put them in great danger: and they feared much it would fall out
with them, as it did with Pamphilo de Naruaez, which was cast away vpon
that coast: And aboue all it troubled them most, that they could find no
Maiz: for without it they could not bee sustained, nor could doe any
thing that they had neede of. All of them were put to great confusion.
Their chiefe remedy was to commit themselues to God, and to beseech him
that he would direct them the way that they might saue their liues. And
it pleased him of his goodnesse, that the Indians of Nilco came
peaceablie, and told them, that two daies iourney from thence, neere
vnto the Great Riuer, were two townes, whereof the Christians had no
notice, and that the prouince was called Minoya, and was a fruitfull
soile: that, whether at this present there was any Maiz or no, they knew
not, because they had warre with them: but that they would be very glad
with the fauour of the Christians to goe and spoyle them. The Gouernour
sent a Captaine thither with horsemen and footmen, and the Indians of
Nilco with him. Hee came to Minoya, and found two great townes seated
in a plaine and open soile, halfe a league distant, one in sight of
another, and in them hee tooke many Indians, and found great store of
Maiz. Presently he lodged in one of them, and sent word to the Gouernour
what hee had found: wherewith they were all exceeding glad. They
departed from Nilco in the beginning of December; and all that way, and
before from Chilano, they endured much trouble: for they passed through
many waters, and many times it rained with a Northren winde, and was
exceeding cold, so that they were in the open field with water ouer and
vnderneath them: and when at the end of their daies iourney they found
drie ground to rest vpon, they gaue great thanks to God. With this
trouble almost all the Indians that serued them died. And after they
were in Minoya, many Christians also died: and the most part were sicke
of great and dangerous diseases, which had a spice of the lethargie. At
this place died Andrew de Vasconcelos, and two Portugals of Eluas, which
were very neere him: which were brethren, and by their surname called
Sotis. The Christians lodged in one of the townes, which they liked
best: which was fensed about, and distant a quarter of a league from the
Great Riuer. The Maiz that was in the other towne was brought thither;
and in all it was esteemed to bee 6000. hanegs or bushels. And there was
the best timber to make ships, that they had seene in all the land of
Florida: wherefore all of them gaue God great thankes for so singular a
fauour, and hoped that that which they desired would take effect, which
was, that they might safely bee conducted into the land of the
Christians.
Chap. XXXVI.
How there were seuen Brigandines builded, and how they departed
from Minoya.
Assoone as they came to Minoya, the Gouernor commanded them to gather
all the chaines together, which euerie one had to lead Indians in; and
to gather all the yron which they had for their prouision, and al the
rest that was in the Camp: and to set vp a forge to make nailes, and
commanded them to cut downe timber for the brigandines. And a Portugall
of Ceuta, who hauing bin a prisoner in Fez, had learned to saw timber
with a long saw, which for such purposes they had carried with them,
did teach others, which helped him to saw timber. And a Genowis, whom it
pleased God to preserue (for without him they had neuer come out of the
countrie: for there has neuer another that could make ships but hee)
with foure or fiue other Biscaine carpenters, which hewed his plancks
and other timbers, made the brigandines: And two calkers, the one of
Genua, the other of Sardinia did calke them with the tow of an hearb
like hempe, whereof before I haue made mention, which there is named
Enequen. And because there was not enough of it, they calked them with
the flaxe of the Countrie, and with the mantles, which they rauelled for
that purpose. A cooper which they had among them fell sicke, and was at
the point of death: and there was none other that had any skill in that
trade: it pleased God to send him his health: And albeit he was verie
weake, and could not labour; yet 15. daies before they departed, he made
for euery brigandine two halfe hogs heads, which the mariners call
quarterets, because foure of them hold a pipe of water. [Sidenote:
Taguanate two daies iourney aboue Minoya.] The Indians which dwelt two
daies iournie aboue the Riuer in a Prouince called Taguanate, and
likewise those of Nilco and Guacoya, and others their neighbours seeing
the brigandines in making, thinking, because their places of refuge are
in the water, that they were to goe to seeke them: and because the
Gouernour demanded mantles of them, as necessarie for sailes, came many
times, and brought many mantles, and great store of fish. And for
certaine it seemed that God was willing to fauour them in so great
necessitie, moouing the minds of the Indians to bring them: for to goe
to take them, they were neuer able. For in the towne where they were,
assoone as winter came in, they were so inclosed and compassed with
water, that they could go no farther by land, then a league, and a
league and an half. [Sidenote: The great vse of horses.] And if they
would go farther, they could carrie no horses, and without them they
were not able to fight with the Indians, because they were many: and so
many for so many (numbers being equal) on foote they had the aduantage
of them by water and by land, because they were more apt and lighter,
and by reason of the disposition of the Countrie, which was according to
their desire for the vse of their warre. They brought also some cords,
and those which wanted for cables were made of the barkes of Mulberrie
trees. They made stirrops of wood, and made ankers of their stirrops.
[Sidenote: The mightie increasing of the Riuer for two moneths space, to
wit, all March and April.] In the moneth of March, when it had not
rained a moneth before, the Riuer grew so big, that it came to Nilco,
which was nine leagues off: and on the other side, the Indians said,
that it reached other nine leagues into the land. In the towne where the
Christians were, which was somewhat high ground, where they could best
goe, the water reached to the stirrops. They made certaine rafts of
timber, and laid manie boughes vpon them, wheron they set their horses,
and in the houses they did the like. But seeing that nothing preuailed,
they went vp to the lofts: and if they went out of the houses, it was in
canoes, or on horseback in those places where the ground was hiest. So
they were two moneths, and could doe nothing, during which time the
Riuer decreased not. The Indians ceased not to come vnto the brigantines
as they were wont, and came in canoes. At that time the Gouernour feared
they would set vpon him. Hee commanded his men to take an Indian
secretly of those that came to the towne, and to stay him till the rest
were gone: and they tooke one. The Gouernour commanded him to bee put to
torture, to make him confesse, whether the Indians did practise any
treason or no. [Sidenote: The grand conspiracie of the Indians against
the Christians.] Hee confessed that the Caciques of Nilco, Guachoya, and
Taguanate, and others, which in al were about 20. Caciques, with a great
number of people, determined to come vpon him; and that three daies
before, they would send a great present of fish to colour their great
treason and malice, and on the verie day they would send some Indians
before with another present. [Sidenote: Note well.] And these with those
which were our slaues, which were of their conspiracie also, should set
the houses on fire, and first of all possesse themselues of the lances
which stood at the doores of the houses; and the Caciques with all their
men should bee neere the towne in ambush in the wood, and when they saw
the fire kindled, should come, and make an end of the conquest. The
Gouernour commanded the Indian to be kept in a chaine, and the selfesame
day that he spake of there came 30. Indians with fish. [Sidenote:
Thirtie Indians of the Cacique of Guachoya haue their right hands cut
off.] He commanded their right hands to be cut off, and sent them so
backe to the Cacique of Guachoya, whose men they were. He sent him word,
that he and the rest should come when they would, for he desired
nothing more, and that hee should know, that they thought not any thing
which he knew not before they thought of it. Hereupon they all were put
in a very great feare: And the Caciques of Nilco and Taguanate came to
excuse themselues: and a few daies after came he of Guachoya, and a
principall Indian and his subiect, said, he knew by certaine
information, That the Caciques of Nilco and Taguanate were agreed to
come and make warre vpon the Christians. Assoone as the Indians came
from Nilco, the Gouernour examined them, and they confessed it was true.
Hee deliuered them presently to the principall man of Guachoya, which
drew them out of the towne and killed them. Another day came some from
Taguanate, and confessed it likewise. [Sidenote: The right hands and
noses of traitours cut off.] The Gouernour commanded their right hands
and noses to be cut off, and sent them to the Cacique, wherewith they of
Guachoya remained very well contented: and they came oftentimes with
presents of mantles and fish, and hogs, which bred in the Countrie of
some swine that were lost by the way the last yeere. Assoone as the
waters were slaked, they perswaded the Gouernour to send men to
Taguanate: They came and brought canoes, wherein the footemen were
conueied downe the Riuer, and a Captaine with horsemen went by land; and
the Indians of Guachoya, which guided him, till they came to Taguanate,
assaulted the towne, and tooke many men and women, and mantles, which
with those that they had alreadie were sufficient to supplie their want.
[Sidenote: The Riuer increaseth but once a yeere when the snowes doe
melt in March and Aprill.] The brigandines being finished in the moneth
of Iune, the Indians hauing told vs, That the Riuer increased but once a
yeere, when the snowes did melt, in the time wherein I mentioned it had
alreadie increased, being now in sommer, and hauing not rained a long
time, it pleased God, that the flood came vp to the towne to seeke the
brigandines, from whence they carried them by water to the Riuer.
[Sidenote: A miraculous accident.] Which, if they had gone by land, had
been in danger of breaking and splitting their keeles, and to bee all
vndone; because that for want of iron, the spikes were short, and the
planckes and timber very weake. The Indians of Minoya, during the time
that they were there, came to serue them (being driuen thereunto by
necessity) that of the Maiz which they had taken from them they would
bestow some crummes vpon them. And because the Countrie was fertill, and
the people vsed to feed of Maiz, and the Christians had gotten all from
them that they had, and the people were many, they were not able to
sustaine themselues. Those which came to the towne were so weake and
feeble, that they had no flesh left on their bones: and many came and
died neere the towne for pure hunger and weaknesse. The Gouernour
commanded vpon grieuous punishments to giue them no Maiz. Yet, when they
saw that the hogges wanted it not, and that they had yeelded themselues
to serue them, and considering their miserie and wretchednes, hauing
pity of them, they gaue them part of the Maiz which they had. And when
the time of their embarkment came, there was not sufficient to serue
their own turnes. That which there was, they put into the brigandines,
and into great canoes tied two and two together. They shipped 22. of the
best horses, that were in the Camp, the rest they made dried flesh of;
and dressed the hogges which they had in like manner. They departed from
Minoya the second day of Iulie, 1543.
Chap. XXXVII.
As the Christians went downe the great Riuer on their voyage, the
Indians of Quigalta did set vpon them, and what was the successe
thereof.
The day before they departed from Minoya, they determined to dismisse al
the men and women of the Countrie, which they had detained as slaues to
serue them, saue some hundred, little more or lesse, which the Gouernour
embarked, and others whom it pleased him to permit. And because there
were many men of qualitie, whom he could not deny that which he granted
to others, he vsed a policy, saying, that they might serue them as long
as they were in the Riuer, but when they came to the sea, they must send
them away for want of water, because they had but few vessels. He told
his friends in secret, that they should carrie theirs to Nueua Espanna:
And all those whom hee bare no good will vnto (which were the greater
number) ignorant of that which was hidden from them, which afterward
time discouered, thinking it inhumanitie for so little time of seruice,
in reward of the great seruice that they had done them, to carrie them
with them, [Sidenote: 500. Slaues left in the Countrie.] to leaue them
slaues to other men out of their owne Countries; left fiue hundred men
and women: among whom were many boies and girles, which spake and
vnderstood the Spanish tongue. The most of them did nothing but weepe:
which mooued great compassion; seeing that all of them with good will
would haue become Christians, and were left in state of perdition.
[Sidenote: They sailed down Rio Grande from Minoya 17. daies before they
came to the mouth thereof.] There went from Minoya 322. Spaniards in
seuen brigandines, well made, saue that the plankes were thin, because
the nailes were short, and were not pitched, nor had any decks to keep
the water from comming in. In stead of decks they laid planks, whereon
the mariners might runne to trim their sailes, and the people might
refresh themselues aboue and below: The Gouernour made his Captaines,
and gaue to euery one his brigandine, and took their oth and their word,
that they would obey him, vntill they came to the land of the
Christians. The Gouernour tooke one of the brigandines for himself,
which he best liked. The same day that they departed from Minoya, they
passed by Guachoya, where the Indians tarried for them in canoes by the
Riuer. And on the shore, they had made a great arbour with boughes: They
desired him to come on shore; but he excused himselfe, and so went
along: The Indians in their canoes accompanied him; and comming where an
arme of the Riuer diclined on the right hand, they said, that the
Prouince of Quigalta was neere vnto that place, and importuned the
Gouernour to set vpon him, and that they would aide him. And because
they had said, that he dwelt three daies journie down the Riuer, the
Gouernour supposed that they had plotted some treason against him, and
there left them; and went downe with the greatest force of the water.
The current was very strong, and with the helpe of ores, they went very
swiftly. The first day they landed in a wood on the left hand of the
Riuer, and at night they withdrew themselues to the brigandines.
[Sidenote: The second day.] The next day they came to a towne, where
they went on shore, and the people that was in it durst not tarrie. A
woman that they tooke there being examined, said, that that towne
belonged to a Cacique named Huasene, subiect to Quigalta, and that
Quigalta tarried for them below in the Riuer with many men. Certaine
horsemen went thither, and found some houses, wherein was much Maiz.
Immediately more of them went thither and tarried there one day,
[Sidenote: Another day.] in which they did beate out, and tooke as much
Maiz as they needed. While they were there, many Indians came from the
nether part of the Riuer, and on the other side right against them
somewhat carelessely set themselues in order to fight. The Gouernour
sent in two canoes the crossebowmen that he had, and as many more as
could goe in them. They ran away, and seeing the Spaniards could not
ouertake them, they returned backe, and tooke courage; and coming
neerer, making an outcrie, they threatned them: and assoone as they
departed thence, they went after them, some in canoes, and some by land
along the Riuer; and getting before, comming to a towne that stood by
the Riuers side, they ioyned al together, making a shew that they would
tarrie there. Euerie brigandine towed a canoe fastened to their sternes
for their particular seruice. [Sidenote: A town burned.] Presently
there entred men into euerie one of them, which made the Indians to
flie, and burned the town. The same day they presently landed in a great
field, where the Indians durst not tarrie. [Sidenote: The third day. A
fleet of an hundred faire and great canoes.] The next day there were
gathered together an hundred canoes, among which were some that carried
60. and 70. men, and the principall mens canoes had their tilts, and
plumes of white and red feathers for their ensignes: and they came
within two crossebow shot of the brigandines, and sent three Indians in
a small canoe with a fained message to view the manner of the
brigandines, and what weapons they had. And comming to the side of the
Gouernours brigandine, one of the Indians entred, and said:
That the Cacique of Quigalta his Lord, sent him his commendations, and
did let him vnderstand, that all the Indians of Guachoya had told him
concerning himselfe, was false, and that they had incensed him, because
they were his enemies; that he was his seruant, and should find him so.
The Gouernour answered him, that he beleeued all that he said was true,
and willed him to tell him, that he esteemed his friendship very much.
With this answer they returned to the place where the rest in their
canoes were waiting for them, and from thence all of them fell downe,
and came neere the Spaniards, shouting aloud, and threatning of them.
The Gouernour sent Iohn de Guzman, which had been a Captaine of footemen
in Florida, with 15. armed men in canoes to make them giue way. Assoone
as the Indians saw them come towards them, they diuided themselues into
two parts, and stood still till the Spaniards came nie them, and when
they were come neere them, they ioyned together on both sides, taking
Iohn de Guzman in the middest, and then they came first with him, and
with great furie borded them: And as their canoes were bigger, and many
of them leaped into the water to stay them, and to lay hold on the
canoes of the Spaniards, and ouerwhelme them; so presently they
ouerwhelmed them. The Christians fell into the water, and with the
weight of their armour sunke downe to the bottome: and some few, that by
swimming or holding by the canoe could haue saued themselues, with oares
and staues, which they had, they strooke them on the head and made them
sinke. When they of the brigandines saw the ouerthrow, though they went
about to succour them, yet through the current of the Riuer they could
not goe backe. Foure Spaniards fled to the brigandine that was neerest
to the canoes; and only these escaped of those that came among the
Indians. [Sidenote: Eleven Spaniards drowned.] They were eleuen that
died there: among whom Iohn de Guzman was one, and a sonne of Don
Carlos, called Iohn de Vargas: the rest also were persons of account and
men of great courage. Those that escaped by swimming, said that they saw
the Indians enter the canoe of John de Guzman at the sterne of one of
their canoes, and whether they carried him away dead or aliue they could
not certainly tell.
Chap. XXXVIII.
Which declareth how they were pursued by the Indians.
The Indians, seeing that they had gotten the victorie, tooke such
courage, that they assaulted them in the brigandines, which they durst
not doe before. [Sidenote: 25. Spaniards wounded.] They came first to
that brigandine wherein Calderon went for Captaine, and was in the
rereward: and at the first volie of arrowes they wounded 25. men. There
were only foure armed men in this brigandine: these did stand at the
brigandines side to defend it. Those that were vnarmed, seeing how they
hurt them, left their oares and went vnder the deck: whereupon the
brigandine began to crosse, and to goe where the current of the streame
carried it. One of the armed men seeing this, without the commandement
of the Captaine, made a footman to take an oare and stirre the
brigandine, hee standing before him and defending him with his target.
[Sidenote: The great vse of large targets.] The Indians came no neerer
then a bowshot, from whence they offended and were not offended,
receiuing no hurt: for in euery brigandine was but one crossebow, and
those which wee had were very much out of order. So that the Christians
did nothing else but stand for a butte to receiue their arrowes. Hauing
left this brigandine they went to another, and fought with it halfe an
houre; and so from one to another they fought with them all. [Sidenote:
Strong mats a good defence against arrowes.] The Christians had mattes
to lay vnder them, which were double, and so close and strong, that no
arrow went thorow them. And assoone as the Indians gaue them leisure,
they fensed the brigandines with them. And the Indians seeing that they
could not shoote leuell, shot their arrowes at random vp into the aire,
which fell into the brigandines, and hurt some of the men: and not
therewith contented, they sought to get to them which were in the canoes
with the horses. Those of the brigandines enuironed them to defend them,
and tooke them among them. Thus seeing themselues much vexed by them,
and so wearied that they could no longer endure it, they determined to
trauell all the night following, thinking to get beyond the countrie of
Quigalta, and that they would leaue them: but when they thought least of
it, supposing they had now left them, they heard very neere them so
great outcries, that they made them deafe, and so they followed vs all
that night, and the next day till noone, by which time we were come into
the countrie of others, whom they desired to vse vs after the same
manner; and so they did. The men of Quigalta returned home; and the
other in fiftie canoes fought with vs a whole day and a night: and they
entred one of the brigandines, that came in the rereward by the canoe
which she had at her sterne, and tooke away a woman which they found in
it, and afterward hurt some of the men of the brigandines. Those which
came with the horses in the canoes, being wearie with rowing night and
day, lingered behind; and presently the Indians came vpon them, and they
of the brigandines tarried for them. The Gouernour resolued to goe on
shore and to kill the horses, because of the slow way which they made
because of them. Assoone as they saw a place conuenient for it, they
[Sidenote: Dried horseflesh for food.] went thither and killed the
horses, and brought the flesh of them to drie it aboord. Foure or fiue
of them remained on shore aliue: The Indians went vnto them, after the
Spaniards were embarked. The horses were not acquainted with them, and
began to neigh, and runne vp and downe, in such sort, that the Indians,
for feare of them, leaped into the water: and getting into their canoes
went after the brigandines, shooting cruelly at them. They followed vs
that euening and the night following till the next day at tenne of the
clocke, and then returned vp the Riuer. Presently from a small towne
that stood vpon the Riuer came seuen canoes, and followed vs a little
way downe the Riuer, shooting at vs: but seeing they were so few that
they could do vs but little harme, they returned to their towne. From
thence forward, vntill they came to the Sea, they had no encounter. They
sailed downe the Riuer seuenteene daies, which may be two hundred and
fifty leagues iourney, little more or lesse: and neere vnto the Sea the
Riuer is diuided into two armes; each of them is a league and an halfe
broad.
Chap. XXXIX.
How they came vnto the sea: and what happened vnto them in all
their voiage.
Halfe a league before they came to the sea, they came to anker to rest
themselues there about a day: for they were very weary with rowing and
out of heart. For by the space of many daies they had eaten nothing but
parched and sodden Maiz; which they had by allowance euery day an
headpeece ful by strike for euery three men. While they rode there at
anker seuen canoes of Indians came to set vpon those, which they brought
with them. The Gouernor commanded armed men to go aboord them, and to
driue them farther off. They came also against them by land through a
thick wood, and a moorish ground, and had staues with very sharp forked
heads made of the bones of fishes, and fought verie valiantly with vs,
which went out to encounter them. And the other that came in canoes with
their arrowes staid for them that came against them, and at their
comming both those that were on land, and those in the canoes wounded
some of vs: And seeing vs come neere them, they turned their backs, and
like swift horses among footemen gat away from vs; making some
returnes, and reuniting themselues together, going not past a bow shot
off: for in so retiring they shot, without receiuing any hurt of the
Christians. For though they had some bowes, yet they could not vse them;
and brake their armes with rowing to ouertake them. And the Indians
easily in their compasse went with their canoes, staying and wheeling
about as it had been in a skirmish, perceiuing that those that came
against them could not offend them. And the more they stroue to come
neere them, the more hurt they receiued. Assoone as they had driuen them
farther off they returned to the brigandines. They staied two daies
there: And departed from thence vnto the place, where the arme of the
Riuer entreth into the sea. They sounded in the Riuer neere vnto the
Sea, and found 40. fathoms water. They staid there. And the Gouernour
commanded al and singular persons to speake their minds touching their
voiage, whether it were best to crosse ouer to Nueua Espanna, committing
themselues to the hie sea, or whether they should keepe along the coast.
There were sundry opinions touching this matter; wherein Iohn Danusco,
which presumed much, and tooke much vpon him in the knowledge of
nauigation, and matters of the sea, although hee had but little
experience, mooued the Gouernour with his talke: and his opinion was
seconded by some others. And they affirmed, that it was much better to
passe by the hie sea, and crosse the gulfe, which was three of foure
parts the lesser trauell, because in going along the coast, they went a
great way about, by reason of the compasse, which the land did make.
Iohn Danusco said, that he had seene the seacard, and that from the
place where they were, the coast ran East and West vnto Rio de las
Palmas; and from Rio de las Palmas to Nueua Espanna from North to South:
and therefore in sailing alwaies in sight of land would bee a great
compassing about and spending of much time; and that they would be in
great danger to be overtaken with winter before they should get to the
land of the Christians: and that in 10. or 12. daies space, hauing good
weather, they might bee there in crossing ouer. The most part were
against this opinion, and said, that it was more safe to go along the
coast, though they staied the longer: because their ships were very
weake and without decks, so that a very little storme was enough to cast
them away: and if they should be hindred with calmes, or contrarie
weather, through the small store of vessels which they had to carrie
water in, they should likewise fall into great danger: and that
although the ships were such as they might venture in them, yet hauing
neither Pilot nor Seacard to guide themselues, it was no good counsell
to crosse the gulfe. This opinion was confirmed by the greatest part:
and they agreed to go along the coast. At the time wherein they sought
to depart from thence, the cable of the anker of the Gouernours
brigandine brake, and the anker remained in the Riuer. And albeit, they
were neere the shore, yet it was so deepe, that the Diuers diuing many
times could neuer find it: which caused great sadnes in the Gouernour,
and in all those that went with him in his brigandine: But with a
grindstone which they had, and certaine bridles which remained to some
of the Gentlemen, and men of worship which had horses, they made a
weight which serued in stead of an anker. [Sidenote: They landed the 30.
of May, 1539. Chap. 7. they went foorth to sea Iuly 18, 1543.] The 18.
of Iuly, they went foorth to sea with faire and prosperous weather for
their voiage. And seeing that they were gone two or three leagues from
the shore, the Captaines of the other brigandines ouertooke them, and
asked the Gouernour, wherefore he did put off from the shore: and that
if hee would leaue the coast, he should say so; and he should not do it
without the consent of all: and that if hee did otherwise, they would
not follow him, but that euery one would doe what seemed best vnto
himselfe. The Gouernour answered, that hee would doe nothing without
their counsell, but that hee did beare off from the land to saile the
better and safer by night; and that the next day when time serued, he
would returne to the sight of land againe. They sailed with a reasonable
good wind that day and the night following, and the next day till
euening song, alwaies in fresh water: whereat they wondred much: for
they were very farre from land. But the force of the current of the
Riuer is so great, and the coast there is so shallow and gentle, that
the fresh water entreth farre into the Sea. That euening on their right
hand they saw certaine creekes, whither they went, and rested there that
night: where Iohn Danusco with his reasons wonne them at last, that all
consented and agreed to commit themselues to the maine Sea, alleaging,
as he had done before, that it was a great aduantage, and that their
voyage would be much shorter. They sailed two daies, and when they would
haue come to sight of land they could not, for the winde blew from the
shore. On the fourth day, seeing their fresh water began to faile,
fearing necessitie and danger, they all complained of Iohn Danusco, and
of the Gouernour that followed his counsell: and euery one of the
Captaines said, that they would no more goe from the shore, though the
Gouernour went whither he would. It pleased God that the winde changed
though but a little: and at the end of foure daies after they had put to
sea, being alreadie destitute of water, by force of rowing they got
within sight of land, and with great trouble recouered it, in an open
roade. That euening the winde came to the South, which on that coast is
a crosse winde, and draue the brigandines against the shore, because it
blew very hard, and the anchors weake, that they yeelded and began to
bend. The Gouernour commanded all men to leape into the water, and going
between them and the shore, and thrusting the brigandines into the Sea
assoone as the waue was past, they saued them till the winde ceased.
Chap. XL.
How they lost one another by a storme, and afterward came together
in a creeke.
[Sidenote: Fresh water is commonlie found by diging in the sands on the
sea side.] In the bay where they rode, after the tempest was past, they
went on shore, and with mattockes, which they had, they digged certain
pits, which grew full of fresh water, where they filled all the casks
which they had. The next day they departed thence, and sailed two daies,
and entred into a creeke like vnto a poole, fenced from the South winde,
which then did blow, and was against them: and there they staied foure
daies, not being able to get out: and when the Sea was calm they rowed
out: they sailed that day, and toward euening the winde grew so strong
that it draue them on the shore, and they were sorie that they had put
foorth from the former harbour: for assoone as night approched a storme
began to rise in the Sea, and the winde still waxed more and more
violent with a tempest. The brigandines lost one another: two of them,
which bare more into the Sea, entred into an arme of the Sea, which
pearced into the land two leagues beyond the place where the other were
that night. The fiue which staied behinde, being alwaies a league, and
halfe a league the one from the other, met together, without any
knowledge the one of the other, in a wilde roade, where the winde and
the waues droue them on shore: for their anchors did strengthen and came
home; and they could not rule their oares, putting seuen or eight men to
every oare, which rowed to seaward: and all the rest leaped into the
water, and when the waue was past that draue the brigandine on shore,
they thrust it againe into Sea with all the diligence and might that
they had. Others, while another waue was in comming, with bowles laued
out the water that came in ouerboord. [Sidenote: A swarme of grieuous
Moskitoes.] While they were in this tempest in great feare of being cast
away in that place, from midnight forward they endured an intollerable
torment of an infinite swarme of Moskitoes which fell upon them, which
assoone as they had stung the flesh, it so infected it, as though they
had bin venomous. In the morning the Sea was asswaged and the wind
slaked, but not the Muskitoes: the sailes which were white seemed blacke
with them in the morning. Those which rowed, vnless others kept them
away, were not able to row. Hauing passed the feare & danger of the
storme, beholding the deformities of their faces, and the blows which
they gaue themselves to driue them away, one of them laughed at another.
They met all together in the creek where the two brigandines were, which
outwent their fellowes. There was found a skumme, which they call Copee,
which the Sea casteth vp, and it is like pitch, wherewith in some
places, where pitch is wanting, they pitch their ships: there they
pitched their brigandines. They rested two daies, and then eftsoones
proceeded on their voyage. They sailed two daies more, and landed in a
Bay or arme of the Sea, where they staied two daies. The same day that
they went from thence sixe men went vp in a canoe toward the head of it,
and could not see the end of it. They put out from thence with a South
winde, which was against them: but because it was little, and for the
great desire they had to shorten their voyage, they put out to sea by
force of oares, and for all that made very little way with great labour
in two daies, and went under the lee of a small Island into an arme of
the Sea, which compassed it about. While they were there, there fell out
such weather, that they gave God many thankes, that they had found out
such an harbour. There was great store of fish in that place, which they
tooke with nets, which they had, and hookes. Heere a man cast an hooke
and a line into the Sea, and tied the end of it to his arme, and a fish
caught it, and drew him into the water vnto the necke: and it pleased
God that he remembred himselfe of a knife that he had, and cut the line
with it. There they abode fourteen daies: and at the end of them it
pleased God to send them faire weather, for which with great deuotion
they appointed a procession, and went in procession along the strand,
beseeching God to bring them to a land, where they might serue him in
better sort.
Chap. XLI.
How they came to the Riuer of Panuco in Nueua Espanna.
In all the coast wheresoeuer they digged they found fresh water: there
they filled their vessels; and the procession being ended, embarked
themselues, and going alwaies in sight of the shore they sailed sixe
daies. Iohn Danusco said that it would doe well to beare out to seaward:
for he had seene the Seacard, and remembred that from Rio de las Palmas
forward the coast did runne from North to South, and thitherto they had
runne from East to West, and in his opinion, by his reckoning, Rio de
las Palmas could not be farre off, from where they were. [Sidenote: At
the Northside of the Gulfe of Mexico is verie low land, saue in this one
place.] That same night they put to sea, and in the morning they saw
Palme leaues floting, and the coast, which ranne North and South: from
midday forward they saw great Mountaines, which vntill then they had not
seene: for from this place to Puerto de Spiritu Santo, where they first
landed in Florida, was a very plaine and low countrey: and therefore it
cannot be descried, vnlesse a man come very neere it. By that which they
saw, they thought that they had ouershot Rio de Palmas that night, which
is 60. leagues from the Riuer of Panuco, which is in Nueua Espanna. They
assembled all together, and some said it was not good to saile by night,
lest they should ouershoot the Riuer of Panuco: and others said, it was
not well to lose time while it was fauourable, and that it could not be
so neere that they should passe it that night: and they agreed to take
away halfe the sailes, and so saile all night. Two of the brigandines,
which sailed that night with all their sailes, by breake of day had
ouershot the Riuer of Panuco without seeing it. Of the fiue that came
behind, the first that came vnto it was that wherein Calderan was
Captaine. A quarter of a league before they came at it, and before they
did see it, they saw the water muddie, and knew it to be fresh water:
and comming right against the Riuer, they saw, where it entred into the
Sea, that the water brake vpon a shold. And because there was no man
there that knew it, they were in doubt whether they should goe in, or
goe along, and they resolued to goe in: and before they came vnto the
current, they went close to the shore, and entred into the port: and
assoone as they were come in, they saw Indian men and women apparelled
like Spaniards: whom they asked in what countrey they were? [Sidenote:
The Riuer of Panuca: the towne 15. leagues from the mouth of the Riuer.]
They answered in Spanish, that it was the Riuer of Panuco, and that the
towne of the Christians was 15. leagues vp within the land. The ioy that
all of them receiued vpon these newes cannot sufficiently be expressed:
for it seemed vnto them, that at that instant they were borne again. And
many went on shore and kissed the ground, and kneeling on their knees,
with lifting vp their hands and eyes to heauen, they all ceased not to
giue God thankes. Those which came after, assoone as they saw Calderon
come to an anchor with his brigandine in the Riuer, presently went
thither, and came into the hauen. The other two brigandines which had
ouershot the place, put to sea to returne backe to seeke the rest, and
could not doe it, because the wind was contrarie and the Sea growne:
they were afraid of being cast away, and recouering the shore they cast
anchor. While they rode there a storme arose: and seeing that they could
not abide there, much lesse endure at Sea, they resolued to runne on
shore; and as the brigandines were but small, so did they draw but
little water; and where they were it was a sandie coast. By which
occasion the force of their sailes draue them on shore, without any hurt
of them that were in them. As those that were in the port of Panuco at
this time were in great ioy, so these felt a double griefe in their
hearts: for they knew not what was become of their fellowes, nor in what
countrey they were, and feared it was a countrey of Indian enemies. They
landed two leagues below the port: and when they saw themselues out of
the danger of the Sea, euery one tooke of that which he had, as much as
he could carrie on his backe: and they trauelled vp into the countrey,
and found Indians, which told them where the fellowes were; and gaue
them good entertainement: wherewith their sadnes was turned into ioy,
and they thanked God most humbly for their deliuerance out of so many
dangers.
Chap. XLII.
How they came to Panuco, and how they were receiued of the
inhabitants.
From the time that they put out of Rio Grande to the sea, at their
departure from Florida, vntil they arriued in the Riuer of Panuco, were
52 daies. [Sidenote: They arriued in the Riuer of Panuco, 1543. Septem.
10.] They came into the Riuer of Panuco the 10. of September 1543. They
went vp the Riuer with their brigandines. They trauelled foure daies;
and because the wind was but little, and many times it serued them not,
because of the many turnings which the Riuer maketh, and the great
current, drawing them vp by towing, and that in many places: for this
cause they made very little way, and with great labour; and seeing the
execution of their desire to be deferred, which was to come among
Christians, and to see the celebration of diuine seruice, which so long
time they had not seene; they left the brigandines with the mariners,
and went by land to Panuco. All of them were apparrelled in Deeres skins
tanned and died blacke, to wit, cotes, hose, and shooes. When they came
to Panuco, presently they went to the Church to pray and giue God
thankes, that so miraculously had saued them. The townesmen which before
were aduertised by the Indians, and knew of their arriual, caried some
of them to their houses, and entertained them, whom they knew, and had
acquaintance of, or because they were their Countrimen. The Alcalde
Mayor tooke the Gouernour home to his house: and commanded al the rest,
assoone as they came, to be lodged 6. & 6. and 10. & 10. according to
the habilitie of euery townesman. And all of them were prouided for by
their hostes of many hennes and bread of Maiz, and fruites of the
Countrie, which are such as be in the Isle of Cuba, whereof, before I
haue spoken. [Sidenote: The description of Panuco.] The towne of Panuco
may containe aboue 70 families; the most of their houses are of lime and
stone, and some made of timber, and all of them are thatched. It is a
poore Countrie, and there is neither gold nor siluer in it: The
inhabitants live there in great abundance of victuals and seruants. The
richest haue not aboue 500. crownes rent a yeere, and that is in cotton
clothes and hennes and Maiz, which the Indians there seruants doe giue
them for tribute. [Sidenote: 311. Christians arriued at Panuco.] There
arriued there; of those that came out of Florida, three hundred and
eleuen Christians. Presently the Alcalde Mayor sent one of the townesmen
in post to aduertise the Viceroy, Don Antonio de Mendoça, which was
resident in Mexico, that of the people that went with Don Ferdinando de
Soto to discouer and conquer Florida, three hundred and eleuen men were
arriued there, that seeing they were imploied in his Maiesties seruice,
he would take some order to prouide for them. Whereat the Viceroy, and
all the inhabitants of Mexico wondred. For they thought they were
miscarried, because they had trauelled so farre within the maine land of
Florida, and had no newes of them for so long a time: and it seemed a
wonderfull thing vnto them, how they could saue themselues so long among
Infidels, without any fort, wherein they might fortifie themselues, and
without any other succour at all. Presently the Viceroy sent a warrant,
wherein hee commanded, that whithersoeuer they went, they should giue
them victuals, and as many Indians for their carriages as they needed:
and where they would not furnish them, they might take those things that
were necessarie perforce without incurring any danger of law. This
warrant was so readilie obeyed, that by the way before they came to the
townes, they came to receiue them with hennes, and victuals.
Chap. XLIII.
Of the fauour which they found at the hands of the Viceroy, and of
the inhabitants of the Citie of Mexico.
From Panuco to the great Citie Temistitan Mexico is 60. leagues; and
other 60. from Panuco to the Port de Vera Cruz, where they take shipping
for Spaine, and those that come from Spaine do land to go for Nueua
Espanna. These three townes stand in a triangle: to wit, Vera Cruz, to
the South, Panuco to the North, and Mexico to the West, 60. leagues
assunder. The Countrie is so inhabited with Indians, that from towne to
towne, those which are farthest, are but a league, and halfe a league
assunder. Some of them that came from Florida, staied a moneth in Panuco
to rest themselues, others fifteene daies, and euery one as long as he
listed: for there was none that shewed a sower countenance to his
guests, but rather gaue them any thing that they had, and seemed to be
grieued when they took their leaue. Which was to be beleeued. For the
victuals, which the Indians doe pay them for tribute, are more than they
can spend: and in that towne is no commerce; and there dwelt but few
Spaniards there, and they were glad of their companie. The Alcalde Mayor
diuided all the Emperours clothes which he had (which there they pay him
for his tribute) among those that would come to receiue them. Those
which had shirts of maile left, were glad men: for they had a horse for
one shirt of maile: Some horsed themselues: and such as could not (which
were the greatest part) tooke their iournie on foote: in which they were
well receiued of the Indians that were in the townes, and better serued,
then they could haue been in their owne houses, though they had been
well to liue. For if they asked one hen of an Indian, they brought them
foure: and if they asked any of the Countrie fruit, though it were a
league off, they ran presently for it. [Sidenote: This is the manner of
China to carrie men chaires.] And if any Christian found himselfe euill
at ease, they carried him in a chaire from one towne to another. In
whatsoeuer towne they came, the Cacique, by an Indian which carried a
rod of Iustice in his hand, whom they call Tapile, that is to say, a
sergeant, commanded them to prouide victuals for them, and Indians to
beare burdens of such things as they had, and such as were needfull to
carrie them that were sicke. The Viceroy sent a Portugall 20. leagues
from Mexico, with great store of sugar, raisons of the Sunne, and
conserues, and other things fit for sicke folkes, for such as had neede
of them: and had giuen order to cloth them all at the Emperours charges.
And their approch being knowne by the citizens of Mexico, they went out
of the towne to receiue them: and with great courtesie, requesting them
in fauour to come to their houses, euery one carried such as hee met
home with him, and clothed them euery one the best they could: so that
he which had the meanest apparrell, it cost aboue 30. ducats. As many as
were willing to come to the Viceroyes house he commanded to be
apparelled, and such as were persons of qualitie sate at his table: and
there was a table in his house for as many of the meaner sort as would
come to it: and he was presently informed who euery one was, to shew him
the courtesie that he deserued. Some of the Conquerors did set both
gentlemen and clownes at their owne table, and many times made the
seruant sit cheeke by cheeke by his master: and chiefly the officers and
men of base condition did so: for those which had better education did
enquire who euery one was, and made difference of persons: but all did
what they could with a good will: and euery one told them whom they had
in their houses, that they should not trouble themselues, nor thinke
themselues the worse, to take that which they gaue them: for they had
bin in the like case, and had bin relieued of others, and that this was
the custome of that countrey. God reward them all: and God grant, that
those which it pleased him to deliuer out of Florida, and to bring
againe into Christendome, may serue him: and vnto those that died in
that countrey, and vnto all that beleeue in him and confesse his holy
faith, God for his mercie sake grant the kingdome of heauen. Amen.
Chap. XLIV.
Which declareth some diuersities and particularities of the land of
Florida: and the fruites, and beasts, and fowles that are in that
Countrie.
[Sidenote: Port de Spiritu Santo is in 29. degrees 1/2 on the West side
of Florida.] From the Port de Spiritu Santo, where they landed when they
entred into Florida, to the Prouince of Ocute, which may bee 400.
leagues, little more or lesse, is a verie plaine Countrie, and hath many
lakes and thicke woods, and in some places they are of wild pine trees;
and is a weake soile: There is in it neither Mountaine nor hill. The
Countrie of Ocute is more fat and fruitfull; it hath thinner woods, and
very goodly medows vpon the Riuers. From Ocute to Cutifachiqui may be
130. leagues; 80. leagues thereof are desert, and haue many groues of
wild Pine trees. Through the wildernesse great Riuers doe passe. From
Cutifachiqui to Xuala, may be 250. leagues: it is al an hilly Countrie.
Cutifachiqui and Xuala stand both in plaine grounds, hie, and haue
goodly medows on the Riuers. From thence forward to Chiaha, Coça, and
Talise, is plaine ground, dry and fat, and very plentifull of Maiz. From
Xuala to Tascaluça may be 250. leagues. From Tascaluça to Rio Grande, or
the Great Riuer, may be 300. leagues: the Countrie is low, and full of
lakes. From Rio Grande forwarde, the Countrie is hier and more champion,
and best peopled of all the land of Florida. And along this Riuer from
Aquixo to Pacaha, and Coligoa, are 150. leagues: the Countrie is plaine,
and the woods thinne, and in some places champion, very fruitfull and
pleasant. From Coligoa to Autiamque are 250. leagues of hillie Countrie.
From Autiamque to Aguacay, may be 230. leagues of plaine ground. From
Aguacay to the Riuer of Daycao 120. leagues, all hillie Countrie.
[Sidenote: Pagina 27.] From the Port de Spiritu Santo vnto Apalache,
they trauelled from East to West, and Northwest. From Cutifachiqui to
Xuala from South to North. From Xuala to Coça from East to West. From
Coça to Tascaluça, and to Rio Grande, as far as the Prouinces of
Quizquiz and Aquixo from East to West. From Aquixo to Pacaha to the
North. From Pacaha to Tulla from East to West: and from Tulla to
Autiamque from North to South, to the Prouince of Guachoya and Daycao.
The bread which they eate in all the land of Florida is of Maiz, which
is like course millet. And this maiz is common in all the Islandes and
West Indies from the Antiles forward. There are also in Florida great
store of Walnuts and Plummes, Mulberries, and Grapes. They sow and
gather their Maiz euery one their seuerall crop. The fruits are common
to all: for they grow abroad in the open fields in great abundance,
without any neede of planting or dressing. Where there be Mountaines,
there be chestnuts: they are somewhat smaller then the chestnuts of
Spaine. [Sidenote: Soft Walnuts Eastward from Rio Grande.] [Sidenote:
Hard Walnuts Westward from Rio Grande.] From Rio Grande Westward, the
Walnuts differ from those that grow more Eastward: for they are soft,
and like vnto Acornes: And those which grow from Rio Grande to Puerto
del Spiritu Santo for the most part are hard; and the trees and Walnuts
in shew like those of Spaine. There is a fruit through all the Countrie
which groweth on a plant like Ligoacan, which the Indians doe plant. The
fruit is like vnto Peares Riall: it hath a verie good smell, and an
excellent taste. There groweth another plant in the open field, which
beareth a fruit like vnto strawberries, close to the ground, which hath
a verie good taste. The Plummes are of two kindes, red and gray, of the
making and bignesse of nuts, and haue three or foure stones in them.
These are better than all the plummes of Spaine, & they make farre
better Prunes of them. In the Grapes there is onelie want of dressing:
for though they bee big, they have a great Kirnell. All other fruits
are very perfect, and lesse hurtfull than those of Spaine.
[Sidenote: Beasts.] There are in Florida many Beares, and Lyons, Wolues,
Deere, Dogges, Cattes, Marterns, and Conies. [Sidenote: Fowles.] There
be many wild Hennes as big as Turkies, Partridges small like those of
Africa, Cranes, Duckes, Pigeons, Thrushes and Sparrowes. There are
certaine Blacke birds bigger then Sparrowes, and lesser then Stares.
There are Gosse Hawkes, Falcons, Ierfalcons, and all Fowles of prey that
are in Spaine.
The Indians are well proportioned. Those of the plaine Countries are
taller of bodie, and better shapen, then those of the Mountaines. Those
of the Inland haue greater store of Maiz, and commodities of the
Countrie, then those that dwell vpon the sea coast. The Countrie along
the sea coast is barren and poore: and the people more warlike. The
coast runneth from Puerto del Spiritu Santo to Apalache, East and West;
and from Apalache to Rio de las Palmas from East to West: from Rio de
las Palmas vnto Nueua Espanna from North to South. It is a gentle coast,
but it hath many sholdes, and great shelues of sand.
Deo gratias.
This relation of the discouerie of Florida was printed in the house of
Andrew de Burgos, Printer and Gentleman of the house of my Lord
Cardinall the Infante.
It was finished the tenth of Februarie in the yeere one thousand, fiue
hundred, fiftie and seuen, in the noble and most loyall citie of Euora.
SVNDRY VOYAGES
MADE FROM NUEUA GALICIA, AND NUEUA VISCAIA IN NEW SPAINE, TO THE 15.
PROUINCES OF NEW MEXICO, AND TO QUIUIRA AND CIBOLA, ALL SITUATE ON
THE BACKESIDE OF GUASTECAN, FLORIDA, AND VIRGINIA, AS FARRE AS 37.
DEGREES OF NORTHERLY LATITUDE: WITH A DESCRIPTION OF THE RIUERS,
LAKES, CITIES, TOWNES, NATIONS, FERTILE SOYLE, AND TEMPERATE AYRE
IN THOSE PARTES; AND MOST CERTAINE NOTICE OF MANY EXCEEDING RICH
SILUER MINES, AND OTHER PRINCIPALL COMMODITIES.
A discourse of the famous Cosmographer Iohn Baptista Ramusius,
concerning the three voyages of Frier Marco de Niça, Francis
Vasquez de Coronado, and Ferdinando Alorchon next following:
taken out of his third volume of Nauigations and Voyages.
The right honourable Don Antonio de Mendoça being sent by Charles the
Emperour to be viceroy of Mexico and Nueua Espanna, and hauing
vnderstood that Don Ferdinando Cortez had sent many ships along the
coast of Nueua Espanna to discouer countries, and to find out the Isles
of the Malucos, began himselfe to desire to do the like, as viceroy of
Nueua Espanna; and hereupon they fell out: for Cortez said that he was
general and discouerer of the South sea, and that it belonged to him to
set forth those voyages. On the other side, the lord Don Antonio
alledged that it belonged to him to make that discouery, as being
viceroy of Nueua Espanna. So that they fell at great variance, and
Cortez returned into Spaine to complaine vnto the Emperour. Don Antonio
in the meane season hauing obteined knowledge of the voiage, which
Andrew Dorantez (who was one of the company of Pamphilo Naruaez that
escaped, as you may reade in the relation of Aluaro Nunnez, called
Cabeça de Vaca) made; sent Frier Marco de Niça with a Negro of the said
Dorantez to discouer that country. Which Frier Marco de Niça being
returned, and hauing informed his lordship of all his discouery, he
sent captain Francis Vasquez de Coronado with many Spaniards on
horsebacke, and Indians on foot: likewise he sent a fleete by sea,
whereof Ferdinando Alorchon was captaine, as may be seene in the
relations following.
An extract of a letter of captaine Francis Vasques de Coronado,
written to a Secretary of the right noble Don Antonio de Mendoça,
viceroy of Nueua Espanna. Dated in Culiacan, the 8. of March 1539.
He saith that Frier Marcus de Niça arriued in the Prouince of Topira,
where he found all the Indians fled vnto the mountaines for feare of the
Christians, and that for his sake they came all downe to see him, with
great ioy and gladnesse. They are men of good making and whiter then
others, and their women are more beautifull then others of the
neighbouring prouinces. [Sidenote: Store of golde, siluer, and precious
stones in Topira.] There are no great cities there, yet are the houses
built of stone, and are very good, and in them they haue great store of
gold, which is as it were lost, because they know not what vse to put it
to. The people weare Emeralds and other precious iewels vpon their
bodies: they are valiant, hauing very strong armour made of siluer,
fashioned after diuers shapes of beasts. They worship for their gods
such things as they haue in their houses, as namely hearbes, and birdes,
and sing songs vnto them in their language, which differeth but litle
from that of Culiacan. They told the Frier that they were willing to
become Christians, and the Emperors subjects, for they were without a
gouernour; with condition that no man should hurt them: and that they
would change their golde for such things as they wanted. Commandement
was giuen, that they should bee receiued without doing them any
displeasure. Neere vnto this countrey there is another Prouince
heretofore discouered by our men, where the people go naked without any
thing before them: they are very hardly reduced to Christianitie, and
they are valiant and stoute. Their houses are couered with straw. They
seeke no other riches but to feede cattel. They goe at certaine seasons
to their sacrifices into a valley situate in that Prouince, which is
inhabited with people, esteemed by those of the countrey as saints and
priests, whom they call Chichimecas, which dwell in the woods without
houses: and they eate such things as they of the countrey giue them of
almes. They goe naked, and are tanned in the smoke, and tye their priuie
member with a string vnto their knee, and the women likewise goe starke
naked. They haue certaine temples couered with strawe, with small round
windowes full of skuls of dead men; before their temple is a great round
ditch, the brim whereof is compassed with the figure of a serpent made
of gold and siluer, and with another mixture of vnknowen metals: and
this serpent holdeth his tayle in his mouth. They of this valley from
time to time cast lots, whose lucke it shal be to be sacrificed, and
they make him great cheere, on whom the lotte falleth, and with great
ioy they crowne him with flowers vpon a bed prepared in the sayd ditch
all full of flowres and sweete hearbes, on which they lay him along, and
lay great store of dry wood on both sides of him, and set on fire on
eyther part, and so he dyeth. Where he continueth so quietly without
being bound, as though hee did something, wherein he tooke great
pleasure. And they say that hee is a Saint, and doe worshippe him for
that yeere, and sing prayses, and Hymnes vnto him and afterward set vp
his head with the rest in order within those windowes. Also they
sacrifice their prisoners, whom they burn in another deeper ditch, and
not with the foresayde ceremonies. The Spanyards which are in Xalisco
write, that hauing good assistance, they hope that those people will
become Christians. The Countrey is very good and fruitfull, and hath
great store of good and wholesome waters.
A Letter of Francis Vazquez de Coronado, Gouernour of Nueua Galicia,
to the lord Don Antonio de Mendoça, Viceroy of Nueua Espanna.
Dated in Saint Michael of Culiacan, the 8. of March, 1539.
Of the hard passage from Saint Michael of Culiacan to Topira. The
description of that Prouince, and of another neere vnto the same,
very rich in gold and precious stones. The number, of the people
which Vazquez caried with him in his iourney thither; and how
greatly Frier Marcus of Niça is honoured by the Indians of
Petatlan.
By the help of God I meane to set forward from this City of S. Michael
of Culiacan toward Topira the 10. of April: neither can I any sooner set
forward, because the powder and match which your Lordship sendeth mee,
cannot be brought thither, before that time, and I thinke it be now in
Compostella. Besides this, I am to passe many leagues ouer mightie high
mountaines which reach vp to the skyes, and ouer a Riuer, which at this
present is so bigge and swollen, that it can in no place be waded ouer.
And if I depart at the time aforesayde, they say wee may wade ouer it.
They tolde mee that from hence to Topira was not aboue 50 leagues; and I
haue learned since that it is aboue foure score leagues. I doe not
remember that I haue written to your Lordshippe the information which I
haue of Topira: and though I had written thereof vnto you, yet because
that since that time I haue learned something more, I thinke it meete to
signifie them vnto your Lordshippe in these my letters. It may please
your honour therefore to vnderstand, that they tell mee, that Topira is
a very populous Prouince, lying betweene two riuers, and that there are
aboue 50. inhabited townes therein. And that beyond the same there is
another Countrey greater then it, the name whereof the Indians could not
tell mee, wherein there is great store of victuals of Maiz, French
peason, Axi or Pepper, Melons, and Gourds, and great store of Hennes of
the countrey. [Sidenote: These may seeme to be the Pintados mentioned by
Frier Marco de Niza in his 2. Chap.] The people weare on their bodies
golde, Emeralds, and other precious stones, and are serued commonly in
golde and siluer, wherewith they couer their houses: and the chiefe men
weare great chaines of golde well wrought, about their necks and are
apparelled with paynted garments, and haue store of wilde kine; and they
say they enter not into their countrey, because themselues haue no great
store of people: those Indians being many in number, and very valiant.
That which here I say, I learned by two other relations of Indians
dwelling neere vnto them. I meane to set forward at the time before
mentioned, and I carrie with me 150 horsemen, and twelue spare horsemen,
and 200. footmen, crossebowmen, and gunners. I take also with me liue
hogs, sheepe and all such things as I can get for money: assure your
Lordship that I meane not to returne to Mexico vntil I be able to
informe your honour more perfectly, what the state of this place is: and
if I find ought that we may doe good in, I will stay there, vntill I
haue aduertised your Lordship, that you may command what you will haue
done: and if it fall out so vnluckily, that there is nothing of
importance, I will seeke to discouer 100. leagues farther, wherein (I
hope in God) there will be something found in which your Lordship may
imploy all these gentlemen and those which shall come hither hereafter.
I thinke I cannot chuse but stay there: and the waters, the seasons, the
disposition of the countrey, and other accidents wil direct mee what is
best to be done. Frier Marco de Niça entred a good way into the
countrey, accompanied with Stephan Dorantez, the 7. of February last
past: when I departed from them, I left them with aboue 100. Indians of
Petatlan, and from the time of their comming thither they greatly
honoured the father, shewing him all the courtesies they could possibly.
I cannot send you, nor describe vnto you his entrance among them better
then I have done in all my relations which I wrote in my letters from
Compostella, and I signified vnto you all things to the full from the
citie of Michael: and though there is but the tenth part of those things
it is a great matter. Herewithall I haue sent your Lordship a Letter,
which I receiued from him: and I beleeue he may trauel many leagues
farther in that sort. He saith, that if he finde any good countrey, he
will write to mee thereof: I will not goe thither without informing your
Lordship of my iourney. I hope in God that by one way or other wee shall
discouer some good thing.
A Letter written by the most honourable Lord Don Antonio de Mendoça,
Vice-roy of Nueua Espanna, to the Emperours Maiestie.
Of certaine Noblemen which sought to discouer the end of the firme
land of Nueua Espanna toward the North. The arriuall of Vazquez de
Coronado with Frier Marco at S. Michael of Culiacan, with
commission to the Gouernours of those parts to pacifie the
Indians, and not to make them slaues any more.
In the ships that went last from hence (whereof Michael de Vsnago was
Admirall) I wrote vnto your Maiestie, how I sent two Franciscan Friers
to discouer the ende of this firme land, which stretcheth to the North.
And because their iourney fell out to greater purpose then was looked
for, I will declare the whole matter from the beginning. It may please
your Maiestie to call to minde how often I wrote vnto your Highnesse,
that I desired to know the ende of this Prouince of Nueua Espanna,
becavse it is so great a countrey, and that we haue yet no knowledge
thereof. Neither had I onely this desire: for Nunno de Guzman departed
out of this city of Mexico with 400 horsemen, and 14000. Indians
footemen borne in these Indias, being the best men, and the best
furnished, which haue beene seene in these parts: and he did so litle
with them, that the most part of them were consumed in the enterprize,
and could not enter nor discouer any more then already was discouered.
After this the saide Nunno Guzman beeing Gouernour of Nueua Galacia,
sent Captaines and Horsemen foorth diuers times, which sped no better
then he had done. Likewise the Marques de valle Hernando Cortez sent a
captaine with 2. ships to discouer the coast, which 2. ships and the
captaine perished. After that he sent againe 2. other ships, one of
which was diuided from her consort and the Master and certaine mariners
slue the captaine, and vsurped ouer the ship. [Sidenote: This was the
Port of Santa Cruz in the Isle of California.] After this they came to
an Island, where the Master with certaine mariners going on land, the
Indians of the countrey slew them and tooke their boat: and the ship
with those that were in it, returned to the coast of Nueua Galacia,
where it ran on ground. By the men which came home in this ship, the
Marques had knowledge of the countrey which they had discouered: and
then, either for the discontentment which hee had with the bishop of
Saint Domingo, and with the Iudges of this royal audience in Mexico, or
rather because of his so prosperous successe in all things here in Nueua
Espanna, without seeking any farther intelligence of the state of that
Island, he set forward on that voyage with 3. Ships, and with certaine
footemen and horsemen, not throughly furnished with things necessary;
which fell out so contrary to his expectation, that the most part of the
people which he carryed with him, dyed of hunger. And although he had
ships, and a Countrey very neere him abounding with victuals, yet could
hee neuer finde meanes to conquer it, but rather it seemed, that God
miraculously did hide it from him: and so he returned home without
atchieuing ought else of moment. After this, hauing heere in my company
Andrew Dorantez, which is one of those who were in the voyage of
Pamphilo Naruaez I often was in hand with him, supposing that he was
able to doe your Maiestie great seruice, to imploy him with fortie or
fiftie horses, to search out the secret of those parts: and hauing
prouided all things necessary for his iourney, and spent much money in
that behalfe, the matter was broken off, I wot not how, and that
enterprise was giuen ouer. Yet of the things which were prouided for
that purpose, I had left mee a Negro, which returned from the foresayde
voyage of Naruaez, with Dorantez, and certaine slaues which I had
bought, and certaine Indians which I had gathered together, who were
borne in those North partes, whome I sent with Frier Marco de Niça, and
his companion a Franciscan Frier, because they had bene long trauelled,
and exercised in those partes, and had great experience in the affaires
of the Indies, and were men of good life and conscience, for whom I
obtained leaue of their superiours: and so they went with Frances
Vazquez de Coronado, gouernour of Nueua Galicia vnto the Citie of Saint
Michael of Culiacan, which is the last Prouince subdued by the Spaniards
towarde that quarter, being two hundred leagues distant from this Citie
of Mexico. Assoone as the Gouernour, and the Friers were come vnto that
Citie, hee sent certaine of those Indians which I had giuen him, home
into their Countrey, to signifie, and declare to the people of the same,
That they were to vnderstand, that your Maiestie had commaunded they
should not hereafter bee made slaues, and that they should not be afrayd
any more, but might returne vnto their houses, and liue peaceably in
them, (for before that time they had bin greatly troubled by the euill
dealings which were vsed toward them) and that your Maiestie would cause
them to be chastened, which were the causes of their vexation. With
these Indians about twentie dayes after returned about 400 men; which
comming before the gouernour said vnto him, that they came on the
behalfe of al their Countrey-men, to tell him, that they desired to see
and know those men which did them so great a pleasure as to suffer them
to returne to their houses, and to sow Maiz for their sustenance: for by
the space of many yeres they were driuen to flee into the mountaines,
hiding themselues like wild beasts, for feare lest they should be made
slaues, and that they and all the rest of their people were ready to doe
whatsoeuer should bee commaunded them. Whom the gouernour comforted with
good wordes, and gaue them victuals, and stayed them with him three or
foure dayes, wherein the Friers taught them to make the signe of the
Crosse, and to learne the name of our Lorde Iesus Christ, and they with
great diligence sought to learne the same. After these dayes hee sent
them home againe, willing them not to be afraid, but to be quiet,
giuing them apparel, beades, kniues, and other such like things, which I
had giuen him for such purposes. The sayde Indians departed very well
pleased, and said, that whensoeuer hee would send for them, they and
many others would come to doe whatsoeuer he would command them. The
entrance being thus prepared, Frier Marco and his companion, with the
Negro and other slaues, and Indians which I had giuen him, went forward
on their voyage 10. or 12. dayes after. And because I had likewise
aduertisement of a certaine Prouince called Topira situate in the
mountaines, and had appointed the gouernour Vasquez de Coronado, that he
should vse meanes to learne the state thereof: he supposing this to be a
matter of great moment, determined himselfe to goe and search it, hauing
agreed with the said Frier, that he should returne by that part of the
mountaine, to meete with him in a certaine valley called Valle de los
Coraçones, beeing 120. leagues distant from Culiacan. The gouernour
trauelling into this prouince (as I haue written in my former letters)
found great scarcity of victuals there, and the mountaines so craggy,
that he could finde no way to passe forward, and was inforced to returne
home to Saint Michael: so that aswell in chusing of the entrance, as in
not being able to finde the way, it seemeth unto all men, that God would
shut vp the gate to all those, which by strength of humane force haue
gone about to attempt this enterprise, and hath reuieled it to a poore
and bare-footed Frier. And so the Frier beganne to enter into the Land,
who because he found his entrance so well prepared, was very well
receiued; and because he wrote the whole successe of his voyage,
according to the instruction which I had giuen him to vndertake the
same, I wil not write any more at large, but send your Maiestie this
copy of all such things as he obserued in the same.
A relation of the reuerend father Frier Marco de Niça, touching his
discouery of the kingdome of Ceuola or Cibola, situate about 30.
degrees of latitude, to the North of Nueua Espanna.
Chap. 1.
Frier Marco de Nica departeth from Saint Michael in the Prouince of
Culiacan, standing in 24. degrees of Northerly latitude: and
comming to the Towne of Petatlan, receiueth many courtesies of the
Indians there. Departing from thence, he had information of many
Islands, and of a great countrey inhabited with ciuil people; he
commeth to Vacupa: where during his aboad, he heard newes of
Ceuola, and of the state of the 7. Cities, and of other prouinces,
and of the rich Islands of perles, which extend northward vpon the
coast.
I Frier Marco de Nica of the order of S. Francis, for the execution of
the instruction of the right honourable lord Don Antonio de Mendoça,
Vice-roy and Captaine Generall for the Emperors Maiestie in New Spaine,
departed from the towne of S. Michael in the prouince of Culiacan on
Friday the 7. of March, in the yeere 1539. hauing for my companion Frier
Honoratus, and carying with me Stephan a Negro; belonging to Andrew
Dorantez, and certaine of those Indians which the sayde lord Vice-roy
had made free, and bought for this purpose: whom Frances Vazquez de
Coronado gouernour of Nueua Galicia deliuered me, and with many other
Indians of Petatlan, and of the towne called Cuchillo, which is some 50.
leagues from Petatlan, who came to the valley of Culiacan, shewing
themselues to bee exceeding glad, because they were certified by the
Indians which had bin set free, whom the said gouernour had sent before
to aduertise them of their libertie, that none of them from thenceforth
should be made slaues, and that no man should inuade them, nor vse them
badly; signifying vnto them, that the Emperors Maiesty had willed and
commanded that it should be so. [Sidenote: Petatlan a towne.] With the
foresaid company I went on my voyage vntill I came to the towne of
Petatlan, finding all the way great intertainment, and prouision of
victuals, with roses, flowres, and other such things, and bowers which
they made for me of chalke and boughs platted together in all places
where there were no houses. In this towne of Petatlan I rested 3. dayes,
because my companion Honoratus fell so sicke, that I was constrained to
leaue him there behinde.
Then, according to my said instruction, I followed my iourney as the
holy Ghost did leade me without any merit of mine, hauing in my company
the said Stephan the Negro of Dorantez, and certaine of the Indians
which had bin set at liberty, and many of the people of the countrey,
which gaue me great intertainment and welcome in all places where I
came, and made mee bowers of trees, giuing me such victuals as they had,
although they were but small: because (as they said) it had not rained
there in 3 yeres, and because the Indians of this countrey sought means
rather to hide themselues, then to sowe corne, for feare of the
Christians of the Towne of S. Michael, which were wont to make in-roades
euen to that place, and to warre vpon them, and to cary them away
captiues. [Sidenote: The island of Saint Iago.] In all this way, which
may be about 25 or 30. leagues from that part of Petatlan, I saw nothing
worthy the noting, saue that there came to seeke me certaine Indians
from the Island, where Fernando Cortez the Marques of the valley had
bin, of whom I was informed, that it was an Island, and not firme land,
as some suppose it to be. They came to the firme land vpon certaine
rafts of wood: and from the maine to the island is but halfe a league by
sea, litle more or lesse. [Sidenote: A great island, and 30. small
islands, which seeme to be the new islands of California rich in
pearles.] Likewise certaine Indians of another Island greater then this
came to visit me, which island is farther off, of whom I was informed
that there were 30. other smal islands, which were inhabited, but had
smal store of victuals, sauing 2. which haue Maiz or corne of the
countrey. These Indians had about their necks many great shels which
were mother of Pearle. I shewed them pearles which I carryed with me for
a shew, and they told me that there were in the Islands great store of
them, and those very great: howbeit I saw none of them. I followed my
voyage through a desert of 4. dayes iourney, hauing in my company both the
Indians of the islands, and those of the mountaines which I [Sidenote: A
desert foure daies iourney.] had passed, and at the end of this desert I
found other Indians which maruelled to see me, because they had no
knowledge of any Christians, hauing no traffike nor conuersation with
those Indians which I had passed, in regard of the great desert
which was between them. These Indians interteined me exceeding
courteously, and gaue me great store of victuals, and sought to touch my
garments, and called me Hayota, which in their language signifieth A man
come from heauen. These Indians I aduertised by my interpreter, according
to my instructions, in the knowledge of our Lord God in heauen, and of the
Emperor. [Sidenote: This was the valley of Coraçones.] In these countries
and in all places els by all wayes and meanes possible, I sought
information where any Countreys were of more Cities and people of
civilitie and vnderstanding, then those which I had found: and I could
heare no newes of any such: howbeit they tolde mee, that foure or fiue
dayes iourney within the Countrey, at the foote of the mountaines, there
is a large and mightie plaine, wherein they tolde mee, that there were
many great Townes, and people clad in Cotton: and when I shewed them
certaine Metals which I carryed with mee, to learne what riche Metals were
in the Lande, they tooke the minerall of Golde and tolde mee, that thereof
were vesselles among the people of that plaine, and that they carryed
certaine round greene stones hanging at their nostrilles, and at their
eares, and that they haue certaine thinne plates of that Golde, wherewith
they scrape off their sweat, and that the walles of their Temples are
couered therewith, and that they vse it in all their household vessels.
And because this Valley is distant from the Sea-coast, and my instruction
was not to leaue the Coast, I determined to leaue the discouery thereof
vntill my returne; at which time I might doe it more commodiously.
[Sidenote: Vacupa a town 40. leagues from the Bay of California.] Thus I
trauelled three dayes iourney through townes inhabited by the sayde
people, of whome I was receiued as I was of those which I had passed,
and came vnto a Towne of reasonable bignesse, called Vacupa, where they
shewed mee great courtesies, and gaue mee great store of good victuals,
because the soyle is very fruitfull, and may bee watered. This Towne is
fortie leagues distant from the Sea. And because I was so farre from the
Sea, it being two dayes before Passion Sunday, I determined to stay
there vntill Easter, to informe my selfe of the Islandes, whereof I
sayde before that I had information. And so I sent certaine Indians to
the Sea by three seuerall wayes, whom I commanded to bring mee some
Indians of the Sea-coast, and of some of those Islandes, that I might
receiue information of them: and I sent Stephan Dorantez the Negro
another way, whom I commanded to goe directly Northward fiftie or
threescore leagues, to see if by that way hee might learne any newes of
any notable thing which wee sought to discouer, and I agreed with him,
that if hee found any knowledge of any peopled and riche Countrey which
were of great importance, that hee should goe no further, but should
returne in person, or should sende mee certaine Indians with that token
which wee were agreed vpon, to wit, that if it were but a meane thing,
hee should sende mee a white Crosse of one handfull long; and if it were
any great matter, one of two handfuls long; and if it were a Countrey
greater and better then Nueua Espanna, hee should send mee a great
crosse. So the sayde Stephan departed from mee on Passion-sunday after
dinner: and within foure dayes after the messengers of Stephan returned
vnto me with a great Crosse as high as a man, and they brought me word
from Stephan, that I should forthwith come away after him, for hee had
found people which gaue him information of a very mighty Prouince, and
that he had certaine Indians in his company, which had bene in the sayd
Prouince, and that he had sent me one of the said Indians. [Sidenote:
From Vacupa to Ceuola are 32. dayes iourney.] This Indian told me, that
it was thirtie dayes iourney from the Towne where Stephan was, vnto the
first Citie of the sayde Prouince, which is called Ceuola. Hee affirmed
also, that there are seuen great Cities in this Prouince, all vnder one
Lord, the houses whereof are made of Lyme and Stone, and are very great,
and the least of them with one lofte aboue head, and some of two and of
three loftes, and the house of the Lorde of the Prouince of foure, and
that all of them ioyne one vnto the other in good order, and that in the
gates of the principall houses there are many Turques-stones cunningly
wrought, whereof hee sayth they haue there great plentie: also that the
people of this Citie goe very well apparelled: and that beyond this
there are other Prouinces, all which (hee sayth) are much greater then
these seuen cities. I gaue credite to his speach, because I found him to
bee a man of good vnderstanding: but I deferred my departure to follow
Stephan Dorantes, both because I thought hee would stay for mee, and
also to attend the returne of my messengers which I had sent vnto the
Sea, who returned vnto me vpon Easter day, bringing with them certaine
inhabitants of the Sea-coast, and of two of the Islands. Of whom I
vnderstoode, [Sidenote: Great pearles and much gold in the Isles of
California, which are 34. in number.] that the Islandes aboue mentioned
were scarce of victuals, as I had learned before, and that they are
inhabited by people, which weare shelles of Pearles vpon their
foreheads, and they say that they haue great Pearles, and much Golde.
They informed mee of foure and thirtie Islandes, lying one neere vnto
another: they say that the people on the Sea-coast haue small store of
victuals, as also those of the Islandes, and that they traffique one
with the other vpon raftes. This coast stretcheth Northward as is to bee
seene. These Indians of the Coast brought me certaine Targets made of
Cow-hydes very well dressed, which were so large, that they couered them
from the head to the very foote, with a hole in the toppe of the same to
looke out before: they are so strong that a Crossebow (as I suppose)
will not pierce them.
Chap. 2.
He hath new information of the seuen Cities by certain Indians
called Pintados, and of three other kingdomes called Marata, Acus,
and Totonteac, being Countreys very rich in Turqueses and Hides of
cattel. Following his voyage through those countries, he taketh
possession thereof for the Emperors Maiestie, and of the Indians
is much honoured and serued with victuals.
The same day came three Indians of those which I called Pintados,
because I saw their faces, breasts and armes painted. These dwel farther
vp into the countrey towards the East, and some of them border vpon the
seuen cities, which sayd they came to see mee, because they had heard of
me: and among other things, they gaue me information of the seuen
cities, and of the other Prouinces, which the Indian that Stephan sent
me had tolde me of, almost in the very same manner that Stephan had sent
mee worde; and so I sent backe the people of the sea-coast; and two
Indians of the Islandes sayde they would goe with mee seuen or eight
dayes.
So with these and with the three Pintados aboue mentioned, I departed
from Vacupa vpon Easter Tuesday, the same way that Stephan went, from
whom I receiued new messengers with a Crosse of the bignesse of the
first which he sent me: which hastened mee forward, and assured me that
the land which I sought for, was the greatest and best countrey in all
those partes. The sayd messengers told mee particularly without fayling
in any one poynt, all that which the first messenger had tolde mee, and
much more, and gaue mee more plaine information thereof. So I trauelled
that day being Easter Tuesday, and two dayes more, the very same way
that Stephan had gone; at the end of which 3 dayes they tolde mee, that
from that place a man might trauell in thirtie dayes to the citie of
Ceuola, which is the first of the seuen. Neither did one onely tell me
thus much, but very many; who tolde me very particularly of the
greatnesse of the houses, and of the fashion of them, as the first
messengers had informed me. Also they tolde me, that besides these seuen
Cities, there are 3 other kingdomes which are called Marata, Acus, and
Totonteac. I enquired of them wherefore they trauelled so farre from
their houses: They said that they went for Turqueses and Hides of kine,
and other things; and that of all these there was great abundance in
this Countrey. Likewise I enquired how, and by what meanes they obteined
these things: They tolde me, by their seruice, and by the sweat of their
browes, and that they went vnto the first citie of the Prouince which is
called Ceuola, and that they serued them in tilling their ground, and in
other businesses, and that they giue them Hydes of oxen, which they haue
in those places, and turqueses for their seruice, and that the people of
this city weare very fine and excellent turqueses hanging at their eares
and at their nostrils. They say also, that of these turqueses they make
fine workes vpon the principall gates of the houses of this citie. They
tolde mee, that the apparell which the inhabitants of Ceuola weare, is a
gowne of cotten downe to the foote, with a button at the necke, and a
long string hanging downe at the same, and that the sleeues of these
gownes are as broad beneath as aboue. They say, they gyrd themselues
with gyrdles of turqueses, and that ouer these coates some weare good
apparel, others hides of kine very well dressed, which they take to bee
the best apparel of that countrey, whereof they haue there great
quantitie. Likewise the women goe apparelled, and couered downe to the
foote. These Indians gaue me very good intertainment, and curiously
enquired the day of my departure from Vacupa, that at my returne they
might prouide me of foode and lodging. They brought certaine sicke
folkes before mee, that I might heale them, and sought to touch my
apparell, and gaue mee certaine Cow-hydes so well trimmed and dressed,
that by them a man might coniecture that they were wrought by ciuile
people, and all of them affirmed, that they came from Ceuola.
The next day I followed my journey, and carrying with mee the Pintados,
I came to another Village where I was well receiued by the people of the
same: who likewise sought to touch my garments, and gaue mee as
particular knowledge of the Lande aforesayde, as I had receiued of those
which mette mee before: and also tolde mee, that from that place
certaine people were gone with Stephan Dorantez, fours or fiue dies
journey. And here I found a great crosse, which Stephan had left me for
a signe, that the newes of the good Countrey increased, and left worde,
that with all haste they should sende mee away, and that hee would stay
for mee at the ende of the first Desert that he mette with. Heere I set
vp two Crosses, and tooke possession according to mine instruction,
because that the Countrey seemed better vnto mee then that which I had
passed, and that I thought it meete to make an acte of possession as
farre as that place.
In this maner I trauailed fiue dayes alwayes finding inhabited places
with great hospitalitie and intertainments, and many Turqueses, and
Oxe-hides, and the like report concerning the countrey. Heere I
vnderstood, that after two dayes iourney I should finde a desert where
there is no foode; but that there were certaine gone before to build mee
lodgings, and to carrie foode for mee: whereupon I hastened my way,
hoping to finde Stephan at the ende thereof, because in that place hee
had left worde that he would stay for mee. Before I came to the desert,
I mette with a very pleasant Towne, by reason of great store of waters
conueighed thither to water the same. Heere I mette with many people
both men and women clothed in Cotton, and some couered with Oxe-hydes,
which generally they take for better apparell then that of cotton. All
the people of this Village goe in Caconados, that is to say, with
Turqueses hanging at their nostrilles and eares: which Turqueses they
call Cacona. Amongst others the Lord of this Village came vnto me, and
two of his brethren very well apparelled in Cotton, who also were in
Caconados, each of them hauing his Collar of Turqueses about his necke:
and they presented vnto mee many wilde beastes, as Conies, Quailes,
Maiz, nuttes of Pine trees, and all in great abundance, and offered mee
many Turqueses and dressed Oxe-hydes and very fayre vessels to drinke
in, and other things: whereof I would receiue no whit. [Sidenote: Store
of woollen cloth and sheepe in Totonteac.] And hauing my garment of gray
cloth, which in Spaine is called çaragoça, the Lord of this Village, and
the other Indians touched my gowne with their handes, and tolde mee,
that of such Cloth there was great store in Totonteac, and that the
people of that Countrey wore the same. Whereat I laughed, and sayde that
it was nothing else but such apparell of Cotton as they wore. And they
replyed: We would haue thee thinke that we vnderstand, that apparell
which thou wearest, and that which we weare are of diuers sortes.
Vnderstand thou, that in Ceuola all the houses are full of that apparell
which we weare, but in Totonteac there are certaine litle beasts, from
whom they take that thing wherewith such apparell as thou wearest, is
made. I prayed them to informe mee more playnely of this matter. And
they tolde me that the sayde beastes were about the bignesse of the two
braches or spaniels which Stephan carryed with him, and they say that
there is great store of that cattell in Totonteac.
Chap. 3.
He entreth into a desert, and the Indians suffer him to want nothing
necessary. Following his Voyage, he commeth into a fertile valley,
and hath certaine knowledge giuen him (as he had before) of the
state of Ceuola, and of Totonteac; and that the coast of the sea
in 35. degrees trendeth much to the Westward: and also of the
kingdomes of Marata and Acus.
[Sidenote: A desert of foure dayes iourney.] The next day I entred into
the Desert, and where I was to dine, I found bowers made, and victuals
in abundance by a riuers side; and at night I found bowers and victuals
in like sort, and after that maner I found for 4 dayes trauell: all
which time the wildernesse continueth.
[Sidenote: A very populous valley.] At the ende of these foure dayes, I
entered into a valley very well inhabited with people. At the first
Village there mette me many men and women with victuals, and all of them
had Turqueses hanging at their nostrils and eares, and some had collars
of turqueses like those which the Lord of the Village before I came to
the Desert, and his two [Sidenote: Collars of turqueses two or three
times double.] brethren wore: sauing that they ware them but single
about their neckes, and these people weare them three or foure times
double, and goe in good apparell, and skinnes or Oxen: and the women
weare of the sayd Turqueses at there nostrils and ears, and very good
wast-coats and other garments. Heere there was a great knowledge of
Ceuola, as in Nueua Espanna of Temistitan, and in Peru of Cuzco: and
they tolde vs particularly the maner of their houses, lodgings, streetes
and market-places, as men that had bene oftentimes there, and as those
which were furnished from thence with things necessary for the seruice
of their housholde, as those also had done, which I already had passed.
I tolde them it was impossible that the houses should be made in such
sort as they informed mee, and they for my better vnderstanding tooke
earth or ashes, and powred water thereupon, and shewed me how they layd
stones vpon it, and how the buylding grew vp, as they continued laying
stones thereon, vntill it mounted aloft. I asked them whether the men of
that Countrey had wings to mount vp vnto those loftes: whereat they
laughed, and shewed mee a Ladder in as good sort as I my selfe was able
to describe it. Then they tooke a Staffe and helde it ouer their heads,
and said that the lofts were so high one aboue another. Likewise heere I
had information of the woollen cloth of Totonteac, where they say are
houses like those of Ceuola, and better and more in number, and that it
is a great Prouince, and hath no gouernour.
[Sidenote: This graduation is mistaken by 6. or 7. degrees at the
least.] Here I vnderstand that the coast of the sea trended much toward
the West: for vnto the entrance of this first desert which I passed, the
coast still stretched Northward: and because the trending of the coast
is a thing of great importance, I was desirous to knowe and see it: and
I saw plainely, that in 35. degrees the coast stretcheth to the West,
whereat I reioyced no lesse then of the good newes within land, and so I
returned backe to proceede in my iourney.
Through the foresayd valley I trauailed fiue dayes iourney which is
inhabited with goodly people, and so aboundeth with victuals, that it
sufficeth to feede aboue three thousand horsemen: it is all well watered
and like a garden: the burroughs and townes are halfe and a quarter of a
league long, and in all these villages, I found very ample report of
Ceuola, whereof they made such particular relation vnto me, as people
which goe yeerely thither to earne their liuing. Heere I found a man
borne in Ceuola, who told me that he came thither, hauing escaped from
the gouernour or Lieutenant of the towne; for the Lord of these seuen
Cities liueth and abideth in one of those townes called Ahacus, and in
the rest he appoynteth lieu-tenants vnder him. This townesman of Ceuola
is a white man of a good complexion, somewhat well in yeeres, and of
farre greater capacitie then the inhabitants of this valley, or then
those which I had left behind me. Hee sayde that he would goe with mee,
that I might begge his pardon: and of him I learned many particulars: he
tolde me that Ceuola was a great Citie, inhabited with great store of
people, and hauing many Streetes and Market-places: and that in some
partes of this Citie there are certaine very great houses of fiue
stories high, wherein the chiefe of the Citie assemble themselues at
certaine dayes of the yeere. He sayeth that the houses are of Lyme and
Stone, according as others had tolde mee before, and that the gates, and
small pillars of the principall houses are of Turqueses, and all the
vessels wherein they are serued, and the other ornaments of their houses
were of golde: and that the other sixe Cities are built like vnto this,
whereof some are bigger: and that Ahacus is the chiefest of them.
[Sidenote: Marata lieth toward the Southeast.] Hee sayth that toward the
Southeast there is a kingdome called Marata, and that there were woont
to be many, and those great Cities, which were all built of houses of
Stone, with diuers lofts: and that these haue and doe wage warre with
the Lord of the seuen cities, through which warre this kingdome of
Marata is for the most part wasted, although it yet continueth and
mainteineth warre against the other.
[Sidenote: Totonteac lyeth West.] Likewise he saith, that the kingdome
called Totonteac lyeth toward the West, which he saith is a very mightie
Prouince, replenished with infinite store of people and riches: and that
in the sayde Kingdome they weare woollen cloth like that which I weare,
and other finer sorts of woollen cloth made of the fleeces of those
beastes which they described before vnto me: and that they are a very
ciuile people. Moreouer hee tolde me, that there is another great
Prouince and kingdome called Acus; for there is Acus, and Ahacus with an
aspiration, which is the principall of the seuen cities: and Acus
without an aspiration is a kingdome and Prouince of it selfe. He told me
also, that the apparel which they weare in Ceuola is after the same
maner as they before had certified me, and that all the inhabitants of
the Citie lie vpon beddes raysed a good height from the ground, with
quilts and canopies ouer them, which couer the sayde Beds: and hee tolde
mee that he would goe with me to Ceuola and farther also, if I would
take him with me. The like relation was giuen vnto me in this towne by
many others, but not so particularly. I trauelled three dayes iourney
through this valley: the inhabitants whereof made mee exceeding great
cheere and intertainement. In this valley I saw aboue a thousand
Oxe-hides most excellently trimmed and dressed. And here also I saw
farre greater store of Turqueses and chaines made thereof, then in all
places which I had passed; and they say, that all commeth from the city
of Ceuola, whereof they haue great knowledge, as also of the kingdome of
Marata, and of the kingdomes of Acus and Totonteac.
Chap. 4.
Of a very great beast with one horne vpon his forehead; and of the
courtesies which the Indians shewed Frier Marcus of Niça, in his
Voyage. Also how cruelly Stephan Dorantez and his companions were
vsed vpon their arriuall at Ceuola, by the Lorde thereof.
Here they shewed me an hide halfe as bigge againe as the hide of a great
oxe, and tolde me that it was the skin of a beast which had but one
horne vpon his forehead, and that this horne bendeth toward his breast,
and that out of the same goeth a point right forward, wherein he hath so
great strength, that it will breake any thing how strong so euer it be,
if he runne against it, and that there are great store of these beasts
in that Countrey. The colour of the hide is of the colour of a great
Goat-skin, and the haire is a finger thicke. Here I had messengers from
Stephan which brought me word, that by this time he was come to the
farthest part of the desert, and that he was very ioyfull, because the
farther he went, the more perfect knowledge he had of the greatnesse of
the countrey, and sent me word, that since his departure from me, hee
neuer had found the Indians, in any lye; for euen vnto that very place
he had found al in such maner as they had informed him, and hoped that
he should find the like at his arriuall in the valley which he was going
vnto, as he had found in the villages before passed. I set vp crosses,
and vsed those acts and ceremonies, which were to be done according to
my instructions. [Sidenote: Fifteene daies iourney from the end of the
desert to Ceuola or Ciuola.] The inhabitants requested me to stay here
three or foure daies, because that from this place there were foure
dayes iourney vnto the desert, and from the first entrance in the same
desert vnto the citie of Ceuola are 15 great dayes iourney more: also
that they would prouide victuals for me and other necessaries for that
voyage. Likewise they told me, that with Stephan the Negro were gone
aboue 300 men to beare him company, and to carry victuals after him, and
that in like sort many of them would go with me to serue me, because
they hoped to returne home rich. I thanked them, and willed them to set
things in order with speede, and so I rested there three dayes, wherein
I alwayes informed my selfe of Ceuola, and of as many other things as I
could learne, and called many Indians vnto me, and examined them
seuerally, and all of them agreed in one tale, and told me of the great
multitude of people, and of the order of the streetes, of the greatnesse
of the houses, and of the strength of the gates, agreeing altogether
with that which the rest before had told me. After three dayes many
assembled themselues to goe with me, 30 of the principal of whom I
tooke, being very well apparelled, and with chaines of turqueses, which
some of them weare fiue or sixe times double, and other people to cary
things necessary for them and me, and so set forward on my voyage.
Thus I entred into the second desert on the 9 of May, and trauelled the
first day by a very broad and beaten way, and we came to diner vnto a
water, where the Indians had made prouision for me: and at night we came
to another water, where I found a house which they had fully made vp for
me, and another house stood made where Stephan lodged when he passed
that way, and many old cottages and many signes of fire which the people
had made that trauelled to Ceuola by this way. In this sort I trauelled
12 dayes iourney being alway well prouided of victuals, of wild beasts,
Hares, and Partridges of the same colour and tast with those of Spaine
although they are not so big, for they be somewhat lesse.
Here met vs an Indian the sonne of one of the chiefe men that
accompanied mee, which had gone before with Stephan, who came in a great
fright, hauing his face and body all couered with sweat, and shewing
exceeding sadnesse in his countenance; and he told mee that a dayes
iourney before Stephan came to Ceuola he sent his great Mace made of a
gourd by his messengers, as he was alwayes woont to send them before
him, that hee might knowe in what sort hee came vnto them, which gourd
had a string of belles vpon it, and two feathers one white and another
red, in token that he demanded safe conduct, and that he came peaceably.
And when they came to Ceuola before the Magistrate, which the Lord of
the citie had placed there for his Lieutenant, they deliuered him the
sayde great gourd, who tooke the same in his hands, and after he had
spyed the belles, in a great rage and fury hee cast it to the ground,
and willed the messengers to get them packing with speed, for he knew
well ynough what people they were, and that they should will them in no
case to enter into the citie, for if they did hee would put them all to
death. The messengers returned and tolde Stephan how things had passed,
who answered them, that it made no great matter, and would needes
proceed on his voyage till he came to the citie of Ceuola: where he
found men that would not let him enter into the towne, but shut him into
a great house which stoode without the citie, and streightway tooke all
things from him which hee caried to truck and barter with them, and
certaine turqueses, and other things which he had receiued of the
Indians by the way, and they kept him there all that night without
giuing him meate or drinke, and the next day in the morning this Indian
was a thirst, and went out of the house to drinke at a riuer that was
neere at hand, and within a little while after he saw Stephan running
away, and the people followed him, and slew certaine of the Indians
which went in his company. And when this Indian saw these things, he hid
himselfe on the banks of the riuer, and afterward crossed the high way
of the desert. The Indians that went with me hearing these newes began
incontinently to lament, and I thought these heauie and bad newes would
cost mee my life, neither did I feare so much the losse of mine owne
life, as that I should not bee able to returne to giue information of
the greatnesse of that Countrey, where our Lord God might be glorified:
but streightway I cut the cords of my budgets which I carried with me
ful of merchandise for traffique, which I would not doe till then, nor
giue any thing to any man, and began to diuide all that I carried with
mee among the principall men, willing them not to be afraid, but to goe
forward with me, and so they did. And going on our way, within a dayes
iourney of Ceuola wee met two other Indians of those which went with
Stephan, which were bloody and wounded in many places: and assoone as
they came to vs, they which were with mee began to make great
lamentation. These wounded Indians I asked for Stephan, and they
aggreeing in all poynts with the first Indian sayd, that after they had
put him into the foresayd great house without giuing him meat and drinke
all that day and all that night, they tooke from Stephan all the things
which hee carried with him. The next day when the Sunne was lance high,
Stephan went out of the house, and some of the chiefe men with him, and
suddenly came store of people from the citie, whom assoone as hee sawe
he began to run away, and we likewise, and foorthwith they shot at vs
and wounded vs, and certaine dead men fell vpon vs, and so we lay till
night and durst not stirre, and we heard great rumours in the citie, and
saw many men and women keeping watch and ward vpon the walles thereof,
and after this we could not see Stephan any more, and wee thinke they
haue shot him to death, as they haue done all the rest which went with
him, so that none are escaped but we onely.
Chap. 5.
The situation and greatnesse of the Citie of Ceuola, and how frier
Marcus tooke possession thereof and of other prouinces, calling
the same The new kingdome of S. Francis, and how after his
departure from thence being preserued by God in so dangerous a
voyage, he arriued at Compostella in Nueua Galicia.
Hauing considered the former report of the Indians, and the euill meanes
which I had to prosecute my voyage as I desired, I thought it not good
wilfully to lose my life as Stephan did; and so I told them, that God
would punish those of Ceuola, and that the Viceroy when he should
vnderstand what had happened, would send many Christians to chastise
them: but they would not beleeue me, for they sayde that no man was able
to withstand the power of Ceuola. And herewithall I left them, and went
aside two or three stones cast, and when I returned I found an Indian of
mine which I had brought from Mexico called Marcus, who wept and sayde
vnto me: Father, these men haue consulted to kill vs, for they say, that
through your and Stephans meanes their fathers are slaine, and that
neither man nor woman of them shall remaine vnslaine. Then againe I
diuided among them certaine other things which I had, to appease them,
whereupon they were somewhat pacified, albeit they still shewed great
griefe for the people which were slaine. I requested some of them to goe
to Ceuola to see if any other Indian were escaped, with intent that they
might learne some newes of Stephan; which I could not obtaine at their
handes. When I saw this, I sayd vnto them, that I purposed to see the
citie of Ceuola, whatsoeuer came of it. They sayde that none of them
would goe with me. At the last when they sawe mee resolute, two of the
chiefe of them sayde they would goe with me: with whome and with mine
Indians and interpreters I followed my way, till I came within sight of
Ceuola, which is situate on a plaine at the foote of a round hill, and
maketh shew to bee a faire citie, and is better seated than any that I
haue seene in these partes. The houses are builded in order, according
as the Indians told me, all made of stone with diuers stories, and
flatte roofes, as farre as I could discerne from a mountaine, whither I
ascended to viewe the citie. The people are somewhat white, they weare
apparell, and lie in beds, their weapons are bowes, they have Emralds
and other jewels, although they esteeme none so much as turqueses,
wherewith they adorn the walles of the porches of their houses, and
their apparell and vessels, and they vse them in stead of money through
all the Countrey. Their apparell is of cotton and of ox hides, and this
is their most commendable and honourable apparell. [Sidenote: Most rich
mines of gold and siluer in the prouince of the Pintados.] They vse
vessels of gold and siluer, for they haue no other metall, whereof there
is greater vse and more abundance then in Peru, and they buy the same
for turqueses in the prouince of the Pintados, where there are sayd to
be mines of great abundance. Of other kingdomes I could not obtaine so
particular instruction. Diuers times I was tempted to goe thither,
because I knewe I could but hazard my life, and that I had offered vnto
God the first day that I began my iourney: in the ende I began to bee
afraid, considering in what danger I should put my selfe, and that if I
should dye, the knowledge of this countrey should be lost, which in my
iudgement is the greatest and the best that hitherto hath been
discouered: and when I told the chiefe men, what a goodly citie Ceuola
seemed vnto mee, they answered me that it was the least of the seuen
cities, and that Totonteac [Sidenote: Totonteac the greatest and most
populous prouince.] is the greatest and best of them all, because it
hath so many houses and people, that there is no ende of them. Hauing
seene the disposition and situation of the place, I thought good to name
that Countrey El Nueuo reyno de san Francisco: in which place I made a
great heape of stones by the helpe of the Indians, and on the toppe
thereof I set vp a small slender crosse because I wanted meanes to make
a greater, and sayd that I set vp that crosse and heape in the name of
the most honourable Lord Don Antonio de Mendoça Viceroy and Captaine
generall of Nueua Espanna, for the Emperour our Lord, in token of
possession, according to mine instruction. Which possession I sayd that
I tooke in that place of all the seuen cities, and of the kingdomes of
Totonteac, of Acus, and of Marata. Thus I returned with much more feare
then victuals, and went vntill I found the people which I had left
behind mee, with all the speede that I could make, whome I ouertooke in
two dayes trauell, and went in their company till I had passed the
desert, where I was not made so much of as before: for both men and
women made great lamentation for the people which were slaine at Ceuola,
and with feare I hastened from the people of this valley, and trauelled
tenne leagues the first day, and so I went daily eight or ten leagues,
without staying vntill I had passed the second desert. And though I were
in feare, yet I determined to go to the great plaine, wherof I said
before, that I had information, being situate at the foote of the
mountaines, and in that place I vnderstoode that this plaine is
inhabited for many dayes iourney toward the East, but I durst not enter
into it, considering, that if hereafter wee shoulde inhabite this other
Countrey of the seuen cities, and the kingdomes before mentioned, that
then I might better discouer the same, without putting my selfe in
hazard, and leaue it for this time, that I might giue relation of the
things which I had now seene. At the entrance of this plaine I saw but
seuen Townes onely of a reasonable bignesse, which were a farre off in a
low valley beeing very greene and a most fruitfull soyle, out of which
ranne many Riuers. I was informed that there was much golde in this
valley, and that the inhabitants worke it into vessels and thinne
plates, wherewith they strike and take off their sweat, and that they
are people that will not suffer those of the other side of the plaine to
traffique with them, and they could not tell me the cause thereof. Here
I set vp two crosses, and tooke possession of the plaine and valley in
like sort and order, as I did at other places before mentioned.
[Sidenote: Compostella in 21. degrees of latitude.] And from thence I
returned on my voyage with as much haste as I coulde make, vntill I came
to the citie of Saint Michael in the prouince of Culiacan, thinking
there to have found Francis Vazquez de Coronado gouernour of Nueua
Galicia, and finding him not there, I proceeded on my iourney till I
came to the Citie of Compostella, where I found him. I write not here
many other particularities, because they are impertinent to this matter:
I only report that which I haue seene, and which was told me concerning
the Countreys through which I trauelled, and of those which I had
information of.
EL VIAIE QVE HIZO ANTONIO
DE ESPEIO EN EL ANNO DE OCHENTA Y TRES: EL QUAL CON SUS COMPANNEROS
DESCUBRIERON VNA TIERRA EN QUE HALLARON QUINZE PROUINCIAS TODAS
LLENAS DE PUEBLOS, Y DE CASAS DE QUATRO Y CINCO ALTOS, A QUIEN
PUSIERON POR NOMBRE EL NUEUO MEXICO, POR PARECERSE EN MUCHAS
COSAS AL VIEJO. ESTA à LA PARTE DEL NORTE, Y SE CREE QUE POR
ELLA, Y POR POBLADO, SE PUEDE VENIR HASTA LLEGAR A LA TIERRA QUE
LLAMAN DEL LABRADOR.
Del Nueuo Mexico, y de su descubrimiento, y lo que del se sabe.
[Sidenote: _A.D. 1583._] Va dixe en el titulo del libro, que el anno de
mil y quinientos y ochenta y tres, se auian descubierto quinze
Prouincias, aquien los inuentores llamaron. [Sidenote: _New Mexico._] El
nueuo Mexico en la tierra firme de Nueua Espanna, y prometi de dar
noticia del descubrimiento, como lo hare con la mayor breuedad que sea
possible, porque si vuiera de poner diffusamente todo lo que vieron y
supieron, fuera menester hazer dello nueua historia. [Sidenote: _Friar
Augustin Ruyz_.] La substancia dello es, que el anno de mil y quinientos
y ochenta y vno, teniendo noticia vn Religioso de la Orden de sant
Francisco, que se llamaua fray Augustin Ruyz, que moraua en el valle de
sant Bartholome, por relation de ciertos Indios. Conchos que se
comunicauan con otros sus conuezinos llamados Passaguates: que hazia la
parte del Norte (caminando siempre por tierra) auia ciertas poblaciones
grandes, y nunca sabidas de nuestros Espannoles, ni descubiertas, con
zelo de caridad, y de saluacion de las almas, pidio licencia al Conde de
Corunna Viery de la dicha Nueua Espanna, y a sus mayores, para yr a
ellas, a procurar aprendar su lengua, y sabida, bautizarlos, y
predicarles el santo Euangelio. [Sidenote: _His departure._] Alcançada
la licencia de los sobredichos, tomando otros dos companneros de su
mesma. Orden, se partio con ocho soldados, que de voluntad le quisieron
acompannar, a poner en execution su Christiano y zeloso intento. Los
quales a pocos dias de camino toparon con vna Prouincia, que se llamaua
de los Tiguas, distante de las minas de sancta Barbora (de donde
començaron la jornoda) dozientas y cinquenta leguas hazia el Norte, en
la qual por cierta occasion los naturales le mataron al dicho padre vno
de sus dos companeros. El qual, los soldados que yuan com el, viendo, y
sintiendo el successo, y temiendo que del se podria seguir otro mayor
danno, acordaron de comun consentimiento de boluerse a las minas de
donde auian salido, con consideracion de que la gente que yua era muy
poca para resistir a los successos que se podian offrecer en tanta
distancia de la viuienda de los Espannoles, y tan lexos del necessario
socorro. Los dos Religiosos que hauian quedado, no solo no vinieron en
su parecer, mas antes viendo la ocasion para poner en execucion su buen
desseo, y tanta mies madura para la mesa de Dios, viendo quo no podian
persuadir a los soldados a passar adelante en el descubrimiento, se
quedaron ellos en la dicha Prouincia con tres muchachos Indios, y vn
mestizo, que auian lleuado consigo, pareciendoles que aunque quedassan
solos, estauan alli seguros, por la affabilidad y amor con que los
naturales della los tratauan. [Sidenote: _The mines of Barbora 160
leagues from Mexico._] Llegados los ocho soldades adonde desseauan,
embiaron luego la nueua al dicho Virey delo succedido a la ciuidad
Mexico, que dista de las dichas minas de santa Barbora ciento y sesenta
leguas. Sintieron mucho los religiosos de sant Francisco la quedada de
sus hermanos: y timiendo no los matassen viendo los solos, començaron a
mouer los animos de algunos soldados, para que en compannia de otro
Religioso de la mesma Orden llamado fray Bernardino Beltran, tornassen à
la dicha Prouincia, a sacar de peligro a los dichos dos Religiosos, y
proseguir con la empresa començada.
[Sidenote: _Antonio de Espejo died in Havana in 1589._] En esta sazon
estaua en las dichas minas por cierta ocasion vn vezino de la ciuadad de
Mexico, llamado Antonio de Espejo, hombre rico, y de mucho animo y
industria, y zeloso del seruicio de la maiestad del Rey Don Philippe
nuestro sennor, natural de Cordoua. El qual como enteniesse el desseo
delos dichos religiosos, y la importancia del negocio, se offrecio a la
jornada y a gastar en ella parte de su hazienda, y a riesgar su vida,
siendo le para ello concedida licencia de alguna persona que
representasse a su maiestad, la qual procurandola los dichos religiosos,
le fue dada por el Capitan Iuan de Ontiueros Alcalde mayor por su
maiestad en los pueblos que llaman las quatro Cienegas, que son en la
gouernacion de la Nueua Vizcaya, setenta leguas de las dichas minas de
santa Barbora, assi para que el pudiesse yr; como para que iuntasse la
gente y soldados que pudiesse, para que le acompannassen, y ayudassen a
conseguir su Christiano intento.
[Sidenote: _He sacrifices most of his wealth to assist the expedition._]
El dicho Antonio de Espejo tomo el negocio con tantas veras, que en muy
pocos dias iunto los soldados y bastimentos necessarios para hazer la
iornada, gastando en ello buena parte de su hazienda: y partio con todos
ellos del valle de sant Bartholome a los diez de Nouiembre de mil y
quinientos y ochenta y dos, lleuando para lo que se offreciesse ciento y
quinze cauallos, y mulas, y muchas armas, municiones, y bastimentos, y
alguna gente de seruicio.
[Sidenote: _Conchos._] Endereço su camino hazia el Norte, y a dos
jornados topo mucha cantidad de Indios de los que llaman Conchos en
Rancherias o poblaciones de casas pagicas. Los quales como lo supiessen,
y tuuiessen dello relacion muy de atras, los salieron a recebir con
muestras de alegria. [Sidenote: _Their food._] La comida destos, y delos
de la Prouincia, que es grande, es de carne de conejos, liebres, y
venados que matan, y lo ay todo en grandissima cantidad. [Sidenote:
_Their customs._] Tienen mucho maiz, que es el trigo de las Indias
calabaças, y melones, y en abundancia: y ay muchos rios que crian mucha
cantidad de pescado muy bueno, y de diuersas suertes: andan casi todos
desnudos, y las armas que vsan son arco y flecha, y viuen debaxo de
gouierno, y sennorio de Caciques, como los Mexicanos, y no les hallaron
Idolos, ni pudieron entender que adorassen à nadie, por lo qual
facilmente consintieron en que les pusiessen los Christianos cruzes, y
quedaron muy contentos con ellas, despues de auersido informados de los
nuestros dela significacion dellas, que se hizo por interpretes que
lleuauan, por cuyo medio supieron de otras poblaciones, para adonde los
dichos Conchos los guiaron, accompannandolos mas de veinte y quatro
leguas, que todas estauan pobladas de gente de su nacion, y los salian a
recebir de paz, por auiso que embiauan los Caciques de vnos pueblos a
otros.
[Sidenote: _Passaguates._] Andadas las veinte y quatro leguas dichas,
toparon otra nacion de Indios, llamados Passaguates, los quales viuian
al modo que los ya dichos. [Sidenote: _Silver._] Conchos sus conuezinos,
y hizieron con ellos lo proprio, guiandolos adelante otras quarto
jornados, con los auisos de los Caciques, de la manera ya dicha:
hallaron los nuestros en este camino muchas minas de plata, al parecer
de los que lo entendian, de mucho, y muy rico metal. [Sidenote:
_Tobosos._] Vna jornada destas toparon otra nacion, llamada los Tobosos,
los quales en viendo el rastro de los nuestros, se huyeron a las
sierras, dexando sus casas y pueblos desiertos. Supose despues que
algunos annos antes auian acudido por alli ciertos soldados que yuan en
busca de minas, y auian lleuado cautiuos a ciertos naturales, lo qual
tenia temerosos y abispados a los demas. El Capitan dio orden como los
fuessen a llamar, assegurandolos de que no los seria hecho ningun mal, y
diose tan buena manea que hizo venir a muchos, aquien regalo, y dio
dones, acariciandolos, y declarandoles por el interprete, que no yuan a
hazer mal a nadie, con lo qual se boluieron todos a sossegar, y
consintieron les pusiessen Cruzes, y declarassen el mysterio dellas,
mostrando reciber dello gran contentamiento, en cuya demonstracion los
fueron acompannando, como lo auian hecho sus vezinos, hasta que los
metieron en tierra problada de otra nacion differente, que distantan de
la suya cosa de doze leguas: vsan arco, y flecha, y andan desnudos.
Prosiguese del descubrimiento del Nueuo Mexico.
[Sidenote: _Iumanos._] [Sidenote: _Rio del Norte._] La nacion hasta
donde los dicho Tobosos los guiaron se llanaua Iumanos, a quien porotro
nombre laman los Espannoles Patarabuyes: tienen vna Prouincia grande, y
de muchos pueblos con mucha gente, y las casas eran con açoteas, y de
calicanto, y los pueblos traçados por buen orden: tienen todos los
hombres y mugeres los rostros rayados, y los braços, y piernas: es gente
corpulenta, y de mas policia, que los que hasta alli auian visto, y
tenian muchos mantenimientos, y mucha caça de pie y de buelo, y gran
cantitad de pescado, a causa de tener grandes rios que vienen de hazia
el Norte, y alguno tan grande como Guadalquiuir, el qual entra en la
propria mar del Norte. [Sidenote: _Good salt._] Tiene muchas lagunas de
agur salida que se quaja cierto tiempo del anno, y se haze muy buena
sal. Es gente bellicosa, y mostraronlo luego, porque la primera noche
que los nuestros assentaron real, les flecharon, y mataron cinco
cauallos, hiriendo muy mal otros tantos, y no dexaran ninguno a vida,
sino por las guardas que los defendieron. [Sidenote: _Rio Grande. Twelve
days journey._] Hecho este mal racado, despoblaron el lugar, y se
subieron a vna sierra que estaua cerca, adonde fue luego por la mannana
el Capitan con otros cinco soldados bien armados con vn interprete
llamado Pedro, Indio de su mesma nacion, y con buenas razones los quieto
y dexo de paz, haziendolos baxar a su pueblo y casas, y persuadiendolos
a que diestien auiso asus vezinos de que no eran hombres que hazian mal
a nadie, ni les yuan a tomar sus haziendas: que lo alcanço facilmente
con su prudencia, y con darles a los Caciques algunas sartas de quentas
de vidrio que llenaua para este effeto, y sombreros, y otras ninnerias:
con este, y con el buen tratamiento que les hazian, se fueron muchos
dellos en compannia de los nuestros algunos dias, caminando siempre por
la ribera del rio grande arriba dicho, portoda la qual hauia muchos
pueblos di Indios desta nacion, que duraron por espacio de doze
jornadas, en todas las quales auisados los vnos Caciques de los otros
salian a recebir a los nuestros sin arcos, ni flechas, y les trayan
muchos mantenimientos, y otros regalos y dadiuos, en especial cueros y
camuças muy bien adereçados, y que no les excedian en esto las de
Flandes. [Sidenote: _Apalito_.] Es gente toda vestida y hallaron que
tenian alguna lumbre de nuestra sancta Fee, porque sennalauan a Dios
mirando al cielo, y le llaman en sul lengua Apalito, y le conocen por
sennor, de cuya larga mano, y misericordia confiessan auer recibido la
vida, y el ser natural, y los bienes temporales. Venian muchos dellos y
les mugeres y ninnos, a que el Religioso, que diximos que yua con el
dicho Capitan y soldados, los santiguasse, y echasse la benedicion: el
qual como les preguntasse de quien auian entendido aquel conocimiento de
Dios que tenian: respondieron, que de tres Christianos, y vn negro, que
auian passado por alli, y detenidose algunos dias en su tierra, que
segun las sennas que dieron, eran Aluar Nunnes Cabeça de Vaca, y
Dorantes, y Castillo Maldonado, y vn negro, que todos ellos auian
escapado de la armida con que entro Panfilo de Narbaez en la Florida, y
despues de auer sido muchos dias esclauos, vinieron a dar a estos
pueblos, haziendo Dios por medio dellos muchos milagros, y sanando con
el tocamento solo de sus manos muchos infermos, por lo qual dexaron gran
nombre en toda aquella tierra. Toda esta Prouincia quedo de paz, y muy
sossegada, en cuya demonstracion fueron acompannando y siruiendo a los
nuestros algunos dias por la orilla del rio que diximos arriba.
A pocas dias toparon con vna gran poblacion de Indios, adonde los
salieron a recebir por nueua que tuuieron de sus vezinos, y les sacaron
muchas cosas muy curiosas de pluma de differentes colores, y muchas
mantas de algodon barretadas de azul y blanco, como las que traen de la
China, para rescatarlas, y trocarlas por otras cosas. Yuan todos, assi
hombres como mugeres, y ninnos vestidos de camuças muy buenas y bien
adobadas, y nancapudieron los nuestros entender que nacion era por falta
de interprete que intendiesse su lengua, aunque por sennas tratauan con
ellos, à los quales como les mostrassen algunas piedras de metal rico, y
les preguntassen si hauiade aquello en su tierra: Respondieron por las
mesmas sennas que cinco dias de comino de alli hazia el Poniente, auia
de aquello en muy gran cantidad, y que ellos los guiarian para alla, y
se lo mostrarian, como lo cumplieron despues, acompannandolos por
espacio de veynte y dos leguas, todas pobladas de gente de su mesma
nacion: a quien immediatamente se seguia por el mesmo rio arriba otra de
mucha mas gente que la de la passada, de quien fueron bien recibidos, y
regalados con muchos presentes especialmente de pescado que hauia
infinito, [Sidenote: _Great lakes._] a causa de vnas lagunas grandes que
cerca de alli hauia, que lo crian en la abundancia dicha. Estuuieron
entre estos tres dias, en los quales de dia, y de noche les hizieron
muchos bayles a su modo, con particular signification de algeria: no se
supo como se llamaua esta nacion por falta de interprete, aunque
entendieron que se extendia mucho, y que era muy grande. Entre estos
hallaron vn Indio Concho de nacion, que les dixo, y sennalo, que quinze
iornadas de alli hazia el Poniente hauia vna laguna muy ancha, y cerca
della muy grandes pueblos, y casas de tres y quatro altos, y la gente
bien vestida, y la tierra de muchos bastimentos, el qual se offrecio de
lleuarlos alla, y holgaran los nuestros dello, y solo lo dexaron de
poner en effecto, pro proseguir el intento con que auian començado la
jornada, que era yr al Norte a dar socorra a los Religiosos arriba
dichos.
[Sidenote: _Rich ores._] En esta Prouincia lo que particularmente
notaron fue, que hauia muy buyen temple, y muy ricas tierras, y mucha
caça de pie y buelo, y muchos metales ricos, y otras cosas particulares,
y de prouecho.
Desta Prouincia fueron siguiendo su derrota por espacio de quinze dias,
sin topar en todos ellos ninguna gente por entre grandes pinales de
pinnas y pinnones, como los de Castilla: al cabo de los quales auiendo
caminado a su parecer ochenta leguas, toparon vna pequenna Rancheria, o
pueblo de poca gente, y en sus casas, que eran pobres, y de paja, gran
cantidad de cueros de venados tan bien adereçados como los de Flandes,
[Sidenote: _Salt._] y mucha sal blanca, y muy buena. Hizieronles muy
buen hospedaje dos dias que alli estuuieron, despues delos quales los
acompannaron como doze leguas a vnas poblaciones grandes, caminando
siempre por el rio del Norte ya dicho, hasta llegar a la tierra que
llaman el Nueuo Mexico. Estaua toda la ribera del dicho rio llena de
grandissimas alamedas de alamos blancos y en partes tomauan quatro
leguas de ancho, y ansi mesmo de muchos nogales, y parrales como los de
Castilla. Auiendo caminado dos dias por estas alamedas y noguerales,
toparon diez pueblos que estauan assentados en la ribera del dicho rio
por ambas partes, sin otros que se mostrauan mas desuiados, en los
quales les parecio auia mucha gente, y la que ellos vieron passauan en
numero de diez mil animas. En esta Prouincia los regalaron mucho con
recebimientos, y con lleuarlos a sus pueblos, don de les dauan mucha
comida, y gallinas de la tierra, y otras cosas, y todo con gran
voluntad. [Sidenote: _Houses of four stories._] Aqui hallaron casas de
quatro altos, y bien edificadas, y con galanos aposentos, y en las mas
dellas auia estufas para tiempo de inuierno. [Sidenote: _Clothing of the
Natives._] Andauan vestidos de algodon, y de cuero de venado, y el
traje, assi de los hombres, como de las mugeres, es al modo del de los
Indios del reyno de Mexico: y lo que les causo mas estranneza, fue ver
que todos ellos, y ellas andauan calçados conçapatos y botas de buen
cuero con suelas de vaca, cosa que hazta alli nunca la auian visto. Las
mugeres trayan el cabello muy peynado, y compuesto, y sin cosa sobre la
cabeça. En todos estos pueblos auia Caciques que los gouernauan como
entre los Indios Mexicanos, con Alguaziles para executar sus
mandamientos, los quales van por el pueblo, diziendo à vozes la voluntad
de los Caciques, y que la pongan por obra. [Sidenote: _Idols._] En esta
Prouincia hallaron los nuestros muchos Idolos que adorauan, y en
especial que tenian en cada casa vn templo para el Demonio, donde le
lleuan de ordinario de comer, y otra cosa, que de la manera que entre
los Christianos tenemos en los caminos cruzes: assi tienen ellos vnas
como capillas, altas, donde dizen, descansa, y se recrea el Demonio,
quando va de vn pueblo a otro: las quales estan muy adornadas y
pintadas. En todas las sementeras, o labranças, que las tienen muy
grandes, tienen a vn lado dellas vn portal con quatro pilares, donde
comen los trabajadores, y passan la siesta, porque es la gente muy dada
ala labor, y estan de ordinario en ella: es tierra de muchos montes y
pinales. [Sidenote: _Arms._] Las armas que vsan son arcos muy fueres, y
flechas con las puntas de pedernal con que passan vnta cota, y macanas,
que son vnos palos de media vara de largo, y llanos todos de pedernales
agudos, que bastan a partir por medio vn hombre, y ansi mesmo vnas como
adargas de cuero de vaca crudio.
Prosiguese del Nueuo Mexico, y de las cosas que en el se vieron.
[Sidenote: _Tiguas._] Despues de auer estado en esta Prouincia quatro
dias, y a poca distancia toparon con otra, que se llamaua la Prouincia
de los Tiguas, en la qual auia diez y seys pueblos: en el vno de los
quales, llamado por nombre Poala, hallaron que auian muerto los indios à
los dichos dos padres fray Francisco Lopez, y fray Augustin a quien yuan
a buscar, y juntamene a tres muchachos, y vn mestizo. Quando los deste
pueblo, y sus conuezinos vieron a los nuestros, remordiendo les la
propria consciencia, y temiendose que yuan a castigarlos, y tomar
vengança de las muertes de los dichos padres, no los osaron esperar,
antes dexando sus casas deseirtas se subieron a las sierras mas
cercanas, de donde nunca los pudieron hazer baxar, anunque lo procuraron
con alagos y mannas. Hallaron en los pueblos y casas muchos
mantenimientos, y gran infinidad de gallinas de la tierra, y muchas
suertes de metales, y algunos que parecian muy buenos. No se pudo
entender claramente que tanta gente fuesse la desta Prouincia, por causa
de auerse (como ya dixe) subido a la sierra.
[Sidenote: _A debate._] Auiendo hallado muertos a los que buscauan,
entraron en consulta sobre si se boluerian à la Nueua Vizcaya, de donde
hauian salido, o passarian adelante: en lo qual vno diuersos pareceres:
pero como alli entendiessen, que a la parte de Oriente de aquella
Prouincia, y muy distante de alli hauian grandes pueblos y ricos,
hallandose alli tan cerca, acordo el dicho Capitan Antonio de Espejo de
consentimiento de Religioso ya dicho, llamado fray Bernardino Beltran, y
de la mayor parte de sus soldados, y companneros, de proseguir con el
descubrimiento hasta ver en que paraua, para poder der dello noticia
cierta y clara a su Magestad, como testigos de vista: y assi conformes
determinaron que quedandose alli el Real, fuessen el Capitan con dos
companneros en demanda de su desseo, que lo pusieron por obra. Y a dos
dias de camino toparon con vna Prouincia donde vieron onze pueblos, y en
ellos mucha gente, que a su parecer passaua en numero de quarenta mil
animas: era tierra muy fertil y bastecida, cuyos confines estan
immediatamente juntas con las tierras de Cibola, donde ay muchas vacas,
de cuyos cueros se visten, y de algodon: siguiendo en la manera del
gouierno el orden que guarden sus conuezinos: ay sennales de muchas
minas ricas, y assi hallauan metales dellas en algunas casas de los
Indios, los quales tienen, y adoran Idolos: recibieronlos de paz, y
dieron les de comer. Visto esto, y la disposicion de la tierra, se
boluieron al real de donde auian salido, a dar noticia a sus companneros
de todo lo sobredicho.
[Sidenote: _Quires._] Llegados al Real (como esta dicho) tuuieron
noticia de otra Prouincia, llamada los Quires, que estaua el rio del
Norte arriba seys leguas de distancia, y como se partiessen para alla, y
llegassen vna legua della, les salieron a recebir de paz mucha cantidad
de Indios, y a rogar que se fuessen con ellos a sus pueblos, que como lo
hiziessen, fueron muy bien recebidos y regalados. Vieron solamente cinco
pueblos en esta Prouincia, en los quales auia muy gran cantidad de
gente, y la que ellos vieron passaua de quinze mil animas, y adoran
Idolos como sus vezinos. Hallaron en vno destos pueblos vna Vrraca en
vna jaula, como se vsa en Castilla, y tira soles, como los que se traen
de la China, pintados en ellos el sol y la luna, y muchas estrellas.
Donde come tomassen la altura, se hallaron en treynta y siete grados y
medio debaxo del Norte.
[Sidenote: _Cunames._] Salieron desta Prouincia, y caminando por el
proprio rumbo, y a catorze leguas, hallaron otra Prouincia, llamada los
Cunames donde vieron otros cinco pueblos, y el principal dellos,
[Sidenote: _City of Cia._] y mas grande se llamaua Cia, que era tan
grande que tenia ocho placas, cuyas casas eran encaladas, y pintadas de
colores, y mejores que las que hauian visto en las Prouincias atras:
parecioles que la gente que vieron passauan de veynte mil animas:
hizieron presente a los nuestros de muchas mantas curiosas, y de cosas
de comer muy bien guisadas, y juzgaron ser la gente mas curiosa, y de
mayor policia, de quantas hasta alli hauian visto, y de mejor gouierno:
monstraronles ricos metales, y vnas sierras alli cerca de donde de los
sacauan. Aqui tuuieron noticia de otra Prouincia, que staua hazia el
Nordueste, que se determinaron de yra ella.
[Sidenote: _Amejes._] Come vuiessen andado como seys leguas, toparon con
la dicha Prouincia, que se llamaua de los Amejes, en la qual hauia siete
pueblos muy grandes, y en ellos a su entender mas de treynta mil animas.
Vno destos siete pueblos dixeron era muy grande y hermoso, que la
dexaron de yr a ver, assi por estar de tras vna sierra, como por temor
de algun ruyn successo, si a caso se diuidian los vnos de los otros. Es
gente al modo de la Prouincia su vezina, y tan abastada como ella, y de
tan buen gouierno.
[Sidenote: _Acoma._] A quinze leguas desta Prouincia, caminando siempre
hazia el Poniente, hallaron vn pueblo grande llamado Acoma, era de mas
de seys mil animas, y estaua essentado sobre vno penna alta que tenia
mas de cinquenta estados en alto, no teniendo otra entrada sino per vna
escalera que estaua hecha en la propria penna, cosa que admiro mucho
alos nuestros: toda el agua que en el pueblo auia era de cisternas.
Vinieron los principales de paz a ver a los Espannoles, y traxeron les
muchas mantas, y camucas muy bien adere cadas, y gran cantidad de
bastimentos. Tienen sus sembrados dos leguas de alli, y sacan el agua
para regarlos de vn rio pequenno que esta cerca, en cuya ribera vieron
muy grandes rosales como los de aca de Castilla. [Sidenote: _Bellicose
Natives._] Ay muchas sierras con sennales de metales, aunque no subieron
a verlo, por ser los Indios dellas muchos, y muy bellicosos. Estuuieron
los nuestros en este lugar tres dias, en vno de los quales los naturales
les hizieron vn bayle muy solenne, saliendo a el con galannos vestidos,
y con juegos muy ingeniosos, con que holgaron en se estremo.
Veynte y quatro leguas de aqui, hazia el Poniente dieron con vna
Prouincia, que se nombra en lengua de los naturales Zuny, [Sidenote:
_Zuny or Cibola._] y la llaman los Espannoles Cibola, ay en ella gran
cantidad de Indios, en la qual estuuo Francisco Vazquez Coronado, y dexo
muchas Cruzes puestas y otras sennales de Christianidad que siempre se
estauan en pie. Hallaron ansi mesmo tres Indios, Christianos que se
auian quedado de aquella jornada, cuyos nombres eran Andres de Cuyoacan,
Gaspar de Mexico, y Antonio de Guadalajara, los quales renian casi
oluidada su misma lengua, y sabian muy bien la delos naturales, aunque a
pocas bueltas que les hablaron se entendieron facilmente. [Sidenote: _A
great lake._] De quien supieron que sesenta jornadas de alli auia vna
laguna, o lago muy grande, en cuyas riberas estauan muchos pueblos
grandes y buenos, [Sidenote: _Much gold._] y que los naturales tenian
mucho oro, de lo qual era indicion el traer todos braceletes y orejeras
dello: y que como el sobredicho Francisco Vazquez Coronado tuuiesse
noticia muy cierta dello, hauia salido desta Prouincia de Cibola para yr
alla, y auiendo andado doze jornadas le falto el agua, y se determino de
boluer, como lo hizo, con determinacion de tornar otra vez mas de
proposito a ello, que despues no lo puso an execucion, porque la muerte
le atajo los passos y pensamientos.
Prosiue del Nueuo Mexico.
[Sidenote: _Another debate._] A la nueua de la riqueza dicha, quiso a
cudir el dicho Capitan Antonio de Espejo, y aunque eran de su parecer
algunos de sus companneros, la mayor parte, y el Religioso fue de
contrario: diziendo, era ya tiempo de boluerse a la nueua Viscaya de
donde hauian salido, a dar cuenta de lo que auian visto: que lo pusieron
por obra dentro de pocos dias la mayor parte, dexando al Capitan con
nueue companneros que le quisieron seguir: el qual, despues de hauerse
certificado muy por entero de la riqueza arriba dicha, y de mucha
abundancia de metales que en ello auia muy buenos, salio con los dichos
sus companneros desta prouincia, y caminando hazia el proprio Poniente,
despues de hauer andado veinte y ocho leguas, hallaron otra muy grande
en la qual les parecio hauia mas de cinquenta mil animas, cuyos
moradores como supiessen su llegada, les embiaron vn recado, diziendo,
que si no querian que los matassen, no se acercassen mas a sus pueblos;
a lo qual respondio el dicho Capitan, que ellos no les yuan a hazer mal,
como lo verian, y que assi les rogauan no se pusiessen en lleuar
adelante su intento, dando al mensajero algunas cosas de las que
lleuaua: el qual supo tan bien obonar a los nuestros, y allanar los
pechos alborotados de los Indios, que les dieron lugar de voluntad para
que entrassen, que lo hizieron con ciento y cinquenta Indios amigos de
la prouincia de Cibola ya dicha, y los tres Indios Mexicanos, de quien
queda hecha mencion. Vna legua antes que llegassen al primer pueblo, les
salieron a recibir mas de dos mil Indios cargados de bastimentos, a
quien el dicho Capitan dio algunas cosas de poco precio, que a ellos les
parecio ser de mucho, y las estimaron masque si fueran de oro.
[Sidenote: _Zaguato or Ahuato_.] Llegando mas cerca del pueblo, que se
llamaua Zaguato, salio a recebirlos gran muche numbre de Indios, y entre
ellos los Caciques, haziendo tanta demostracion de plazer y regozijo,
que echauan mucha farina de maiz por el suelo, para que la pisassen los
cauallos: con esta fiesta entraron en el, y fueron muy bien hospedados,
y regalados, que se lo pago en parte el Capitan, con dar a todos los mas
principales sombreros, y quentas de vidrio, y otras muchas cosas que
lleuaua para semejantes offrecimientos.
Despacharon luego los dichos Caciques recados a todos los de aquella
Prouincia, dandoles noticia de la venida de los huespedes, y de como
eran hombres muy corteses, y no les hazian mal: lo qual fue bastante
para hazer los venir a todos cargados de presentes para los nuestros, y
de que los importunassen, fuessen con ellos a holgarse a sus pueblos,
que lo hizieron, aunque siempre con recado de lo que podia succeder. Por
lo qual el dicho Capitan vso de vna cautela, y fue dezir a los Caciques,
que por quanto los cauallos eran muy brauos, y les auian dicho que los
querian matar, seria necessario hazer vn fuerte de calicanto donde meter
los para euitar el danno que querian hazer en los Indios. Creyeronlo los
Caciques tan de veras que dento de pocas horas juntaron tanta gente que
hizieron el dicho fuerte que los nuestros querion con vna presteza
increyble. Demas desto, diziendo el Capitan que se queria yr, le
traxeron vn presente de 40. mil. mantas de algodon pintadas y blancas, y
mucha cantidad de pannos de manos con borlas en las puntas, y otras
muchas cosas, y entre ellas metales ricos, y que mostrauan tener mucha
plata. Halaron entre estos Indios muy gran noticia de la laguna grande
arriba dicha, y conformaron con los otros en lo tocante a las riquezas,
y mucha abundancia de oro.
Fiado el Capitan desta gente, y de sus buenos animos, a cordo a cabo de
algunos dias de dexar alli cinco de sus companneros con los demas Indios
amigos, para que se boluiessen a la prouincia de Zuny con el bagaje, y
de yrse el con los quatro que quedauan a la ligera en descubrimento de
cierta noticia que tenia de vnas minas muy ricas. [Sidenote: _The mines
discovered._] Lo qual puesto por obra se partio con las guias que
lleuaua, y como vuiesse caminado hazia el proprio Poniente quarenta y
cinco leguas, topo con las dichas minas, y saco con sus proprias manos
riquissimos metales, y de mucha plata y las minas, que eran de vna veta
muy ancha, estauan en vna sierra adonde se podia subir con facilidad, a
causa de hauer para ello camino abierto. Cerca delas auia algunos
pueblos de Indios serranos que les hizieron amistad, y los salieron a
recebir con Cruzes en las cabeças, y otras sennales de paz. [Sidenote:
_A great river._] Aqui cerca toparon dos rios razonables, a cuyas
orillas hauia muchas patras de vnas muy buenas, y grandes noguerales, y
mucho lino como lo de Castilla, y dixeron por sennas que detras de
aquellas sierras estaua vno que tenia mas de ocho leguas de ancho, pero
no se pudo entender que tan cerca, [Sidenote: _North Sea._] aunque
hizieron demonstracion que corria hazia la mar del Norte, y que en las
riberas del de vna y otra banda ay muchas pueblos tan grandes, que en su
comparacion a quellos en que est aua eran barrios.
Despues de hauer tomado toda esta relacion, se partio el dicho Capitan
para la Prouincia de Zuny, adonde hauia mendado yr a los dichos
companneros: y como llegasse a ella con salud, hauiendo ydo por muy buen
camino, hallo con ella a sus cinco companneros, y al dicho padre Fray
Bernardino con los soldados que se auian determinado de boluer, como ya
diximos, que aun no se auian partido, por ciertas ocasiones: a los
quales los naturales hauian hecho muy buen tratamiento, y dadoles todo
lo necessario muy complida mente, haziendo despues lo mesmo con el
capitan, y los que con el venian, a quien salieron a recebir con
demonstracion de alegria, y dieron muchos bastimentos para la jornada
que hauian de hazar, rogandoles que boluissen con breuedad, y traxessen
muchos Castillas (que assi llaman a los Espannoles) y que a todos les
darian de comer. Por lo qual para poderlo hazar con comodidad auian
sembrado a quel anno mas trigo y semillas, que en todos los passados.
En este tiempo se retificaron en su primera determinacion el dicho
religioso, y los soldados arriba dichos, y accordaron de boluerse a la
prouincia de donde auian salido con el designio que queda dicho, a quien
se junto Gregorio Hernandez que auia sido Alferez en la jornada:
[Sidenote: _They resolve to return._] los quales partidos, quedando el
Capitan con solos ocho soldados, se resoluio de seguir lo començado y
correr por el Rio del norte arriba, que lo puso por obra. [Sidenote:
_Hubates._] Y hauiendo caminado como sesenta leguas hazia la prouincia
de los Quires ya dicha, doze leguas de alli hazia la parte del Oriente,
hallaron vna prouincia que se llamaua los Hubates, donde los indios los
receibieron de paz, y les dieron muchos mantenimientos, y noticia de que
cerca de alli hauia vnas minas muy ricas, que las hallaron, y sacaron
dellas metales reluzientes y buenos, con los quales se boluieron al
pueblo de donde auian salido. Iuzgaron esta prouincia por de hasta
veynte y cinco mil animas, todos muy bien vestidos de mantas de algodon
pintadas, y camuças muy bien adere cadas. Tienen muchos montes de
pinales y cedros, y las casas de los pueblos son de quatro y cinco
altos. [Sidenote: _Tamos._] [Sidenote: _They return._] Aqui tuuieron
noticia que otra prouincia que estaua vna jornada de alli, que se
llamaua de los Tamos, en qui hauia mas de quarenta mil animas, donde
como llegasen no les quisieron dar de comer los moradores della, ni
admitirlos en sus pueblos: por lo qual, y por el peligro en que estauan,
y [Sidenote: _1583._] estar algunos soldados enfermos, y ser tan pocos
(como hauemos dicho) se determinaron de yrse saliendo para tierra de
Christianos, y lo pusieron en execucion a principio de Iulio del anno de
ochenta y tres, siendo guiados por vn Indio que se fue con ellos, y los
lleuo por camino differente del que a la venida hauian traydo, por vn
rio abaxo, a quien llamaron de las vacas, por auer gran muche dumbre
dellas en toda su ribera, por donde caminaron ciento y veynte leguas,
topando las ordinariamente: de aqui salieron al rio de los Conchos por
donde auian entrado, y del al Valle de Sant Bertholme de donde hauian
salido para dar principio al descubrimiento: y ya quando llegaron,
hallaron que el dicho fray Bernardino Beltran, y sus companneros auian
llegado a saluamento al dicho pueblo muchos dias hauia, y que de alli se
auian ydo a la villa de Guadiana. Hizo en este pueblo el dicho Capitan
Antonio de Espejo informacion muy cierta de todo lo arriba dicho, laqual
embio luego al Conde de Corunna Virey de aquel Reyno, y el a su
Magestad, y a los Sennores, de su Real Consejo de las Indias, para que
ordenassen lo que fuessen seruidos, que lo han ya hecho con mucho
cuydado. [Sidenote: _A pious wish._] Nuestro Sennor de situa de ayudar
este negocio, de modo que tantas almas rededimas con su sangre no se
condenen, de cuyos buenos ingenios (en que exceden alos de Mexico y
Peru, segun se antendio de los que los trataron) se puede presumir,
abraçaran con facilidad la ley Euangelica, dexando la idolatria, que
agora la mayor parte dellos tiene: quo lo haga Dios como puede para
honor y gloria suya, y augmento de la sancto fe Catholica.
A briefe relation of two notable voyages, the first made by frier
Augustin Ruyz a Franciscan, in the yeere 1581: the second by
Antonio de Espejo in the yere 1583: who together with his company
discouered a land wherein they found fifteene prouinces all full
of townes, conteining houses of foure and fiue stories high,
which they named New Mexico; for that in many respects it
resembleth the prouince of olde Mexico. This land is situate to
the North of Nueua Espanna, and stretcheth from 24 to 34 degrees
and better: by the which and by other inhabited lands it is
thought that men may trauell euen to Terra de Labrador. Taken out
of the history of China written by Frier Iuan Gonzales de
Mendoça, and printed in Madrid 1586.
I haue now declared in the title of this present discourse, that in the
yeere 1583 there were discouered fifteene prouinces, which the
discouerers called New Mexico, situate on the firme land of Nueua
Espanna, and I promised to giue notice of the sayd discouery which I
will do with as much breuity as is possible: for if I should record at
large all particulars which they saw and came to the knowledge of, it
would require a full history. The substance thereof is as followeth.
[Sidenote: The first voyage made by Frier Augustin Ruiz to the prouince
de los Tiguas.] In the yere of our Lord 1581, a certaine Franciscan
frier called Augustin Ruiz which dwelt in the valley of S. Bartholomew,
being informed by the report of certaine Indians called Conchos, which
had dealings and conuersation with other of their neighbours called
Passaguates; that toward the North, trauelling always by land, there
were certaine great townes not hitherto knowen nor discouered by our
Spanyards; moved with a zeale of charity and a desire to saue soules,
craued licence of the Conde of Corunna as then Viceroy of Nueua Espanna,
and of his superiors, to go to the sayd townes, and to indeuour to
learne their language, and hauing learned the same to baptise them and
to preach the holy Gospel vnto them. After he had obteined licence of
the parties aforesayd, taking with him other two companions of his owne
order, and eight souldiers, who of their owne good will offered to
beare him company, he departed to put in execution his Christian and
zealous intent. [Sidenote: The chiefe of these 8 soldiers was Francisco
Sanchez Xamuzeado which made a map of these prouinces, which being
intercepted is come to our hands.] Who after certeine dayes trauell came
vnto a countrey called The prouince de los Tiguas distant from the mines
of Santa Barbara, from whence they began their iourney, 250 leagues
towards the North: in which prouince the inhabitants, vpon a certaine
occasion, slew one of the sayd friers two companions. The souldiers that
went with him seeing this mishap, and perceiuing the successe, and
likewise fearing, that thereof might happen some greater danger,
determined with a common consent to return vnto the mines from whence
they departed: considering that their company was too small to resist
the dangers that might happen, being so farre distant from the dwellings
of the Spanyards, and from all necessary succour. But the two friers
which remained aliue did not onely refuse their determination, but
rather seeing fit occasion to put their good desire in execution, and so
great a haruest ripe for the Lords table, because they could not
persuade the souldiers to proceed any further in that discouery,
remained behinde in the sayd prouince with three Indian boyes and one
Mestiço whom they had carried with them; thinking that although they
remained alone, yet should they be there in securitie, by reason of the
great affability and loue which the people of that place shewed vnto
them.
The eight souldiours being returned to their wished home, immediatly
sent newes of all that had passed to the Viceroy vnto the city of
Mexico, which is distant from the sayd mines of Santa Barbara 160
leagues.
The friers of Sant Francis were much agrieued at the staying of their
brethren behinde in the countrey, and fearing least the Sauages would
kill them seeing them left alone, they began to mooue the minds of
certaine souldiers to make another voyage to the sayd prouince in the
company of another Frier of the foresayd Order called Frier Bernardin
Beltran, to deliuer the aforesayd two religious men out of danger, and
to prosecute their former enterprise.
[Sidenote: The second voyage.] At the same time there was at the
foresayd mines vpon some occasion a citizen of Mexico called Antonio de
Espejo, a rich man, and of great courage and industry, and very zealous
in the seruice of king Philip his souereigne, and was borne in Cordoua.
Who vnderstanding the desire of the foresayd friers, and the importance
of the action, offered himselfe to go on that voyage, and also to spend
part of his substance, and to aduenture his life therein; conditionally
that licence might be granted him to the same purpose from some person
sufficiently authorised by his Maiestie. Which licence at the sayd
friers procurement was granted vnto him by the gouernour Iuan de
Ontiueros the kings Alcade mayór or chiefe Iustice in the towns called
Las quatro Cienegas situate within the iurisdiction of Nueua Biscaya
seuenty leagues from the sayd mines of Santa Barbara; authorizing him
both to take in hand the sayd voyage, and also to assemble such people
and souldiers as he could, which might accompany and ayde him in the
performance of this his Christian intent.
The sayd Antonio de Espejo was so earnest in this matter, that in very
few dayes he had gathered a company of souldiers, and made prouision of
things necessary for his voyage, spending therein a good part of his
substance. And he departed with his whole company from the valley of S.
Bartholomew the tenth of Nouember 1582; taking with him (for whatsoeuer
should happen) 115 horses and mules, with great store of weapons,
munition, and victuals, and some Indians to serue him in his iourney.
Directing his course toward the North, after two dayes iourney he met
with great store of the foresayd Indians called Conchos, which dwell in
villages or hamlets of cottages couered with straw. Who, assoone as they
vnderstood of his approch, hauing newes thereof long before, came foorth
to receiue him with shewes of great ioy. The food of this people and of
all the rest of that prouince, which is great, are conies, hares, and
deere which they kill, of all which they haue great abundance. Also they
haue great store of Maiz or Indian wheat, gourds, and melons very good
and plentifull: and there are many riuers full of excellent fish of
diuers sorts. They goe almost naked, and the weapons that they vse are
bowes and arrowes, and liue vnder the gouernment and lordship of
Caçiques like those of Mexico: they found no idols among them, neither
could they vnderstand that they worshipped any thing, whereupon they
easily consented that the Spanyards should set vp crosses, and were very
well content therewith, after they were informed by our friers of the
signification thereof, which was done by the interpreters that they
caried with them; by whose meanes they vnderstood of other townes,
whither the said Conchos did conduct them, and bare them company aboue
foure and twenty leagues, all which way was inhabited with people of
their owne nation: and at all places where they came they were peaceably
receiued by aduice that was sent by the Caçiques from one towne to
another.
Hauing passed the foure and twenty leagues aforesayd, they came vnto
another nation of Indians called Passaguates, who liue after the maner
of the foresayd Conchos their borderers, and did vnto them as the others
had done, conducting them forward other foure dayes iourney, with aduice
of the Caciques as before. [Sidenote: Very great and rich siluer mines.]
The Spanyards found in this iourney many mines of siluer, which
according to the iudgement of skilfull men, were very plentifull and
rich in metall.
A dayes iourney from thence they met with another nation called Tobosos,
who so soone as they beheld the countenance of our people fledde vnto
the mountaines, leauing their townes and houses desolate. Afterward wee
vnderstood that certeine yeeres past there came vnto that place certaine
souldiers to seeke mines, who caried away captiue certaine of the people
of the countrey, which caused the rest of them to be so shey and
fearefull. The captaine sent messengers to call them backe againe,
assuring them that they should not sustaine any harme, and handled the
matter so discreetly, that many of them returned, whom he made much of,
and gaue them gifts, vsing them kindly, and declaring vnto them by the
interpreter, that their comming was not to hurt any man: whereupon they
were all quieted, and were content that they should set vp crosses, and
declare the mystery of the same, making shew that they were highly
pleased therewith. For proofe whereof they accompanied them on their
voyage, as their neighbours had done, vntill they had brought them to a
countrey inhabited by another nation, which was distant from theirs some
12 leagues. They vse bowes and arrowes and go naked.
[Sidenote: Iumanos or Patarabueyes.] The nation vnto which the sayd
Tobosos conducted them, is called Iumanos, whom the Spanyards by another
name call Patarabueyes: their prouince is very great, conteining many
townes and great store of people: their houses are flat roofed, and
built of lime and stone, and the streets of their townes are placed in
good order. All the men and women haue their faces, armes and legges
raced and pounced: they are a people of great stature, and of better
gouernment, then the rest which they had seene in their former iourneys:
and are well prouided of victuals, and furnished with plenty of wilde
beasts, fowles and fishes, [Sidenote: Rio turbioso del Norte.] by reason
of mighty riuers from the North, whereof one is as great as
Guadalquiuir, which falleth into the North sea or bay of Mexico. Here
also are many lakes of salt water, which at a certeine time of the yere
waxeth hard, and becommeth very good salt. They are a warlike people,
and soone made shew thereof: for the first night that our people
incamped there, with their arrowes they slew fiue horses, and wounded
fiue other very sore, nor would not haue left one of them aliue, if they
had not beene defended by our guard. [Sidenote: Rio del Norte.] Hauing
done this mischiefe, they abandoned the towne, and withdrew themselues
to a mountaine which was hard by, whither our captaine went betimes in
the morning, taking with him fiue souldiers well armed, and an
interpreter called Peter an Indian of their owne nation, and with good
persuasions appeased them, causing them to descend to their towne and
houses, and persuading them to giue aduice vnto their neighbours, that
they were men that would hurt no body, neither came they thither to take
away their goods: which he obtained easily by his wisedome, and by
giuing vnto the Caciques certeine bracelets of glasse beads, with hats
and other trifles, which he caried with him for the same purpose; so by
this meanes, and by the good interteinment which they gaue them, many of
them accompanied our Spanyards for certeine dayes, alwayes trauelling
along the banke of the great riuer abouesayd; along the which there were
many townes of the Indians of this nation, which continued for the space
of twelue dayes trauel, all which time the Caciques having receiued
aduice from one to another, came forth to interteine our people without
their bowes and arrowes, and brought them plenty of victuals, with other
presents and gifts, especially hides and chamois-skins wery well
dressed, so that those of Flanders do nothing exceed them. These people
are all clothed, and seemed to haue some light of our holy faith: for
they made signes to God, looking vp towards heauen, and call him in
their language Apalito, and acknowledge him for their Lord, from whose
bountifull hand and mercy they confesse that they haue receiued their
life and being, and these worldly goods. Many of them with their wiues
and children came vnto the frier (which the captaine and souldiers
brought with them) that hee might crosse and blesse them. [Sidenote:
Pamphilo de Naruaez entred into Florida 1527.] Who demanding of them,
from whom they had receiued that knowledge of God, they answered, from
three Christians and one Negro which passed that way, and remained
certaine dayes among them, who by the signes which they made, were
Aluaro Nunnez, Cabeca de Vaca, and Dorantes, and Castillo Maldonado, and
a Negro; all which escaped of the company which Pamphilo de Naruaez
landed in Florida; who after they had bene many dayes captiues and
slaues, escaped and came to these townes, by whom God shewed many
miracles, and healed onely by the touching of their hands many sicke
persons, by reason wherof they became very famous in all that countrey.
[Sidenote: Rio del Norte. Another prouince.] All this prouince remained
in great peace and security; in token wherof, they accompanied and
serued our men certaine dayes, trauelling along by the great riuer
aforesayd.
Within few days after they came vnto another great prouince of Indians,
from whence they came forth to receiue them, vpon the newes which they
had heard of their neighbors, and brought them many curious things made
of feathers of diuers colours, and many mantles of cotton straked with
blew and white, like those that are brought from China, to barter and
trucke them for other things. All of them both men, women and children
were clad in chamois skinnes very good and wel dressed. [Sidenote: Very
great quantity of siluer.] Our people could neuer vnderstand what nation
they were for lacke of an interpreter: howbeit they dealt with them by
signes; and hauing shewed vnto them certaine stones of rich metall, and
inquired whether there were any such in their countrey: they answered by
the same signes, that fiue dayes iourney Westward from thence there was
great quantity therof, and that they would conduct them thither, and
shew it vnto them; as afterward they performed their promise, and bare
them company 22 leagues, which was all inhabited by people of the same
nation.
Next vnto the foresayd prouince they came vnto another further vp the
great riuer aforesayd, being much more populous then the former, of whom
they were well receiued, and welcomed with many presents, especially of
fish, whereof they haue exceeding great store, by reason of certaine
great lakes not far from thence, wherein they are bred in foresayd
plenty. They stayed among these people three days; all which time both
day and night they made before them many dances, according to their
fashion, with signification of speciall ioy. They could not learne the
name of this nation for want of an interpreter, yet they vnderstood that
it extended very farre, and was very great. Among these people they
found an Indian of the foresayd nation of the Conchos, who told them,
and shewed them by signes, that fifteene dayes iourney from thence
toward the West there was a very broad lake, and nere vnto it very great
townes, and in them houses of three or foure stories high, and that the
people were well apparelled, and the countrey full of victuals and
prouision. This Concho offered himselfe to conduct our men thither;
whereat our company reioyced, but left off the enterprise, onely to
accomplish their intent for which they vndertook the voyage, which was
to go Northward to giue ayd vnto the two friers aforesayd. The chiefe
and principall thing that they noted in this prouince was, that it was
of very good temperature, and a very rich soile, and had great store of
wilde beasts, and wild fowle, and abundance of rich metals, and other
excellent things, and very profitable.
From this prouince they folowed their iourney for the space of fifteene
dayes without meeting any people all that while, passing thorow great
woods and groues of pine trees bearing such fruit as those of Castile:
at the end whereof, having trauelled, to their iudgement, fourescore
leagues, they came vnto a small hamlet or village of fewe people, in
whose poore cottages couered with straw they found many deeres-skinnes
as well dressed as those of Flanders, with great store of excellent
white salt. They gave our men good entertainment for the space of two
dayes while they remained there, after which they bare them company
about twelue leagues, vnto certaine great townes, alwayes travelling by
the riuer called Rio del Norte abouesayd, till such time as they came
vnto the countrey called by them New Mexico. Here all along the shore of
the sayd riuer grew mighty woods of poplar being in some places foure
leagues broad, and great store of walnut trees, and vines like those of
Castillia.
Hauing trauelled two dayes thorow the said woods of Poplar and Walnut
trees, they came to ten townes situate on both sides of the sayd riuer,
besides others which they might see further out of the way, wherein they
seemed to be great store of people, and those which they saw were aboue
ten thousand persons. In this prouince they received them very
courteously, and brought them to their townes, whereas they gaue them
plenty of victuals and hennes of the countrey, with many other things,
and that with great good will. Here they found houses of foure stories
high, very well built, with gallant lodgings, and in most of them were
Stooues for the Winter season. Their garments were of Cotton and of
deere-skinnes, and the attire both of the men and women is after the
maner of the Indians of the kingdome of Mexico. But the strangest thing
of all was to see both men and women weare shooes and boots with good
soles of neats leather, a thing which they never sawe in any other part
of the Indies. The women keepe their haire well combed and dressed,
wearing nothing els vpon their heads. In all these townes they had
Caciques, which gouerned their people like the Caciques of Mexico, with
Sergeants to execute their commandments, who goe thorow the townes
proclaiming with a loud voice the pleasure of the Caciques, commanding
the same to be put in execution. In this prouince our men found many
idols which they worshipped, and particularly they had in euery house an
Oratory for the diuell, whereinto they ordinarily cary him meat: and
another thing they found, that as it is an vse among the Christians to
erect crosses vpon the high wayes, so haue this people certain high
chapels, in which they say the diuell vseth to take his ease, and to
recreat himselfe as he trauelleth from one towne to another; which
chapels are maruellously well trimmed and painted. In all their arable
grounds, wherof they haue great plenty, they erect on the one side a
little cottage or shed standing vpon foure studdes, vnder which the
labourers do eat, and passe away the heat of the day, for they are a
people much giuen to labour, and doe continually occupy themselues
therein. [Sidenote: These high mountains are a cause of the coldness of
the countrey.] This countrey is full of mountaines and forrests of Pine
trees. The weapons that they vse are strong bowes and arrowes headed
with flints, which will pierce thorow a coat of male, and macanas which
are clubs of halfe a yard long, so beset with sharpe flints, that they
are sufficient to cleaue a man asunder in the midst: they vse also a
kinde of targets made of raw hides.
Hauing remained foure dayes in this prouince, not farre off they came to
another called The prouince of Tiguas conteining sixteene townes, in
one wherof, called Poala, they vnderstood that the inhabitants had
slaine the two fathers aforesayd, to wit, frier Francis Lopez, and frier
Augustus Ruyz whom they went to seeke, together with the three Indian
boyes, and the mestiço. So soone as the people of this towne and their
neighbours saw our men there, their own consciences accusing them, and
fearing that our men came to punish them, and to be auenged of the death
of the foresaid fathers, they durst not abide their comming, but leauing
their houses desolate they fled to the mountaines next adioyning, from
whence they could neuer cause them to descend, although our men
attempted the same by diuers deuises and entisements. They found in the
townes and houses good store of victuals, with infinite number of hennes
in the countrey, and many sorts of metals, wherof some seemed to be very
good. They could not perfectly vnderstand what numbers of people this
prouince might conteine, by reason they were fled into the mountains, as
I haue said before.
Hauing found those to be slaine which they went to seeke, they entred
into consultation, whether they should returne to Nueua Biscaya, from
whence they came, or should proceed further in their iourney; whereabout
there were diuers opinions: howbeit, vnderstanding there, that toward
the Orient or East parts of that prouince, [Sidenote: This draweth
toward Virginia.] and very far distant from thence, there were great and
rich townes: and finding themselues so far on the way, the sayd captaine
Antonio de Espeio with the consent of the foresaid frier called Frier
Bernardine Beltron, and the greater part of his souldiers and companions
determined to proceed on the discouery, till such time as they did see
to what end it would come; to the end they might giue certeine and
perfect knowledge thereof to his Maiesty, as eye-witnesses of the same.
And so with one accord they determined, that while the army lay still
there, the captaine and two more of his company should prosecute their
desire, which they did accordingly. And within two dayes iourney they
came vnto another prouince, where they found eleuen townes, and much
people in them; which in their iudgement were aboue forty thousand
persons. The country was very fertile and plentifull, whose confines
bordered vpon the territories of Cibola, where there are great store of
kine, with whose hides and with cotton they apparell themselues,
imitating in the forme of their gouernment their next neighbours. In
this place are signes of very rich mines, some quantity of the metals
whereof they found in the houses of the Indians; which Indians haue and
doe worship idols. They receiued our men peaceably, and gaue them
victuals. Hauing seene this much, and the disposition of the countrey,
they returned to the campe, from whence they departed, to informe their
companions of the things aboue mentioned.
Being returned to the campe they had intelligence of another prouince
called Los Quires, [Sidenote: Quires bordering vpon Rio del Norte.]
which stood sixe leagues higher vp the riuer called Rio del Norte. And
in their iourney thitherward, being arriued within a league of the
place, there came forth very many Indians to receiue them in peace,
requesting them to beare them company to their townes: which they did,
and were maruellous well interteined and cherished. In this prouince
they found fiue townes only. Wherein were great store of people, and
those which they saw were aboue 14000 soules, who worship idols as their
neighbours do. In one of these townes they found a pie in a cage after
the maner of Castile, and certaine shadowes or canopies like vnto those
which are brought from China, wherein were painted the Sunne, the Moone,
and many Starres. Where hauing taken the height of the pole-starre, they
found themselues to be in 37 degrees and 1/2 of Northerly latitude.
[Sidenote: Cunames, or Punames. Cia a great city.] They departed out of
this prouince, and keeping still the same Northerly course, fourteene
leagues from thence they found another prouince called The Cunames,
where they saw other fiue townes, the greatest whereof was called Cia,
being so large, that it conteined eight market-places, the houses
whereof being plaistered and painted with diuers colours, were better
then any which they had seene in the prouinces before mentioned: the
people which they heere saw, they esteemed to be aboue twenty thousand
persons. They presented to our men many curious mantles, and victuals
excellently well dressed; so that our men deemed this nation to be more
curious, and of greater ciuility, and better gouernment, then any other
that hitherto they had seene. They shewed them rich metals, and the
mountaines also not farre off whereout they digged them. Heere our
people heard of another prouince standing toward the Northwest,
wherevnto they purposed to goe.
[Sidenote: Ameies, or Emexes.] Hauing trauelled about sixe leagues, they
came to the sayd prouince, the people whereof were called Ameies,
wherin were seuen very great townes, conteining, to their iudgement,
aboue thirty thousand soules. They reported that one of the seuen townes
was very great and faire, which our men would not go to see, both
because it stood behinde a mountaine, and also for feare of some
mishappe, if in case they should be separated one from another. This
people are like vnto their neighbours of the former prouince, being as
well prouided of all necessaries as they, and of as good gouernment.
[Sidenote: Acoma or Acoman a towne conteining aboue 6000 persons.] About
fifteene leagues from this prouince, trauelling alwayes toward the West,
they found a great towne called Acoma, conteining aboue sixe thousand
persons, and situate vpon an high rocke which was aboue fifty paces hie,
hauing no other entrance but by a ladder or paire of staires hewen into
the same rocke, whereat our people maruelled not a little: all the water
of this towne was kept in cisternes. The chiefe men of this towne came
peaceably to visit the Spanyards, bringing them many mantles and
chamois-skinnes excellently dressed, and great plenty of victuals. Their
corne-fields are two leagues from thence, and they fetch water out of a
small riuer nere thereunto, to water the same, on the brinks whereof
they saw many great banks of Roses like those of Castile. Here are many
mountaines that beare shewes of mettals, but they went not to see them,
because the Indians dwelling vpon them are many in number, and very
warlike. Our men remained in this place three dayes, vpon one of the
which the inhabitants made before them a very solemne dance, comming
foorth in the same with gallant apparell, vsing very witty sports,
wherewith our men were exceedingly delighted.
[Sidenote: Zuny or Sunne.] Twenty foure leagues from hence toward the
West, they came to a certaine prouince called by the inhabitants
themselues Zuny, and by the Spanyards Cibola, containing great numbers
of Indians; [Sidenote: Vasquez de Coronado was here 1540 and 1541.] in
which prouince Francisco Vasquez de Coronado had bene, and had erected
many crosses and other tokens of Christianity, which remained as yet
standing. Heere also they found three Indian Christians which had
remained there euer since the said iourny, whose names were Andrew de
Culiacan, Gaspar de Mexico, and Antonio de Guadalajara, who had almost
forgotten their owne language, but could speake that countrey speech
very well; howbeit after some small conference with our men, they easily
vnderstood one another. [Sidenote: A mighty lake 60 daies iourney from
Cibola.] By these three Indians they were informed, that threescore
dayes iourney from this place there was a very mighty lake, vpon the
bankes whereof stood many great and good townes, and that the
inhabitants of the same had plenty of golde, an euident argument wherof
was their wearing of golden bracelets and earrings: and also that after
the sayd Francis Vasquez de Coronado had perfect intelligence thereof,
hee departed out of this prouince of Cibola to goe thither, and that
hauing proceeded twelue dayes iourney, he began to want water; and
thereupon determined to returne, as he did indeed, with intention to
make a second voyage thither at his better opportunity; which afterward
he performed not, being preuented of his determined iourney by death.
[Sidenote: Another mightie prouince Westward of Cibola 28. leagues,
called Mohotze.] Vpon the newes of these riches the sayd Captaine Antony
de Espeio was desirous to go thither; and though some of his companions
were of his opinion, yet the greater part and the frier were of the
contrary, saying that it was now high time to returne home to New Biscay
from whence they came, to giue account of that which they seene: which
the sayd greater part within few dayes put in execution, leauing the
captaine with nine companions onely that willingly followed him: who
after hee had fully certified himselfe of the riches abouesayd, and of
the great quantity of excellent mettals that were about that lake,
departed out of this prouince of Cibola with his companions; and
travelling directly toward the West, after hee had passed 28 leagues, he
found another very great prouince, which by estimation contained aboue
5000 soules: the inhabitants whereof assoone as they vnderstood of their
approch, sent them word, vpon paine of death to come no neerer to their
townes: whereto the captaine answered, that their comming was in no wise
to hurt them, as they should well perceiue, and therefore requested them
not to molest him in his intended voyage, and withall gaue to the
messenger a reward of such things as they brought with them: who
thereupon made so good report of our people, and so appeased the
troubled minds of the Indians, that they granted them free accesse vnto
their townes, and so they went thither with 15. Indians their friends of
the prouince of Cibola aforesaid, and the three Mexican Indians before
mentioned. When they were come within a league of the first towne, there
came forth to meete them aboue 2000. Indians laden with victuals, whom
the Captaine rewarded with some things of small value, which they made
great accompt of, and esteemed more precious than gold. [Sidenote:
Zaguato, or Ahuxto a towne.] As they approched neere vnto the towne
which was named Zaguato, a great multitude of Indians came forth to
meete them, and among the rest their Caçiques, with so great
demonstration of ioy and gladnes, that they cast much meale of Maiz
vpon the ground for the horses to tread vpon: with this triumph they
entred the towne, where they were very wel lodged and much made of,
which the Captaine did in part requite, giuing to the chiefest among
them hats, and beads of glasse, with many such trifles, which he caried
with him for the like purpose. The said Caciques presently gaue notice
to the whole prouince of the arriual of these new guests, whom they
reported to bee a courteous people, and such as offered them no harme:
which was occasion sufficient to make them all come laden with presents
vnto our people, and to intreat them to goe and make merry with them in
their townes; which they yeelded vnto, though always with great
foresight what might follow. [Sidenote: A witty policie to be vsed by
the English in like cases.] Whereupon the Captaine vsed a certaine
policie, making the Caciques beleeue, that forasmuch as his horses were
very fierce (for they had told the Indians that they would kill them)
therefore it was necessary to make a Fort of lime and stone to inclose
them, for the auoyding of such inconueniences as otherwise might happen
vnto the Indians by them. This tale was so steadfastly beleeued by the
Caciques, that in fiue houres they assembled such store of people
together, that with incredible celeritie they built the said Fort which
our men required.
Moreouer, when the Captaine saide that he would depart, they brought
vnto him a present of 40000. mantles of cotton, both white and other
colours, and great store of hand towels, with tassels at the corners,
with diuers other things, and among the rest rich mettals, which seemed
to holde much siluer. Among these Indians they learned very much
concerning The great Lake aforesaide, whose report agreed wholly with
relation of the former, as touching the riches and great abundance of
gold about that lake.
The Captaine reposing great confidence in this people and in their good
disposition toward him determined after certaine dayes, to leaue there
fiue of his companions with the rest of his Indian friends, that they
might returne with his cariages to the prouince of Zuni, while himselfe
with the foure other which remained should ride in post to discouer
certaine very rich Mines, whereof he had perfect information. And
putting this purpose in execution he departed with his guides, and
hauing traueiled due-west 45. leagues he came vnto the said Mines, and
tooke out of the same with his owne hands exceeding rich metals holding
great quantitie of siluer: and the mines which were of a very broad
veine were in a mountaine whereon they might easily ascend, by reason of
an open way that led vp to the same. Neere vnto these mines were
certaine townes of Indians dwelling upon the mountaine whereon they
might easily ascend, by reason of an open way that led vp to the same.
Neere vnto these mines were certaine townes of Indians dwelling vpon the
mountaines, who shewed them friendship, and came forth to receiue them
with crosses on their heads, and other tokens of peace. Hereabout they
found two riuers of a reasonable bignesse, vpon the banks whereof grew
many vines bearing excellent grapes, and great groues of walnut trees,
and much flaxe like that of Castile: and they shewed our men by signes,
that behinde those mountaines there was a riuer about 8. leagues broad,
[Sidenote: Perhaps this Riuer may fall into the Chesepiouk bay, or into
the great lake of Tadoac.] but they could not learne how neere it was:
howbeit the Indians made demonstration that it ran towards the North
sea, and that vpon both sides thereof stood many townes of so great
bignesse, that in comparison thereof those wherein they dwelt were but
small hamlets.
After he had receiued all this information, the said Captaine returned
toward the prouince of Zuni, whither he had sent his said companions:
and being arrived there in safety, hauing trauailed vpon a very good
way, he found in the same place his 5. companions, and the said father
Frier Bernardin Beltran, with the souldiers which were determined to
returne, as is aforesaid, but vpon certaine occasions were not as yet
departed: whom the inhabitants had most friendly treated, and furnished
with all things necessary in abundance as afterward likewise they vsed
the Captaine, and those that came with him, comming foorth to meete them
with shew of great ioy, and giuing them great store of victuals to serue
them in their iourney homewards, and requesting them to returne againe
with speed, and to bring many Castilians with them (for so they call the
Spaniards) to whom they promised food sufficient. For the better
performance wherof they sowed that yeere more graine and other fruits,
then they had done at any time before.
At this present the Frier and souldiers aforesaid resolued themselues in
their former determination, and agreed to returne vnto the prouince from
whence they came with intention before mentioned, to seeke the two
Friers that were slaine, to whom also Gregorio Hermandez who had bene
standard-bearer in the iourney, ioyned himselfe. Who being departed, the
Captaine accompanied onely with 8. souldiers, determined to prosecute
his former attempt, and to passe vp higher the saide riuer called Rio
del Norte, which he did accordingly. And hauing traueiled about 60.
leagues toward the prouince of the Quires aforesaid, 12 leagues from
thence toward the Orient or East they found a prouince of Indians called
Hubates, who receiued them peaceably, and gaue them great store of
victuals, informing them also of very rich Mines which they found
whereout they got glistening and good metal, and therewith returned to
the towne from whence they came. This prouince contained by their
estimation 25000. persons all very well apparelled in coloured mantles
of cotton, and Chamois-skins very well dressed. They haue many
mountaines full of Pines and Cedars, and the houses of their townes are
of 4. and 5. stories high. [Sidenote: Their returne.] Here they had
notice of another prouince distant about one dayes iourney from thence
inhabited by certaine Indians called Tamos, and containing aboue 40000
soules: whither being come the inhabitants would neither giue them any
victuals, nor admit them into their townes: for which cause, and in
regard of the danger wherein they were, and because some of the
souldiers were not well at ease, and for that they were so fewe (as we
haue said) they determined to departe thence, and to returne toward the
land of the Christians, which they put in execution in the beginning of
Iuly 1583, being guided by an Indian that went with them, who led them
another way then they went forth by, downe a riuer, which they called
Rio de las vacas; that is to say, The riuer of oxen, in respect of the
great multitudes of oxen or kine that fed vpon the bankes therof, by the
which they traueiled for the space of 120. leagues, still meeting with
store of the said cattell. From hence they went forward to the riuer of
Conchos by which they entered, and thence to the valley of S.
Bartholomew, from whence they first entered into their discouerie. Vpon
their coming thither they found that the said Frier Bernardin Beltran
and his company were safely arriued at the said towne many dayes before,
and were gone from thence to the towne of Guadiana. In this towne the
foresaid captaine Anthony de Espeio made most certaine relation of all
that is aforesaid, which relation presently hee sent vnto the Conde of
Corunna Vizroy of Nueua Espanna, who sent the same to his Maiestie, and
the Lords of his royal counsel in the Indies, to the end they might take
such order as they thought best, which they haue already performed with
great care and circumspection.
Almighty God vouchsafe his assistance in this busines, that such numbers
of soules redeemed by his blood may not vtterly perish, of whose good
capacitie, wherein they exceed those of Mexico and Peru (as we be giuen
to vnderstand by those that haue delt with them) we may boldly presume
that they will easily embrace the Gospel, and abandon such idolatrie as
now the most of them doe liue in: which Almightie God graunt for his
honour, and glory, and for the increase of the holy Catholique faith.
A letter of Bartholomew Cano from Mexico the 30. of May 1590. to
Francis Hernandes of Siuil, concerning the speedy building of two
strong Forts in S. Iohn de Vllua, and in Vera Cruz, as also
touching a notable new and rich discouery of Cibola or New Mexico
400. leagues Northwest of Mexico.
It may please you Sir, to be aduertised that I haue receiued your
letters, whereby I vnderstand that our ship with the treasure is safely
arriued, God be praised therefore. The frigate arriued here in safetie
which brought the letters of Aduise from the King to the Viceroy. She
arriued in S. Iohn de Vllua the 29. of May, and departed from S. Lucar
in Spaine the 6. of April. By which his Maiestie writeth vnto the
Viceroy, what time the Fleete shall depart from hence, and what course
they shall take, not as they had wont for to do: by reason that there
are great store of men of war abroad at the sea, which mean to encounter
with the Fleete. I pray God sende them well to Spaine: for here wee
were troubled very sore with men of warre on this coast. His Maiestie
hath sent expresse commandement vnto the Marques of Villa Manrique his
cosen, Viceroy of Noua Hispania, that immediatly vpon sight of his
letters he shall command to be builded in S. Iohn de Vulla, and in Vera
Cruz two strong Forts for the defence of these countries, of his
Maiesties charges: And that there shalbe garisons in both the Forts for
the defence of the ships which ride there, and for the strength of the
countrey.
[Sidenote: 500. Spaniards sent to conquer the great citie of Cibola
which is 400. leagues from Mexico Northwestward.] There are departed
out of Mexico and other townes hereabout by the commaundement of the
Viceroy 500. souldiers Spaniards, vnder the conduct of Rodrigo del Rio
the gouernour of Nueua Biscaia which are gone to win a great City called
Cibola, which is 400. leagues beyond Mexico to the Northwest, and
standeth vp in the maine land. It is by report a very great citie, as
bigge as Mexico, and a very rich countrey both of golde Mines and siluer
Mines: and the King of the countrey is a mighty King, and he will not
become subiect to his Maiestie. There were certaine Spaniards sent to
that king from the Viceroy in an ambassage: It is thought that they are
slaine, for we can here no newes of them.
The other newes that I can certifie you of at this instant is, that
there is a Iudge of the city of Guadalajara called don Nunno de villa
Inscensia lately maried. Also the kings Atturney of Guadalajara maried
his daughter of 8. yeres old with a boy of 12. yeres old. But the
Viceroy saith that he hath a warrant from his Maiestie, that if any
Iudge whatsoeuer dwelling in that kingdome of Guadalajara should mary
any sonne in that iurisdiction, that then the said Viceroy is to depriue
him of his office. And therefore he went about to depriue the Iudge and
the kings Attourney of their offices. [Sidenote: A dangerous rebellion
in Guadalajara a prouince of Noua Hispania.] Whereupon the people of
that prouince would not thereunto consent, nor suffer them to be
dismissed of their offices, nor to be arrested, nor caried prisoners to
Mexico. When the viceroy had intelligence thereof, and that the Countrey
did resist his commandement, and would not suffer them to be
apprehended, he sent certaine Captaines with souldiers to goe and
apprehend the Iudge, the kings Attourney, and as many as did take their
parts. So the citizens of Guadalajara withstood the viceroies forces,
and put themselues in defence; and are up in armes against the viceroy:
yet they do not rebel against the king, but say: God saue king Philip,
and will submit themselues to his Maiestie, but not to the viceroy. So
that all the kingdome of Guadalajara is vp in armes, and are all in a
mutinie against vs of Mexico. I beseech Almighty God to remedy it, and
that it may be qualified in time: or else all Noua Spania will be
vtterly spoiled. I write this thing, because it is publiquely knowen in
all places. And thus I rest, from Mexico the 30. of May 1590.
Bartholomew Cano.
The relation of Francis Vasquez de Coronado, Captaine general of
the people which were sent in the name of the Emperours maiestie
to the Countrey of Cibola newly discouered, which he sent to Don
Antonio de Mendoça Viceroy of Mexico, of such things as happened
in his voyage from 22. of Aprill in the yeere 1540. which
departed from Culiacan forward, and of such things as hee found
in the Countrey which he passed.
Chap. 1.
Francis Vasquez departeth with his armie from Culiacan, and after
diuers troubles in his voyage, arriueth at the valley of the
people called Los Caracones, which he findeth barren of Maiz: for
obtaining whereof hee sendeth to the valley called The valley of
the Lord: he is informed of the greatnesse of the valley of the
people called Caracones, and of the nature of those people, and of
certaine Islands lying along that coast.
The 22. of the moneth of Aprill last past I departed from the prouince
of Culiacan with part of the army, and in such order as I mentioned vnto
your Lordship, and according to the successe I assured my selfe, by all
likelihood that I shall not bring all mine armie together in this
enterprise: because the troubles haue bene so great and the want of
victuals, that I thinke all this yeere wil not be sufficient to performe
this enterprise, and if it should bee performed in so short a time, it
would be to the great losse of our people. [Sidenote: This was but 200.
leagues from Mexico.] For as I wrote vnto your Lordship, I was
fourescore dayes in trauailing to Culiacan, in all which time I and
three Gentlemen my companions which were horsemen, carried on our backs,
and on our horses, a little victuall, so that from henceforward wee
carried none other needefull apparell with vs, that was aboue a pound
weight: and all this notwithstanding and though wee put our selues to
such a small proportion of victuals which wee carried, for all the order
that possibly wee could take, wee were driuen to our ships. And no
maruayle, because the way is rough and long: and with the carriage of
our Harquebuses downe the mountaine and hilles, and in the passage of
Riuers, the greater part of our corne was spoyled. And because I send
your Lordship our voyage drawen in a Mappe, I will speake no more
thereof in this my letter.
[Sidenote: Frier Marcus of Niza.] Thirtie leagues before wee arriued at
the place which the father prouinciall tolde vs so well of in his
relation, I sent Melchior Diaz before with fifteene horses, giuing him
order to make but one dayes iourney of two, because hee might examine
all things, against mine arriuall: who trauiled foure dayes iourney
through exceeding rough Mountaines where hee found neither victuals, nor
people nor information of any things, sauing that hee found two or three
poore little villages, containing 20. or 30. cottages a piece, and by
the inhabitants thereof hee vnderstoode that from thence forward there
were nothing but exceeding rough mountaines which ran very farre,
vtterly disinhabited and voyd of people. And because it was labour lost,
I would not write vnto your Lordship thereof.
It grieued the whole company, that a thing so highly commended, and
whereof the father had made so great bragges, should be found so
contrary, and it made them suspect that all the rest would fall out in
like sort. Which when I perceiued I sought to encourage them the best I
coulde, telling them that your Lordshippe alwayes was of opinion, that
this voyage was a thing cast away, and that we should fixe our
cogitation vpon those seuen Cities, and other prouinces, whereof wee had
knowledge: that there should bee the ende of our enterprise: and with
this resolution and purpose wee all marched cheerefully through a very
badde way which was not passible but one by one, or else wee must force
out with Pioners the path which wee founde, wherewith the Souldiours
were not a little offended, finding all that the Frier had sayde to bee
quite contrary: for among other things which the father sayde and
affirmed, this was one, that the way was plaine and good, and that there
was but one small hill of halfe a league in length. And yet in trueth
there are mountaines which although the way were well mended could not
bee passed without great danger of breaking the horses neckes: and the
way was such, that of the cattel which your Lordship sent vs for the
prouision of our armie wee lost a great part in the voyage through the
roughnesse of the rockes. The lambes and sheepe lost their hoofes in the
way: and of those which I brought from Culiacan, I left the greater part
at the Riuer of Lachimi, because they could not keepe company with vs,
and because they might come softly after vs, foure men on horsebacke
remained with them which are nowe come vnto vs, and haue brought vs not
past foure and twentie lambes, and foure sheepe, for all the rest were
dead with trauailing through that rough passage, although they trauailed
but two leagues a day, and rested themselues euery day.
[Sidenote: The valley of the people called Caracones.] At length I
arriued at the valley of the people called Caracones, the 26. day of the
moneth of May: and from Culiacan vntill I came thither, I could not
helpe my selfe, saue onely with a great quantitie of Maiz: for seeing
the Maiz in the fieldes, were not yet ripe, I was constrained to leaue
them all behind me. In this valley of the Caracones wee found more store
of people then in any other part of the Countrey which wee had passed,
and great store of tillage. [Sidenote: Valle del Senor.] But I
vnderstood that there was store there of in another valley called The
Lords valley, which I woulde not disturbe with force, but sent thither
Melchior Diaz with wares of exchange to procure some, and to giue the
sayde Maiz to the Indians our friendes which wee brought with vs, and to
some others that had lost their cattell in the way, and were not able to
carry their victuals so farre which they brought from Culiacan. It
pleased God that wee gate some small quantitie of Maiz with this
traffique, whereby certaine Indians were relieued and some Spanyards.
And by that time that wee were come to this valley of the Caracones,
some tenne or twelve of our horses were dead through wearinesse: for
being ouercharged with great burdens, and hauing but little meate, they
could not endure the trauaile. Likewise some of our Negros and some of
our Indians dyed here: which was no small wante vnto vs for the
performance of our enterprise. [Sidenote: The valley de los Caracones
distant fiue dayes journey from the Westerne sea.] They tolde me that
this valley of the Coracones is fiue dayes journey from the Westerne
Sea. [Sidenote: Seuen or eight Isles, which are the Isles of California.
A ship scene on the sea coast.] I sent for the Indians of the Sea coast
to vnderstand their estate, and while I stayed for them the horses
rested: and I stayed there foure dayes, in which space the Indians of
the Sea coast came vnto mee: which told mee, that, two dayes sayling
from their coast of the Sea, there were seuen or eight Islands right
ouer against them well inhabited with people, but badly furnished with
victuals, and were a rude people: And they told mee, that they had seene
a Shippe passe by not farre from the shore: which I wote not what to
thinke whether it were one of those that went to discouer the Countrey,
or else a Ship of the Portugals.
Chap. 2.
They come to Chichilticale: after they had rested themselues two
dayes there, they enter into a Countrey very barren of victuals,
and hard to trauaile for thirtie leagues, beyond which they found
a Countrey very pleasant, and a riuer called Rio del Lino, they
fight with the Indians being assaulted by them, and with victorie
vanquishing their citie, they relieued themselues of their
pinching hunger.
I Departed from the Caracones, and alwayes kept by the Sea coast as
neere as I could iudge, and in very deed I still found my selfe the
farther off: in such sort that when I arriued at Chichilticale I found
myselfe tenne dayes iourney from the Sea: and the father prouinciall
sayd that it was onely but fiue leagues distance, and that hee had seene
the same. Wee all conceiued great griefe and were not a little
confounded, when we saw that wee found euery thing contrary to the
information which he had giuen your Lordship.
The Indians of Chichilticale say, that if at any time they goe to the
Sea for fish, and other things that they carry, they goe trauersing, and
are tenne dayes iournie in going thither. And I am of opinion that the
information which the Indians giue me should be true. The sea returneth
toward the West right ouer against the Coracones the space of tenne or
twelue leagues. [Sidenote: The Chichilticale is indeede but in 28. deg.]
Where I found that your Lordships ships were seene, which went to
discouer the hauen of Chichilticale, which father Marcus of Niça sayd to
bee in fiue and thirtie degrees. God knoweth what griefe of mind I haue
sustained: because I am in doubt that some mishappe is fallen vnto them:
and if they follow the coast, as they sayde they would, as long as their
victuals last which they carry with them, whereof I left them store in
Culiacan, and if they be not fallen into some misfortune, I hope well in
God that by this they haue made some good discouerie, and that in this
respect their long staying out may be pardoned.
[Sidenote: The 24. of Iune.] I rested myselfe two dayes in
Chichilticale, and to haue done well I should haue stayed longer, in
respect that here wee found our horses so tyred; but because wee wanted
victuals, we had no leasure to rest any longer: I entred the confines of
the desert Countrey on Saint Iohns eue, and to refresh our former
trauailes, the first dayes we founde no grasse, but worser way of
mountaines and badde passages, then wee had passed alreadie: and the
horses being tired, were greatly molested therewith: so that in this
last desert we lost more horses than we had lost before: and some of my
Indians which were our friends dyed, and one Spanyard whose name was
Spinosa; and two Negroes, which dyed with eating certaine herbes for
lacke of victuals. From this place I sent before mee one dayes iourney
the master of the fielde Don Garcia Lopez de Cardenas with fifteene
horses to discouer the Countrey, and prepare our way: wherein hee did
like himselfe, and according to the confidence which your Lordship
reposed in him. And well I wote he fayled not to do his part: for as I
have informed your Lordship, it is most wicked way, at least thirtie
leagues and more, because they are inaccessible mountaines.
[Sidenote: A godly and fruitfull countrey found.] But after wee had
passed these thirtie leagues, wee found fresh riuers, and grasse like
that of Castile, and specially of that sort which we call Scaramoio,
many Nutte trees and Mulberrie trees but the Nutte trees differ from
those of Spayne in the leafe: and there was Flaxe, but chiefly neere
the bankes of a certayne riuer which therefore we called El Rio del
Lino, that is to say, the riuer of Flaxe: wee found no Indians at all
for a dayes trauaile, but afterward foure Indians came out vnto vs in
peaceable maner, saying that they were sent euen to that desert place to
signifie vnto vs that wee were welcome, and that the next day all the
people would come out to meet vs on the way with victuals: and the
master of the fielde gaue them a crosse, willing them to signifie to
those of their citie that they should not feare, and they should rather
let the people stay in their houses, because I came onely in the name of
his Majestie to defend and ayd them.
And this done, Fernando Aluarado returned to aduertise mee that certaine
Indians were come vnto them in peaceable maner, and that two of them
stayed for my comming with the master of the fielde. Whereupon I went
unto them and gave them beades and certaine short clokes, willing them
to returne vnto their citie, and bid them to stay quiet in their houses
and feare nothing. [Sidenote: A wise forecast.] And this done I sent the
master of the field to search whether there were any bad passage which
the Indians might keepe against vs, and that hee should take and defend
it vntill the next day that I shoulde come thither. [Sidenote: The
treason of the Indians.] So hee went, and found in the way a very bad
passage, where wee might haue sustayned very great harme: wherefore
there hee seated himselfe with his company that were with him: and that
very night the Indians came to take that passage to defend it, and
finding it taken, they assaulted our men there, and as they tell mee,
they assaulted them like valiant men; although in the ende they retired
and fledde away; for the master of the fielde was watchfull, and was in
order with his company: the Indians in token of retreate sounded on a
certaine small trumpet, and did no hurt among the Spanyards. [Sidenote:
Great forecast and diligence of the Campe-master.] The very same night
the master of the fielde certified mee hereof. Whereupon the next day in
the best order that I could I departed in so great want of victuall,
that I thought that if wee should stay one day longer without foode, wee
should all perish for hunger, especially the Indians, for among vs all
we had not two bushels of corne: wherefore it behooued mee to pricke
forward without delay. The Indians here and there made fires, and were
answered againe afarre off as orderly as wee for our liues could haue
done, to giue their fellowes vnderstanding, how wee marched and where we
arriued.
[Sidenote: They arriue at the citie of Cibola.] Assoone as I came within
sight of this citie of Grenada, I sent Don Garcias Lopez Campe-master,
frier Daniel, and frier Luys, and Fernando Vermizzo somewhat before with
certaine horsemen, to seeke the Indians and to aduertise them that our
comming was not to hurt them, but to defend them in the name of the
Emperour our Lord, according as his maiestie had giuen vs in charge:
which message was deliuered to the inhabitants of that countrey by an
interpreter. [Sidenote: The arrogancie of the people of Cibola.] But
they like arrogant people made small account thereof; because we seemed
very few in their eyes, and that they might destroy vs without any
difficultie: and they strooke frier Luys with an arrow on the gowne,
which by the grace of God did him no harme.
[Sidenote: Commandement to vse gentlenesse to the Sauages.] In the meane
space I arriued with all the rest of the horsemen, and footemen, and
found in the fieldes a great sort of the Indians which beganne to shoote
at vs with their arrowes: and because I would obey your will and the
commaund of the Marques, I woulde not let my people charge them,
forbidding my company, which intreated mee that they might set vpon
them, in any wise to prouoke them, saying that that which the enemies
did was nothing, and that it was not meete to set vpon so fewe people.
On the other side the Indians perceiuing that we stirred not, tooke
great stomacke and courage vnto them: insomuch that they came hard to
our horses heeles to shoote at vs with their arrowes. Whereupon seeing
that it was now time to stay no longer, and that the friers also were of
the same opinion, I set vpon them without any danger: for suddenly they
fled part to the citie which was neere and well fortified; and other
vnto the field, which way they could shift: and some of the Indians were
slaine, and more had beene if I would haue suffered them to haue bene
pursued.
[Sidenote: There were 800 men within the towne. Gomara, Hist. gen. cap.
213.] But considering that hereof wee might reape but small profite,
because the Indians that were withoute, were fewe, and those which were
retired into the citie, with them which stayed within at the first were
many, where the victuals were whereof wee had so great neede, I
assembled my people, and diuided them as I thought best to assault the
citie, and I compassed it about: and because the famine which wee
sustained suffered no delay my selfe with certaine of these gentlemen
and souldiers put our selues on foote, and commaunded that the
crossebowes and harquebusiers shoulde giue the assault, and shoulde
beate the enemies from the walles, that they might not hurt vs, and I
assaulted the walles on one side, where they told me there was a scaling
ladder set vp, and that there was one gate but the crossebowmen suddenly
brake the strings of their bowes, and the harquebusiers did nothing at
all: for they came thither so weake and feeble, that scarcely they
coulde stand on their feete: and by this meanes the people that were
aloft on the wals to defend the towne were no way hindered from doing vs
all the mischiefe they could: [Sidenote: They defend the wals with
stones like those of Hochelaga.] so that twise they stroke mee to the
ground with infinite number of great stones, which they cast downe: and
if I had not beene defended with an excellent good headpiece which I
ware, I thinke it had gone hardly with mee: neuerthelesse my companie
tooke mee vp with two small wounds in the face, and an arrowe sticking
in my foote, and many blowes with stones on my armes and legges, and
thus I went out of the battell very weake. I thinke that if Don Garcias
Lopez de Cardenas the second time that they strooke mee to the ground
had not succoured mee with striding ouer mee like a good knight, I had
beene in farre greater danger then I was. But it pleased God that the
Indians yeelded themselues vnto vs, and that this citie was taken: and
such store of Maiz was found there in, as our necessitie required. The
Master of the fielde, and Don Pedro de Touar, and Fernando de Aluarado,
and Paul de Melgosa Captaines of the footemen escaped with certaine
knocks with stones: though none of them were wounded with arrowes, yet
Agoniez Quarez was wounded in one arme with the shot of an arrowe, and
one Torres a townesman of Panuca was shot in the face with another, and
two footemen more had two small woundes with arrowes. And because my
armour was gilded and glittering, they all layd load on mee, and
therefore I was more wounded then the rest, not that I did more then
they, or put my selfe forwarder then the rest, for all these Gentlemen
and souldiers carried themselues as manfully as was looked for at their
hands. I am nowe well recouered I thanke God, although somewhat bruised
with stones. Likewise in the skirmish which wee had in the fieldes, two
or three other souldiers were hurt, and three horses slaine, one of Don
Lopez, the other of Viliega and the third of Don Alonso Manrique, and
seuen or eight other horses were wounded; but both the men and horses
are whole and sound.
Chap. 3.
Of the situation and state of the seuen cities called the kingdome
of Cibola, and of the customes and qualities of those people, and
of the beasts which are found there.
It remaineth now to certifie your Honour of the seuen cities, and of the
kingdomes and prouinces whereof the Father prouincial made report vnto
your Lordship. And to bee briefe, I can assure your honour, he sayd the
trueth in nothing that he reported, but all was quite contrary, sauing
only the names of the cities, and great houses of stone: for although
they be not wrought with Turqueses, nor with lyme, nor brickes, yet are
they very excellent good houses of three or foure or fiue lofts high,
wherein are good lodgings and faire chambers with lathers instead of
staires, and certaine cellers vnder the ground very good and paued,
which are made for winter, they are in manner like stooues: and the
lathers which they have for their houses are all in a maner mooueable
and portable, which are taken away and set downe when they please, and
they are made of two pieces of wood with their steppes, as ours be. The
seuen cities are seuen small townes, all made with these kinde of houses
that I speake of: and they stand all within foure leagues together, and
they are called the kingdome of Cibola, and euery one of them haue their
particular name and none of them is called Cibola, but altogether they
are called Cibola. And this towne which I call a citie, I haue named
Granada, as well because it is somewhat like vnto it, as also in
remembrance of your lordship. In this towne where I now remain, there
may be some two hundred houses, all compassed with walles, and I think
that with the rest of the houses which are not so walled, they may be
together fiue hundred. There is another towne neere this, which is one
of the seuen, and it is somewhat bigger than this, and another of the
same bignesse that this is of, and the other foure are somewhat lesse:
and I send them all painted vnto your lordship with the voyage.
[Sidenote: A painter necessarie in a new discouery.] And the parchment
wherein the picture is, was found here with other parchments. The people
of this towne seeme vnto me of a reasonable stature, and wittie, yet
they seeme not to bee such as they should be, of that iudgment and wit
to builde these houses in such sort as they are. For the most part they
goe all naked, except their priuie parts which are couered: and they
haue painted mantles like those which I send vnto your Lordship. They
haue no cotton wooll growing, because the countrey is colde, yet they
weare mantels thereof as your honour may see by the shewe thereof: and
true it is that there was found in their houses certaine yarne made of
cotton wooll. [Sidenote: Store of Turqueses.] They weare their haire on
their heads like those of Mexico, and they are well nurtured and
condicioned: And they haue Turqueses I thinke good quantitie, which with
the rest of the goods which they had, except their corne, they had
conueyed away before I came thither: for I found no women there, nor no
youth vnder fifteene yeeres olde, nor no olde folkes aboue sixtie,
sauing two or three olde folkes, who stayed behinde to gouerne all the
rest of the youth and men of warre. There were found in a certaine paper
two poynts of Emralds, and certaine small stones broken which are in
colour somewhat like Granates very bad, and other stones of Christall,
which I gaue one of my seruants to lay vp to send them to your lordship,
and hee hath lost them as hee telleth me. We found heere Guinie cockes,
but fewe. The Indians tell mee in all these seuen cities, that they eate
them not, but that they keepe them onely for their feathers. I beleeue
them not, for they are excellent good, and greater then those of Mexico.
The season which is in this countrey, and the temperature of the ayre is
like that of Mexico: or sometime it is hotte, and sometime it raineth;
but hitherto I neuer sawe it raine, but once there fell a little showre
with winde, as they are woont to fell in Spaine.
[Sidenote: Gomora hist. gen. Cap. 213. sayth that the colde is by reason
of the high mountaines.] The snow and cold are woont to be great, for so
say the inhabitants of the Countrey: and it is very likely so to bee,
both in respect to the maner of the Countrey, and by the fashion of
their houses, and their furres and other things which this people have
to defend them from colde. There is no kind of fruit nor trees of
fruite. The Countrey is all plaine, and is on no side mountainous:
albeit there are some hillie and bad passages. There are small store of
Foules: the cause whereof is the colde, and because the mountains are
not neere. Heere is no great store of wood, because they haue wood for
their fuell sufficient foure leagues off from a wood of small Cedars.
There is most excellent grasse within a quarter of a league hence, for
our horses as well to feede them in pasture, as to mow and make hay,
whereof wee stoode in great neede, because our horses came hither so
weak and feeble. The victuals which the people of this countrey haue, is
Maiz, whereof they haue great store, and also small white Pease: and
Venison, which by all likelyhood they feede vpon, (though they say no)
for wee found many skinnes of Deere, of Hares, and Conies. They eate the
best cakes that euer I sawe, and euery body generally eateth of them.
They haue the finest order and way to grinde that we euer saw in any
place. And one Indian woman of this countrey will grinde as muche as
foure women of Mexico. They have most excellent salte in kernell, which
they fetch from a certaine lake a dayes iourney from hence. [Sidenote:
The Westerne sea within 150 leagues from Cibola.] They haue no knowledge
among them of the North Sea, nor of the Westerne Sea, neither can I tell
your lordship to which wee bee neerest; But in reason they should seeme
to be nearest to the Westerne Sea: and at the least I thinke I am an
hundred and fiftie leagues from thence: and the Northerne Sea should bee
much further off. Your lordship may see how broad the land is here. Here
are many sorts of beasts, as Beares, Tigers, Lions, Porkespicks, and
certaine Sheep as bigge as an horse, with very great hornes and little
tailes, I haue seene their hornes so bigge, that it is a wonder to
behold their greatnesse. Here are also wilde goates whose heads likewise
I haue seene, and the pawes of Beares, and the skins of wilde Bores.
There is game of Deere, Ounces, and very great Stagges: and all men are
of opinion that there are some bigger then that beast which your Lordship
bestowed upon me, which once belonged to Iohn Melaz. [Sidenote: Oxe hides
dressed and painted very cunningly.] They trauell eight dayes iourney vnto
certaine plaines lying toward the North Sea. In this countrey there are
certaine skinnes well dressed, and they dresse them and paint them where
they kill their Oxen, for so they say themselues.
Chap. 4.
Of the state and qualities of the kingdomes of Totonteac, Marata,
and Acus, quite contrary to the relation of Frier Marcus. The
conference which they haue with the Indians of the citie of
Granada which they had taken, which had fiftie yeres past
foreseene the comming of the Christians into their countrey. The
relation which they haue of other seuen cities, whereof Tucano is
the principall, and how he sent to discouer them. A present of
divers things had in these countreys sent vnto the Viceroy Mendoça
by Vasques de Coronado.
The kingdome of Totonteac so much extolled by the Father prouinciall,
which sayde that there were such wonderfull things there, and such great
matters, and that they made cloth there, the Indians say is an hotte
lake, about which are fiue or sixe houses: and that there were certaine
other, but that they are ruinated by warre. The kingdome of Marata is
not to be found, neither haue the Indians any knowledge thereof.
[Sidenote: Tadouac seemeth because it is a lake, and endeth in ac to
haue some affinitie herewith.] The kingdome of Acus is one onely small
citie, where they gather cotton which is called Acucu. And I say that
this is a towne. For Acus with an aspiration nor without is no word of
the countrey. And because I gesse that they would deriue Acucu of Acus,
I say that it is this towne whereinto the kingdom of Acus is conuerted.
Beyond this towne they say there are other small townes which are neere
to a riuer which I haue seene and haue had report of by the relation of
the Indians. I would to God I had better newes to write vnto your
lordship: neuerthelesse I must say the trueth: And as I wrote to your
lordship from Culiacan, I am now to aduertise your honour as wel of the
good as of the bad. Yet this I would haue to bee assured, that if all
the riches and the treasures of the world were heere, I could haue done
no more in the seruice of his Maiestie and of your lordshippe, then I
haue done in comming hither whither you haue sent mee, my selfe and my
companions carrying our victuals vpon our shoulders and vpon our horses
three hundred leagues; and many dayes going on foote trauailing ouer
hills and rough mountains, with other troubles which I cease to
mention, neither purpose I to depart unto the death, if it please his
Maiestie and your lordship that it shall be so.
Three dayes after this citie was taken, certaine Indians of these people
came to offer mee peace, and brought mee certaine Turqueses and badde
mantles, and I received them in his Maiesties name with all the good
speaches that I could deuise, certifying them of the purpose of my
comming into this countrey, which is in the name of his Maiestie, and by
the commaundment of your Lordship, that they and all the rest of the
people of this prouince should become Christians, and should knowe the
true God for their Lorde, and receiue his Maiestie for their King and
earthly Soueraigne: And herewithall they returned to their houses, and
suddenly the next day they set in order all their goods and substance,
their women and children, and fled to the hilles, leauing their townes
as it were abandoned, wherein remained very fewe of them. [Sidenote: A
citie greater than Granada.] When I sawe this, within eight or tenne
dayes after being recouered of my woundes, I went to the citie, which I
sayde to be greater then this where I am, and found there some fewe of
them, to whom I sayde that they should not bee afrayd, and that they
should call their gouernour vnto mee: Howbeit forasmuch as I can learne
or gather, none of them hath any gouernour: for I sawe not there any
chiefe house, whereby any preeminence of one ouer another might bee
gathered. After this an olde man came, which sayd that hee was their
lord, with a piece of a mantle made of many pieces, with whom I reasoned
that small while that hee stayed with mee, and hee sayd that within
three dayes after, hee and the rest of the chiefe of that towne would
come and visite mee, and giue order what course should bee taken with
them. Which they did: for they brought mee certaine mantles and some
Turqueses. I aduised them to come downe from their holdes, and to
returne with their wiues and children to their houses, and to become
Christians, and that they would acknowledge the Emperours maiestie for
their King and lorde. And euen to this present they keepe in those
strong holdes their women and children, and all the goods which they
haue. [Sidenote: Two tables painted by the Indians, one of beasts
another of birdes and fishes.] I commaunded them that they should paint
mee out a cloth of all the beastes which they knowe in their countrey:
And such badde painters as they are, foorthwith they painted mee two
cloths, one of their beastes, another of their birdes and fishes.
[Sidenote: An old prophecie that those parts should be subdued by
Christians.] They say that they will bring their children, that our
religious men may instruct them, and that they desire to knowe our lawe:
And they assure vs, that aboue fiftie yeeres past it was prophecied
among them, that a certaine people like vs should come, and from that
part that wee came from, and that they should subdue all that countrey.
[Sidenote: They worship the water.] That which these Indians worship as
farre as hitherto wee can learne, is the water: for they say it causeth
their corne to growe, and maintaineth their life; and that they know
none other reason, but that their ancesters did so. I haue sought by all
meanes possible to learne of the inhabitants of these townes, whether
they haue any knowledge of other people, countreys and cities:
[Sidenote: Seuen cities farre from Granada.] And they tell mee of seuen
cities which are farre distant from this place, which are like vnto
these, though they haue not houses like vnto these but they are of
earth, and small: and that among them much cotton is gathered. The
chiefe of these townes whereof they haue any knowledge, they say is
called Tucano: and they gaue mee no perfect knowledge of the rest. And I
thinke they doe not tell me the trueth, imagining that of necessitie I
must speedily depart from them, and returne home. But herein they shall
soone finde themselues deceiued. I sent Don Pedro de Touar with his
companie of footemen and with certaine other horsemen to see this towne:
And I would not haue despatched this packet vnto your lordship, vntill I
had knowen what this towne was, if I had thought that within twelue or
fifteene dayes I might haue had newes from him: for hee will stay in
this iourney thirtie dayes at least. And hauing examined that the
knowledge hereof is of small importance, and that the colde and the
waters approch: I thought it my duety to doe according as your lordship
gaue me charge in your instructions, which is, that immediatly vpon mine
arriuall here, I should signifie so much vnto your lordship, and so I
doe, sending withall the bare relation of that which I haue seene. I
haue determined to send round about the countrey from hence to haue
knowledge of all things, and rather to suffer all extremitie, then to
leaue this enterprise to serue his maiestie, if I may find any thing
wherein I may performe it, and not to omit any diligence therein, vntill
your lordship send mee order what I shall doe. Wee haue great want of
pasture: [Sidenote: The Spaniards victualling in discoueries.] and your
Lordship also shall vnderstand, that among all those which are here,
there is not one pound of raisins, nor suger, nor oyle, nor any wine,
saue only one pinte which is saued, to say Masse: for all is spent and
spilt by the way. Now your lordship may prouide vs what you thinke
needefull. And if your honour meane to send vs cattell, your lordship
must vnderstand that they will bee a sommer in comming vnto vs: for they
will not be able to come vnto vs any sooner. [Sidenote: A garment
excellently imbroidered with needle worke.] I would haue sent your
lordshippe with this dispatch many musters of things which are in this
countrey: but the way is so long and rough, that it is hard for me to
doe so: neuerthelesse I send you twelue small mantles, such as the
people of the countrey are woont to weare, and a certaine garment also,
which seemeth vnto me to bee well made: I kept the same, because it
seemed to mee to bee excellent well wrought, because I beleeue that no
man euer sawe any needle worke in these Indies, except it were since the
Spaniards inhabited the same. I send your Lordshippe also two clothes
painted with the beasts of this country, although as I haue sayde, the
picture be very rudely done, because the painter spent but one day in
drawing of the same. I haue seene other pictures on the walles of the
houses of this citie with farre better proportion, and better made. I
send your honour one Oxe-hide, certaine Turqueses, and two eare-rings of
the same, and fifteene combes of the Indians, and certain tablets set
with these Turqueses, and two small baskets made of wicker, whereof the
Indians haue great store. I send your Lordship also two rolles which the
women in these parts are woont to weare on their heads when they fetch
water from their welles, as wee vse to doe in Spaine. And one of these
Indian women with one of these rolles on her head, will carie a pitcher
of water without touching the same vp a lather. I send you also a muster
of the weapons wherewith these people are woont to fight, a buckler, a
mace, a bowe, and certaine arrowes, among which are two with points of
bones, the like whereof, as these conquerours say, haue neuer beene
seene. I can say nothing vnto your lordshippe touching the apparell of
their women. For the Indians keepe them so carefully from vs, that
hitherto I haue not seene any of them, sauing only two olde women, and
these had two long robes downe to the foote open before, and girded to
them, and they are buttoned with certaine cordons of cotton. I
requested the Indians to giue me one of these robes, which they ware, to
send your honour the same, seeing they would not shewe mee their women.
And they brought mee two mantles which are these, which I send you as it
were painted: they haue two pendents like the women of Spaine, which
hang somewhat ouer their shoulders. [Sidenote: The death of Stephan the
Negro.] The death of the Negro is most certaine: for here are many of
the things found which hee carried with him: And the Indians tell me
that they killed him here, because the Indians of Chichilticale tolde
them that hee was a wicked villaine, and not like vnto the Christians:
because the Christians kill no women: and hee killed women: and also he
touched their women, which the Indians loue more then themselues;
therefore they determined to kill him: But they did it not after such
sort as was reported, for they killed none of the rest of those that
came with him: neither slewe they the young lad which was with him of
the prouince of Petatlan, but they tooke him and kept him in safe
custodie vntill nowe. And when I sought to haue him, they excused
themselues two or three dayes to giue him mee, telling mee that hee was
dead, and sometimes that the Indians of Acucu had carried him away. But
in conclusion when I tolde them that I should bee very angry if they did
not giue him mee, they gaue him vnto me. Hee is an interpreter, for
though hee cannot well speake their language, yet hee vnderstandeth the
same very well. [Sidenote: Gold and siluer found in Cibola.] In this
place there is found some quantitie of golde and siluer, which those
which are skilful in minerall matters esteeme to be very good. To this
houre I could neuer learne of these people from whence they haue it: And
I see they refuse to tell mee the trueth in all things imagining, as I
haue sayde, that in short I would depart hence, but I hope in God they
shall no longer excuse themselues. I beseech your lordship to certifie
his Maiestie of the successe of his voyage. For seeing wee haue no more
then that which is aforesayd, and vntil such time as it please God that
wee finde that which wee desire, I meane not to write my selfe. Our
Lorde God keepe and preserue your excellencie.
From the Prouince of Cibola, and from this citie of Granada the third of
August 1540. Francis Vasques de Coronado kisseth the hands of your
Excellencie.
The rest of this voyage to Acuco, Liguex, Cicuic, and Quiuira, and
vnto the Westerne Ocean, is thus written in the generall historie
of the West Indies by Francis Lopez de Gomera, Chap. 214.
Because they would not returne to Mexico without doing something, nor
with emptie hands, they agreed to passe further into the countrey, which
was tolde them to bee better and better. So they came to Acuco a towne
vpon an exceeding strong hill. [Sidenote: The Westerne sea discouered.]
And from thence Don Garcias Lopez de Cardenas with his companie of
horsemen went vnto the Sea: and Francis Vasques went to Tiguex, which
standeth on the banke of a great riuer. There they had newes of Axa and
Quiuira. There they sayde was a King whose name was Tartatrax, with a
long beard, horie headed, and rich, which was girded with a Bracamart,
which prayed vpon a payre of beades, which worshipped a Crosse of golde,
and the image of a woman, the Queene of heauen. This newes did greatly
reioyce and cheere vp the armie: although some thought it to bee false,
and the report of the Friers. They determined to goe thither, with
intention to winter in so rich a countrey as that was reported to bee.
One night the Indians ranne away, and in the morning they found thirtie
horses dead, which put the armie in feare. In their iourney they burnt a
certaine towne: And in another towne which they assaulted, they killed
certaine Spaniards, and wounded fiftie horses and the inhabitants drewe
into their towne Francis de Ouando wounded or dead, to eate and
sacrifice him as they thought, or peraduenture to see more perfectly,
what maner of them the Spaniards were: for there was not found there any
signe of sacrificing men. Our people layde siege vnto the towne, but
could not take it in more then fiue and fortie dayes space. The
townesmen that were besieged, dranke snowe in stead of water: and seeing
themselues forlorne they made a fire, wherein they cast their mantles,
feathers, Turqueses and precious things, that those strangers might not
enioy them. They issued out in a squadron with their women and children
in the middest, to make way by force, and to saue themselues, but fewe
escaped the edge of our swordes and the horses, and a certaine riuer
which was neere the towne. Seuen Spaniards were slaine in this conflict,
and fourescore were wounded, and many horses: whereby a man may see of
what force resolution is in necessitie. Many Indians returned to the
towne with the women and children, and defended themselues, vntill our
men set fire on the towne. In this countrey there are melons, and white
and redde cotton, whereof they make farre larger mantels, then in other
parts of the Indies. From Tigues they went in foure dayes iourney to
Cicuic, which is a small towne, and foure leagues from thence they met
with a new kind of oxen wild and fierce, whereof the first day they
killed fourescore, which sufficed the armie with flesh. From Cicuic they
went to Quiuira, which after their accompt, is almost three hundred
leagues distant, through mighty plaines, and sandie heathes so smooth,
and wearisome, and bare of wood, that they made heapes of oxe-dung for
want of stones and trees, that they might not lose themselues at their
returne: for three horses were lost on that plaine, and one Spaniard,
which went from his companie on hunting. All that way and plaines are as
full of crookebacked oxen, as the mountaine Serena in Spaine is of
sheepe: but there is no people but such as keepe those cattell. They
were a great succour for the hunger and want of bread which our people
stoode in. One day it rayned in that plaine a great showre of haile, as
bigge as Orenges, which caused many teares, weakenesse, and vowes. At
length they came to Quiuira and found Tatarrax, whome they sought, an
hoarie headed man, naked, and with a iewell of copper hanging at his
necke, which was all his riches. The Spaniards seeing the false report
of so famous riches, returned to Tiguex, without seeing either crosse or
shew of Christianitie: and from thence to Mexico. [Sidenote: The
Spaniards would haue inhabited the countrey.] In the ende of March of
the yeere 1542. Francis Vasquez fell from his horse in Tiguex, and with
the fall fell out of his wits, and became madde. Which some tooke to bee
for griefe, and others thought it to be but counterfeited: for they were
much offended with him, because hee peopled not the countrey.
Quiuira is in fortie degrees: it is a temperate countrey, and hath very
good waters, and much grasse, plummes, mulberries, nuts, melons and
grapes, which ripen very well. There is no cotton: and they apparell
themselues with oxe-hides and deeres skinnes. They sawe shippes on the
sea coast, which bare Alcatrarzes or Pellicanes of golde and siluer in
their prows, and were laden with marchandises, and they thought them to
bee of Cathaya, and China, because they shewed our men by signes that
they had sayled thirtie dayes.
Frier Iohn de Padilla stayed behinde in Tigues, with another of his
companions called Frier Francis, and returned to Quiuira, with some
dozen Indians of Mechuacan, and with Andrew de Campo a Portugall, the
gardiner of Francis de Solis: He tooke with him horses and mules with
prouision. He tooke sheepe and hennes of Castile, and ornaments to say
Masse withall. The people of Quiuira slewe the Friers, and the Portugall
escaped with certaine Indians of Mechuacan. Who albeit at that time he
escaped death, yet could hee not free himselfe out of captiuitie: for by
and by after they caught him againe. But ten moneths after he was taken
captiue, hee fled away with a couple of dogs. As hee trauiled, hee
blessed the people with a crosse, whereunto they offered much, and
wheresoeuer hee came, they giue him almes, lodging, and foode.
[Sidenote: Andrew de Campo trauailed from Quiuira to Panuco.] He came to
the countrey of the Chichimechas and arriued at Panuco. When he came to
Mexico, hee ware his haire very long, and his beard tyed up in a lace,
and reported strange things of the lands, riuers and mountaines that he
had passed.
It grieued Don Antonio de Mendoca very much that the army returned home:
for he had spent aboue threescore thousand pesos of golde in the
enterprise, and ought a great part thereof still. [Sidenote: The cause
why the Spaniards peopled not in Cibola.] Many sought to haue dwelt
there; but Francis Vasquez de Coronado, which was rich, and lately
married to a faire wife, would not consent, saying, that they could not
maintaine nor defend themselues in so poore a countrey, and so farre
from succour. They trauailed aboue nine hundred leagues in this
countrey.
The foresayd Francis Lopez de Gomara in his generall historie of
the West Indies, Chap. 215. writeth in maner following of
certaine great and strange beasts neuer seene nor heard of in our
knowen world of Asia, Europe, and Africa: which somewhat
resembling our oxen, hauing high bunches on their backes like
those on the backes of Camels, are therefore called by him Vacas
corcobados, that is to say, Crooke-backed oxen, being very
deformed and terrible in shewe, and fierce by nature: which
notwithstanding for foode, apparell, and other necessarie vses,
are most seruiceable and beneficiall to the inhabitants of those
countreys. He reporteth also in the same chapter of certaine
strange sheepe as bigge as horses, and of dogs which vse to carie
burthens of 50. pound weight vpon their backes.
All the way betweene Cicuic and Quiuira is a most plaine soyle, without
trees and stones, and hath but fewe and small townes. [Sidenote: These
are much like the people that Captain Frobisher brought into England
from Meta Incognita.] The men clothe and shooe themselues with lether;
and the women which are esteemed for their long lockes, couer their
heads and secrets with the same. They haue no bread of any kinde of
graine, as they say: which I account a very great matter. Their chiefest
foode is flesh, and that oftentimes they eate raw, either of custome or
for lacke of wood. They eate the fatte as they take it out of the Oxe,
and drinke the blood hotte, and die not therewithall, though the ancient
writers say that it killeth, as Empedocles and others affirmed, they
drinke it also colde dissolued in water. They seeth not the flesh for
lacke of pots, but rost it, or to say more properly, warme it at a fire
of Oxe-dung: when they eate, they chawe their meate but little, and
rauen vp much, and holding the flesh with their teeth, they cut it with
rasors of stone, which seemeth to be great bestialitie: but such is
their maner of liuing and fashion. They goe together in companies, and
mooue from one place to another, as the wilde Moores of Barbarie called
Alarbes doe, following the seasons and the pasture after their Oxen.
[Sidenote: The description of the oxen of Quiuira.] These Oxen are of
the bignesse and colour of our Bulles, but their hornes are not so
great. They haue a great bunch vpon their fore shoulders, and more haire
on their fore part then on their hinder part: and it is like wooll.
They haue as it were an horse-manne vpon their backe bone, and much
haire and very long from the knees downward. They haue great tuffes of
haire hanging downe their foreheads, and it seemeth that they haue
beardes, because of the great store of haire hanging downe at their
chinnes and throates. The males haue very long tailes, and a great
knobbe or flocke at the end: so that in some respect they resemble the
Lion, and in some other the Camell. They push with their hornes, they
runne, they ouertake and kill an horse when they are in their rage and
anger. Finally, it is a foule and fierce beast of countenance and forme
of bodie. The horses fledde from them, either because of their deformed
shape, or else because they had neuer seene them. Their masters haue no
other riches nor substance: of them they eat, they drink, they apparel,
they shooe themselues: and of their hides they make many things, as
houses, shooes, apparell and ropes: of their bones they make bodkins: of
their sinewes and haire, threed: of their hornes, mawes, and bladders,
vessels; of their dung, fire: and of their calues-skinnes, budgets,
wherein they drawe and keepe water. To bee short, they make so many
things of them as they haue neede of, or as many as suffice them in the
vse of this life.
There are also in this countrey other beastes as big as horses, which
because they haue hornes and fine wool, they cal them sheepe, and they
say that euery horne of theirs weigheth is fiftie pound weight.
There are also great dogs which will fight with a bull, and will carrie
fiftie pound weight in sackes when they goe on hunting, or when they
remooue from place to place with their flockes and heards.
DIVERS VOYAGES MADE BY ENGLISHMEN TO THE FAMOUS CITIE OF MEXICO,
AND TO ALL OR MOST PART OF THE OTHER PRINCIPALL PROUINCES,
CITIES, TOWNES AND PLACES THROUGHOUT THE GREAT AND LARGE KINGDOM
OF NEW SPAINE, EUEN AS FARRE AS NICARAGUA AND PANAMA, AND THENCE
TO PERU: TOGETHER WITH A DESCRIPTION OF THE SPANIARDS FORME OF
GOUERNMENT THERE: AND SUNDRY PLEASANT RELATIONS OF THE MANERS AND
CUSTOMES OF THE NATURAL INHABITANTS, AND OF THE MANIFOLD RICH
COMMODITIES AND STRANGE RARITIES FOUND IN THOSE PARTES OF THE
CONTINENT: AND OTHER MATTERS MOST WORTHY THE OBSERUATION.
The voyage of Robert Tomson Marchant, into Noua Hispania in the
yeere 1555. with diuers obseruations concerning the state of the
Countrey: And certaine accidents touching himselfe.
Robert Tomson borne in the towne of Andouer in Hampshire began his
trauaile out of England in An. 1553. in the moneth of March: who
departing out of the citie of Bristoll in a good ship called The barke
yong, in companie of other Marchants of the sayd citie, within 8. dayes
after arriued at Lisbone in Portugall, where the sayd Robert Tomson
remained 15. dayes, at the end of which he shipped himselfe for Spaine
in the sayd shippe, and within 4. dayes arriued in the bay of Cadiz in
Andalusia, which is vnder the kingdome of Spaine, and from thence went
vp to the citie of Siuil by land, which is 20. leagues, and there hee
repaired to one Iohn Fields house an English Marchant, who had dwelt in
the said city of Siuil 18. or 20. yeres maried with wife and children:
In whose house the said Tomson remained by the space of one whole yeere
or thereabout, for two causes: The one to learn the Castillian tongue,
the other to see the orders of the countrey, and the customes of the
people. At the end of which time hauing seene the fleetes of shippes
come out of the Indies to that citie, with such great quantitie, of
gold and siluer, pearles, precious stones, suger, hides, ginger, and
diuers other rich commodities, he did determine with himselfe to seeke
meanes and opportunitie to passe ouer to see that rich countrey from
whence such great quantitie of rich commodities came. And it fell out
that within short time after, the said Iohn Field (where the sayd Tomson
was lodged) did determine to passe ouer into the West Indies, himselfe,
with his wife, children, and familie, and at the request of the sayde
Tomson, he purchased a licence of the King to passe into the Indies, for
himselfe, his wife and children, and among them also for the sayde
Tomson to passe with them: so that presently they made preparation of
victuall and other necessarie prouision for the voyage. But the shippes
which were prepared to perfourme the voyage being all ready to depart,
vpon certaine considerations by the kings commandment were stayed and
arrested till further should bee knowen of the Kings pleasure. Whereupon
the said Iohn Field, with Robert Tomson departed out of Siuil and came
down to S. Lucar 15. leagues off, and seeing the stay made vpon the
ships of the said fleet, and being not assured when they would depart,
determined to ship themselues for the Iles of the Canaries, which are
250. leagues from S. Lucar, and there to stay till the said fleet should
come thither: for that is continually their port to make stay at 6. or
8. daies, to take in fresh water, bread, flesh, and other necessaries.
So that in the moneth of February in An. 1555. the sayde Robert Tomson
with the said Iohn Field and his companie, shipped themselues out of the
towne of S. Lucar in a caruel of the citie of Cadiz, and within 6. dayes
they arriued at the port of the Grand Canaria, where at our comming the
ships that rode in the said port began to cry out of all measure with
loud voyces, in so much that the castle which stood fast by began to
shoot at vs, and shot 6. or 7. shot at vs, and strooke downe our maine
maste, before we could hoise out our boat to goe on land, to know what
the cause of the shooting was, seeing that we were Spanish ships, and
were comming into his countrey. So that being on lande, and complaining
of the wrong and damage done vnto us; they answered, that they had
thought we had bene French rouers, that had come into the said port to
do some harme to the ships that were there. For that 8. dayes past there
went out of the port a caruell much like vnto ours, laden with sugers
and other marchandise for Spaine and on the other side of the point of
the sayd Iland, met with a Frenchman of warre, who tooke the said
caruell, and vnladed out of her into the said French ship both men and
goods. And being demanded of the said Spaniards what other ships
remained in the port whence they came, they answered that there remained
diuers other ships, and one laden with sugers (as they were) and ready
to depart for Spaine: vpon the which newes the Frenchmen put 30. tall
men of their ship well appointed into the said caruel which they had
taken, and sent her backe againe to the said port from whence she had
departed the day before. And somewhat late towards the euening came into
the port, not shewing past 3. or 4. men, and so came to an anker hard by
the other ships that were in the said port, and being seene by the
castle and by the said ships, they made no reconing of her, because they
knew her, and thinking that she had found contrary windes at the sea, or
had forgot something behinde them, they had returned backe againe for
the same, and so made no accompt of her, but let her alone riding
quietly among the other ships in the said port: So that about midnight
the said caruel with the Frenchmen in her went aboord the other ship
that lay hard by laden with sugers, and droue the Spaniards that were in
her vnder hatches, and presently let slip her cables and ankers, and set
saile and carried her cleane away, and after this sort deceiued them:
And they thinking or fearing that we were the like did shoote at vs as
they did. [Sidenote: English factors in the Grand Canaria.] This being
past, the next day after our arriuall in the sayd port, wee did vnbarke
our selues and went on lande vp to the citie or head towne of the great
Canaria, where we remained 18. or 20. dayes: and there found certaine
Englishmen marchants servants of one Anthony Hickman and Edward
Castelin, marchants of the citie of London that lay there in traffique,
of whom wee receiued great courtesie and much good cheere. After the
which 20. dayes being past, in the which we had seene the countrey, the
people, and the disposition thereof, wee departed from thence, and
passed to the next Ile of the Canaries 18. leagues off; called
Teneriffe, and being come on land, went vp to the citie called La
Laguna, where we remained 7. moneths, attending the comming of the whole
fleete, which in the ende came, and there hauing taken that which they
had neede of, wee shipped our selues in a ship of Cadiz, being one of
the saide fleete, which was belonging to an Englishman maried in the
citie of Cadiz in Spaine, whose name was Iohn Sweeting, and there came
in the sayd ship for captain also an Englishman maried in Cadiz, and
sonne in law to the sayde Iohn Sweeting, whose name was Leonard Chilton:
there came also in the said ship another Englishman which had beene a
marchant of the citie of Exeter, one of 50. yeeres or thereabout, whose
name was Ralph Sarre. So that we departed from the sayd Ilands in the
moneth of October the foresayd yeere, 8. ships in our companie, and so
directed our course towards the bay of Mexico, and by the way towardes
the Iland of S. Domingo, otherwise called Hispaniola. So that within 32.
dayes after we departed from the Iles of Canaries wee arriued with our
ship at the port of S. Domingo, and went in ouer the barre where our
ship knocked her keele at her entrie: and there our ship rid before the
towne, where wee went on land, and refreshed our selues 16. dayes, where
we found no bread made of wheat, but biscuit brought out of Spaine, and
out of the bay of Mexico: for the countrey it selfe doeth yeelde no
kinde of bread to make graine withall. But the bread they make there, is
certaine cakes made of rootes called Cassaui, which is something
substantiall, but it hath but an vnsauorie taste in the eating thereof.
Flesh of beefe and mutton they haue great store: for there are men that
haue 10000. head of cattell, of oxen, bulles and kine, which they doe
keepe onely for the hides; for the quantitie of flesh is so great, that
they are not able to spend the hundreth part. Hogs flesh is there good
store, very sweete and sauorie, and so holesome, that they giue it to
sick folkes to eat in stead of hennes and capons, although they haue
good store of poultrie of that sort, as also of Guinycocks and
Guinyhens. At the time of our being there, the citie of S. Domingo was
not of aboue 500. housholds of Spaniards, but of the Indians dwelling in
the suburbs there were more. The countrey is most part of the yere very
hot, and very ful of a kind of flies or gnats with long bils, which do
pricke and molest the people very much in the night when they are
asleepe, in pricking their faces and hands, and other parts of their
bodies that lie vncouered, and make them to swel wonderfully. [Sidenote:
Many of our men died of these wormes at the taking of Puertorico.] Also
there is another kind of small worme which creepeth into the soles of
mens feet and especially of the black Moores and children which vse to
go barefoot, and maketh their feet to grow as big as a mans head, and
doth so ake that it would make one run mad. They haue no remedy for the
same, but to open the flesh sometimes 3. or 4. inches and so dig them
out. The countrey yeeldeth great store of suger, hides of oxen, buls and
kine, ginger, Cana fistula and Salsa perilla: mines of siluer and gold
there are none, but in some riuers there is found some smal quantitie of
gold. The principal coine that they do trafique withal in that place, is
blacke money made of copper and brasse: and this they say they do vse
not for that they lacke money of gold and siluer to trade withall out of
the other parts of India, but because if they should haue good money,
the marchants that deale with them in trade, would cary away their gold
and siluer, and let the countrey commodities lie still. And thus much
for S. Domingo. So we were comming from the yles of Canaries to S.
Domingo, and there staying vntil the moneth of December, which was 3.
moneths. About the beginning of Ianuary we departed thence towards the
bay of Mexico and new Spaine, toward which we set our course, and so
sailed 24. dayes till we came within 15. leagues of S. Iohn de Vllua,
which was the port of Mexico of our right discharge: And being so neere
our said port, there rose a storme of Northerly windes, which came off
from Terra Florida, which caused vs to cast about into the sea, againe,
for feare least that night we should be cast vpon the shoore before day
did breake, and so put our selues in danger of casting away: the winde
and sea grew so foule and strong, that within two houres after the
storme began, eight ships that were together were so dispersed, that we
could not see one another. One of the ships of our company being of the
burthen of 500. tun called the hulke of Carion, would not cast about to
sea as we did, but went that night with the land, thinking in the
morning to purchase the port of S. Iohn de Vllua, but missing the port
went with the shoare and was cast away. There were drowned of that ship
75. persons, men, women and children, and 64. were saved that could
swim, and had meanes to saue themselves: among those that perished in
that ship, was a gentlemen who had bene present the yere before in S.
Domingo, his wife and 4. daughters with the rest of his seruants and
household. We with the other 7. ships cast about into the sea, the
storme during 10. dayes with great might, boisterous winds, fogs and
raine: our ship being old and weake was so tossed, that she opened at
the sterne a fadome vnder water, and the best remedy we had was to stop
it with beds and pilobiers, and for feare of sinking we threw and
lightned into the sea all the goods we had or could come by: but that
would not serue. Then we cut our maine mast, and threw all our Ordinance
into the sea sauing one piece, which early in a morning when wee thought
wee should haue sunke, we shot off, and as pleased God there was one of
the ships of our company neere vnto vs, which we saw not by meanes of
the great fogge, which hearing the sound of the piece, and vnderstanding
some of the company to be in great extremitie, began to make toward vs,
and when they came within hearing of vs, we desired them for the loue of
God to helpe to saue vs, for that we were all like to perish. They
willed vs to hoise our foresaile as much as we could and make towards
them, for they would do their best to saue vs, and so we did. And we had
no sooner hoised our foresaile, but there came a gale of winde and a
piece of a sea, strooke in the foresaile, and caried saile and maste all
ouerboord, so that then we thought there was no hope of life. And then
we began to imbrace one another, euery man his friend, euery wife her
husband, and the children their fathers and mothers, committing our
soules to Almighty God, thinking neuer to escape aliue: yet it pleased
God in the time of most need when all hope was past, to aide vs with his
helping hand, and caused the winde a little to cease, so that within two
houres after, the other ship was able to come aboord vs, and tooke into
her with her boat man, woman and child, naked without hose or shoe vpon
many of our feete. I do remember that the last person that came out of
the ship into the boat was a woman blacke Moore, who leaping out of the
ship into the boat with a yong sucking childe in her armes, lept too
short and fell into the sea, and was a good while vnder the water before
the boat could come to rescue her, and with the spreading of her clothes
rose aboue water againe, and was caught by the coat and pulled into the
boate hauing still her child vnder her arme, both of them halfe drowned,
and yet her natural loue towards her child would not let her let the
childe goe. And when she came aboord the boate she helde her childe so
fast vnder her arm still, that two men were scant able to get it out. So
we departed out of our ship and left it in the sea: it was worth foure
hundreth thousand ducats, ship and goods when we left it. And within
three dayes after we arriued at our port of S. Iohn de Vllua in New
Spaine. I do remember that in the great and boysterous storme of this
foule weather, in the night, there came vpon the toppe of our maine
yarde and maine maste, a certaine little light, much like vnto the
light of a little candle, which the Spaniards called the Cuerpo santo,
and saide it was S. Elmo, whom they take to bee the aduocate of Sailers.
At the which sight the Spaniards fell downe vpon their knees and
worshipped it, praying God and S. Elmo to cease the torment, and saue
them from the perill that they were in with promising him that on their
comming on land, they would repaire vnto his Chappell, and their cause
Masses to be saide, and other ceremonies to be done. The friers cast
reliques into the sea, to cause the sea to be still, and likewise said
Gospels, with other crossings and ceremonies vpon the sea to make the
storme to cease: which (as they said) did much good to weaken the furie
of the storme. But I could not perceiue it, nor gaue no credite to it,
till it pleased God to send vs the remedie and deliuered vs from the
rage of the same, His Name be praised therefore. This light continued
aboord our ship about three hours, flying from maste to maste, and from
top to top: and sometime it would be in two or three places at once. I
informed my selfe of learned men afterward what that light should be,
and they said, that it was but a congelation of the winde and vapours of
the Sea congealed with the extremitie of the weather, which flying in
the winde, many times doeth chance to hit on the masts and shrowds of
the ships that are at sea in foule weather. And in trueth I do take it
to be so: for that I haue seene the like in other ships at sea, and in
sundry ships at once. By this men may see how the Papists are giuen to
beleeue and worship such vaine things and toyes, as God, to whom all
honour doth appertaine and in their neede and necessities do let to call
vpon the liuing God, who is the giuer of all good things.
[Sidenote: His arriuall at Vera Cruz.] The 16. of April in Anno 1556. we
arrived at the port of S. Iohn de Vllua in new Spaine, very naked and
distressed, of apparell, and all other things, by meanes of the losse of
our foresaid ship and goods, and from thence we went to the new Towne
called Vera Cruz, fiue leagues from the said port of S. Iohn de Vllua,
marching still by the sea side, where wee found lying vpon the sands
great quantitie of mightie great trees with roots and all, some of them
of foure, fiue, and sixe cart load by our estimation, which, as the
people told vs, were in the great stormy weather, which we endured at
sea, [Sidenote: Florida 300. leagues from San Iuan de Vllua.] rooted out
of the ground in Terra Florida, which is three hundredth leagues ouer
by Sea, and brought thither. So we came to the saide Towne of Vera cruz,
where wee remained a moneth: and there the said Iohn Field chanced to
meete with an olde friend of his acquaintance in Spaine, called Gonçalo
Ruiz de Cordoua, a very rich man of the saide Towne of Vera cruz: who
hearing of his comming thither with his wife and family, and of his
misfortune by Sea, came vnto him and receiued him and all his household
into his house, and kept vs there a whole moneth, making vs very good
cheere, and giuing vs good entertainment, and also gaue vs that were in
all eight persons, of the said Iohn Fields house, double apparell new
out of the shop of very good cloth, coates, cloakes, hose, shirts,
smocks, gownes for the women, hose, shoes, and al other necessary
apparel, and for our way vp to the Citie of Mexico, horses, moiles, and
men, and money in our purses for the expenses by the way, which by our
accompt might amount vnto the summe of 400. Crownes. And after wee were
entred two dayes iourney into the Countrey, I the saide Robert Tomson
fell so sicke of an ague, that the next day I was not able to sit on my
horse, but was faine to be caried vpon Indians backes, from thence to
Mexico. And when wee came within halfe a dayes iourney of the Citie of
Mexico, the saide Iohn Field also fell sicke, and within three dayes
after we arriued at the said Citie, hee died: And presently sickened one
of his children, and two more of his houshold people, and within eight
days died. So that within tenne dayes after we arriued at the Citie of
Mexico, of eight persons that were of vs of the saide company, there
remained but foure aliue, and I the said Tomson was at the point of
death of the sicknes that I got vpon the way, which continued with mee
the space of sixe moneths. At the end of which time it pleased Almightie
God to restore me my health againe, although weake and greatly disabled.
And being some thing strong, I procured to seeke meanes to liue, and to
seeke a way how to profite my selfe in the Countrey, seeing it had
pleased God to sende vs thither in safetie. Then by friendship of one
Thomas Blake a Scottishman borne, who had dwelt and had bene married in
the said Citie aboue twentie yeeres before I came to the saide Citie, I
was preferred to the seruice of a gentleman a Spaniard dwelling there, a
man of great wealth, and one of the first conquerours of the said Citie,
whose name was Gonçalo Cerezo, with whom I dwelt twelue moneths and a
halfe. At the ende of which I was maliciously accused by the Holy house
for matters of Religion, and so apprehended and caried to prison, where
I lay close prisoner seuen moneths, without speaking to any creature,
but to the Iailer that kept the said prison, when he brought me my meat
and drinke. In the meane time was brought into the saide prison one
Augustin Boacio an Italian of Genoua also for matters of Religion, who
was taken at Sacatecas 80. leagues to the Northwest of the Citie of
Mexico: At the ende of the said seuen moneths, we were both caried to
the high Church of Mexico, to doe open penance upon an high scaffold,
made before the high Alter, vpon a Sunday, in presence of a very great
number of people, who were at the least fiue or sixe thousand. For there
were that came one hundreth mile off, to see the said Auto (as they call
it) for that there were neuer none before, that had done the like in the
said Countrey, nor could not tell what Lutheranes were, nor what it
meant: for they neuer heard of any such thing before. We were brought
into the Church, euery one with a S. Benito vpon his backe, which is
halfe a yard of yellow cloth, with a hole to put in a mans head in the
middest, and cast ouer a mans head: both flaps cast one before, and
another behinde, and in the middest of euery flap, a S. Andrewes crosse,
made of red cloth, sowed on vpon the same, and that is called S. Benito.
The common people before they sawe the penitents come into the Church,
were giuen to vnderstand that wee were heretiques, infidels, and people
that did despise God, and his workes, and that wee had bene more like
deuils than men, and thought wee had had the fauour of some monsters, or
heathen people. And when they saw vs come into the Church in our players
coates, the women and children beganne to cry out, and made such a
noise, that it was strange to see and heare, saying, that they neuer
sawe goodlier men in all their liues, and that it was not possible that
there could be in vs so much euill as was reported of vs, and that we
were more like Angels among men, then such persons of such euill
Religion as by the Priestes and friers wee were reported to be, and that
it was great pitie that wee should bee so vsed for so small an offence.
So that being brought into the said high Church, and set vpon the
scaffold which was made before the high Alter, in the presence of all
the people, vntil high Masse was done, and the sermon made by a frier,
concerning our matter, they did put vs in all the disgrace they could,
to cause the people not to take so much compassion vpon vs, for that wee
were heretiques, and people that were seduced of the deuill, and had
forsaken the faith of the Catholique Church of Rome, with diuers other
reprochfull wordes, which were too long to recite in this place. High
Masse and Sermon being done, our offences, as they called them, were
recited, euery man what he had said and done, and presently was the
sentence pronounced against vs. That was that the said Augustine Boacio
was condemned to wear his S. Benito all the dayes of his life, and put
into perpetuall prison, where hee should fulfill the same, and all his
goods confiscated and lost. And I the saide Tomson to weare the S.
Benito for three yeeres, and then to be set at libertie. And for the
accomplishing of this sentence or condemnation, we must be presently
sent downe from Mexico, to Vera Cruz, and from thence to S. Iohn de
Vllua, and there to be shipped for Spaine, which was 65. leagues by
land, with strait commandement, that vpon paine of 1000. duckets, the
Masters euery one should looke straitly vnto vs, and carry vs to Spaine,
and deliver vs vnto the Inquisitors of the Holy house of Siuill, that
they should put vs in the places, where we should fulfill our penances,
that the Archbishop of Mexico had enioyned vnto us, by his sentence
there giuen. For performance of the which, we were sent downe from
Mexico, to the Sea side, which was 65. leagues, with fetters upon our
feete, and there deliuered to the Masters of the ships, to be carried
for Spaine, as before is said. And it was so, that the Italian, fearing
that if he had presented himselfe in Spaine before the Inquisitors, that
they would haue burned him, to preuent that danger when wee were comming
homeward, and were arriued at the yland of Terçera, one of the ysles of
the Açores, the first night that we came into the said port to an
ancker, about midnight he found the meanes to get him naked out of the
ship into the sea, and swam naked a shoare, and so presently got him to
the further side of the yland, where hee found a little Caruel ready to
depart for Portugal, in the which he came to Lisbone, and passed into
France, and so into England, where hee ended his life in the Citie of
London. And I for my part kept still aboord the ship, and came into
Spaine, and was deliuered to the Inquisitors of the Holy house of
Siuill, where they kept me in close prison, till I had fulfilled the
three years of my penance. Which time being expired, I was freely put
out of prison, and set at libertie: and being in the Citie of Siuil a
casher of one Hugh Typton, an English marchant of great doing, by the
space of one yeere, it fortuned that there came out of the Citie of
Mexico, a Spaniard, called Iohn de la Barrera, that had bene long time
in the Indies, and had got summes of golde and siluer, and with one
onely daughter shipped himselfe for to come for Spaine, and by the way
chanced to die, and giue all that hee had vnto his onely daughter, whose
name was Marie de la Barrera, and being arriued at the Citie of Siuil,
it was my chance to marry with her. The marriage was worth to mee 2500.
pounds in barres of golde and siluer, besides iewels of great price.
This I thought good to speake of, to shew the goodnes of God to all them
that put their trust in him, that I being brought out of the Indies, in
such great misery and infamy to the world, should be prouided at Gods
hand in one moment, of more then in all my life before I could attaine
vnto by my owne labour.
After we departed from Mexico, our S. Benitoes were set vp in the high
Church of the said Citie, with our names written in the same, according
to there vse and custome, which is and will be a monument and a
remembrance of vs, as long as the Romish Church doth raigne in that
country. The same haue bene seene since by one Iohn Chilton, and diuers
others of our nation, which were left in that countrey long since, by
Sir Iohn Hawkins. And because it shalbe knowen wherefore it was that I
was so punished by the Clergies hande, as before is mentioned, I will in
briefe words declare the same.
It is so, that being in Mexico at the table, among many principall
people at dinner, they began to inquire of me being an Englishman,
whether it were true, that in England they had ouerthrowen all their
Churches and houses of Religion, and that all the images of the Saints
of heauen that were in them were throwen downe, broken, and burned, and
in some places high wayes stoned with them, and whether the English
nation denied their obedience to the Pope of Rome, as they had bene
certified out of Spaine by their friends. To whom I made answere, that
it was so, that in deed they had in England put downe all the Religious
houses of friers and monks that were in England, and the images that
were in their Churches and other places were taken away, and vsed there
no more: for that (as they say) the making of them, and putting of them
where they were adored, was cleane contrary to the expresse commandement
of Almighty God, Thou shalt not make to thy selfe any grauen image, &c.
and that for that cause they thought it not lawfull that they should
stand in the Church, which his the house of adoration. One that was at
the declaring of these words who was my master Gonsalo Cereso, answered
and said, if it were against the commandement of God to haue images in
the Churches, that then he had spent a great deale of money in vaine,
for that two yeres past he had made in the monastery of Santo Domingo,
in the said citie of Mexico, an image of our Lady of pure siluer and
golde, with pearles and precious stones, which cost him 7000. and odde
pesos, and euery peso is 4.s. 8.d. of our money: which indeed was true,
for that I haue seene it many times my selfe where it stands. At the
table was another gentleman, who presuming to defend the cause more then
any other that was there, saide, that they knew well ynough that they
made but of stockes and stones, and that to them was no worship giuen,
but that there was a certaine veneration due vnto them after they were
set vp in the Church, and that they were set there to a good intent: the
one, for that they were books for the simple people, to make them
vnderstand the glory of the saints that were in heauen, and a shape of
them to put vs in remembrance to cal vpon them, to be our intercessors
vnto God for vs, for that we are such miserable sinners, that we are not
worthy to appeare before God, and that vsing deuotion to saints in
heauen, they may obtaine at Gods hands the sooner the thing that we
demand of him. As for example, said he, imagin that a subiect hath
offended his king vpon the earth in any kind of respect, is it for the
party to go boldly to the king in person, and to demand pardon for his
offences? No, saith he, the presumption were two great, and possibly he
might be repulsed, and haue a great rebuke for his labour. Better it is
for such a person to seek some priuate man neere the king in his Court,
and make him acquainted with his matter, and let him be a mediator to
his Maiesty for him, and for the matter he hath to do with him, and so
might he the better come to his purpose, and obteine the thing which he
doeth demand: euen so saith he, it is with God and his saints in heauen:
for we are wretched sinners, and not worthy to appeare nor present our
selues before the Maiesty of God to demand of him the thing that we haue
need of: therefore thou hast need to be deuout, and have deuotion to
the mother of God, and the saints of heauen, to be intercessors to God
for thee, and so mayest thou the better obtaine of God the thing that
thou dost demand. To this I answered, and said, sir, as touching the
comparison you made of the intercessors to the king, how necessary they
were, I would but aske you this question. Set the case that this king
you speake of, if he be so merciful, as, when he knoweth that one, or
any of his subiects hath offended him, he send for him to his owne
towne, or to his owne house, or palace, and say unto him, come hither, I
know that thou hast offended many lawes, if thou doest know thereof, and
doest repent thee of the same, with ful intent to offend no more, I wil
forgiue thy trespasse, and remember it no more: said I, if this be done
by the kings owne person, what then hath this man need to go seeke
friendship at any of the kings priuat seruants hands, but go to the
principal, seeing that he is readier to forgive thee, then thou art to
demand forgiuenes at his hands? Euen so is it with our gracious God, who
calleth and crieth out vnto vs throughout all the world, by the mouth of
his Prophets, Apostles, and by his owne mouth, saying, Come vnto me al
ye that labour and are ouer laden, and I wil refresh you: besides 1000.
other offers and proffers which hee doth make vnto vs in his holy
Scriptures. What then haue we need of the saints helpe that are in
heauen, whereas the Lord himself doth so freely offer himselfe vnto vs?
At which sayings, many of the hearers were astonied, and said, that by
that reason, I would giue to vnderstand, that the inuocation of Saints
was to be disanulled, and by the Lawes of God not commanded. I answered,
that they were not my words but the words of God himselfe: looke into
the Scriptures your selfe, and you shall so finde it. The talk was
perceiued to be preiudiciall to the Romish doctrine, and therefore it was
commanded to be no more entreated of, and all remained vnthought vpon,
had it not bene for a villanous Portugal that was in the company, who
said, Basta ser Ingles para saber todo esto y mas: who the next day,
without imparting any thing to any body, went to the Bishop of Mexico,
and his Prouisor, and said, that in a place where he had bene the day
before, was an Englishman, who had said, that there was no need of
Saints in the Church, nor of any inuocation of Saints, vpon whose
denomination I was apprehended for the same words here rehearsed, and
none other thing, and thereupon was vsed, as before is written.
[Sidenote: Sant Iuan de Vllua.] Now to speake somewhat of the
description of the countrey, you shall vnderstand, that the port of S.
Iohn de Vllua is a very little Island low by the water side, the
broadest or longest part thereof not aboue a bow-shoote ouer, and
standeth within two furlongs of the firme land. In my time there was but
one house, and a little Chappel to say masse in, in all the Island: the
side to the land wards is made by mans handes, with free-stone and
grauel, and is 4. fadome deepe downe right, wherefore the great ships
that come in there do ride so neere the shoare of the land, that you may
come and goe aland vpon their beake noses. They vse to put great chaines
of yron in at their halsers, and an ancker to the land ward, and all
little ynough to more well their shippes for feare of the Northerly
winds, which come of the coast of Florida, that sometimes haue caried
ships, and houses, and all away to the shoare. The king was wont to haue
20. great mightie Negroes, who did serue for nothing else, but onely to
repaire the said Island, where the foule weather doeth hurt it. The
Countrey all thereabout is very plaine ground, and a mile from the sea
side a great wildernes, with great quantitie of red Deere in the same,
so that when the mariners of the ships are disposed, they go vp into the
wildernes, and do kil of the same, and bring them aboard to eate, for
their recreation.
[Sidenote: The way and distance from San Iuan de Vllua to Vera Cruz, is
five leagues.] From this port to the next towne, which is called Vera
Cruz, are 5. leagues almost by the Sea side, till you come within one
league of the place, and then you turne vp towards the land, into a
wood, till you come to a litle riuer hard by the said townes side, which
sometimes of the yere is dry without water. The towne of Vera Cruz in my
time, had not past 300. housholds, and serued out but for the folke of
the ships, to buy and bring there goods aland, and deliuer it to their
owners, as also the owners and their factors to receiue there goods of
the Masters of the ships. This town standeth also in a very plaine on
the one side the riuer, and the other side is enuironed with much sande
blowen from the sea side with the tempest of weather, many times comming
vpon that coast. This town also is subiect to great sicknes, and in my
time many of the Mariners and officers of the ships did die with those
diseases, there accustomed, and especially those that were not vsed to
the countrey, nor knew the danger thereof, but would commonly go in the
Sunne in the heat of the day, and did eat fruit of the countrey with
much disorder, and especially gaue themselues to womens company at their
first comming: whereupon they were cast into a burning ague, of the
which few escaped.
[Sidenote: Venta de Rinconado.] Halfe a dayes iourney from Vera Cruz,
towards Mexico, is a lodging of fiue or sixe houses, called the
Rinconado, which is a place, where is a great pinacle made of lime and
stone, fast by a riuer side, where the Indians were wont to doe their
sacrifices vnto their gods, and it is plaine and low ground betwixt that
and Vera Cruz, and also subiect to sicknes: but afterward halfe a dayes
iourney that you do begin to enter into the high land, you shall find as
faire, good, and sweet countrey, as any in the world, and the farther
you go, the goodlier and sweeter the countrey is, till you come to
Pueblo de los Angeles, which may be some 43 leagues from Vera Cruz,
which was in my time a towne of 600. housholds, or thereabout, standing
in a goodly soile. Betweene Vera Cruz and that you shall come through
many townes of the Indians, and villages, and many goodly fields of
medow grounds, Riuers of fresh waters, forrests, and great woods, very
pleasant to behold. From Pueblo de los Angeles, to Mexico, is 20 leagues
of very faire way and countrey, as before is declared. Mexico was a
Citie in my time, of not aboue 1500. housholds of Spaniards inhabiting
there, but of Indian people in the suburbs of the said city, dwelt aboue
300000. as it was thought, and many more. This City of Mexico is 65
leagues from the North sea, and 75 leagues from the South sea, so that
it standeth in the midst of the maine land, betwixt the one sea and the
other. It is situated in the middest of a lake of standing water, and
enuironed round about with the same, sauing in many places, going out of
the Citie, are many broad wayes through the said lake or water. This
lake and Citie is enuironed also with great mountaines round about,
which are in compasse aboue thirtie leagues, and the said Citie, and
lake of standing water, doeth stand in a great plaine in the middest of
it. This lake of standing water doeth proceed from the shedding of the
raine, that falleth upon the saide mountaines, and so gather themselues
together in this place.
All the whole proportion of this Citie doeth stand in a very plaine
ground, and in the middest of the said Citie is a square place of a
good bow-shoote ouer from side to side: and in the middest of the said
place is the high Church, very faire and well builded all through, at
that time not halfe finished, and round about the said place, are many
faire houses built: on the one side, are the houses where Mutezuma the
great king of Mexico that was, dwelt, and now there lye alwayes the
viceroyes that the king of Spaine sendeth thither euery three yeeres.
And in my time there was for viceroy a gentleman of Castil, called Don
Luis de Velasco. And on the other side of the saide place, ouer against
the same, is the Bishops house, very faire built, and many other houses
of goodly building. And hard by the same, are also other very faire
houses, built by the Marques de Valle, otherwise called Hernando Cortes,
who was hee that first conquered the saide Citie and Countrey, who after
the said conquest which hee made with great labour and trauaile of his
person, and danger of his life, and being growen great in the Countrey,
the King of Spaine sent for him, saying that he had some particular
matters to impart vnto him. [Sidenote: This is to be vnderstood of his
second comming into Spaine.] And when he came home, he could not bee
suffered to returne backe againe, as the King before had promised him.
With the which, for sorrow that he tooke, he died; and this he had for
the reward of his good seruice.
The said Citie of Mexico hath the streetes made very broad, and right,
that a man being in the high place, at the one ende of the street, may
see at the least a good mile forward, and in all the one part of the
streets of the North part of their Citie, there runneth a pretie lake of
very cleare water, that euery man may put into his house as much as he
will, without the cost of any thing, but of letting in. Also there is a
great caue or ditch of water that commeth through the Citie, euen vnto
the high place, where come euery morning at the break of the day twentie
or thirtie Canoas, or troughes of the Indians, which bring in them all
manner of prouision for the citie, which is made, and groweth in the
Countrey, which is a very good commoditie for the inhabitants of that
place. And as for victuals in the said Citie, of beefe, mutton, and
hennes, capons, quailes, Guiny-cockes, and such like, all are very good
cheape: To say, the whole quarter of an oxe, as much as a slaue can
carry away from the Butchers, for fiue Tomynes, that is, fiue Royals of
plate, which is iust two shillings and sixe pence, and a fat sheepe at
the Butchers for three Royals, which is 18. pence and no more. Bread is
as good cheape as in Spaine, and all other kinde of fruites, as apples,
peares, pomegranats, and quinces, at a reasonable rate. The Citie goeth
wonderfully forwards in building of Frieries and Nunneries, and
Chappels, and is like in time to come, to be the most populous Citie in
the world, as it may be supposed. The weather is there always very
temperate, the day differeth but one houre of length all the yere long.
The fields and the woods are alwayes greene. The woods full of
popinjayes, and many other kinde of birdes, that make such an harmonie
of singing, and crying, that any man will reioyce to heare it. In the
fields are such odoriferous smels of flowers and hearbs, that it giueth
great content to the senses. About the Citie of Mexico two, three, or
foure leagues off, are diuers townes of Indians, some of 4000. or 6000.
housholds, which doe stand in such a goodly soyle, that if Christians
had the inhabitation thereof, it would be put to a further benefite. In
my time were dwelling and aliue in Mexico, many ancient men that were of
the conquerours at the first conquest with Hernando Cortes: for then it
was about 36. yeeres agoe, that the said Countrey was conquered.
About Mexico there are diuers Mines of siluer, and also in other places
there about, but the principall Mines that are in all New Spaine are in
Sacatecas, 80. leagues from Mexico, and the Mines of S. Martin, thirtie
leagues, both to the Westward of Mexico, where is great store of gold
and siluer. Also there is a place called the Misteca, fiftie leagues to
the Northwest, which doth yeeled great store of very good silke, and
Cochinilla. Wine and oyle there is none growing in the Countrey, but
what commeth out of Spaine. Also there are many goodly fruits in that
Countrey, whereof we haue none such, as Plantanos Guyaues, Lapotes,
Tunas, and in the wilderness great store of blacke cheries, and other
wholesome fruites. The Cochinilla is not a worme, or a flye, as some say
it is, but a berrie that groweth vpon certaine bushes in the wilde
field, which is gathered in time of the yeere, when it is ripe. Also the
Indico that doeth come from thence to die blew, is a certaine hearbe
that groweth in the wilde fieldes, and is gathered at one time of the
yeere, and burnt, and of the ashes thereof, with other confections put
thereunto, the said Indico is made. Balme, Salsa perilla, Cana fistula,
suger, oxe hides, and many other good and seruiceable things the
Countrey doeth yeeld, which are yeerely brought into Spaine, and there
solde and distributed to many nations.
ROBERT TOMSON.
A voyage made by M. Roger Bodenham to S. Iohn de Vllua in the bay
of Mexico, in the yeere 1564.
[Sidenote: A new trade begun in the city of Fez by Roger Bodenham.] I
Rodger Bodenham hauing a long time liued in the city of Siuil in Spaine,
being there married, and by occasion thereof vsing trade and traffique
to the parts of Barbary, grew at length to great losse and hinderance by
that new trade begun by me in the city of Fez: whereupon being returned
into Spaine, I began to call my wits about mee, and to consider with my
selfe by what meanes I might recover and renew my state; and in
conclusion, by the ayde of my friends, I procured a ship called The
Barke Fox perteining to London, of the eight or nine score tunnes; and
with the same I made a voyage to the West India, hauing obteined good
fauour with the Spannish merchants, by reason of my long abode, and
marriage of the countrey. My voyage was in the company of the Generall
Don Pedro Melendes for Noua Hispania: who being himselfe appointed
Generall for Terra Firma and Peru, made his sonne Generall for New
Spaine, although Pedro Melendes himselfe was the principall man and
director in both fleets. We all departed from Cadiz together the last
day of May in the yere 1564: and I with my ship being vnder the conduct
of the sonne of Don Pedro aforesayd, arriued with him in Noua Hispania,
where immediately I tooke order for the discharge of my merchandise at
the port of Vera Cruz, otherwise called Villa Rica, to be transported
thence to the city of Mexico, which is sixty and odde leagues distant
from the sayd port of Villa Rica. In the way are many good townes, as
namely, Pueblo de los Angeles, and another called Tlaxcalan. The city of
Mexico hath three great causeyes to bring men to it, compassed with a
lake, so that it needeth no walles, being so defended by the water. It
is a city plentifull of all necessary things, hauing many faire houses,
churches, and monasteries. I hauing continued in the countrey the space
of nine moneths, returned againe for Spaine with the Spanish fleet, and
deliuered the merchandise and siluer which I had in the ship into the
Contratation house, and there receiued my fraight, which amounted
outwards and homewards to the value of 13000 ducats and more. I obserued
many things in the time of my abode in Noua Hispania, aswell touching
the commodities of the countrey as the maners of the people both
Spaniards and Indians: but because the Spanish histories are full of
these obseruations, I omit them, and referre the readers to the same:
onely this I say, that the commodity of Cochinalla groweth in greatest
abundance about the towne of Pueblo de los Angeles, and is not there
woorth aboue forty pence the pound.
A notable discourse of M. Iohn Chilton, touching the people, maners,
mines, cities, riches, forces, and other memorable things of New
Spaine, and other prouinces in the West Indies, seene and noted by
himselfe in the time of his trauels, continued in those parts, the
space of seuenteene or eighteene yeeres.
In the yeere of our Lord 1561, in the moneth of Iuly, I Iohn Chilton
went out of this city of London into Spaine, where I remained for the
space of seuen yeres, and from thence I sailed into Noua Hispania, and
so trauelled there, and by the South sea, vnto Peru, the space of
seuenteene or eighteene yeeres: and after that time expired, I returned
into Spaine, and so in the yere 1586 in the moneth of Iuly, I arriued at
the foresayd city of London: where perusing the notes which I had taken
in the time of my trauell in those yeeres, I haue set downe as
followeth.
In the yeere 1568, in the moneth of March, being desirous to see the
world, I embarked my selfe in the bay of Cadiz in Andaluzia, in a shippe
bound for the Isles of the Canaries, where she tooke in her lading, and
set forth from thence for the voyage, in the moneth of Iune, the same
yere. Within a moneth after, we fell with the Isle of S. Domingo, and
from thence directly to Noua Hispania, and came into the port of S. Iohn
de Vllua, which is a little Island standing in the sea, about two miles
from the land, where the king mainteineth about 50 souldiers, and
captaines, that keepe the forts, and about 150 negroes, who all the
yeere long are occupied in carying of stones for building, and other
vses, and to helpe to make fast the ships that come in there, with their
cables. There are built two bulwarkes at ech ende of a wall, that
standeth likewise in the sayde island, where the shippes vse to ride,
made fast to the sayd wall with their cables, so neere, that a man may
leape ashore. From this port I iourneyd by land to a towne called Vera
Cruz, standing by a riuers side, where all the factours of the Spanish
merchants dwell, which receiue the goods of such ships as come thither,
and also lade the same with such treasure and merchandize as they
returne backe into Spaine. They are in number about foure hundred, who
onely remaine there during the time that the Spanish fleet dischargeth,
and is loden againe, which is from the end of August to the beginning of
April following. And then for the vnwholesomnesse of the place they
depart thence sixteene leagues further vp within the countrey, to a
towne called Xalapa, a very healthfull soile. There is neuer any woman
deliuered of childe in this port of Vera Cruz: for so soone as they
perceiue themselues conceiued with child, they get them into the
countrey, to auoid the perill of the infected aire, although they vse
euery morning to driue thorow the towne aboue two thousand head of
cattell, to take away the ill vapours of the earth. From Xalapa seuen
leagues I came to another place, named Perota, wherein are certaine
houses builded of straw, called by the name of ventas, the inhabitants
whereof are Spaniards, who accustome to harbour such trauellers as are
occasioned to iourney that way vp into the land. It standeth in a great
wood of Pine and Cedar trees, the soile being very colde, by reason of
store of snow which lieth on the mountaines there all the yere long.
There are in that place an infinite number of deere, of bignesse like
vnto great mules, hauing also hornes of great length. From Perota nine
leagues, I came to the Fuentes of Ozumba, which fuentes are springs of
water issuing out of certeine rocks into the midst of the high wayes,
where likewise are certaine ranges, and houses, for the vses before
mentioned. [Sidenote: Pueblo de los Angeles eight leagues.] Eight
leagues off from this place I came to the city of the Angels, so called
by that name of the Spanyards, which inhabit there to the number of a
thousand, besides a great number of Indians. This city standeth in very
plaine fields, hauing neere adioyning to it many sumptuous cities, as
namely the city of Tlaxcalla, a city of two hundred thousand Indians,
tributaries to the king, although he exacteth no other tribute of them
then a handfull of wheat a piece, which amounteth to thirteene thousand
hanneges yeerely as hath appeared by the kings books of account. And the
reason why he contenteth himselfe with this tribute, onely for them, is,
because they were the occasion that he tooke the city of Mexico, with
whom the Tlaxcallians had warre at the same time when the Spanyards came
into the countrey. The gouernour of this city is a Spanyard, called
among them the Alcade mayor, who administreth chiefest causes of
iustice both vnto the Christians and Indians, referring smaller and
lighter vices, as drunkennesse and such like to the iudgement and
discretion of such of the Indians as are chosen euery yeere to rule
amongst them, called by the name of Alcades. These Indians from
fourteene yeeres olde vpwards, pay vnto the king for their yerely
tribute one ounce of siluer, and an hannege of maiz, which is valued
among them commonly at twelue reals of plate. The widowes among them pay
halfe of this. The Indians both of this city, and of the rest, lying
about Mexico, goe clothed with mantles of linnen cloth made of cotton
wooll, painted thorowout with works of diuers and fine colours.
[Sidenote: Tlaxcalla foure leagues northward from los Angeles.] It is
distant from the city of the Angels foure leagues to the Northward, and
fourteene from Mexico. There is another city a league from it, called
Chetula, consisting of more then sixty thousand Indians, tributaries,
and there dwell not aboue twelue Spanyards there. [Sidenote: Vulcan is a
hill that continually burneth with fire.] From it, about two leagues,
there is another, called Acassingo, of aboue fifty thousand Indians, and
about eight or twelue Spanyards, which standeth at the foot of the
Vulcan of Mexico, on the East side. There are besides these, three other
great cities, the one named Tapiaca, a very famous city, Waxazingo, and
Tichamachalcho: all these in times past belonged to the kingdome of
Tlaxcalla: and from these cities they bring most of their Cochinilla
into Spaine. [Sidenote: Pueblo de los Angeles 20. leagues from Mexico.]
The distance from the city of the Angels, to the city of Mexico is
twenty leagues. The city of Mexico is the city of greatest fame in all
the Indies, hauing goodly and costly houses in it, builded all of lime
and stone, and seuen streets in length, and seuen in breadth, with
riuers running thorow euery second street, by which they bring their
prouision in canoas. It is situated at the foot of certaine hilles,
which conteine in compasse by estimation aboue twenty leagues,
compassing the sayd city on the one side, and a lake which is fourteene
leagues about on the other side. Vpon which lake there are built many
notable and sumptuous cities, as the city of Tescuco, where the
Spanyards built sixe frigats, at that time when they conquered Mexico,
and where also Fernando Cortes made his abode fiue or six moneths in
curing of the sicknesse of his people, which they had taken at their
comming into the countrey. There dwell in this city about sixty thousand
Indians, which pay tribute to the king. In this city the sayd Fernando
built the finest church that euer was built in the Indies, the name
whereof is S. Peters.
[Sidenote: The voyage from Mexico to Nueua Biscaia.] After I had
continued two yeeres in this city, being desirous to see further the
countreys, I imployed that which I had, and tooke my voyage towards the
prouinces of California, in the which was discouered a certeine countrey
by a Biscaine, whose name was Diego de Guiara, and called it after
the name of his countrey, New Biscay, where I solde my merchandise
for exchange of siluer, for there were there certaine rich mines
discouered by the aforesayd Biskaine. [Sidenote: The Siluer mines of
Tamascaltepec.] Going from Mexico I directed my voyage somewhat toward
the Southwest, to certaine mines, called Tamascaltepec, and so trauelled
forward the space of twenty dayes thorow desert places vnhabited, till I
came to the valley of S. Bartholomew, which ioyneth to the prouince of
New Biscay. In all these places, the Indians for the most part go naked,
and are wilde people. Their common armour is bowes and arrowes: they vse
to eate vp such Christians as they come by. [Sidenote: The hauen where
the ships of China and the Philippinas arriue.] From hence departing, I
came to another prouince named Xalisco, and from thence to the port of
Nauidad, which is 120 leagues from Mexico, in which port arriue alwayes
in the moneth of April, all the ships that come out of the South sea
from China, and the Philippinas, and there they lay their merchandise
ashore. The most part whereof is mantles, made of Cotton wooll, Waxe,
and fine platters gilded, made of earth, and much golde.
The next Summer following, being in the yeere 1570 (which was the first
yeere that the Popes Buls were brought into the Indies) I vndertooke
another voyage towards the prouince of Sonsonate, which is in the
kingdome of Guatimala, whither I caried diuers marchandize of Spaine,
all by land on mules backs. The way thitherward from Mexico is to the
city of the Angels, and from thence to another city of Christians 80
leagues off, called Guaxaca, in which there dwelt about 50 Spanyards,
and many Indians. All the Indians of this prouince pay their tribute in
mantles, of Cotton wooll, and Cochinilla, whereof there groweth
abundance thorowout this countrey. Neere to this place there lieth a
port in the South sea, called Aguatulco, in the which there dwell not
aboue three or foure Spanyards, with certaine Negroes, which the king
mainteineth there: in which place Sir Francis Drake arriued in the yeere
1579, in the moneth of April, where I lost with his being there aboue a
thousand duckets, which he tooke away with much other goods of other
merchants of Mexico from one Francisco Gomes Rangifa, factour there for
all the Spanish merchants that then traded in the South sea: for from
this Port they vse to imbarke all their goods that goe for Peru, and to
the kingdome of Honduras. From Guaxaca I came to a towne named Nixapa,
which standeth vpon certaine very high hilles in the prouince of
Sapotecas, wherein inhabit about the number of twenty Spanyards, by the
King of Spaines commandement, to keepe that country in peace: for the
Indians are very rebellious: and for this purpose hee bestowed on them
the townes and cities that be within that prouince. From hence I went to
a city called Tecoantepec, which is the farthest towne to the Eastward
in all Noua Hispania, which some time did belong to the Marques de
Valle, and because it is a very fit port, standing in the South sea, the
king of Spaine, vpon a rebellion made by the sayd Marques against him,
tooke it from him, and doth now possesse it as his owne. Heere in the
yeere 1572 I saw a piece of ordinance of brasse, called a Demy culuerin,
which came out of a ship called the Iesus of Lubeck, which captaine
Hawkins left in S. Iohn de Vllua, being in fight with the Spanyards in
the yeere 1568; which piece they afterwards carried 100 leagues by land
ouer mighty mountaines to the sayd city, to be embarked there for the
Philippinas. Leauing Tecoantepec, I went still along by the South sea
about 150 leagues in the desolate prouince of Soconusco, in which
prouince there groweth cacao, which the Christians cary from thence into
Noua Hispania, for that it will not grow in any colde countrey. The
Indians of this countrey pay the king their tribute in cacao, giuing him
four hundred cargas, and euery carga is 24000 almonds, which carga is
worth in Mexico thirty pieces of reals of plate. They are men of great
riches, and withall very proud: and in all this prouince thorowout,
there dwell not twenty Christians. I trauelled thorow another prouince
called Suchetepec; and thence to the prouince of Guasacapan: in both
which prouinces are very few people, the biggest towne therein hauing
not aboue two hundred Indians. The chiefest merchandise there, is cacao.
Hence I went to the city of Guatimala, which is the chiefe city of all
this kingdome: in this city doe inhabit about 80 Spanyards: and here
the king hath his gouernours, and councell, to whom all the people of
the kingdome repaire for iustice. This city standeth from the coast of
the South sea 14 leagues within the land, and is very rich, by reason of
the golde that they fetch out of the coast of Veragua. From this city to
the Eastward 60 leagues lieth the prouince Sonsonate, where I solde the
merchandize I caried out of Noua Hispania. The chiefest city of this
prouince is called S. Saluador, which lieth 7 leagues from the coast of
the South sea, and hath a port lying by the sea coast, called Acaxutla,
where the ships arriue with the merchandize they bring from Noua
Hispania; and from thence lade backe againe the cacao: there dwell here
to the number of threescore Spanyards. [Sidenote: Nicoia a port where ye
ships which goe to the Philippinas are builded.] From Sonsonate I
trauelled to Nicoia, which is in the kingdome of Nicaragua, in which
port the king buildeth all the shipping that trauell out of the Indies
to the Malucos. [Sidenote: Puerto de Cauallos a rich place.] I went
forward from thence to Costa rica, where the Indians both men and women
go all naked, and the land lieth betweene Panama, and the kingdome of
Guatimala: and for that the Indians there liue as warriers, I durst not
passe by land, so that here in a towne called S. Saluador I bestowed
that which I caried in annile (which is a kinde of thing to die blew
withall) which I caried with me to the port of Cauallos, lying in the
kingdome of Honduras, which port is a mighty huge gulfe, and at the
comming in on the one side of it there lieth a towne of little force
without ordinance or any other strength, hauing in it houses of straw:
at which towne the Spanyards vse yeerely in the moneth of August to
vnlade foure ships which come out of Spaine laden with rich merchandize,
and receiue in heere againe their lading of a kinde of merchandise
called Annile and Cochinilla (although it be not of such value as that
of Noua Hispania) and siluer of the mines of Tomaangua, and golde of
Nicaragua, and hides, and Salsa perilla, the best in all the Indies: all
which merchandize, they returne, and depart from thence alwayes in the
moneth of April following, taking their course by the Island of Iamaica,
in which Island there dwell on the West side of it certeine Spanyards of
no great number. [Sidenote: The description of Hauana at large.] From
this place they go to the cape of S. Anthony, which is the vttermost
part of the Westward of the Island of Cuba, and from thence to Hauana
lying hard by, which is the chiefest port that the king of Spaine hath
in all the countreys of the Indies, and of greatest importance: for all
the ships, both from Peru, Honduras, Porto rico, S. Domingo, Iamaica,
and all other places in his Indies, arriue there in their returne to
Spaine, for that in this port they take in victuals and water, and the
most part of their lading: here they meet from all the foresayd places
alwayes in the beginning of May by the kings commandement: at the
entrance of this port it is so narrow, that there can scarse come in two
ships together, although it be aboue sixe fadome deepe in the narrowest
place of it. In the North side of the comming in there standeth a tower,
in which there watcheth euery day a man to descrie the sailes of ships
which hee can see on the sea; and as many as he discouereth, so many
banners he setteth vpon the tower, that the people of the towne (which
standeth within the port about a mile from the tower) may vnderstand
thereof. Vnder this tower there lieth a sandy shore, where men may
easily go aland: and by the tower there runneth a hill along by the
waters side, which easily with small store of ordinance subdueth the
towne and port. The port within is so large that there may easily ride a
thousand saile of ships without anker or cable, for no wind is able to
hurt them. [Sidenote: The smol force of Hauana.] There inhabit within
the towne of Hauana about three hundred Spanyards, and about threescore
souldiers, which the king mainteineth there for the keeping of a
certeine castle which hee hath of late erected, which hath planted in it
about twelue pieces of small ordinance, and is compassed round with a
small ditch, wherethorow at their pleasure they may let in the sea.
About two leagues from Hauana their lieth another towne called
Wanabacoa, in which there is dwelling about an hundred Indians, and from
this place 60 leagues there lieth another towne named Bahama, situate on
the North side of the Island. The chiefest city of this Island of Cuba
(which is aboue 600 leagues in length) is also called Sant Iago de Cuba,
where dwelleth a bishop and about two hundred Spanyards; which towne
standeth on the South side of the Island about 100 leagues from Hauana.
[Sidenote: The commodities of Cuba.] All the trade of this Island is
cattell, which they kill onely for the hides that are brought thence
into Spaine: for which end the Spanyards mainteine there many negroes to
kil their cattell, and foster a great number of hogs, which being
killed, and cut into smal pieces, they dry in the Sun, and so make it
prouision for the ships which come for Spaine.
Hauing remained in this Island two moneths, I tooke shipping in a
frigat, and went ouer to Nombre de Dios, and from thence by land to
Panama, which standeth vpon the South sea. From Nombre de Dios to Panama
is 17 leagues distance: from which towne there runneth a riuer which is
called the riuer of Chagre, which runneth within 5 leagues of Panama, to
a place called Cruzes, thorow which riuer they cary their goods, and
disimbarke them at the sayd Cruzes, and from thence they are conueyed on
mules backs to Panama by land: where they againe imbarke them in
certeine small shippes in the South sea for all the coast of Peru. In
one of these ships I went to Potossie, and from thence by land to Cusco,
and from thence to Paita.
Here I remained the space of seuen moneths, and then returned into the
kingdome of Guatimala, and arriued in the prouince of Nicoia, and
Nicaragua. From Nicaragua I trauelled by land to a prouince called
Nicamula (which lieth toward the North sea in certaine high mountaines)
for that I could not passe thorow the kingdome of Guatimala at that time
for waters, wherewith all the Low countreys of the prouince of
Soconusco, lying by the South sea, are drowned with the raine that
falleth aboue the mountaines, enduring always from April to September:
which reason for that they call their Winter. From this prouince I came
into another called De Vera Paz, in which the chiefest city is also
called after that name, where there dwelleth a bishop and about forty
Spanyards. Among the mountaines of this countrey toward the North sea,
there is a prouince called La Candona, where are Indian men of war which
the king can not subdue, for that they haue townes and forts in a great
lake of water aboue the sayd mountaines: the most part of them goe
naked, and some weare mantles of cotton wooll. [Sidenote: Chiapa 300
leagues from Mexico.] Distant from this about 80 leagues, I came into
another prouince called the prouince of Chiapa, wherein the chiefest
city is called Sacallan, where there dwelleth a bishop and about an
hundred Spanyards. In this countrey there is great store of Cotten
wooll, whereof the Indians make fine linnen cloth, which the Christians
buy and carry into Noua Hispania. The people of this prouince pay their
tribute to the king all in Cotton wooll and Feathers. Fourteene leagues
from this city there is another called Chiapa, where are the finest
gennets in all the Indies, which are carried hence to Mexico, 300
leagues from it. [Sidenote: Ecatepec an hill nine leagues high.] From
this city I trauelled still thorow hilles and mountaines, till I came to
the end of this prouince, to a hill called Ecatepec, which in English
signifieth The hill of winde: for that they say, it is the highest hill
that euer was discouered: for from the top of it may be discovered both
the North and the South seas; and it is in height supposed to be nine
leagues. They which trauell ouer it, lie alwayes at the foot of it ouer
night, and begin their iourney about midnight, to trauell to the top of
it before the Sunne rise the next day, because the winde bloweth with
such force afterwards, that it is impossible for any man to goe vp: from
the foot of this hill to Tecoantepec, the first towne of Noua Hispania,
are about fifteene leagues. And so from hence I iourned to Mexico.
By and by after I came to Mexico (which was in the yere 1572) in the
company of another Spanyard, which was my companion in this iourney, we
went together toward the prouince of Panuco, which lieth vpon the coast
of the North sea, and within three dayes iourney we entred a city called
Mestitlan, where there dwelt twelue Spanyards: the Indian inhabitants
there were about thirty thousand. This city standeth vpon certaine hie
mountaines, which are very thicke planted with townes very holesome and
fruitfull, hauing plentifull fountaines of water running thorow them.
The high wayes of these hilles are all set with fruits, and trees of
diuers kindes, and most pleasant. In euery towne as we passed thorow,
the Indians presented vs with victuals. Within twenty leagues of this
place there is another city called Clanchinoltepec, belonging to a
gentleman, where there inhabit about fourty thousand Indians; and there
are among them eight or nine friers of the order of Saint Augustine, who
haue there a Monastery. Within three dayes after we departed from this
place, and came to a city called Guaxutla, where there is another
Monastery of friers of the same Order: there dwell in this towne about
twelue Spanyards. From this place forwards beginneth a prouince called
Guastecan, which is all plaine grounds without any hilles. The first
towne we came vnto is called Tancuylabo, in which there dwell many
Indians, high of stature, hauing all their bodies painted with blew, and
weare their haire long downe to their knees, tied as women vse to do
with their haire-laces. When they goe out of their doores, they cary
with them their bowes and arrowes, being very great archers, going for
the most part naked. [Sidenote: Salt a principal merchandize.] In those
countreys they take neither golde nor siluer for exchange of any thing,
but only Salt, which they greatly esteeme, and vse it for a principall
medicine for certaine wormes which breed in their lips and in their
gummes. After nine dayes trauell from this place, we came to a towne
called Tampice, which is a port towne vpon the sea, wherein there dwell,
I thinke, forty Christians, of which number whilest wee abode there, the
Indians killed foureteene, as they were gathering of Salt, which is all
the trade that they haue in this place: it standeth vpon the entrie of
the riuer of Panuco, which is a mighty great riuer; and were it not for
a sand that lieth at the mouth of it, ships of fiue hundred tonne might
goe vp into it aboue three score leagues. From hence we went to Panuco,
foureteen leagues from Tampice, which in times past had bene a goodly
city, where the king of Spaine had his gouernour: but by reason that the
Indians there destroyed the Christians, it lieth in a maner waste,
conteining in it not aboue tenne Christians with a priest. In this towne
I fell sicke, where I lay one and forty dayes, hauing no other
sustenance then fruit and water, which water I sent for aboue sixe
leagues off within the countrey. Here I remained till my companion came
to me, which had departed from me another way, reteining in my company
onely a slaue, which I brought with me from Mexico. And the last day in
Easter weeke my companion came to me, finding me in a very weake state,
by reason of the vnholesomenesse of the place. Notwithstanding my
weakenesse, I being set on an horse, and an Indian behinde mee to holde
mee, we went forward on our voyage all that day till night. The next day
in the morning we passed ouer the riuer in a canoa; and being on the
other side, I went my selfe before alone: and by reason there met many
wayes traled by the wilde beasts, I lost my way, and so trauelled thorow
a great wood about two leagues: and at length fell into the hands of
certaine wilde Indians, which were there in certaine cottages made of
straw; who seeing me, came out to the number of twenty of them, with
their bowes and arrowes, and spake vnto mee in their language, which I
vnderstood not: and so I made signes vnto them to helpe mee from my
horse; which they did by commandement of their lord, which was there
with them: and lighted downe. They caried me vnder one of their
cottages, and layed me vpon a mat on the ground: and perceiuing that I
could not vnderstand them, they brought vnto mee a little Indian wench
of Mexico, of fifteene or sixteene yeeres of age, whom they commanded to
aske me in her language from whence I came, and for what intent I was
come among them: for (sayth she) doest thou not know Christian, how that
these people will kill and eat thee? To whom I answered, let them doe
with me what they will; heere now I am. Shee replied, saying, thou
mayest thank God thou art leane; for they feare thou hast the pocks:
otherwise they would eate thee. So I presented to the king a little wine
which I had with me in a bottle; which he esteemed aboue any treasure:
for wine they will sell their wiues and children. Afterwards the wench
asked me what I would haue, and whether I would eat any thing. I
answered that I desired a little water to drinke, for that the countrey
is very hote: and shee brought me a great Venice glasse, gilded, full of
water. And maruelling at the glasse, I demanded how they came by it. She
tolde me that the Casique brought it from Shallapa, a great towne distant
30 leagues from this place on the hilles, whereas dwelt certeine
Christians, and certeine friers of the Order of S. Augustine, which this
Casique with his people on a night slew: and burning the friers
monasterie, among other things reserued this glasse: and from thence
also brought me. Hauing now bene conuersant with them about three or
four houres, they bid her aske me if I would goe my way. I answered her,
that I desired nothing els. So the Casique caused two of his Indians to
leade me forward in my way; going before me with their bowes and
arrowes, naked, the space of three leagues, till they brought me into an
high way: and then making a signe vnto me, they signified that in short
time I should come to a towne where Christians inhabited, which was
called S. Iago de los valles, standing in plaine fields, walled about
with a mud wall: the number of the Christians that dwelt therein, were
not aboue foure or fiue and twenty, vnto which the king of Spaine giueth
Indians and townes, to keepe the countreys subiect vnto him. Here the
Christians haue their mighty mules, which they cary for all the parts of
the Indies, and into Peru, for that all their merchandize are carried by
this meanes by land. In this towne aforesayd, I found my company which I
had lost before, who made no other account of me but that I had beene
slaine: and the Christians there likewise maruelled to heare that I came
from those kinde of Indians aliue, which was a thing neuer seene nor
heard of before: for they take a great pride in killing a Christian,
and to weare any part of him where he hath any haire growing, hanging it
about their necks, and so are accounted for valiant men. [Sidenote: Don
Henrico Manriques viceroy of Mexico.] In this towne I remained eighteene
dayes, till I recouered my health, and in the meane space there came one
Don Francisco de Pago, whom the viceroy Don Henrico Manriques had sent
for captaine generall, to open and discouer a certeine way from the sea
side to the mines of Sacatecas, which were from this place 160 leagues,
for to transport their merchandize by that way, leauing the way by
Mexico, which is seuen or eight weeks trauell. So this captaine tooke me
and my company, with the rest of his souldiers, to the number of forty,
which he had brought with him, and fiue hundred Indians, which we tooke
out of two towns in this prouince called Tanchipa, and Tamaclipa, all
good archers and naked men, and went thence to the riuer de las Palmas,
which is of great bignesse, parting the kingdome of Noua Hispania and
Florida: and going still along by this riuer the space of three dayes,
seeking passage to passe ouer; and finding none, we were at length
inforced to cut timber to make a balsa or raft, which when we had made,
we sate on it, the Indians swimming in the water, and thrusting it
before them to the other side. Within thirty dayes after, trauelling
thorow woods, hiles, and mountaines, we came to the mines of Sacatecas,
which are the richest mines in all the Indies, and from thence they
fetch most siluer: at which mines there dwelt aboue three hundred
Christians: and there our Captaine gaue vs leaue to depart. So we came
to the valley of S. Michael toward Mexico; and from thence to Pueblo
nouo; and from that place to the prouince of Mechuacan, after which name
the chiefest city of that place is called; where there dwelles a bishop,
and aboue an hundred Spanyards in it: it aboundeth with all kind of
Spanish fruits, and hath woods full of nut trees, and wild vines. Heere
are many mines of copper, and great store of cattell. It lieth 60
leagues from Mexico, whither we came within foure dayes after. The
Indians of this countrey are very mighty and big men.
Afterwards I returned another way to the prouince of Sonsonate by Vera
Cruz, and so to Rio Aluarado, and from thence to the prouince of
Campeche, which lieth on the South side of the bay of Mexico; the chiefe
towne of this prouince is called Merida, in which is a bishop and almost
100 Spanyards. The Indians of this prouince pay all their tribute in
mantles of cotton wooll and cacao. There is no port in all this prouince
for a ship of 100 tun to ride in, but onely in the riuer of Tabasco, by
which riuer this city of Merida standeth. The chiefest merchandize which
they lade there in small frigats, is a certeine wood called campeche,
(wherewith they vse to die) as also hides and annile. By this there
lieth the prouince of Iucatan, nere the Honduras by the North sea coast,
where there is also another bishop, and a towne likewise named Iucatan,
where there dwell a few Spanyards. They haue no force at all in all this
coast to defend themselues withall, saue only that the land is low, and
there is no port to receiue any shipping, vnlesse they be frigats, which
cary from thence to the port of S. Iohn de Vllua, waxe, cacao, hony, and
also mantles of cotton wool, whereof they make there great store, and of
which kind of merchandize there is great trade thence to Mexico: of the
same also they pay their tribute to the king.
[Sidenote: The greatnesse of the king of Spaines tribute out of the West
Indies.] The king hath tribute brought him yerely out of the Indies into
Spaine betweene nine and ten millions of gold and siluer: for he
receiueth of euery Indian which is subiect vnto him (excepting those
which do belong to the Incommenderos, which are the children of those
Spanyards, who first conquered the land, to whom the king gaue and
granted the gouernment of the cities and townes subdued for three liues)
twelue reals of plate, and a hannege of maiz, which is a wheat of the
countrey, (fiue of them making a quarter of English measure) and of
euery widow woman he hath sixe reals, and halfe a hannege of maiz. And
so if any Indian haue twenty children in his house, he payeth for euery
one of them, being aboue fifteene yeres old, after that rate. This Wheat
being duely brought to the gouernour of euery prouince and city, is sold
in Mexico by the kings gouernours there every yeere; so that the money
receiued for it, is put into the kings Treasurie there, and is so
yeerely caried from thence into Spaine. [Sidenote: The quinta.] Of the
Spanyards which are owners of the mines of gold and siluer, he receiueth
the fift part of it, which he calleth his quintas, which being taken out
of the heape, there is his armes set on it; for otherwise it may not be
brought out of the land into Spaine, vnder paine of death. The marke of
siluer, which is eight ounces, when it commeth out of the mines, not
hauing the kings seale vpon it, is woorth three and forty reals of
plate, and so it is current: and when they will bring it for Spaine,
they cary it to the kings Treasure house, where his seale is set vpon
it; and so it is raised in value thereby to threescore and foure reals
of plate: and so the king hath for his custome of euery marke of plate
one and twenty reals.
From the yere of 1570, which was the yeere that the Popes buls came into
the Indies, as is afore mentioned, he hath receiued both of the Indians
which are tributaries vnto him, and also of all others belonging to the
Incommenderos, of euery one being aboue twelue yeeres of age, foure
reals of euery bull. Also they cary other pardons with them into the
Indies, for such as be dead, although an hundred yeres before the
Spanyards came into the countrey: which pardons the friers in their
preachings perswaded the poore Indians to take, telling them that with
giuing foure reals of plate for a Masse, they would deliuer their soules
out of purgatory. Of the Christians likewise dwelling there he hath
foureteene reals for euery bull: and there be certeine buls brought
thither for the Christians besides the former, which serue for pardoning
all such faults wherein they haue trespassed either against the king, by
keeping backe his customes, or one against another by any other injury;
for euery hundred crownes whereof a mans conscience doth accuse him that
he hath deceiued the king or any other, he must giue ten for a bull, and
so after that rate for euery hundred which he hath any way stollen, and
so is pardoned the fault. [Sidenote: The reuenue of the kings buls and
pardons came yerely to three millions.] The reuenue of his buls after
this maner yeeldeth vnto his treasury yeerely aboue three millions of
gold, as I haue bene credibly informed, although of late both the
Spanyards and Indians do refuse to take the buls; for that they perceiue
he doth make a yeerely custome of it: onely ech Indian taketh one pardon
for all his householde, (whereas in former time euery Indian vsed to
take one for euery person in his house) and teareth the same into small
pieces, and giueth to euery one of his householde a little piece, saying
thus, they need now no more, seeing in that which they bought the yeere
before they had aboue ten thousand yeres pardon. These pieces they
sticke vp in the wall of the houses where they lie. [Sidenote:
Rebellions in Noua Hispania by two great exactions.] Both the Christians
and Indians are weary with these infinite taxes and customes, which of
late he hath imposed vpon them, more than in the yeeres before: so as
the people of both sorts did rebell twise in the time that I was among
them, and would have set vp another king of themselues: for which cause
the king hath commanded vpon paine of death, that they should not plant
either oile or wine there, but should alwayes stand in need of them to
be brought out of Spaine, although there would more grow there in foure
yeeres then there groweth in Spaine in twenty, it is so fertile a
countrey.
[Sidenote: The reasons which mooue the kings of Spaine to forbid foren
traffike in the West Indies.] And the king to keepe the countrey alwayes
in subiection, and to his owne vse, hath streightly prouided by lawe,
vpon paine of death, and losse of goods, that none of these countreys
should traffique with any other nation, although the people themselues
doe much now desire to trade with any other then with them, and would
vndoubtedly doe, if they feared not the perill ensuing thereupon.
About Mexico, and other places in Noua Hispania, there groweth a
certaine plant called magueis, which yeeldeth wine, vineger, hony, and
blacke sugar, and of the leaues of it dried they make hempe, ropes,
shooes which they vse, and tiles for their houses: and at the ende of
euery leafe there groweth a sharpe point like an awle, wherewith they
vse to bore or pearce thorow any thing.
Thus to make an end, I have heere set downe the summe of all the
chiefest things that I haue obserued and noted in my seventeene yeres
trauell in those parts.
A relation of the commodities of Noua Hispania, and the maners of
the inhabitants, written by Henry Hawkes merchant, which liued
fiue yeeres in the sayd countrey, and drew the same at the
request of M. Richard Hakluyt Esquire of Eton in the county of
Hereford, 1572.
Saint Iohn de Vilua is an Island not high aboue the water, where as now
the Spanyards vpon M. Iohn Hawkins being there, are in making a strong
fort. In this place all the ships that come out of Spaine with goods for
these parts, do vnlade: for they haue none other port so good as this
is. The comming into this place hath three chanels, and the best of all
is the Northermost, which goeth by the maine land: and on euery side of
the chanels there are many small rocks, as big as a small barrell: they
wil make men stand in doubt of them, but there is no feare of them.
There is another Island there by, called The Island of sacrifices,
whereas the Spanyards did in times past vnlade their goods: and for
that, they say, there are vpon it spirits or deuils, it is not
frequented as it hath bene. In these places the North wind hath so great
dominion, that oftentimes it destroyeth many ships and barks. This place
is giuen to great sicknesse. These Islands stand in 18 degrees and a
halfe, and about the same is great plenty of fish.
Fiue leagues from S. Iohn de Vllua is a faire riuer: it lieth Northwest
from the port, and goeth to a little towne of the Spanyards called Vera
Cruz, and with small vessels or barks, which they call frigats, they
cary all their merchandize which commeth out of Spaine, to the said
towne: and in like maner bring all the gold, siluer, cochinilla, hides,
and all other things that the shippes cary into Spaine vnto them. And
the goods being in Vera Cruz, they carry them to Mexico, and to Pueblo
de los Angeles, Sacatecas, and Saint Martin, and diuers other places so
farre within the countrey, that some of them are 700 miles off, and some
more, and some lesse, all vpon horses, mules, and in waines drawen with
oxen, and in carres drawen with mules.
In this towne of Vera Cruz within these twenty yeres, when women were
brought to bed, the children new borne incontinently died; which is not
now in these dayes, God be thanked.
This towne is inclined to many kinde of diseases, by reason of the great
heat, and a certeine gnat or flie which they call a mosquito, which
biteth both men and women in their sleepe: and assoone as they are
bitten, incontinently the flesh swelleth as though they had bene bitten
with some venimous worme. And this musquito or gnat doth most follow
such as are newly come into the countrey. Many there are that die of
this annoyance.
This towne is situated vpon the riuer aforesayd, and compassed with
woods of diuers maners and sorts, and many fruits, as orenges and
limons, guiaues, and diuers others, and birds in them, popinjayes both
small and great, and some of them as big as a rauen, and their tailes as
long as the taile of a fezant. There are also many other kinde of birds
of purple colour, and small munkeys, maruellous proper.
This hote or sicke countrey continueth fiue and forty miles towards the
city of Mexico; and the fiue and forty miles being passed, then there is
a temperate countrey, and full of tillage: but they water all their corn
with riuers which they turn in upon it. And they gather their Wheat
twise a yere. And if they should not water the ground where as their
corne is sowen, the country is so hote it would burne all.
Before you come to Mexico, there is a great towne called Tlaxcalla,
which hath in it aboue 16000 households. All the inhabitants thereof are
free by the kings of Spaine: for these were the occasion that Mexico was
woone in so short time, and with so little losse of men. Wherefore they
are all gentlemen, and pay no tribute to the king. In this towne is all
the cochinilla growing.
Mexico is a great city; it hath more then fifty thousand households,
whereof there are not past fiue or sixe thousand houses of Spanyards:
all the other are the people of the countrey, which liue vnder the
Spanyards lawes. There are in this city stately buildings, and many
monasteries of friers and nunnes, which the Spanyards haue made. And the
building of the Indians is somewhat beautifull outwardly, and within
full of small chambers, with very small windowes, which is not so comly
as the building of the Spanyards. This city standeth in the midst of a
great lake, and the water goeth thorow all or the most part of the
streets, and there come small boats, which they call canoas, and in them
they bring all things necessary, as wood, and coales, and grasse for
their horses, stones and lime to build, and corne.
This city is subject to many earthquakes, which oftentimes cast downe
houses, and kil people. This city, is very well prouided of water to
drinke, and with all maner of victuals, as fruits, flesh and fish,
bread, hennes and capons, Guiny cocks and hennes and all other fowle.
There are in this city euery weeke three Faires or Markets, which are
frequented with many people, aswell Spanyards as the people of the
countrey. There are in these Faires or Markets all maner of things that
may be inuented, to sell, and in especiall, things of the countrey. The
one of these Faires is vpon the Munday; which is called S. Hypolitos
faire, and S. Iames his faire is vpon the Thursday, and vpon Saturday is
S. Iohns faire. In this city is alwayes the kings gouernour or viceroy,
and there are kept the Termes or Parliaments. And although there be
other places of iustice, yet this is aboue all: so that all men may
appeale vnto this place, and may not appeale from this city, but onely
into Spaine before the king: and it must be for a certeine sum: and if
it be vnder that summe, then there is no appellation from them. Many
riuers fall into this lake which the city standeth in: but there was
neuer any place found wither it goeth out.
The Indians know a way to drowne the city, and within these three yeeres
they would haue practised the same: but they which should haue bene the
doers of it were hanged: and euer since the city hath bene well watched
both day and night, for feare lest at some time they might be deceiued:
for the Indians loue not the Spanyards. Round about the towne there are
very many gardens and orchards of the fruits of the countrey, maruellous
faire, where the people haue great recreation. The men of this city are
maruellous vicious; and in like maner the women are dishonest of their
bodies, more then they are in other cities or townes in this countrey.
There are neere about this city of Mexico many riuers and standing
waters, which haue in them a monstrous kinde of fish, which is
maruellous rauening, and a great deuourer of men and cattell. He is
woont to sleepe vpon the drie land many times, and if there come in the
meane time any man or beast and wake or disquiet him, he speedeth well
if he get from him. He is like vnto a serpent, sauing that he doth not
flie, neither hath he wings.
There is West out of Mexico a port towne which is on the South sea,
called Puerto de Acapulco, where as there are shippes which they haue
ordinarily for the nauigation of China, which they haue newly found.
This port is threescore leagues from Mexico.
There, is another port towne which is called Culiacan, on the South sea,
which lieth West and by North out of Mexico, and is 200 leagues from the
same: and there the Spanyards made two ships to goe seeke the streight
or gulfe, which, as they say, is betweene the Newfoundland and
Groenland; and they call it the Englishmens streight: which as yet was
neuer fully found. They say, that streight lieth not farre from the
maine land of China, which the Spanyards account to be maruellous rich.
Toward the North from Mexico there are great store of siluer mines.
There, is greater quantitie of siluer found in these mines toward the
North, then there is any other parts: and as the most men of experience
sayde alwayes, they finde the richer mines the more Northerly. These
mines are commonly vpon great hilles and stony ground, maruellous hard
to be laboured and wrought.
Out of some of the mines the Indians finde a certeine kinde of earth of
diuers colours, wherewith they paint themselues in times of their
dances, and other pastimes which they vse.
In this countrey of Noua Hispania there are also mines of golde,
although the golde be commonly found in riuers, or very neere vnto
riuers. And nowe in these dayes there is not so much golde found as
there hath bene heretofore.
There are many great riuers, and great store of fish in them, not like
vnto our kindes of fish. And there are maruellous great woods, and as
faire trees as may be seene, of diuers sorts, and especially firre
trees, that may mast any shippe that goeth vpon the sea, oakes and
pineapples, and another tree which they call Mesquiquez: it beareth a
fruit like vnto a peascod, maruellous sweet, which the wilde people
gather, and keepe it all the yere, and eat it in stead of bread.
The Spanyards haue notice of seuen cities which old men of the Indians
shew them should lie towards the Northwest from Mexico. They haue vsed
and vse dayly much diligence in seeking of them, but they cannot find
any one of them. They say that the witchcraft of the Indians is such,
that when they come by these townes they cast a mist vpon them, so that
they cannot see them.
[Sidenote: Pedro Morales and Nicolas Burgignon write the like of
Copalla.] They haue understanding of another city which they call
Copalla: and in like maner, at my beeing in the countrey, they haue vsed
much labour and diligence in the seeking of it: they haue found the lake
on which it should stand, and a canoa, the head whereof was wrought with
copper curiously, and could not finde nor see any man nor the towne,
which to their vnderstanding should stand on the same water, or very
neere the same.
[Sidenote: The strange oxen of Cibola.] There is a great number of
beasts or kine in the countrey of Cibola, which were neuer brought
thither by the Spanyards, but breed naturally in the countrey. They are
like vnto our oxen, sauing that they haue long haire like a lion, and
short hornes, and they haue upon their shoulders a bunch like a camell,
which is higher then the rest of their body. They are maruellous wild
and swift in running. They call them the beasts or kine of Cibola.
[Sidenote: Cibola abandoned.] This Cibola is a city which the Spanyards
found now of late, without any people in the same, goodly buildings,
faire chimneys, windowes made of stone and timber excellently wrought,
faire welles with wheeles to draw their water, and a place where they
had buried their dead people, with many faire stones vpon the graues.
And the captaine would not suffer his souldiers to brake vp any parte of
these graues, saying, he would come another time to do it.
[Sidenote: A great riuer near Cibola.] They asked certeine people which
they met, whither the people of this city were gone: and they made
answer, they were gone downe a riuer, which was there by, very great,
and there builded a city which was more for their commodity.
This captaine lacking things necessary for himselfe and his men, was
faine to return backe againe, without finding any treasure according to
his expectation: neither found they but fewe people, although they found
beaten wayes, which had beene much haunted and frequented. The captaine
at his comming backe againe, had a great checke of the gouernour,
because he had not gone forwards, and seene the end of that riuer.
They haue in the countrey, farre from the sea side, standing waters,
which are salt: and in the moneths of April and May the water of them
congealeth into salt, which salt is all taken for the kings vs and
profit.
[Sidenote: Dogs of India described.] Their dogs are all crooked backt,
as many are of the countrey breed, and cannot run fast: their faces are
like the face of a pig or an hog, with sharpe noses.
In certeine prouinces which are called Guatimala, and Soconusco, there
is growing great store of cacao, which is a berry like vnto an almond:
it is the best merchandize that is in all the Indies. The Indians make
drinke of it, and in like maner meat to eat. It goeth currently for
money in any market or faire, and may buy an flesh, fish, bread or
cheese, or other things.
There are many kinde of fruits of the countrey, which are very good, as
plantans, sapotes, guianes, pinas, aluacatas, tunas, mamios, limons,
grapes which the Spanyards brought into the countrey, and also wild
grapes, which are of the country, and very small, quinses, peaches,
figs, and but few apples, and very small, and no peares: but there are
melons and calabaçs or gourds.
There is much hony, both of bees and also of a kind of tree which they
call magueiz. This hony of magueiz is not so sweet as the other hony,
but it is better to be eaten only with bread, then the other is; and the
tree serueth for many things, as the leaves make threed to sowe any kind
of bags, and are good to couer and thatch houses, and for diuers other
things.
They haue in diuers places of the countrey many hote springs of water:
as aboue all other, I haue seen one in the prouince of Mechuacan. In a
plaine field without any mountaine, there is a spring which hath much
water, and it is so hot, that if a whole quarter of beefe be cast into
it, within an halfe houre it will be as well sodden as it will be ouer a
fire in halfe a day. I haue seene halfe a sheepe cast in it, and
immediately it hath bene sodden, and I haue eaten part of it.
There are many hares, and some conies. There are no partridges, but
abundance of quailes.
They haue great store of fish in the South sea, and many oisters, and
very great. The people do open the oisters, and take out the meat of
them, and dry it as they do any other kinde of fish, and keepe them all
the yeere: and when the times serue, they send them abroad into the
country to sell, as all other fish. They haue no salmon, nor trowt, nor
pele, nor crape, tench, nor pike in all the countrey.
There are in the countrey mighty high mountaines, and hilles, and snow
upon them: they commonly burne; and twise every day they cast out much
smoke and ashes at certeine open places, which are in the tops of them.
There is among the wilde people much manna. I haue gathered of the same,
and haue eaten it, and it is good: for the Apothecaries send their
seruants at certeine times, to gather of the same for purgations and
other vses.
There are in the mountaines many wilde hogs, which all men kill, and
lions and tygres; which tygres do much harm to men that trauell in the
wildernesse.
[Sidenote: Mines discouered, not found againe.] In this countrey, not
long since, there were two poore men that found a maruellous rich mine;
and when these men went to make a register of the same (according to the
law and custom) before the kings officers, they thought this mine not
meet for such men as they were: and violently took the sayd mine for the
king; and gaue no part thereof vnto the two poore men. And within
certaine dayes the kings officers resorted thither to labor in the
mine, and they found two great mighty hilles were come together; so they
found no place to worke in. [Sidenote: The authour fiue yeeres in Nueua
Espanna.] And in the time while I was among them, which was fiue yeeres,
there was a poore shepheard, who keeping his sheepe, happened to finde a
well of quicke-siluer; and he went in like maner to manifest the same,
as the custome and maner is; the kings officers dealt in like order as
they did with the two poore men that found the rich mine, taking it
quite from the shepheard: but when they went to fetch home the
quicke-siluer, or part thereof, they could neuer finde it againe. So
these things haue bene declared vnto the king, who hath giuen
commandement, that nothing being found in the fields, as mines, and such
like, shall be taken away from any man. And many other things haue bene
done in this countrey, which men might count for great maruels.
There is a great abundance of sugar here, and they make diuers
conserues, and very good, and send them to Peru, where as they sell them
maruellous well, because they make none in those parts.
[Sidenote: Description of the Indians person and maner.] The people of
the countrey are of good stature, tawny coloured, broad faced, flat
nosed, and giuen much to drinke both wine of Spaine and also a certeine
kind of wine which they make with hony of Maguiez, and roots, and other
things which they vse to put into the same. They call the same wine
Pulco. They are soone drunke, and giuen to much beastlinesse, and void
of all goodnesse. In their drunkennesse, they vse and commit Sodomy; and
with their mothers and daughters they haue their pleasures and pastimes.
Whereupon they are defended from the drinking of wines, vpon paines of
money, aswell he that selleth the wines as the Indian that drinketh the
same. And if this commandement were not, all the wine in Spaine and in
France were not sufficient for the West Indies onely.
[Sidenote: The people of Nueua Espanna great cowards.] They are of much
simplicity, and great cowards, voide of all valour, and are great
witches. They vse diuers times to take with the diuell, to whom they do
certaine sacrifices and oblations: many times they haue bene taken with
the same, and I haue seene them most cruelly punished for that offence.
The people are giuen to learn all maner of occupations and sciences,
which for the most part they learned since the coming of the Spanyards:
I say all maner of arts. They are very artificiall in making of images
with feathers, or the proportion or figure of any man, in all kind of
maner as he is. The finenesse and excellency of this is woonderfull,
that a barbarous people as they are, should giue themselues to so fine
an arte as this is. They are goldsmiths, blackesmiths, and coppersmiths,
carpenters, masons, shoomakers, tailors, sadlers, imbroderers, and of
all other kind of sciences: and they will do worke so good cheape, that
poore young men that goe out of Spaine to get their liuing, are not set
on worke: which is the occasion there are many idle people in the
countrey. For the Indian will liue all the weeke with lesse then one
groat: which the Spanyard cannot do, nor any man els.
[Sidenote: The Indians ignorance from whence they came.] They say, that
they came of the linage of an olde man which came thither in a boat of
wood, which they call a canoa. But they cannot tell whether it were
before the flood or after, neither can they giue any reason of the
flood, nor from whence they came. And when the Spanyards came first
among them, they did certeine sacrifice to an image made in stone, of
their owne inuention. The stone was set vpon a great hill, which they
made of bricks of earth: they call it their Cowa. And certeine dayes in
the yere they did sacrifice, certeine olde men, and yoong children: and
onely beleeued in the Sunne and the Moone, saying, that from them they
had all things that were needful for them. They haue in these parts
great store of cotton wool, with which they make a maner of linen cloth,
which the Indians weare, both men and women, and it serueth for shirts
and smocks, and all other kind of garments, which they weare vpon their
bodies: and the Spanyards vse it to all such purposes, especially such
as cannot buy other. And if it were not for this kind of cloth, all
maner of cloth that goeth out of Spaine, I say linnen cloth, would be
solde out of all measure.
[Sidenote: The wilde Indians.] The wilde people go naked, without any
thing vpon them. The women weare the skinne of a deere before their
priuities, and nothing els vpon all their bodies. They haue no care for
any thing, but onely from day to day for that which they haue need to
eat. They are big men, and likewise the women. They shoot in bowes which
they make of a cherry tree, and their arrowes are of cane, with a
sharpe flint stone in the end of the same; they will pierce any coat of
maile: and they kill deere, and cranes, and wilde geese, ducks, and
other fowle, and wormes, and snakes, and diuers other vermin, which they
eat. They liue very long: for I haue seene men that haue beene an
hundred yeres of age. They haue but very litle haire in their face, nor
on their bodies.
The Indians haue the friers in great reuerence: the occasion is, that by
them and by there meanes they are free and out of bondage; which was so
ordeined by Charles the emperor: which is the occasion that now there is
not so much gold and siluer comming into Europe as there was while the
Indians were slaues. For when they were in bondage they could not chuse
but doe their taske euery day, and bring their master so much metall
out of their mines: but now they must be well payed, and much intreated
to haue them worke. So it hath bene, and is a great hinderance to the
owners of the mines, and to the kings quinto or custome.
There are many mines of copper in great quantity, whereof they spend in
the countrey as much as serueth their turnes. There is some golde in it,
but not so much as will pay the costs of the fining. The quantity of it
is such, and the mines are so farre from the sea, that it will not be
worth the fraight to cary it into Spaine. On the other side, the kings
officers will giue no licence to make ordinance thereof; whereupon the
mines lie vnlaboured, and of no valuation.
There is much lead in the countrey; so that with it they couer churches,
and other religious houses: wherefore they shall not need any of our
lead, as they haue had need thereof in times past.
The pompe and liberalitie of the owners of the mines is maruellous to
beholde: the apparell both of them and of their wiues is more to be
compared to the apparell of noble persons then otherwise. If their wiues
go out of their houses, as vnto the church, or any other place, they goe
out with great maiesty, and with as many men and maids as though she
were the wife of some noble man. I will assure you, I haue seene a
miners wife goe to the church with an hundred men, and twenty
gentlewomen and maids. They keepe open house: who will, may come and eat
their meat. They call men with a bell to come to dinner and supper. They
are princes in keeping of their houses, and bountifull in all maner of
things.
[Sidenote: Things necessary to mines of siluer and golde.] A good owner
of mines must haue at the least an hundred slaues to cary and to stampe
his metals; he must haue many mules, and men to keepe the mines; he must
haue milles to stampe his metals; he must haue many waines and oxen to
bring home wood to fine the oare; he must haue much quicke-siluer, and a
maruellous quantity of salt-brine for the metals; and he must be at many
other charges. And as for this charge of quicke-siluer, it is a new
inuention, which they finde more profitable then to fine their oare with
lead. Howbeit the same is very costly: for there is neuer a hundred of
quicke-siluer but costeth at the least threescore pounds sterling. And
the mines fall dayly in decay, and of lesse value: and the occasion is,
the few Indians that men haue to labour their mines.
There is in New Spaine a maruellous increase of cattle, which daily do
increase, and they are of a greater growth then ours are. You may haue a
great steere that hath an hundred weight of tallow in his belly for
sixteene shillings; and some one man hath 2000 head of cattel of his
owne. They sell the hides vnto the merchants, who lade into Spaine as
many as may be well spared. They spend many in the countrey in shoes and
boots, and in the mines: and as the countrey is great, so is the
increase of the cattell woonderfull. In the Island of Santo Domingo they
commonly kill the beasts for their hides and tallow; and the fowles eat
the carkeises: and so they do in Cuba and Porto Rico, whereas there is
much sugar, and cana fistula, which dayly they send into Spaine. They
have great increase of sheep in like maner, and dayly do intend to
increase them. They have much wooll, and as good as the wooll of Spaine.
They make cloth as much as serueth the countrey, for the common people,
and send much cloth into Peru. I haue seene cloth made in the city of
Mexico, which hath beene solde for tenne pezos a vare, which is almost
foure pounds English, and the vare is less then our yard. They haue woad
growing in the countrey, and allum, and brasill, and diuers other things
to die withall, so that they make all colours. In Peru they make no
cloth: but heereafter our cloth will be little set by in these parts,
vnlesse it be some fine cloth. The wools are commonly foure shillings
euery roue, which is fiue and twenty pounds: and in some places of the
countrey that are farre from the places where as they make cloth, it is
woorth nothing, and doth serue but onely to make beds for men to lie
on.
They make hats, as many as do serue the Countrey, very fine and good,
and sell them better cheape, then they can be brought out of Spaine, and
in like maner send them into Peru.
Many people are set on worke both in the one and in the other: they spin
their wooll as we doe, and in steed of oyle, they haue hogs grease: they
twist not their threed so much as wee doe, neither worke so fine a
threed. They make kersies, but they make much cloth, which is course,
and sell it for lesse than 12. pence the vare. It is called Sayall.
They haue much silke, and make all maner of sorts thereof, as Taffataes,
Sattins, Veluets of all colours, and they are as good as the silkes of
Spaine, sauing that the colours are not so perfect: but the blackes are
better then the blackes that come out of Spaine.
They haue many horses, and mares, and mules, which the Spaniards brought
thither. They haue as good Iennets, as any are in Spaine, and better
cheape then they bee in Spaine. And with their mules they cary all their
goods from place to place.
There is raine vsually in this Countrey, from the moneth of May, to the
midst of October, euery day, which time they call their winter, by
reason of the said waters. And if it were not for the waters which fall
in these hot seasons, their Maiz, which is the greatest part of their
sustenance, would be destroyed. This Maiz is the greatest maintenance
which the Indian hath, and also all the common people of the Spaniards.
And their horses and mules which labour, cannot be without the same.
This graine is substantiall, and increaseth much blood. If the Miners
should bee without it, they coulde not labour their mines: for all their
seruants eate none other bread, but onely of this Maize, and it is made
in cakes, as they make oaten cakes, in some places of England.
[Sidenote: An Hanega is a bushel and an halfe.] The Indians pay tribute,
being of the age of 20. yeeres, 4. shillings of money, and an hanege of
Maiz, which is worth 4. shillings more vnto the king euery yeere. This
is payd in all Noua Hispania, of as many as be of the age of 20. yeeres,
sauing the citie of Tlascalla, which was made free because the citizens
thereof were the occasion that Cortes tooke Mexico in so little a
time.[2] And although at the first they were freed from painment of
tribute, yet the Spaniards now begin to vsurpe vpon them, and make them
to till a great field of Maiz, at their owne costes euery yeere for the
King, which is as beneficial vnto him, and as great cost vnto them, as
though they paid their tribute, as the others doe.
[2] The Republic of Tlascala had at first opposed the Spaniards on their
advance to Mexico, but being defeated, became their allies and remained
true to them throughout the troublous period of the evacuation and siege
of the Capital.
The ships which goe out of Spaine with goods for Peru, goe to Nombre de
Dios, and there discharge the said goods: and from thence they be
carried ouer the necke of a land, vnto a port towne in the South sea,
called Panama, which is 17. leagues distant from Nombre de Dios. And
there they doe ship their goods againe and so from thence goe to Peru.
They are in going thither three moneths, and they come backe againe in
20. dayes. They haue seldome foule weather, and fewe ships are lost in
the South sea. [Sidenote: Salomons Islands, sought and found in the
South Sea 1588.] Foure yeeres past, to wit 1568, there was a ship made
out of Peru, to seeke Salomons Islands, and they came somewhat to the
South of the Equinoctial, and found an Island with many blacke people,
in such number that the Spaniards durst not go on land among them. And
because they had bene long vpon the voyage, their people were very
weake, and so went not on land, to know what commoditie was vpon it. And
for want of victuals, they arriued in Noua Hispania, in a port called
Puerto de Nauidad, and thence returned backe againe vnto Peru, whereas
they were euil entreated, because they had not knowen more of the same
Island.
[Sidenote: China found by the West.] They haue in this port of Nauidad
ordinarily their ships, which goe to the Islands of China,[3] which are
certaine Islands which they haue found within these 7. yeres. They haue
brought from thence gold, and much Cinamon, and dishes of earth, and
cups of the same, so fine, that euery man that may haue a piece of them,
will giue the weight of siluer for it. There was a Mariner that brought
a pearle as big as a doues egge from thence, and a stone, for which the
Viceroy would haue giuen 3000 duckets. Many things they bring from
thence, most excellent. There are many of these ylands, and the
Spaniards haue not many of them as yet: [Sidenote: This is to be
understood of the time when this discourse was written, Anno 1572.] for
the Portugals disturbe them much, and combate with them euery day,
saying, it is part of their conquest, and to the maine land they cannot
come at any hand. There are goodly people in them, and they are great
Mariners, richly apparelled in cloth of gold, and siluer, and silke of
all sorts, and goe apparelled after the maner of the Turkes. This report
make such as come from thence. [Sidenote: China ships with one saile.]
The men of the maine land haue certeine traffique with some of these
ylanders, and come thither in a kind of ships, which they haue with one
saile, and bring of such marchandize as they haue need of. And of these
things there haue bene brought into New Spaine both cloth of gold and
siluer, marueilous to be seene. So by their saying, there is not such a
countrey in the whole world. The maine land is from the ylands 190.
leagues: and the ylands are not farre from the Malucos Northwards. And
the people of these ylands, which the Spaniards haue, say, that if they
would bring their wiues and children, that then they should haue among
them what they would haue. So there goe women dayly, and the king payeth
all the charges of the maried men and their wiues, that go to these
ylands. And there is no doubt but the trade will be marueilous rich in
time to come. It was my fortune to be in company with one Diego
Gutieres, who was the first Pilot that euer went to that countrey of the
Phillippinas. Hee maketh report of many strange things in that Countrey,
as well riches as other, and saith, if there bee any Paradise vpon
earth, it is in that countrey: and addeth, that sitting vnder a tree,
you shall haue such sweet smels, with such great content and pleasure,
that you shall remember nothing, neither wife, nor children, nor haue
any kinde of appetite to eate or drinke, the odoriferous smels wil be so
sweete. This man hath good liuings in Noua Hispania, notwithstanding hee
will returne thither, with his wife and children, and as for treasure
there is abundance, as he maketh mention. In this countrey of Noua
Hispania there are many buckes and does, but they haue not so long
hornes as they haue here in England. The Spaniards kill them with hand
guns, and with greyhounds, and the Indians kill them with their bowes
and arrowes, and with the skins they make chamoyce, such as we in
England make doublets and hose of, as good as the skins that are dressed
in Flanders and likewise they make marueilous good Spanish leather of
them. [Sidenote: Indian Rauens not killed, to deuoure carrion.] There is
a bird which is like vnto a Rauen, but he hath some of his feathers
white: there is such abundance of them, that they eate all the corrupt
and dead flesh which is in the countrey. Otherwise the abundance of
carren is so much, that it would make a marueilous corrupt aire in all
the countrey, and be so noisome, that no man could abide it. Therefore
it is commanded there shall none of them be killed. These birds are
alwayes about cities and townes, where there is much flesh killed.
[3] The Philippines.
[Sidenote: Wrong done to the Indians punished.] The Indians are much
favoured by the Iustices of the Countrey, and they call them their
orphanes. And if any Spaniard should happen to doe any of them harme, or
to wrong him in taking any thing from him, as many times they doe, or to
strike any of them, being in any towne, whereas iustice is, they are as
well punished for the same, as if they had done it one Spaniard to
another. When a Spaniard is farre from Mexico, or any place of iustice,
thinking to doe with the poore Indian what he list, considering he is so
farre from any place of remedy, he maketh the Indian do what he
commandeth him, and if he will not doe it, hee beateth and misuseth him,
according to his owne appetite. The Indian holdeth his peace, vntill he
finde an opportunitie, and then taketh a neighbor with him, and goeth to
Mexico, although it be 20. leagues off and maketh his complaint. This
his complaint is immediately heard, and although it be a knight, or a
right good gentleman, he is forthwith sent for, and punished, both by
his goods, and also his person is imprisoned, at the pleasure of the
Iustice. [Sidenote: Iustice the cause of ciuilitie.] This is the
occasion that the Indians are so tame and ciuil, as they are: and if
they should not haue this fauour, the Spaniards would soone dispatch all
the Indians, or the Indians would kill them. But they may call them dogs
and vse other euil words, as much they will, and the Indian must needes
put it vp, and goe his way.
The poore Indians wil go euery day two or three leagues to a faire or
market with a childe vpon their necks, with as much fruit or rootes, or
some kind of ware, as cotton wooll, or cadis of all colours, as shall be
not worth a pennie: and they will mainteine themselues vpon the same.
For they liue with a marueillous small matter.
They are in such pouertie, that if you neede to ride into the Countrey,
you shall haue an Indian to goe with you all the day with your bed upon
his backe, for one royall of plate: and this you shall haue from one
towne to another. Here you are to vnderstand, that all men that traueile
by the way, are alwayes wont to carry their beds with them. They are
great theeues, and wil steale all that they may, and you shall haue no
recompence at their hands.
[Sidenote: The apparel of the Indians.] The garments of the women, are
in this maner. The vppermost part is made almost like to a womans
smocke, sauing that it is as broade aboue as beneath, and hath no
sleeues, but holes on eche side one to put out their armes. It is made
of linnen cloth made of cotton wooll, and filled full of flowers, of red
cadis and blew, and other colours. This garment commeth downe to the
knees, and then they haue cloth made after the same maner, and then they
goeth rounde about their waste, and reacheth to their shooes and ouer
this a white fine sheet vpon their heads, which goeth downe halfe the
legge. Their haire is made vp round with an haire lace about their head.
And the men haue a small paire of breaches of the same cotton wooll, and
their shirts which hang ouer their breeches, and a broad girdle about
their middles, and a sheete with flowers vpon their backes, and with a
knot vpon one shoulder and an hat vpon their heads, and a paire of
shoes. And this is all their apparell, although it be a Casique, which
they vse in all the Countrey.
The wals of the houses of the Indians, are but plaine, but the stones
are layd so close, that you shall not well perceiue the ioynts betweene
one stone and another, they are so finely cut: and by the meanes that
the stones are so workmanly done, and finely ioyned together, there is
some beautie in their wals. They are marueilous small and light, as
Pumic stones. They make their doores very little, so that there can go
in but one man at a time. Their windowes and roomes within their houses
are small, and one roome they haue reserued for their friends, when they
come to talke one with another, and that is alwayes faire matted, and
kept marueilous cleane, and hanged full of images, and their chaires
standing there to sit in. They eate their meate vpon the ground, and
sleepe on the ground vpon a mat, without any bed, both the gentlemen,
and other.
The Indians strike their fire with one sticke in another, aswell the
tame people, as the wilde. For they know not how to do it with an yron,
and a stone.
[Sidenote: Diuers speeches.] In Noua Hispania, euery 10. or 12. leagues
they haue a contrary speach, sauing onely about Mexico: so there is a
number of speeches in the Countrey.
[Sidenote: Mutezuma, and his riches.] Mutezuma which was the last King
of this Countrey, was one of the richest princes which haue bene seene
in our time, or long before. He had all kinde of beasts which were then
in the countrey, and all maner of birdes, and fishes, and all maner of
wormes, which creepe vpon the earth, and all trees, and flowers, and
herbes, all fashioned in siluer and golde, which was the greatest part
of al his treasure, and in these things had he great ioy, as the old
Indians report. And vnto this day, they say that the treasure of
Mutezuma is hidden, and that the Spaniards haue it not. This King would
giue none of his people freedome, nor forgiue any of them that should
pay him tribute, though he were neuer so poore. For if it had bene told
him that one of his tributaries was poore, and that he was not able to
pay his tribute according to the custome, then he would haue him bound
to bring at such times as tributes should be payd, a quill full of Lice,
saying, hee would haue none free, but himselfe. He had as many wiues or
concubines, as hee would haue, and such as liked him. [Sidenote: The
Indians wash themselues euery day.] Alwayes whensoeuer he went out of his
Court to passe the time, he was borne vpon 4 of his noble mens shoulders
set vpon a table, some say, of golde, and very richly dressed with
feathers of diuers and many colours and flowers. He washed all his body
euery day, were it neuer so cold. And vnto this day so do all the Indians,
and especially the women.
The Spaniards keepe the Indians in great subjection. They may haue in
their houses no sword nor dagger, nor knife with any point, nor may
weare vpon them any maner of armes, neither may they ride vpon any horse
nor mules, in any sadle nor bridle, neither may they drinke wine, which
they take for the greatest paine of all. They haue attempted diuers
times to make insurrections, but they haue bene ouerthrowen immediatly
by their owne great and beastly cowardlinesse.[4]
[4] This cannot be said of the aboriginal Mexicans, as nothing could
have surpassed the determination and courage they showed during the
great siege of Mexico.
[Sidenote: Cannybals.] There remaine some among the wild people, that
vnto this day eate one another. I haue seene the bones of a Spaniard
that haue been as cleane burnished, as though it had been done by men
that had no other occupation. And many times people are caried away by
them, but they neuer come againe, whether they be men or women.
They haue in the Sea ylands of red salt in great abundance, whereas they
lade it from place to place about the Sea coast: and they spend very
much salt with salting their hides and fish: and in their mines they
occupie great quantitie. They haue much Alume, and as good as any that
is in all the Leuant, so that they neede none of that commoditie. They
have also of their owne growing, much Cana fistula, and much Salsa
Perilla, which is marueilous good for many kind of diseases.
There are in Florida many Iarrefalcons, and many other kinde of hawkes,
which the gentlemen of Noua Hispania send for euery yeere. The Spaniards
haue two forts there, chiefly to keepe out the Frenchmen from planting
there.
A discourse written by one Miles Philips Englishman, one of the
company put on shoare Northward of Panuco, in the West Indies, by
M. Iohn Hawkins 1568. conteining many special things of that
countrey and of the Spanish gouernment, but specially of their
cruelties vsed to our Englishmen and amongst the rest to himselfe
for the space of 15. or 16 yeres together, vntil by good and
happy means he was deliuered from their bloody hands, and
returned into his owne Countrey. An. 1582.[5]
[5] This account differs in some slight particulars from that given by
Sir John Hawkins himself, which will be found in Volume XV. of this
edition.
Chap. 1.
Wherein is shewed the day and time of our departure from the coast
of England, with the number and names of the ships, their Captaines
and Masters, and of our trafique and dealing vpon the coast of
Africa.
[Sidenote: This fleet consisted of 6 ships.] Vpon Munday the second of
October 1567. the weather being reasonable faire, our Generall M. Iohn
Hawkins, hauing commanded all his Captaines and Masters to be in a
readinesse to make sail with him, hee himselfe being imbarked in the
Iesus, whereof was appointed for Master Robert Barret, hoised saile, and
departed from Plymouth vpon his intended voyage for the parts of Africa,
and America, being accompanied with fiue other saile of ships, as
namely the Mynion, wherein went for Captaine M. Iohn Hampton, and Iohn
Garret Master. The William and Iohn, wherein was Captaine Thomas Bolton,
and Iames Raunce Master. The Iudith, in whom was Captaine M. Francis
Drake afterward knight, and the Angel, whose Master, as also the
Captaine and Master of the Swallow I now remember not. And so sayling in
company together vpon our voyage vntil the tenth of the same moneth, an
extreeme storme then tooke vs neere vnto Cape Finister, which dured for
the space of foure dayes, and so separated our ships, that wee had lost
one another, and our Generall finding the Iesus to bee but in ill case,
was in minde to giue over the voyage, and to returne home. Howbeit the
eleuenth of the same moneth the Seas waxing calme, and the winde comming
faire, he altered his purpose, and held on the former intended voyage:
And so comming to the yland of Gomera being one of the ylands of the
Canaries, where according to an order before appointed, we met with all
our ships which were before dispersed, wee then took in fresh water and
departed from thence the fourth of Nouember, and holding on our course,
vpon the eightenth day of the same moneth wee came to an ancker vpon the
coast of Africa, at Cape Verde in twelue fadome water; and here our
Generall landed certaine of our men, to the number of 160. or
thereabout, seeking to take some Negros. And they going vp into the
Countrey for the space of sixe miles, were encountred with a great
number of the Negros: who with their enuenomed arrowes did hurt a great
number of our men, so that they were inforced to retire to the ships, in
which conflict they recouered but a few Negros, and of these our men
which were hurt with their enuenomed arrowes, there died to the number
of seuen or eight in very strange maner, with their mouths shut, so that
wee were forced to put stickes and other things into their mouths to
keepe them open,[6] and so afterward passing the time vpon the coast of
Guinea, until the twelfth of Ianuary, we obteined by that time the
number of 150. Negros. And being ready to depart from the Sea coast,
there was a Negro sent as an Ambassadour to our Generall, from a King of
the Negros, which was oppressed with other Kings his bordering
neighbours, desiring our Generall to grant him succour and ayde against
those his enemies, which our Generall granted vnto, and went himselfe
in person a lande, with the number of two hundreth of our men or
thereabouts, and the said King which had requested our ayde, did ioyne
his force with ours, so that thereby our Generall assaulted, and set
fire vpon a Towne of the said King his enemies, in which there was at
the least the number of eight or ten thousand Negros, and they
perceiuing that they were not able to make any resistance sought by
flight to saue themselues, in which their flight there were taken
prisoners to the number of eight or nine hundreth, which our Generall
ought to haue had for his share: howbeit the Negro King which requested
our ayde, falsifying his word and promise, secretly in the night
conueyed himselfe away with as many prisoners as he had in his custodie:
but our Generall notwithstanding finding himselfe to haue nowe very
neere the number of 500. Negros thought it best without longer abode to
depart with them, and such marchandize as hee had from the coast of
Africa, towards the West Indies,[7] and therefore commanded with all
diligence to take in fresh water and fewel, and so with speed to prepare
to depart. [Sidenote: The William and Iohn separated and neuer after met
with the fleete.] Howbeit before we departed from thence, in a storme
that wee had, wee lost one of our ships, namely the William and Iohn, of
which ship and of her people, we heard no tidings during the time of our
voyage.
[6] They died of tetanus.
[7] All three voyages made by Hawkins to the West, in 1562, 1564 and
1567 were for the purpose of trading in slaves.
Chap. 2.
Wherein is shewed the day and time of our departure from the coast
of Africa, with the day and time of our arriuall in the West
Indies, also of our trade, and trafique their, and also of the
great crueltie that the Spaniards vsed towards vs, by the Vice-roy
his direction, and appointment, falsifying his faith and promise
giuen, and seeking to haue intrapped vs.
All things being made in a readinesse, at our Generall his appointment,
vpon the thirde day of Februarie 1568, wee departed from the coast of
Africa, hauing the weather somewhat tempestuous, which made our passage
the more hard; and sayling so for the space of 52. dayes, vpon the 27 of
March 1568. we came in sight of an yland called Dominica, vpon the
coast of America in the West Indies, situated in 14. degrees
latitude,[8] and 322. of longitude: from thence our Generall coasted from
place to place, euer making trafique with the Spaniards and Indians as
hee might, which was somewhat hardly obtained, for that the King had
straightly charged all his gouernours in those parts not to trade with
any: yet notwithstanding, during the moneths of April and May, our
Generall had reasonable trade and trafique, and courteous entertainement
in sundry places, as at Margarita, Coraçao, and else where, til we came,
to Cape de la vela,[9] and Rio de Hacha,[10] (a place from whence all
the pearles doe come:) the gouernour there would not by any meanes
permit vs to haue any trade or trafique, nor yet suffer vs to take in
fresh water: by meanes whereof our Generall for the auoyding of famine
and thirst about the beginning of Iune, was enforced to land two
hundreth of our men, and so by maine force and strength to obtaine that
which by no faire meanes hee could procure: And so recouering the Towne
with the losse of two of our men, there was a secret and peaceable trade
admitted, and the Spaniards came in by night, and bought of our Negroes
to the number of 200. and vpwards, and of our other merchandize also.
From thence we departed for Carthagena, where the Gouernour was so
straight, that wee could not obteine any trafique there, and so for that
our trade was neere finished, our Generall thought it best to depart
from thence the rather for the auoyding of certaine dangerous stormes
called the Huricanos, which accustomed to begin there about that time of
the yere, and so the 24. of Iuly 1568. we departed from thence directing
our course North: and leauing the yland of Cuba vpon our right hand, to
the Eastward of vs, and so sayling toward Florida, vpon the 12. of
August an extreeme tempest arose, which dured for the space of 8. dayes,
in which our ships were most dangerously tossed and beaten hither, and
thither, so that we were in continuall feare to be drowned by reason of
the shallownes of the coast, and in the end we were constrained to flee
for succour to the port of S. Iohn de Vllua, or Vera Cruz, situated in
19. degrees of latitude, and in 279. degrees of longitude, which is the
port that serueth for the Citie of Mexico: in our seeking to recouer
this port our Generall met by the way three small ships that caried
passengers, which hee tooke with him, and so the sixtenth of September
1568. wee entered the saide port of S. Iohn de Vllua. The Spaniards
there supposing vs to haue bene the King of Spaines Fleete, the chiefe
officers of the Countrey thereabouts came presently aboord our Generall,
where perceiuing themselues to haue made an vnwise aduenture, they were
in great feare to haue bene taken and stayed: howbeit our Generall did
vse them all very courteously. [Sidenote: Mexico 60. leagues from S.
Iuan de Vllua.] In the said port there were twelue ships which by report
had in them in treasure to the value of two hundreth thousand pound, all
which being in our Generall his power and at his deuotion, he did freely
set at libertie, as also the passengers which he had before stayed, nor
taking from any of them all the value of one groat: onely hee stayed two
men of credite and accompt, the one named Don Laurenzo de Alua, and the
other Don Pedro de Riuera, and presently our Generall sent to the
Viceroy to Mexico which was threescore leagues off, certifying him of
our arriuall there by force of weather, desiring that forasmuch as our
Queene his Soueraigne, was the king of Spaine his louing sister and
friend, that therefore hee would, considering our necessities and wants,
furnish vs with victuals for our Nauie, and quietly suffer vs to repaire
and amend our ships. And furthermore that at the arriual of the Spanish
Fleet which was there dayly expected and looked for, to the ende that
there might no quarell arise betweene them, and our Generall and his
company for the breach of amitie, he humbly requested of his
excellencie, that there might in this behalfe some special order be
taken. This message was sent away the 16. of September 1568. it being
the very day of our arriual there.
[8] Should be 18 degrees.
[9] In Venezuela.
[10] In Colombia.
The next morning being the seuententh of the same moneth, wee descried
13. saile of great shippes: and after that our Generall vnderstood, that
it was the king of Spaines Fleete then looked for, he presently sent to
aduertise the Generall hereof, of our being in the sayd port, and giuing
him further to vnderstand, that before he should enter there into that
harbour, it was requisite that there should passe betweene the two
Generals some orders and conditions to bee obserued on either part, for
the better contriuing of peace betweene them and theirs, according to
our Generals request made vnto the Viceroy. And at this instant our
Generall was in a great perplexitie of minde, considering with himselfe
that if hee shoulde keepe out that Fleete from entring into the port, a
thing which hee was very well able to doe with the helpe of God, then
should that Fleete be in danger of present shipwracke and losse of all
their substance, which amounted vnto the value of one million and eight
hundreth thousand pounds. [Sidenote: It is put downe 6. millions in Sir
Iohn Hawkins his relation.] Againe he saw that if he suffered them to
enter, hee was assured that they would practise by all maner of meanes
to betray him and his, and on the other side the hauen was so little,
that the other Fleete entring, the shippes were to ride one hard aboord
of another. Also hee saw that if their Fleete should perish by his
keeping of them out, as of necessitie they must if he should haue done
so, then stood hee in great feare of the Queene our Soueraignes
displeasure in so waightie a cause: therefore did he choose the least
euill, which was to suffer them to enter vnder assurance, and so to
stand vpon his guard, and to defend himselfe and his from their treasons
which we were well assured they would practise, and so the messenger
being returned from Don Martin de Henriques, the newe Viceroy, who came
in the same Fleete, and had sufficient authoritie to command in all
cases both by Sea and by lande in this prouince of Mexico or new Spaine,
did certifie our Generall, that for the better maintenance of amitie
betweene the king of Spaine and our Soueraigne, all our requests should
bee both fauourably granted, and faithfully perfourmed: signifying
further that he heard and vnderstood of the honest and friendly dealing
of our Generall, toward the king of Spaines subjects in all places where
he had bene, as also in the said port: so that to bee briefe our
requests were articled, and set downe in writing. Viz.
[Sidenote: 4. Articles concluded vpon, betwixt the English and the
Spaniards; although the treacherous Spaniards kept none of them.]
1. The first was that wee might haue victuals for our money, and licence
to sell as much wares, as might suffice to furnish our wants.
2. The second, that we might be suffered peaceably to repaire our ships.
3. The thirde that the yland might bee in our possession during the time
of our abode there, In which yland our Generall for the better safetie
of him and his had alreadie planted and placed certaine Ordinance which
were eleuen pieces of brasse, therefore he required that the same might
so continue, and that no Spaniard should come to lande in the saide
yland, hauing or wearing any kinde of weapon.
4. The fourth and the last, that for the better and more sure
performance and maintenance of peace, and of all the conditions, there
might twelue gentlemen of credite bee deliuered of either part as
hostages.
These conditions were concluded and agreed vpon in writing by the
Viceroy and signed with his hand, and sealed with his seale, and 10.
hostages vpon either part were receiued. And further it was concluded
that the two Generals should meet, and giue faith ech to other for the
performance of the premisses. Al which being done, the same was
proclaimed by the sound of a trumpet, and commandement was giuen that
none of either part should violate or breake the peace vpon paine of
death: thus at the ende of three dayes all was concluded, and the Fleete
entred the port, the ships saluting one another as the maner of the Sea
doth require: the morrow after being Friday we laboured on all sides in
placing the English ships by themselues, the Captaines and inferiour
persons of either part, offering, and shewing great courtesie one to
another, and promising great amity vpon all sides. Howbeit as the sequel
shewed, the Spaniards meant nothing lesse vpon their parts. For the
Viceroy and gouernour thereabout had secretly at land assembled to the
number of 1000. chosen men, and wel appointed, meaning the next Thursday
being the 24. of September at dinner time to assault vs, and set vpon vs
on all sides. But before I go any further, I thinke it not amisse
briefly to discribe the matter of the yland as it then was, and the
force and strength, that it is now of. [Sidenote: A faire castle and
bulwarke builded vpon the yland of San Iuan de Vllua.] For the Spaniards
since the time of our Generals being there, for the better fortifying of
the same place, haue vpon the same yland built a faire Castle and
bulwarke very well fortified: this port was then at our being there, a
little yland of stones, not past three feet aboue water in the highest
place, and not past a bow-shotte ouer any way at the most, and it
standeth from the maine land, two bowshootes or more: and there is not
in all this coast any other place for ships safely to arriue at: also
the North windes in this coast are of great violence and force, and
vnlesse the shippes bee safely moored in, with their anckers fastened in
this yland, there is no remedie, but present destruction and shipwracke.
All this our generall wisely foreseeing, did prouide that he would haue
the said yland in his custody, or els the Spaniards might at their
pleasure, haue but cut our cables, and so with the first Northwinde that
blewe, we had our passport, for our ships had gone a shoore. But to
returne to the matter.
[Sidenote: The value of a Spanish viceroy his faith.] The time
approching that their treason must be put in practise, the same Thursday
morning, some appearance thereof began to shewe it selfe, as shifting of
weapons from shippe to shippe, and planting, and bending their Ordinance
against our men that warded vpon the lande, with great repaire of
people: which apparent shewes of breach of the Viceroyes faith caused
our Generall to sende one to the Viceroy, to enquire of him what was
meant thereby, which presently sent and gaue order, that the Ordinance
aforesayde, and other things of suspicion should bee remooued, returning
answer to our Generall in the faith of a Viceroy, that hee would bee our
defence and safetie from all villanous treacherie: this was vpon
Thursday in the morning. Our Generall not being therewith satisfied,
seeing they had secretly conueyed a great number of men aboord a great
hulke or ship of theirs of sixe hundreth tunne, which shippe rode hard
by the Mynion, hee sent againe to the Viceroy Robert Barret the Master
of the Iesus, a man that could speake the Spanish tongue very well, and
required that those men might bee vnshipt againe, which were in that
great hulke. The Viceroy then perceiuing that their treason was
throughly espied, stayed our Master, and sounded the Trumpet, and gaue
order that his people should vpon all sides charge vpon our men, which
warded on shoore, and else where, which strooke such a mase, and sudden
feare among vs, that many gave place, and sought to recouer our shippes
for the safetie of themselues. [Sidenote: The villanous treacherie of
the Spaniards and their crueltie.] The Spaniards which secretly were hid
in ambush at lande were quickly conueyed ouer to the yland in their long
boates, and so comming to the yland, they slewe all our men that they
could meete with, without mercy. The Minion which had somewhat before
prepared her selfe to auoyd the danger, haled away and abode the first
brunt of the 300 men that were in the great hulke: then they sought to
fall aboord the Iesus, where was a cruel fight, and many of our men
slaine: but yet our men defended themselues, and kept them out: so the
Iesus also got loose, and ioyning with the Minion, the fight waxed hote
vpon all sides: but they hauing woon and got our ordinance on shore,
did greatly annoy vs. In this fight there were two great shippes of the
Spaniards sunke, and one burnt, so that with their shippes they were not
able to harme vs, but from the shore they beat vs cruelly with our owne
ordinance, in such sort that the Iesus was very sore spoyled: and
suddenly the Spaniards hauing fired two great ships of their owne, they
came directly against vs, which bred among our men a marueilous feare.
Howbeit the Minion which had made her sayles ready, shifted for her
selfe, without consent of the Generall, Captaine or Master, so that very
hardly our Generall could be receiued into the Minion: the most of our
men that were in the Iesus shifted for themselues, and followed the
Minion in the boat, and those which that small boat was not able to
receiue, were most cruelly slaine by the Spaniards. Of our ships none
escaped sauing the Minion and the Iudith: and all such of our men as
were not in them were inforced to abide the tyrannous cruelty of the
Spaniards. [Sidenote: Copstowe one of M. Hawkins men returned from Nueua
Espanna.] For it is a certaine trueth, that whereas they had taken
certaine of our men ashore, they tooke and hung them vp by the armes
vpon high postes vntill the blood burst out of their fingers ends: of
which men so vsed, there is one Copstow, and certaine others yet aliue
who by the mercifull prouidence of the almighty, were long since arriued
here at home in England, carying still about with them (and shall to
their graues) the marks and tokens of those their inhumane and more then
barbarous cruell dealings.
Chap. 3.
Wherein is shewed, how that after we were escaped from the
Spaniards, wee were like to perish with famine at the Sea, and how
our Generall, for the auoiding thereof was constrained to put
halfe of his men on land, and what miseries wee after that
sustained amongst the Sauage people, and how againe we fell into
the hands of the Spaniards.
After that the Viceroy, Don Martin Henriques had thus contrary to his
faith and promise most cruelly dealt with our Generall master Hawkins,
at S. Iohn de Vllua, where most of his men were by the Spaniards slaine
and drowned, and all his ships sunke and burned, sauing the Minion, and
the Iudith, which was a small barke of fiftie tunne, wherein was then
Captaine master Francis Drake aforesayd: the same night the said barke
lost vs, we being in great necessitie, and inforced to remoue with the
Minion two bow-shoote from the Spanish fleete, where we ankered all that
night: and the next morning wee weyed anker, and recouered an island a
mile from the Spaniards, where a storme tooke vs with a North winde, in
which we were greatly distressed, hauing but two cables and two ankers
left: for in the conflict before we had lost three cables and two
ankers. The morrow after, the storme being ceased and the weather faire,
we weied, and set sayle, being many men in number, and but small store
of victuals to suffice vs for any long time: by meanes whereof we were
in despaire and feare that we should perish through famine, so that some
were in minde to yeelde themselues to the mercy of the Spaniards, other
some to the Sauages or Infidels, and wandring thus certaine daies in
these vnknowen seas, hunger constrained vs to eate hides, cats and dogs,
mice, rats, parrats and munkies: to be short, our hunger was so great,
that wee thought it sauorie and sweete whatsoeuer wee could get to eate.
And on the eight of October wee came to land againe, in the bottome of
the bay of Mexico, where we hoped to haue found some inhabitants, that
wee might haue had some reliefe of victuals, and a place where to
repaire our ship, which was so greatly bruised, that we were scarse able
with our weary armes to keepe foorth the water: being thus oppressed
with famine on the one side and danger of drowning on the other, not
knowing where to find reliefe, wee began to bee in wonderfull despaire,
and wee were of many mindes, amongst whom there were a great many that
did desire our Generall to set them on land, making their choise rather
to submit themselues to the mercie of the Sauages or Infidels, then
longer to hazard themselues at sea, where they very well sawe, that if
they should remaine together, if they perished not by drowning, yet
hunger would inforce them in the ende to eate one another: to which
request our Generall did very willingly agree, considering with himselfe
that it was necessary for him to lessen his number, both for the safetie
of himselfe and the rest: and thereupon being resolued to set halfe his
people ashore that he had then left aliue, it was a world to see how
suddenly mens minds were altered: for they which a little before desired
to be set on land, were now of another minde, and requested rather to
stay: by meanes whereof our Generall was inforced for the more
contentation of all mens minds, and to take away all occasions of
offence, to take this order: First he made choice of such persons of
seruice and account, as were needefull to stay, and that being done, of
those which were willing to goe he appointed such as he thought might be
best spared, and presently appointed that by the boate they should bee
set on shore, our Generall promising vs that the next yeere he would
either come himselfe, or else send to fetch vs home. Here againe it
would haue caused any stony heart to haue relented to heare the pitifull
mone that many did make, and howe loth they were to depart: the weather
was then somewhat stormy and tempestuous, and therefore we were to passe
with great danger, yet notwithstanding there was no remedy, but we that
were appointed to goe away, must of necessitie doe so. [Sidenote: They
were put on land 25 leagues northward of Panuco the 8 of October 1568.]
Howbeit those that went in the first boat were safely set on shore, but
of them which went in the second boate, of which number I my selfe was
one, the seas wrought so high, that we could not attaine to the shore,
and therefore we were constrained through the cruell dealing of Iohn
Hamptone captaine of the Minion, and Iohn Sanders boat-swaine of the
Iesus, and Thomas Pollard his mate, to leape out of the boate into the
maine sea, hauing more then a mile to shore, and so to shift for
ourselues, and either to sinke or swimme. And of those that so were (as
it were) throwen out, and compelled to leape into the sea, there were
two drowned, which were of captaine Blands men.
In the euening Of the same day, it being Munday the eight of October,
1568, when we were all come to shore, we found fresh water, whereof some
of our men drunke so much, that they had almost cast themselues away,
for wee could scarse get life of them for the space of two or three
houres after: other some were so cruelly swollen, what with the drinking
in of the salt water, and what with the eating of the fruit which wee
found on land hauing a stone in it much like an almond (which fruit is
called Capule) that they were all in very ill case, so that we were in a
maner all of vs both feeble, faint and weake.
The next morning being Tewsday, the ninth of October, we thought, it
best to trauell along by the sea coast, to seeke out some place of
habitation: (whether they were Christians or Sauages, we were
indifferent, so that we might haue wherewithall to sustaine our hungry
bodies) and so departing from an hill where we had rested all night, not
hauing any drie threed about vs, (for those that were not wet being not
throwen into the sea, were thorowly wet with raine, for all the night it
rained cruelly:) As we went from the hil, and were come into the plaine,
we were greatly troubled to passe for the grasse and weedes that grewe
there higher then any man. On the left hand we had the sea, and vpon the
right hand great woods, so that of necessitie we must needs passe on our
way Westward, through those marshes; and going thus, suddenly we were
assaulted by the Indians, a warlike kind of people, which are in a maner
as Canibals, although they doe not feede vpon mans flesh as Canibals
doe.
[Sidenote: Chichimici a warlike and cruell people.] These people are
called Chichimici, and they vse to weare their haire long, euen down to
their knees, they doe also colour their faces greene, yellow, red and
blew, which maketh them to seeme very ougly and terrible to beholde.
These people doe keepe warres against the Spaniards, of whom they haue
bene oftentimes very cruelly handled: for with the Spaniards there is no
mercy. [Sidenote: Our men assailed by the Chichemici.] They perceiuing
vs at our first comming on land, supposed vs to haue bene their enemies,
the bordering Spaniards, and hauing by their forerunners descried what
number we were, and how feeble and weake without armour or weapon, they
suddenly according to their accustomed maner, when they encounter with
any people in warlike sorte, raised a terrible and huge crie, and so
came running fiercely vpon vs, shooting off their arrowes as thicke as
haile, vnto whose mercy we were constrained to yeeld, not hauing amongst
vs any kind of armour, nor yet weapon, sauing one caliuer, and two old
rustie swords, whereby to make any resistance, or to saue ourselues:
which when they perceiued that wee sought not any other then fauour and
mercie at their handes, and that we were not their enemies the
Spaniards, they had compassion on vs, and came and caused vs all to sit
down: and when they had a while surueyed, and taken a perfect view of
vs, they came to all such as had any coloured clothes amongst vs, and
those they did strip starke naked, and tooke their clothes away with
them, but those that were apparelled in blacke they did not meddle
withall, and so went there wayes, and left vs without doing vs any
further hurt, onely in the first brunt they killed eight of our men.
[Sidenote: Eight of our men slaine.] And at our departure, they
perceiuing in what weake case we were, pointed vs with their hands which
way we should go to come to a towne of the Spaniards, which as we
afterwards perceiued, was not past ten leagues from thence, vsing these
words: Tampice, Tampice Christiano, Tampice Christiano, which is as much
(we thinke) as to say in English, at Tampice you shall find the
Christians. The weapons that they vse are no other but bowes and
arrowes, and their aime is so good, that they very seldome misse to hit
any thing that they shoote at. Shortly after they had left vs stript (as
aforesayd) we thought it best to diuide our selues into two companies,
and so being separated, halfe of vs went vnder the leading of one
Anthony Godard, who is yet a man aliue, and dwelleth at this instant in
the towne of Plimmouth, whom before we chose to be captaine ouer vs all,
and those which went vnder his leading, of which number I Miles Philips
was one, trauailed Westward that way which the Indians with their hands
had before pointed vs to go. The other halfe went vnder the leading of
one Iohn Hooper, whom they did choose for their captain, and with the
company that went with him, Dauid Ingram was one, and they tooke their
way and trauelled Northward, and shortly after, within the space of two
dayes, they were againe incountered with the sauage people, and their
captaine Hooper and two more of his company were slaine: then againe
they diuided themselues, and some held on their way still Northward, and
other some, knowing that we were gone Westward, sought, to meet with vs
againe, as in truth there was about the number of 25 or 26 of them that
met with vs in the space of foure dayes againe, and then we began to
reckon amongst our selues, how many wee were that were set on shore, and
we found the number to be an hundred and foureteene, whereof two were
drowned in the sea and eight were slaine at the first incounter, so that
there remained an hundred and foure, of which 25 went Westward with vs,
and 52 to the North with Hooper and Ingram: and as Ingram since hath
often told me, there were not past three of their company slaine, and
there were but sixe and twenty, of them that came againe to vs, so that
of the company that went Northward, there is yet lacking, and not
certainely heard of, the number of three and twenty men. And verely I
doe thinke that there are of them yet aliue, and married in the said
countrey, at Cibola, as hereafter I purpose (God willing) to discourse
of more particularly, with the reason and causes that make mee so to
thinke of them that were lacking, which were Dauid Ingram, Twide,
Browne, and sundry others, whose names wee could not remember. And being
thus met againe together, we trauelled on still Westward, sometime
thorow such thicke woods, that we were inforced with cudgels to breake
away the brambles and bushes from tearing our naked bodies: other
sometimes we should trauell thorow the plaines, in such high grasse that
we could scarse see one another, and as we passed in some places, we
should haue of our men slaine, and fall downe suddenly, being strooken
by the Indians, which stood behinde trees and bushes, in secret places,
and so killed our men as they went by, for wee went scatteringly in
seeking of fruites to relieue our selues. We were also oftentimes
greatly annoyed with a kind of flie, which in the Indian tongue is
called Tequani, and the Spaniards called them Muskitos. There are also
in the sayd countrey a number of other kinde of flies, but none so
noysome as these Tequanies bee: you shall hardly see them they be so
small, for they are scarse so big as a gnat: they will sucke ones blood
marueilously, and if you kill them while they are sucking, they are so
venimous that the place will swell extremely, euen as one that is stoong
with a Waspe or Bee: but if you let them sucke their fill, and to goe
away of themselues, then they doe you no other hurt, but leaue behind
them a red spot somewhat bigger then a flea-biting. At the first wee
were terribly troubled with these kinde of flies, not knowing their
qualities, and resistance wee could make none against them, being naked:
as for cold wee feared not any, the countrey there is alwayes so warme.
And as we trauelled thus for the space of tenne or twelue dayes, our
captaine did oftentimes cause certaine to goe vp into the toppes of high
trees, to see if they could descrie any towne or place of inhabitants,
but they could not perceiue any, and vsing often the same order to
climbe vp into high trees, at the length they descried a great riuer
that fell from the Northwest into the maine sea, and presently after, we
heard an harquebuze shot off, which did greatly incourage vs, for
thereby wee knew that we were neere to some Christians, and did
therefore hope shortly to finde some succour and comfort, and within the
space of one houre after, as we trauelled, we heard a cocke crowe,
which was also no small ioy vnto vs, and so we came to the North side of
the riuer of Panuco, where the Spaniards haue certaine Salines, at which
place it was that the harquebuze was shot off, which before we heard: to
which place we went not directly, but missing thereof, we left it about
a bowshot vpon our left hand: of this riuer wee dranke very greedily,
for wee had not met with any water in sixe dayes before, and as we were
here by the riuer side resting our selues, and longing to come to the
place where the cocke did crowe, and where the harquebuze was shot off,
we perceiued many Spaniards vpon the other side of the riuer, riding vp
and downe on horsebacke, and they perceiuing vs, did suppose that we had
beene of the Indians their bordering enemies, the Chichimeci: the riuer
was not past halfe a bowe shoot ouer: and presently one of the Spaniards
tooke an Indian boate called a Canoa, and so came ouer, being rowed by
two Indians, and hauing taken the view of vs, did presently rowe ouer
backe againe to the Spaniards, who without any delay made out about the
number of twenty horsemen, and imbarking themselues in the Canoas, they
led their horses by the reines swimming ouer after them, and being come
ouer to that side of the riuer where we were, they sadled their horses,
and being mounted vpon them with their lances charged, they came very
fiercely running at vs. Our captaine Anthony Godard seeing them come in
that order, did perswade vs to submit and yeelde our selues vnto them,
for being naked, as we at this time were, and without weapon, we could
not make any resistance, whose bidding we obeied, and vpon the yeelding
of our selues, they perceiued vs to be Christians, and did call for more
Canoas, and caried vs ouer by foure and foure in a boat, and being come
on the other side, they vnderstanding by our captaine how long we had
bene without meate, imparted between two and two a loafe of bread made
out of that countrey wheat, which the Spaniards call Maiz, of the
bignesse of our halfepenie loaues, which bread is named in the Indian
tongue Clashacally. This bread was very sweete and pleasant vnto vs, for
we had not eaten any in a long time before: and what is it that hunger
doth not make to haue a sauory and delicate taste? And hauing thus
parted the bread amongst vs, those which were men they sent afore to the
towne, hauing also many Indians inhabitants of that place to garde them:
they which were yong, as boyes, and some such also as were feeble, they
tooke vp vpon their horses, behind them, and so caried vs to the towne
where they dwelt, which was very neere distant a mile from the place
where, we came ouer.
This towne is well situated, and well replenished with all kindes of
fruits, as Orenges, Limons, Pomegranates, Apricoks, and Peaches, and
sundry others, and is inhabited with a great number of tame Indians, or
Mexicans, and had in it also at that time about the number of two
hundred Spaniards, men, women, and children, besides Negros. [Sidenote:
The Salines of Panuco.] Of their Salines, which lie upon the West side
of the riuer, more then a mile distant from thence, they make a great
profit, for it is an excellent good merchandize there: the Indians doe
buy much thereof, and cary it vp into the countrey, and there sell it to
their owne countrey people, in doubling the price. Also much of the Salt
made in this place, is transported from thence by sea to sundry other
places, as to Cuba, S. Iohn de Vllua, and the other ports of Tamiago,
and Tamachos, which are two barred hauens West and by South aboue
threescore leagues from S. Iohn de Vllua. When we were all come to the
towne, the Gouernor there shewed himselfe very seuere vnto vs, and
threatened to hang vs all: and then he demanded what money wee had,
which in trueth was very little, for the Indians which we first met
withall, had in a maner taken all from vs, and of that which they left,
the Spaniards which brought vs ouer, tooke away a good part also:
howbeit, from Anthony Godard the Gouernour here had a chaine of gold,
which was giuen vnto him at Carthagena, by the Gouernour there, and from
others he had some small store of money: so that we accounted that
amongst vs all he had the number of fiue hundred Pezos, besides the
chaine of gold.
And hauing thus satisfied himselfe, when he had taken all that we had,
he caused vs to be put into a little house much like a hogstie, where we
were almost smoothered: and before we were thus shut vp into that little
coat, they gaue vs some of the countrey wheate, called Mayz, sodden,
which they feede their hogs withall. But many of our men which had bene
hurt by the Indians at our first comming on land, whose wounds were very
sore and grieuous, desired to haue the helpe of their Surgeons to cure
their wounds. The gouernour, and most of them all answered, that wee
should haue none other Surgeon but the hangman, which should
sufficiently heale vs of all our griefes: and thus reuiling vs, and
calling vs English dogs, and Lutheran heretikes, we remained the space
of three dayes in this miserable state, not knowing what should become
of vs, waiting euery houre to be bereaued of our liues.
Chap. 4.
Wherein is shewed how we were vsed in Panuco, and in what feare of
death we were there, and how we were caried to Mexico to the
Viceroy, and of our imprisonment there and at Tescuco, with the
courtesies and cruelties wee receiued during that time, and how in
the end wee were by proclamation giuen to serue as slaues to
sundry gentlemen Spaniards.
Vpon the fourth day after our comming thither, and there remaining in a
perplexitie, looking euery houre when we should suffer death, there came
a great number of Indians and Spaniards weaponed to fetch vs out of the
house, and amongst them we espied one that brought a great many of new
halters, at the sight whereof we were greatly amazed, and made no other
account but that we should presently haue suffered death, and so crying
and calling to God for mercie and forgiuenesse of our sinnes, we
prepared our selues, making vs ready to die: yet in the end, as the
sequel shewed, their meaning was not so: for when wee were come out of
the house, with those halters they bound our armes behind vs, and so
coupling vs two and two together, they commanded vs to march on through
the towne, and so along the countrey from place to place toward the
citie of Mexico, which is distant from Panuco West and by South the
space of ninetie leagues, hauing onely but two Spaniards, to conduct vs,
they being accompanied with a great number of Indians warding on either
side with bowes and arrowes, lest we should escape from them. And
trauelling in this order, vpon the second day at night we came vnto a
towne which the Indians call Nohele, and the Spaniards call it Santa
Maria: in which towne there is a house of white friers, which did very
courteously vse vs, and gaue vs hote meat, as mutton and broath, and
garments also to couer our selues withal, made of white bayes: we fed
very greedily of the meat, and of the Indian fruit, called Nochole,
which fruit is long and small, much like in fashion to a little
cucumber. Our greedy feeding caused vs to fall sicke of hote burning
agues. And here at this place one Thomas Baker one of our men died of a
hurt: for he had bene before shot with an arrow into the throat at the
first incounter.
The next morrow about ten of the clocke, we departed from thence, bound
two and two together, and garded as before, and so trauailed on our way
toward Mexico, till we came to a towne within forty leagues of Mexico,
named Mestitlan, where is a house of blacke friers: and in this towne
there are about the number of three hundred Spaniards, both men, women,
and children. The friers sent vs meat from the house ready dressed, and
the friers, and the men and women vsed vs very courteously, and gave vs
some shirts and other such things as we lacked. Here our men were very
sicke of their agues, and with eating of another fruit called in the
Indian tongue, Guiaccos, which fruit did binde vs so sore, that for the
space of tenne or twelue dayes we could not ease our selues. The next
morning we departed from thence with our two Spaniards and Indian gard,
as aforesayd. Of these two Spaniards the one was an aged man, who all
the way did very courteously intreate vs, and would carefully go before
to prouide for vs both meat and things, necessary to the vttermost of
his power: the other was a yong man who all the way trauelled with vs,
and neuer departed from vs, who was a very cruell caitiue, and he caried
a iaueline in his hand, and sometimes when as our men with very
feeblenesse and faintnesse were not able to goe so fast as he required
them, he would take his iauelin in both his handes, and strike them with
the same betweene the necke and the shoulders so violently, that he
would strike them downe; then would he cry, and say, Marchad, marchad
Ingleses perros, Luterianos, enemigos de Dios: which is as much to say
in English, as March, march on you English dogges, Lutherans, enemies to
God. And the next day we came to a towne called Pachuca, and there are
two places of that name: as this towne of Pachuca, and the mines of
Pachuca, which are mines of siluer, and are about sixe leagues distant
from this towne of Pachuca towards the Northwest.
Here at this towne the good olde man our Gouernour suffered vs to stay
two dayes and two nights, hauing compassion of our sicke and weake men,
full sore against the minde of the yoong man his companion. From thence
we tooke our iourney, and trauelled foure or fiue dayes by little
villages, and Stantias, which are farmes or dairie houses of the
Spaniards, and euer as wee had neede, the good olde man would still
prouide vs sufficient of meates, fruites, and water to sustaine vs. At
the end of which fiue dayes wee came to a towne within fiue leagues of
Mexico, which is called Quoghliclan, were wee also stayed one whole day
and two nights, where was a faire house of gray friers, howbeit wee saw
none of them. Here wee were told by the Spaniards in the towne, that wee
had not past fifteene English miles from thence to Mexico, whereof wee
were all very ioyfull and glad, hoping that when we came thither, we
should either be relieued, and set free out of bonds, or els bee quickly
dispatched out of our liues: for seeing our selues thus caried bound
from place to place, although some vsed vs courteously, yet could wee
neuer ioy, nor be merrie till wee might perceiue our selues set free
from that bondage, either by death or otherwise.
The next morning we departed from thence on our iourney towards Mexico,
and so trauelled till wee came within two leagues of it, where there was
built by the Spaniards a very faire church, called our Ladyes church, in
which there is an image of our Lady of siluer and gilt, being as high,
and as large as a tall woman, in which church, and before this image,
there are as many lamps of siluer as there be dayes in the yeere, which
vpon high dayes are all lighted. Whensoeuer any Spaniards passe by this
church, although they be on horse backe, they will alight, and come into
the church, and kneele before this image, and pray to our Lady to defend
them from all euil; so that whether he be horseman or footman he will
not passe by, but first goe into the Church, and pray as aforesayd,
which if they doe not they thinke and beleeue that they shall neuer
prosper: which image they call in the Spanish tongue, Nuestra sennora de
Guadalupe. At this place there are certain cold baths, which arise,
springing vp as though the water did seeth: the water thereof is
somewhat brackish in taste, but very good for any that have any sore or
wound, to wash themselues therewith, for as they say, it healeth many:
and euery yeere once vpon our Lady day the people vse to repair thither
to offer, and to pray in that Church before the image, and they say that
our Lady of Guadalupe doeth work a number of miracles. About this Church
there is not any towne of Spaniards that is inhabited, but certaine
Indians doe dwell there in houses of their own countrey building.
Here we were met with a great number of Spaniards on horsebacke, which
came from Mexico to see vs, both gentlemen, and men of occupations, and
they came as people to see a wonder: we were still called vpon to march
on: and so about foure of the clocke in the afternoone of the said day
we entered into the citie of Mexico, by the way or street called la
calle Santa Catherina: and we stayed not in any place till we came to
the house or palace of the Vice Roy, Don Martin Henriques, which
standeth in the middest of the city, hard by the market place, called La
plaça del Marquese. [Sidenote: Certaine Englishmen taken prisoners at
the fight at Sant Iuan de Vllua.] We had not stayed any long time at
this place, but there was brought vs by the Spaniards from the market
place great store of meat, sufficient to haue satisfied fiue times so
many as we were: some also gaue vs hats, and some gaue vs money: in
which place we stayed for the space of two houres, and from thence we
were conueyed by water in two large Canoas to an hospital where as
certaine of our men were lodged, which were taken before the fight at S.
Iohn de Vllua: wee should haue gone to our Ladies hospitall, but that
there were also so many of our men taken before at that fight that there
was no roome for vs. After our coming thither, many of the company that
came with me from Panuco dyed within the space of fourteene dayes: soone
after which time we were taken foorth from that place, and put
altogether into our Ladies hospitall, in which place we were courteously
vsed, and visited oftentimes by vertuous gentlemen and gentlewomen of
the citie, who brought vs diuers things to comfort vs withall, as
succats and marmilads, and such other things, and would also many times
giue vs many things, and that very liberally. In which hospitall we
remained for the space of sixe moneths, vntill we were all whole and
sound of body, and then we were appointed by the Vice Roy to be caried
vnto the towne of Tescuco, which is from Mexico Southwest distant eight
leagues:[11] in which towne there are certaine houses of correction and
punishment for ill people called Obraches, like to Bridewell here in
London: into which place diuers Indians are sold for slaues, some for
ten yeeres, and some for twelue. It was no small griefe vnto vs when we
vnderstood that we should be caried thither, and to bee vsed as slaues,
we had rather be put to death: howbeit there was no remedy, but we were
caried to the prison of Tescuco, where we were not put to any labour,
but were very straitly kept, and almost famished, yet by the good
prouidence of our mercifull God, we happened there to meet with one
Robert Sweeting, who was the sonne of an Englishman, borne of a Spanish
woman; this man could speake very good English, and by his means wee
were holpen very much with victuals from the Indians, as mutton, hennes,
and bread. And if we had not bene so relieued, we had surely perished:
and yet all the prouision that wee had gotten that way was but slender.
And continuing thus straightly kept in prison there for the space of two
moneths, at the length wee agreed amongst our selues to breake forth of
prison, come of it what would, for we were minded rather to suffer death
then longer to liue in that miserable state. And so hauing escaped out
of prison, we knew not what way to flie for the safetie of ourselues,
the night was darke, and it rained terribly, and not hauing any guide,
we went we knew not whither, and in the morning, at the appearing of the
day, we perceiued our selues to be come hard to the city of Mexico,
which is 24 English miles from Tescuco. The day being come we were
espied by the Spaniards, and pursued, and taken, and brought before the
Vice Roy and head iustices, who threatned to hang vs for breaking of the
kings prison. [Sidenote: Almost an hundred Englishmen prisoners in
Mexico.] Yet in the end they sent vs into a garden belonging to the Vice
Roy, and comming thither, we found there our English gentlemen which
were deliuered as hostages when as our General was betrayed at S. Iohn
de Vllua, as is aforesaid, and with them wee also found Robert Barret,
the Master of the Iesus, in which place we remained labouring and doing
such things as we were commanded, for the space of 4 moneths, hauing but
two sheepe a day allowed to suffice vs all, being very neere a hundred
men, and for bread we had euery man two loaues a day, of the quantity of
one halfe-peny loafe. At the end of which foure moneths, they hauing
remooued our gentlemen hostages, and the Master of the Iesus to a prison
in the Vice Roy his own house, did cause it to be proclaimed, that what
gentleman Spaniard soeuer was willing or would haue any English man to
serue him, and be bound to keepe him forth comming, to appeare before
the Iustices within one moneth after notice giuen, that they should
repaire to the said garden, and there take their choice: which
proclamation was no sooner made, but the gentlemen came and repaired to
the garden amaine, so that happie was he that could soonest get one of
vs.
[11] It is nothing of the kind, being 16 miles East North East of
Mexico, on the banks of Lake Tezcuco.
Chap. 5.
Wherein is shewed in what good sort, and how wealthily we liued with
our masters vntil the comming of the Inquisition, when as againe
our sorrows began a fresh: Of our imprisonment in the holy house,
and of the seuere iudgement, and sentences giuen against vs, and
with what rigour and crueltie the same were executed.
The gentlemen that thus tooke vs for their seruants or slaues, did new
apparell vs through out, with whom we abode, doing such service as they
appointed vs vnto, which was for the most part to attend vpon them at
the table, and to be as their chamberlaines, and to waite vpon them when
they went abroad, which they greatly accounted of; for in that countrey
no Spaniard will serue one another, but they are all of them attended
and serued by Indians weekly, and by Negroes which be their slaues
during their life. In this sort we remained and serued in the said citie
of Mexico, and thereabouts for the space of a yeere and somewhat longer.
Afterwards many of vs were by our masters appointed to go to sundry of
their Mines where they had to doe, and to be as ouerseers of the Negroes
and Indians that laboured there. In which mines many of vs did profite
and gaine greatly: for first we were allowed three hundred Pezos a man
for a yeere, which is threescore pound sterling and besides that the
Indians and Negroes which wrought vnder our charge, vpon our well using
and intreating of them, would at times as vpon Saturdayes when they had
left worke, labour for vs, and blow as much siluer as should be worth
vnto vs 3 markes or there abouts, euery marke being worth 6 Pezos, and a
halfe of their money, which 19 Pezos and a halfe, is worth 4li. 10s. of
our money. Sundry weeks we did gaine so much by this means besides our
wages, that many of vs became very rich, and were worth three thousand,
or foure thousand Pezos, for we liued and gained thus in those Mines
some three or foure yeeres. As concerning those Gentlemen which were
deliverd as hostages, and that were kept in prison, in the Viceroy his
house, after that we were gone from out the garden to serue sundry
gentlemen as aforesaid, they remained prisoners in the said house for
the space of 4 moneths after their comming thither, at the end whereof
the fleete being readie to depart from S. Iohn de Vllua, to goe for
Spaine, the said Gentlemen were sent away into Spaine with the fleete,
where as I haue heard it credibly reported, many of them died with the
cruell handling of the Spaniards in the Inquisition house, as those
which haue bene deliuered home after they had suffered the persecution
of that house can more perfectly declare. Robert Barret also master of
the Iesus, was sent away with the fleete into Spaine the next yeere
following, where afterwards he suffered persecution in the Inquisition,
and at the last was condemned to be burnt, and with him one more of our
men whose name was Iohn Gilbert.
Now after that sixe yeeres were fully expired since our first coming
into the Indies, in which time we had bene imprisoned and serued in the
said countreys as is before truely declared. In the yeere of our Lord
one thousand fiue hundred seuenty foure, the Inquisition began to be
established in the Indies, very much against the mindes of many of the
Spaniards themselues: for neuer vntil this time since their first
conquering and planting in the Indies, were they subiect to that bloodie
and cruell Inquisition. The chiefe Inquisitor was named Don Pedro Moya
de Contreres, and Iohn de Bouilla his companion, and Iohn Sanches the
Fischall, and Pedro de los Rios the Secretary: they being come and
setled, and placed in a very faire house neere vnto the white Friers,
considering with themselues that they must make an entrance and
beginning of that their most detestable Inquisition here in Mexico, to
the terror of the whole countrey, thought it best to call vs that were
Englishmen first in question, and so much the rather, for that they had
perfect knowledge and intelligence that many of vs were become very
rich, as hath bene alreadie declared, and therefore we were a very good
booty and pray to the Inquisitors: so that now againe began our sorrowes
a fresh, for we were sent for, and sought out in all places of the
countrey, and proclamation made vpon paine of losing of goods and
excommunication that no man should hide or keepe secret any Englishmen
or any part of their goods. By means whereof we were all soone
apprehended in all places, and all our goods seized and taken for the
Inquisitors vse, and so from all parts of the countrey we were conueied
and sent as prisoners to the citie of Mexico, and there committed to
prison, in sundry darke dungeons, where we could not see but by candle
light, and were neuer past two together in one place, so that we saw not
one another, neither could one of vs tell what was become of another.
Thus we remained close imprisoned for the space of a yeere and a halfe,
and others for some lesse time, for they came to prison euer as they
were apprehended. During which time of our imprisonment, at the first
beginning we were often called before the Inquisitors alone, and there
seuerely examined of our faith, and commanded to say the Pater noster,
the Aue Maria, and the Creed in Latin, which God knoweth great number of
vs could not say, otherwise then in the English tongue. And hauing the
said Robert Sweeting who was our friend at Tescuco alwayes present with
them for an interpreter, he made report for vs, that in our own countrey
speech we could say them perfectly, although not word for word as they
were in Latin. Then did they proceede to demand of vs vpon our othes
what wee did beleeue of the Sacrament, and whether there did remaine any
bread or wine after the words of consecration, yea or no, and whether we
did not beleeue that the host of bread which the priest did hold vp ouer
his head, and the wine that was in the chalice, was the very true and
perfect body and blood of our Sauiour Christ, yea or no: To which if we
answered not yea, then was there no way but death. Then they would
demand of vs what we did remember of our selues, what opinions we had
held, or had bin taught to hold contrary to the same whiles we were in
England: to which we for the safety of our liues were constrained to
say, that we neuer did beleeue, nor had bene taught otherwise then as
before we had sayd. Then would they charge vs, that we did not tell them
the truth, that they knew the contrary, and therefore we should cal our
selues to remembrance, and make them a better answer at the next time,
or els we should be rackt, and made to confesse the trueth whether we
would or no. And so comming againe before them the next time, we were
still demanded of our beliefe whiles we were in England, and how we had
bin taught, and also what we thought or did know of such of our owne
company as they did name vnto vs, so that we could neuer be free from
such demands, and at other times they would promise vs, that if we would
tell them trueth, then should we haue fauour and be set at libertie,
although we very wel knew their fair speeches were but means to entrap
vs, to the hazard and losse of our liues: howbeit God so mercifully
wrought for vs by a secret means that we had, that we kept vs still to
our first answer, and would stil say that we had told the trueth vnto
them, and knew no more by our selues nor any other of our fellows then
as we had declared, and that for our sinnes and offences in England
against God and our Lady, or any of his blessed Saints, we were heartily
sory for the same, and did cry God mercy, and besought the Inquisitors
for Gods sake, considering what we came into those countreyes by force
of weather, and against our wils, and that neuer in all our lives we had
either spoken or done any thing contrary to their lawes, that therefore
they would haue mercy vpon vs. [Sidenote: Our men are cruelly rackt.]
Yet all this would not serue; for still from time to time we were called
upon to confesse and about the space of 3 moneths before they proceeded
to their seuere iudgement, we were al rackt, and some enforced to vtter
that against themselves, which afterwards cost them their liues. And
thus hauing gotten from our own mouthes matter sufficient for them to
proceed in iudgement against vs, they caused a large scaffold to be made
in the middest of the market place in Mexico right ouer against the head
church, and 14 or 15 daies before the day of their iudgement with the
sound of a trumpet, and the noise of their Attahalies, which are a kind
of drummes, they did assemble the people in all parts of the citie:
before whom it was then solemnely proclaimed that whosoeuer would vpon
such a day repaire to the market place, they should heare the sentence
of the holy Inquisition against the English heretikes, Lutherans, and
also see the same put in execution. Which being done, and the time
approching of this cruell judgement, the night before they came to the
prison where we were, with certaine officers of that holy hellish house,
bringing with them certaine fooles coats which they had prepared for vs,
being called in their language S. Benitos, which coats were made, of
yellow cotton and red crosses vpon them, both before and behind: they
were so busied in putting on their coats about vs, and bringing vs out
into a large yard, and placing and pointing vs in what order we should
go to the scaffold or place of iudgment vpon the morrow, that they did
not once suffer vs to sleepe all that night long. The next morning being
come, there was giuen to every one of vs for our breakfast a cup of
wine, and a slice of bread fried in honie, and so about eight of the
clocke in the morning, we set foorth of the prison, euery man alone in
his yellow coat, and a rope about his necke, and a great greene Waxe
candle in his hand vnlighted, hauing a Spaniard appointed to goe vpon
either side of euery one of vs: and so marching in this order and maner
toward the scaffold in the market place, which was a bow shoot distant
or thereabouts, we found a great assembly of people all the way, and
such a throng, that certain of the Inquisitors officers on horseback
were constrained to make way, and so comming to the scaffold, we went vp
by a pairs of stayres, and found seates readie made and prepared for vs
to sit downe on, euery man in order as he should be called to receiue
his iudgement. We being thus set downe as we were appointed, presently
the Inquisitors came vp another paire of staires, and the Viceroy and
all the chiefe Iustices with them. When they were set downe and placed
vnder the cloth of estate agreeing to their degrees and calling; then
came vp also a great number of Friers, white, blacke and gray, about the
number of 300 persons, they being set in the places for them appointed.
Then was there a solemne Oyes made, and silence commanded, and then
presently beganne their seuere and cruell iudgement.
[Sidenote: The cruell iudgements of the Spanish Inquisitors vpon our
poore countrey-men.] The first man that was called was one Roger the
chiefe Armourer of the Iesus, and hee had iudgement to haue three
hundred stripes on horsebacke, and after condemned to the gallies as a
slaue for 10 yeeres.
After him were called Iohn Gray, Iohn Brown, Iohn Moone, Iames Collier,
and one Thomas Browne: these were adiudged to haue 200 stripes on
horsebacke, and after to be committed to the gallies for the space of 8
yeeres.
Then was called Iohn Keyes, and was adiudged to have 100 stripes on
horsebacke, and condemned to serue in the gallies for the space of 6
yeeres.
Then were seuerally called the number of 53 one after an other, and
euery man had his seueral iudgement, some to haue 200 stripes on
horseback, and some 100, and condemned for slaues to the gallies, some
for 6 yeeres, some for 8 and some for 10.
And then was I, Miles Philips, called, and was adiudged to serue in a
monasterie for 5 yeeres, without any stripes, and to weare a fooles
coat, or S. Benito, during all that time.
Then were called Iohn Storie, Richard Williams, Dauid Alexander, Robert
Cooke, Paul Horsewell and Thomas Hull: these sixe were condemned to
serue in monasteries without stripes, some for three yeeres and some for
foure, and to weare the S. Benito during all the said time. Which being
done, and it now drawing toward night, George Riuelly, Peter Momfrie,
and Cornelius the Irishman, were called and had their iudgement to be
burnt to ashes, and so were presently sent away to the place, of
execution in the market place but a little from the scaffold, where they
were quickly burnt and consumed. And as for vs that had receiued our
iudgement, being 68 in number, we were caried backe that night to prison
againe. And the next day in the morning being good Friday, the yeere of
our Lord 1575; we were all brought into a court, of the Inquisitors
pallace, where we found a horse in a readinesse for euery one of our men
which were condemned to haue stripes, and to be committed to the
gallies, which were in number 60 and so they being inforced to mount vp
on horsebacke naked from the middle vpward, were caried to be shewed as
a spectacle for all the people to behold throughout the chiefe and
principall streetes of the citie, and had the number of stripes to euery
one of them appointed, most cruelly laid vpon their naked bodies with
long whips by sundry men appointed to be the executioners thereof: and
before our men there went a couple of criers which cried as they went:
Behold these English dogs, Lutherans, enemies to God, and all the way as
they went there were some of the Inquisitors themselues, and of the
familiars of that rakehel order, that cried to the executioners, Strike,
lay on those English hereticks, Lutherans, Gods enemies: and so this
horrible spectacle being shewed round about the citie, they returned to
the Inquisitors house with their backes all gore blood, and swollen with
great bumps, and were then taken from their horses, and carried againe
to prison, where they remained vntill they were sent into Spaine to the
gallies, there to receiue the rest of their martirdome: and I and the 6
other with me which had iudgement, and were condemned amongst the rest
to serue an apprentiship in the monastery, were taken presently and sent
to certaine religious houses appointed for the purpose.
Chap. 6.
Wherein is shewed how we were vsed in the religious houses, and that
when the time was expired, that we were adiudged to serue in them,
there came newes to Mexico of M. Francis Drakes being in the South
Sea, and what preparation was made to take him, and how I seeking
to escape, was againe taken, and put in prison at Vera Cruz, and
how againe I made mine escape from thence.
I Miles Philips and William Lowe were appointed to the blacke Friers,
where I was appointed to be an ouerseer of Indian workmen, who wrought
there in building of a new church: amongst which Indians I learned their
language of Mexican tongue very perfectly, and had great familiaritie
with many of them, whom I found to be a courteous and louing kind of
people, ingenious, and of great vnderstanding, and they hate and abhorre
the Spaniards with all their hearts, they haue vsed such horrible
cruelties against them, and do still keepe them in such subiection and
seruitude, that they and the Negros also doe daily lie in waite to
practise their deliuerance out of that thraldome and bondage, that the
Spaniards doe keepe them in. William Lowe he was appointed to serue the
Cooke in the kitchen, Richard Williams and Dauid Alexander were
appointed to the Grey Friers, Iohn Story and Robert Cooke to the white
Friers: Paul Horsewel the Secretary tooke to be his seruant: Thomas Hull
was sent to a Monastery of priests, where afterward he died. Thus we
serued out the yeeres that we were condemned for, with the vse of our
fooles coates, and we must needs confesse that the Friers did vse very
courteously: for euery one of vs had his chamber with bedding and diet,
and all things cleane and neat: yea many of the Spaniards and Friers
themselues do vtterly abhorre and mislike of that cruell Inquisition,
and would as they durst bewaile our miseries, and comfort vs the best
they could, although they stood in such feare of that diuelish
Inquisition, that they durst not let the left hande know what the right
doth. Now after that the time was expired for which we were condemned to
serue in those religious houses, we were then brought againe before the
chief Inquisitor, and had all our fooles coates pulled off and hanged vp
in the head church, called Ecclesia Maior, and euery mans name and
iudement written thereupon with this addition, An heretike Lutheran
reconciled. And there are also all their coates hanged vp, which were
condemned to the gallies, with their names and iudgements, and
vnderneath his coat, Heretike Lutheran reconciled. And also the coats
and names of the three that were burned, whereupon were written, An
obstinate heretike Lutheran burnt. Then were we suffered to goe vp and
downe the countrey, and to place our selues as we could, and yet not so
free, but that we very well knew that there was good espiall alwayes
attending vs and all our actions, so that we durst not once speake or
looke awry. Dauid Alexander and Robert Cooke returned to serue the
Inquisitor, who shortly after maried them both to two of his Negro
women: Richard Williams maried a rich widow of Biskay with 4000 Pezos.
Paul Horsewell is maried to a Mestisa, as they name those whose fathers
were Spaniards, and their mothers Indians, and this woman which Paul
Horsewell hath maried, is sayd to be the daughter of one that came in
with Hernando Cortes the conquerour, who had with her in mariage foure
thousand Pezos, and a faire house: Iohn Storie is maried to a Negro
woman: William Lowe had leaue and licence to goe into Spaine where he is
now maried: for mine owne part I could neuer throughly settle my selfe
to marry in that countrey, although many faire offers were made vnto me
of such as were of great abilitie and wealth, but I could haue no liking
to liue in that place, where I must euery where see and know such
horrible idolatrie committed, and durst not once for my life speake
against it: and therefore I had alwayes a longing and desire to this my
natiue countrey: and, to returne and serue againe in the Mines where I
might haue gathered great riches and wealth, I very well saw that at one
time or another I should fall againe into the danger of that diuelish
Inquisition, and so be strip of all, with losse of life also, and
therefore I made my choice rather to learne to weaue Grogranes and
Taffaties, and so compounding with a Silke-weauer, I bound my selfe for
three yeeres to serue him, and gaue him an hundred and fiftie Pezos to
teach me the science, otherwise he would not haue taught mee vnder seuen
yeeres prentiship, and by this meanes I liued the more quiet, and free
from suspition. Howbeit I should many times be charged by familiars of
that diuelish house, that I had a meaning to runne away into England,
and to be an heretike Lutheran againe: To whom I would answere that they
had no neede to suspect any such thing in mee, for that they knew all
very well that it was impossible for me to escape by any maner of
meanes: yet notwithstanding I was called before the Inquisitor, and
demanded why I did not marrie: I answered that I had bound myselfe at
an occupation. Well said the Inquisitor, I knowe thou meanest to runne
away, and therefore I charge thee here vpon paine of burning as an
heretike relapsed, that thou depart not out of this citie, nor come
neere to the port of S. Iohn de Vllua, nor to any other port: To the
which I answered that I would willingly obey. Yea said he, see thou doe
so, and thy fellowes also, they shall haue the like charge.
So I remained at my science the full time, and learned the Art, at the
end wherof there came newes to Mexico that there were certaine
Englishmen landed with a great power at the port of Acapulco, vpon the
South sea, and that they were comming to Mexico to take the spoyle
thereof, which wrought a marueilous great feare amongst them, and many
of those that were rich began to shift for themselues, their wiues and
children: vpon which hurlie burlie the Viceroy caused a generall muster
to be made of all the Spaniards in Mexico, and there were found to be
the number of 7000 and odde householders of Spaniards in the citie and
suburbs, and of single men vnmaried, the number of 3000 and of
Mestizoes, which are counted to be the sonnes of Spaniards, borne of
Indian women, twenty thousand persons, and then was Paul Horsewel and I
Miles Philips sent for before the Viceroy, and were examined if we did
know an English man named Francis Drake, which was brother to Captaine
Hawkins: to which we answered, that Captaine Hawkins had not any brother
but one, which was a man of the age of threescore yeeres or thereabouts,
and was now gouernour of Plimmouth in England. And then he demanded of
vs if we knewe one Francis Drake, and we answered, no.
While these things were in doing, there came newes that all the
Englishmen were gone, yet were there eight hundred men made out vnder
the leading of seueral Captains, whereof two hundred were sent to the
port of S. Iohn de Vllua, vpon the North Sea vnder the conduct of Don
Luys Suares, two hundred were sent to Guatimala in the South sea, who
had for their captaine Iohn Cortes, two hundred more were sent to
Guatulco, a port of the South sea, ouer whom went for captaine Don Pedro
de Robles, and two hundred more were sent to Acapulco, the port where it
was said that Captaine Drake had bene. And they had for Captaine doctor
Robles Alcalde de Corte, with whom I Miles Philips went as interpreter,
hauing licence giuen by the Inquisitors. When we were come to Acapulco,
we found that Captaine Drake was departed from thence, more then a
moneth before we came thither. But yet our captaine Alcalde de Corte
there presently embarked himselfe in a small ship of threescore tunne or
thereabout, hauing also in companie with him two other small barkes, and
not past two hundred men in all, with whom I went as interpreter in his
owne ship, which God knoweth was but weake and ill appointed, so that
for certaine, if we had met with Captaine Drake, he might easily haue
taken vs all: We being imbarked kept our course and ranne Southward
towards Panama, keeping still as nigh the shore as we could, and leauing
the land vpon our left hand, and hauing coasted thus for the space of
eighteene or twentie dayes, and being more to the South then Guatimala,
we met at last with other ships which came from Panama, of whom we were
certainly informed that he was cleane gone off the coast more then a
moneth before: and so we returned backe to Acapulco againe, and there
landed, our Captaine being thereunto forced, because his men were very
sore sea-sicke: All the while that I was at Sea with them I was a glad
man, for I hoped that if we met with master Drake, we should all be
taken, so that then I should haue beene freed out of that danger and
miserie wherein I liued, and should returne to mine owne countrey of
England againe. But missing thereof, when I sawe there was no remedie
but that we must needes come on lande againe, little doeth any man know
the sorow and griefe that inwardly I felt, although outwardly I was
constrained to make faire weather of it. And so being landed, the next
morow after, we began our iourney towardes Mexico, and past these townes
of name in our way, as first the towne of Tuatepec, 50 leagues from
Mexico, from thence to Washaca, 40 leagues from Mexico: from thence to
Tepiaca 24 leagues from Mexico, and from thence to Pueblo de los
Angeles, where is a high hill which casteth out fire three times a day,
which hill is 18 leagues in maner directly West from Mexico, from thence
we went to Stapelapa, 8 leagues from Mexico, and there our captaine and
most of his men tooke boat, and came to Mexico againe, hauing bene forth
about the space of seuen weekes or thereabouts. Our captaine made report
to the Viceroy what he had done, and how farre he had trauelled, and
that for certaine he was informed that Captaine Drake was not to be
heard of. [Sidenote: The Spanish Viceroy prophecied, but falsely.] To
which the Viceroy replied and said, Surely we shall haue him shortly
come into our hands driuen a land through necessitie in some one place
or other, for he being now in these seas of Sur, it is not possible for
him to get out of them againe, so that if he perish not at sea, yet
hunger wil force him to land. And then againe I was commanded by the
Viceroy that I should not depart the citie of Mexico, but alwaies be at
my masters house in a readinesse at an houres warning, when soeuer I
should be called: for that notwithstanding within one moneth after
certaine Spaniards going to Mecameca, 18 leagues from Mexico, to send
away certaine hides and Cochinilla, that they had there at their
Stantias or dairie houses, and my master hauing leaue of the Secretarie
for me to go with them, I tooke my iourney with them being very well
horsed and appointed, and comming thither and passing the time there at
Mecameca certaine dayes till we had perfect intelligence that the fleete
was readie to depart, I not being past 3 daies iourney from the port of
S. John de Vllua, thought it to be the meetest time for me to make an
escape, and I was the bolder, presuming vpon my Spanish tongue, which I
spake as naturally as any of them all, thinking with my selfe, that when
I came to S. Iohn de Vllua, I would get to be entertained as a
souldiour, and so go home into Spaine in the same Fleete, and therefore
secretly one euening late, the moone shining faire, I conueyed my selfe
away, and riding so for the space of two nights and two dayes, sometimes
in, and sometimes out, resting very little all that time, vpon the
second day at night I came to the towne of Vera Cruz, distant from the
port of S. Iohn de Vllua, where the ships rode, but only 5 leagues, and
here purposing to rest my selfe a day or two, I was no sooner alighted,
but within the space of one halfe houre after, I was by ill hap
arrested, and brought before Iustices there, being taken and suspected
to be a gentlemans sonne of Mexico, that was runne away from his father,
who in trueth was the man they sought for: So I being arrested, and
brought before the Iustices, there was a great hurly burly about the
matter, euery man charging me that I was the sonne of such a man
dwelling in Mexico, which I flatly denied, affirming that I knewe not
the man, yet would they not beleeue me, but vrged stil vpon me that I
was he that they sought for, and so I was conueied away to prison. And
as I was thus going to prison, to the further increase of my griefe, it
chanced that at that very instant there was a poore man in the presse
that was come to towne to sell hennes, who told the Iustices that they
did me wrong, and that in truth he knew very well that I was an
Englishman and no Spaniard. They then demanded of him how he knew that,
and threatned him that he said so, for that he was my companion, and
sought to conuey me away from my father, so that he also was threatned
to be laid in prison with me: he for the discharge of himselfe stood
stifly in it, that I was an Englishman, and one of captaine Hawkins men,
and that he had knowen me weare the S. Benito in the Blacke-friers at
Mexico, for 3 or 4 whole yeres together: which when they heard, they
forsooke him, and began to examine me a new, whether that speech of his
were true, yea or no, which when they perceiued that I could not denie,
and perceiuing that I was run from Mexico, and came thither of purpose
to conuey my selfe away with the fleete, I was presently committed to
prison with a sorrowfull heart, often wishing my selfe that that man
which knew me had at that time bene further off: howbeit he in
sinceritie had compassion of my distressed estate, thinking by his
speech, and knowing of me, to haue set me free from that present danger
which he sawe me in: howbeit, contrary to his expectation, I was thereby
brought into my extreme danger, and to the hazard of my life, yet there
was no remedy but patience perforce. And I was no sooner brought into
prison, but I had a great paire of bolts clapt on my legs, and thus I
remained in that prison for the space of 3 weekes where were also many
other prisoners which were thither committed for sundry crimes and
condemned to the gallies. During which time of imprisonment there, I
found amongst those my prison-fellowes some that had knowen me before in
Mexico, and truely they had compassion of me, and would spare of their
victuals and any thing els that they had to doe me good: amongst whom
there was one of them that told me that he vnderstood by a secret friend
of his which often came to the prison to him, that I should be shortly
sent backe againe to Mexico by wagon, so soone as the fleete was gone
from S. Iohn de Vllua, for Spaine. This poore man my prison fellow of
himselfe, and without any request made by me, caused his said friend
which came often vnto him to the grate of the prison, to bring him wine
and victuals, to buy for him 2 kniues which had files in their backes,
which files were so wel made that they would serue and suffice any
prisoner to file off his irons, and of those kniues or files he brought
one to me, and told me that he had caused it to be made for me, and let
me haue it at that very price it cost him, which was 2 Pezos, the value
of 8.s. of our money: which knife when I had it, I was a ioyfull man,
and conueied the same into the foote of my boot, vpon the inside of my
left leg, and so within 3 or 4 dayes after that I had thus receiued my
knife, I was suddenly called for, and brought before the head Iustice
which caused those my irons with the round bolt to be stricken off and
sent to a Smiths in the towne, where was a new paire of bolts made
ready for me of another fashion, which had a broad iron barre comming
betweene the shackles, and caused my hands to be made fast with a paire
of manacles; and so was I presently laid in a wagon all alone, which was
there readie to depart with sundry other wagons, to the number of 60.
towardes Mexico, and they all were laden with sundry merchandise which
came in the fleete out of Spaine.
The wagon that I was in was foremost in all the companie, and as we
trauelled I being alone in the wagon, began to trie if I could plucke my
hands out of the manacles, and as God would, although it were somewhat
painefull for me, yet my hands were so slender that I could pull them
out, and put them in againe, and euer as we went, when the wagon made
most noyse, and the men were busiest, I would be working to file off my
bolts, and traueling thus for the space of 8 leagues from Vera Cruz, we
came to an high hill, at the entring vp of which (as God would) one of
the wheeles of the waggon wherein I was, brake, so that by that means
the other wagons went afore, and the wagon man that had charge of me set
an Indian Carpenter a worke to mend the wheele: and here at this place
they baited at an hostrie that a Negro woman keepes: and at this place,
for that the going vp of the hill is very steepe, for the space of two
leagues and better, they doe alwaies accustome to take the moiles of 3
or 4 wagons, and to place them altogether for the drawing vp of one
wagon, and so to come downe againe, and fetch up others in that order.
[Sidenote: Miles Philips his last wonderful escape.] All which came very
well to pass: for as it drew towards night when most of the Wagoners
were gone to draw vp their wagons, in this sort I being alone had
quickly filed off my bolts, and so espying my time in the darke of the
euening before they returned downe the hill againe, I conueyed my selfe
into the woods there adioyning, carrying my bolts and manacles with me,
and a few biscuits, and two small cheeses. And being come into the
woods, I threw my yrons into a thicke bush, and then couered them with
mosse and other things, and then shifted for myself as I might all that
night. And thus by the good prouidence of Almightie God, I was freed
from mine yrons all sauing the collar that was about my necke, and so
got my libertie the second time.
Chap. 7.
Wherein is shewed how I escaped to Guatimala, vpon the South sea,
and from thence to the port of Cauallos, where I got passage to
goe into Spaine, and of our arriuall at Hauana, and our comming to
Spaine, where I was againe like to haue bene committed prisoner,
and how through the great mercy of God I escaped, and came home in
safetie into England in February 1582.
The next morning (day light being come) I perceiued by the Sunne rising
what way to take to escape their hands, for when I fleede, I tooke the
way into the woods vpon the left hand: and hauing left that way that
went to Mexico vpon my right hand, I thought to keepe my course as the
woods and mountaines lay, still direct South as neere as I could: by
meanes whereof I was sure to conuey myselfe farre ynough from that way
that went to Mexico. And as I was thus going in the woods, I saw many
great fires made to the North not past a league from the mountaine where
I was, and trauelling thus in my bootes with mine yron collar about my
necke, and my bread and cheese, the very same forenoon I mette with a
company of Indians which were hunting of Deere for their sustenance: to
whom I spake in the Mexican tongue, and told them how that I had of a
long time bin kept in prison by the cruel Spanyards, and did desire them
to helpe me to file off mine yron collar, which they willingly did:
reioycing greatly with me, that I was thus escaped out of the Spanyards
hands. Then I desired that I might haue one of them to guide mee out of
those desert mountaines towards the South, which they also most
willingly did: and so they brought mee to an Indian towne 8. leagues
distant from thence, named Shalapa, where I stayed three dayes, for that
I was somewhat sickely. At which towne (with the gold that I had quilted
in my dublet) I bought me an horse of one of the Indians, which cost me
6. pezos and so trauelling South, within the space of 2. leagues I
happened to ouertake a gray Frier, one that I had bene familiar withall
in Mexico, whom then I knew to be a zealous good man, and one that did
much lament the crueltie vsed against vs by the Inquisitors, and truely
hee vsed me very courteously: and I having confidence in him did indeed
tel him, that I was minded to aduenture to see if I could get out of
the sayd countrey if I could finde shipping, and did therefore pray him
of his ayde, direction, and aduise herein, which he faithfully did, not
only in directing me which was my safest way to trauaile, but he also of
himselfe kept me company for the space, of three dayes, and euer as we
came to the Indian houses (who vsed and intertained vs well) hee
gathered among them in money to the value of 20. pezos, which at my
departure from him hee freely gaue vnto mee. So came I to the citie of
Guatimala vpon the South sea, which is distant from Mexico about 250.
leagues, where I stayed 6. dayes, for that my horse was weake. And from
thence I trauailed still South and by East seuen dayes iourney, passing
by certaine Indian townes, vntill I came to an Indian towne distant from
Mexico, direct South 309. leagues. And here at this towne enquiring to
go to the Port de Cauallos in the Northeast sea, it was answered that in
trauailing thither I should not come to any towne in 10. or 12. dayes
iourney: so heere I hired two Indians to be my guides, and I bought
hennes, and bread to serue vs so long time, and tooke with vs things to
kindle fire euery night, because of wilde beastes, and to dresse our
meate: and euery night when we rested, my Indian guides would make two
great fires, betweene the which we placed our selues, and my horse. And
in the night time we should heare the Lions roare, with Tigres, Ounces,
and other beastes, and some of them we should see in the night, which
had eyes shining like fire. And trauailing thus for the space of twelue
dayes, wee came at last to the port of Cauallos vpon the East sea,
distant from Guatimala South and by East, two hundred leagues, and from
Mexico 450. or thereabouts.[12] This is a good harborough for shippes,
and is without either castle or bulwarke. I hauing dispatched away my
guides, went downe to the Hauen, where I saw certaine ships loden
chiefly with Canary-wines, where I spake with one of the Masters, who
asked me what Countrey man I was, and I told him that I was borne in
Granado, and he said, that then I was his countreyman. I required him
that I might passe home with him in his ship, paying for my passage: and
he said yea, so that I had a safe conduct, or letter testimonial to
shew, that he might incurre no danger; for said be, it may be that you
haue killed some man, or be indebted, and would therefore run away. To
that I answered, that there was not any such cause. Wel, in the end we
grew to a price, that for 60. pezos he would cary me into Spaine: a glad
man was I at this good hap, and I quickly solde my horse, and made my
prouision of hennes and bread to serue me in my passage; And thus within
2. dayes after we set saile, and neuer stayed vntill we came to Hauana,
which is distant from puerto de Cauallos by sea 500. leagues: where we
found the whole fleete of Spaine, which was bound home from the Indies.
And heere I was hired for a souldier to serue in the Admiral ship of the
same fleete, wherein the General himself went. There landed while I was
here 4. ships out of Spaine, being all full of souldiers and ordinance,
of which number there were 200 men landed here, and 4. great brasse
pieces of ordinance, although the castle were before sufficiently
prouided: 200. men more were sent to Campeche, and certaine ordinance:
200. to Florida with ordinance: and 100. lastly to S. Iohn de Vllua. As
for ordinance there they haue sufficient, and of the very same which was
ours, which we had in the Iesus, and those others which we had planted
in the place, where the Vice-roy betrayed M. Hawkins our general, as
hath bene declared. The sending of those souldiers to euery of those
Ports, and the strengthening of them, was done by commandement from the
king of Spaine, who wrote also by them to the general of his fleete,
giuing him in charge so to doe, as also directing him what course he
should keepe in his comming home into Spaine, charging him in any hand
not to come nigh to the yles of Açores, but to keepe his course more to
the Northward, advertising him withal, what number and power of French
ships of warre, and other, Don Antonio had at that time at Terçera, and
the yles aforesaid: which the general of the fleete wel considering, and
what great store of riches he had to bring home with him into Spaine,
did in all very duetifully observe and obey: for in trueth he had in his
said fleete 37. saile of ships, and in euery of them there was as good
as 30. pipes of silver one with another, besides great store of gold,
Cochinilla, sugars, hides, and Cana Fistula, with other apothecary
drugs. This our general, who was called Don Pedro de Guzman, did
prouidently take order for, for their most strength and defence, if
neede should be, to the vttermost of his power, and commanded vpon paine
of death, that neither passenger nor souldier should come aboord without
his sword and harquebush, with shot and powder, to the end that they
might be the better able to encounter the fleete of Don Antonio, if they
should hap to meete with them, or any of them: and euer as the weather
was faire, the said general would himselfe go aboord from one ship to
another, to see that every man had his ful prouision according to the
commandement giuen. Yet to speake truly what I thinke, two good tall
ships of warre would have made a foule spoil amongst them. For in all
this fleete there were not any that were strong and warlike appointed,
sauing only the Admiral, and Vice-admiral: And againe ouer and besides
the weaknesse and the ill furnishing of the rest, they were all so
deeply laden, that they had not bene able (if they had bene charged) to
haue held out any long fight. Wel, thus we set saile, and had a very ill
passage home, the weather was so contrary. We kept our course in maner
Northeast, and brought our selues to the height of 42. degrees of
latitude, to be sure not to meete with Don Antonio his fleete, and were
vpon our voyage from the 4. of Iune, vntil the 10. of September, and
neuer saw land till we fell with the Arenas Gosdas hard by S. Lucar.[13]
And there was an order taken that none should goe on shoare vntill he
had licence: as for me, I was knowen by one in the ship, who told the
Master that I was an Englishman, which (as God would) it was my good hap
to heare: for if I had not heard it, it had cost me my life.
Notwithstanding, I would not take any knowledge of it, and seemed to be
mery and pleasant, that we were all come so wel in safety. Presently
after, licence came that we should go on shoare, and I pressed to be
gone with the first: howbeit, the Master came vnto me, and said, Sirra,
you must goe with me to Siuil by water: I knew his meaning well enough,
and that he meant there to offer me vp as a sacrifice to the Holy house.
For the ignorant zeal of a number of these superstitious Spaniards is
such, that they thinke that they haue done God good seruice, when they
haue brought a Lutheran heretike to the fire to be burnt: for so do they
account of vs. Wel, I perceiuing all this, took vpon me not to suspect
anything, but was still iocund and mery: howbeit, I knew it stood me
vpon to shift for my selfe. And so wayting my time when the Master was
in his cabbin asleepe, I conueyed my selfe secretly downe by the shrowds
into the ship boate, and made no stay but cut the rope wherewithal she
was moared, and so by the cable haled on shore, where I leapt on land,
and let the boate goe whither it would. Thus by the helpe of God I
escaped that day, and then neuer stayed at S. Lucar, but went all night
by the way which I had seene other take toward Siuil: so that the next
morning I came to Siuil, and sought me out a workemaster, that I might
fall to my science, which was weauing of taffataes; and being
intertained I set my selfe close to my worke, and durst not for my life
once to stirre abroad for fear of being knowen: and being thus at my
worke, within 4 dayes after I heard one of my fellows say, that he heard
there was great inquiry made for an Englishman that came home in the
fleete: what an heretique Lutheran (quoth I) was it, I would to God I
might knowe him, surely I would present him to the Holy house. And thus
I kept still within doores at my worke, and fained my selfe not well at
ease, and that I would labour as I might to get me new clothes. And
continuing thus for the space of 3. moneths I called for my wages, and
bought me all things new, different from the apparell that I did weare
at sea, and yet durst not be ouerbold to walke abroad: and after
vnderstanding that there were certaine English ships at S. Lucar bound
for England, I tooke a boat and went aboord one of them, and desired the
Master that I might haue passage with him to goe into England, and told
him secretly that I was one of those which Captaine Hawkins did set on
shore in the Indies: he very courteously prayed me to haue him excused,
for he durst not meddle with me, and prayed me therefore to returne from
whence I came. Which when I perceiued, with a sorrowful heart, God
knoweth, I tooke my leaue of him, not without watry cheekes. [Sidenote:
He commeth home in an English ship from Maiorca.] And then I went to S.
Mary port, which is 3. leagues from S. Lucar, where I put my selfe to be
a souldier to goe in the king of Spaines Gallies, which were bound for
Maiorca, and comming thither in the end of the Christmas holidayes, I
found there two English ships, the one of London, and the other of the
West countrey, which were ready freighted and stayed but for a faire
winde. To the Master of the one, which was of the West countrey went I,
and told him that I had bene 2. yeeres in Spaine to learne the language,
and that I was now desirous to goe home and see my friends, for that I
lacked maintenance: and so hauing agreed with him for my passage, I
tooke shipping. And thus through the prouidence of Almighty God, after
16. yeeres absence, hauing sustained many and sundry great troubles and
miseries, as by this discourse appeareth, I came home to this my natiue
countrey of England in the yeere 1582. in the moneth of February, in the
ship called the Landret, and arriued at Poole.
[12] Caballos or Port Cortez is a town of Honduras, on the North Coast,
56 miles north of Santiago.
[13] San Lucar de Barrameda, 18 miles north of Cadiz.
The trauailes of Iob Hortop, which Sir Iohn Hawkins set on land
within the bay of Mexico, after his departure from the Hauen of
S. Iohn de Vllua in Nueua Espanna, the 8. of October 1568.
Not vntruely nor without cause said Iob the faithfull seruant of God
(whom the sacred Scriptures tell vs, to haue dwelt in the land of Hus)
that man being borne of a woman, liuing a short time, is replenished
with many miseries: which some know by reading of histories, many by the
view of others calamities, and I by experience in my selfe, as this
present Treatise insuing shall shew.
It is not vnknowen vnto many, that I Iob Hortop poudermaker was borne at
Bourne, a towne in Lincolnshire, from my age of twelue yeeres brought vp
in Redriffe neere London, with M. Francis Lee, who was the Queenes
Maiesties powdermaker, whom I serued, vntil I was prest to goe on the 3.
voyage to the West Indies, with the right worshipful Sir Iohn Hawkins,
who appointed me to be one of the Gunners in her Maiesties ships called
the Iesus of Lubeck, who set saile from Plimmouth in the moneth of
October 1567. hauing with him another ship of her Maiesties, called the
Minion, and foure ships of his owne, namely the Angel, the Swallow, the
Iudith, and the William and Iohn. He directed his Vice-admiral, that if
foule weather did separate them, to meete at the Iland of Tenerif. After
which by the space of seuen dayes and seuen nights, we had such stormes
at sea, that we lost our long boats and a pinnesse, with some men:
comming to the Isle of Tenerif, there our Generall heard that his
Vice-admirall with the Swallow, and the William and Iohn were at the
Iland called Gomera, where finding his Vice-admirall, he anchored, tooke
in fresh water, and set saile for Cape Blank, where in the way wee tooke
a Portugal carauel, laden with fish called Mullets: from thence we
sailed to cape Verde. In our course thither we met a Frenchman of Rochel
called captaine Bland, who had taken a Portugal carauel, whom our vice
admiral chased and tooke. Captaine Drake, now Sir Francis Drake was
made master and captaine of the Carauel, and so we kept our way till we
came to cape Verde, and there we anchored, tooke our boates, and set
souldiers on shore. Our Generall was the first that leapt on land, and
with him Captaine Dudley: there we tooke certaine Negroes, but not
without damage to our selues. For our Generall, Captaine Dudley, and 8.
other of our company were hurt with poysoned arrowes: about nine dayes
after, the 8. that were wounded died. [Sidenote: A remedie against
poysoned arrowes.] Our general was taught by a Negro, to draw the poyson
out of his wound with a cloue of garlike, whereby he was cured. From
thence wee went to Sierra leona, where be monstrous fishes called
Sharkes, which will deuoure men. I amongst others was sent in the Angell
with two Pinnesses into the riuer called Calousa, to seeke two Carauels
that were there trading with the Negros: wee tooke one of them with the
Negros, and brought them away.
In this riuer in the night time we had one of our pinnesses bulged by a
sea-horse, so that our men swimming about the riuer were all taken into
the other pinnesses, except two that tooke hold one of another, and were
caried away by the sea-horse. This monster[14] hath the iust proportion
of a horse, sauing that his legs be short, his teeth very great, and a
span in length: hee vseth in the night to goe on land into the woods,
seeking at vnawares to deuoure the Negroes in their cabbins, whom they
by their vigilancie preuent, and kill him in this maner. The Negroes
keepe watch, and diligently attend their comming, and when they are gone
into the woods, they forthwith lay a great tree ouerthwart the way, so
that at their returne, for that their legs be so short, they cannot goe
ouer it: then the Negroes set vpon them with their bowes, arrowes and
darts, and so destroy them.
[14] Hippopotamus.
From thence we entred the riuer called the Casserroes, where there were
other Carauels trading with the Negroes, and them we tooke. In this
Iland betwixt the riuer and the maine, trees grow with Oisters vpon
them. There grow Palmito trees, which bee as high as a ships maine mast,
and on their tops grow nuts, wine and oyle, which they call Palmito wine
and Palmito oyle. The Plantan tree also groweth in that countrey; the
tree is as bigge is a mans thigh, and as high as a firre pole, the
leaues thereof be long and broad, and on the top grow the fruit which
are called Plantanos: they are crooked and a cubite long, and as bigge
as a mans wrist, they growe on clusters: when they be ripe they be very
good and daintie to eate: Sugar is not more delicate in taste then they
be.
From thence with the Angel, the Iudith, and the two pinnesses, we sailed
to Sierra leona, where our Generall at that time was, who with the
captaines and souldiers went vp into the riuer called Taggarin, to take
a towne of the Negroes, where he found three kings of that countrie with
fiftie thousand Negroes besieging the same towne, which they could not
take in many yeeres before when they had warred with it. Our General
made a breach, entred, and valiantly tooke the towne, wherein we found
fiue Portugals which yeelded themselues to his mercie, and hee saued
their liues: we tooke and caried thence for traffique to the West Indies
500. Negroes. The three kings droue 7000. Negroes into the sea at low
water, at the point of the land, where they were all drowned in the Oze,
for that they could not take their canoas to saue themselues. Wee
returned backe againe in our pinnesses to the ships, and there tooke in
fresh water, and made ready sayle towards Rio grande. At our comming
thither we entred with the Angel, the Iudith, and the 2. pinnesses, and
found there seuen Portugal Caruels, which made great fight with vs. In
the ende by Gods helpe wee wonne the victory, and droue them to the
shore, from whence with the Negroes they fled, and we fetcht the caruels
from the shore into the riuer. The next morning M. Francis Drake with
his caruel, the Swallow, and the William and Iohn came into the riuer,
with captaine Dudley and his souldiers, who landed being but a hundred
souldiers, and fought with seuen thousand Negroes, burned the towne, and
returned to our Generall with, the losse of one man.
In that place there be many muske-cats, which breed in hollow trees: the
Negroes take them in a net, and put them in a cage, and nourish them
very daintily, and take the muske from them with a spoone.
Now we directed our course from Guinea towards the West Indies.
And by the way died Captaine Dudley.
In sayling towards the Indies, the first land that we escryed, was the
Iland called Dominica, where at our comming we anchored, and tooke in
fresh water and wood for our prouision: which done, we sayled towards
the Iland called Margarita, where our Generall in despite of the
Spaniards anchored, landed, and tooke in fresh victuals. A mile off the
Iland there is a rocke in the sea, wherein doe breede many fowles like
vnto Barnacles: in the night we went out in our boates, and with cudgels
we killed many of them, and brought them with many of their egs aboord
with vs: their egges be as bigge as Turkies egges, and speckled like
them. We did eate them, and found them very good meate.
From thence wee sayled to Burboroata, which is in the maine land of the
West Indies: there we came in, mored our ships, and taried two moneths
trimming and dressing our ships, and in the meane time traded with
certaine Spanyards of that countrey. There our Generall sent vs vnto a
towne called Placencia, (which stood on a high hil) to haue intreated a
Bishop that dwelt there for his fauour and friendship in their lawes,
who hearing of our comming, for feare forsooke the town.
In our way vp the hil to Placencia, wee found a monstrous venomous worme
with two heads: his body was as bigge as a mans arme, and a yard long:
our master Robert Barret did cut him in sunder with his sword, and it
made it as blacke as if it were coloured with ynke.
Heere be many Tygers, monstrous and furious beasts, which by subtiltie
deuoure and destroy many men: they vse the traded wayes, and wil shew
themselues twise or thrise to the trauellers, and so depart secretly,
lurking till they be past, then suddenly and at vnawares they leape vpon
them and deuoure them: they had so vsed two of our company, had not one
of them, looked behind. Our Generall sent three ships vnto the Iland
called Coraçao,[15] to make prouision for the rest, where they remayned
vntill his comming. [Sidenote: Rio de la Hacha taken.] Hee sent from
thence the Angel and the Iudith to Rio de Hacha,[16] where we anchored
before the town. The Spaniards shot three pieces at vs from the shore,
whom we requited with two of ours, and shotte through the Gouernours
house: we wayed anchor, and anchored againe without shot of the towne,
where wee rid fiue dayes in despite of the Spanyards, and their shot. In
the meane space there came a Caruel of aduise from S. Domingo, whom with
the Angel, and the Iudith wee chased and droue to the shore: we fetcht
him from thence in spite of 200. Spaniards hargubush shot, and anchored
againe before the towne, and rid there with them, till our Generals
comming, who anchored, landed his men, and valiantly tooke the Towne,
with the losse of one man, whose name was Thomas Surgeon: wee landed and
planted on the shore for our safeties, our field ordinance: we droue the
Spaniards vp into the country aboue two leagues whereby they were
inforced to trade with our General, to whom he sold most part of his
Negros.
[15] Situated 75 miles from the Venezuelan coast.
[16] At the mouth of the Hacha river, Magdalena State, Columbia.
In this riuer we killed a monstrous Lagarto or Crocodile in this port at
sunne set: seuen of vs went in the pinnesse vp into the Riuer, carying
with vs a dogge, vnto whom with ropeyarn we bound a great hooke of
steele, with a chaine that had a swiuel, which we put vnder the dogs
belly, the point of the hooke comming ouer his back fast bound, as
aforesaid: we put him ouer board, and veered out our rope by litle and
litle, rowing away with our boate: the Lagarto came and presently
swallowed vp the dogge, then did we rowe hard till we had choked him: he
plunged and made a wonderfull stirre in the water: we leapt on shore,
and haled him on land: he was 23. foote by the rule, headed like a
hogge, in body like a serpent, full of scales as broad as a sawcer: his
taile long and full of knots as bigge as a fawcon shotte: he hath foure
legs, his feete haue long nailes like vnto a dragon: we opened him,
tooke out his guts, flayed him; dried his skinne, and stuffed it with
straw, meaning to haue brought it home, had not the ship bin cast away.
This, monster will cary away and deuoure both men and horse.
From hence we shaped our course to Santa Martha,[17] where we landed,
traded and sold certaine Negroes: there two of our company killed a
monstrous adder, going towards his caue with a Conie in his mouth: his
body was as bigge as any mans thigh, and seuen foote long, vpon his
tayle he had sixteene knottes, euery one as bigge as a great walnut,
which they say, doe shew his age: his colour was greene and yellow: they
opened him; and found two conies in his belly.
From thence wee sayled to Cartagena,[18] where we went in, mored our
Shippes, and would haue traded with them, but they durst not for feare
of the King: wee brought vp the Minion against the Castle, and shotte at
the Castle and Towne: then we landed in an Iland, where were many
gardens: there in a caue we found certaine Botijos of wine, which wee
brought away with vs, in recompence whereof, our Generall commanded, to
be set on shore woollen and linnen cloth, to the value thereof. From
hence by foule weather wee were forced to seeke the Port of Saint John
de Vllua. In our way thwart of Campeche we met with a Spaniard, a small
ship, who was bound for Santo Domingo: he had in him a Spaniard called
Augustin de villa nueua, who was the man that betrayed all the Noble men
in the Indies, and caused them to be beheaded, wherefore he with two
Friers fled to S. Domingo: them we tooke and brought with vs into the
Port of S. Iohn de Vllua. Our Generall made great account of him, and
vsed him like a Noble man: howbeit in the ende he was one of them that
betrayed vs. When wee had mored our ships, and landed, we mounted the
Ordinance that wee found there in the Ilande, and for our safeties kept
watch and warde. [Sidenote: Don Martin de Henriquez the trecherous
Vice-roy.] The next daye after wee discouered the Spanish fleete,
whereof Luçon a Spanyard was Generall: with him came a Spanyard called
Don Martin Henriquez, whom the king of Spaine sent to be his Vice-roy of
the Indies. He sent a Pinnesse with a flagge of truce vnto our Generall,
to knowe of what Countrey those Shippes were that rode there in the King
of Spaines Port: who sayd they were the Queene of Englands ships, which
came in there for victuals for their money: wherefore if your Generall
will come in here, he shall giue me victuals and all other necessaries,
and I will goe out on the one side of the Port, and he shall come in on
the other side. The Spanyard returned for answere, that he was a
Vice-roy, and had a thousand men, and therefore he would come in. Our
Generall sayd, If he be a Vice-roy, I represent my Queenes person, and I
am a Vice-roy as well as he: and if he haue a thousand men, my powder
and shot will take the better place. Then the Vice-roy after counsell
among themselues, yeelded to our Generals demand, swearing by his King
and his Crowne, by his commission and authority that he had from his
King, that hee would performe it, and thereupon pledges were giuen on
both parts. Our Generall bearing a godly and Christian minde, voyde of
fraude and deceit, iudged the Spanyards to haue done the like, deliuered
to them sixe gentlemen, not doubting to haue receiued the like from
them: but the faithlesse Spanyardes, in costly apparell gaue of the
basest of their company, as afterwardes it was well knowen. These things
finished, proclamation was made on both sides, that on payne of death no
occasion should be giuen, whereby any quarrel should grow to the breach
of the league, and then they peaceably entred the port, with great
triumph on both sides.
[17] Capital of the State of Magdalena.
[18] Lat. 10 degrees 25 North; lon. 75.34 West. Capital of Bolivar.
The Spaniards presently brought a great Hulke, a ship of sixe hundred,
and mored her by the side of the Minion, and they cut out ports in their
other ships, planting their ordinance towards vs, in the night they
filled the Hulke with men, to lay the Minion aboord, as the sequel did
shew, which made our General doubtful of their dealings: wherefore, for
that he could speake the Spanish tongue, he sent Robert Barret aboord
the Vice-roy, to knowe his meaning in those dealings, who willed him
with his company to come in to him, whom he commanded presently to be
set in the bilbowes, and forthwith a Cornet (for a watchword among the
false Spaniards) was sounded for the enterprising of their pretended
treason against our Generall, [Sidenote: Augustine de villa nueua a most
thanklesse traytour.] whom Augustine de villa noua sitting at dinner
with him, should then presently haue killed with a poynado which hee had
priuily in his sleeue, was espyed and preuented by one Iohn
Chamberlayne, who tooke the poynado out of his sleeue. Our General
hastily rose vp, and commanded him to be put prisoner in the Stewards
roome, and to be kept with two men. The faithlesse Spanyards, thinking
all things to their desire had bene finished, suddenly sounded a
Trumpet, and therewith three hundred Spaniards entred the Minion,
whereat our General with a loude and fierce voyce called vnto vs,
saying, God and Saint George, vpon those traiterous villaines, and
rescue the Minion, I trust in God the day shalbe ours: and with that the
Mariners and souldiers leapt out of the Iesus of Lubeck into the Minion,
and beat out the Spanyards, and with a shot out of her fiered the
Spaniards Vice admirall, where the most part of 300. Spanyards were
spoyled, and blowen ouer boord with powder. Their Admirall also was on
fire halfe an houre: we cut our cables, wound off our ships, and
presently fought with them: they came vpon vs on euery side, and
continued the fight from ten of the clocke vntill it was night: they
killed all our men that were on shore in the Iland, sauing three, which
by swimming got aboord the Iesus of Lubeck. [Sidenote: One of those
three was Iob Hortop the reporter hereof. Four Spanish ships sunke.]
They sunke the Generals ship called the Angel, and tooke the Swallow:
the Spaniards Admirall had aboue threescore shot through her: many of
his men were spoyled: four other of their ships were sunke. There were
in that fleete, and that came from the shore to rescue them, fifteene
hundred: we slew of them fiue hundred and fourtie, as we were credibly
informed by a note that came to Mexico. In this fight the Iesus of
Lubeck had fiue shotte through her mayne Mast: her foremast was shotte
in sunder vnder the bounds with a chayne shotte, and her hull was
wonderfully pearced with shotte, therefore it was vnpossible to bring
her away. They set two of their owne Shippes on fire, intending
therewith to haue burnt the Iesus of Lubeck, which we preuented by
cutting our cables in the halse, and winding off by our sternefast.
The Minion was forced to set saile and stand off from vs, and come to an
anker without shot of the Island. Our Generall couragiously cheered vp
his souldiers and gunners, and called to Samuel his page for a cup of
Beere, who brought it him in a siluer cup, and hee drinking to all men
willed the gunners to stand by their Ordinance lustily like men. He had
no sooner set the cup out of his hand, but a demy Culuerin shot stroke
away the cup and a Coopers plane that stoode by the main mast, and ranne
out on the other side of the ship: which nothing dismaid our Generall,
for he ceased not to incourage vs, saying, feare nothing, for God, who
hath preserued me from this shot, will also deliuer vs from these
traitours and villaines. Then Captaine Bland meaning to haue turned out
of the port, had his maine mast stroke ouer boord with a chaine shot
that came from the shore, wherefore he ankered, fired his ship, tooke
his pinnesse with all his men, and came aboord the Iesus of Lubek to
haue runne away from him, he answered, that he was not minded to haue
run away from him, but his intent was to haue turned vp, our Generall,
who said vnto him, that he thought he would not and to haue laid the
weathermost ship of the Spanish fleete aboord, and fired his ship in
hope therewith to haue set on fire the Spanish fleete, hee said if he
had done so he had done well. With this, night came on. Our Generall
commanded the Minion, for safegard of her masts to be brought vnder the
Iesus of Lubecks lee: he willed M. Francis Drake to come in with the
Iudith, and to lay the Minion aboord, to take in men and other things
needfull, and to goe out, and so he did.
At night when the wind came off the shore, wee set sayle, and went out
in dispite of the Spanyards and their shot, where wee ankered, with two
ankers vnder the Island, the wind being Northerly, which was wonderfull
dangerous, and wee feared euery houre to be driuen with the lee shore.
In the end when the wind came larger, we waied anker, and set saile,
seeking the riuer of Panuco for water, whereof we had very little, and
victuals were so scarce, that we were driuen to eate hides, cats, rats,
parrats, monkies, and dogges: wherefore our Generall was forced to
diuide his company into two parts, for there was a mutinie among them
for want of victuals: and some said that they had rather be on the shore
to shift for themselues amongst the enemies, then to serue on
ship-boord. He asked them who would go on shore, and who would tarry on
ship-boord, those that would goe on shore, he willed to goe on foremast,
and those that would tarrie, on baft mast: fourescore and sixteene of vs
were willing to depart. Our Generall gaue vnto euery one of vs sixe
yards of Roane cloth, and money to them that demanded it. [Sidenote:
About an hundred Englishmen landed.] When we were landed, he came vnto
vs, where friendly imbracing euery one of vs, he was greatly grieued
that he was forced to leaue vs behind him, he counselled vs to serue
God, and to loue one another, and thus courteously he gaue vs a sorowful
farewell, and promised if God sent him safe home, he would do what he
could, that so many of vs as liued should be brought into England, and
so he did.
Since my returne into England I haue heard that many misliked that he
left vs so behind him, and brought away Negroes: but the reason is this,
for them he might haue had victuals, or any other thing needfull, if by
foule weather hee had bene driuen vpon the Islands, which for gold nor
siluer he could not haue had.
And thus our Generall departed to his ship, and we remained on land,
where for our safeties, fearing the wild Indians that were about vs, we
kept watch all night, and at Sunne rising wee marched on our way, three
and three in a ranke, vntill that we came into a fielde vnder a groue,
where the Indians came vpon vs, asking vs what people we were, and how
we came there. Two of our company, namely Anthony Goddard and Iohn
Cornish, for that they could speake the Spanish tongue, went to them and
said wee were Englishmen, that neuer came in that countrey before, and
that we had fought with the Spaniards, and for that we lacked victuals,
our Generall set vs on shore: they asked vs whither we intended to goe,
we said to Panuco. The Captaine of the Indians willed vs to giue vnto
them some of our clothes and shirts, which we did: then he bad vs giue
them all, but we would not so doe, whereupon Iohn Cornish was then
slaine with an arrow, which an Indian boy that stoode by the Captaine
shot at him, wherefore hee stroke the boy on the necke with his bow,
that he lay for dead, and willed vs to follow him, who brought vs into a
great fielde where we found fresh water: hee bad vs sit downe about the
pond and drinke, and he with his company would goe in the meane space to
kill fiue or sixe Deere, and bring them vs. We taryed there till three
of the clocke, but they came not: there one of our company whose name
was Iohn Cooke, with foure other departed from vs into a groue to seeke
reliefe, where presently they were taken by the Indians, and stript as
naked as euer they were borne, and so returned to vs.
Then we diuided ourselues into two parts, halfe to Anthony Goddard, and
the rest to Iames Collier, and thus seuerally we sought for Panuco.
Anthony Goddard with his company bid vs farewell, they passed a riuer,
where the Indians robbed many of them of their clothes, and so passing
on their way, came to a stony hill, where they stayed. [Sidenote: 8.
Englishmen slaine.] Iames Collier with his company that day passed the
same riuer, and were also robbed, and one of them slaine by chance: wee
came that night vnto the hill, where Anthony Goddard and his company
rested, there we remained til morning, and then we marched altogether
from thence, entring betweene two groues, where the Indians robbed vs of
all our clothes, and left vs naked, they hurt many, and killed eight of
vs. Three dayes after we came to another riuer, there the Indians shewed
vs the way to Panuco, and so left vs: we passed the riuer into the
wildernes, where we made wreaths of greene grasse, which we wound about
our bodies, to keepe vs from the Sunne, and gnats of that Countrey. We
trauelled there seuen dayes, and seuen nights, before we came to Panuco,
feeding on nothing but roots, and Guiauos,[19] a fruit like figs. At our
comming to the riuer of Panuco two Spanish horsemen came ouer vnto vs
in a Canowe: they asked vs how long we had bene in the wildernesse, and
where our generall was, for they knewe vs to be of the company that had
fought with their countrimen: we told them seuen dayes and seuen nights,
and for lacke of victuals our Generall set vs on shore, and he was gone
away with his ships. They returned to their Gouernour, who sent them
with fiue Canowes to bring vs all ouer, which done, they set vs in aray,
where a hundred horsemen with their lances, came forceably vpon vs, but
did not hurt vs, they carried vs prisoners to Panuco, where we remained
one night. In the riuer of Panuco there is a fish like a calfe, the
Spanyards call it a Mollatin, hee hath a stone in his head, which the
Indians vse for the disease of the Collicke, in the night he commeth on
land and eateth grasse. I haue eaten of it, and it eateth not much
vnlike to bacon. From thence we were sent to Mexico, which is 90 leagues
from Panuco. In our way thither, 20 leagues from the sea side, I did see
white Crabs running vp and downe the sands, I haue eaten of them, and
they be very good meat. There groweth a fruit which the Spanyards call
Auocottes, it is proportioned like an egge, and as blacke as a cole,
hauing a stone in it, and it is an excellent good fruit. [Sidenote: A
manifold Magueis.] There also groweth a strange tree which they call
Magueis, it serueth them to many vses, below by the root they make a
hole, whereat they do take out of it twise euery day a certeine kind of
licour, which they seeth in a great kettle, till the third part be
consumed, and that it waxe thick, it is as sweet as any hony, and they
do eat it. Within 20. daies after that they haue taken al the licour
from it, it withereth, and they cut it down, and vse it as we vse our
hempe here in England, which done, they conuert it to many vses: of some
part they make mantles, ropes, and threed: of the ends they make needles
to sow their saddles, pannels, and other furniture for their horses: of
the rest they make tyles, to couer their houses, and they put it to many
other purposes.
[19] Guavas.
And thus we came to Mexico, which is seuen or eight miles about, seated
in a great fen, inuironed with 4 hils, it hath but two wayes of
entrance, and it is full of creeks, in the which in their Canowes they
passe from place to place, and to the Islands there within. In the
Indies ordinarily three times a yeere bee wonderfull earthquakes, which
put the people in great feare and danger: during the time of two yeeres
that I was in Mexico, I saw them sixe times; when they come they throw
downe trees, houses, and Churches. There is a citie 25. leagues from
Mexico, called Tlaxcalla, which is inhabited with an hundred thousand
Indians, they goe in white shirts, linnen breeches, and long mantles,
and the women weare about them a garment much like vnto a flannell
petticote. The kings pallace was the first place wee were brought vnto
in Mexico, where without we were willed to sit downe. Much people, men,
women, and children came wondring about vs, many lamented our misery,
and some of their clergy asked vs if we were Christians, we said, we
praised God, we were as good Christians as they: they asked how they
might know that, we said by our confessions. From thence we were caried
in a Canow to a Tanners house, which standeth a little from the citie:
the next morning two friers and two priests came thither to vs, and
willed vs to blesse our selues, and say our prayers in the Latin tongue,
that they might vnderstand vs, many of our company did so, wherevpon
they returned to the viceroy, and told him that we were good Christians,
and that they liked vs well, and then they brought vs much reliefe, with
clothes, our sicke men were sent to their Hospitals, where many were
cured, and many died. From the Tanners house we were led to a gentlemans
place, where vpon paine of death we were charged to abide, and not to
come into the citie, thither we had all things necessary brought vs: on
Sundayes and holy dayes much people came, and brought vs great reliefe.
The viceroy practised to hang vs, and caused a paire of new gallowes to
be set vp, to haue executed vs, whereunto the noblemen of that countrey
would not consent, but prayed him to stay vntil the ship of aduise
brought newes from the king of Spaine, what should be done with vs, for
they said they could not find any thing by vs, whereby they might
lawfully put vs to death.
The viceroy then commanded vs to be sent to an Island there by, and he
sent for the Bishop of Mexico, who sent foure priests to the Island, to
examine and confesse vs, who said, that the viceroy would burne vs, when
wee were examined and confessed according to the lawes of the countrey.
They returned to the Bishop, and told him that we were very good
Christians. The Bishop certified the viceroy of our examinations and
confessions, and said that wee were good Christians, therefore he would
not meddle with vs. Then the viceroy sent for our master R. Barret, whom
he kept prisoner in his pallace, vntill the fleete was departed for
Spaine. The rest of vs he sent to a towne seuen leagues from Mexico
called Tescuco, to card wooll among the Indian slaves, which drudgery we
disdained, and concluded to beat our masters, and so we did: wherefore
they sent to the viceroy, desiring him for Gods sake and our Ladies, to
send for vs, for they would not keepe vs any longer, they said that we
were deuils and no men.
The viceroy sent for vs, and imprisoned vs in a house in Mexico, from
thence he sent Anthony Goddard, and some other of our company with him
into Spaine with Luçon, the Generall that tooke vs: the rest of vs
staied in Mexico two yeres after, and then were sent prisoners into
Spaine, with Don Iuan de Valesco de Varre, admirall and generall of the
Spanish fleet, who caried with him in his ship, to be presented to the
King of Spaine, the anatomie of a giant, which was sent from China to
Mexico, to the Viceroy Don Martin Henriquez, to bee sent to the king of
Spaine for a great wonder. It did appere by the anatomie, that he was of
a monstrous size, the skull of his head was neere as bigge as halfe a
bushel, his necke-bones, shoulder plates, arme bones, and all other
lineaments of his other partes, were huge and monstrous to behold, the
shanke of his legge from the ankle to the knee, was as long as from any
mans ankle vp to his wast, and of bignesse accordingly.
[Sidenote: A description of ginger.] At this time, and in this ship,
were also sent to be presented to the king of Spaine, two chestes full
of earth with ginger growing in them, which were also sent from China,
to be sent to the king of Spaine. The ginger runneth in the ground like
to liccoras, the blades grow out of it in length and proportion like
vnto the blades of wild garlicke, which they cut euery fifteene dayes,
they vse to water them twise a day, as we doe our herbes here in
England, they put the blades in their pottage, and vse them in their
other meates, whose excellent sauour and tast is very delightfull, and
procureth a good appetite.[20]
[20] Ginger is the underground stem (rhizome) of _Zingiber officinal_.
The rhizome throws up barren leafy reed like stems 3 or 4 feet high, and
occasionally flowering stems. The flowers are arranged in a cone-shaped
spike, each in the axil of a large greenish-yellow bract. The corolla is
orange-yellow, divided into three long segments. One of the staminodes
forms a large purple three-lobed lip. Ginger is probably a native of
tropical Asia, but is now cultivated in all warm countries. The name
occurs in a list of imports into Alexandria in the second century, and
during the middle ages was evidently an important article of commerce.
It is often mentioned in the Old English leech-books of the eleventh
century; and during the thirteenth and fourteenth centuries it was the
commonest spice, next to pepper, though 1 lb. of it cost as much as a
sheep, 1_s._ 7_d._ (Rogers, "History of Agriculture and Prices in
England.")
[Sidenote: 1570.] When we were shipped, in the Port of S. Iohn de Vllua,
the Generall called our master Robert Barret and vs with him into his
cabbin, and asked vs if wee would fight against Englishmen, if we met
them at the sea, we said that we would not fight against our Crowne, but
if we met with any other, we would do what we were able. He said if we
had said otherwise, he would not haue beleeued vs, and for that we
should be the better vsed, and haue allowance as other men had: and he
gaue a charge to euery one of vs, according to our knowledge, Robert
Barret was placed with the pilote, I was put in the gunners roome,
William Cawse with the boat-swaine, Iohn Beare with the quarter-masters,
Edward Rider and Geffrey Giles, with the ordinary mariners, Richard the
masters boy attended on him and the pilote: shortly after we departed
from the port of S. Iohn de Vllua with all the fleete of Spaine, for the
port called Hauana: wee were 26. dayes sayling thither. There wee came
in, ankered, tooke in fresh water, and stayed 16. dayes for the fleete
of Nombre de Dios, which is the fleet that brings the treasure from
Peru.
The Generall of that fleet was called Diego Flores de Valdes. After his
comming, when he had watred his ships, both the fleetes ioyned in one,
and Don Iuan de Velasco de Varre was the first fifteen daies Generall of
both the fleets, who turning through the chanell of Bahama, his pilote
had like to haue cast away all the fleet vpon the Cape called
Cannaueral, which was preuented by me Iohn Hortop, and our master Robert
Barret: for I being in the second watch escried land, and called to
Robert Barret, bidding him looke ouer boord, for I saw land vnder the
lee-bow of the ship: he called to the boat-swaine, and bid him let flie
the fore saile sheat, and lay the helm vpon the lee, and cast the ship
about. When we were cast about, we were but in seuen fathome water: we
shot off a piece, giuing aduice to the fleet to cast about, and so they
did: For this we were beloued of the Generall, and all the fleet. The
Generall was in a great rage, and swore by the king, that he would hang
his pilote: for he said, that twise before he had almost cast away the
Admirall. When it was day, he commanded a piece to be shot off to call
to councill: the other Admirall in his ship came vp to him, and asked
what the matter was, he said, that his pilote had cast away his ship and
all the fleet, had it not bene for two of the Englishmen, and therefore
he would hang him. The other Admirall with many faire words perswaded
him to the contrary.
[Sidenote: A sea-monster in the shape of a man.] When we came in the
height of Bermuda, we discouered a monster in the sea, who shewed
himselfe three times vnto vs from the middle vpwards, in which parts hee
was proportioned like a man, of the complection of a Mulato, or tawny
Indian. The Generall did commaund one of his clearks to put it in
writing, and hee certified the King and his Nobles thereof. Presently
after this, for the space of sixteene dayes we had wonderful foule
weather, and then God sent vs a faire wind, vntill such time as we
discouered the Iland called Faial.
On S. Iames day we made rackets, wheeles, and other fireworkes, to make
pastime that night, as it is the order of the Spaniards. When we came
neere the land, our master R. Barret conferred with vs, to take the
pinnesse one night, when we came on the Iland called Terçera, to free
our selues from the danger and bondage that we were going into,
whereunto we agreed: none had any pinnesse asterne then but our ship,
which gaue great courage to our enterprize: we prepared a bagge of
bread, and a Botijo of water, which would haue serued vs nine dayes, and
prouided our selues to goe: our Master borrowed a small compasse of the
Master gunner of the ship, who lent it him, but suspected his intent,
and closely made the Generall priuy to it, who for a time dissembled the
matter. In the ende seeing our pretense, he called R. Barret, commanding
his head to bee put in the stocks, and a great payre of yron bolts on
his legs, and the rest of vs, to be set in the stocks by the legs. Then
he willed a peece to be shot off, and he sent the pinnesse for the other
Admirall, and all the captaines, masters, and pilotes of both fleetes to
come aboord of him. He commanded the maine-yard to be strooke downe, and
to put 2. pullies, on euery yard-arme one; the hangman was called, and
we were willed to confesse our selues, for he swore by the king that he
would hang vs.
When the other Admiral, and the rest were come aboord, he called them
into his counsel-chamber, and told them that he would hang the master of
the Englishmen, and all his company. The Admirall, whose name was Diego
Flores de Valdes, asked him wherefore: he sayd, that we had determined
to rise in the night with the pinnesse, and with a ball of fire-worke to
set the ship on fire, and goe our wayes: therefore, sayd he, I will haue
you the Captaines, Masters, and Pilotes, to set your hands vnto that,
for I sweare by the king that I will hang them, Diego Flores de Valdes
answered, I nor the Captaines, Masters, and Pilotes wil not set our
hands to that, for hee said, if he had bin prisoner as we were, he would
haue done the like himselfe. He counselled him to keepe vs fast in
prison, till he came into Spaine, and then send vs to the Contratation
house in Siuil, where, if we had deserued death the law would passe on
vs, for hee would not haue it said that in such a fleet as that was,
sixe men and a boy should take the pinnesse, and goe away, and so he
returned to his ship againe.
When he was gone, the Generall came to the maine mast to vs, and swore
by the king, that we should not come out of the stocks til we came into
Spaine: within 16. dayes after we came ouer the Bar of S. Lucar, and
came vp to the Hurcados, then he put vs into a pinnesse in the stocks,
and sent vs prisoners to the Contratation house in Siuil. From thence
after one yere we brake prison, on S. Steuens day at night, 7. of our
company escaped, Robert Barret, I Iob Hortop, Iohn Emerie, Humphrey
Roberts, and Iohn Gilbert were taken, and brought backe to the
contratation house, where we remained in the stocks till twelfe tide was
past. Then our keeper put vp a petition to the Iudge of the contratation
house, that we might be sent to the great prison house in Siuil, for
that we broke prison, whereupon we were presently led thither, where we
remained one moneth, and from thence to the castell of the Inquisition
house in Triana, where wee continued one yere: which expired, they
brought vs out in procession, euery one of vs hauing a candle in his
hand, and the coate with S. Andrewes crosse on our backs: they brought
vs vp on an high scaffold, that was set vp in the place of S. Francis,
which is in the chiefe street of Siuill: there they set vs downe vpon
benches: euery one in his degree, and against vs on another scaffold
sate all the Iudges, and the Clergy on their benches: the people
wondered, and gazed on vs, some pittying our cases, others said, burne
those heretikes. [Sidenote: Robert Barret and Iohn Gilbert burned.] When
we had sit there two houres, we had a sermon made to vs: after which
one called Bresinia, secretarie to the Inquisition, went vp into the
pulpit with the processe, and called Robert Barret and Iohn Gilbert,
whom two familiars of the Inquisition brought from the scaffold before
the Iudges, where the secretarie read the sentence, which was that they
should be burnt, and so they returned to the scaffold, and were burnt.
[Sidenote: Job Hortop his condemnation.] Then I Job Hortop, and Iohn
Bone were called, and brought to the place, as before, where we heard
our sentence, which was, that we should go to the Gallies, and there row
at the oares ende ten yeeres, and then to be brought backe to the
Inquisition house, to haue the coate with S. Andrewes crosse put on our
backs, and from thence to goe to the euerlasting prison remedilesse, and
so we were returned from the scaffold from whence we came. Thomas Marks,
and Thomas Ellis were called, and had sentence to serue in the Galleys
eight yeeres, and Humphrey Roberts, and Iohn Emery to serue fiue yeeres,
and so were returned to the benches on the scaffold, where we sate till
foure of clocke in the afternoone. Then we were led againe to the
Inquisition house, from whence we were brought. The next day in the
morning Bresinia the treasurer came thither to vs, and deliuered to
euery one of vs his sentence in writing. I with the rest were sent to
the Gallies, where we were chained foure and foure together: euery mans
daily allowance was 26 ounces of course blacke bisket and water, our
clothing for the whole yeere two shirts, two paire of breeches of course
canuas, a red coat of course cloth, soone on, and soone off, and a gowne
of haire with a friers hood: our lodging was on the bare boords, and
banks of the Gallies, our heads and beards were shauen euery month,
hunger, thirst, cold, and stripes we lacked none, til our seueral times
expired. And after the time of 12. yeeres, for I serued two yeeres aboue
my sentence, I was sent backe to the Inquisition House in Siuill, and
there hauing put on the coat with S. Andrewes crosse, I was sent to the
euerlasting prison remedilesse, where I wore the coat 4. yeeres, and
then vpon great suit, I had it taken off for 50 duckets, which Hernando
de Soria treasurer of the kings mint lent me, whom I serued for it as a
drudge 7. yeres, and vntil the moneth of October last, 1590. and then I
came from Siuill to S. Lucar, where I made meanes to come away in a
flie-boat, that was laden with wines and salt, which were Flemings
goods, the king of Spaines subiects, dwelling in Siuil, maried to
Spanish women, and sworne to their king. In this moneth of October last
departing from S. Lucar, at sea, off the southermost Cape, we met an
English ship, called the Galeon Dudley, who took the Flemming, and me
out of him, and brought me to Portsmouth, where they set me on land, the
2. day of December last past, 1590. From thence I was sent by M. Muns
the lieutenant of Portsmouth, with letters to the R. honourable the
Earle of Sussex, who commanded his secretary to take my name and
examination, how long I had bene out of England, and with whom I went,
which he did. And on Christmas euen I took my leaue of his honour, and
came to Redriffe.
The Computation of my imprisonment.
I suffered imprisonment in Mexico two yeeres.
In the Contratation house in Siuill one yeere.
In the Inquisition house in Triana one yeere.
I was in the Gallies twelue yeeres.
In the euerlasting prison remediles, with the coat with S.
Andrews crosse on my back 4. yeres.
And at libertie I serued as a drudge Hemando de Soria 3. yeeres,
which is the full complement of 23. yeeres.
Since my departure from England, vntill this time of my returne,
I was fiue times in great danger of death, besides the many
perils I was in, in the Gallies.
First in the Port of Saint John de Vllua, where being on shore,
with many other of our company, which were all slaine sauing I,
and two other that by swimming got aboord the Jesus of Lubek.
Secondly, when we were robbed by the wild Indians.
Thirdly, after we came to Mexico, the vice roy would haue hanged
vs.
Fourthly, because he could not haue his mind to hang vs, he
would haue burnt vs.
Fiftly, the Generall that brought vs into Spaine, would haue
hanged vs at sea.
Thus hauing truely set downe vnto you my trauels, misery and
dangers, endured the space of 23. yeeres, I ende.
A relation of the Hauen of Tecuanapa, a most conuenient place for
building of ships, situate vpon the South sea not farre from
Nicaragua, which was sent vnto the viceroy of Mexico or to the
king of Spaine: wherein are described the riuers of Ometepec,
Tlacamama, and Tlacolula falling into the said Hauen, with the
townes, people, and mountaines adioyning to the said riuers, and
other things fit for the building and victualling of ships.
The Port and small harbour of Tecuanapa hath in the driest time of
Sommer in the chanell little lesse then one fathome at low water, and at
full sea one fathome and an halfe: in the time of raine, with the
increasing of the land-water it hath three fathoms and more. It lyeth
toward the West, and there the Bishopricks of Guaxacan and Tlarcali are
separated. From hence toward the point called Punta de Intla and Dordaci
there is a Bay 2. leagues distant, which though it be no special
harbour, yet vpon an extremity ships may come and ride there, as in
times past they haue done. This Bay on the right hand toward the North
maketh a lake somewhat large towards the midst of the chanell, and in
some parts deepe, but specially on the side of Cuahintla, but on either
side it is but shallow. As you passe betweene the sea and certaine great
and large woods of orenge trees, and trees of other nature which grow
along the sea coast, which are of no great bredth, al the countrey
appeareth very open: howbeit on the side of Cuahintla the mountaines
haue many creeks and a small lake called Tulaningo, and the countrey
cannot be trauelled, except you take the way betweene the sea and the
end of this lake, which may be about two leagues of sandy way. And on
the North side there is another small creeke. And going by the sands
side one quarter of a league, you come to the way that leadeth vnto
Quacapotla a mansion of Intla.
The riuer of Ometepec being the principal riuer which commeth to this
hauen hath his head in the mountaines of Xicayan de Touer about 24
leagues from this hauen from diuers brooks which come out of the
mountaines of Cacatepec, and beneath a towne called Suchistlahuaca litle
more then 3. leagues all the brooks ioyne together: and from that place
you may passe downe to the sea with Canoas and Lighters; and you might
come farther but for the fall of a furious streame or current which
runeth between two great rocks, passing from Cocahulapa a mansion of
Ometepec vnto Yanguitle a mansion of the said Ometepec. These
inconueniences being past (which in my iudement may be about one league)
the Riuer is more nauigable, so that you may sayle in the same about 12.
leagues. During the space of which 12 leagues, about a league and a
halfe distance from the waters side, and in many other parts of the same
riuer it hath great quantitie of woods which vse to grow in hot soiles,
fit for ship-timber, as Huber-trees, and Suchicuhitil, whereof they of
Nicaragua make great profit. Also there be white okes and Tehegurtes in
great quantitie, and many other kinds of timber: and in the mountaines
there be firre-trees, okes, and cork-trees, which easily may bee caried
downe the riuer, because they may be cut some 2, 3, 4, and 5. leagues
from the riuer, and may be brought downe to the waters side with the
seruice and helpe of those that dwell in the townes thereabout.
At the head of these brooks where the riuer beginneth is the towne which
is called Xicaian, belonging to the heires of Francis de Touer y de
Guillen, containing about 350 Indians of rude speech and of little
policie, being 24. leagues from the sea, little more or lesse. The place
it selfe is hot, although the mountaines round about be cold.
[Sidenote: Aionapa.] A little from this is the towne of Aioanapa
possessed by the heirs of Perez Gomez, hauing in it about 300. Indians
of the selfe same speach and qualitie. The countrey is more subiect to
heate then cold; yet hath it neere it cold countrey and mountaines. It
is distant from Xicaian de Touer 4. leagues, and from the sea 20.
leagues.
Sixe leagues downeward toward the South is the towne of Suchistlahuaca
on the said riuer, and the inhabitants are of the same speach and
qualities. The countrey is more subiect to heate then cold. It is in the
charge of Gonzaluo Fernandez a citizen of Mexico, and hath about 150.
Indians, and is 15. leagues distant from the sea.
From this towne vnto the towne of Ometepec are 6 leagues. The place is
very hot, and in the same gouernment, and is situate betweene certaine
hils one league from the riuer: he and his followers haue vnder them
about 700. Indians, which speake the Ayacastecan, Amusgan, and Niciecan
tongues, and this place is from the sea nine leagues.
From this towne vnto Ihualapa are two great leagues: it is in the
gouernment of the heires of Laurence de Castro, of the foresaid
temperature, and the people vse the said language, and are of the like
stature: and it standeth three leagues from the riuer, and from the sea
ten leagues.
These are the best townes, and of the best traffique that are vpon all
this coast. The Indians are rich in Cacao and victuals, and in these
townes doe the Indians of Niciecan principally trade. And in the towns
of Ihualapa the chiefe Aguazil of the prouince is resident for the most
part of the yeere.
More lowe beneath the riuer of Tlacolula, about a league or a league and
an halfe from the towne of Ometepec is the towne called Pio, which was
wont to be a towne of Tlacolula, and was a frontier towne against the
Mexicans. There be in it about 50. Indians of the ancient inhabitants:
one Grauiel de Chiauez a citizen of Mexico hath the gouernement thereof:
it is 4. leagues from Ihualapa, and 6. from the sea.
A little below this is the towne of Huehuatlan in the selfe same
gouernement standing one league from the riuer on certaine high hils: it
hath 10. Indians, and is from the sea 5. leagues.
And one league from this towne stands the towne of Cuahacapotla a
mansion of Antla or Intla: it hath to the number of 15. Indians; it
standeth one league and a halfe from the riuer, and 4. leagues, from the
mouth thereof.
At the fountaines or heads of the rest of the brooks is the towne of
Cacatepec being in the gouernment of Raphael de Treyo: he and his
tenants haue vnder them some 700. Indians of Niciecan: it is from the
sea some 22. leagues.
The riuer which is called Tlacamama commeth from the mountains of
Atoyaque and Amusgos, which are some 17. leagues from the sea. There it
maketh a formed riuer, so big, that it is nauigable to the sea with
canoas and lighters: I say from a litle below Tolistlahuaca a mansion of
Xicaian. It is nauigable 8 moneths in the yeere, and the other 4. not,
because that the sands of the plaines do soke and drink vp the water in
such wise, that there remaineth so little, that there is no passage:
howbeit in small lighters timber may bee brought downe this riuer one
league from the place where it is cut, vnto the place that I haue spoken
of; whereas bigger vessels may bee made; for nigh vnto that place other
brooks and running waters doe ioyne and meet, which make it a maine
riuer. It hath nigh vnto it in the mountaines of Atoyaque, Cacatepec,
and Amusgos many woods of pine-trees, cork-trees, and okes of great
bignesse: and beneath those mountaines in the warme countrey, neere vnto
the riuers there is much timber of those sorts which I mentioned before
to be about the riuer of Ometepec, which may easily be cut and carried
downe vnto Tecuanapa in the time before specified.
This riuer hath likewise townes adioyning to it; the first at the foote
of the mountaines is the town of Atoiaque belonging to the king, and to
the heires of Pronetto: their language is Niciecan, the countrey hot,
the people politique, and it is from the sea 15. leagues. It hath about
200. Indians.
One league from this towne, and 14. from the sea is the towne of Xicaian
belonging likewise to the king, and to the heires of Pronetto. They are
Niciecan people and very comely, and in a hot countrey. It hath by
account 300. Indians. There are resident in it the Vicar and Iustice; it
is from the riuer a league and a halfe.
A league from this towne, and 14. from the sea is situate the mansion of
Pinotespan subiect to Tututepec, which hath with the manors subject vnto
it 500. Indians.
Two leagues from the towne, and one from Xicayan, and 13. from
Tecuanapa, and 3. from the riuer is the towne of Tlacamama: the people
are very comely, and politique. It containeth some 100. Indians, and
belongeth to the king.
More toward the South 5. leagues from the riuer, and two from this
towne, and 14. from the sea is the towne called Pinotespan del Rey: They
are handsome people, but of slow speach: this towne conteineth about
100. Indians like the former. They be wealthie, because they make great
quantitie of salte; for they haue a lake in which salte groweth vnder
the water, (a thing repugnant to nature, that two contraries doe grow
and are conserued together) whereout they take it in breaking it with
stones vpon the ground vnder the water.
It hath also the towne of Amusgos, which is in the gouernment of Fernando
de Auila, which may be from Tecuanapa 18. leagues. They speake the
Amusgan tongue. The countrey is hotte: it standeth on the highway from
Nicieca: it hath 400. Indians, few more or lesse.
These are all the townes of account situate neere this riuer.
Neere vpon this riuer are two farmes, the one belonging to Pedro Brauo,
and the other to him that maketh this relation vnto your Excellencie,
which may be from the sea some 8. or 9. leagues all plaine ground. And
in this territorie there is but one towne called Quesala situate vpon
the riuer, and 6. leagues from the sea; which in times past hath beene a
great towne, and now hath but three Indians onely, and it is from the
farmes 3. leagues.
The mansion house of Don Mattheo is more toward the South, standing in a
mountainous and waste countrey, which aboundeth with cattell being 3.
leagues from the riuer; and as farre from Tecuanapa, as from the place
where all the cattel is; and the sea that way is from it but one league.
A little below this mansion about 4. leagues, and 7. leagues from the
sea, is a garden of Alonso Pedraza which beareth Cacao.
And 2. leagues from this garden, and 6. leagues from the sea standeth
the towne of Cuahintlan belonging to the king a towne of 19 housholds,
but very rich, for they gather much Cacao and the best in that countrey.
They speake the Tlapanecan tongue. This towne hath the sea that way
within halfe a league.
[Sidenote: Huatulco or Guatulco in 15. deg and 50. minutes.] And this
coast from Cuahintlan to Tecuanapa, and the coast which runneth to
Huatulco is a coast of much pearle, for in olde time the Indians
gathered much pearle there.
And 2 leagues from Cuahintlan and 4. from Tecuanapa is a garden of Cacao
in the landes of Francisco Maldonado, which is called Cacahu-Atoyaque.
These are the things worthy of relation from the head springs of this
riuer of Tlacamama vnto the sea: and this foresaid riuer entreth into
the riuer of Ometepec 5. leagues from Tecuanapa.
The riuer of Tlacolula springeth within the boundes of Chilsiztlahuaca
subiect to Comastlahuaca a towne of Suchistlahuaca, neere which are many
mountaines. This riuer is nauigable little more then 2. leagues before
it entreth into the riuer of Ometepec, where it is 5. leagues from the
sea.
Hard by it is the towne of Tlacolula abouenamed; and 3. leagues from it
is the towne of Azoyoque an olde manour of Tlapa. The towne of
Chilsiztlahuaca hath but 3. Indians; and the towne of Azoyoque hath more
then 300. Indians. But because in this hauen must bee the building of
ships, the prouince of Talpa and Tututepec may stand them in great
stead; the prouince of Tututepec being neighbour to the riuer of
Tlacamama, and the prouince of Tlapa to the riuer of Tlacolula. For
they may, as I haue sayd, carrie the timber in lighters or rafts downe
the riuers, and may vse the Indians in the townes thereabout to fell and
draw the same out of the cold mountaines; for in the warm countreys the
most is plaine ground, whereas with very fewe men and oxen it may be
brought vnto the place where it should be imbarqued.
There may come flat bottomes, and canoas vnto the townes thereabout, and
lade themselues with victuals: For they haue already come by that riuer
to the rode of Ometepec, and made there prouision at the mansion of Don
Mattheo, and at the farmes, at that time when his Maiestie did people
the plaines which are betweene these riuers, conteining a large and
voyde countrey sufficient for the erecting of 20. manours, being a
countrey well furnished with water and pasture without any danger or
perill, according to the description hereunto annexed.
This small harbour of Tecuanapa being seene and viewed, seemeth very
commodious to build shippes in, by reason of the great abundance of
mountaines full of good timber for that purpose, with the commodities of
riuers, and with the seruice and victuals from the townes thereabout,
which be very good for coast townes.
The desire of him that made this relations, hath bene with zeale to
serue your excellencie; who therewithall desireth the Lord God to giue
the successe.
CERTAINE VOYAGES
NAVIGATIONS AND TRAFFIQUES BOTH ANCIENT AND OF LATE, TO DIUERS
PLACES VPON THE COAST OF BRASIL: TOGETHER WITH A RUTTIER FOR ALL
THAT COAST, AND TWO INTERCEPTED LETTERS WHICH REUEALE MANY
SECRETS OF THE STATE OF THAT COUNTREY: THE REST OF OUR VOYAGES TO
BRASIL WHICH HAUE BENE EITHER INTENDED OR PERFORMED TO THE RIUER
OF PLATE, THE STREIGHT OF MAGELLAN, THE SOUTH SEA, OR FARTHER
THAT WAY, BEING RESERUED FOR THE GENERALL HEADES NEXT
INSUING.[21]
[21] The Voyages of circumnavigation by the Straits of Magellan will be
found in Vol. XV of this Edition.
A briefe relation of two sundry voyages made by the worshipful M.
William Haukins of Plimmouth, father to Sir Iohn Haukins knight,
late Treasurer of her Majesties Nauie, in the yeere 1530 and
1532.
Olde M. William Haukins of Plimmouth, a man for his wisedome, valure,
experience, and skill in sea causes much esteemed, and beloued of K.
Henry the 8, and being one of the principall Sea-captaines in the West
parts of England in his time, not contented with the short voyages
commonly then made onely to the knowne coasts of Europe, armed out a
tall and goodly shippe of his owne of the burthen of 250 tunnes called
the Paule of Plimmouth, wherewith he made three long and famous voyages
vnto the coast of Brasil, a thing in those dayes very rare, especially
to our Nation. In the course of which voyages he touched at the riuer of
Sestos vpon the coast of Guinea, where hee traffiqued with the Negros,
and tooke of them Elephants teeth, and other commodities which that
place yeeldeth: and so arriuing on the coast of Brasil, he vsed there
such discretion, and behaued himselfe so wisely with those sauage
people, that he grew into great familiarity and friendship with them.
[Sidenote: A king of Brasil brought into England.] Insomuch that in his
second voyage, one of the sauage kings of the countrey of Brasil, was
contented to take ship with him, and to be transported hither into
England: whereunto M. Haukins agreed, leauing behinde in the Countrey as
a pledge for his saftie and returne againe, one Martin Cockeram of
Plimmouth. This Brasilian king being arrived, was brought vp to London
and presented to K. Henry the 8, lying as then at White-hall: at the
sight of whom the King and all the Nobilitie did not a litle maruaile,
and not without cause: for in his cheekes were holes made according to
their sauage maner, and therein smalle bones were planted, standing an
inch out from the said holes, which in his owne Countrey was reputed for
a great brauerie. He had also another hole in his nether lip wherein was
set a precious stone about the bignes of a pease: All his apparel,
behauiour, and gesture, were very strange to the beholders.
Hauing remained here the space almost of a whole yeere, and the king
with his sight fully satisfied, M. Hawkins according to his promise and
appointment, purposed to conuey him againe into his countrey: but it
fell out in the way, that by change of aire and alteration of diet, the
said Sauage King died at sea, which was feared would turn to the losse
of the life of Martin Cockeram his pledge. Neuerthelesse, the Sauages
being fully perswaded of the honest dealing of our men with their
prince, restored againe the said pledge, without any harme to him, or
any man of the company: which pledge of theirs they brought home againe
into England, with their ship fraighted, and furnished with the
commodities of the countrey. Which Martin Cockeram, by the witnesse of
Sir Iohn Hawkins, being an officer in the towne of Plimmouth, was liuing
within these fewe yeeres.[22]
[22] This Martin Cockeram is introduced by Kingsley in Chapter XXX of
"Westward Ho!" Indeed the principal incidents of that novel are nothing
but extracts from Hakluyt's Collection; in many passages, the only
difference being the use of modern phraseology.
An ancient voyage of M. Robert Reniger and M. Thomas Borey to
Brasil in the yeere of our Lord 1540.
I Haue bene certainly informed by M. Anthony Garrard an ancient and
worshipfull marchant of the citie of London, that this commodious and
gainefull voyage to Brasil was ordinarily and vsually frequented by M.
Robert Reniger, M. Thomas Borey, and diuers other substantial and
wealthy merchants of Southampton, about 60. yeeres past, that is to say
in the yeere 1540.
A voyage of one Pudsey to Baya in Brasil anno 1542.
[Sidenote: A fort built in Brasil by the English.] Also the worshipfull
M. Edward Cotton of Southampton Esquire gaue mee more particularly to
vnderstand, how that one Pudsey of Southampton, a man of good skill and
resolution in marine causes, made a voyage in like maner 62. yeeres agoe
to Baya de todos los Santos the principall towne of all Brasil, and the
seate of the Portugal vice-roy and of the bishop, and that he built a
fort not farre distant from that place in the foresaid yeere 1542.[23]
[23] If the voyage of Pudsey took place 62 years before Hakluyt
published his third volume, the date of it must have been 1538, not
1542.
A letter written to M. Richard Staper by Iohn Whithal from Santos in
Brasil, the 26. of Iune 1578.
Worshipfull sir, and welbeloued friend M. Staper, I haue me most
heartily commended vnto you, wishing your health euen as mine owne.
These few words may bee to let you vnderstand, that whereas I wrote vnto
you not many dayes past by the way of Lisbon, howe that I determined to
bee with you very shortly, it is in this countrey offered mee to marry,
and to take my choice of three or foure: so that I am about three dayes
agoe consorted with an Italian gentleman to marry with his daughter
within these foure dayes. This my friend and father in law Signor Ioffo
Dore is borne in the citie of Geneua in Italy:[24] his kindred is well
knowen amongst the Italians in London: also hee hath but onely this
childe which is his daughter, which hee hath thought better bestowed
vpon mee then on any Portugal in all the countrey, and doeth giue with
her in marriage to me part of an Ingenio which he hath, that doeth make
euery yeere a thousand roues of sugar. This my mariage will be worth to
me two thousand duckets, little more or lesse. Also Signor Ioffo Dore my
father in law doeth intende to put into my handes the whole Ingenio with
sixtie or seuentie slaues, and thereof to make me factor for vs both. I
giue my liuing Lord thankes for placing me in such honour and
plentifulnesse of all things.
[24] Of course this it intended for Genoa.
Also certaine dayes past I talked with the Prouedor and the Captaine,
and they haue certified me, that they haue discouered certaine Mines of
siluer and gold, and looke euery day for Masters to come to open the
said Mines: which when they be opened will inrich this countrey very
much. [Sidenote: Mines of gold and siluer newly discouered at S.
Vincent.] This place is called S. Vincent, and is distant from you two
thousand leagues, and in 24. degrees of latitude on the South side of
the Equinoctial line, and almost vnder the Tropike of Capricorne. A
countrey it is very healthful without sicknesse.
Moreouer, I haue talked with the Captaine and Prouedor, and my father in
law, who rule all this countrey, for to haue a ship with goods to come
from London hither, which haue promised mee to giue mee licence, saying
that nowe I am free denizen of this countrey. To cause a ship to come
hither with such commodities as would serue this countrey, would come to
great gaines, God sending in safety the profite and gaines. In such
wares and commodities as you may ship hither from London is for euery
one commoditie deliuered here three for one, and then after the proceed
may be imployed in white sugar at foure hundred reis the roue.
[Sidenote: The voyage to S. Vincent worth three for one outward only.] I
meane also to haue a friend in London to send mee a ship of 60. or 70.
tunnes, little more or lesse, with such commodities as I shall giue
aduise for. This voyage is as good as any Peru-voyage. If you and Master
Osborne will deale here, I will deale with you before any other, because
of our old friendly friendship in time past. If you haue any stomacke
thereto, in the name of God do you espie out a fine barke of seuentie or
eightie tunnes, and send her hither with a Portugall Pilot to this port
of S. Vincent in Brasil, bordering vpon the borders of Peru.
Also I herewith write vnto you in what forme and maner you shall furnish
this voyage both in commodities and otherwise.
[Sidenote: In what maner a voyage to S. Vincent with a ship of 70. or
80. tunnes is to be made.] First you must lade in the said ship certaine
Hampshire and Deuonshire karsies: for the which you must let her depart
from London in October, and to touch in the Canaries, and there to make
sale of the saide karsies, and with the proceed thereof to lade fifteene
tunnes of wines that be perfect and good, and sixe dozen of Cordouan
skinnes of these colours, to wit, orenge, tawnie, yellow, red, and very
fine black. I thinke you shall not finde such colours there. Therefore
you must cause them that shall goe vpon this voyage, to take saffron
with them, to cause the same skinnes to bee put into the saide colours.
Also I thinke you shall finde oyles there. Three hogsheads of sweete
oyle for this voyage are very necessary, or a hundred and fiftie iarres
of oyle. Also in London you may lade in the said ship these parcels of
commodities or wares, as followeth:
In primis, Foure peeces of hollands of middle sort.
Item, One peece of fine holland.
Foure hundred elles of osenbriges very fine.
Foure dozen of sizzors of all sorts.
Sixteene kintals of pitch of the Canaries.
Twentie dozen of great kniues which be made in fardles, of a low price.
Foure dozen of a small sort.
Sixe peeces of bayes of the lowest sort.
One very fine peece of bayes.
Four hundred elles of Manchester-cottons, most blacke, greene, some
yellow.
Eight or tenne dozen of hats, the one halfe trimmed with taffata, the
other plaine with the bands of Cypresse.
Sixe dozen of course shirts.
Three dozen of doublets of canuas.
Three dozen of doublets of stiched canuas.
One piece of fine Millan fustian barred.
Sixe dozen of locks for doores and chests.
Sixe thousand of all maner of fish hooks
Four dozen reames of paper.
Two dozen of glasses of diuers sorts.
Two dozen of Venice glasses, the one halfe great, the other middle sort.
Two dozen of mantles of frize, of the lowest price that can be.
Three dozen of frize gownes.
Foure hundred pound of tinne of the vse of Portugall, most smal dishes
and trenchers.
Foure pound of silke of all colours.
Twentie pound of spices, cloues, cinamon, pepper, and saffron.
Two kintals of white sope.
Three pound of threed, white, black, and blew.
Three pound of fine white threed.
Item, halfe a dozen of Northerne karsies of diuers colours.
Foure sorting clothes, blew, red, yellow, and green.
Sixe Northerne dozens of diuers colours.
One fine blew cloth of eight pound.
One fine stamell of tenne or twelue pound.
One fine sheeps coloured cloth of twelue pound.
One fine blacke karsie. One fine stamell karsie.
Sixe yards of blacke veluet.
Three barrels of nailes for chests.
Two barrels of nailes for ships and barks.
Sixe kintals of Occom.
Two dozen of veluet girdles without hangers.
Foure yards of taffata red, blacke, and blew, with some greene.
Two dozen of leather girdles.
Sixe dozen of axes, hatches, and small billes to cut wood.
Foure mases of gitterne strings.
Foure hundred or fiue hundreds elles of some linnen cloth that is of a
low price to make shirts and sheets.
Foure tunne of yron.
These be such sort of wares as I would you should send. If you meane to
deale, or send any ship hither, haue you no doubt, but by the helpe of
God I shall put all things in good order according to your contentment
and profit: for my father in lawe with the Captaine and Prouedor doe
rule this countrey.
My father in law and I shal (God willing) make a good quantitie of sugar
euery yeere, which sugar we intend to ship for London from henceforth,
if we can get such a trustie and good friend as you to deale with vs in
this matter. I pray you presently after the receit of this my letter to
write mee answere thereof and send your letter to M. Holder to Lisbone,
and he wil conuey it to me out of hand.
Besides the premisses send sixe yards of skarlet, parchment lace of
diuers colours.
Sixe yards of crimosin veluet.
Sixe yards of crimosin satten.
Twelue yards of fine puke blacke.
Here in this countrey in stead of Iohn Whithall they haue called me Iohn
Leitoan: so that they haue vsed this name so long time, that at this
present there is no remedie but it must remaine so. When you write vnto
me, let the superscription be vnto Iohn Leitoan.
Thus I commit you with all yours to the holy Ghost for euer.
If you send this ship, I would haue you giue order that she touch in no
part of the coast of Guinie nor any other coast, but to come directly
hither to the port of S. Vincent, and from the Canaries let her be
dispatched in my name, to wit, Iohn Leitoan.
Also a dozen shirts for my wearing let be sent, if you send the ship.
Item, sixe or eight pieces of sayes for mantles for women, which is the
most necessary thing that can be sent.
By your assured friend Iohn Whithall.
A copie of the letters of the Aduenturers for Brasill sent to Iohn
Whithall dwelling in Santos, by the Minion of London, Anno 1580.
the 24. of October in London.
Master Whithall, as vnacquainted wee commend vs vnto you, etc.
vnderstanding by your friends, M. Iohn Bird, M. Robert Walkaden, and
your brother Iames Whithall of certaine letters that they haue receiued
of yours from Santos, which wee haue seene and read, wherein from time
to time you doe require, and desire them to send a good ship to Santos,
with such wares and commodities as you did write for, whereby you did
not onely promise that they should haue good intertainment, but also
should sell the saide commodities to make three of one outward at the
least in euery thing, and that for to relade their ship backe, they
should haue of the best, finest, and whitest drie sugars 32. pound of
our weight for a ducket at the most. The premises considered, with the
great credit that they and we doe giue to your writing and promise, haue
caused vs, whose names be hereunder written, to ioyne our selues in
company together, and to be at great charges purposely to send this good
ship the Minion of London, not onely with such marchandizes as you wrote
for, but also with as many other things as we thought might any wayes
pleasure you, or profit the country. And we craue of you, that we and
our factors may haue so much credite of you, as we haue in you and of
your letters, which is to beleeue vs that we haue taken this voyage
vpon vs, with no other minde or purpose, then to deale faithfully and
truely in the trade by sea and land, so as you shall not onely haue
cause to reioyce, and deserue thanks for our comming, but also you wil
procure the magistrates there to be bound, as they vse in Galicia, that
we may be preserued and defended from all reprisals and imbargements of
princes or subiects for any causes or matters whatsoeuer, whereby wee
may bee incouraged by them, giuing vs this securitie of good
intertainment, to continue the trade yeerely henceforth: and for our
parts we promise upon our credits and fidelities, to commit no outrage
at the sea nor land, nor suffer any to be done in our company that we
may let, but rather to defend and protect all other such peaceable
marchants as we are, with their ships and goods.
And to the ende that you and others shall know that wee meane as we say,
we haue giuen order to our factors to giue you good hostages for your
assurance of our good fidelities: and further we haue sent a
testimoniall of our owne true meaning in writing vnder the seales of
this honourable Citie of London, which we wil not discredite by our
behauiours for all the treasure that you haue: and so we haue written to
your magistrates of your port, and others in Spanish, the copy whereof
we send you herewith enclosed in English. And if the time should fal out
so contrary to our expectations, that there should not be fine white
sugar sufficient to lade our ship in due time at Santos, then we pray
you direct our factours where they may goe with the shippe in safetie to
supply their want, and helpe them to a good sure Pilot for that purpose,
and write your letters to your friends where the best sugar is made in
their fauors, and helpe our factours to haue a testimoniall from Santos,
that they and you traded together friendly, and so departed in good and
perfect amitie, and shew them that the iust cause of our comming is to
trade as marchants peaceably, and not as Pirates to commit any offence
to one or other.
Also we pray you, if there be any store of waxe, or salt-peeter, whereby
the price there may yeeld vs as much profit as the white sugars at a
ducket the roue, or any other commodity of like profite, then to procure
that we may lade it without danger of lawe, be it oare of golde or
siluer or whatsoeuer else.
We haue sent you copper cauldrons for your Ingenios, with iron and all
other necessaries for your purpose, and artificers to set the same: and
as wee haue at your request bene at great charges in sending these men,
so we pray you let vs haue lawful fauour in like courtesie to further
all our causes. And if any of our Mariners or passengers in any respect
of displeasure against their company, or in hope of preferment of
mariage or otherwise would procure to tary and dwell there, and leaue
his charge and office, that then you will bee a meane to the Iustice
that such fugitives should be sent abord the ship as prisoners: for as
you know, without our men wee cannot bring home our ship.
Wee haue giuen order to our factours to vse your counsell and helpe in
their affaires, and to gratifie you for the same as to your courtesie
and faithfull friendship shall appertaine to your good liking: and in
the meane time for a token of our good willes towards you, we haue sent
you a fieldbed of walnut tree, with the canopy, valens, curtaines, and
gilt knops. And if there be any commoditie else that may pleasure you or
your friends, wee haue giuen order that they shall haue the refusing of
it before any other, giuing for it as it is worth.
And thus to conclude, promising to performe all the foresaide things on
our parts in euery condition, we commit you to God, who euer preserue
you with all his blessings.
Your louing friends: Christopher Hodsdon.[25],
Anthonie Garrard, Thomas Bramlie, Iohn Bird,
William Elkin.
[25] For a very curious account of the family of "Hodsdon" or "Hudson,"
consult the "Life of Henry Hudson" in the publications of the Clarendon
Historical Society for 1883.
Certaine notes of the voyage to Brasil with the Minion of London
aforesaid, in the yere 1580. written by Thomas Grigs Purser of
the said ship.
The thirde day of Nouember in the yeere abouesaid we departed in the
Minion of London from Harwich, from which time no great thing worth the
knowledge or regard of others happened vntil the 22. of December the
next moneth, which day for our owne learning and vse wee obserued the
setting of the Sunne, which was West southwest, we then being vnder the
line Equinoctiall, where we found the aire very temperate, and the
winde for the most part Southeast and East southeast. The same day we
also obserued the rising of the moone, being one day after the full,
which rose at East northeast.----
The first land that wee fell with vpon the coast of Brasill was the
yland of S. Sebastian, where we arriued the 14. day of Ianuary in the
yeere 1581.[26]
[26] South West of Rio de Janeiro.
The 16. day Thomas Babington, and others in our pinnesse, went a shoare
to Guaybea, where they met with Iohn Whithall his father and mother in
lawe, who hauing receiued letters from thence to be deliuered at Santos,
came abord, and then we weyed and set saile, and the 28. day wee arriued
at the yland of Santa Catelina, neere the entrance of Santos.
Our course from S. Sebastian was Southwest and by West, and betwixt the
Southwest and by West, and West southwest.
This yland of Santa Catelina seemeth at the first to be a part of the
yland of Girybia. Wee ankered at nine fathome blacke osie ground.
Vpon the yland there grow many Palmito-trees, but no fresh water is
there to be found.
The third day of February we arriued before the towne of Santos, and
were there well received and intertained of the Captaine, the kings
officers, and all the people.
The fourth day we tooke into our ship a beefe aliue, which for the
victualling of the ship, and the refreshing of our men, and to make vs
the merrier at Shrouetide.
The eight day we deliuered to M. Iohn Whithall a bedstead with the
appurtenances, which were sent to him from our marchants of London.
The 18. day the captaine of Santos came abord our ship, by whom we had
knowledge of foure great French ships of warre, that had bene at the
riuer of Ienero, which there tooke three Canoas, but were driuen from
thence by their castles and forts, and were looked for here at Santos.
Whereupon the Captaine requested vs to lend them some armour and
artillery, and we lent them twentie caliuers and two barrels of powder.
[Sidenote: The yle of Alcatrarzas or Pelicanes.] The 19. day our skiffe
which we had sent to Alcatrarzas, and had bene away sixe dayes, came
againe, and brought good store of great and good fish, and tolde vs that
there was good store of fish to be taken there by the hooke, and as
much wood as we would haue of the Palmito-tree.
The 20. day at night Nicholas Gale, one of our company, fell ouer our
shippes side, and was drowned in the port of Santos before the towne,
where our ship rode at anker.
The 22. day two of the Canoas which the Frenchmen tooke in the riuer of
Ienero, returned to Santos, and reported that the foure French ships
were past to the southwards, as they thought, for the Straights of
Magellan, and so into the South sea.
The 23. day the aforesaid Nicholas Gale, who fell ouerboard two days
before, was found againe, and taken vp three miles from our ship, and
our company went to his buriall in the Church at Santos.
This day the Captaine and Iustices of Santos wished vs to tary in their
road till the last of April, for they had sent a barke of Santos to Baya
at the kings charges, to know whether we should haue trade there or no,
and this barke could not returne before that time.
About this time there arriued at Fernambuck[27] a shippe from Portugall,
which brought newes that the Islands, Indies, and Portugall it selfe was
molested and troubled by the Spaniards, and that the Portugales had both
English and Frenchmen to Lisbone to defend them against Spaine.
[27] Pernambuco.
The 25. day wee sent two of our men, namely Thomas Michael and Simon
Thorne to Baya in a barke that went thither from Santos.
The two and twentie day of April our Master and Thomas Babington hauing
some talke and conference with the Padres of Santos, they (our men being
ready to go to the Riuer of Ienero) tolde them, that they were sorry for
our banishment from the Church, and that the Ministrador had written
from Rio de Ienero, that forasmuch as these twentie yeres or more the
English nation had denied the Church of Rome and her proceedings,
therefore the Ministrador commanded that none of vs should come to their
Church: the Padres willed vs herein to haue patience, and to take it in
good part, and promised to stand our friends in their word and writing,
both to the Ministrador and to the bishop at Baya, and further requested
all our English company to haue no ill opinion of them.
The 28. of April we laded sugars into our ship.
The 21. of May we tooke in fresh victuals from Santos.
The 10. day of Iune we gratified one Iosto Thorno, dwelling in Santos,
with some of our English victuals, and intertained him in good sort in
our ship, and this day wee were promised to haue a Pilot at Santos to
cary vs to Baya.
[Sidenote: Leaks in the Minion made by wormes.] The 11. day we went to
fish, to make prouision for our ship and men, and from that time til the
eighteenth day wee fet water, and cut wood for our fire, and trimmed our
ship of the harmes and leakes which the wormes had made in her while wee
ridde at the yland of S. Sebastian, and in the meane time we departed
from before the towne of Santos. Our Master sent his skiffe from the
barre of Santos, thinking to haue brought Thomas Babington and William
Euet with the Pilot, which wee had tarried for three dayes: and as the
skiffe was going, William Euet being by the Riuers side, called to our
pinnesse, and sent a letter to our Master, [Sidenote: Whose name
was Stephen Hare.] which Thomas Babington had written, wherein were no
newes, but that the Ministrador was arriued at Santos from the Riuer of
Ienero, and would speake with our Master, but he willed that whatsoeuer
Thomas Babington did write, no credit should be giuen to it. And further
he wished vs presently to depart for Sant Sebastian, and there to
dispatch our businesse, and then to sende backe for Babington and
himselfe to Guaybea, where he (if he were well) would giue his
attendance to come abord.
[Sidenote: Their departure from Santos.] As we rid two leagues a
sea-bord the barre of Santos, wee broke a cable in the open sea, which
happened the 15. day of this moneth.
We arriued at S. Sebastian the 15. day, and there shifted our balast,
and had in stones, and halled our ship a ground to stop our leakes, and
caried our casks a shoare to be hooped for water, which indeed might
better haue bene done in Santos, before the Ministrador came thither:
yet we finished all things pertaining to our ship, by the 22 of this
moneth, at S. Sebastian.
The first day of Iuly Thomas Babington came abord with William Euet, in
our pinnesse, and the rest of our men that went for them: but there was
no Pilot brought according to promise to cary vs to Baya.
The things that we obserued and noted in the time of our being at
Santos, were these.
All such wares and marchandizes as owe no custome in Brasill, their vse
is, to set a price vpon the same, how they shalbe sold: which is done by
the magistrates of the towne, according to the ordinances of their King.
But for all such marchandizes as do owe custome there, the marchants are
to sell them according as they may, to the greatest profit and aduantage
that they can.
Concerning the prouince of Peru, wee learned that one part of it by land
and water is but twelue dayes iourney from the towne of Santos, and from
thence it may be about foure or fiue dayes iourney by water to the maine
riuer of Plate.[28]
From the head of the riuer of Plate, and from their chiefe townes there,
they do trade and trafique by land into Peru by waggons, and horses or
mules.
The said riuer of Plate is so full of sands and dangers, and the fresh
so fierce sometimes, that no shipping dares to deale with it, small
barks to their knowledge may go vp it, and not els.
The Portugales here cannot be suffered to vse their Mines of treasure in
these parts, vpon paine of death, the contrary being commanded by the
king and the Vice-roy, who is as their king in place of authoritie.
About twentie leagues from Santos there is a certaine kinde of wilde
Sauages, lying in the mountaines, which are in friendship with the
Portugales, and they haue continuall warres with certaine other Sauages
that dwell towards the borders of Peru, which is distant from Santos
about 400. or 500. leagues. Those Sauages of Peru haue store of gold and
siluer, but they knowe not the vse of it.
Looke what Sauages of their enemies they take, they sell them to the
Portugales for kniues, combes, axes or hatchets, and other trifles: they
will sell one for a pennie-knife to a Portugal, and after two yeeres
they are worth twentie or thirtie duckets to the Portugal.
This people haue also continuall warres with the Spaniards: and this was
tolde vs by one of those Sauages, which hath dwelt among the Portugales
these seuen yeeres, with his master called Sennor Manoel Veloso. And
this fellowe would willingly haue come with vs for England.
[28] Paraguay is probably meant. The river of that name, which
ultimately flows into the Sea as Rio de la Plata, is about 700 miles
distant from Santos.
[Sidenote: The yle of Alcatrarzas or Pelicanes dangerous for rocks.]
There are certaine rockes that lie off betweene the yle of Alcatrarzas
and S. Sebastian, about two leagues, which are to be taken heed of,
which a farre off in faire weather shewe like the sailes of ships.
There are other rocks that lie off S. Catelina also fiue leagues to the
East and by south into the sea off the yland.
At our comming vp to Santos we found foure fadom and a halfe water in
the shallowest place, and the like we found within a league after we
were departed from S. Catelina, litle more or lesse, but after you haue
runne in the depth of foure fadome and a halfe, about a mile or lesse,
then you shall haue it deeper againe more and more.
Before the towne of Santos we rode in eight or tenne fadome water.
A letter of Francis Suares to his brother Diego Suares dwelling in
Lisbon, written from the riuer of Ienero in Brasill in Iune 1596.
concerning the exceeding rich trade newly begunne betweene that
place and Peru, by the way of the Riuer of Plate, with small
barks of 30. and 40. tunnes.
Sir, we set saile from Lisbon the fourth of April 1596. and arriued here
in this riuer of Ienero the twentie seuenth of Iune next ensuing. And
the same day the Visitadores did visit our ship with great ioy, thinking
that those commodities which wee brought with vs, had bene for the
marchants of this countrey: but it prooued to the contrary.
[Sidenote: Wine solde at an excessiue rate.] The pilot brought with him
in the sayd shippe two pipes of wine which were taken from him, and
solde by the Iustice for foure and twenty reals euery gallon. But I
solde mine for two and thirty and sixe and thirty reals the gallon. If I
had brought any great store of wine, I should haue made a great gaine of
it: for I should haue gotten eight reals for one.
The next day in the morning we went all on shore, and gaue God thanks
for our prosperous voyage, and good successe which he had sent vs. And
because the gouernour of this countrey was gone from this Towne to
another house of his, three leagues vp into the riuer beyond the place
where we rode at anker, I desired the captaine of our shippe after
dinner, that we might take the shippe boat, and goe to the place where
the gouernour did lie. And so going vp the riuer, we met with a canoa
which was comming downe the riuer, and going aboard our shippe; which
canoa was laden with fresh victuals, and in the same was one Portugall,
which met vs, and tolde vs that the gouernour of that captaine shippe
had sent vs a present, which we receiued very thankefully, and sent it
aboord. And we went vp the riuer, to the place where the gouernour did
dwell; and comming to the place where we landed, hard by the riuers
side, the gouernour came thither and receiued vs very courteously. So we
remained at his house two days, talking of many matters of Portugall:
then we departed from him, and came downe the riuer.
Three dayes after, I hired a ware-house by my selfe, and landed my
commodities. And now I am selling them as fast as I can; and sell them
very well, and to great profit: for I haue sold all our hats. I would I
had brought forty or fifty dozen, by reason of the great vtterance of
them vp into Peru, and into the new kingdome of Granada, by the way of
the riuer of Plate. [Sidenote: A rich trade from the riuer of Ienero by
the riuer of Plate into Peru, etc.] For here is passage euery three or
foure moneths with barks of thirty and forty tunnes a piece, which are
laden with sugars, rice, taffataes, hats, and other kindes of
commodities of this countrey, which are caried vp the sayd riuer of
Plate in the sayd barks, and thence are conueyed vp into Peru. And these
barks are but tenne or twelue days going vp the sayd riuer to Peru. And
within foure and fiue moneths after, the sayd barkes come downe this
riuer againe laden with reals of plate, and bring downe from those
places no other commodities but treasure. [Sidenote: The shortnesse of
the returne of the voyage to Peru.] It is a woonderfull thing to behold
the great gaine and profit which is gotten in this riuer and in this
countrey. I am ashamed to write it, fearing that I shall not be
beleeued. For the imployment of one hundred ducats in spaine, being
brought hither, will yeeld twelue hundred and fifteene hundred ducats
profit. This trade hath beene vsed but within this yeere. [Sidenote: The
rich trade was begunne in the yere 1595.] For wee can goe vp to the
mines of Potosi, which are the best and the richest mines in all
Peru.[29] If the merchants of Spaine and Portugall did know this trade,
they would not send nor venture so much merchandise to Cartagena as
they doe. For vp this riuer is a great deale the neerer way, and the
easier to go to Peru. For the Peruleros or merchants of Peru, which
dwell there, come downe to this harbour and riuer of Ienero, and bring
with them fifteene thousand and twentie thousand ducats in reals of
plate and gold, and imploy it heere in this riuer in commodities: and
when heere are no commodities to be had for money in this place, then
these merchants of Peru, are constrained to go to Baia and Fernambuc,
and there to imploy their money. [Sidenote: The voyage of Angola in
Africa.] I would I had brought good store of silks, and not these kinde
of commodities which I did bring. For here is more profit to be had a
great deale then in the voyage of Angola. For heere with fiue hundred
ducats in fiue moneths space a man may get sixe thousand ducats. And
this is no fable, but most true, and a great deale more then I can
expresse. For a rapier Which doeth cost in Spaine foure and twenty and
sixe and twenty reals, is sold heere for forty and fifty ducats: a
bridle for a horse is solde for fifteene ducats; a lock of a doore and
the key is solde for ten ducats: a pound of beniamin is solde for
fifteene ducats: a yard of veluet is solde for twenty and fiue and
twenty ducats: taffataes are solde for sixe and seuen ducats the vare:
an ownce of muske, is solde for forty ducats: and all kinde of
commodities after this rate. [Sidenote: Gaine of ten thousand ducats for
the laying out of one thousand.] So one thousand ducats of Spanish
commodities will gaine tenne thousand ducats. Thus I hope in God to make
more profit and gaine this voyage, then in two voyages to Angola: for I
haue solde most of my hats for two duckets and a halfe and for three
ducats. The rest I will cary to Angola, to helpe to sell the rest of my
commodities, which I cannot sell in this riuer. And I haue solde an
hundred cubits of broad cloth for fiue hundred and fiue hundred and
fifty and sixe hundred reys the cubit. [Sidenote: A trade of buying
Negros in Angola.] If I would haue solde all my cloth for ready money
tolde downe for foure hundred and fifty and fiue hundred reyes, the
merchants would haue bought it all of me: but I would sell no more,
because I meant to exchange it in Angola for Negros. Howbeit with ready
money in hand in Angola a man shall buy better Negros, and better
cheape. The captaine of our ship solde all his cloth for ready money for
fore hundred and fifty reys the cubit, and thought that he had made a
good market, but he hath deceiued himselfe. I solde six broad clothes
for fiue hundred and fifty reys the cubit: and I was offered thirty
thousand reys for a cloth. Vineger is solde for two and thirty, sixe and
thirty, and forty reals a iarre, by reason there is great store of
limmons and orenges in the countrey: but in Angola it is more woorth.
Oliues are solde for halfe a reall a piece: wherefore I hope to sell the
hogshead for twenty thousand reys. In taffataes and veluets there will
be gotten two hundred and fifty and three hundred for one hundred. If I
had brought great store, I could haue solde it all at this rate. I haue
already gotten great store of reals of plate: for it is tolde mee that
money is a good commodity in Angola. But I must imploy some in meale,
which is in the grinding. All the rest of my money I will send you by
billes of exchange, and some part I wil imploy in sugars: for I haue
sent order to Baia for that purpose. For from this place there is no
shipping that doth go that way. So these letters I do send by the way of
Fernambuc, and haue directed them to my cousin: for I do determine to
settle my selfe here in this countrey. There is come downe from Peru, by
this riuer of Plate, a merchant called Alonso Ramires, and he hath
brought downe with him ten or twelue thousand ducats in reals of plate,
and is come downe to this place to build him a ship to returne into
Spaine; and there is come in his company a bishop. And thus Iesus Christ
send you long health.
Your louing brother Francis Suares.
[29] By Peru, Bolivia is here meant, Potosi can be reached from Rio de
la Plata by ascending the river Paraguay to its junction with the
Pilcomayo, and thence ascending that river.
The well gouerned and prosperous voyage of M. Iames Lancaster,
begun with three ships and a galley-frigat from London in October
1594, and intended for Fernambuck, the porte-towne of Olinda in
Brasil. In which voyage (besides the taking of nine and twenty
ships and frigats) he surprized the sayd port-towne, being
strongly fortified and manned; and held possession thereof thirty
dayes together (notwithstanding many bolde assaults of the enemy
both by land and water) and also prouidently defeated their
dangerous and almost ineuitable fireworks. Heere he found the
cargazon or freight of a rich East Indian carack; which together
with great abundance of sugars, Brasil-wood, and cotton he
brought from thence; lading therewith fifteene sailes of tall
ships and barks.
In September 1594 the worshipfull M. Iohn Wats, alderman, M. Paul
Banning, alderman, and others of worship in the city of London,
victualled three good ships; to wit, The Consent, of the burden of 240
tunnes or thereabout, The Salomon, of 170 tunnes, and the Virgin, of 60
tunnes: and appointed for commanders in this voyage, M. Iames Lancaster
of London, gentleman, admirall of the fleet, M. Edmund Barker of London,
viceadmirall, and M. Iohn Audely of Poplar neere London rereadmirall,
hauing in their sayd ships to the number of 275 men and boyes.
Being fully furnished with all needfull prouision, wee departed from
Blackwall in October following, keeping our owne coast, vntill we came
into the West countrey, where we met with such gusts and stormes, that
the Salomon spending her mast at the Range of Dartmouth, put into
harbour; but by the earnest care and industry of the generall and others
hauing charge, she was shortly againe prouided. Which done, hauing a
pleasant gale for our purpose, we put foorth from Dartmouth the last of
Nouember following. But contrary to our expectation, not fifty leagues
from our owne coast, we lost the Salomon and the Virgin, by a storme of
contrary winde that fell vpon vs: yet being alone, in hope to meet them
about the Canaries or Cape Blank, we kept on our course to the Canaries,
but could heare no tidings of our consorts, which greatly grieued vs.
Thence we went, bearing for the isle of Tenerif, where in the morning
early we had sight of a saile, which being becalmed vnder the shore, was
towing with their boat a head, hauing one other at her sterne. For this
saile we manned our boat, appointing our men wel for fight, if need
should require. The Spaniards seeing our boat come, entred theirs, and
leauing the ship, sought to saue themselues by flight: but our men
pursued them so fast, that they boorded them, and brought them with
their shippe to our Generall. This ship was laden with 80 tunnes of
Canary-wine, which came not vnto vs before it was welcome. We kept and
manned it, plying that day, and the next night thereabout. The very next
morning we had sight of one other; to whome in like maner wee sent our
boat: but their gunner made a shot at her, and strooke off a propper
yoong mans arme; yet we inforced her to yeeld, and found 40 tunnes of
wine in her. The Spaniards hauing their free passage, and an
acquaintance for the deliuery of their wines, were all set on shore vpon
Tenerif, making a quicke returne of their long voyage intended into the
West Indies.
Hence we departed toward Cape Blank; and before wee came thither, we met
againe with the Virgin our rereadmirall, whose men tolde vs for very
trueth, that the Salomon was returned for England; inforced so to doe,
by spending her mast the second time. Which when our men vnderstood,
they were all in a maze, not knowing what to doe, and saying among
themselues that their force was but small when all our strength were
together, and now we had lost the one halfe of our strength, we were not
able to performe the voyage: and therefore some of them came to the
captain, asking him what he would now do, seeing the Salomon was now
lost, the one halfe of our strength, giuing him counsell to beare vp for
the West Indies, and proue there to make his voyage, because his first
plat for want of strength was cleane ouerthrown. The captaine hearing
this new nouelty, as not vnacquainted with the variable pretenses of
mariners, made them this answere: Sirs, I made knowen to you all at my
comming out of England what I pretended, and that I meant to go to
Fernambuck, and although at the present we want one of our ships, yet
(God willing) I mean to go forward, not doubting but to meet her at the
appointed places, which are either at Cape Blank or the islands of Cape
Verde: for I am assured that M. Barker the captaine is so resolute to
performe this voyage, that his mast being repaired, he will not faile to
meet vs, and it were no wisdome for vs to diuert our course, till we
haue sought him at those places where our appointed meeting is: for the
diuerting of courses is the ouerthrow of most of our actions. And I hope
you will be all contented herewith: for to go any other course then I
haue determined (by Gods helpe) I will not be drawen vnto. With these
reasons and many others shewed, they rested all satisfied: and at our
comming to Cape Blank (God be praised) we met with the Salomon with no
small ioy to vs all; and there she had taken of Spaniards and Portugals
24 saile of ships and carauels, fisher-men, and had taken out of them
such necessaries as she had neede of. Of these ships our Captaine tooke
foure along with him, with another that he had taken himselfe, meaning
to imploy them as occasion should serue. At this place he vnderstood one
of the pilots of those ships, that one of the caracks that came out of
the East Indies, was cast away in the rode of Fernambuc, and that all
her goods were layd vpon the Arracife which is the lower towne. Of these
newes we were all glad, and reioyced much; for our hopes were very
good, seeing such a booty before vs.
[Sidenote: A gally-frigat carried out of England in pieces.] Of this
good company and happy successe we were all ioyful, and had great hope
of the blessing of God in performance of our intended voyage, and so
after some parle and making frolike for ioy of our meeting one with the
other (praising God for all) we plied for Maio: where coming to anker,
our generall and the rest of the captaines went ashore to view the place
where we might in best safety set our gally-frigat together; which frame
wee brought from England of purpose to land men in the country of
Brasil. Here we discharged our great prize of wine, and set her on fire:
but before our coming thither, you shall vnderstand we had sight of four
sailes, which was captaine Venner in his ship the Peregrine, and a
proper Biskaine which he tooke at Cape Blank, the Welcome of Plymmouth
and her pinnesse: all which stood with vs. But they seeing our flags,
not expecting such good fellowes as we, did beare from vs all they
might; which our people tooke very vnkindly, that being all friends,
they would neither enquire, nor tell vs any newes of our friends, but
without making any shew of kindness would so depart. [Sidenote: The
gally-frigat set vp.] As before I haue said, the choice being made for
the place to build the gally-frigat, ashore it was brought, where the
carpenters applied their worke, still cheered vnto it by the generals
good gifts bestowed among them, and kind vsage of the rest of the
commanders, not without great care of the captaine for the safety of
them all, by keeping good watch: yet one negligent fellow, which had no
knowledge of the countrey, straying from his company, was by the
Portugals taken, and very kindly vsed, and brought againe vnto vs: for
which good the generall rewarded them well with gifts very acceptable,
which they tooke as kindly. While wee were thus busily imployed about
the foresayd galley, we descried at sea foure sailes, which we had good
hope would haue prooued Indies men, or some to haue brought vs what wee
looked for: but they proued captaine Venner with his fleete, as
aforesayd, who, seeing vs at anker, ankered also; where spending some
time, and being acquainted with our generals determination for landing,
consorted with vs, and their bils, according to the maner of the sea,
were made and signed on either part, we to haue three parts, and he the
fourth, of all that should be taken, whereby our strength was increased,
to all our comforts. Three weeks or thereabouts we stayd in this place
before the gally was finished; which done, putting men into her, and
fitting her with oares, hauing fourteene banks on a side, a mast and
saile, the commandement of her was committed vnto M. Wats, an honest
skilful mariner.
From thence we put againe to sea, and went for the ile Braua, where we
watered: which done, we made no long stay after, but bent our course as
directly as we could for the place, making our first fall with the land
to the Southward of Cape S. Augustine; from whence wee plied still to
our desired port of Fernambuck, and did so much, that about midnight we
came before the harbour; where some plied vp and downe, holding that the
best policy, to forebeare the entring till day might giue them light,
the harborow being hard, and therefore the more perillous. [Sidenote:
The 29 of March.] Our ships being in safety well arriued, God was
praised: and the generall in his boat went from ship to ship, willing
them to made ready such men as they could spare, with muskets, pikes,
billes, bowes, arrowes, and what weapons they had to follow him.
Himself, with 80 men from his owne ship, imbarked himselfe in the gally,
which carried in her prow a good sacar, and two murdering pieces.
Our admiral spent all the night in giuing directions to euery ship to
haue their men ready shipped in their boats, for he intended to enter
the harborow at the breake of day, and to leaue his ships without, till
he had gotten the fort and the towne: for he would not aduenture the
ships in, till the harborow was gotten. Also he prouided fiue ships,
which he brought from Cape Blank, and put men in them as many as could
conueniently saile them, and no more, giuing them charge to enter the
harborow with his boats: for at the entrance of the harborow rode three
great Holland ships, which our admirall doubted would impeach his going
in; and therefore he gaue order to the men of these fiue small ships,
which were not aboue 60 tunnes a piece, if the Hollanders did offer any
resistance, to run aboord of them, and to set their owne ships on fire,
and scape in their boats, which they had for the same purpose, that by
this meanes they might not impeach our entrance. But when the morning
was come, we were fallen aboue halfe a mile downe to the Northward,
below the harborow, which was a great inconuenience vnto vs: so that
before wee could get vp againe, the ebbe was come vpon vs, and thereby
we were forced to houer before the harborow till two of the clocke in
the afternoone, in the sight of all the towne. In this meane time, our
ships rode before the fort without the harborow, about a demy-coluering
shot off: in the which time passed many shot betweene the fort and the
ships, and especially betweene the admirals ship and them: but no great
harme was done on either part. All this while our admirall kept the men
ready houering in the gally and the boats. The Hollanders that rode in
the mouth of the harborow, seeing our resolution, layd out haulsers, and
wound themselues out of the way of vs. Our admirall was very ioyfull,
and gaue great incouragement to all his men: for, to passe these three
great Hollanders, he held it the greatest danger of all. About 12 of the
clocke the gouernor of the towne sent a Portugall aboord the admirals
ship, to know what he would haue, and wherefore he came. He returned him
this answere: That he wanted the caracks goods, and for them he came,
and them he would haue, and that he should shortly see. In this processe
of time, the townes-men and inhabitants which saw so much shipping, and
perceiued vs to be enemies, gathered themselues together, three or foure
ensignes of men, esteemed to the number of some sixe hundred at the
least. These came to the fort or platforme lying ouer against the entry
of the harborow, and there attended our landing: but before our admirall
set forward with his boats, he gaue expresse order to all that had
charge of gouerning the boats or galley, to run them with such violence
against the shore, that they should be all cast away without recouery,
and not one man to stay in them, whereby our men might haue no maner of
retreat to trust vnto, but onely to God and their weapons.
Now was the time come of the flood, being about two of the clocke in the
afternoone, when our admirall set forward, and entered the harborow with
the small galley, and all the rest of the boats following him, the
Hollanders that rode in the mouth of the harborow, nothing impeached
him: but now the fort began to play with their ordinance vpon the galley
and the boats; and one of their shot tooke away a great piece of our
ensigne out of the galley. But our saile being set, it was no time for
vs to make any stay, but with all the force we could we ranne the galley
vpon the shore right vnder the fort, within a coits cast of it, with
such violence, that we brake her backe; and she suncke presently: for
there where we landed, went a breach of the sea, which presently cast
her away. The boats comming after did the like. At our arriuall, those
in the fort had laden all their ordinance, being seuen pieces of brasse,
to discharge them vpon vs at our landing; which indeed they did: for our
admirall leaping into the water, all the rest following him, off came
these pieces of ordinance: but almighty God be praised, they in the
fort, with feare to see vs land in their faces, had piked their
ordinance so steepe downewards with their mouthes, that they shot all
their shot in the sand, although, as I sayd before, it was not aboue a
coits cast at the most betweene the place wee landed and the face of the
fort: so that they only shot off one of our mens armes, without doing
any more hurt; which was to vs a great blessing of God: for if those
ordinances had bene well leuelled, a great number of vs had lost our
liues at that instant. Our admirall seeing this, cried out, incouraging
his men, Vpon them, vpon them; all (by Gods helpe) is ours: and they
therewith ran to the fort with all violence. [Sidenote: The fort of
Fernambuck taken.] Those foure ensignes of men that were set to defend
our landing, seeing this resolution, began to go backe, and retire into
certeine bushes that were by the same fort; and being followed, fledde
thorowe a certaine oaze which was drie, being then but the beginning of
the tide: and so abandoned the fort, and left it with their ordinance to
vs. This day of our arriuall was their Good-Friday, when by custome they
usually whippe themselves: but God sent vs now for a generall scourge
to them all, whereby that labour among them might be well spared. The
fort being taken with all their ordinance, the admirall waued to the
ships, willing them to wey and come in; which they did with all speed,
himselfe taking order in leauing certeine men in keeping the sayd fort,
and placed the ordinance toward the high towne, from whence hee
suspected the greatest danger; and putting his men in order, marched
toward the low towne, which was about some fourteene score from the
fort: in which towne lay all their merchandize and other goods.
Approching to the towne, he entered the same, the people imbarking
themselues in carauels and boats, with all the expedition they could.
The base towne, of aboue an hundred houses, being thus taken, we found
in it great store of merchandizes of all sorts: as Brasil-wood, sugars,
Calico-cloth, pepper, cynamon, cloues, mase, nutmegs, with diuers other
good things, to the great comfort of vs all. The admirall went vp and
downe the towne, and placed at the South end of the same captaine
Venner and his company, himselfe and his company in the midst of the
towne, and captaine Barker and captaine Addy at the other end of the
towne, giuing great charge, that no man vpon paine of great punishment
and losse of his shares, should break vp or enter into any ware-house,
without order and direction from the admirall. And this commandement was
as well kept as euer any was kept, where so great spoile and booty was
found: for it was not knowen in all the time of our being there, that
any disorder was committed, or any lodge or ware-house broken open, or
any spoile was made, or pillaging of any thing; which is a note much to
be obserued in such an action: for common mariners and souldiers are
much giuen to pillaging and spoiling, making greater account of the same
then of their shares.
Order being put in all things, we kept a very sure watch this first
night, and the morning being come, our admirall and captaine Venner,
with the rest of the captaines, went about the towne, and gaue order for
the fortifying of it with all expedition: so that within two dayes it
was surrounded with posts and planks, all that part of the towne next
the maine land, at least nine foot high; for (God be thanked) we found
provision in the towne sufficient store for it. Now it is to be
vnderstood, that this towne is enuironed on the one part by the sea, and
on the back-side by a riuer that runneth behinde it; so that to come to
it by land, you must enter it by a small narrow passage not aboue forty
paces ouer at an high water. At this passage we built a fort, and
planted in it fiue pieces of ordinance, which we tooke out of the first
fort we wan at our comming into the harborow. Now we hauing the towne in
possession, our admirall sent for the Hollanders by his chyrurgian,
which had bene brought vp in that countrey, a man knowing their
conditions, and sober and discreet of his owne cariage. At his first
comming aboord of them, they seemed to stand vpon their owne guard and
defence, for they were three great and strong ships: but he vsed
himselfe so, that they at the last willed him to come into the greatest
of their ships, which was aboue 450 tunnes. Then he declared to them our
intent, of comming thither, and that they should be there as sure from
any shew of violence or iniury offered them, as if they were in their
owne houses, and if they should thinke so good, his admirall would
fraight them for England, if they would be content with fraight
reasonable, and as they should agree, and it should be at their owne
choise whether to go or not, he would not force them, vnlesse it were to
their benefit and good liking. Although this people were somewhat
stubburne at the first, as that nation is in these causes, yet being
satisfied with good words and good dealing they came aland, and after
conference had with the admirall, they were so satisfied, that they went
thorow with a fraight: and then we ioyned with them, and they with vs,
and they serued vs as truely and as faithfully as our owne people did,
both at watch and ward, by sea and all other seruices. Within two dayes
after our comming in, about midnight, a great number of Portugals and
Indians with them, came downe vpon vs with a very great cry and noise;
but God be thanked, we were ready for them: for our admirall supposing
some such assault, had prouided all our muskets with haile-shot, which
did so gaule both the Indians and the Portugals, that they made them
presently retreat. And this is to be noted, that there was both the
horse and his rider slaine both with one of these shot. Our men followed
them some fiue or sixe score, but no further. We lost in this conflict
but onely one man, but had diuers hurt. What was lost of their part, we
could not tell, for they had before day, after our retreat, caried away
all their dead. Within three or foure dayes after our comming in
appeared before the harborow 3 ships and 2 pinnesses, the pinnesses
being somewhat nere, discried our flags, and one of them came in, which
was a French pinnesse, declaring all the rest to be French bottoms;
which our admirall willed should come in: and so they did. These were
Frenchmen of war, and came thither for purchase. The captaines came
aland, and were welcomed; amongst whom was one captaine Iohn Noyer of
Diepe, that the yere before had taken in our admirall at the iland of
Mona in the West Indies, where his ship was cast away, comming out of
the East Indies. To this man our admirall offered great kindnes, and
performed it, and was not vngratefull for his former benefit shewed vnto
him. This captaine desired of our admirall to bestow vpon him his ships
lading of Fernambuc-wood, which he granted him, and also his pinnesse,
and more, gaue him a carauel of about 50 tuns, and bid him lade her with
wood also; which with other benefits he gratefully receiued. To the
other two captaines he granted their ladings of wood, the one captaine
being of Diepe, the other of Rochel. [Sidenote: Abraham Cocke going for
the riuer of Plate, met withall.] The captain of Diepe confessed that he
met Abraham Cocke certein moneths before, and being distressed for want
of water, gaue him some, and went with him to a watering place where he
had water enough, and so departed from him, saying that his men were
very weake. The comming in of these ships did much strengthen vs; for
our admiral appointed both these French and the Flemings to keepe watch
vpon the riuer by night with their boats, euery boat hauing in her 12
men at the least, and the boats well prouided. This was for feare of
fired ships or barks to come downe; which our admirall had great care
vnto, and caused our ships to ride by cables and haulsers, at all
aduantages to shun them, if by that meanes they should attempt to put vs
out of the harborow; giuing commandement to vs that watched in the
towne, that what fires soeuer we should espy or see, not one man to
start from his watch or quarter, vnlesse we were by himselfe commanded
to the contrary. Now this order put in all things, and hauing viewed all
the goods in the towne, and thinking our selues sufficiently fortified,
we began to vnlade our ships, which came as full laden in as they went
foorth, but not with so good merchandize. And this order was taken about
the vnlading of them, and also the lading of goods out of the towne: our
men were diuided into halues, and the one halfe wrought one day, and the
other halfe the other day; alwayes those that wrought not kept the watch
with their furniture in their hands and about them, and none stept far
off or wandred from his colours, and those that wrought had all their
weapons in good order set and placed by them, so that at an instant
euery one knew where to go to his furniture: and this was very carefully
looked vnto.
The third day after our comming in, came down from the higher towne,
which might be about foure miles off vpon a hill, three or foure of the
principall gentlemen of the countrey, and sayd that from the bishop,
themselues, and the rest, they would haue some conference with our
admirall. This newes being brought to the admirall he hung downe his
head for a small season; and when he had muzed a while, he answered, I
must go aboord of the Flemings vpon busines that importeth me, and
therefore let them stay if they will: and so he went and sate there with
the Flemings from nine of the clocke till two at the afternoone. In this
space diuers messengers went to the admirall, to come away, for these
gentlemen stayd. To whom he gaue this answere: Are they not gone yet?
And about two of the clocke he came aland, and then they tolde him they
were departed. Many of the better sort of our men maruelled, and thought
much, because he would not vouchsafe to come and haue conference with
such men of account as they seemed to be. But the admiral made them this
answere, Sirs, I haue bene brought vp among this people, I haue liued
among them as a gentleman, serued with them as a souldier, and liued
among them as a merchant, so that I should haue some vnderstanding of
their demeanors and nature; and I know when they cannot preuaile with
the sword by force, then they deale with their deceiuable tongues; for
faith and trueth they haue none, neither will vse any, vnlesse it be to
their owne aduantage. And this I giue you warning, that if you giue them
parle, they will betray vs; and for my part, of all nations in the
world, it would grieue me most to be ouertaken by this nation and the
Spaniards: and I am glad it was my fortune to pay them with one of their
owne fetches, for I warrant you they vnderstand me better then you
thinke they do. And with this I pray you be satisfied; I hope it is for
all our goods: for what shall we gaine by parle, when (by the helpe of
God) we haue gotten already that we came for, should we venture that we
haue gotten with our swords, to see if they can take it from vs by words
and policy? there were no wisedome in so doing. You know what it hath
cost vs, and how many men lie wounded that be not yet hole of this other
nights hurts: and therefore from hencefoorth I giue this commission,
that if any be taken, he be sent away with this order, although he come
as a friend, that if he or any other approch vs from henceforth, he
shalbe hanged out of hand: and other course then this I will not take
with them. Which course was followed, for within 3 or 4 dayes after it
was performed by two taken in the night: and after that we were neuer
troubled with spies: and although diuers slaues came running from their
men to vs, by which we vnderstood much of their working and pretences,
yet the admirall would enterteine few of them.
In this meane time that we began to worke, the Portugals with the
country people were not idle, for seeing vs so busie, about sixe nights
after our comming in, they priuily in the night cast vp a trench in the
sands about a sacar shot from our ships, minding there to plant
ordinance, which would haue offended our ships greatly; and they would
not haue bene able to haue rode there to take in their lading, which now
began to go aboord of them. The admirall hearing this, about 3 of the
clocke in the after noone marshalled our men, and he and all the rest of
the captaines marched toward them. The Portugals and Indians perceiuing
our comming, began to withdraw themselues within the trench, meaning (as
it should appeare) to fight it out there: but we made no stand, neither
did it behoue vs, but presently approched the trenches with our muskets
and pikes, afore their trenches were thorowly finished: so that by Gods
helpe we entered them. And the Portugals and Indians left the place, and
left vnto vs 4 good peeces of brasse ordinance, with powder and shot and
diuers other necessaries, and among the rest 5 smal carts of that
countrey, which to vs were more worth then al the rest we tooke, for the
lading of our goods from the towne to the water side: for without them
we could not haue told what to haue done, much of our goods being so
heauie, that without carts we were not able to weyld them: all these
things we brought away and destroyed al those platforms that they had
made, and then we had rest with them for certaine dayes, in which we
went forward, deuiding our marchandize with captaine Venner according to
our consort, and went daily lading them abord, euery ships company
according as their turnes fell out, but only the three Dutch ships: for
the goods being put into their boats their owne companies laded
themselues. And this farther good chance or blessing of God we had to
helpe vs, that assoone as we had taken our cartes, the next morning came
in a ship with some 60 Negros, 10 Portugal women, and 40 Portugals: the
women and the Negroes we turned out of the towne, but the Portugals our
Admirall kept to draw the carts when they were laden, which to vs was a
very great ease. For the countrey is very hote and ill for our nation to
take any great trauell in.
In this towne there is no fresh water to be had, and therefore we were
euery 5 or 6 dayes compelled to passe ouer the riuer into the maine land
to get fresh water, which after the first or second time the Portugals
kept and would haue defended our watering, so that we were driuen to
water of force, and at seuerall times some of our men were hurt, and
onely two or three slaine, and with this danger we were forced to get
our water.
And as they molested vs in our watering, so they slept not in other
deuises, but put in practise to burne our ships or remoue them out of
the harbour. For within some 20 dayes after our comming in, they had
prepared 5 Carauels and filled them with such things as would best take
fire and burne: these they brought within a mile or little more of our
ships, and there set them on fire, for neerer they could not well come
because of our watch of boates, for, as is abouesaid, the Admirall had
alwaies 6 boates that kept watch aboue halfe a mile from the ships for
feare of such exploytes as these, which was the cause they could not
fire them so neere the ships as they would haue done. But these fired
Carauels had the tide with them, and also the little winde that blewe
was in their favour; which caused them to come downe the streame the
faster: which our boats perceiuing made to them with as much expedition
as conueniently they could, but the tide and wind both seruing them,
they approched toward the ships with great expedition. Our men in the
towne began to be in some feare of them, yet no man mooued or started
from his quarter more then if there had bene nothing to doe. Also the
masters and such as were aboord, were somewhat amased to see 5 so great
fires to be comming downe among their ships, but they prepared for to
cleere them of it, as well as they could, being prouided afore hande and
iudging that some such stratagems would be there vsed, the riuer being
very fit therefore. But (God be thanked) who was alwaies with vs and our
best defence in this voyage; by whose assistance we performed this so
great an attempt with so small forces. Our companie in the boats so
played the men when they saw the fires come neere our ships, that
casting grapnels with yron chaines on them, as euery boat had one for
that purpose, some they towed aground, and some they brought to a bitter
or anker, where they rode till all their force was burned out, and so we
were deliuered by Gods helpe from this fearefull danger. Within some 6
nights after this, which might be about the 26 day after our comming in
and abode there, about 11 of the clocke at night, came driuing downe
other 3 great raftes burning with the hugest fires that I haue seene.
These were exceeding dangerous, for when our men approched them,
thinking to clap their grapnels vpon them, as they had done vpon the
Carauels the night before, they were preuented: for there stooke out of
the rafts many poles which kept them from the body of the rafts, that
they could not come to throw their grapnels into them: and yet they had
this inconuenience worse then al the rest which most troubled vs. There
stooke out among the poles certaine hollow trunks filled with such
prouision of fire workes that they ceased not still (as the fire came
downe to those trunks to set them on fire) to spout out such sparkles,
that our boats hauing powder in them for our mens vse, durst not for
feare of frying themselues with their owne powder come neere those
sparkles of the raftes, but seeing them to driue neerer and neerer our
ships, they wet certaine clothes and laid vpon their flaskes and
bandelers and so ventured vpon them, and with their grapnels tooke holde
of them, and so towed them on ground, where they stooke fast and were
not burnt out the next day in the morning. Diuerse logs and timbers came
driuing along by our ships, and burning, but with our boats we easily
defended them. And thus (God be praysed) we escaped the second fires. A
third firing was prepared, as a Negro gaue vs to vnderstand, but this we
preuented by our departure. For this third firing were very great
preparations: and we were credibly informed of certainetie, that this
firing should be such as we should neuer be able to preuent, and
assuredly these fires be dangerous things and not to be preuented vpon
the sudden, vnlesse it be afore prepared for and foreseene. For when it
commeth vpon the sudden and vnlooked for, and vnprouided for, it
bringeth men into a great amazement and at their wits ende. And
therefore let all men riding in riuers in their enemies countrey be sure
to looke to be prouided before hand, for against fire there is no
resistance without preparation.
Also it is a practise in these hot countreys, where there be such expert
swimmers, to cut the cables of ships: and one night it was practised to
cut the Admirals cable, and yet the boate rode by the cable with two men
in her to watch all the night, and the bwoy onely was cut, but not the
cable: but after that night, seeing then our good watch, they neuer
after attempted it.
While all these things passed, our ships (God be thanked) thorow the
industry of our gouernours, and diligent labour of our men, began to be
wholly laden, and all the best marchandize conueyed aboord our ships, so
that our Admirall went to depart that night, which was the 31 day after
our entrance, or else on the next day at the farthest, and so warning
was giuen to all men to make themselues readie. Our Admiral being aboord
his ship the same morning, espyed in the sands right against the place
where the ships rode, that there was a small banke of sand newly cast
vp, vnder which he perceiued now and then some people to be: presently
he tooke his boat and went to the towne and called all the Captaines
together, declaring that the enemies were about some pretence right
against the ships, consulting whether it were best to sally out and see
what they were doing, or depart that euening according to the former
determination. The Admirall was of opinion to depart that night; saying
it was but folly to seeke warres since we had no neede to doe it: other
affirmed, it were good to see what they did, least the winde might be
contrarie and the ships not get out, and so our enemies may build vpon
vs to our great disaduantage. Well, said the Admiral, the matter is not
great, for there can be no danger in this sally, for where they worke it
is within Falkonshot of our ships, and if any power should come against
you, the ships may play vpon them with 40 pieces of ordinance at the
least, so that a bird cannot passe there but she must be slaine. I am
somewhat vnwilling you should go, for I haue not bene well these two
dayes, and I am not strong to march vpon those heauie sands: they
answered all at once, you shall not need to trouble your selfe for this
seruice, for you see it is nothing and of no danger, being so neere the
ships, doubt you not we will accomplish this seruice well ynough, and
returne againe within this houre. The Admirall answered: the danger
cannot be great, but yet you shall goe out strong for feare of the
worst. And so the Admirall marshalled them 275 men French and English,
which were vnder the conduct of Edmund Barker, captaine Barker of
Plimmouth, Viceadmirall to captaine Venner, captaine Addy, and the three
French captaines all going out together, and they were to march vpon a
narrow peece of ground to the place whether they were sent vnto: in the
brodest place betwixt the sea and the water on the other side, it is
aboue a stones cast for it is a bank of sand lying betweene the riuer
and the sea, so they needed not to feare any comming on their backs or
on their sides, and before them could no man come, but he must passe by
all the ships which no company of men were able to do without present
death. The Admirall commanded them at their departure to go no further
then the place he sent them to, and so he himselfe went aboord the ships
and made readie all the ordinance for feare of the worst, not knowing
what might insue, although he saw no danger might follow. Thus we
marched quietly till we came to the place we were sent vnto, being right
ouer against the ships: out of which place came some dozen shot, which
seeing vs come, discharged and ran their wayes with such as were
working within the said platforme. So that we came into it and perceiued
they had begunne to lay plankes to plant ordinance vpon. Our Admiral
commanded, if there were any such thing, to burne the plankes and
returne in againe, which we might haue done without hurting of any mans
finger: but our leaders were not content to haue performed the seruice
committed them in charge, but would needes expresly and against their
order march on further to fight with certaine Ensignes almost a mile
off, cleane out of the reach of the ordinance of all our ships, and
where lay the strength of the whole countrey. When our men began to draw
neere those Ensigns of men, the Ensignes seemed to retire with great
speed, which our men followed with such great hast that some outrunning
other some, our order was broken, and those ensignes retyred themselues
into the force of the whole countrey, so that our formost men were in
the midst of their enemies yer they were aware, which were slaine yer
the rest could come to succour them. The enemies incouraged by this,
came also vpon the rest, which presently began to retire, and the
enemies followed til they came with the reach of the ordinance of our
ships, where they were beaten off and left their pursuit. In this
conflict were slaine captain Barker captaine of the Salomon, captaine
Cotton the Admirals Lieutenant, captaine Iohn Noyer a French captaine of
Diepe, and another French captaine of Rochel, with M. Iohn Barker and
other to the number of 35: for these were the formost and hottest in the
pursuit of the Ensignes aforesaid, and by their forwardnes came all to
perish. At our returne into the towne the Admiral came to vs much
bewayling the death of so many good men as were lost, wondering what we
ment to passe the expresse order that was giuen vs. With this losse our
men were much danted, but our Admirall began againe to encourage them,
declaring that the fortune of the warres was sometimes to win and
sometimes to loose. And therewithall he wished euery man to prepare and
make himselfe readie: for that night (God willing) he would depart. For
all our ships were readie and laden, and he would not stay any further
fortune. The euening being come, the ships began to wey and go forth of
the harbour, and God be thanked of his goodnesse toward vs who sent vs a
faire wind to go foorth withall, so that by 11 of the clocke in the
night we were all forth in safety. The enemies perceiuing our departing,
planted a peece or two of ordinance, and shot at vs in the night, but
did vs no harme. We were at our comming foorth 15 sailes, that is, 3
sailes of Hollanders, the one of 450 tunnes, the other of 350 tunnes,
and the third of 300 tunnes, four sailes of French and one ship which
the admiral gaue the French Captain, 3 sailes of Captain Venners fleet
of Plimmouth, and 4 sailes of our Admirals fleete, all these were laden
with marchandizes, and that of good worth. We stayed in this harbour to
passe all this businesse but onely 31 dayes, and in this time we were
occupied with skirmishes and attempts of the enemie 11. times; in all
which skirmishes we had the better, onely this last excepted. To God be
the honour and praise of all, &c. [Sidenote: Peranjeu 40. leagues
northward of Fernambuck.] The whole fleete being out in safety, the next
day in the morning the Admirall gaue order to the whole fleete to saile
toward Peraniew[30] a harbour lying some 40 leagues to the Northward of
Fernambucke, and there to take in fresh water and to refresh themselues:
and to make prouision for refreshing, our Admirall had sent thither some
6 daies before two French men in a smal pinnesse, which Frenchmen he had
prouided from Diepe before his comming out of England for that purpose.
For both these two spake the Indians language very perfectly: for at
this port of Peraniew and an other called Potaju some 6 leagues to the
Northward the Frenchmen haue had trade for brasil-wood, and haue laden
from thence by the Indians meanes, who haue fet it for them some 20
leagues into the country vpon their backs, 3 or 4 ships euery yere. Thus
we all sailed toward Peraniew, at which place we arriued in the night,
so that we were forced to lie off and on with a stiffe gale of wind, in
which we lost the most part of our fleete, and they not knowing this
coast put off to the sea; and so went directly for England. [Sidenote:
Peranjeu a very good harbour.] Our Admirall and some foure saile more
with him put into the harborow of Peraniew, and there watered and
refreshed himselfe very well, with hens, conies, hares and potatos, with
other things, which the two Frenchmen had partly prouided before his
comming: this is a very good harborow where ships may ride and refresh
very well. But, as I am giuen to vnderstand since our comming from
thence, the Portugals haue attempted the place and doe inhabite it, and
haue put the French from their accustomed trade. Here hauing watered and
refreshed our selues, we put to the sea, plying after the rest of our
fleete which were gone before, which we neuer heard of till our
arriuall in England at The downes in the moneth of Iuly, where we
vnderstood the rest of our consorts to be passed vp for London, Captaine
Venner and his fleete to be at Plimmouth, and the French ships to be
safe arriued at Diepe, which to vs was very great comfort. At our
setting sayle from The downes, according as the custome is, finding the
Queenes ships there, we saluted them with certaine ordinance. The Gunner
being carelesse, as they are many times of their powder, in discharging
certain pieces in the gunner roome, set a barrel of powder on fire,
which tooke fire in the gunner roome, blew vp the Admirals caben, slew
the gunner with 2 others outright, and hurt 20 more, of which 4 or 5
died. This powder made such a smoke in the ship with the fire that burnt
the gunner roome among all the fire workes, that no man at the first
wist what to doe: but recalling backe their feare, they began to cast
water into the gunner roome in such abundance (for the Queenes ships now
and also the other ships that were in our company came presently to our
helpe) that (God be praised) we put out the fire and saued all, and no
great harme was done to the goods. By this may be seene that there is no
sure safety of things in this world. For now we made account to be out
of all danger, where behold a greater came vpon vs, then we suffered all
the whole voyage. But the almightie be praysed for euer, which deliuered
vs out of this and many other in this voyage. Our fire being well put
out, and we taking in fresh men (God be praysed) we came to Blacke-wall
in safety.
[30] Probably the mouth of the River Pirangi, in the province of Ceara.
A speciall letter written from Feliciano Cieça de Carualsho the
Gouernour of Paraiua in the most Northerne part of Brasil, 1597,
to Philip the second king of Spaine, answering his desire
touching the conquest of Rio Grande, with the relation of the
besieging of the castle of Cabodelo by the Frenchmen, and of the
discouerie of a rich siluer mine and diuerse other important
matters.
[Sidenote: The king of Spaines resolution to proceed in the discouerie
and conquest of Rio Grande.] I receiued your Maiesties letter bearing
date the ninth of Nouember 1596. whereby I vnderstande that your
Maiestie doth determine to proceede in the discouerie and conquest of
Rio Grande according to the relation which was sent your Maiestie by Don
Francisco de Sousa, Gouernour generall of this realme of Brasilia:
together with a copie of a letter, which your Maiestie sent vnto vs,
bearing date the two and twentieth of March 1596. Moreouer I receiued
another letter from your Maiestie bearing date the 15 of March 1597.
Both which letters were to one effect. It may please your Maiestie to
vnderstand that there are diuerse Gentlemen in these countreys of as
good abilitie as my selfe, which seeke to liue at home onely for their
ease and pleasure, and are not wont to hazard nor venture their bodies,
liues, and goods so often times in your Maiesties seruice as I haue done
and commonly doe; and can keepe their goods and riches, and not spend
nor wast them as I haue done, and dayly doe so wilfully: yet
neuerthelesse being spent in your Maiesties seruice, I am very glad
thereof. For I and they are alwayes readie at your Maiesties
commandement.
[Sidenote: The Captaineship of Paraiua standeth in sixe degr. 45 min. of
Southerly latitude.] And as concerning your Maiesties commandement in
commanding me that I should put to my helping hand in the conquest of
Rio Grande: although this Captaineship of Paraiua and countrey where I
doe gouerne doth want abilitie for that purpose, yet nevertheless your
Maiestie shall always finde me readie to doe your Maiestie the best
seruice I can: for it is very well knowen how forward I haue bene
alwayes and am in this conquest, and still doe put to my helping hand,
as partly your Maiestie doth vnderstand by a letter which I wrote to
your Maiesty by my sonne, bearing date the 19 of March 1596 wherein your
Maiestie may vnderstand what good seruice I haue alreadie done therein,
and always will be readie to my power to doe the like in furthering of
the said enterprise.
It may please your Maiestie to vnderstand that the third of Iuly there
was brought vnto me a Frenchman a prisoner, who presented himselfe vnto
me. And I examining of him, he tolde me that he came running away from
certaine French ships men of warre, which came vpon this coast: and he
tolde me that he had serued your Maiestie in the warres of France.
[Sidenote: The castle of Cabodelo besieged by the French.] Likewise he
told me that he left me seuen great ships Frenchmen of warre riding at
an anker in Rio Grande, and that there were 13 French ships of warre
more, which had giuen battery to the castle of Cabodelo, and landed 350
soldiers all in white armour and the battery continued from Friday vntil
the Munday following both by sea and land, and great store of Frenchmen
were slaine, and two Captaines of the French. On our side the Captaine
of the castle was slaine, and other two Portugals hurt: other harme they
had none. There were but twentie Portugals in the castle, and fiue
pieces of ordinance. They ment to haue kept the castle, and to haue
traded with the Indian people. So seeing they could not take the castle,
they hoysed sayles, and went from thence to Rio Grande: and being
altogether they are in number 20 saile at an anker in Rio Grande. And
some of them determine after they be new trimmed and drest, and haue
taken in fresh victuals, and stayed there vntill Easter, then to depart
from thence to the Honduras, and so to burne and spoyle some townes
thereabout.
I certified Manuel Mascarenhas of these informations by my letters,
requesting him to send me with all expedition those souldiers which were
in Fernambuck to ayde me, and to defende this Captaineship from the
enemie. But the Friers of The Couent would not consent thereunto nor
suffer them to be sent vnto me. [Sidenote: The countrey of Petiguar
rebelleth against the Portugals.] So I was forced to make shift with
those souldiers only which I had in my gouernment and tooke them with
me, and marched to the place where the enemies were entrenched, vpon
Whitsunday in the euening about three of the clock, hauing in my company
a Negro of the countrey of Petiguar, which was our guide, he brought vs
where the enemies campe was; and presently I did assault them and slew
great score of them, burning the villages and countrey of these rebels,
which did ioine with the Frenchmen, and tooke many of them prisoners. So
they told me that there were ten great French ships of warre which were
at an anker in Rio Grande.
[Sidenote: A rich siluer mine found at Copaoba within sixe dayes iourney
of Paraiua.] Likewise I was informed, that there is a Frenchman called
Daurmigas, which hath discouered and found great store of siluer in a
place called Copaoba.[31] The siluer hath bene tried and melted, it is
very good and fine siluer, and there is great quantite. The man which
told me of this hath beene in the mine, and hath seene it tried and
melted. And I haue bene myselfe once in the place: it is but 6 dayes
iourney from this Captaineship.
[31] Perhaps Caproba.
Furthermore this Frenchman told me that one Monsieur Mifa a French
Captaine, and a kinsman of the gouernour and Vice-admirall of Diepe in
Normandie, had one of his armes strooken off at the siege of the castle
of Cabodelo; who is departed from Rio Grande, with determination to come
backe hither againe the next yeere in the moneth of Ianuarie following,
and to inhabite in this countrey of Paraiba, which is 20 leagues from
Fernambuck, because of the great store of siluer, which they haue
alreadie found here.
Moreouer I am enformed that a noble man of France called The earle of
Villa Dorca doth intend to come vpon this coast with a great fleete from
Rochel. It were good that your Maiestie would send into France to knowe
the certainetie thereof.
[Sidenote: All the Canibals of Petiguar ioyne with the Frenchmen against
the Portugals.] The Frenchman likewise told me that all the Canibals of
Petiguar have ioyned themselues in companie with certaine Frenchmen,
which were cast away in two ships vpon this coast. The one of these
ships which were cast away was one Rifoles, and the other ship was this
mans. And those Frenchmen which came vpon this coast did ioyne
themselues with those Canibals which did rebell, and did diuide
themselues into two squadrons. So I sent presently to Manuel Mascarenhas
that he should send me aide and munition. But he sent me word againe,
that he had none to spare, and that he did purpose with all speede to
goe himselfe to Rio Grande; and that he was not able to furnish himselfe
so well as he could wish, nor to bring his souldiers into the field, for
lacke of shot, powder, and other munition, which he did want.
Hereupon once more the 29 of Iuly I with my souldiers marched to the
enemies campe, and there ioyning battell with the Indian rebels, which
ioyned with the Frenchmen that were their leaders, I did set vpon them,
and slew great store of them, and tooke fourteene of them prisoners.
They doe report the very same newes, which the other Frenchmen did tell
me as touching the ships which were in the harbour of Rio Grande; and
how their pretence was to haue come and haue taken vs, and spoyled the
countrey.
But now being put to flight and hauing received the overthrow, they can
get no victuals to victuall their shippes: which hath bene the cause
that they are mightily hindred in their intent, and dare not come any
more to attempt vs. And the Indians are so dismayed, that in haste they
will haue no more helpe nor aide of the Frenchmen. So by these meanes of
necessitie the Indians must submit themselues vnto vs, considering they
are quite spoyled and ouerthrowen for a long time. Likewise they haue
enformed me touching the siluer mines which are found, that it is most
true. For those French shippes which were in Rio Grande haue laden great
store of the oare. Wherefore I certified Manuel de Mascarenhas of the
Frenchmens newes, and howe euery thing did stand wishing him to make
readie foure ships and three hundred souldiers, and so to take the
harbour of Rio Grande, being now cleered and voyde of the enemie: and to
search out the situation of the place, and where were best to fortifie
and to build some fortes for the defence of this riuer, where neede
shall require. Hereunto Mascarenhas sent me word, that when he went
himselfe, and found it true which hath beene reported touching the
siluer mines, that then he would send both men and ships. Therefore your
Maiestie must giue order, that the rest of the Gouernours shall ayde and
assist me in these warres: otherwise of my selfe I am not able to doe
more then I haue alreadie done in defending of this countrey against our
enemies which are many.
It may please your Maiestie to be aduertised, that from time to time I
haue written vnto Don Francisco de Sousa Gouernor general of this
realme, who is in Baia, as concerning these Frenchmen of warre: but he
will not answere me to any purpose because I do write vnto him for such
things as I doe want, which are shot, powder, men, and munition
requisite for your Maiesties seruice and safegard of this captaineship.
For here are neither shot, powder, nor any thing els to defend vs from
our enemies; nor any that wil put to their helping hands for the defence
of this countrey, and the service of your Maiestie. And therefore it
were needful that your Maiesty should committ the charge and gouernement
into the hands of Diego Sierua, with expresse charge that all the
captaines and commanders vpon paine of death obey him and be readie at
all times to aide and assist him in your seruice. Otherwise this
countrey cannot be kept and maintained, hauing so great warres
continually as we haue, and are troubled withall. For this Diego Sierua
is a very good souldier, and hath good experience; and is fit to gouerne
this countrey. Your Highnesse is also to send his Commission with
expresse commandment to follow these wars; otherwise this countrey
cannot be kept, but daily they will rebell. For here are none that will
serue your Maiestie so iustly as he will do: who will haue a great care
in any thing which shal concerne you Maiesties seruice touching the
estate of this countrey. For the Gouernour Sousa doth spend your
Maiesties treasure in building his owne ingenios or sugar milles.
And those Captaines which your Maiestie intendeth to send hither must
bring with them shot, powder, and all kind of weapons, furniture, and
munition for the defence and safegarde of this countrey, and for the
conquest of Rio Grande. For there is no kind of munition in al this
countrey to be had, if occasion should serue. It were also good that
your Maiestie should send order for the building of a couple of Forts or
Castles at Cabadelo, for they be very needefull for the defence of the
enemie, which dayly doth warre against this Captaineship. [Sidenote: The
countrey of Paraiua in danger dayly to be lost.] For that man which
shall gouerne this countrey, if he be no more fortunate then I haue bene
hitherto, shall not misse one time or another, but he shall lose all the
countrey. If Don Francisco de Sousa had sent me those two hundred and
fiftie souldiers which I did send for, which were in garison in the
castle of Arrecife, which doe nothing but spend your Maiesties victuals
and treasure, and had not sent them to Baiha, where there was no neede,
these warres of Petiguar had bene ended long agone, and had saued your
Maiesty a great deale of charges which you had spent in folowing of this
conquest of Rio Grande. I have chosen one Captaine Iohn de Matas Cardoso
to be Gouernour of Cabodelo, who is a very sufficient man.
[Sidenote: A great controuersie touching the gouernment of the Indian
townes.] Furthermore, it may please your Maiestie to vnderstand, that
the chiefest Friers of this Monasterie of S. Antonie haue complained on
me to the lord Gouernour generall, and haue caused great strife and
debate betweene him and me touching the gouernment and rule of these
Indian townes. For the Friers would command and gouerne both the Indians
and their townes as well in Ecclesiasticall as Temporall causes, as
touching the punishment of the bodies of such as are offenders. But I
haue resisted them in your Maiesties name, and haue alleaged, that none
but your Maiestie must rule and gouerne them and their countrey, and
that the townes appertaine to your Maiestie, and not vnto the Friers.
But the Gouernour hath written a letter vnto me, signifying that he hath
pronounced a sentence against me in the Friers behalfe, which is this.
The King our master hath sent a decree and certaine statutes touching
the good gouernment and orders to be executed and kept in those Indian
townes: and that vpon sight hereof I shall presently banish all the
Mamalukes and white men which dwell in any of those Indian townes with
all speede, and that none of them from hence forward shall enter into
the said villages, without commandement and consent of the said Friers.
So this sentence was presented vnto me by the Reuerend father Custodio,
Prior of Sant Anton of Brasil, with a further postcript of the gouernour
importing these words: I doe likewise charge and commaund you the
Gouernour of Paraiua, that presently vpon sight hereof you shall restore
those villages and houses which you haue burned and destroyed in the
last warres, and likewise the towne of S. Augustine, and that you shall
build them againe at your owne proper cost and charges: for the Friers
alleage that these townes were giuen them, by a decree sent them from
Pope Pius Quintus, that the said Friers should gouerne and rule them.
On the other side I haue pronounced another sentence against the said
Friers in your Maiesties name, and for your Maiestie, alleaging that
those townes, villages, and subiects appertaine and belong vnto your
Maiestie, and that in temporall causes I am to punish those offenders,
which shall rebell against your Maiestie: and as touching
ecclesiasticall causes that the Vicar of this Cathedrall church shall
rule, gouerne and instruct them in the Christian religion. So we both
haue appealed vnto your Maiestie herein, and your Maiestie may peruse
all our writings, and then determine that which shall be best and most
profitable for your Maiesties seruice and enlargement of your crowne.
For through these broyles the inhabitants of this Pariaua forsake their
houses and dwelling places, and so do some of the Friers, because they
cannot be suffered to rule and gouerne.
Also the Indians haue complayned against me, because I haue burned their
villages in this last rebellion. Wherefore if your Maiestie doe not send
some order for this countrey and see into these cases, it will breed
great dissension and rebellion among vs, and we shall be readie to cut
one anothers throat before it be long.
Thus I thought good, according to my humble bounden dutie, and for the
seruice of your Maiestie and quietnesse of this realme, to certifie your
Maiestie the truth of the whole matter; hoping in short time that your
Maiestie will send some good order to qualifie these broyles: for there
is great hatred and malice among vs. Iesus Christ preserve and keepe the
royall person of your Maiestie with long health, as it pleaseth him.
From the Captaineship of Paraiua this present 20 of August. 1597.
Feliciano Cieça de Carualsho.
A special note concerning the currents of the sea betweene the Cape
of Buena Esperança and the coast of Brasilia, giuen by a French
Pilot to Sir Iohn Yorke knight, before Sebastian Cabote; which
Pilot had frequented the coasts of Brasilia eighteene voyages.
Memorandum, that from Cabo de buena Esperança vnto Brasilia the Sunne
hath the like dominion ouer the tides there, as the Moone hath ouer our
tides here.
And that whensoeuer the Sunne is in any of these signes he gouerneth the
tides as followeth.[32]
The Sunne being in {Taurus, Gemini, Cancer} the tide hath his course
Northwest.
The Sunne being in {Leo, Virgo, Libra} no current.
The Sunne being in {Scorpio, Sagittarius, Capricorne} the tide hath his
course Southeast.
The Sunne being in {Aquarius, Pisces, Aries} no current.
[32] It may be as well to point out that the truth as to the currents of
the South Atlantic is as follows:--
From the Cape of Good Hope the current flows North along the West Coast
of Africa till it reaches a point somewhat North of the Congo, when it
turns to the West. North of Ascension it divides. One portion, the South
Equatorial Current, flows North West into the Gulf of Mexico, while the
other subdivides, and whilst part flows South West down the coast of
South America, the remainder returns by the South of Tristan d'Acunha to
the Cape of Good Hope.
A ruttier or course to be kept for him that will sayle from Cabo
Verde to the coast of Brasil, and all along the coast of Brasil
vnto the riuer of Plate: and namely first from Cabo Verde to
Fernambuck.
The ship that goeth from Cabo Verde to Brasil, must goe Southsoutheast:
and when she is within 5 or 6 degrees of the Equinoctial she must go
Southeast and by South. And if she haue the ternados, that is thundrings
and lightnings, then thou must go altogether South, or that way and by
that boord that doth profit thee most. And take this for aduise, that
hauing the general winds, and if the wind be at South or Southeast, then
go Southwest, or westsouthwest. [Sidenote: Ye that will sayle to Brasil,
must not come within 60 or 70 leagues of the coast of Guinea.] And if
the winde be South, then goe Southwest, and by this way but little, for
it is not a way for thy profit, because the more thou goest this way,
the more will be thy trouble, because thou mayest not come neerer the
coaste of Guinea then 60 or 70 leagues vnto the sholde called Os baixos
de Santa Anna. And being this distance from the same, thou shall cast
about the other way towards Brasil, and the wind will be large.
Thou shalt vnderstand that the ship that keepeth this course to
Fernambuck, and goeth in October or after, and chanceth to goe to
windward of the Isle of Fernando de Loronha, when thou commest to 8
degrees, or 8 and 1/2, [Ed: Of Southerly latitude] then thou
shalt go West and beare with the land. Thou must take this for a
warning, that if going West in 8 degrees thou see land, then looke to
the Northward, and thou shalt see certaine white cliffes. Then I aduise
thee that thou goe well to the Southward. And this is to bee vnderstoode
from October forward, for then the time is most subiect to Northeast,
and Eastnortheast winds. And if thou find thy selfe in the sayd height
aboue mentioned, and seest cliffes, and seest a cape to the Southward,
and seest no more land to the South, then make accompt that thou art at
Capiguoari: and from thence to Fernambuck thou hast sixe leagues, and
hast a good port.
Thou shalt take this for a warning, that if in 8 degrees and a halfe
thou see land lying all flat, thou mayest goe neerer it, and be bold
till thou come in tenne or twelue fadomes: And then thou shalt see a
great grosse land along the sea-coast which is called Capitagua: And
being East and West with this land, and, as I haue sayd, in tenne or
twelue fadomes water; and the time being from October to Februarie, then
thou needest not to feare any thing: but looke to the South and thou
shalt see the cape of S. Augustine: and looke to the North and thou
shalt see a point, and to the Southeast a point called Punta de Olinda,
where Aponiquay standeth. And the land from the cape to the poynt called
Punta Olinda lieth North and South.
I aduise thee that if thou be East and West with the cape of Saint
Augustine, thou shalt see within the land an high hill, hauing as it
were a saddle vpon it like to a camel: And thou shalt see to the
Southwards three hills along the sea, and then presently thou shall see
the coaste to lie Northeast and Southwest.
[Sidenote: The height of the cape of S. Augustine, of Olinda and
Fernambuck.] Thou shalt vnderstand that from this cape of Saint
Augustine, to the towne of Olinda, thou hast nine leagues to the North.
And this cape standeth in eight degrees and two third parts, and Olinda
standeth in eight degrees and a quarter, and Fernambuck standeth in
eight degrees. And this course is to be vnderstood to be obserued and
kept, if thou depart from Lisbon in October or Nouember.
[Sidenote: In what height they shall seeke land that depart from Lisbon
in February or March.] Take this aduise, that if thou depart in February
or March from Lisbone, then thou shalt goe to beare with the land in
nine degrees, because that from March forwards raigne most commonly
Southeast and Southwest windes. And if by this height and course thou
bring thyselfe nigh to the shore, feare not to bring thy ship into 18 or
20 fadomes, for all the coast is cleane: and there are no more dangers,
but such as the sea doth breake vpon.
[Sidenote: How to know the cape of S. Augustine.] And if after thy fall
with the land thou haue occasion to goe to the Northward, and so going
seest certaine sholdes, doubt not to come for the North, and thou shalt
see the cape of Saint Augustine, which lyeth as it were sloaping to the
seaward, and hath as it were a Whales head, and hath vpon it a round
hill, with many hilles round about it. And if thou come along the sea
coast much about the depth aboue mentioned, thou shalt see a little
Island called Saint Alexio: And from this Island to the cape of Saint
Augustine are foure leagues, and it standeth in eight degrees and three
quarters.
The course that a man must keepe to the bay called A Bahia de Todos
os Santos, that is to say, The bay of all Saints, which lieth on
the foresayd coast of Brasil.
If thou goe for Bahia de Todos os Santos, thou must keepe the course
which I haue already set downe, and shalt obserue the time from March
forwards, as also from October forwards. [Sidenote: The height of Bahia
de Todos os Santos in 13 degrees and one third part.] Thou shalt
vnderstand that the Bahia de Todos os Santos standeth in 13 degrees and
1/3: and if thou goe in October or after October, then goe to fall with
the land in 12 degrees or 12 and a halfe.
And take this for a warning, that when thou seest a white land, and long
bankes of white sand, which shew much like linnen cloth when it is in
whiting, then thou must go along from the North to the South vntill this
white land doe end: and thou needest not to feare to goe along the
coast, for there are no sholds. Before thou be cleane past the white
land or white sands, thou shalt haue sight of an Island that standeth
along the bay, I say on the Northside of the bay, which is called
Tapaon:[33] and here the land lieth West and by South.
[Sidenote: The situation of the Isle of Tapaon.] When thou art so farre
shot as Tapaon, thou shalt see a certaine great tree which is round, and
standeth neere the sea vpon the very point of the entrance into Bahia on
the Northside.
[Sidenote: When a man may beare in with Bahia.] And marke well that if
thou looke to the Southward, and seest no white grounds such as I wrote
of before, but that they be all behind thee to the Northward; then when
thou seest none to the Southward, thou mayest bee bold to beare in with
Bahia. And if when thou goest into Bahia to the Northwest, and seest the
sea to breake, feare nothing: for it is the breach of a certaine banke,
whereon thou shalt haue alwayes 5 or 6 fadomes water: and this be sure
of.
Thou shalt vnderstand that if thou come for this place from March to the
end of April, I would wish thee not to fall to the Southward of 13
degrees and a halfe. [Sidenote: The distance of O morro de San Paulo
from Bahia.] And falling with the land, and not seeing the white sands,
thou shalt striue to goe to the Northward. And seeing the land in 13
degrees and a halfe, thou shalt haue sight of an hill along the sea: And
if thou be nigh the land, and cannot make it certaine what land it is:
thou shalt marke if it bee a round high hill along the sea, that it is O
morro de San Paulo, or, The hill of Saint Paul: and it lieth blacke and
bare on the top. And from thence to Bahia is tenne leagues.
[33] Itaparica.
[Sidenote: Rio de Tinsare a very good riuer.] And here along this hill
on the Northwest side there is a great riuer called Tinsare: and it is a
very good riuer. And in the entrance of Bahia there are sixe or seuen
fadomes water in the chanell. And I aduise thee that being in the height
of 13 degrees and a halfe, thou come not neere the land, for it hath a
bay very dangerous.
And if thou goe from Bahia to Fernambuck, then I aduise thee that thou
take good heede of the coast on the Northeast and Southwest, and thou
shalt goe East, if the winde will suffer thee to goe East: and so goe
thirtie or forty leagues off to the sea.
[Sidenote: The height of the bay called A Enseada de Vazabaris.] I
aduise thee that thou beare not in with the land of Fernambuck, but in
the height of 9 or 10 degrees, because that in 11 degrees thou shalt
fall with the bay called A Enseada de Vazabaris. Also if thou come from
Portugal and fallest with the land in eleuen degrees, beare not in with
it, neither come neere it, for thou mayest hurt thy selfe in so doing:
but thou shalt shunne it, and goe to the Southward. For if thou lie to
the North thou shalt bring thy selfe into some trouble.
[Sidenote: Baia de todos Santos in 13 degrees.] This Bay of All Saints
standeth in thirteene degrees. And from thence to Fernambuck thou hast a
hundreth leagues: and the coast lyeth Northeast and Southwest. And from
thence to Rio das Ilhas,[34] that is, the riuer of the Islands the coast
runneth Northeast and Southwest, I meane taking a quarter of the North
and South.
[34] At the mouth of the Caxoeira River.
The course for Baia das Ilhas, that is, The bay of the Islands,
which lie on the sayd coast of Brasil, and the marks for the
finding of them.
[Sidenote: Baia das Ilhas lieth in 15 degrees lacking a quarter.] If
thou goe for Baia das Ilhas thou must looke for it in fifteene degrees
lacking a quarter.
If thou be minded as I sayd to goe for these Isles, if it bee from March
forward, thou shalt fall with the land in 15 degrees and a halfe, and
though it be in 15 degrees and 2/3, it is all the better.
And if thou haue sight of certaine high hilles, that seeme to reach to
the skie, these hilles are called As Serras Raiemores. Then hauing sight
of these hilles, thou shalt goe along the coast; and feare nothing, for
there are no sholdes along to the North. And when thou seest the
Islands, thou mayest make accompt they be these which thou seekest, for
there are no other on al this coast, and thou shalt see a round hil
along the sea. Thou shalt vnderstand that on the North side of this hill
is the going in of the riuer. But if it chance that thou finde thy selfe
in a time that will not suffer thee to goe in, then goe along the
Islands giuing them a bredth off. And thou mayest well come to an ankor
hard aboord them, for all is cleane ground. And thou shalt finde eight
or nine fadomes, and from thence thou mayest goe into the riuer hard
aboord the shore. And if it chance that thou goe from the North to the
South all along the great Island, thou must keepe thy selfe from the
land: and when thou hast brought it Eastnortheast, then thou mayest
ankor two cables length from the shore: for all is cleane ground.
[Sidenote: In what height a man must fall with this place in time of the
Northeast winds.] If thou chance to arriue on this coast in the time of
the Northeast windes, thou shalt seeke to fall with the land in
foureteene degrees. And if thou see a lowe land, thou mayest make
accompt it is the land called Ciemana, and then thou shalt see Mangues:
And also thou shalt come along this coast to the South: and when thou
seest an ende of the lowe land, then thou shalt finde an high land along
the sea like the other that I haue made mention of before, that is, all
sandie along the sea coast.
And thou must vnderstand, that where the high land beginneth, there is a
little riuer called Rio das Contas, but enter not into it: it hath for a
marke to be knowen by as it were a white mouth. And from thence to the
Islands thou hast nine leagues. And at the ende of this high land to the
Southward of it thou shalt find a great bay within the land, and then
thou shalt looke to the Westsouthwest, and shalt see another high land,
which lieth as it were in the middest of the bay, and thou shalt there
see certaine white houses which are the Ingenios or houses wherein they
make sugar of Lucas Giraldo. From thence thou shalt see the Isles being
so farre shotte as Rio de Contas. And thou shalt see within the land a
round hill which is like Monte de laude, and it hath another copple[35]
on the South side.
[35] Summit.
The course to sayle to Porto Seguro, that is to say, The safe
hauen, lying on the foresayd coast of Brasil, and the markes to
know the same by.
[Sidenote: To auoide Os baixos dos Abrolhos.] If thou goe for Porto
Seguro and goest in the time of the Southeast windes, which is from
March forwards, I aduise thee that thou fall not in more degrees then
sixteen and a halfe, because of the sholdes called Os baixos dos
Abrolhos, which are very dangerous, and stretch very farre into the sea.
And also going West from them, that thou keepe thy lead going and be
often sounding. And if thou chance to see the land, and an high hill and
long withall, much like to The pike, it is the hill that is called Monte
Pasqual. And from thence thou must goe to the North, and when thou hast
brought it Southwest of thee, then thou mayest beare with the land, but
with great care to looke about thee.
Marke when thou seest the land and commest to see a red cliffe, then
looke to the Southward, and thou shall see a great smooth coast along
the sea, and then on the North side thou shalt descrie Porto Seguro.
[Sidenote: The place of comming to an ankor before Porto Seguro, which
standeth in 16 deg. and one third.] And going along the coast thou shalt
see the towne of Porto Seguro standing vpon the toppe of an hill; which
hill is a white rocke: and on the North side of the sayd rocke there is
a very hie land. I aduise thee that when thou art East and West with the
sayd land, I meane with this rocke, that then thou looke to the
Northward, and thou shalt see certaine rocks lying two leagues off into
the sea, whereon the sea doth breake, and to the Southward of them thou
mayest come to an ankor against the towne, and hast a good place to ride
in thirteen fadomes in sight of the towne.
[Sidenote: A dangerous riuer in 16 degrees.] And if it be thy chance to
arriue in the time of the Northeast winds, and commest in the height of
fifteene degrees and two third parts, and seest not certaine hilles,
then thou must goe along the coast being in 16 degrees, and vnder the
first hie land that thou shalt descrie, thou shalt see certaine sandie
bayes along the sea coast: And if thou haue sight of a riuer in this
height,[36] put not thy selfe into it, neither beare with the land, for
it hath many sholdes. And off them lie certaine sunken grounds, called
Os Baixos de Santo Antonio. And from hence to the Southward lyeth Porto
Seguro.
[36] Santa Cruz.
I aduise thee that going along the coast to the Southward, and seeing
such sholdes, and the sea to breake vpon them, as the other which I last
spake of, thou shall runne along them a sea boord of them: and when thou
art at the ende of them, then the towne will beare West of thee: and
then thou mayest goe to thine ankoring place as is abouesayd, giuing
these sholds a good birth.
The course to the hauen named Baia do Spirito Santo, that is to
say, The bay of the holy Ghost, lying on the sayde coast of
Brasil, and the markes thereof.
[Sidenote: Monzoins are certaine set winds with which the tides set.]
Thou shall vnderstand that the ship that goeth for Spirito Santo,[37]
when it hath doubled the sholdes called Os Baixos dos Abrolhos, and hath
brought it selfe in 20 or 19 degrees and a halfe, then it may hall with
the land in 18 or 19 degrees and a halfe, and in twentie. And the sayd
shippe must goe in this height, because on this coast there are no
Monçoins.
[37] A bay to the North of Victoria.
[Sidenote: Marks on the North side of Spirito Santo.] If thou chance to
come in the height of 19 degrees 1/2 and seest lowe land to the
Northwest off thee, then thou art on the North side of Spirito Santo,
and thou mayest make accomp that it is the land lying ouer Criquare, and
ouer the riuer called Rio dolce, that is the riuer of sweete or fresh
water. If thou come along the land thou shalt find certaine high hilles:
but trust not the first that thou seest only. [Sidenote: The situation
of la Sierra de Mestre Aluaro.] For besides the rest thou shalt see a
round hie hill which is at the capes end, which is called la Sierra de
mestre Aluaro.
[Sidenote: Rio dos Reyes magos.] Take heede that going for this land
thou looke to the North and thou shalt see a riuer called Rio dos Reyes
Magos: that is, The riuer of the three kings. And comming to the
Southward thou shalt see presently the mouth of the bay to open. At the
end of this hill on the South side, thou hast a point of a rocke, which
is called A punta do Tubaron. And on the South side of the bay it hath
two or three blacke hie hilles, and in the middest of the bay thou shalt
goe in westward.
I aduise thee that in going in thou take heede of a sholde which lieth
in the mouth of the bay: thou must leaue it to the Southward of thee,
and then plie to double a certaine Island which lieth within, and thou
must leaue it to the Northward of thee: and when it beareth on the North
or Northeast; thou mayest come to an ankor: for all is cleane ground.
[Sidenote: A Sierra de Gusriparim in 20 degrees.] And if thou chance to
come by this course, and fallest in 20 degrees, and seest many hilles,
and one among the rest very high and craggie: it is called A Sierra de
Guariparim, that is, the hill of Guaraparim, and seest another hill on
the North side, which is called A Sierra de Pero Cam: both these lie on
the South side of Spirito Santo. And from these hils thou shalt see a
little hill named Guaipel. And when thou seest these hilles, thou shalt
see three little Islands together, lying to the Southward: And then from
these thou shalt see another rockie, bare and round Island: and to the
land off this Island thou shalt see a great bay. If thou wilt thou
mayest ankor here safely. And if thou wilt go in, thou shalt bring thy
selfe East and West with the hill, and so thou mayest go in. And thou
shalt leaue a lowe land to the North of thee, which is called A Ilha de
Repouso, that is, the Isle of rest: and this Isle lieth along the coast:
and thou mayest be bold to ride betwixt it and the maine, giuing it a
breadth off.
From these three Islands to Spirito Santo are 12 leagues: and running
Northwards to come to Spirito Santo, thou shalt see another Island, and
shalt go a seaboord of it, and by and by the mouth of the bay will open
toward thee. And this bay standeth in 20 degrees.
The course from the bay de Spirito Santo to the bay of S. Vincent,
and the markes thereof. Also the course from Saint Vincent to the
riuer of Plate.
Sailing from Spirito Santo for Saint Vincent, thou mayest goe along the
coast, keeping seuen or eight leagues off, and must goe to seeke Cabo
Frio, that is, The cold cape. And as thou commest toward Cabo Frio, thou
hast a very great bay called Bahia de Saluador, that is, The bay of our
Sauiour. And from thence thou hast twelue leagues to Cabo Frio.
And before thou commest to Cabo Frio, thou hast two small Islands. Thou
mayest go safely either a sea boord of them, or else betweene them.
Thou shalt vnderstand that Cabo Frio hath as it were an Island in the
midst of the face or shew thereof, that doth cut off the cape.[38] Thou
mayest ride safely on the West side thereof for all is cleane ground.
Understand that Cabo Frio standeth in 23 degrees: and from it to Rio de
Ienero are twelue leagues, And this riuer of Ienero hath in the mouth
thereof 3 or 4 Islands. And if thou wilt go into this riuer de Ienero,
thou mayest well goe in betweene two Islands which stand in the entrance
of the riuer on the South side: neere vnto this riuer there is a great
hill seeming to bee a man with long haire.
And take this for aduice, that if thou be in the height of this riuer,
thou shalt see certaine high hilles within the land, which be like vnto
organs. And when thou seest these organs, then make accompt thou art
right against the riuer: and comming neere the land thou shalt see a
certaine Island very round, which lieth to the Southward, and is hie and
bare in the top. Thou must know that the mouth of this riuer standeth in
23 degrees and one third part. And from this riuer to Angra, that is to
say, The open hauen, thou hast 15 leagues. Goe not neere the land there,
except necessitie compell thee.
I aduise thee, that from this riuer that I spake of, I meane from the
entrance thereof, thou must goe Westsouthwest, and Southwest, and West
and by South. And thou shalt see a great Island called Isla de San
Sebastiano, and to the Southward thereof another small Island very high,
called the Island of Alcatrarzas, that is to say, The Island of
Pellicanes: but come not neere it, for it hath dangerous shoalds. And
from hence thou mayest go West, and so thou shalt fall right with the
mouth of Saint Vincent, and thou shalt see an Island.[39] And if thou
meane to goe into Saint Vincent thou must leaue this Island to the
Westward. And vnderstand that Saint Vincent lieth in foure and twentie
degrees. And when thou art in the mouth of this bay, or art neere the
mouth of it, then thou shalt see many other Islands, and one among the
rest to the seaward. And hauing these sights, thou hast the best markes
that bee for these Islands, that I haue told thee of: and this Island
lieth Northwest and Southeast with the mouth of S. Vincent.
[38] Papagayos Island.
[39] Saint Amaro.
From San Francisco to Boca de Ouerniron are 26 leagues, and the coast
lieth North and South. Also thou must marke that the riuer of San
Francisco hath a great entrance, and 3 small Islands, and to seaward it
hath a good road; and the main is high and craggie.
From this Boca de Ouerniron to Ilha de Aruoredo thou hast no great
markes be obserued: but this Boca is a very great bay, and this bay is
deepe within the Island, and is a good road, and hath many islands, and
standeth in 28 degrees. And to the North of this Island vnder the point
there is a good road: and there is no other road hereabout but this, and
it is vnder the Island.
From hence thou shalt haue sight of the Isle called Santa Catharina,
which is a great Island about eight or nine leagues long, and lieth
North and South. And hard by euen with this Iland is Porto de Patos,
which standest in 29 degrees. And from Porto de Patos to Porto de Don
Roderigo are ten or eleuen leagues: and the coast lieth North and South.
And from Porto de Don Roderigo to Laguna are 5 leagues. And this is a
good harbour for all winds, except the Northeast wind.
From the Laguna to the riuer called Rio de Martin de Sousa are 42
leagues. And the coast is something high, and lieth Northeast and by
North, and Southwest and by South: and it hath an Island 2 leagues into
the sea, where ships may ride well. And from the Riuer of Martin de
Sousa to Rio de San Pedro are 52 leagues, and the coast lieth Northeast
and Southwest.
From this riuer of San Pedro there lieth a point of sand a good league
off and more, and it lyeth on the Southwest side of the port. And from
thence to Cabo de Santa Maria are 42 leagues: and the coast lieth
Northeast and Southwest, and all is lowe land.
Also on the Southeast side of Cabo de Santa Maria there lyeth an Isle
two leagues off into the sea, and it hath a good harborough betwixt it
and the mayne. And note that the mayne is lowe land.
The cape of Santa Maria standeth in 35 degrees, and at the point thereof
it hath an Island a league into the sea.
Hereafter followeth a Ruttier from the sayd riuer of Plate to the
Streight of Magelane.
The cape of Santa Maria is in 35 degrees. From thence to the Cape de
Santo Antonio, which is on the other side of the riuer, are 30 leagues
Northnortheast, and Southsouthwest. And this is the broadest place of
the riuer. And this cape is in 36 degrees and a halfe, and it is a
blacke grosse land. And thou must marke that 25 leagues a seaboord the
mouth of the riuer there lie certaine sands, which he called Baixos de
los Castellanos.
He that falleth with the Cape of Santa Maria must take good heede to go
Southeast vntill he be in 36 degrees, and from thence Southsoutheast
vntill 36 degrees and a halfe, giuing the sayd sholds de los Castellanos
a breadth: and also taking heede of the flats of the cape. And when he
findeth 40 or 45 fadomes, and russet sand, then he must goe Southwest
and by South, vntill he be in 40 degrees: where hee shall finde great
store of weeds, which come from the coast, and a man may goe 20 leagues
from the shore in this sounding.
[Sidenote: Cabo de Arenas Gordas.] From the Cape de Santo Antonio to the
cape de Arenas Gordas are eight and forty leagues, and the coast lieth
Northeast and Southwest, and by East and by West: [Sidenote: Rio de S.
Anna.] and in the first eighteene leagues is the riuer called Rio de
Santa Anna, which hath at the entrance certaine flats and sholds, giue
them a good breadth, and come not nigh them by much, but keepe thy selfe
in forty fadomes to goe surely.
[Sidenote: Cape de S. André.] From the cape de Arenas Gordas to the cape
of Sant André are one and thirty leagues: it lieth Northeast and by
East, and Southwest by West: I meane when thou art in the middest with
an equall distance from them both. And between both the capes are many
bayes and riuers, but all full of sandie sholdes.
[Sidenote: Baia Anegada.] From the cape of Sant Andres to the bay called
Anegada, that is, The sunken bay, are 30 leagues Eastnortheast, and
Westsouthwest. It standeth in 40 degrees, rather lesse then more.
[Sidenote: Punta de Tierra Ilana.] From the bay called Baia Anegada to
The point of the plaine land are 25 leagues Northnortheast, and
Southsouthwest. [Sidenote: Baia sin fondo.] This point lyeth in 41
degrees and a halfe, And from this point to Baia sin fondo, that is to
say the bottomlesse bay, are 35 leagues Eastnortheast and Westsouthwest
This bay standeth in 42 degrees and a halfe, rather lesse then more.
[Sidenote: Cabo redondo. Puerto de los leones.] And from Baia sin fondo
to Cabo Redondo, and Puerto de los leones, are 37 leagues Northnortheast
and Southsouth west, somewhat to the North and South. And if thou meane
to go out from thence with a compasse about after the maner of a halfe
circle or an arch, so thou mayest passe through the Baia sin fondo along
the shore: for there is water enough.
Note that from the riuer of Plate to this place is neuer a good harbour
for great shipping.
[Sidenote: Puerto de los leones in 44 degrees and better.] From this
place to Puerto de los leones the coast is cleane, and a man may come
nigh vnto the land: And it is a lowe land with white cliffes. This
harbour is in 44 degrees. [Sidenote: Take good heede of these little
rocks.] And as a man goeth thither, after he bee in 43 degrees or more,
hee must haue a care to looke out for certaine small rockes which lie
neere the land, and lie North of the harbour.
[Sidenote: Cabo de Matas.]
From this harbour to Cabo de Matas, or the cape of shrubs, are 30
leagues North and South, halfe a point to the East, and to the West: and
betwixt them there is a great bay very long: And to the Northwest 18
leagues from Cabo redondo is a riuer lying East and West: [Sidenote: Rio
de Camarones.] and it is called Rio de Camarones, or, The riuer of
shrimps. You shall know when you fall with this riuer, by seeing many
white spots vpon the water, and they are small shrimps.
[Sidenote: Cabo redondo in 45 degrees and a halfe large.] From this
riuer to Cabo redondo the coast lieth Northwest and by North, and
Southeast and by South. This cape is in 45 degrees and a halfe large.
[Sidenote: Cabo Blanco and Barancas Blancas in 47 degrees.] From this
sayd cape to Cabo Blanco and Barancas Blancas that is to say, to The
white cape and white cliffes are 32 leagues lying North and by East and
South and by West: and they stand in 47 degrees.
From this Cape the coast lyeth towards the North side Northwest about
three leagues all full of white cliffes steepe vp: and the last cliffe
is the biggest both in length and height, and sheweth to be the saile of
a ship when it is vnder saile. These white cliffes are 6 in number, and
this Cape hath in the face thereof a certaine round land that sheweth to
bee an Island afarre off: and it hath certaine poynts of rockes hard by
it. And two Cables length from the land is 25 fathomes water. Aboue
these white cliffes the land is plaine and euen: and it hath certaine
woods. There is much people in the countrey: of whom I wish thee to take
good heed.
From this Cape the land lyeth North and South; which is the first fall
of the Cape: and in the face thereof it hath a poynt of rocks, which
shewe themselues. [Sidenote: A good harbour.] And on the South side of
this Cape is a good harbour and road, and there is a Bay in the middest.
[Sidenote: The port of Saint Iulian.] From Cabo and Blanco to Puerto de
San Iulian are 37 leagues, and the coast lyeth North and by East and
South and by West. This harbour of S. Iulian hath in the entrance
certaine high hilles, which afarre off seeme to be towers. On the South
part of the entrance the chanell is deepest in the middest: and thou
must borrow neerer the North side then to the South. Within the harbour
are two Islands: thou must come to an anker hard to them. This hauen
lyeth in 49. degrees. [Sidenote: Islas de Ascensaom.] And betweene Cabo
Blanco and this The Islands of Ascension, and they be eight. [Sidenote:
Morro de Santo Yues, in 50 degrees large.] From this said harbour to the
hill of S. Yues are 35 leagues; the coast lyeth Northeast and Southwest:
it is a low land and euen and hath onely one hil, and it is a plaine
from one part to the another, and hath certaine cliffes to seaward, and
to the Southward, and to the South side it hath certaine little copples:
it standeth in 50 degrees large.
From the hill of S. Yues to Rio de Cruz are 8 leagues, Northeast and
Southwest: and on the Northside of the riuer it hath a very dry land,
and in the toppe it is plaine and lyeth two leagues broad layd out along
North and South, and the downefall on both sides hath as it were
saddles. This Cape hath many poynts of rockes lying 4 leagues into the
sea: and when thou hast sight of this land, it is goode for thee to
keepe from it a good bredth off. And going from thence thou mayest runne
in sight of the land in 25 fathoms.
[Sidenote: Rio de Galegos and the marks thereof.] From Rio de Cruz to
Rio de Galegos are 25 leagues, Northeast and Southwest; and it standeth
in 52 degrees and 1/6 of a degree. It hath a certaine high land: and in
the highest of the sayd land it is plaine, and to the Northeast it is a
pike vp, and hath certaine white cliffes: and on the toppe and something
downewarde it is blacke: at the foote of this high land to the Eastward
thereof it hath certaine steps like a lather: and to the sea it hath a
sharpe poynt that lyeth into this Cape almost halfe a league. To the
Southward of this Cape where the lather is, there is a little Bay, which
is the entrance of Rio de Galegos, it ebbeth and floweth here 12
fathomes. A man must haue a great care how he goeth in here for the
cause abouesaid: but he must keepe himselfe out and not anker in it.
From Rio de Galegos to the Streits of Magelan the coast lyeth
Northnorthwest and Southsoutheast: 8 leagues vnto Cabo de la virgin
Maria, which is the entrance into the Streit: and 4 leagues before a man
come to this Cape there are white cliffes with certaine blacke spots in
them; and they be caused with the falling downe of the water. [Sidenote:
Ciudad de Nombre de Iesus called by M. Candish Port Famine because he
found al the Spaniards famished, and the towne it selfe vtterly
abandoned and ruined.] Here is water inough, and thou mayest come to an
anker hard aboord the shore, and hast a good defence for a Southwest
wind. And the Cape it selfe is the highest land of all, and is like to
Cape Saint Vincent in Spaine: and it hath on the east side a ledge of
rockes, and a poynt of sand, with diuers sands which shewe themselues at
a lowe water: thou must take great heede heere and giue them a good
breadth halfe a league or a quarter of a league off, vntill thou bring
the Cape Westnorthwest, and then thou mayest stirre away Southwest. And
when thou commest to the lower land and into tenne or twelue fathoms,
then art thou ouer against la Purificacion. [Sidenote: Where Nombre de
Iesus stood.] And halfe a league within the land the citie of Nombre de
Iesus was builded, East and West with the sayd cape right against a
cliffe, which commeth from the sayd Cape, and goeth within the Streits.
This Cape standeth in 52 degrees iust.
[Sidenote: Southwest winds raigne much here in Sommer.] And this is to
be taken for a warning, that he that commeth neere this Cape, and
passeth by it as I haue said with the wind at Northeast, or any other
wind off the sea inclining to the Southeast, must not come to anker, but
presently be sure to passe by: because in Sommer this place is much
subiect to Southwest winds, which blow right in: and they put a man from
his tackle, and make him to loose his voyage. [Sidenote: From March
forward the winds are fauorable for the Streits.] And from March
forwards there blow favourable winds from the sea to goe from this Cape
to enter into the Streits, from this said Cape the Streits go in to the
Northwest 14 leagues: and the chanell waxeth narrower and narrower vnto
the first Streit which runneth Eastnortheast, and Westsouthwest. And
comming out of the mouth thereof a man must keepe himselfe a poynt to
the Northward, because there be rocks and shoalds. [Sidenote: The
Indians about Cape de San Gregorio in the Streits are very trecherous.]
And if you see beds of weeds, take heed of them, and keepe off from
them: and after you be past this Streight you must stirre Westsouthwest
8 leagues vnto Cabo de San Gregorio, which is a high white cliffe, and
is a good road for any wind from the Northwest to the Southwest. But men
must beware and not trust the Indians of this Cape: for they be subtill
and will betray a man.
From this Cape beginneth the second Streit which is called Nuestra
Sennorà de Gracia, and lyeth Eastnortheast and Westsouthwest 3 leagues.
And comming out of this Streit thou shalt see 3 little Islands, lying
West off this Streit: thou mayest go betweene them, for there is no
danger: prouided alwayes that thou keepe well off from the bayes on both
sides, lest thou bee imbayed. [Sidenote: Rincones.] And from these
Islands thou must keepe forwards in the channell Westsouthwest two
leagues: and then the coast lyeth North and South vnto 53 degrees and a
halfe, vnto a place called Punta de Santa Anna: [Sidenote: La Ciudad del
Don Philippe: which is now vtterly ruined.] and to the Northwest
thereof, in a corner or nooke (which is one of the rincones or nookes)
was the towne builded called La Ciudad del Don Philippe. Thou must come
to an anker to the Northward thereof, after thou art past the castle and
a great tree.
TWO VOYAGES
OF CERTAINE ENGLISHMEN TO THE RIUER OF PLATE SITUATE IN 35 DEGREES
OF SOUTHERLY LATITUDE: TOGETHER WITH AN EXACT RUTTIER AND
DESCRIPTION THEREOF, AND OF ALL THE MAINE BRANCHES, SO FARRE AS
THEY ARE NAVIGABLE WITH SMALL BARKES. BY WHICH RIUER THE
SPANIARDS OF LATE YEERES HAVE FREQUENTED AN EXCEEDING RICH TRADE
TO AND FROM PERU, AND THE MINES OF POTOSSI, AS ALSO TO CHILI, AND
OTHER PLACES.
A report of a Voyage of two Englishmen in the company of Sebastian
Cabota, intended for the Malucos by the Streights of Magellan,
but perfourmed onely to the riuer of Plate in April 1527. Taken
out of the information of M. Robert Thorne to Doctor Ley
Ambassador for King Henry the eight, to Charles the Emperour,
touching the discouery of the Malucos by the North.
[Sidenote: This was the fleete wherein Cabot discouered the riuer of
Plate, 1526. Two Englishmen went with Cabot in this discouery.] In a
flote of three ships and a carauel that went from this citie of Siuil
armed by the merchants of it, which departed in Aprill last past, I and
my partner haue one thousand foure hundred duckets that wee employed in
the sayd fleete, principally for that two Englishmen, friendes of mine,
which are somewhat learned in Cosmographie, should goe in the same
ships, to bring me certaine relation of the situation of the countrey,
and to be expert in the nauigation of those seas, and there to haue
informations of many other things, and aduise that I desire to know
especially. Seeing in those quarters are ships and mariners of that
countrey, and cardes by which they saile, though much vnlike ours: that
they should procure to haue the sayd cards, and learne how they
understand them, and especially to know what nauigation they haue for
those Islands Northwards and Northeastward.
[Sidenote: The Islands of the Malucos. The New found Ilands discouered
by the English.] For if from the said Islands the sea doth extend
without interposition of land to saile from the North point to the
Northeast point one thousand seuen hundred or one thousand eight hundred
leagues, they should come to The new found Islands that we discouered,
and so we should be neerer to the said Spicerie by almost 200 leagues
then the Emperour, or the king of Portugall are.
An extract out of the discourse of one Lopez Vaz a Portugal,
touching the fight of M. Fenton with the Spanish ships, with a
report of the proceeding of M. Iohn Drake after his departing
from him to the riuer of Plate.
Vpon the relation of Pedro Sarmiento concerning the streits of Magellan,
that they might be fortified, and for that the king heard, that there
were ships in England preparing for the same streits, he commanded Diego
Flores de Valdes a noble man of Spaine, to passe thither with 23 ships,
and 3500 men to stoppe the passage of the Englishmen.
[Sidenote: Fiue ships of this fleete cast away on the coast of Spaine.]
There went in this fleete the gouernour of Chili, with 500 olde
souldiers that came out of Flanders: but this was the vnhappiest fleet
of ships that euer went out of Spaine: for before they came from the
coast of Spaine a storme tooke them, and cast away fiue of the fleete
and in them aboue 800 men, and the rest came into Cadiz. But the king
sent them word that they should proceede: and so there went out on the
voyage 16 of the shippes, for two more of their fleete were much spoyled
by the storme which they had.
In these sixeteene shippes Pedro Sarmiento was sent to bee gouernour in
the straites, and had assigned vnto him 500 men to stay there with him,
and hee carried with him, all kinde of Artificers to make him forts, and
other necessaries, with great store of ordinance and other munition.
This fleete because it was late, did winter on the coast of Brasil, in
the riuer of Ienero: and from thence they went when the winter was past,
and about the height of 42 degrees they had a sudden storme, so that
Diego Flores beat it vp and downe 22 dayes, in which time hee lost one
of the best ships he had, which had in her 360 men and 20 women, that
went to inhabit the Streits: and in this ship also was most part of the
munition which should haue bene left in the Streits, so in the ende the
storme grew to bee so great, that the ships were not able to endure it
any longer, but were put backe vnto an Island called Santa Catelina:[40]
and there he found a barke wherein were some fryers going for the riuer
of Plate: [Sidenote: M. Fenton took these fryers.] which friers told him
of two great English ships, and a pinnesse, which had taken them, but
tooke nothing from them, nor did them any harme, but onely asked them
for the king of Spaines ships.
Hereupon Diego Flores knowing that these English ships would goe for the
Streits, determined to goe thither, although it was in the moneth of
Februarie, and choosing 10 ships of the 15 that were left, hee left two
ships that were not in case to goe to sea at the Iland, and into the
other three ships which were old, and shaken with the storme hee put all
the women, and sicke men in all the fleete, and sent them to the riuer
of Ienero, and he with the other 10 returned againe for the Streits.
The three ships in which the sicke men and women were, went to Brasil,
and there they found within the port of S. Vincent the two ships before
mentioned.
[Sidenote: A fight betwixt our 2 English ships and three Spanish ships.]
They woulde haue had the English men to haue gone out of the harbour,
and thereupon they fell to fight, and because that these three ships
were weake with the storme, and the men that they had were the worst in
all the fleete, the Englishmen easily put them to the worst, and sunke
one of them, and might haue sunke another, if the Englishmen would: but
they minded not the destruction of any man: for that is the greatest
vertue that can be in a man, that when hee may doe hurt, yet he will not
doe it. [Sidenote: They victual at Spirito Santo.] So the Englishmen
went from this port to Spirito Santo, where they had victuals for their
merchandise, and so they went backe for England, without doing of any
harme in the Countrey.
[40] Santa Catherina.
The cause why these English shippes vnder the conduct of M. Fenton went
not to the streits, I know not: but some say that they were put backe
by foule weather: other some say that it was for feare of the kings
ships.
[Sidenote: Iohn Drake proceedeth on to the riuer of Plate.] But the
pinnesse of these two ships went from them, in which was Captaine Iohn
Drake: the cause why they parted I know not, but the pinnesse came into
the riuer of Plate, and within fiue leagues of Seale Island, not farre
from the place where the Earle of Cumberlands shippes did take in fresh
water, shee was cast away vpon a ledge of rockes: but the men were saued
in their boat, which were in number 18, who went ashore on the
Northside, and went a dayes iourney into the land, and met with the
Sauages which are no men-eaters, but take all the Christians that they
can, and make them slaues.
But the Englishmen fought with them and the Sauages slew fiue of them,
and tooke 13 aliue, which were with the Sauages about 15 moneths.
[Sidenote: Richard Faireweather remayneth in the riuer of Plate.] But
the Master of the pinnesse, whose name was Richard Faireweather being
not willing to indure the misery that hee was in, and hauing knowledge
that there was a towne of Christians on the other side of the riuer, he
in a night called Iohn Drake, and another yong man which was with them,
and tooke a very little Canoa, which had but two oares, and so passed to
the other side of the riuer, which is about 19 leagues broade, and were
three dayes before they could get ouer without meat: and comming to
land, they hit vpon an high way that went towardes the Christians: and
seeing the footing of horses, they followed it, and at last came to an
house where there was corne sowed, and there they met with Indians
seruants vnto the Spaniards, which gaue them meate, and clothes to couer
them, for they were all naked, and one of the Indians went to the towne,
and told them of the Englishmen: so the Captaine sent foure horsemen,
who brought them to the towne behind them.
This Captaine clothed them, and prouided lodging for them, and Iohn
Drake dieted at the Captaines table, and they were all very well
intreated, the Captaine purposing to send them for Spaine. [Sidenote:
Iohn Drake sent to the Viceroy of Peru.] But the Viceroy of Peru hauing
newes hereof, sent for them, and so Iohn Drake was sent to him, but the
other two were kept there, because they were married in the countrey, so
that I know no more of their affaires.
Vpon this comming of the Englishmen, there were prepared 50 horsemen to
goe ouer the riuer to seeke the rest of the Englishmen, and also
certaine Spaniards that were among the Sauage people, but I am not
certaine, whether they went forward or not.
A ruttier which declareth the situation of the coast of Brasil from
the Isle of Santa Catelina vnto the mouth of the riuer of Plata,
and all along vp within the sayd riuer, and what armes and
mouthes it hath to enter into it, as farre as it is nauigable
with small barks.
[Sidenote: The Isle of Santa Catelina. Rio Grande.] From the Isle of
Santa Catelina, (which is in 28 degrees of Southerly latitude) vnto Rio
Grande is fortie leagues. This riuer by another name is called Ygai. The
Island of Santa Catelina is sixe leagues in length: It hath two small
Ilands on the North side betweene the maine land and it: and on the
South side it hath a shoald of rockes, which lyeth hidden very neere
vnto the poynt of the Isle. You are to passe betweene the firme land and
the poynt of the Isle.
[Sidenote: Puerto de Biaza, or Laguna.] From Santa Catelina to the hauen
of Biaça, which by another name is called la Laguna, are twelue leagues:
it is a good hauen within: but you must stay the full sea to enter into
it, because it hath shoaldes in the mouth, and it may be knowen by a
small Island which lyeth a league into the sea which is called La Isla
de Raparo, that is The Island of succour or defence, and you must ride
there to search the chanell.
From this harbour vnto the riuer before named there is no hauen for a
ship to harbour it selfe. And Rio Grande hath many shoalds in the mouth
thereof. It is a riuer that none but very small shippes can enter into.
And this riuer diuideth the countrey of the people called Carios from
other nations which are called Guauaes. [Sidenote: Certaine Ilands 12
leagues distant from the mouth of the riuer of Plate, which are 3 in
number.] And from this riuer vnto the entrance of the mouth of the riuer
of Plate it is al a plaine land, and very low: you must saile all along
two or three leagues into the sea from the shore, vntill you come to
certain Islands[41] which lye twelue leagues from the mouth of the riuer
of Plate.
[41] Castillos and Palmarones.
From Rio Grande vnto these Islands are 68 leagues. And from these
Islands vnto the Cape of Saint Marie the coast runneth Northeast and
Southwest, somewhat inclining a poynt to the South. The Islands are
three, and may be knowen as you come from the sea by two poynts, which
shew like the eares of a conie: you may ride betweene them and the
maine.
[Sidenote: Isla de Lobos.] From Rio Grande to the Cape of Saint Marie
are 80 leagues: and the Cape may be knowne by one Island which lyeth
from it a league and an halfe into the sea. You may sayle betweene the
maine and that Island, because there is aboue 8 or 9 fathoms water. The
Cape of Saint Mary standeth in 35 degrees of Southerly latitude.
The Cape of Santa Maria vpon the poynt thereof hath a little hill which
standeth ouer against the Isle of Seales. [Sidenote: The way to enter
into the riuer of Plate.] From this coast of Santa Maria you must coast
along the land alway on the North shore, and along the same are certaine
Bayes. From the Cape vnto the riuer of Solis are tenne leagues, the
coast runneth East and West. There standeth an Island ouer against the
mouth thereof. From this riuer of Solis vnto Los tres Mogotes which are
on the maine land is three leagues. And from Los Mogotes vnto the Isles
of Saint Grauiel are other 8 or 9 leagues more; all this distance
runneth East and West. These are fiue small Islands: to ride here you
must keepe somewhat neere the maine within an harquebuze shot halfe a
league before you come at the Islands, and straightway you shall see a
crosse standing on the said land, and there is an harbour for some
winds.
From Saint Grauiel vnto the riuer of Sant Iuan going along the same
coast, I say on the North shore, are three leagues: it is very well
knowen by the broken cliffe which it hath, which is a white hill. The
entrance into this riuer is very dangerous; because it is shallow, and
none but very small shippes can enter into the same: the entrance
thereof is on the West side very neere the land, great Carackes may ride
within the harbour. From this riuer vnto the Isle of Martin Garçia are
three leagues: it is one Island alone, and you must sayle along the
coast on the North shore: and after you be come vnto the Island, I say,
ouer against the same, you shall haue three fathoms water, and on the
West side it hath a little creeke where you may ride.
He that desireth to crosse ouer the riuer of Plate vnto the riuer de
Buenos Aëres from the Isles of Saint Grauiel, must shape his course
Southwest: and the cut ouer is sixeteene leagues and vpon his arriuall
on the South shore of the riuer, hee must seeke a chanell of three
fathomes water, and straite he must goe along the coast vntill hee come
to a broken cliffe and a poynt like vnto the firme land, which is
distant from this chanell three or foure leagues: and when thou seest
this broken cliffe, keepe thee a league from it. [Sidenote: The first
Spanish colonie was planted in the riuer of Buenos Aëres.] Here vpon
this riuer of Buenos Aëres was the first Colonie that Don Pedro de
Mendoça planted. This riuer lieth very much hidden: because it is not
seene, it is very shallow at a low sea, wherefore you must come in with
the first of the flood.
From the Isle of Martin Garçia vnto certaine small Islands which are
called the Isles of Saint Lazarus is two leagues, these are shoalds: and
to goe thither you must goe hard aboord the maine, for there goeth the
chanell: all this is to be passed on the North shore, and with small
barkes, and with good heede.
From the Isle of Martin Garçia to the mouthes of the riuer are eight
leagues in passing along on this side to seeke one of the mouthes of the
riuer Parana, as it is hereafter described. But you had need first to
harbour in a bay, which is in the very cliffe or Barranca, and you must
stay for the full sea. [Sidenote: Rio Vruay.] And if you fall into the
mouth of the riuer which is called Vruay,[42] you must leaue it on the
right hand, I say on the North side. [Sidenote: Parana is the great
riuer.] And foorthwith leauing the said mouth forward toward the West,
you may enter into the first mouth although it seeme narrow; or rather
you may enter into any of the mouthes: for all of them meete together in
Parana, which is the maine riuer.
[42] River Uruguay.
[Sidenote: Rio de las Palmas.] And hee that desireth to goe from the
Isle of Martin Garçia to the riuer of Palmas, which is the best of all
these armes, or mouthes to speake more properly, is to shape his course
to the West, and comming ouer to the other shore, and sayling along the
coast Northnorthwest hee shall discouer the mouth of this riuer of
Palmas: and hee must enter hard by Los Iuncales, which lye on the South
side: and afterward within is very deepe sounding. All these mouthes of
this riuer which are 5, are full of sholds towards the East aboue the
space of two leagues. And if the course of the water were not swift
there, you could not enter into them, as I haue already sayd, and you
must passe all along with much heede and foresight.
[Sidenote: Cape Blanco on the South side of the mouth of the riuer of
Plate a very low and euen land.] And if peradventure you haue passed
Cape Saint Marie and are come ouer to Cape Blanco, consider it, that it
is so euen and smooth a land, that you can scarcely discerne it a league
from the maine, vnlesse it be a very cleare day: and after this sort the
coast lieth low vnto the riuer de Buenos Aeres. And from thence the
coast lyeth somewhat high vnto the entrance of the riuer de Palmas: all
the coast runneth as I sayd before. [Sidenote: Man-eaters vpon the south
shore.] And all along this coast are naughty people, which eate those
which they kill, and many Tygers.
From the Isle of Martin Garçia vnto Saint Saluador is nine or tenne
leagues. This is an Island which standeth two leagues within the first
mouth: where Sebastian Cabota tooke possession. And this countrey is
very well peopled by a people called Carios; and you most beware of all
these people: for they are your deadly enemies. The most Southerly mouth
of Parana called Rio de Palmas is sixteene leagues long, and it hath
many turnings, and many palme or date-trees growing neere it, whereupon
it is called The riuer of palme trees: and forthwith it entreth into the
riuer Parana, as soone as these sixteene leagues are finished. All the
other armes containe likewise sixteene leagues in length, sauing one
small or narrow arme, which is called The riuer de los Beguaes; for this
containeth fortie leagues in length. From this you must enter by the
mouth of the riuer of Palmas vnto Santo Spirito, the way is fiftie
leagues: you are to passe still along the cliffes. As you enter on the
left hand which is on the West shore vp this riuer there are many Isles,
lakes and small riuers, and many Indians which are your enemies.
From Santo Spirito vnto a people which are called Los Tenbuis is
fifteene leagues. This is by the narrow arme whereby they passe into the
riuer Parana: it is the more because it is the longer way. From the
Tenbuis by this narrow arme vpward vnto the Quiloacas, which is another
nation, are twentie leagues; and all vp this riuer is great store of
people.
From the Quiloacas, to a place where the Spaniards now haue builded a
towne, are fifteene leagues. [Sidenote: This towne perhaps may be the
towne of Santa Anna, 15. leagues.] From this towne vnto the people
called Los Mequaretas is twentie leagues. Here are many sholds which
continue thirtie leagues. All these thirtie leagues are sunken lands:
where are many Isles, flats, and nations, which are our enemies.
From the Mequaretas vnto the people called Mepenes ate these thirtie
leagues. And from hence begin the coasts of the firme land vnto the
mouth of the riuer Paraguai; sauing that there are eight leagues more of
sunken ground.
From the Mepenes vnto the month of the riuer of Paraguai are thirtie
leagues: it is a riuer that cannot be mistaken although it hath many armes
and Islands and dangers, it hath a marke two leagues beneath the mouth on
the East side, to wit, an high land, where are 7 points, which we call the
7 currents: and immediately aboue these currents there is an Island as you
passe vp the riuer ouer against the poynt aforesaid standeth the mouth of
Paraguai. [Sidenote: The towne of Piquiri or Picora 170 leagues vp the
riuer of Parana.] This mouth is very plaine to be found in seeking whereof
a man cannot be deceived. From this mouth the riuer of Parana is diuided,
which is a very great riuer: and it goeth vnto the towne of Piquiri, which
is an hundred and seuentie leagues: and it runneth all this space North
and South, and in the way are many flats and shoalds; and great store of
people, which are a bad nation, although they be diuided. [Sidenote: The
citie of Assumption, or Ascension 60 leagues from the mouth of Paraguai.]
From the place where these two riuers are diuided, that is to say, from
the mouth of Paraguai are sixtie leagues vnto the citie of Assumption.
This is a good riuer, and better to sayle then all the rest of the riuers,
which are in this countrey. [Sidenote: 200 leagues from Assumption subiect
to the Spaniard, to the citie of Xaraes.] And from this towne to Los
Xaraes[43] are 200. leagues, very well inhabited with people of diuers
nations, which serue the Spanyards.
[43] North of Lake Uberaba, in latitude 17 degrees South, and longitude
52 1/2 West.
Nauigations, Voyages, Traffiques and
Discoueries of the English Nation.
VOL. XIV.
PART III.
THE FIRST AND SECOND DISCOUERY
OF THE GULFE OF CALIFORNIA, AND OF THE SEA COAST ON THE NORTHWEST OR
BACK-SIDE OF AMERICA, LYING TO THE WEST OF NEW MEXICO, CIBOLA AND
QUIUIRA, TOGETHER WITH SIR FRANCIS DRAKES LANDING AND TAKING
POSSESSION VPON NOUA ALBION IN THE BEHALFE OF THE CROWNE OF
ENGLAND, AND THE NOTABLE VOYAGE OF FRANCIS GAULE; WHEREIN AMONGST
MANY OTHER MEMORABLE MATTERS IS SET DOWNE THE HUGE BREDTH OF THE
OCEAN SEA FROM CHINA AND IAPAN TO THE NORTHWEST PARTS OF AMERICA,
IN THE 38. AND 40. DEGREES.
A relation of the discouery, which in the Name of God the Fleete of
the right noble Fernando Cortez Marques of the Vally, made with
three ships; The one called Santa Agueda of 120. tunnes, the
other the Trinitie of 35. tunnes, and the thirde S. Thomas of the
burden of 20. tunnes. Of which Fleete was Captaine the right
worshipfull knight Francis de Vlloa borne in the Citie of Merida.
Taken out of the third volume of the voyages gathered by M. Iohn
Baptista Ramusio.
Chap. 1.
Francis Vlloa a captaine of Cortez departeth with a Fleete from the
port of Acapulco, and goeth to discouer vnknowen lands, he passeth
by the coast of Sacatula and Motin, and by tempest runneth to the
riuer of Guajaual, from whence he crosseth ouer to the hauen of
Santa Cruz, along the coast whereof he discouereth 3. smal Ilands,
and within two dayes and an halfe returning to the maine land he
discouereth the riuer called Rio de san Pedro y san Pablo, and not
far distant from thence two other riuers as big or greater then
that of Guadalquiuir which runneth by Siuil, together with their
head springs.
[Sidenote: Acapulco in 17. degrees of latitude.] We imbarked our selues
in the hauven of Acapulco on the 8. of Iuly in the yeere of our Lord
1539, calling vpon almighty God to guide vs with his holy hand vnto such
places where he might be serued, and his holy faith aduanced. And we
sailed from the said port by the coast of Sacatula and Motin, which is
sweete and pleasant through the abundance of trees that grow thereon,
and riuers which passe through those countries, for the which wee often
thanked God the creatour of them. So sailing along we came to the hauen
of S. Iago in the province of Colima: but before we arriued there, the
maine mast of our ship called Santa Agueda was broken by a storme of
winde that tooke vs, so as the ship was forced to saile without her mast
vntil we arriued in the said hauen. From the port of Acapulco to this
hauen of Colima wee were sayling the space of 20. dayes. Here we stayed
to mende our mast and to take in certaine victuals, water, and wood, the
space of 27. dayes. And wee departed from the saide hauen the 23. of
August, and sayling by the Isles of Xalisco the 27. or 28. of the saide
moneth wee were taken with an extreame tempest wherein wee thought we
should have perished, and being tossed and weather-beaten, wee ranne as
farre as the riuer of Guajalua in the Prouince of Culiacan. [Sidenote:
Santa Cruz in the point of California.] In this storme wee lost the
pinnessee called Sant Thomas, and because wee had lost her wee crossed
ouer to the port of Santa Cruz in California: for while wee were so
beaten in the former tempest, the pilot of the Barke signified vnto vs,
that he perceiued she beganne to leake, and that already she had
received in much water, insomuch that she beganne to founder: whereupon,
to helpe her neede, and that we might meete together in a knowen hauen,
if by chance the tempest should separate vs, as it did indeed, we willed
him to repaire to the hauen of Santa Cruz, where we meant to repaire his
harmes and our owne. Wherefore being all arriued in this place of Santa
Cruz, wee stayed there fiue dayes and tooke in water, wherein we heard
no newes of our Barke which we had lost: Whereupon the Captaine resolued
to follow on our voyage; wherefore we set saile the 12. of September,
and as we sailed wee saw along the coast of the said hauen 3. Islands,
whereof the Captaine made no great accompt, thinking there coulde be no
great good found in any of them. These Islands seemed not to be great;
wherefore he commanded the Masters and pilotes to proceed on their
voyage, and not to leese time without any profit. [Sidenote: Rio de san
Pedro y san Pablo.] So sailing ouer the gulfe of California, in two
dayes and an halfe we came to the riuer of S. Peter and S. Paul, finding
before we entered into the same a small Island in the mouth of the
Riuer, being 4. or 5. miles distant from the maine. On both sides of the
Riuer wee beheld goodly and pleasant great plaines full of many green
and beautiful trees, and farther within the land we beheld certaine
exceeding high mountaines full of woods very pleasant to beholde. From
this riuer wee sailed still along the coast the space of 15 leagues, in
which course wee found two other Riuers in our iudgement as great or
greater then Guadalquiuir the Riuer of Siuilia in Spaine. Al the coast
by these Riuers is plaine as the other which we had passed, with many
woods: likewise within the lande appeared great mountaines couered with
woods very beautifull to beholde, and beneath in the plaine appeared
certaine lakes of water. From these Riuers we sailed 18 leagues, and
found very pleasant plaines, and certaine great lakes whose mouthes
opened into the Sea: here our Capitane thought good throughly to
discouer what those lakes were, and to search whether there were any
good hauen for his ships to ride in, or to harbour themselues, if any
tempest should arise; and so he commaunded a boat to be hoised out into
the Sea, with a Master and fiue or sixe men to view them, and to sound
the depth, and bottom of them: who went thither, and found the coast
very sholde, and the mouthes of the lakes; whereupon they made no
accompt of them, onely because the shore was so shallow, for otherwise
the land was very pleasant. Here at euening we saw on the shore 10. or
12. Indians and fires. The aforesaide two Riuers are two leagues distant
the one from the other little more or lesse, and are great, as I haue
saide, and being in the last of them we went vp to the ship-top, and saw
many lakes, and one among the rest exceeding great, and wee supposed
that they had their springs out of this great lake, as other Riuers also
haue from other lakes, for wee sawe the course of them seuerally each by
themselues, hauing goodly woods growing all along their bankes. The
currents of these Riuers might be discerned three leagues within the
Sea: and at the mouthes of them were many small stakes set vp for
markes: the shore here is plaine and sandie, and the countrey very
pleasant.
Chap. 2.
Sailing along the coast from the two aforesaid great Riuers, they
discouer three mouthes of lakes and a goodly Countrey, they come
vnto Cabo Roxo, and take possession of those countreys for the
Emperours Maiesty. A discourse of the faire hauens that are on
those coastes, and of very many Islands which they saw, before
they came to the Cape called Capo de las Plaias.
This day wee sailed along the coast the space of 16. leagues, and in the
midst of this voyage, there is a Bay very faire of 4. or 5. leagues,
hauing certaine bankes or fences in it, in beholding whereof we tooke
great pleasure. The night following we road in 20. fadome water.
[Sidenote: The coast runneth Northward.] The next day we followed our
voyage toward the North, and hauing sailed 3. or 4. leagues we saw 3.
mouthes of lakes which entred into the land, where they became like
standing pooles. Wee road a league distance from these mouthes in 6.
fadome water, to see what they were, and sent our boat with certaine
men, to see if there were any entry for our ships: for halfe a league
from shore we had not past one or two fadome water. Here our men saw 7.
or 8. Indians, and found sundry sorts of greene herbes somewhat
differing from those of Nueua Espanna. The Countrey is plaine, but farre
within the land they saw great and small hils extending themselues a
great way, and being very faire and pleasant to behold. The day
following we proceeded on our voyage sayling alwayes in sight of the
plaine coast toward the Northwest, in 10. or 15. fadome water. And
hauing sailed 6. good leagues we found a Bay on the coast within the
land of about 5. leagues ouer, from whence the coast trendeth Northwest,
and this day we sailed about 16 leagues. All this coast is plaine, and
not so pleasant as that which we had passed: here are certaine small
hilles, but not so high as those which we had found before. Thus we
sailed all night Northwest, and vntil the next day at noone, at which
time we fell with a headland of white sand, where by the height which we
tooke that day we found our selues to be in the latitude of 27. degrees
and 3/4. This cape we called Capo Roxo. All the coast is plaine and
faire and cleane sand, and we saw within land some few trees not very
great, with certaine mountaines and woods 3. or 4. leagues distant from
the said cape: and here likewise appeared a mouth of a riuer, which (as
far as we could discerne) made certaine lakes vp within the land: from
the mouth whereof for the space of a league into the sea it seemed to be
very sholde, because the sea did breake very much. Here we saw within
the land 3. or 4. riuers. [Sidenote: The coast runneth Northward.] In
this sort we sailed on our voiage to the Northward, and because we had
not good weather we road that night in a great hauen lying in our way,
where on the shore wee saw certaine plaines, and vp within the land
certaine hilles not very high: and continuing our course toward the
North about 3. leagues from this hauen, we found an Iland of about one
league in circuite lying before the mouth of the said hauen. And sailing
forward we found an hauen which hath two mouthes into the Sea, into
which we entered by the Northermost mouth, which hath 10. or 12. fadome
water, and so decreaseth till it come to 5. fadome, where we anckered in
a poole which the Sea maketh, which is a strange thing to beholde, for
there are so many entrances and mouths of streames and hauens, that we
were all astonied at the sight thereof: and these hauens are so
excellently framed by nature, as the like are not to bee seene in the
world, wherein we found great store of fish. Here we anckered, and the
Captaine went on shore, and tooke possession, vsing all such ceremonies
as thereunto belong. [Sidenote: Fishing weares like those of Virginia.]
Here also wee found certaine weares to catch fish made by the Indians,
and certaine small cottages, wherein were diuers pieces of earthen pots
as finely made as those in Spaine. Here by commandement of the Captaine
a Crosse was erected vpon an hil, and it was set vp by Francis Preciado.
In this place we saw the Countrey full of fresh and greene grasse,
howbeit differing from that of New Spaine, and vp within the Countrey we
saw many great and very greene mountaines. This Countrey seemed very
goodly and delightsome to all of vs, in regard to the greennesse and
beautie thereof, and we iudged it to be very populous within the land.
From this hauen we departed and kept our way toward the Northwest with
good weather, and began to finde hard by the sea-shore exceeding high
mountaines spotted with white, and in them we saw many foules which had
their nestes in certaine holes of those rocks, and sailed 10. leagues
vntil night, all which night we were becalmed. The next day we followed
our course Northwest with good weather: and from that day forward we
began to see on the Westerne shore (whereon the foresaid hauen of S.
Cruz standeth) certaine Islands or high lands, whereat we reioyced not a
little. And so sayling forward we met with an Island about two leagues
in bignesse, and on the East shore hauing still the maine land and
Islands in sight, we sailed 15. leagues vntil the euening, alwayes
finding hard by the sea-coast exceeding high mountaines bare of trees,
the land appearing still more plainely vnto vs on the Westerne shore.
[Sidenote: Some take the land of California to be nothing but Islands.]
Whereupon wee began to be of diuers opinions, some thinking that this
coast of Santa Cruz was a firme land, and that it ioyned with the
continent of Nueua Espanna, others thought the contrary, and that they
were nothing else but Islands, which were to the Westward. And in this
sort we proceeded forward, hauing the land on both sides of vs, so
farre, that we all began to wonder at it. This day we sailed some 15.
leagues, and called this Cape Capo de las Plaias.
Chap. 3.
Of the Streight which they discouered on the coast of Capo de las
Plaias, and of the pleasant Countrey which they found before they
came to the rockes called Los diamantes. Of the wonderfull
whitenesse of that Sea, and of the ebbing and flowing thereof: and
of the multitude of Islands and lands, which extend themselues
Northward from the hauen of Santa Cruz.
The day following we sailed vntil night with so good weather, that we
ran about 20. leagues. All this coast along the shore is full of little
hilles without grasse or trees: and that night we anckered in 20. fadome
water. [Sidenote: A Streight of 12. leagues broad, of exceeding depth.]
The next day we followed our voyage beginning to saile before breake of
day Northwestward, and we came into the midst of a Streight or mouth
which was 12 leagues broad from one land to the other, which Streight
had two Ilands in the midst thereof being 4. leagues distant the one
from the other: and here we discerned the countrey to be plaine, and
certaine mountaines, and it seemed that a certaine gut of water like a
brooke ran through the plain. This streight (as far as we could
perceiue) was very deep, for we could finde no botome: and here we saw
the land stretching afarre off from the one shore to the other, and on
the Westerne shore of the hauen of S. Cruz, the land was more high with
very bare mountaines. [Sidenote: The Streight here runneth Northward.]
The day following we passed on our way toward the North, and sailed some
15. leagues and in the midst of our way we found a circuit or bay of 6.
leagues into the land with many cooues or creeks, and the next day
following continuing our course we sailed some 10. leagues, and the
coast in this dayes iourney was all of high mountaines naked and bare
without any tree. It is very deepe hard by the shore, and that night we
were constrained to stay by reason of the contrary winde. The next
morning before breake of day we sailed still along the coast to the
Northwest vntil euening, and ranne about some 15. leagues. All along
this shore wee sawe very goodly mountaines within the land, and many
plaines and downes with some few trees, and the sea-shore was all sandy.
[Sidenote: Small rocks called Los Diamantes.] In the midst of this dayes
course we found certaine small rockes in the sea 4 leagues distant from
the maine, were the said land maketh a great point into the sea, and
here we stayed the rest of the night, where we had a very great shower
of raine. The day following we proceeded on our voyage, and sailed
vntill night by a compasse or turning, some 8. or 9. leagues, and saw
within land a few mountaines hauing no trees vpon them, but the Sunne
shining alwayes very cleare, as farre as we could descry, they were very
great, on the Westerne shore of the hauen of Santa Cruz. Here we stayed
all night because we found very shallow water and sawe the sea very
white, and in a maner like to chalke, so that we all beganne to marueile
thereat. The day following wee went forward againe along the coast
Northwestward, and sailed eight leagues, and saw another land which
stretched Northwest, and was full of high mountaines. And still
continuing this course we searched very diligently to see if there were
any passage through betweene both the landes, for right forward wee saw
no land. And thus sayling we alwayes found more shallow water, and the
Sea thicke, blacke, and very muddie, and came at length into fiue fadome
water: and seeing this, wee determined to passe ouer to the land which
wee had seene on the other side, and here likewise wee found as little
depth and lesse, whereupon we rode all night in fiue fadome water, and
wee perceiued the Sea to runne with so great a rage into the land, that
it is a thing much to be marueilled at, and with the like fury it
returned backe againe with the ebbe: during which time wee found 11.
fadome water, and the floode and ebbe continued from sixe to sixe
houres.
The day following the Captaine and Pilote went vp to the shippes top,
and sawe all the lande full of sand in a great round compasse, and
ioyning it selfe with the other shore and it was so low, that whereas
wee were a league from the same wee could not well discern it, and it
seemed that there was an inlet of the mouthes of certaine lakes, whereby
the Sea went in and out. There were diuers opinions amongst vs and some
thought that that current entered into those lakes, and also that some
great Riuer there might be the cause thereof. And when we could perceiue
no passage through, nor could discerne the countrey to be inhabited, the
Captaine accompanied with certaine of vs went to take possession
thereof. The same day with the ebbe of the Sea wee fell downe from the
other coast from the side of Nueua Espanna, though alwayes we had in
sight the firme land on the one side of vs, and the other Islands on our
left hande, on the side of the port of Santa Cruz situate on the
Westerne shore: for on that side there are so many Islands and lands, so
farre as we could descry, that it was greatly to be wondered at: for
from the said hauen of Santa Cruz, and from the coast of Culiacan we had
alwayes in a maner land on both sides of vs, and that so great a
countrey, that I suppose if it should so continue further inwarde, there
is countrey ynough for many yeeres to conquer. This day wee had the
winde contrary, and cast ancker vntil the flood increased which was in
the afternoone, and then wee set saile likewise with contrary winde
vntill midnigt, and then cast ancker.
The next day wee departed, shaping our course along the coast Southwest,
vntill midnight with little winde, and wee sawe within the land high
mountaines with some openings, and wee made way some three leagues, and
all the next night wee were becalmed, and the next day we continued our
course but a little while, for we sailed not aboue fiue leagues, and all
the night were becalmed, and sawe the land full of bare and high
mountaines, and on our left hande wee descried a plaine countrey, and
saw in the night certaine fires.
Chap. 4.
They land vpon an Island to discouer the same, and there they see
many fires, which issue out of certaine mountaines, and many
Seale-fishes. Here they take an Indian, and can not vnderstand his
language. Running along they discouer another Island, and take
possession thereof for the Emperours Maiestie, and a great hauen
in the firme land, which they call Ancon de Sant Andres, or The
hauen of S. Andrew.
The next day following our course we saw a great hauen with an Island in
the sea, within a crossebow shoote of the firme land, and in this
Island and on the firme land were seene many smokes by the iudgement of
all the company; wherefore the captaine thought good that wee should goe
on land to know the certainty of these smokes and fires, himselfe taking
ten or twelue of vs with a boate in his company: [Sidenote: Burning
mountaines.] and going on shore in the Island, we found that the smokes
proceeded out of certaine mountaines and breaches of burned earth,
whereout ascended into the aire certaine cinders and ashes which mounted
vp to the middle region of the aire, in such great quantitie, that we
could not esteeme lesse then twenty lodes of wood to bee burned for the
causing of euery of these smokes, whereat wee were all not a little
amazed.
In this Island were such abundance of Seales, as it was wonderful. Here
we stayed that day, and killed a great number of these Seales, with whom
we had some trouble: for they were so many, and ayded one another so
well, that it was strange to behold; for it fell out, that while we were
occupied in killing some of them with staues, they assembled twentie or
thirty together, and lifting themselues vp assayled vs with their feete
in a squadron, and ouerthrew two or three of our company on the ground:
whereupon letting goe those which they had in their hands, they and the
others escaped vs and went into the sea, howbeit wee killed good store
of them, which were so fatte as it was wonderfull: and when we opened
some of them to haue their liuers, we found certaine small blacke stones
in their bodies, whereat we much marueiled. The next day wee rode at
anker here for lacke of good weather to sayle withall: whereupon the
Captaine determined to goe on shore with nine or ten of his company, to
see whether there were any people there, or any signe of people that
had bene there, and they found on the maine land seuen or eight Indians
like to Chichimecas, which were gone a fishing, and had a raft of canes;
who so soone as they espied vs ranne away and betooke themselues to
flight, but being pursued by vs, in the end we tooke one of them, whose
language was so strange that wee could by no meanes vnderstand him; his
clothing was nothing at all, for he was starke naked. These people
caried their water in bottels made of beasts skins, they fished with
hookes of bone, and wee found good store of their fishes, whereof we
tooke three or foure dozen.
The Indian which we had taken seeing himselfe in our hands did nothing
but weepe, but the Captaine called him, and made much of him, giuing him
certaine beades, with a hat and certaine hookes of ours, and then let
him goe. And it seemed that after hee was returned to his companions, he
declared vnto them how we had done him no harme at all, showing them the
things which wee had giuen him: whereupon they also determined to come
vnto vs to our boate, but because it was now night, and that our shippes
were farre from vs, we forced not to stay for them, especially because
it was a bad place and a dangerous. This countrey hath on the sea coast
high and bare mountaines with certaine grasse in some places like vnto
our broomes, or like vnto woods of rosemary.
The next day wee sayled neere to the coast on the same side, with very
scarce winde, and in a manner calme, and ranne not aboue fiue leagues,
and all the night following we lay becalmed, and we saw on the shore
fiue or sixe fires. [Sidenote: Ancon de S. Andres, or The hauen of S.
Andrew in 32 degrees.] The land is high with very high mountaines
without grasse, hauing certaine caues in them: the next day also, and
part of the night following we were becalmed: and the morrow after we
followed our course along the sayd coast, and passed betweene a great
Island full of exceeding high mountaines, and the maine land, where we
saw a very great hauen in the firme land in which wee ankered to see
what it was, and being come to an anker, the Captaine and some of vs
went on land the same day to see if there were any people and fresh
water, and wee found certaine small cottages couered with drie grasse,
with certaine little staues layd ouerthwart, and we went a little way
into the countrey which was very baren, by certaine small and streight
pathes, and found a little pond or pit, but drie and without water; and
here the Captaine tooke possession for the Marques of the valley[44] in
the name of his Maiestie, and after this we returned to our ship, and
that night we sawe foure or fiue fires on the land. The next day the
Captaine determined, because hee had seene these fires, to goe on shore,
and so with our two boates we went fifteene or twenty of vs vnto
certaine crooked strands two leagues from the place where our ships
rode, and where we had seene the fires, and we found two Indians of
exceeding huge stature, so that they caused vs greatly to wonder; they
caried their bowes and arrowes in their hands, and as soone as they saw
vs leap on shore they ran away, and wee followed them vnto their
dwellings and lodgings, which were certaine cottages and bowers couered
with boughs, and there we found great and small steps of many people,
but they had no kind of victuals but onely cuttle fishes which wee found
there. The countrey toward the sea side seemed but barren, for we saw
neither trees nor greene grasse there, yet were there certaine smal
pathes not well beaten, and along the sea coast we saw many tracts of
dogges, hares, and conies, and to certaine small Islands neere vnto the
maine we saw Seale-fishes. This hauen is called Ancon de Sant Andres.
[44] Hernando Cortez.
Chap. 5.
They discouer a mountainous Island very great, and neere vnto it
certaine other Islands with a goodly greene and pleasant countrey.
They haue sight of certaine Indians in Canoas of canes, whose
language sounded like the Flemish tongue, with whome they could
not haue any traffique.
[Sidenote: A great Island.] The next day we proceeded on your voyage,
sayling betweene the maine and an Island, which we suppose to be in
circuit about a hundreth or eighty leagues, sayling sometimes within
one, and sometimes within two leagues of the maine. The soile of this
Island is of certaine mountaines not very steepe with caues in them, and
as farre as wee could descrie by the coast, there appeared no signe of
any plaine countrey. Here from this day forward wee began to bee afraid,
considering that wee were to returne to the port of Santa Cruz; for it
was supposed, that all along this mighty gulfe from the entrance in at
Culiacan vntil the returning backe vnto the said hauen, was all firme
land, and also because wee had the firme land alwayes on our right hand
and it goeth round circle-wise vnto the sayd hauen; but many thought and
hoped that we should finde some mouth or out-let, whereby we might passe
through vnto the other coast. What our successe was we will declare in
the relation following.
[Sidenote: They returne from the bottome of the gulf of California.] The
next day being Thursday wee sayled with scant winde, for it was almost
calme, and passed beyond that great Island, hauing firme land alwayes on
our right hand, and coasting (as I sayd) very neere vnto it. The next
day likewise we sayled with little winde, it being in a manner calme,
and passed neere vnto the shore by certaine round baies, and certaine
points which the land made, which was pleasant to behold being somewhat
greene, and there seemed to be some creeke there. This Friday at night
wee sayled altogether with a fresh gale, and at breake of day wee were
betweene the maine land, and an Island on our left hand which was
somewhat big, as farre as we could discerne. Here was a great bay in the
firme land, and before it was a point which stretched farre into the
sea. The firme land seemed to bee much fresher and pleasanter then those
lands which we had passed, hauing many bankes and hilles of indifferent
height, and beautifull to behold.
The countrey (as farre as wee could discerne) was so pleasant and
delightfull, that wee all desired to goe on shore, and to search vp into
it two or three dayes iourney, to see whether it were inhabited or not.
Wee saw within the land of that bay two fires. The night following being
Saturday we sailed, continually with a prosperous and fresh gale, and
the wind was so great that we drew our bonet to our maine sayle, and
sayled so till the morning.
On Sunday the twelfth of October we found our selues altogether inclosed
with land, on the right hand with the maine, which compassed vs before
and behinde, and on the left hand with an Island of a league and a
halfe; and betweene the maine and the Island in the midst of the sea
there lay a small Islet, and also betweene the sayd maine and the Island
there were two mouthes, through which there appeared, a passage whereby
afterward we passed through. This maine was much more fresh and greene
then the other which wee had passed, and had certaine plaines and points
of mountaines of pleasant view, and full of greene grasse. Here all this
night we saw two or three villages which were very great, and at breake
of day we saw a Canoa or boate made of canes, which came from the land
out of a creeke, and wee stood still vntill it came neere vnto vs in the
ship, and they began to speake in their language which no man
vnderstood, whose pronuntiation was like to the Flemings, and being
called they returned with great haste vnto the shore, and we were very
sory because our boate had not followed them.
Here happened vnto vs a very strange thing, which was, that as this
Indian returned to the shore in certaine of these creekes where a number
of his fellow Indians were, as wee viewed that part, we sawe fiue Canoas
issue foorth, which came toward vs: whereupon wee stayed to see what
they would doe. In the meane while our Admirall came vp vnto vs, which
was neere the shore, for he also had seene them, and so being come
together we cast anker, expecting what those Canoas would doe. In the
meane while our Generall commanded vs to make ready our boate, and to
furnish the same with oares and men, to try if we could by any meanes
take some of them, that we might come to some knowledge of them, and
that wee might giue them some of our trifles, and specially of our
hookes and beads to winne their friendship. The Indians with their fiue
Canoas approached within one or two stones cast of vs, and then began to
speake very loude vnto vs in a very strange language, alwayes standing
vpon their guard to retire themselues with speede. When our Captaine saw
this, and that they would not come, neere vs, but rather retired, he
commanded sixe mariners to goe into the boate from the sterne of the
ship, and himselfe also went with them with all possible haste toward
the Indians. The Indians returned to the shore with so great celeritie,
that they seemed to flie in those little Canoas of canes. Neuerthelesse
our men vsed such diligence that one of the Canaos was boarded and
taken; but the Indian in the Canoa seeing himselfe now taken leapt into
the water, and our men followed with their boat to take him, but seeing
himselfe within their reach, he ducked with his head vnder their boate,
and so deceiued them, and then rose vp againe, and, with their oares and
with staues they gaue him certaine blowes, to amaze him, but nothing
would serue them; for as they were about to lay handes vpon him hee
still diued vnder water, and with his hands and feete got neere to the
shore: and as hee rose, vp aboue the water, he called to his felowes
which stood on the shore to behold, crying Belen with a loud voyce, and
so they pursued him, and strooke him sometimes being very neere the
shore, and he alwayes went calling the rest of his fellowes to come and
helpe him, whereupon within a short while after three other Canoas came
foorth to succour him, being full of Indians with bowes and arrowes in
their handes, crying with a loude voyce, that wee should come on shore:
these Indians were of great stature and saluage, fat also and well set,
and of a browne colour. Our Captaine perceiuing this, least they should
wound any of our people with their arrowes, returned backe, and
commanded vs immediately to set sayle, and so foorthwith wee departed.
This day the wind skanted, and we returned to anker in the foresayd
place, and our Admirall rode from the firme land toward the Island, and
wee which were in the ship called The Trinitie lay neere vnto the maine,
and before breake of day wee departed with a fresh gale. And before we
disemboqued out of that chanell we saw certaine grasse very high and
greene vpon the maine: whereupon a mariner, and the Pilot went vp into
the top, and saw the mouth of a riuer which ranne through that greene
countrey into the sea. [Sidenote: Port Belen is a very good hauen.] But
because our Admirall was vnder all her sayles farre from vs, we could
not tell them of this riuer, where wee would haue taken water, where of
we had some neede, and because it was a very good hauen to goe on shore
to take it, and therefore without watering we followed our course. On
Monday we departed from this hauen which is like vnto a lake, for on all
sides we were compassed with land, hauing the continent before, behinde
vs, and on our right side, and the Island on our left side, and we
passed foorth at those mouthes before mentioned, which shewed an out-let
into the open sea. Thus wee sayled along still viewing the situation of
the countrey, reioycing all of vs at the sight thereof, for it alwayes
pleased vs more and more, still appearing more greene and pleasant, and
the grasse which wee found neere vnto the shore was fresh and
delectable, but not very high, being (to all our iudgements) not past a
spanne long. Likewise the hills which we saw, which were many, and many
downes made a very pleasant prospect, especially because we iudged, that
there were many valleys and dales betweene them.
Chap. 6.
They discouer a very great bay with foure small Islands in it,
whereas they take possession. As they sayle along and discouer
diuers Islands they come at length to the port of Santa Cruz,
where not being able to get any knowledge of those Indians,
although they lay in waite for them at a place called The well of
Grijalua, they departed thence. They haue a perilous and long
tempest, which, ceased, after they had seene a light on their
shrowdes.
At our comming out of these openings we began to finde a Bay with a very
great hauen, enuironed with diuers small hilles hauing vpon them greene
woods and pleasant to behold. In this bay and strand were two small
Islands neere vnto the shore, one of the which was like vnto a table
about halfe a league in bignes, and the other was a round hill almost as
big as the former. These Islands serued vs onely to content our sight,
for we passed by them without staying, hauing but a slacke winde on
Munday morning: all which day we followed our course with the foresayd
slacke winde, and within a while after it became flat contrary, so that
we were constrained to anker at the sayd point of the sayd hauen; and on
Tewsday at breake of day we set sayle, but made but little away all the
day, because the winde continued contrary, although but very weake. The
night following wee were becalmed a little beyond the point of this
hauen; but about midnight wee began to haue a fresh gale, and on
Wednesday in the morning wee were seuen leagues distant from that point.
This countrey shewed (as it was indeede) more plaine then the rest, with
certaine small woody hilles, and within the other point which was before
descried, the situation seemed to be more pleasant and delightsome then
the rest which we had passed. And at the vttermost end of the point were
two small Islets. The sayd Wednesday about nine of the clocke the winde
blew a good gale, and we sayled by euening between seuen and eight
leagues, and came ouer against a land not very high, where wee saw
certaine creekes or breaches not very ragged, into euery of which a
riuer seemed to fall, because the soyle was very greene, and had
certaine trees growing on it farre bigger then those which we had found
before. Here the Captaine with fiue or sixe men went on shore, and
taking possession passed vp one of those riuers, and found the footing
of many Indians vpon the sand. On the bankes of that riuer they saw many
fruitful trees, as cherry-trees and little apple-trees, and other white
trees: they found also in the wood three or foure beasts called Adibes,
which are a kind of dogs. The same night we set sayle with the winde off
the land, which blew so freshly, that it made vs to strike our
foresayle; and on the sixteenth of October at nine of the clocke we came
neere vnto a point of certaine high mountaines, on which day being
Thursday we made little way, because the winde ceased, but it rose
againe in the night, whereupon by the breake of day on Friday wee came
before the sayd point being sixe or seuen leagues off. The land seemed
to be very mountainous with certaine sharpe points not greatly clad with
grasse, but somewhat bare. On our left hand wee saw two Islands, the one
of a league and a halfe, the other not so much, and it seemed that we
drew neere to the port of Santa Cruz, whereat we were sory because we
were alwaies in good hope to find some out-let into the maine Ocean in
some place of that land, and that the same port was the same out-let,
and also that by the sayd coast we might returne to the foresayd hauen
of Santa Cruz, and that we had committed a great error, because we had
not certainely sought out the secret, whether that were a Streit or a
riuer, which wee had left behind vs vnsearched at the bottome of this
great sea or gulfe.
All Friday and the night following we sayled with a scant winde, and on
Saturday at breake of day we were betweene two points of land which make
a bay, wherein we saw before and behinde foure or fiue great and small
Islands. The lande was very mountainous, part whereof was couered with
grasse, and part was voide. Within the land appeared more mountaines and
hils, and in this place we were come neere vnto the hauen of Santa Cruz,
which is all firme land, except it be diuided in the very nooke by some
streite or great riuer which parteth it from the maine, which because we
had not throughly discouered, all of vs, that were imployed in this
voyage were not a little grieued. And this maine land stretcheth so
farre in length, that I cannot well expresse it: for from the hauen of
Acapulco, which standeth in seuenteene degrees and twentie minutes of
latitude, wee had alwayes the coast of the firme land on our right
hande, vntill we came to the great current of the white and red
sea: [Sidenote: This current is in 32 degrees and the sea is white and
red.] and here (as I haue said) we knew not the secret of this current,
whether it were caused by a riuer or by a streit: [Sidenote: This
returne is mentioned cap. 5.] and so supposing that the coast which wee
had on our right hand was closed vp without passage, wee returned backe
againe, alwayes descending Southward by our degrees, vntill wee returned
vnto the sayd hauen of Santa Cruz, finding still along the coast a
goodly and pleasant countrey, and still seeing fires made by the
Indians, and Canoas made of Canes.[45] We determined to take in fresh
water at the hauen of Santa Cruz, to runne along the outward Westerne
coast, and to see what it was, if it pleased God. Here we rested our
selues, and eat of the plummes and fruits called Pithaias: and wee
entred into the port of Santa Cruz on Sunday the 18 of October and
stayed there eight daies to take in wood and water resting our selues
all that while, that our men might strengthen and refresh themselues.
Our captaine determined to diuide amongst vs certaine garments of
taffata, with clokes and saies, and a piece of taffata, and likewise
ordained, that wee should goe on land to catch a couple of Indians, that
they might talke with our interpreter, and that we might come to the
knowledge of their language. Wherevpon thirteene of vs went out of our
ship by night, and lay in ambush in a place which is called The well of
Grijalua, where we stayed vntill noone betweene certaine secret wayes,
and could neuer see or descrie any one Indian: [Sidenote: The Spaniards
vse mastiues to take the Indians.] wherefore we returned to our ships,
with two mastiue-dogs which we carried with vs to catch the Indians with
more ease: and in our returne we found two Indians hidden in certaine
thickets, which were come thither to spie what wee did: but because wee
and our dogs were weary, and thought not on them, these Indians issued
out of the thickets, and fled away, and wee ranne after them, and our
dogges saw them not: wherefore by reason of the thicknes of the wilde
thistles, and of the thornes and bryars, and because we were weary, we
could neuer ouertake them: [Sidenote: Read more of these staues cap 10.]
they left behinde them certaine staues so finely wrought that they were
very beautiful to behold, considering how cunningly they were made with
a handle and a corde to fling them.
[45] This voyage up the great Gulf of California, with the discovery of
the mouth of the River Colorado, is so accurate in its details, that,
with a good map, every portion of the voyager's course can be followed.
The nine and twentieth of October being Wednesday, we set sayle out of
this hauen of Santa Cruz with little winde, and in sayling downe the
chanell our shippe called the Trinitie came on ground vpon certaine
sholdes: this was at noone at a low water, and with all the remedy that
we could vse wee could not draw her off, whereupon wee were constrained
to vnderprop her, and to stay the next tide: and when the tide began to
increase wee vsed all diligence to draw her off, and could not by any
meanes, whereat all the company and the Captaine were not a little
grieued: for wee thought wee should haue lost her there, although wee
ceased not with all our might to labour with both our boates, and with
our cable and capsten. In the ende it pleased God about midnight at a
full sea with the great force which wee vsed to recouer her, that we
drew her off the sand, for which we gaue God most hearty thankes, and
rode at anker all the rest of the night, wayting for day light for feare
of falling into any further danger or mishap. When day was come, wee set
forward with a fresh gale, and proceeded on our voyage, directing our
prows to the maine sea, to see whether it would please God to let vs
discouer the secret of this point. But whether it pleased not his great
goodnesse, or whether it were for our sinnes, wee spent eight dayes from
this port, before we could double the poynt,[46] by reason of contrary
winds, and great raine, and lightning and darknesse euery night: also
the windes grew so raging and tempestuous, that they made us all to
quake, and to pray continually vnto God to ayde vs. And hereupon wee
made our cables and ankers ready, and the chiefe Pilot commanded vs with
all speede to cast anker, and in this sorte we passed our troubles: and
whereas wee rode in no securitie, he caused vs foorthwith to weigh our
ankers, and to goe whither the wind should driue vs. And in this sorte
wee spent those eight dayes, turning backe by night the same way that
wee had gone by day, and sometimes making good in the night that which
wee had lost in the day, not without great desire of all the company to
haue a winde which might set vs forward on our voyage, being afflicted
with the miseries which wee indured by reason of the thunders,
lightnings, and raine, wherewith we were wet from toppe to toe, by
reason of the toyle which we had in weighing and casting of our ankers,
as neede required.
[46] Cape St. Lucas.
And on one of these nights, which was very darke and tempestuous with
winde and raine, because we thought we should haue perished, being very
neere the shore, we prayed vnto God that he would vouchsafe to ayde and
saue vs, without calling our sinnes to remembrance. And straightway wee
saw vpon the shrowdes of the Trinity as it were a candle, which of
itselfe shined, and gaue a light, whereat all the company greatly
reioyced, in such sort that wee ceased not to giue thankes vnto God.
Whereupon we assured our selues, that of his mercie hee would guide and
saue vs, and would not suffer vs to perish, as indeede it fell out; for
the next day wee had good weather, and all the mariners sayd, that it
was the light of Saint Elmo[47] which appeared on the shrowdes, and they
saluted it with their songs and prayers. These stormes tooke vs betweene
the Isles of Saint Iago and Saint Philip, and the Isle called Isla de
perlas lying ouer against the point of California supposed to be firme
land.
[47] St. Elmo's light, as it is called, is by no means an unusual
phenomenon. It is merely caused by the Electricity in the air.
Chap. 7.
Sayling on their way they discouer a pleasant Countrey, and in their
iudgement greatly inhabited, and finde the Sea-coast very deepe.
They went to discouer or viewe the Isle of perles. And by a
current one of their ships is separated from the other, and with
great ioy after three dayes they had sight again of her, and
following their voyage they discouer certaine great, greene, and
pleasant plaines.
We began to sayle along the coast the seuenth or eight of Nouember the
land alwayes shewing very greene with grasse pleasant to behold, and
certaine plaines neere the shore, and vp within the countrey many
pleasant hils replenished with wood, and certaine valleys, so that wee
were delighted aboue measure, and wondered at the greatnes and goodly
view of the countrey: and euery night we saw fires, which shewed that
the countrey is greatly inhabited. [Sidenote: From hence forward they
saile on the westerne or back-side of California.] Thus we proceeded on
our Voyage vntill the tenth of the sayd month of Nouember, hauing
alwayes the coast of the maine Ocean on our right hand, and the farther
we sailed, wee alwayes found the countrey more delightsome and pleasant,
as well in beholding the greennes therof, as also in that it shewed
certaine plaines and deepe valleys, through which riuers did fall downe
into the land, within certaine mountaines, and hilles full of great
woods which were not very high, and appeared within the countrey. Here
we were 54 leagues distant from California little more or lesse, alwayes
toward the Southwest, seeing in the night three or foure fires, whereby
it appeareth that the countrey is inhabited, and full of people, for the
greatnes of the countrey argueth no lesse: and we supposed that there
must needs bee great townes inhabited within the land, although in this
poynt we were of diuers opinions. The sea is so deepe on all this coast
that we could scarce find ground in 54 fadomes. On the greatest part of
the coast there are hilles of very white sand, and it seemeth to be a
dangerous coast, because of the great and swift tides which goe there,
for the sand sheweth so much for the space of ten or twelue leagues, for
so the Pilots affirmed. [Sidenote: Isla de perlas.] This day being
Saturday the winde increased, and wee had sight of the Isle of Perles,
which on this side of the gulfe appeareth with a deepe valley all
couered ouer with trees, and sheweth much fairer then on the other side,
and wee entred into the Porte of Santa Cruz. From the ninth of Nouember
to the fifteenth we sayled not aboue tenne leagues, because we had
contrary winds, and great showres; and besides this we had another
mischance which did not a little grieue vs; for wee lost company of the
ship called The Trinitie, and could neuer see her for the space of three
dayes, whereupon wee suspected that shee was returned home vnto New
Spaine, or that she was seuered from our company: wherefore we were
grieued out of measure to see our selues so left alone, and the Captaine
of all others was most sad, though he ceased not to encourage vs to
proceede on our voyage, saying that notwithstanding all this wee ought
not to leaue off this enterprise which we had begunne, and that though
we were left alone we should deserue the greater commendation and
credite: whereupon wee all answered him, that wee would not haue him
thinke that any of vs would euer be discouraged, but that we would
follow him vntill hee should thinke it reasonable that we should not
proceede any further in the enterprise, and that we were in danger of
perishing, and that vntill then wee would bee at his commandement: but
withall we perswaded him that after he had seene any great difficulty to
proceede any further, hee should doe well to returne backe to make
relation of our successe to the R. H. lord the Marques de Valle.
Hereupon he made an Oration vnto vs wherein he told vs, that he could
not beleeue, much lesse could imagine, wherefore the shippe called the
Trinitie should returne into Newe Spaine, nor why she should willingly
depart from vs, and goe vnto any other place, and that he thought by all
reason, that some current had caried her out of our sight, and that
through contrary weather and tempests she could not fetch vs vp, and
that notwithstanding all that which we had done in the voyage, he had an
instruction, that if by chance we were separated one from the other, wee
were to take this course to meete again together, namely to returne
backe eight or tenne leagues to seeke one another, beyond certaine head
lands which lay out into the sea, and that therefore we should doe well
to returne to seeke her vp. This sentence pleased vs all, and so
returning to seeke her, we espied her two leagues distance from vs,
comming toward us with a fresh gale of winde, whereat we greatly
reioyced.
Thus being come together we ankered for that day, because the weather
seemed very contrary, and the Captaine chid them for their negligence in
sayling, because they had in such sort lost our company; and they
excused themselues, that they could doe no lesse, because a current had
carried them away aboue three leagues, whereby they could neuer reach
vnto vs. The next day being the sixteenth of Nouember wee set forward,
but sayled very little, for the North and Northwest winds were against
vs. Here we discouered certaine plaines, in my iudgement very great and
greene, and right before vs we could not discerne any mountaines or
woods, whereat wee marueiled to see so great a countrey. And wee met an
Indian in a Canoa on the shore whereon the sea did breake, who stayed to
beholde vs a great while, and oftentimes he lifted vp himselfe to view
vs the better, and then returned backe along the coast: we vsed all
diligence to see whether he would come out further from the shore, to
giue him chase, and to try whether we could catch him, but he very
cunningly viewed vs without comming neere vnto vs, and returned to the
shore with his Canoa. Heere we saw in the euening but one fire, and wist
not whether it were done by the cunning of the Indians, because they
would not haue vs know that there were people there, or that it was so
indeede. From the said 16 day of Nouember vntill the 24 of the same
moneth we could not proceede on our way aboue 12 or 15 leagues: and
looking into our Sea-chart, we found our selues distant from the Xaguges
of the Port of Santa Cruz about 70 leagues. Now on the 24 day being
Munday very early in the morning we beganne to take very good view of
that Countrey, and all along the coast we saw many faire plaines with
certaine furrowes made in the midst like vnto halfe plaines, the said
plaine still appearing vp into the Countrey, with pleasant champions,
because the grasse which grew there was very beautifull, short, and
greene, and good pasture for cattell. Howbeit because we rode so farre
off, we could not perfectly iudge what kind of grasse it was, but it
shewed very short and greene, and without thornes. These plaines on the
right hand made a bay into a valley which seemed to be a piece of a
mountaine: the rest shewed to be al plaines without any thistles or
weedes, but full of grasse good for cattel very green and faire as I
haue saide.
Chap. 8.
One of their ships by tempest was separated from the other, and
afterward meeting with her consort she reporteth that the land
stretcheth to the West by the mouth of the great lake. The Pilots
are of diuers iudgements touching the state of this coast
inhabited by Chichimecas. They enter into an hauen to take in
fresh water, and are suddenly assayled by two squadrons of
Indians. They defend themselues valiantly, and the Captaine with
some of his souldiers are grieuously wounded.
The 26 of this moneth being Wednesday at night the North wind took vs,
which still increased more and more so greatly that it put vs to much
trouble, for it continued two dayes, in which the Sea was alwayes
boisterous; and this night againe we lost the Trinity being beaten with
the North winde aforesaid (and we had sight of her on Munday the 24)
wherewith we were all of vs greatly agrieued, both Captaine, Souldiers
and Mariners, because we saw we were left alone, and our ship called
Santa Agueda wherein we were, was but badly conditioned, and this
grieued vs more then the trouble which we had with the boisterousnesse
of the Sea, imagining that if we should leese the Trinity, or if any
mishap should fall vnto vs, we should not be able to follow our voyage
according to our Captaines and our owne desire. [Sidenote: Land running
towards the Northwest.] This said 24 day being Munday we saw a Countrey
with high mountaines toward the Northwest, and it seemed that the land
stretched on still forward, whereat we exceedingly reioyced, because we
iudged that the lande grew alwayes broader and broader, and that wee
should meete with some speciall good thing. Whereupon we desired that it
would please God to send vs good weather for our voyage, which hitherto
we found alwayes contrary, so that in 26 dayes we sayled not aboue 70
leagues, and that with much trouble, sometimes riding at anker and
sometimes sayling, and seeking the remedies and benefite of the shore to
auoide perils. In this Countrey which we discouered the 26 day we
alwayes saw (as I haue said) along the shore, and within the land,
goodly plaines without any tree, in the midst wherof was a lake or
gathering together of the Sea-water, which (to our iudgment) was aboue
12 leagues in compasse, and the sea-coast reached to the mountaines
before mentioned. And this day we saw our ship called the Trinitie,
which rode 2 leagues distant from vs, which so soone as she saw vs, set
saile, and we came together and reioyced greatly. [Sidenote: A
wonderfull fishing place like Newfoundland.] They brought vs great
quantity of gray fishes, and of another kinde: for at the point of those
mountaines they found a fishing which was very wonderfull, for they
suffered themselues to be taken by hand: and they were so great that
euery one had much adoe to finde roome to lay his fish in. They found
also on the said point a fountaine of fresh water which descended from
those hilles, and they told vs that at the same place they had found a
narrow passage, whereby the Sea entered into the said lake. They
comforted vs much with the report of these things, and telling vs, that
the lande trended to the West; for the chiefe Pilot thought, and the
other Pilot was of the same opinion, that we shoulde finde a good
Countrey. This night we set saile to goe to that point to take in fresh
water which we wanted, and to see this lake, and to put some men on
shore; and after midnight the winde came vpon vs so forcibly at the
North that we could not stay there: whereupon wee were constrained to
put further into the Sea, and returned the same way backe againe vnto
the shore with much adoe, and came to an anker a great way short of the
place from whence we were driuen: and there we rode vntill Thursday at
noone with this bitter North winde, and on Friday about noone, when we
most thought it would haue ceased, it beganne to increase againe, which
grieued vs not a little seeing the weather so contrary, hoping alwayes
that it would cease and that some winde would blow from the shore,
whereby we might recouer the point of land to take in fresh water, and
to search whether there were any people about that lake. Here we lay
from the 26 of the saide moneth till the 29, driuing vp and downe the
Sea, winding in by little and little vntill we had gotten vnder the
shelter of those mountaines: which being obtayned wee rode the sayd 29
of the moneth halfe a league from those wooddy mountaines, which we had
seene in the Sea. We stayed in this place at our ease all the Sunday,
and Iuan Castilio the chiefe Pilot went that day in the bote on shore
with seuen in his company, and they landed neere the Sea, and on a
certaine low ground they found foure or fiue Indians Chichimecas of
great stature, and went toward them, who fled away like Deere that had
beene chased. After this the Pilot went a little way along the
Sea-shore, and then returned to his boate, and by that time he was
entered thereinto, he saw about fifteen Indians of great stature also,
with their bowes and arrowes which called vnto him with a loude and
strong voice, making signes with their bowes: but the Pilot made no
account of their gesture, but rather returned to the shippes, and
declared what had passed betweene him and the Indians. The same day the
Captaine commaunded that our caske should be made readie against the
next morning to take in water, for in both the shippes there were about
fiue and twentie buttes emptie. The first of December, and the second
day in the morning the Captaine went with both the barkes on shore with
some dozen souldiers, and the greatest part of the Mariners which
laboured in filling of water, leauing in the shippes as many as were
needefull, and as soone as we were come on shore at the watering place
the Captaine caused the buttes to be taken out, to the ende they might
be filled with water, and while they returned to fetch the barrels and
hogsheads of the shippe, the Captaine walked a turne or two vpon the
shore for the space of one or two crossebow shoots, and afterwarde we
went vp to certaine of those mountaines, to view the disposition of the
countrey, and in trueth we found it in that place very bad to our
iudgement, for it was very ragged, full of woods and caues, and so
stonie, that we had much adoe to goe. Being come vnto the top we found
certaine small hilles full of woods, and cliffes that were not so
craggie, although very troublesome to climbe vp; and while we looked
from these little hilles, we could not discerne any more mountaines, but
rather iudged that from that place forward there were great plaines. The
Captaine would not suffer us to goe any farther, because in those places
we had seene certaine Indians which seemed to be spies, and warning vs
thereof he commanded vs to retire vnto the shore, where we were to take
in water, and to dispatch our businesse quickly, and appointed vs to
make certaine pits, that our buts might more easily be filled with
water. And setting our Guardes or Centinels, we beganne to fill water.
In the meane while the Captaine tooke certaine souldiers, and went to
the top of an high hill, from whence he descryed a great part of the
Sea, and a lake which is within the land: for the Sea entereth in the
space of a league, and there is a good fishing place round about: and
the lake was so great, that it seemed vnto vs to be very neere 30
leagues in compasse, for we could not discerne the end thereof. Then we
came downe with no lesse trouble then wee had mounted vp vnto the hill,
by reason of the steepenesse of the place, and some tumbled downe with
no small laughter of the rest. And being come somewhat late to our
watering place (for it was then past noone) we set our selues to dinner,
alwayes appointing some of our company in Centinell, vntill we were
called to dinner, and when some were called two others were appointed in
their roomes. [Sidenote: A sudden assalt of the Indians with stones,
arrows and staues.] And about two of the clocke after dinner, the
Captaine and the rest suspecting no danger of assalt of Indians, both
because the place seemed not to be fit for it, as also for that we had
set our Centinels at the passages; two squadrons of Indians came vpon vs
very secretly and couertly, for one came by the great valley through
which the water ranne which we tooke, and the other came by a part of
that great hill which we had ascended to see the lake, and all of them
came so couertly, that our Centinels could neither see nor heare them;
and wee had not perceiued them, if a souldier by chance lifting vp his
eyes had not sayde, Arme, Arme, my maisters, for many Indians come vpon
vs. When we heard this the Capitane leapt vp in a great rage, because
the guards were changed out of their place: and with his sword and
target, being followed by a souldier, whose name was Haro, and afterward
by the rest, he and the said souldier went toward a little gate of
certaine stones, whither the rest of vs were to follow him: for if the
Indians had gotten that place from vs, we should haue incurred great
danger, and the greatest part of vs had like to haue beene slaine, and
none could haue escaped but such as by chance could haue leapt into the
boates, and the tide went so high, that none could be saued but such as
were most excellent swimmers. But at length the Captaine bestirred
himselfe very nimbly, vsing all celeritie that was possible. Therefore
when he and Haro had wonne the gate, the rest of the souldiers gate vp
after them, and the Captaine and Haro turned themselues to the Indians
and made head against them, and the Indians assailed them with such
numbers of stones, arrowes, and iauelins (which was a very strange
thing) that they brake in pieces the target which the Captaine had on
his arme, and besides that wounded him with an arrow in the bending of
his knee, and though the wound was not great, yet was it very painefull
vnto him. While they thus stood to withstand their assalt, they strooke
Haro which was on the other side so forcibly with a stone, that they
threw him flat vpon the ground: and by and by another stone lighted vpon
him which shiuered his Target, and they hit the Captaine with another
arrow, and shot him quite through one of his eares. Another arrow came
and strooke a souldier called Grauiello Marques in the legge, of which
he felt great paine and went halting. In the meane space Francis
Preciado, and certaine other souldiers came vp and ioyned himselfe with
the rest on the left hand of the Captaine, saying vnto him, Sir,
withdrawe your selfe, for you be wounded, but be you not dismayed, for
they are but Indians and cannot hurt vs. In this wise we beganne to rush
in, among them vpon the side of a rocke alwayes gayning ground of them,
which greatly encouraged our mindes, and when we beganne to inforce them
to retire, we wanne a small wooddy hill, where we sheltered our selues,
whereas before they shot vpon vs from aloft, for they were on the higher
ground vnder couert in safetie, and then by no meanes we could offend
them, but by running forcibly vpon them with our targets on our armes,
and our swords in our hands. On the other side, to approach and seeke to
ouertake them was a vaine thing, seeing they were as swift as wilde
goates. By this time Haro was gotten vp on foot, and hauing clapt a
woollen cloth vpon his head, which had bled extremely, he ioyned
himselfe vnto vs, of whom we receiued no small aide. In the meane space
the Indians fortified themselves on the cragge of a rocke, from whence
they did not a little molest vs, and we likewise fortified our selues
vpon an hillocke, whereby we descended into their Fort, and there was a
small valley betweene them and vs, which was not very deepe from the
vpper part. [Sidenote: The Spaniards vse mastiues in their warre against
the Indians. Read more hereof cap. 12.] There we were 6 souldiers and
two Negroes with the Captaine, and all of vs were of opinion that it was
not good to passe that place, least the Indians being many might destroy
vs all, for the rest of our souldiers which were beneath at the foote of
the hill, making head against the other squadron of the Indians, kept
them from hurting those which tooke in water on the strand and from
breaking the buts of water, and being but few, we concluded to stay
here, and so we stood still fortifying our selues as well as we could,
especially considering that we had no succour on any side; for Berecillo
our Mastiue-dogge which should haue aided vs was grieuously wounded with
3 arrowes, so that by no meanes we could get him from vs: this mastiue
was wounded in the first assault when the Indians came upon vs, who
behaued himselfe very wel, and greatly aided vs; for he set vpon them,
and put 8 or 10 of them out of array, and made them run away, leauing
many arrowes behind them: but at length (as I haue said) he was so
wounded, that by no meanes we could get him to goe from vs to set any
more vpon the Indians, and the other two mastiues did vs more harme then
good: for when they went against them, they shot at them with their
bowes, and we received hurt and trouble in defending them. The Captaines
legge when he waxed cold was so swolne, that we lapped it vp in a wollen
cloth, and he halted much of it: and while the Indians thus stood still,
one part of them beganne to dance, sing and shout, and then they began
all to lade them selues with stones, and to put their arrowes into their
bowes, and to come downe toward vs verie resolutely to assalt vs, and
with great out-cries they beganne to fling stones and to shoot their
arrowes. Then Francis Preciado turned him to the Captaine and said: Sir,
these Indians know or thinke, that we be affeard of them, and in truth
it is a great falt to giue them this encouragement, it were better for
vs resolutely to set vpon them with these dogs, and to assalt them on
this hill, that they may know vs to be no dastards, for they be but
Indians and dare not stande vs; and if we can get their Fort vpon the
hill, God will giue vs victory in all the rest. The Captaine answered,
that he liked well of the motion, and that it was best so to doe,
although for any further pursuit vp the hill, he thought we were to take
another course. By and by Francis Preciado getting his target on his
arme, and his sword in his hand, ranne vnto the other side of the
valley, which on that part was not very steepe, crying S. Iago, vpon
them my masters, and after him leapt Haro, Tereça, Spinosa, and a
Crossebow-man called Montanno, and after them followed the Captaine,
though very lame, with a Negro and a souldier which accompanied him,
incouraging and comforting them, willing them not to feare. Thus we
draue them to the place where they had fortified themselues, and from
whence they descended, and we tooke another hill ouer against them
within a darts cast of them. And hauing breathed our selues a little,
the Captaine came vnto vs, and said Go too my maisters, vpon them before
they strengthen themselues on this hill, for now we see plainely that
they be affeard of vs, seeing we chase them continually from their
Forts: and suddenly 3 or 4 of vs went toward them well couered with
targets, vnto the foot of their Fort where they were assembled, and the
rest of our company followed vs: the Indians beganne to make head
against vs, and to fling many stones vpon vs, and shoot many arrowes,
and we with our swords in our hands rushed vpon them in such sort, that
they seeing how furiously we set vpon them, abandoned the fort, and
ranne downe the hill as swift as Deere, and fled vnto another hill ouer
against vs, where the other squadron of the Indians stood, of whom they
were rescued, and they began to talke among themselues, but in a low
voyce, and ioyned together 6 and 6 and 8 and 8 in a company, and made a
fire and warmed themselues, and we stood quietly beholding what they
did.
Chap. 9.
After the skirmish the Captaine being wounded, and the rest of the
souldiers seeing the Indians depart, returned vnto their ships.
The next day taking in fresh water at the saide place he sent
mariners to sound the mouth of the lake. Departing thence they
came to the port called Baya de Sant Abad, and indured a dangerous
storme at sea. And afterward comming neere the shore to take fresh
water in the said hauen, they see certaine peaceable Indians.
By this time it was late and the night approched, and the Indians seeing
this, whithin a short while after determined to get them packing, and
ech of them or the greatest part tooke firebrandes in their hands, and
got them away into craggy places. When the Captaine saw this he
commanded vs to returne aboord our boats, it being now darke night,
thanking vs all for the good seruice we had done him. And being not able
to stand vpon his legge, he leaned with his arme vpon Francis Preciado;
and thus we returned to our boats, where with much adoe we got aboord,
by reason of the great tide and roughnesse of the sea, so that our boats
were filled with euery waue. Thus very weary, wet, and some wounded (as
is aforesaid) each man returned vnto his ship, where our beds which we
found, and our refreshing, and the cheere we had at supper did not
greatly comfort vs in regard of our former trauels. We passed that night
in this sort, and the next day being Tuesday the Captaine found himselfe
greatly payned with his wounds, and chiefly with that on his leg,
because it was greatly swolne with his going vpon it. We lacked 12 buts
to fill with water, and the barrels in both the ships, and the Captaine
would haue gone out to cause them to be filled, but we would not suffer
him, and therefore we left off the businesse for that day. But he
appointed that the crossebowes should be made readie, and two speciall
good harquebuzes, and the next day being Wednesday very early, he
commanded Iuan Castilio chiefe Pilot to goe out with both the botes and
with all the souldiers and mariners that he could make, hauing the day
before commanded the Trinitie to go as neere the shores as she might,
and to make ready some of her ordinance, that if the Indians should shew
themselues, they might affright them, and doe them as much hurt as they
could. Wherefore on the Wednesday al we that were souldiers, sauing the
wounded persons, went on shore with certaine mariners in the best order
that we could, and tooke the first hill, where we had fortified our
selues, standing all vpon our guard vntill the water was filled, and
vntill we were called, during which time not one Indian shewed himselfe.
Thus we went aboord when we thought good our selues, at least without
any suspition of the Indians, although the tide of the Sea went so high
that it put vs to great trouble, for oftentimes with great waues it beat
into our boats. This was on the Wednesday the 3 of December. And to
auoide losse of time the Captaine commanded Juan Castilio the chiefe
Pilot to take a boat and certaine mariners as he should thinke good, and
to view the mouth of the lake to see whether the entrance were deepe
enough for to harbour the ships. [Sidenote: A special good hauen.] He
taking the boat of the Admirall with 8 mariners, and ours of the
Trinity, went and sounded the mouth, and on the shallowest place of the
barre without they found 3 fadome depth, and farther in 4, and vp higher
5, alwayes increasing vnto 10 or 12 fadomes, when they were come into
the two points of the said lake, which was a league broad from one point
to the other, and all their sounding was exceeding good ground. Then
they went ouer to the southeast point, and there they saw a great boat
or raft which they indeuoured to take to carrie vnto their ships. In the
meane while they espied certaine cottages, which the Pilot determined to
goe and see. And being come neere they saw 3 other raftes with 3 Indians
on them distant from the cottages one or two crossbowes shot, and he
leapt on land with 4 or 5 mariners in his companie: and while they
behelde those cottages, they saw many Indians descending downe a small
hill in warlike manner with their bowes and arrowes, whereupon they
determined to retire to their boats, and to returne to their ships, and
they were not gone from the sea-shore scarse a stones cast, but the
Indians were come vpon them to shoot at them with their arrowes, and
because they were vnarmed, they would not fight with them, hauing gone
on shore for no other purpose, but to sound the mouth and enterance of
that lake. [Sidenote: Baya del Abad is 100 leagues from the point of
California.] On Thursday the 4 of December we set saile with a fresh
gale of winde, and sayled some 8 or 10 leagues, and came vnto certaine
mouthes or inlets which seemed to all of vs as though they had beene
Ilands, and we entered into one of them, and came into an hauen which
we called Baya del Abad all inclosed and compassed with land, being one
of the fairest hauens that hath beene seene: and about the same,
especially on both sides the lande was greene and goodly to behold; we
descryed certaine riuers on that part which seemed greene, and therefore
we returned backe, going out at the mouth whereby we came in, alwayes
hauing contrary wind: yet the Pilots vsed their best indeuour to make
way: and we saw before vs certaine wooddy hils, and beyond them certaine
plaines; this we saw from the Friday the 5 of the said moneth, vntill
the Tuesday, which was the ninth. As we drew neere to these woods they
seemed very pleasant, and there were goodly and large hilles and beyond
them towardes the sea were certaine plaines, and through all the
countrey we saw these woods. [Sidenote: Many great smokes, of which also
Francis Gualle maketh mention.] From the day before, which was the
Conception of our Lady, we saw many great smokes, whereat we much
maruelled, being of diuerse opinions among our selues, whether those
smokes were made by the inhabitants of the countrey or no. Ouer against
these woods there fell euery night such a dew, that euery morning when
we rose, the decke of the ship was so wet, that vntill the sunne was of
a good height, we alwaies made the decke durtie with going vpon it. We
rode ouer against these woods from the Tuesday morning when we set
saile, vntill Thursday about midnight, when a cruell Northwest winde
tooke vs, which, whither we would or no, inforced vs to way our anker:
and it was so great, that the ship Santa Agueda began to returne backe,
vntill her cable broke, and the ship hulled, and suddenly with a great
gust the trinket and the mizen were rent asunder, the Northwest winde
still growing more and more: within a short while after the maine saile
was rent with a mighty flaw of winde, so that we were inforced, both
souldiers, captaine, and all of vs, to doe our best indeuor to mend our
sailes; and the Trinitie was driuen to do the like, for she going round
vpon her anker, when she came a-head of it, her cable broke, so that
there we lost two ankers, each ship one. We went backe to seeke Baya del
Abad, for we were within 20 leagues of the same, and this day we came
within foure leagues of it, and being not able to reach it by reason of
contrary windes, we rode vnder the lee of certaine mountaines and hilles
which were bare, and almost voide of grasse, neere vnto a strand full
of sandie hilles. Neere vnto this road wee found a fishing place vnder a
point of land, where hauing let downe our lead to see what ground was
there, a fish caught it in his month, and began to draw it, and he which
held the sounding-lead crying and shewing his fellowes that it was
caught, that they might helpe him, as soone as he had got it aboue the
water, tooke the fish, and loosed the cord of the sounding lead, and
threw it againe into the sea, to see whether there were any good depth,
and it was caught againe, whereupon he began to cry for helpe, and all
of vs made a shout for ioy; thus drawing the fish the rope of the
sounding-lead being very great was crackt, but at length we caught the
fish which was very faire. Here we stayed from Friday when we arriued
there, vntill the Munday, when as it seemed good to our Captaine, that
we should repaire to the watering place, from whence we were some sixe
leagues distant, to take in 12 buttes of water, which wee had drunke and
spent, because he knew not whither we should from thencefoorth finde any
water, or no; and though we should finde water, it was doubtfull whither
wee should be able to take it by reason of the great tide that goeth
vpon that coast. We drewe neere to that place on Munday at night, when
as we sawe certaine fires of the Indians. And on Tuesday morning our
Generall commaunded that the Trinitie should come as neere our ship and
to the shore as it could, that if we had neede, they might helpe vs with
their great ordinance: and hauing made 3 or 4 bourds to draw neere the
shore, there came 4 or 5 Indians to the sea-side; who stood and beheld
while we put out our boat and anker, marking also how our bwoy floated
vpon the water; and when our boat returned to the ship, two of them
leapt into the sea, and swamme vnto the bwoy, and beheld it a great
while; then they tooke a cane of an arrow, and tyed to the sayd bwoy a
very faire and shining sea-oyster of pearles, and then returned to the
shore, neere to the watering place.
Chap. 10.
They giue vnto the Indians many trifles which stand vpon the shore
to see them, and seeke to parley with them by their interpreter,
which was a Chichimeco, who could not vnderstand their language.
They go to take fresh water. Francis Preciado spendeth the time
with them with many signes, and trucking and being afeard of their
great multitude, retireth himselfe wisely with his companions,
returning with safety to the ships.
When the Captaine and we beheld this we iudged these Indians to be
peaceable people; whereupon the Captaine tooke the boat with 4 or 5
mariners carrying with him certain beades to truck, and went to speake
with them. In the meane while he commanded the Indian interpreter our
Chichimeco, to be called out of the Admirall that he should parley with
them. And the Captaine came vnto the boy, and laid certaine things vpon
it for exchange, and made signes vnto the Sauages to come and take them;
and an Indian made signes vnto our men with his hands, his armes, and
head, that they vnderstood them not, but signified that they should go
aside. Whereupon the Captaine departed a smal distance from that place
with his boat. And they made signes againe that he should get him
further; whereupon we departing a great way off, the saide Indians leapt
into the water, came vnto the boy, and tooke those beades, and returned
backe againe to land, and then came vnto the other three, and all of
them viewing our things, they gaue a bowe and certaine arrowes to an
Indian, and sent him away, running with all haste on the shore, and made
signes vnto vs that they had sent word vnto their lord what things we
had giuen them, and that he would come thither. Within a while after the
said Indian returned, running as he did before, and beganne to make
signes vnto vs, that his Lord was comming. And while we stayed here, we
saw on the shore ten or twelue Indians assemble themselues, which came
vnto the other Indians, and by and by we saw another company of 12 or 15
more appeare, who assembled themselues all together. And againe they
began to make signes vnto vs, to come foorthwith to our boates, and
shewed vs many Oysters of pearles on the top of certaine canes, making
signes that they would giue them vs. When we beheld this, the Captaine
commanded vs to make readie our boate, and went aboord it with the said
mariners, and rowed to a certaine stone in forme of a rocke, which lay
in the sea neere vnto the shore. And hither came first 2 or 3 Indians,
and layd downe one of those Oysters, and a garland made of Parats
feathers, or sparrowes feathers painted red; they layd downe also
certaine plumes of white feathers, and others of blew colour. In the
mean while we sawe continually Indians assemble to the shore by tenne
and tenne, and so by little and little they came in squadrons; anyone of
them assoone as hee sawe the boat beganne to leape forward and backeward
with so great nimblenesse, that doubtlesse he seemed to all of vs a man
of great agilitie, and we tooke no small pleasure while we beheld him
fetching those gambols: but the rest of the Indians which stood at the
mouth of the fresh water ranne toward him, and cryed vnto him,
forbidding him to vse those gestures, because we were come thither in
peaceable sort, and by this meanes he came with the rest to the watering
place, where by little and little in this manner there assembled aboue a
hundred of them all in order, with certaine staues with cordes to fling
them, and with their bowes and arrowes, and they were all painted. In
the meane while our Chichimeco interpreter borne in the Ile of
California, was come vnto vs, and the Captaine againe commanded a
mariner to strippe himselfe, and to swimme and laye vpon the said rocke
certaine belles, and more beades, and when he had layd them there, the
Indians made signes that he should goe away; and so they came thither
and tooke them, and our men drew neere with their boat. The Captaine
commanded the Indian our Chichimeco to speake vnto them, but they could
not vnderstand him, so that we assuredly beleeue, that they vnderstand
not the language of the Ile of California. This day being Tuesday vntil
night the Indians stayed at this watering place, taking some of our
beades, and giuing vnto vs their feathers and other things, and when it
was very late they departed. The morrow following being Wednesday very
early the Captaine commanded that our buttes should be made ready, that
before breake of day, and before the Indians should take the hill, which
stood ouer the watering place, we might be landed in good order: which
was put in execution: for we went on shore with as many as could goe,
sauing those that had charge to take in the water, and such as were to
stay on ship-boord, which in all were about fourteene or fifteene
persons, in as good order as we could deuise: for we were foure
crossebowes, two harquebuziers, and eight or nine targets, and the most
part of vs carried very good slings, and eueryone eighteene riuer
stones, which weapon the Captaine inuented, because the Indians at the
first had handled vs very shrewdly with the multitude of stones which
they flang at vs: we had nothing to defende vs sauing our targets, and
to seeke to winne the fortes from whence they indamaged vs; he therefore
thought with these slings, that we might offend them, and we, likewise
thought well of his opinion, for making tryall of them, we threw very
well with them, and much farther than we thought we could haue done: for
the slings being made of hempe, we flung very farre with them. Nowe
being come to the watering place the sayd Wednesday by breake of day we
tooke the fort of the fountaine, which were certaine cragges or rockes
hanging ouer the same, betweene which there was an opening or deepe
valley through which this water runneth, which is no great quantitie,
but a little brooke not past a fadome broad. So standing all in order,
other foure or fiue Indians came thither, who as soone as they sawe vs
to be come on shore, and to haue gotten the toppe of the watering place,
they retired vnto a small hill on the other side, for the valley was
betweene them and vs: neither stayed they long before they beganne to
assemble themselues as they had done the day before by 10 and 10, and 15
and 15, ranging themselues on this high hill, where they made signes
vnto vs. And Francis Preciado craued license of the Generall to parley
with these Indians, and to giue them some trifles; wherewith he was
contented, charging him not to come too neere them, nor to goe into any
place where they might hurt him. Whereupon Francis went vnto a plaine
place, vnder the hill where the Indians stood, and to put them out of
feare he layd downe his sword and target, hauing onely a dagger hanging
downe at his girdle, and in a skarfe which he carried at his necke,
certaine beades to exchange with them, combs, fishinghooks and comfits.
And be began to goe vp the hill, and to shew them diuerse of his
merchandise. The Indians as soone as he had layd those things on the
ground, and gone somewhat aside, came downe from the hill and tooke
them, and carried them vp, for it seemed that their Lord was among them,
to whom they carried those trifles. [Sidenote: Truck and traffique with
the Indians for mother of pearle, and other things.] Then they came downe
againe, and layd to giue vnto him in the said place, an oyster of
pearles, and two feathers like haukes feathers, making signes to
Preciado that he should come and take them; which he did, and againe
layde there a string of belles, and a great fishhooke, and certaine
beades; and they taking the same, layd there againe another oyster of
pearle, and certaine feathers: and he layd downe other beads, two
fishhookes, and more comfits, and the Indians came to take them vp, and
approched much neerer vnto him, then at other times, and so neere that a
man might haue touched them with a pike, and then they began to talke
together: and 7 or 8 more came downe, vnto whom Francis Preciado made
signes, that they should come downe no lower, and they incontinently
layd their bowes and arrowes on the ground, and hauing layd them downe
came somewhat lower, and there with signes, together with them which
came first, they began to parle with him, and required mariners breeches
and apparel of him, and aboue all things a red hat pleased them highly,
which the saide Francis ware on his head, and they prayed him to reach
it vnto them, or to lay it in the place; and after this certaine of them
made signes vnto him to knowe whether he would haue a harlot, signifying
with their fingers those villanies and dishonest actions, and among the
rest they set before him an Indian of great stature dyed wholly with
black, with certaine shels of the mother of pearle at his necke, and on
his head, and speaking by signes to Francis Preciado touching the
foresaid act of fornication, thrusting their finger through a hole, they
said vnto him, that if hee would haue a woman, they would bring him one;
and he answered, that he liked well of it, and that therefore they
should bring him one. In the meane space on the other side where the
Generall stood with his company, another squadron of Indians shewed
themselues, whereupon the Generall and his company made a stirre, and
put themselues in battell array: whereupon Francis Preciado was inforced
to come downe from them, to ioyne with the General and his company: and
here the Indians which came last began to make signes that we should lay
downe something to truck, and that they would giue us some of their
shels of mother of pearle, which they brought vpon certaine small
stickes, and herewithall they came very neere vnto vs, wherewith we were
not well content. And Francis Preciado said vnto the Captaine, that if
it pleased him, hee would cause all the Indians to come together and to
stay vpon that high hill; and he answered, that it was best to draw them
all together, for by this time our men had taken in all their water, and
stayed for the boat: whereupon Francis taking a crowne of beades went
toward the valley, through which the water ran toward the Indians, and
made signes vnto them to call the rest, and to come all together,
because he would goe to the olde place, to lay things on the ground for
exchange, as at the first; and they answered that he should doe so, and
that they had called the others, and that they would doe, as he would
haue them, and so they did, for they caused them to come vnto them,
which they did, and Francis likewise went alone towards them, in which
meane space the Generall commanded his people to get into the boat.
Francis comming vnto the place beganne to lay downe his merchandise of
traffique, and afterwards made signes vnto them to stay there, because
he would goe to the ships to bring them other things, and so he returned
to the place where the Captaine was, and found them all got into the
boates, sauing the Generall and three or foure others, and the Generall
made as though he had giuen other trifles to Preciado to carry vnto the
Indians, and when he was gone a little from him, he called him back
againe, and all this while the Indians stood still, and being come vnto
him, wee went faire and softly to our boates, and got vnto them at our
ease, without any thronging, and thence we came aboord our ship.
The Indians seeing vs thus gone aboord came downe to the strand where
the brooke of water was, and called vnto vs to come foorth with our
boates, and to come on shore, and to bring our beades, and that they
would giue vs of their mother of pearles: but we being now set at dinner
made no account of them: whereupon they beganne to shoot arrowes at the
ship, and although they fell neere vs, yet they did not reach vs. In the
meane season certaine mariners went out in the boat, to wey the anker,
whereupon the Indians seeing them comming towards them, and bringing
them nothing, they beganne in scorne to shew them their buttockes,
making signes that they should kisse their bums: and these seemed to be
those that came last. The Generall seeing this, commanded a musket to be
once or twise shot off, and that they should take their iust ayme. They
seeing these shot to be made readie, some of them rose and went to shoot
their arrowes at our mariners, which were gone to weigh the ankers,
then the Generall commanded the great ordinance speedily to be shot off,
whereupon three or foure bullets were discharged, and we perceiued that
we had slaine one of them, for we assuredly saw him lye dead vpon the
shore: and I thinke some of the rest were wounded. They hearing this
noyse, and seeing him dead ranne away as fast as euer they could, some
along the shore, and some through the vallies, dragging the dead Indian
with them, after which time none of them appeared, saue ten or twelue,
which peeped vp with their heads among those rocks; whereupon another
piece of ordinance was discharged aloft against the place where they
were, after which time we neuer saw any more of them.
Chap. 11.
At the point of the Trinitie they spend three dayes in fishing, and
in other pastimes: after which setting sayle they discouer
pleasant countries, and mountaines voide of grasse, and an Iland
afterward called Isla de los Cedros, or the Ile of Cedars, neere
which they suffer sharpe colde and raine, and to saue themselues
they returne thither.
Immediatly we set saile to ioyne with the ship Santa Agueda, which was
aboue halfe a league in the high sea from vs, and this was on the
Wednesday the seuenteenth of December. Being come together because the
windes were contrary, we drew neere to a headland, which wee called
Punta de la Trinidad, and here wee stayed fishing, and solacing our
selues two or three dayes, although we had alwayes great store of raine.
Afterward we beganne to sayle very slowly, and at night we rode ouer
against those mountaines where we had left our ankers, and vpon
knowledge of the place we receiued great contentment seeing we had
sailed some fiue and thirtie leagues from the place where we had taken
in water: neither was it any maruell that wee so reioyced, because that
the feare which we had of contrary windes caused vs to be so well appayd
of the way which we had made. The day of the holy Natiuitie of our Lord,
which was on the Thursday the fiue and twentieth of the said moneth, God
of his mercy beganne to shew vs fauour in giuing vs a fresh winde almost
in the poope, which carried vs beyond those mountaines, for the space of
tenne or twelue leagues, finding the coast alwayes plaine: and two
leagues within the land, which we coasted along, and betweene these
mountaines, there was a great space of plaine ground, which we might
easily discerne with our eyes, although others were of another opinion.
We beganne from Christmas day to saile slowly with certaine small
land-windes, and sayled from morning to night and about seuen or eight
leagues, which wee esteemed no small matter, alwayes praying to God to
continue this his fauour toward vs, and thanking him for his holy
Natiuitie, and all the dayes of this feast the Frier sayd masse in the
Admirall, and the father Frier Raimund preached vnto vs, which gaue vs
no small comfort, by incouraging vs in the seruice of God.
On Saturday at night being the 27. of the said moneth we ankored neere
vnto a point which seemed to be plaine land all along the shore, and
within the countrey were high mountaines with certaine woods, which
woods and mountaines ranne ouerthwart the countrey, and continued along
with certaine small hilles sharpe on the toppe, and certaine little
vallies are betweene those mountaines. [Sidenote: Great appearance of
gold and siluer.] And in truth, to me which with diligent eyes beheld
the same both in length and in the breadth thereof, it could not chuse
but be a good countrey, and to haue great matters in it, as well
touching the inhabiting thereof by the Indians, as in golde and siluer;
for there was great likelihood that there is store thereof. This night
we saw a fire farre within the lande towards those mountaines, which
made vs thinke that the countrey was throughly inhabited. The next day
being Sunday and Innocents day, the 28 of the said moneth, at breake of
day we set sayle, and by nine or ten of the clocke had sayled three or
foure leagues, where we met with a point which stretched towarde the
West, the pleasant situation whereof delighted vs much. From the eight
and twentieth of December we ranne our course vntill Thursday being
Newyeares day of the yeere 1540, and we ran some 40 leagues, passing by
certaine inlets and bayes, and certaine high mountains couered with
grasse in colour like rosemary: but toward the sea-side very bare and
burned, and toward the top were certaine cragges somewhat of a red
colour, and beyond these appeared certaine white mountaines, and so all
the countrey shewed vnto a point which appeared beyond those burnt white
and red mountaines which haue neither any grasse nor tree vpon them,
whereat we maruelled not a little. This Newyeares day we sawe neere the
maine two small Ilands, and reioyced greatly to see them; for we stood
in great feare, that contrary windes would driue vs as farre backe in
one day, as we had sayled in tenne, which if they had taken vs, we could
not haue withstood them. Wee ranne from the first of Ianuary untill
Munday which were fiue dayes, and the land alwayes stretched Northwest
from the mountaines aforesaid.
And on the Sunday we saw a farre off a-head of vs a high land somewhat
seuered from the maine shore, and all of vs beganne to dispute whether
it were the land which trended toward the Northwest, for that way the
Pilots hoped to discouer a better countrey: and the said Munday the fift
of Ianuarie we came to this high land beforesaid, and it was two Ilands
the one a small one and the other a great one: we coasted these two
Ilands some sixe leagues, which were greene, and had on the toppe of
them many high slender trees; and the great Iland was twentie leagues in
compasse. [Sidenote: Isla de los Cedros mentioned in the 13 chap.] We
coasted in 6 leagues in length without seeing or discouering any other
things, but we saw before vs high land which stretched eight or tenne
leagues Northward, where we rode on Munday at night. From Thursday being
Newyeares day vntill the next Munday we sayled about 35 leagues.
[Sidenote: The land trendeth here Northwest 35 leagues.] And in this
course we felt great cold, which grieued vs much, especially being
assailed by two or three windie showers, which pinched vs much with
colde. We rode ouer against this land two or three nights, hauing it
neere vnto vs, alwayes keeping watch by equall houres, one while
mariners, and another souldiers, all the night long with great
vigilancie. On Tuesday being Twelfe day we came within two or three
leagues of this land, which we had descryed the day before, seeming to
vs very pleasant for it shewed greene with greene trees of an ordinary
bignesse, and we saw many vallies, out of which certaine small mists
arose, which continued in them for a long time, whereupon we gathered
that they rose out of certaine riuers. The same morning, to our great
comfort we saw great smokes, though we were about foure leagues distant
from them, and the Captaine made no great reckoning to approach neere
vnto them, nor to seeke nor serch what the matter was, and perchance
because he was not then in the Santa Agueda, but was aboord the
Trinitie, as his maner was to come and stay there two or three dayes, as
well to passe the time, as to giue order for things that were needfull.
In this countrey the winter and raine seemed to be like that of Castile.
We rode al night two or three leagues distance from shore, and toward
euening we saw fiue or sixe fires, whereat we all reioyced, but did not
maruell thereat, because the situation of that countrey shewed to be
habitable, being farre, pleasant, and all greene, and likewise because
the Iland which we had left behinde vs being (as I haue said) twenty
leagues in circuit, made shewe that it was well peopled. On the
Wednesday we were 3 or 4 leagues at sea from the land, and began to see
two fires more, and therefore we assured our selues that the countrey
was very well inhabited; and the farther we sayled, we alwayes found it
more ciuill. [Sidenote: Floting weeds for fifty leagues.] And for the
space of fifty leagues before we came hither we alwayes found swimming
on the sea certaine flotes of weedes of a ships length, and of the
bredth of two ships, being, round and full of gourds, and vnder these
weedes were many fishes, and on some of them were store of foules like
vnto white sea-meawes. We supposed that these floting weeds did grow
vpon some rocke under the water. We were now in 30 degrees of Northerly
latitude. [Sidenote: Twenty leagues beyond the Ile of Cedar.] We sailed
from the 7 of Ianuary vntill the 9 still with contrary windes: and on
Fryday about noone there rose a North and Northeastern winde, which
forced vs to returne vnder the shelter of that Iland which we left
behind vs, from whence we had sayled about twentie leagues. And that
Friday at night somewhat late we had sayled backe about twelue leagues
of the same, and because it was night wee stayed in the sea, where we
and our shippes were not a little troubled, so that all that night none
of vs slept a winke, but watched euery one. The next morning betimes
being Saturday we proceeded on our voyage, and gate vnder the shelter of
the said Iland, riding in thirtie fadome water: and on that side where
we ankored we found high and closed mountaines, with heapes of a
certaine earth which was all ashes and burned, and in other places
skorched and as blacke as coles, and like the rust of yron, and in other
places whitish, and here and there small blacke hilles, whereat we
maruelled exceedingly, considering that when we passed by, it seemed
vnto vs an habitable countrey full of trees, and now we saw not a sticke
growing on this side.
All of vs supposed that on the other side toward the firme lande the
trees grewe which we sawe, although (as I haue sayde) wee sayled foure
or fiue leagues distant from the same.
We stayed here vnder the shelter of these mountaines Saturday, Sunday,
and Munday, alwayes hauing the Northren winde so strong, that we thinke
if it had caught vs in the sea, wee should haue bene cast away.
Chap. 12.
They enuiron and land vpon the Iland of Cedars, to discouer the
same, and to seeke water and wood. They are assailed of the
Indians, and many of them wounded with stones: but at length
getting the vpper hand, they goe to their cottages, and ranging
farther vp into the Iland they find diuerse things which the
Indians in their flight had left behind them.
On Friday the 13 of Ianuary the Captaine commanded vs to hoise out our
boates, and to goe on shore, which was done accordingly, and we did row
along the shore for the space of a good halfe league and entered into a
valley: for (as I said) all this countrey was full of high and bare
hils, of such qualitie as I mentioned before: and in this and other
small valleys we found some water which was brackish, and not farre from
thence certaine cottages made of shrubs like vnto broome: likewise we
found the footings of Indians both small and great; whereat we much
maruelled that in so rough and wilde a countrey (as farre as we could
discerne) there should be people. Here we stayed all day, making foure
or fiue pits to take in water which we wanted, which though it were bad,
and in small quantitie we refused not; and so the euening being come, we
returned to our boates, and so came vnto our ships which rode a good
league from the shore. The next day being Wednesday the fourteenth of
the said moneth our Generall commanded vs to set saile, and we sailed
about the said Iland on the same side which we coasted when we came from
Nueua Espanna: for when we arriued on the coast we saw fiue or sixe
fires; wherefore he desired to see and learne whether it were inhabited;
and at the farthest ende of this inlet or bay where we rode there came
out before vs a Canoa, wherein were foure Indians which came rowing with
certaine small oares, and came very neere vs to see what we were:
whereupon we tolde our Generall, that it were best to send some of vs
out with our boates to take these Indians or some one of them to giue
them something that they might thinke vs to be good people: but hee
would not consent thereto, because he minded not to stay, hauing then a
prety gale of winde, whereby he might saile about this Iland, hoping
that afterward we might finde and take some others to speake with them,
and giue them what we would to carry on shore; and as we sayled neere
the land, we saw a great hill full of goodly trees of the bignesse of
the trees and Cypresses of Castile. We found in this Iland the footing
of wilde beasts and conies, and saw a peece of pine tree-wood, wherof we
gathered, that there was store of them in that countrey. Thus sayling
neere vnto the shore, we sawe another Canoa comming toward vs with other
foure Indians, but it came not very neere vs, and as we looked forward,
we sawe toward a point which was very neere before vs, three other
Canoas, one at the head of the point among certaine flattes, and the
other two more into the sea, that they might descry vs without comming
ouer neere vs. Likewise betweene certaine hilles which were neere the
point, there appeared here three and there foure of them, and afterward
we saw a small troope of some twentie of them together, so that all of
vs reioyced greatly to behold them. On this side the land shewed greene
with pieces of plaine ground which was neere the sea, and likewise all
those coasts of hils shewed greene, and were couered with many trees,
although they grew not very thicke together. Here at euening we rode
neere the shore hard vpon the said point, to see if we could speake with
those Indians, and likewise to see if we could get fresh water, which
now we wanted, and still as soone as we were come to an anker, we saw
the Indians shew themselues on land neere vnto their lodgings, comming
likewise to descry vs in a Canoa, by sixe and seuen at a time, whereat
we maruelled, because we neuer thought that one of those Canoas would
hold so many men. In this wise we stayed looking still what would be the
successe, and in the place where we rode we were two small leagues
distant from the shore, where we found these Indians in their Canoas:
whereupon we maruelled not a little to see so great an alteration in so
small a distance of countrey, as well because we still discouered
pleasant land with trees (whereas on the other side of the isle there
were none) as also because it was so well peopled with Indians, which
had so many Canoas made of wood, as we might discerne, and not raftes or
Balsas, for so they call those floats which are made all flat with
canes.
The next day being Thursday the fifteenth of the said moneth about
breake of day foure or fiue Indians shewed themselues at the head of
that point, who as soone as they had spyed vs retired behind the point,
and hid themselues among the bushes vpon certaine small hilles that were
there, from whence they issued forth, and couered all the greene hils
and mountaines, which were along that coast; whereupon we gathered that
they had their dwellings there, in regard of the commoditie of the water
and the defence against ill weather and the benefite of fishing. At
sun-rising we saw the Indians appeare in greater companies, going vp
vnto the hilles in small troopes, and from thence they stood and beheld
vs. Immediately we saw fiue or sixe Canoas come out into the sea a good
distance from vs, and those which were in them stood often on their
tip-toes, to view and descry vs the better. On the other side we stirred
not at all for all these their gestures, but stood still riding at
anker; and the Generall seemed not to be very willing to take any of
them, but this day in the morning very early commanded the Masters mate
to conueigh him to our other shippe called the Trinitie. Things passed
in this sort, when about ten of the clocke we saw three Canoas lanch
farre into the sea to fish very neere vnto vs, whereat we tooke greate
pleasure. At 12 of the clocke the Generall returned from the Trinitie
and commanded the boat and men to be made readie, as well souldiers as
mariners, and that we should goe on shore to see if we could get any
wood and water, and catch one of those Indians to vnderstande their
language if it were possible: and so all the men that were readie went
into the Admirals boate, and went toward the Trinitie which by this time
with the other ship had a small gale of winde, wherewith they entered
farther within the point, and we discouered the lodgings and houses of
the Indians, and saw neere the waters side those fiue or sixe Canoas
which at the first came out to view vs, drawen on shore, and ouer
against this place the ships cast anker in 30 and 35 fadome water, and
we were very neere the land: whereat we maruelled much to find so great
depth of water so neere the shore. Being gone abord our botes, we made
toward the shore ouer against a village of the Indians, who as soone as
they saw vs about to come on land, left an hill whereon they stood to
behold what we did, and came downe to the shore, where we were prepared
to come on land: but before they came against vs they caused their women
and children to fly into the mountaines with their goods, and then came
directly towards vs, threatning vs with certaine great staues which they
carried in their hands some 3 yardes long and thicker then a mans wrest:
[Sidenote: A skirmish of the Indians fighting with stones.] but
perceiuing that for all this we ceased not to come neere the sea-shore
to come on land, they began to charge vs with stones and to fling
cruelly at vs, and they hit 4 or 5 men, among whom they smote the
Generall with two stones. In the meane while the other bote landed a
little beneath, whereupon when they saw that they were forced to diuide
themselves to keepe the rest of our company from comming on land, they
began to be discouraged, and did not assaile the Generals boate so
fiercely, who began to cause his people to goe on shore with no small
trouble; for albeit he was neere the land, yet as soone as they leapt
out of the boat they sunke downe, because they could find no fast
footing; and thus swimming or otherwise as they could, first a souldier
called Spinosa got on land, and next to him the General, and then some
of the rest, and began to make head against the Indians, and they came
hastily with those staues in their hands, for other kinds of weapons we
saw none, sauing bowes and arrowes of pinetree. [Sidenote: The great vse
of targets against arrowes or stones.] After a short combate they brake
in pieces the targets of the Generall, and of Spinosa. In the meane
while those of the other boat were gotten on land, but not without much
difficultie, by reason of the multitude of stones which continually
rained downe vpon them, and they stroke Terazzo on the head a very
shrowd blow, and had it not bene for our targets, many of vs had beene
wounded, and in great distresse, although our enemies were but few in
number. In this maner all our company came on shore with swimming and
with great difficultie, and if they had not holpen one another, some of
them had bene drowned. Thus we landed, and within a while after those of
the other bote were come on land, the Indians betooke themselues to
flight, taking their way toward the mountaines, whether they had sent
their women, children and goods: on the other side we pursued them, and
one of those Indians which came to assaile the Generals boat, was slaine
vpon the strand, and two or three others were wounded, and some said
more. [Sidenote: The vse of mastiues in the warre against Indians.]
While we pursued them in this maner our mastiue dogge Berecillo
ouertooke one of them not farre from vs (who because we were so wet
could not run very fast) and pulled him downe, hauing bitten him
cruelly, and doubtlesse he had held him till we had come, vnlesse it had
happened that another of his companions had not followed that Indian
which the dogge had pulled downe, who with a staffe which he had in his
hands gaue the dogge a cruell blow on the backe, and without any staying
drew his fellow along like a Deere, and Berecillo was faine to leaue him
for paine; neither had he scarse taken the dogge off on him but the
Indian got vp, and fled so hastily towarde the mountaine, that within a
short while hee ouertooke his fellowe which had saued him from the pawes
of the dogge, who (as it appeared) betooke him lustily to his heeles,
and thus they came vnto their fellowes which descended not downe to the
shore being about some twentie, and they were in all about fiftie or
sixtie.
After we had breathed our selues a while, we viewed their houses where
they stood, which were certaine cottages couered with shrubs like broome
and rosemary, with certaine stakes pight in the ground; and the Generall
willed vs to march all together without dispersing of our selues, a
little way vp those mountaines, to see if there were any water and wood,
because we stood in great neede of them both. And while we marched
forward, we saw in certaine little vallies the goods which the women had
left there behind them in their flight: for the Indians as soone as they
saw vs pursue them ouertooke the women, and for feare charged them to
flie away with their children leauing their stuffe in this place. We
went vnto this booty, and found good store of fresh-fish, and dried
fish, and certaine bags containing aboue 28 pound weight full of dried
fish ground to pouder, and many seal skins, the most part dressed with a
faire white graine vpon them, and others very badly dressed. There were
also their instruments to fish withall, as hookes made of the prickes of
certaine shrubs and trees. Here we tooke the said skins without leauing
any one in the place, and then we returned to the sea, because it was
now night, or at least very late, and found our botes waiting for vs.
Chap. 13.
A description of the Canoas of the Indians of the Ile of Cedars, and
how coasting the same to find fresh water they found some, and
desiring to take thereof they went on shore, and were diuersely
molested with the weapons of the Indians. They christen an old
Indian, and returne vnto their ships.
The Canoas which they had were certaine thicke trunkes of Cedars, some
of them of the thicknesse of two men, and three fadome long, being not
made hollow at all, but being laid along and fastened together, they
shoue them into the sea, neither were they plained to any purpose, for
we found no kind of edge-toole, sauing that there were certaine sharp
stones, which we found vpon certaine rockes that were very keene,
wherewith we supposed that they did cut and flea those seales. And neere
the shore we found certaine water, wherewith we filled certaine bottles
made of the skins of those seales, contayning ech of them aboue a great
paile of water. The next day our Generall commanded vs to set saile,
whereupon sailing with a fresh gale about 2 leagues from the shore of
this Island, trending about the same to see the end thereof, and also to
approch neere the firme land, to informe our selues of the state
thereof, because we had seene 5 or 6 fires we compassed the same about:
for by this meanes we performed 2 or three good actions, namely, we
returned to our right course, and searched whether any riuer fell out of
the coast of the firme land, or whether there were any trees there, or
whether any store of Indians did shew themselues or no.
In this maner proceeding on our way all the Friday being the 16 of
January at euening, and seeking to double the point of the Iland, so
fierce and contrary a Northren winde encountered vs, that it draue vs
backe that night ouer against the lodgings and habitations of the
Indians, and here we stayed all Saturday, what time we lost the Trinitie
againe, but on Sunday-night being the 18 we saw her againe, and beganne
to proceede on our way to compasse that Iland, if it pleased God to send
vs good weather.
[Sidenote: Isla de los Cedros, or the Ile of Cedars in 28 deg. and a
quarter.] On Sunday, Munday, and Tuesday (which was the twentieth, of
the said moneth of Ianuarie) wee sailed with scarce and contrary windes,
and at length came to the cape of the point of the Iland, which we
called Isla de los Cedros or the Ile of Cedars, because that on the tops
of the mountaines therein, there growes a wood of these Cedars being
very tall, as the nature of them is to be.[48] This day the Trinitie
descryed a village or towne of the Indians, and found water: for on
Sunday night we had newly lost her, and had no sight of her vntill
Tuesday, whenas we found her riding neere the shore, not farre from
those cottages of the Indians. And as soone as we had descryed her, we
made toward her, and before we could reach her, we espied three Canoas
of Indians which came hard aboord the said ship called the Trinitie, so
that they touched almost the side of the ship, and gaue them of their
fish, and our people on the other side gaue them certaine trifles in
exchange, and after they had spoken with them, the Indians went backe to
the shore, and at the same instant we came vp vnto the Admirall and rode
by them, and they all saluted vs, saying that the Indians were neere
them, and telling what had passed betweene them, whereat the Generall
and we receiued great contentment. They told vs moreouer, that they had
found fresh water, whereby they increased our great ioy, because we
stood in much neede thereof, for at the other place of the Indians we
could get but a little.
[48] The Island still bears this name.
[Sidenote: These mighty deepe and high weedes are described in the end
of this treatise.] While we thus rode at ankor, we saw a Canoa with 3
Indians put out into the sea from their cottages, and they went vnto a
fishing place, among certaine great and high weedes, which grow in this
sea among certaine rockes, the greatest part of which weedes groweth in
15 or 20 fadome depth; and with great celeritie they caught seuen or
eight fishes, and returned with them vnto the Trinity, and gaue them
vnto them, and they in recompense gaue the Indians certaine trifles.
After this the Indians stayed at the sterne of the ship, viewing the
same aboue three houres space, and taking the oares of our boat they
tryed how they could rowe with them, wherat they tooke great pleasure;
and we which were in the Admirall stirred not a whit all this while, to
giue them the more assurance, that they should not flie away, but should
see that we ment to do them no harme, and that we were good people. As
soone as we were come to anker, and beheld all that had passed betweene
the Indians and those of the Trinity, after the Indians were gone to the
shore in their Canoas made of the bodies of trees, the Generall
commanded the boat which was without to be brought vnto him: and when it
was come, he, and Francis Preciado, and two others went into it, and so
we went aboord the Trinity. The Indians seeing people commingout of the
other ship into the Trinitie, sent two Canoas vnto the sterne of the
ship, and brought vs a bottle of water and we gaue vnto them certain
beads, and continued talking with them a little while; but euening
approching the aire grew somewhat cold. The Indians returned on shore to
their lodgings, and the General and we to our ship. The next day being
Wednesday in the morning, the General commanded certaine of vs to take
the bote and goe ashore, to see if we could find any brooke or well of
fresh water in the houses of the Indians, because he thought it
impossible for them to dwell there without any water to drinke. The
father frier Raimund likewise went out in our company, because the day
before seeing the Indians came to the sterne of the shippe parlying with
vs, he thought he might haue spoken a little with them, with the like
familiarity. In like sort many mariners and souldiers went out in the
boat of the Trinity, and going altogether with their weapons toward the
shore, somewhat aboue the lodgings of the Indians, very early in the
morning they watched the boats, and perceiued that we would come on
land, wherevpon they sent away their women and children with certaine of
them, who caried their goods vp into certaine exceeding steepe
mountaines and hilles, and 5 or 6 of them came toward vs, which were
excellently well made, and of a good stature. Two of them had bowes and
arrowes, and other two 2 bastonadoes much thicker then the wrist of a
mans hand, and other two with 2 long staues like iauelins with very
sharpe points, and approched very neere vs being nowe come on shore. And
beginning by signes very fiercely to braue vs, they came so neere vs,
that almost they strooke with one of those staues one of our souldiers
called Garcia a man of good parentage, but the General commanded him to
withdraw himselfe, and not to hurt any of them. In the meane season the
General and frier Raimund stept foorth, the frier lapping a garment
about his arme, because they had taken vp stones in their hands, fearing
that they would do them some mischiefe. Then began both of them to
speake vnto them by signes and words, to be quiet, signifying, that they
ment them no harme, but only were come to take water; and the frier
shewed them a drinking cup; but nothing would serue to make them leaue
that bragging and flinging of stones; and the General continuing still
in a mind not to hurt them, commanded his men gently to come neere vnto
them, and that by signes they should all shew them, that they meant in
no wise to hurt them, but that we were come on land onely to take water.
[Sidenote: The great vse of mastiues in pursuit of the Indians.] On the
other side refusing vtterly to take knowledge of these things they still
insulted more and more: whereupon Francis Preciado counselled the
General to giue him leaue to kill one of them, because all the rest
would flee away, wherby at our ease we might take water: but he replied
that he would not haue it so, but willed them to looze the two mastiues
Berecillo and Achillo: wherefore the dogs were let loose, and as soone
as they saw them, they vanished immediately, betaking them to their
heels, and running vp those cliffes like goates. Also others which came
from the mountains to succour them, betooke themselues to flight. The
dogs ouertooke two of them, and bit them a little, and we running after,
laid hold on them, and they seemed as fierce as wild and vntamed beasts
for 3 or 4 of vs held either of them, to cherish and pacifie them, and
to seeke to giue them some thing: but we auailed not, for they bit vs by
the hands, and stooped downe to take vp stones for to strike vs with
them. We led them a while in this maner, and came vnto their lodgings,
where the Generall gaue a charge, that no man should touch any thing of
theirs, commanding Francis Preciado to see that this order was observed,
in not taking any thing from them, although in very deed there was
little or nothing there, because the women and Indians which were fled
had caried al away. Here we found an old man in a caue so extreamly aged
as it was wonderful, which could neither see nor go, because he was so
lame and crooked. The father frier Raimund sayd, it were good (seeing he
was so aged) to make him a Christian; whereupon we christened him. The
captaine gaue the Indians which we had taken two paire of eare-rings,
and certaine counterfeit diamonds, and making much of them, suffered
them to depart at their pleasure, and in this sort faire and softly they
returned to the rest of their fellowes in the mountaine. We tooke the
matter of that village which was but a small quantity, and then the
Generall commanded vs to resume to our ship, because we had eaten
nothing as yet, and after our repast we sayled towards a bay which lay
beyond that village, where we saw a very great valley, and those of the
Trinitie sayd, that they had seene there good store of water, and
sufficient for vs; wherefore wee ankered neere vnto that valley. And the
Generall went on shore with both the boates, and the men that went on
land in the morning with the two fathers frier Raimund, and frier
Antony: and passing vp that valley a crossebow shot, we found a very
small brooke of water which neuertheless supplied our necessity for we
filled two buts thereof that euening, leauing our vessels to take it
with on shore vntill the next morning: and we reioyced not a little that
we had found this water, for it was fresh, and the water which we had
taken vp before was somewhat brackish, and did vs great hurt both in our
bodies and in our taste.
Chap. 14.
They take possession of the Isle of Cedars for the Emperours
Maiestie, and departing from thence they are greatly tossed with a
tempest of the sea, and returne to the Island, as to a safe
harbour.
The next day being the two and twentieth of Ianuary very early the
General commanded vs to go on shore, and that we should haue our dinner
brought vs, and should take in the rest of our water, which we did, and
filled 17 buts without seeing any Indian at al. The next day going out
to fill 8 or 9 vessels which were not yet filled, a great winde at
Northwest tooke vs, whereupon they made signes to vs from the ships,
that with all haste wee should come on board againe, for the wind grew
still higher, and higher, and the Masters were affraid that our cables
would break, thus we were in the open sea. [Sidenote: Chap. 12.]
Therefore being come aboord againe not without great trouble we returned
backe ouer against the village of the Indians, where we had slaine the
Indian, and because the wind grew more calme about midnight, the Pilots
did not cast anker, [Sidenote: Isle de los Cedros is the greatest of the
3 Isles of S. Stephan.] but hulled vnder the shelter of this Island,
which (as I haue said) is called The Isle of Cedars, and is one of the
3 Isles of. S. Stephan, the greatest and chiefest of them, where the
General tooke possession. While we hulled here, about midnight, the next
Friday being the 23 of the moneth, without our expectation we had a
fresh gale of wind from the Southeast, which was very fauourable for our
voyage, and the longer it continued, the more it increased; so that
betweene that night and the next day being Saturday the 24 of the said
moneth we sailed 18 great leagues. [Sidenote: Read cap. 11 about the
end.] While we were thus on our way, the winde grew so contrary and so
tempestuous, that to our great grief we were constrained to coast about
with our ships, and returned twenty leagues backe againe, taking for our
succour the second time, the point of the lodgings of the Indians, where
the foresayd Indian was slaine, and here we stayed Munday, Tewsday, and
Wednesday, during which time the Northwest and the North wind blew
continually, whereupon we determined not to stirre from thence vntill we
saw good weather, and well setled for our voyage: for in this climate
these winds doe raigne so greatly, that we feared they would stay vs
longer there then we would; and we were so weary of staying, that euery
day seemed a moneth vnto vs. Vnder this shelter we rode Thursday,
Friday, and Saturday vntill noone, which was the last of Ianuary in the
yeere 1540. About noone the wind began to blow softly at Southwest,
whereupon the General told the Pilots, that we should doe well to put
ouer to the maine land, where with some wind off the shore we might by
the grace of God saile somewhat farther. Thus we hoised our sailes, and
sailed vntil euening three or foure leagues, for the wind scanted, and
wee remained becalmed. [Sidenote: February.] The night being come there
arose a contrary winde, and we were inforced of necessitie to retire the
third time to the same shelter of the Isle of Cedars, where we stayed
from the first of February vntil Shrouesunday, in the which meane time
we tooke in two buts of water which we had spent. During the space of
these eight dayes we sought to make sayle two or three times, but as we
went out a little beyond the point of this Isle, we found the wind so
boystrous and contrary, and the sea so growen, that of force we were
constrained to returne vnder the succour of the Island, and often times
wee were in great feare that we should not be able to get in thither
againe. During this time that we could not proceed on our iourney, we
imployed our selues in catching a few fishes for the Lent. From
Shrouesunday being the 8 of February, on which day we set sayle, we
sayled with a very scant wind, or rather a calme, vntil Shrouetewsday,
on which we came within kenne of the firme land, from whence we were put
backe these twenty leagues (for in these two dayes and a halfe wee
sayled some 20 small leagues) and we lay in sight of the said poynt of
the firme land. And on the Tewsday we were becalmed, waiting till God of
his mercy would helpe vs with a prosperous wind to proceed on our
voyage.
On Shrouesunday at night, to make good cheere withall wee had so great
winde and raine, that there was nothing in our ships which was not wet,
and very colde ayre. On Ashwednesday at sun-rising we strooke saile
neere a point which we fel somewhat short withall in a great bay
running into this firme land: and this is the place where we saw fiue or
sixe fires, and at the rising of the sunne being so neere the shore that
we might well descrie and viewe it at our pleasure we saw it to bee very
pleasant, for wee descried as farre as wee could discerne with our eyes,
faire valleys and small hilles, with greene shrubs very pleasant to
behold, although there grew no trees there. The situation shewed their
length and breadth. This day was little winde, it being in a manner
calme, to our no small griefe: and the father frier Raimund sayd vs a
drie masse, and gaue vs ashes, preaching vnto vs according to the time
and state wherein we were: with which sermon we were greatly comforted.
[Sidenote: The point of Santa Cruz otherwise called Punta de Balenas.]
After noonetide we had contrary wind, which still was our enemie in all
our iourney, at the least from the point of the port of Santa Cruz. Here
we were constrained to anker in fiue fadome of water, and after wee rode
at anker wee began to viewe the countrey, and tooke delight in beholding
how goodly and pleasant it was, and neere vnto the sea wee iudged that
wee saw a valley of white ground. At euening so great a tempest came
vpon vs of winde and raine, that it was so fearfull and dangerous a
thing that a greater cannot be expressed: for it had like to haue driuen
vs vpon the shore, and the chiefe Pilot, cast out another great anker
into the sea yet all would not serve, for both these ankers could not
stay the ship. Whereupon all of vs cryed to God for mercy, attending to
see how he would dispose of vs; who of his great goodnesse, while we
were in this danger, vouchsafed a little to slake the tempest, and with
great speede the chief Pilot commanded the mariners to turne the
capsten, and the Generall commanded and prayed all the souldiers to
helpe to turne the capsten, which they were nothing slow to performe:
and thus we beganne to weigh our ankers, and in weighing of one which
was farre greater then the other, the sea was so boisterous that it
forced the capsten in such sorte, that the men which were at it could
not rule the same, and it strooke a Negro of the Generals such a blowe,
that it cast him downe along vpon the decke, and did the like vnto
another mariner and one of the barres strooke our fire-furnace so
violently, that it cast it ouerboord into the sea. Yet for all these
troubles wee weighed our ankers, and set sayle, and albeit we had great
tempests at sea, yet made we no account thereof in respect of the ioy
which we conceiued to see our selues freed of the perill of being cast
on that shore with our ships, especially seeing it fell out at midnight,
at which time no man could haue escaped, but by a meere myracle from
God.
Wee sayled vp and downe the sea all Thursday, and vntill Friday in the
morning being the fourteeneth day of February, and the waues of the sea
continually came raking ouer our deckes. At length, on Saturday morning
at breake of day we could finde no remedy against the contrary windes,
notwithstanding the Generall was very obstinate to haue vs keepe out at
sea, although it were very tempestuous, least we should be driuen to put
backe againe, but no diligence nor remedie preuailed: for the windes
were so boysterous and so contrary, that they could not be worse, and
the sea went still higher, and swelled more and more, and that in such
sorte, that we greatly feared wee should all perish. Whereupon the Pilot
thought it our best course to returne to the Isle of Cedars, whither wee
had repaired three or foure times before by reason of the selfe same
contrary windes, for wee tooke this Island for our father and mother,
although we receiued no other benefite thereby saue this onely, namely,
to repaire thither in these necessities, and to furnish our selues with
water, and with some small quantitie of fish.
Being therefore arriued at this Island; and riding vnder the shelter
thereof, the contrary windes did alwayes blow very strongly, and here we
tooke water which we drunke, and wood for our fewel, and greatly
desired, that the windes would bee more fauourable for proceeding on our
iourney. And though we rode under the shelter of the Isle, yet felt wee
the great fury of those windes, and the rage of the sea, and our ships
neuer ceased rolling.
At breake of day the twentieth of February, wee found the cable of the
Admirall cracked, whereupon, to our great griefe, we were constrained to
set sayle, to fall downe lower the space of a league, and the Trinitie
came and rode in our company.
Chap. 15.
They goe on land in the isle of Cedars, and take diuers wilde
beastes, and refresh and solace themselues. They are strangely
tossed with the Northwest winde, and seeking often to depart they
are forced, for the auoiding of many mischiefes, to repaire
thither againe for harbour.
The two and twentieth of February being the second Sonday in Lent, the
General went on shore with the greatest part of his people and the
friers, neere vnto a valley which they sawe before them. And hearing
masse on land, certaine souldiers and mariners, with certaine dogges
which we had in our company went into the said valley, and we met with
certaine deere, whereof we tooke a female, which was little, but fat,
whose haire was liker the haire of a wild goat then of a deere, and we
found her not to be a perfect deere, for she had foure dugs like vnto a
cowe full of milke, which made vs much to marueile. And after we had
flayed off her skinne, the flesh seemed more like the flesh of a goate,
then of a deere. We killed likewise a gray conie, in shape like vnto
those of Nueua Espanna, and another as blacke as heben-wood. In the
cottages at the shelter aboue, where we brake our cable, we found many
pine-nuts opened, which (in mine opinion) the Indians had gathered
together to eate the kernels of them. On Munday the 23 of the said
moneth we rode at anker, taking our pleasure and pastime with fishing.
And the Northwest winde began to blow, which waxed so great a little
before midnight, as it was wonderfull: so that although we were vnder
the shelter of the Island, and greatly defended from that wind, yet for
all that it was so furious, and the sea became so raging and boisterous,
that it greatly shook our ships, and we were in great feare of breaking
our cables, whereof (to say the trueth) we had very much neede: for
hauing spent longer time in this voyage then we looked for, wee had
broken two, and lost two of our best ankers. This furious winde
continued vntill the next being Tewsday the 24 when as we went on shore
with the friers, who sayd vs masse, recommending our selues to God,
beseeching him to vouchsafe to succour and help vs with some good
weather that we might proceede on our voyage, to the aduancement of his
seruice. And still the winds were so high and outragious, that the
deuill seemed to be loosed in the aire. Whereupon the Pilots caused all
the masts to be let downe, least they should be shaken with the wind,
and tooke off all the shrowds, and likewise caused the cabbens in the
sterne to be taken away, that the winds might haue more free passage,
for the safetie of the ships: yet for al this they ceased not to be in
great trouble. On Tewsday the second of March, about midnight or
somewhat after, riding vnder the Island in this distresse, there came a
gust of Northwest winde, which made the cable of the Admirall to slip,
and the Trinitie brake her cable, and had bene cast away, if God of his
mercy had not prouided for vs, together with the diligence which the
Pilots vsed, in hoising the sailes of the trinkets and mizzen, wherewith
they put to sea, and rode by another anker vntill day, when the men of
both the ships went with their boats to seeke the anker vntill noone,
which at length they found and recouered, not without great paines and
diligence which they vsed in dragging for it, for they were till noone
in seeking the same, and had much adoe to recouer it. After this we set
vp our shrowdes, and all things necessary to saile, for to proceede on
our voyage, if it pleased God, and not to stay alwayes in that place, as
lost and forlorne. Thus on the Wednesday two or three houres after
dinner wee set saile, with a scarce winde at Southeast, which was
fauourable for our course and very scant; and our Pilots and all the
rest of vs were in no small feare, that it would not continue long. We
began therefore to set forward, although we seemed to see before our
eies, that at the end of the Island we should meete with contrary winde
at North and Northwest. This day about euening when our ships had
discouered the point of this Isle of Cedars, wee began to perceiue those
contrary windes, and the sea to go so loftily, that it was terrible to
behold. And the farther we went, the more the winds increased, so that
they put vs to great distresse, sayling alwayes with the sheates of our
mainesaile and trinket warily in our hands, and with great diligence we
loosed the ties of all the sailes, to saue them the better, that the
wind might not charge them too vehemently. For all this the mariners
thought it best to returne backe, and that by no means we should runne
farre into the sea, because we were in extreame danger. Whereupon wee
followed their counsel, turning backe almost to the place from whence we
departed, whereat we were al not a little grieued, because we could not
prosecute our voyage, and began to want many things for the furniture of
our ships. The 8 of March being Munday about noone the Generall
commanded vs to set saile; for a small gale of winde blew from the West,
which was the wind whereof we had most need, to follow our voyage,
whereat wee were all glad for the great desire which wee had to depart
out of that place. Therefore we began to set saile, and to passe toward
the point of the Island, and to shape our course toward the coast of the
firme land, to view the situation thereof. And as we passed the Island,
and were betwixt it and the maine, the Northwest being a contrary wind
began to blow, which increased so by degrees, that we were constrained
to let fall the bonets of our sailes, to saue them, striking them very
low. And the Trinitie seeing this bad weather returned forthwith vnto
the place from whence we departed, and the Admiral cast about all night
in the sea, vntill the morning; and the chiefe Pilot considering that by
no means we could proceed farther without danger, if we should continue
at sea any longer, resolued that we should retire our selues againe to
that shelter, where we rode at anker vntill Thursday. And on Friday
about noone we set saile againe with a scarce winde, and in comming
forth vnto the point of the Island, we met againe with contrary winde at
Northwest: whereupon running all night with the firme land, on Saturday
in the morning being S. Lazarus day and the 13 of March, we came in
sight thereof, in viewing of the which we all reioyced, and we souldiers
would very willingly haue gone on shore. This night fel great store of
raine like the raine in Castilia, and we were all well wet in the
morning, and we tooke great pleasure in beholding the situation of that
firme land, because it was greene, and because we had discouered a
pleasant valley and plaines of good largenes, which seemed to bee
enuironed with a garland of mountains. At length for feare of
misfortunes, seeing the sea so high, we durst not stay here or approch
neere the land, and because we had great want of cables and ankers, we
were again constrained to put to sea; and being in the same, and
finding the said contrary windes, the Pilots iudged that we had none
other remedie, but againe to retire our selues to our wonted shelter.
And thus we returned, but somewhat aboue the old place. On Sunday we
rode here to the great grief of all the company, considering what
troubles we indured, and could not get forward; so that this was such a
corrasiue, as none could be more intollerable. This day being come to an
anker wee had a mighty gale of wind at Northwest, which was our
aduersary and capital enemie, and when day was shut in, it still grew
greater and greater, so that the ships rouled much. And after midnight,
toward break of day, the Trinitie brake her two cables, which held the
two ankers which she had, and seeing her selfe thus forlorne, she turned
vp and downe in the sea vntill day, and came and rode neere vs, by one
anker which shee had left. This day all of vs went to seeke these lost
ankers, and for all the diligence which wee vsed, wee could find but one
of them. We rode at anker all day vntill night, when the Trinitie againe
brake a cable, which certaine rocks had cut asunder: whereupon the
General commanded that she should ride no longer at anker, but that shee
should turne vp and downe, as she had done before in sight of vs, which
she did al day long, and at night she came to an anker ouer against a
fresh water somewhat lower, and wee went and rode hard by her. On
Palmesunday we went on shore with the fathers, which read the passion
vnto vs and said masse, and we went in procession with branches in our
hands. And so being comforted, because we had receiued that holy
Sacrament, we returned to our ships.
Chap. 16.
Returning to the Isle of Cedars weather-beaten, and with their ships
in euil case, they conclude, that the ship called Santa Agueda or
Santa Agatha should returne vnto Nueua Espanna. Of the multitude
of whales which they found about the point of California: with the
description of a weede, which groweth among the Islands of those
seas.
Here we continued vntill the Wednesday before Easter being the foure
and twentieth of March, on which day wee consulted together, that
because the ships were ill conditioned, and wanted necessary furniture
to proceede any further, it were best for vs to returne backe to New
Spaine, as also because our clothes were consumed: but the Generall
seemed not willing to returne, but to proceed on his voyage: and in fine
it was resolued, that seeing both the ships could not proceede forward,
as well because they had lost their necessary furnitures, as also that
the Santa Agatha had neede of calking, because she receiued much water,
and was the worst furnished of the twaine, that shee should returne
backe to aduertise the Marques of our successe in this voyage, and what
hindred our proceeding, and in what case wee stoode, and howe wee were
bereft of our necessary furniture. And because the Trinitie was the
swifter ship, and better appointed then the other, it was concluded,
that it should be prouided in the best maner that might be, and that the
General should proceed on his iourney in her with such companie as he
should make choise of, and that the rest should returne at their good
leisure. Wherefore vpon this determination we went vnder a point of this
Island, because it was a fit place to carene the ship: and in recouering
the same we spent Wednesday, Thursday, and Friday till noone, and yet
for all that wee could not wel double it, vntil Easter day about noone.
Here we ankered very neere the shore and in a valley we found very
excellent fresh water, whereof we made no smal account, and here stayed
all the Easter holidayes, to set our selues about the furnishing vp of
the Trinity: and after the worke was taken in hand by the two Masters
which were very sufficient calkers (one of which was Iuan Castiliano
chiefe Pilot, and the other Peruccio de Bermes) they finished the same
so well in fiue dayes, as it was wonderfull; for no man could perceiue
how any droppe of water could enter into any of the seames. Afterward
they mended the other ship from Saturday till Munday, during which time
all those were shriuen that had not confessed, and receiued the
communion, and it was resolued by charge of the confessors, that all
those seale-skins which they had taken from the Indians should bee
restored againe; and the Generall gaue charge to Francis Preciado to
restore them all, charging him on his conscience so to doe. Thus they
gathered them together, and deliuered them into the hands of the
fathers, to bee kept vntill they returned to the place, where they were
to restore them. [Sidenote: The Santa Agueda returneth for Newspaine the
5. of April.] After this maner on Munday before noone we tooke our
leaues of the Generall Francis Vlloa, and of the people that stayed with
him, who at our departure shed no small number of teares, and we chose
for our captaine in the Santa Agueda master Iuan Castiliano the chiefe
pilot, as well of the ship, as of vs all, and set saile the same day
being the fift of April, hauing our boat tied at our sterne, till we
came ouer against the cottages, whence wee had taken the seale-skins.
[Sidenote: The Isle of Cedars 300 leagues from Colima.] From the
countrey of the Christians and the port of Colima we were now distant
some three hundreth leagues, which is the first port where wee
determined to touch at. And hauing sailed a league from the Trinitie the
captaine Iuan Castiliano commanded vs to salute them with three pieces
of great Ordinance, and she answered vs with other three, and afterward
we answered one another with two shot apiece.
[Sidenote: The sixt of Aprill.] We sailed on Munday and Tewsday til
noone with contrary wind in sight of the Island, and at noone we had a
fresh gale in the poupe, which brought vs ouer against the cottages of
the Indians where we tooke away those seal-skins; and there certain
souldiers and mariners with the father frier Antony de Melo leapt on
shore with the boat, carying the skins with them, and flung them into
the sayd cottages out of which they were taken, and so returned to their
ship. [Sidenote: The 7 of April.] [Sidenote: They saile from the Isle of
Cedars to the point of Santa Cruza or California in sixe daies.] This
day the weather calmed, whereupon we were driuen to cast anker, fearing
that we should foorthwith be distressed for want of victuals, if we
should stay there any long time: but God which is the true helper
prouided better for vs then we deserued or imagined; for as we rode
here, after midnight the Wednesday following before ten of the cloke wee
had a fauourable gale of winde from the Southeast, which put vs into the
sea; whither being driuen, wee had the wind at Northwest so good and
constant, that in sixe dayes it brought vs to the cape of the point of
the port of Santa Cruz: for which so great blessing of God we gaue vnto
him infinite thankes. And here we began to allow our selues a greater
proportion of victuals then wee had done before, for wee had eaten very
sparingly for feare our victuals would faile vs. [Sidenote: Punta de
Balenas.] Before we came to this point of the hauen of Santa Cruz by
sixe or seuen leagues we saw on shore between certaine valleys diuers
great smokes. And hauing passed the point of this port, our captaine
thought it good to lanch foorth into the maine Ocean: yet although we
ran a swift course, aboue 500 whales came athwart of vs in 2 or 3
skulles within one houres space, which were so huge, as it was
wonderfull, and some of them, came so neere vnto the ship, that they
swam vnder the same from one side to another, whereupon we were in great
feare, lest they should doe vs some hurt, but they could not because the
ship had a prosperous and good winde, and made much way, whereby it
could receiue no harme, although they touched and strooke the same.
[Sidenote: Read more of these weedes cap. 13.] Among these Islands are
such abundance of those weedes, that if at any time wee were inforced to
sayle ouer them, they hindred the course of our ships. They growe
fourteene or fifteene fadome deepe vnder the water, their tops reaching
foure or fiue fadome aboue the water. They are of the colour of yellow
waxe, and their stalke groweth great proportionably. This weede is much
more beautifull then it is set foorth, and no maruell, for the naturall
painter and creator thereof is most excellent.
This relation was taken out of that which Francis Preciado brought with
him. [Sidenote: Sant Iago de Buena esperanza in 19 degrees.] After this
ship the Santa Agueda departed from the Generall Vlloa, and returned
backe the 5 of April, she arriued in the port of Sant Iago de buena
esperança the 18 of the said moneth, and after she had stayed there
foure or fiue dayes, she departed for Acapulco: howbeit vntill this
present seuenteenth of May in the yeere 1540, I haue heard no tidings
nor newes of her.
[Sidenote: Cabo del Enganno in 30 degrees and a halfe.] Moreouer after
the departure of the Santa Agueda for Nueua Espanna, the General Francis
Vlloa in the ship called the Trinitie proceeding on his discouery
coasted the land vntill he came to a point called Cabo del Enganno
standing in thirty degrees and a halfe of Northerly latitude, and then
returned backe to Newspaine, because he found the winds very contrary,
and his victuals failed him.
The true and perfect description of a voyage performed and done by
Francisco de Gualle a Spanish Captaine and Pilot, for the
Vice-roy of New Spaine, from the hauen of Acapulco in New Spaine,
to the Islands of the Luçones or Philippinas, vnto the Hauen of
Manilla, and from thence to the Hauen of Macao in China, and from
Macao backe againe to Acapulco, accomplished in the yeere of our
Lord, 1584.
Chap. 1.
The tenth of March in the yeere of our Lorde 1582 wee set sayle out of
the Hauen of Acapulco, lying in the countrey of New Spaine, directing
our course towards the Islands of the Luçones, or Philippinas West
Southwest, running in that maner for the space of twentie fiue leagues,
till wee came vnder sixteene degrees, so that wee might shunne the
calmes by sayling close by the shoare. From thence forward we held our
course West for the space of 30 leagues, and being there, we ran West,
and West and by South, for the space of 1800 leagues, to the Iland
called Isla del Enganno, which is the furthest Iland lying in the South
parts of the Ilands called De los Ladrones, that is, The Ilands of
rouers, or Islas de las Velas, vnder 13. degrees and 1/2. in latitude
Septentrionall, and 164. degrees in longitude Orientall, vpon the fixed
Meridionall line, which lyeth right with the Iland of Terçera. From
thence we helde our coarse Westward for the space of 280. leagues, till
we came to the point called El capo de Espirito Santo, that, is, The
point of the holy Ghost, lying in the Iland Tandaya, the first Iland of
those that are called Philippinas, Luçones, or Manillas, which is a
countrey with fewe hilles, with some mines of brimstone in the middle
thereof. From the point aforesayde, wee sailed West for the space of
eighteene leagues to the point or entrie of the chanell, which runneth
in betweene that Iland and the Iland of Luçon. This point or entrie
lieth scarce vnder 12. degrees. All the coast that stretcheth from the
entrie of the chanel to the point of El capo del Spirito santo, is not
very faire.
Eight leagues from the sayde point lyeth a hauen of indifferent
greatnesse, called Baya de Lobos, that is, The Bay of Woolues, hauing a
small Iland at the mouth thereof: and within the chanell about halfe a
league from the ende of the sayd Iland lyeth an Iland or cliffe, and
when you passe by the point in the middle of the chanell, then you haue
fiue and twentie fathom deepe, with browne sand: there we found so great
a streame running Westward, that it made the water to cast a skum as if
it had beene a sande, whereby it put us in feare, but casting out our
lead, wee found fiue and twentie fathom deepe.
From the aforesayd entrie of the chanell North, and North and by East
about tenne leagues, lyeth the Island of Catanduanes, about a league
distant from the lande of Luçon, on the furthest point Eastward, and
from the same entrie of the chanell towards the West and Southwest,
lyeth the Iland Capuli about sixe leagues from thence, stretching
Westsouthwest, and Eastnortheast, being fiue leagues long, and foure
leagues broad: and as wee past by it, it lay Northward from vs vnder
twelue degrees and 3/4. and somewhat high lande. Foure leagues from the
aforesayd Iland of Capuli Northwestward lie the three Ilands of the
hauen of Bollon in the Iland of Luçones, stretching North and South
about foure leagues, distant from the firme lande halfe a league,
whereof the furthest Southward lieth vnder thirteene degrees; In this
chanell it is twentie fathome deepe, with white sand, and a great
streame, running Southeast: we passed through the middle of the chanell.
From this chanell wee helde our coarse Southwest, and Southwest and by
West, for the space of twentie leagues, vntill wee came to the West ende
of the Iland of Tycao, which reacheth East and West thirteene leagues.
This point or hooke lyeth vnder 12. degrees and 3/4. In the middle
betweene this Iland and the Iland Capuli there lie three Ilands called
the Faranias, and we ranne in the same course on the Northside of all the
Ilands, at the depth of 22. fathom with white sand.
From the aforesayd West point of the Iland Tycao to the point of Buryas
it is East and West to sayle about the length of a league or a league
and a halfe: we put into that chanell, holding our course South, and
South and by West about three leagues, vntill we were out of the chanell
at sixteene fathome deepe, with halfe white and reddish sande in the
chanell, and at the mouth thereof, whereof the middle lyeth vnder 12.
degrees and 2/3. and there the streames runne Northward.
[Sidenote: The Isle of Masbate.] The Iland of Buryas stretched Northwest
and Southeast, and is low lande, whereof the Northwest point is about
three leagues from the coast of Luçon, but you cannot passe betweene
them with any shippe, but with small foistes and barkes of the countrey.
This shallow channell lieth vnder twelue degrees: and running thorow
the aforesayd chanell betweene the Ilands Tycao and Buryas, as I sayd
before, we sayled Southward about two leagues from the Iland of Masbate,
which stretcheth East and West 8. leagues long, being in bredth 4.
leagues, and lyeth vnder 12. degrees and 1/4. in the middle thereof, and
is somewhat high land.
From the sayd chanell betweene Tycao and Buryas, wee helde our course
Westnorthwest for thirteene leagues, leauing the Iland Masbate on the
Southside, and the Iland Buryas on the North side: at the ende of
thirteene leagues wee came by an Iland called Banton, which is in forme
like a hat, vnder twelue degrees and 2/3. when we had sayled the
aforesayd thirteene leagues and eight leagues more, on the South side
wee left the Iland called Rebuiam, which stretcheth Northwest, and
Northwest and by North, and Southeast, and Southeast and by South, for
the space of eight leagues, being high and crooked lande, whereof the
North point lyeth vnder twelue degrees and 2/3. and there you finde 35
fathom deepe, with white sand.
From the aforesayd Iland of Banton Southward nine leagues, there beginne
and followe three Ilandes, one of them being called Bantonsilla, which
is a small Iland in forme of a sugar loafe: the second Crymara, being
somewhat great in length, reaching East and West about two leagues: the
third Itaa, or the Ile of Goates, hauing certaine houels. By all these
Ilands aforesayd you may passe with all sortes of shippes, whereof the
foremost lyeth Southward vnder twelue degrees and 1/4. From the Iland of
Bantonsilla, or small Banton, wee helde our course Northwest for the
space of foure leagues, to the chanell betweene Ilands called de
Vereies, and the Iland of Marinduque, the Vereies lying on the South
side vnder twelue degrees and 3/4. (which are two small Ilands like two
Frigats) and the Iland Marinduque on the North side vnder twelue
degrees, and 1/4. which is a great Iland, stretching Westnorthwest, and
Eastsoutheast, hauing in length 12. and in bredth 7. leagues. On the
North side, with the Iland Luçon it maketh a long and small chanell,
running somewhat crooked, which is altogether full of shallowes and
sandes, whereby no shippes can passe through it. The furthest point
Westward of the same Iland lyeth vnder thirteene degrees and 1/4. It is
high lande, on the East side hauing the forme of a mine of brimstone or
fierie hill, and on the West side the land runneth downewarde at the
point thereof being round like a loafe of bread: in the chanell
betweene it and the Vereies, there are 18. fathom deepe with small
black sand.
From the aforesaid chanell of Vereies and Marinduque, wee helde our
course Westnorthwest twelue leagues to the lande of Mindora, to the
point or hooke called Dumaryn, lying full vnder thirteene degrees: Fiue
leagues forward from the sayde chanell on the South side wee left an
Iland called Isla de maestro del Campo, that is, The Iland of the
Colonell, lying vnder twelue degrees and 3/4. which is a small and flat
Iland: In this course we had 45 fathom deep white sand.
By this point or end of the Iland Marinduque beginneth the Iland of
Myndoro, which hath in length East and West fiue and twentie leagues,
and in bredth twelue leagues, whereof the furthest point Southward lyeth
vnder thirteene degrees, and the furthest point Northward vnder
thirteene degrees and 2/3. and the furthest point Westward vnder
thirteene degrees. This Iland with the Iland of Luçon maketh a chanell
of fiue leagues broad, and ten or twelue fathom deepe with muddie ground
of diuers colours, with white sande. Fiue leagues forward from
Marinduque lyeth the riuer of the towne of Anagacu, which is so
shallowe, that no shippes may enter into it. From thence two leagues
further lie the Ilands called Bacco, which are three Ilands lying in a
triangle, two of them being distant from the land about three hundred
cubits, and between them and the land you may passe with small shippes:
And from the lande to the other Iland, are about two hundred cubites,
where it is altogether shallowes and sandes, so that where the shippes
may passe outward about 150. cubites from the lande, you leaue both the
Ilands on the South side, running betweene the third Iland and the riuer
called Rio del Bacco, somewhat more from the middle of the chanell
towardes the Iland, which is about a league distant from the other; the
chanell is tenne fathom deepe, with mud and shelles vpon the ground: the
riuer of Bacco is so shallowe, that no ships may enter into it. From
this Iland with the same course two leagues forward, you passe by the
point called El Capo de Rescaseo, where we cast out our lead, and found
that a man may passe close by the lande, and there you shall finde great
strong streames: and halfe a league forward with the same course, lyeth
the towne of Mindoro, which hath a good hauen for shippes of three
hundred tunnes. Three leagues Northward from the same hauen lyeth the
Iland called Cafaa, stretching from East to West, being hilly ground.
From the sayde towne of Myndora, wee helde our course Westnorthwest
eight leagues, till wee came to the poynt or hooke of the sandes called
Tulen, lying vpon the Iland of Luçon, which sande or banke reacheth into
the Sea halfe a league from the coast: you must keepe about an hundred
cubites from it, where you finde eight fathom water, muddie and shellie
ground: you runne along by those sandes North, and North and by West for
the space of two leagues, till you come to the riuer called Rio de
Anasebo: all the rest of the coast called De los Limbones to the month
or entrie of the Bay called Manilla, (which are foure leagues) is sayled
with the same course. The Limbones (which are Ilands so called) are high
in forme like a paire of Organs, with good hauens for small shippes,
running along by the Limbones: and two leagues beyond them on the South
side, wee leaue the Ilands of Fortan, and foure Ilands more, but the
three Ilands of Lubao, which are very low, lie vnder 13. degrees and
1/3. and the Limbones lie in the mouth or entrie of the Bay of Manilla
vnder 14. degrees and 1/4.
From thence we ranne Northwest for the space of sixe leagues to the
hauen of Cabite, keeping along by the land lying on the West side, where
it is shallowe, and is called Los Baixos del Rio de Cannas, The
shallowes of the riuer of Reedes: all along this Bay in the same course,
there is from ten to foure fathom deepe.
Being by the point or hooke of Cabite, then wee kept but an hundred
paces from it, running Southwest, southsouthwest, and South, vntill we
discouered the whole mouth or entrie of the Bay, where we might anker at
foure fathom about two hundred cubites from the lande, and then the
towne of Manilla was two leagues Northward from vs.[49]
[49] The Philippine Islands are an archipelago of about 1400 islands,
forming a dependency of Spain, lying between 4 deg. 40 min and 20 deg.
N. lat., and 116 deg. 40 min. and 126 deg. 30 min. E. lon., and having
the China Sea on the west, and the Pacific Ocean on the East. They are
very imperfectly known at present, but are estimated to have a total
area of 114,000 square miles, and a population of about 10,000,000. The
principal islands of the many hundreds of large and small forming the
group are--Luzon, Mindanao, Palawan, Mindoro, Panay, Negros, Zebu,
Leyte, and Samar.
The Philippines were discovered by Fernando Magalhaens in 1521, in the
reign of Philip II, after whom they were named; and in 1564 the
Spaniards made a settlement on one of the islands, and founded Manila in
1571. They obtained the possession of this important group almost
without bloodshed; and they have preserved it by the extensive diffusion
of the Roman Catholic religion among the Malays, who form the greater
part of the population. The Spaniards have retained the island ever
since, except from 1762 to 1764, during which the English held Manila,
and for the release of which the Spaniards paid a ransom of £1,000,000.
Chap. 2.
The course and voyage of the aforesayd Francisco Gualle out of the
hauen or roade of Manilla, to the hauen of Macao in China, with
all the courses and situations of the places.
Sayling out of the hauen of Cabite, lying in the Bay of Manilla, wee
helde our course Westwarde for the space of eighteene leagues, to the
point called El Cabo de Samballes: and when wee were eight leagues in
our way, wee left the two Ilands Maribillas on the South side, and
sailed about a league from them: the point of Samballes aforesayde lyeth
vnder foureteene degrees, and 2/3. being low land, at the end of the
same coast of Luçon, on the West side.
From the hooke or point aforesayde, wee ranne North, and North and by
West, for the space of fiue and twentie leagues (aboue a league from the
coast of Luçon) to the point called Cabo de Bullinao: all this coast and
Cape is high and hilly ground, which Cape lyeth vnder sixteene degrees
and 2/3. From this Cape de Bellinao we helde our course North, and North
and by East, for 45. leagues to the point called El Cabo de Bojador,
which is the furthest lande Northwarde from the Iland Luçon lying vnder
19. degrees.
The Cape de Bullinao being past the lande maketh a great creeke or
bough, and from this creeke the coast runneth North to the point of
Bojador, being a land full of cliffes and rockes that reach into the
Sea, and the land of the hooke or point is high and hilly ground.
From the point of Bojador, wee helde our course Westnorthwest an hundred
and twentie leagues, vntill we came to the Iland called A Ilha Branca,
or the white Iland, lying in the beginning of the coast and Bay of the
riuer Canton vnder two and twentie degrees, hauing foure and twentie
fathom browne muddie ground.
From the Iland Ilha Branca, wee helde the aforesayde course of
Westnorthwest, for the space of sixteene leagues, to the Iland of Macao
lying in the mouth of the riuer of Canton, and it maketh the riuer to
haue two mouths or entries, and it is a small Iland about three leagues
great.
Chap. 3.
The Nauigation or course of the aforesayd Francisco Gualle out of
the hauen of Macao to Newe Spaine, with the situation and
stretchings of the same, with other notable and memorable things
concerning the same voyage.
When we had prepared our selues, and had taken our leaues of our friends
in Macao, we set saile vpon the foure and twentieth of Iuly, holding our
course Southeast, and Southeast and by East, being in the wane of the
Moone: for when the Moone increaseth, it is hard holding the course
betweene the Ilands, because as then the water and streames run very
strong to the Northwest; wee trauailed through many narrowe channels by
night, hauing the depth of eight or ten fathom, with soft muddie ground,
vntill wee were about the Iland Ilha Branca, yet we saw it not, but by
the height we knew that we were past it.
Being beyond it, we ranne Eastsoutheast an hundred and fiftie leagues,
to get aboue the sands called Os Baixos dos Pescadores, and the
beginning of the Ilands Lequeos on the East side, which Ilands are
called As Ilhas fermosas,[50] that is to say, The faire Ilands. This I
vnderstoode by a Chinar called Santy of Chinchon, and hee sayde that
they lie vnder one and twentie degrees and 3/4. there it is thirtie
fathom deepe: and although wee sawe them not, notwithstanding by the
height and depth of the water we knew we were past them.
[50] Formosa.
Being past As Ilhas fermosas, or the faire Ilands, wee helde our course
East, and East and by North, for two hundred and sixtie leagues, vntill
we were past the length of the Ilands Lequeos,[51] sayling about fiftie
leagues from them: the said Chinar tolde me, that those Ilands called
Lequeos are very many, and that they haue many and very good hauens, and
that the people and inhabitants thereof haue their faces and bodies
painted like the Bysayas of the Ilands of Luçon or Philippinas and are
apparelled like the Bysayas, and that there also are mines of gold: Hee
sayd likewise that they did often come with small shippes and barkes
laden with Bucks and Harts-hides, and with golde in graines or very
small pieces, to traffique with them of the coast of China, which hee
assured mee to bee most true, saying that hee had bene nine times in the
small Ilands, bringing of the same wares with him to China: which I
beleeued to bee true, for that afterwarde I enquired thereof in Macao,
and upon the coast of China, and found that hee sayde true. The furthest
or vttermost of these Ilands stretching Northwarde and Eastwarde, lie
vnder nine and twentie degrees.
[51] The Lu-Tchu (_Chinese_) or Liu-Khiu (_Japanese_) Islands are a
chain of 52 Islands belonging to Japan, and stretching S.W. to Formosa.
Being past these Ilands, then you come to the Ilands of Iapon, whereof
the first lying West and South, is the Iland of Firando, where the
Portugals vse to traffique: they are in length altogether an hundred and
thirtie leagues, and the furthest Eastward lieth under two and thirtie
degrees: we ranne still East, and East and by North, vntill we were past
the sayd hundred and thirtie leagues.
All this information I had of the aforesaid Chinar, as also that there I
should see some mines of brimstone or fierie hilles, being seuentie
leagues beyond them,[52] and thirtie leagues further I should finde four
Ilands lying together, which I likewise found, as hee had tolde mee:
[Sidenote: Other Ilands Eastward of Iapon.] And that being in Iapon, he
sayd hee had there seene certaine men of a very small stature, with
great rolle of linnen cloth about there heads, that brought golde in
small pieces, and some white Cangas of cotton, (which are pieces of
cotton-linnen so called by the Chinars) as also salte-fish like the
Spanish Atun, or Tunney, which hee sayde came out of other Ilands
Eastward from Iapon: and by the tokens and markes which hee shewed mee,
I gessed whereabout those Ilands should bee, and found them not farre
from whence he sayd they lay. Hee sayd likewise that all the Ilands of
Iapon haue good hauens and chanels, being a Countrey full of Rice,
Corne, Fish, and flesh, and that they are indifferent and reasonable
people to traffique with, and that there they haue much siluer.
[52] This probably refers to Fusyiama, which can be seen from Tokio, 80
miles away. Its last eruption took place in 1707.
Running thus East, and East and by North about three hundred leagues
from Iapon, wee found a very hollowe water, with the streame running out
of the North and Northwest, with a full and very broad Sea, without any
hinderance or trouble in the way that wee past: and what winde soeuer
blewe, the Sea continued all in one sort, with the same hollow water
and streame, vntill wee had passed seuen hundred leagues. [Sidenote:
Iapon 900. leagues distant from the coast of America in 37 degrees and
an halfe.] About two hundred leagues from the coast and land of newe
Spaine wee beganne to lose the sayd hollow Sea, and streame: whereby I
most assuredly thinke and beleeue, that there you shall finde a chanell
or straight passage, betweene the firme lande of newe Spaine, and the
Countreys of Asia and Tartaria. Likewise all this way from the
aforesayde seuen hundred leagues, we found a great number of
Whale-fishes and other fishes called by the Spaniards Atuns or Tunnies,
whereof many are found on the coast of Gibraltar in Spaine, as also
Albacoras and Bonitos, which are all fishes, which commonly keepe in
chanels, straights, and running waters, there to disperse their seede
when they breede: which maketh mee more assuredly beleeue, that
thereabouts is a chanel or straight to passe through.
[Sidenote: Read Francis Vlloa chap. 16.] Being by the same course vpon
the coast of newe Spaine, vnder seuen and thirtie degrees and 1/2. wee
passed by a very high and faire lande with many trees, wholly without
snowe, and foure leagues from the lande, you finde thereabouts many
drifts of rootes, leaues of trees, reeds, and other leaues like figge
leaues, the like whereof wee found in great abundance in the countrey of
Iapon, which they eate: and some of those that wee found, I caused to
bee sodden with flesh, and being sodden, they eate like Coleworts: there
likewise wee found great store of Seales: whereby it is to bee presumed
and certainely to bee beleeued, that there are many riuers, bayes, and
hauens along by those coastes to the hauen of Acapulco.
From thence wee ranne Southeast, Southeast and by South, and Southeast
and by East, as wee found the winde, to the point called El Cabo de Sant
Lucas, which is the beginning of the lande of California, on the
Northwest side, lying vnder two and twentie degrees, being fiue hundred
leagues distant from Cape Mendoçino.
[Sidenote: Hauens lately found out.] In this way of the aforesayde fiue
hundred leagues along by the coast, are many Ilands: and although they
bee but small, yet without doubt there are in them some good hauens, as
also in the firme land, where you haue these hauens following, now
lately found out, as that of the Ile of Sant Augustine, lying vnder
thirtie degrees and 3/4. and the Iland called Isla de Cedros, scarce
vnder eight and twenty deg. and 1/4. and the Iland lying beneath Saint
Martyn, vnder three and twentie degrees and 1/2. All this coast and
countrey, as I thinke, is inhabited, and sheweth to be a very good
countrey: for there by night wee sawe fire, and by day smoke, which is a
most sure token that they are inhabited.
From the poynt or hooke of Saint Lucas, to the Southeast side of
California, wee helde our course Eastsoutheast, for the space of 80.
leagues, to the point called El cabo de las corrientes, that is, the
Cape of the streames lying vnder 19. degrees and 2/3. And running this
course, Northward about a league from vs wee sawe three Ilands called
Las tres Marias, (that is to say, The three Maries) running the same
course. About foure leagues from the other Ilands, there are other
Ilands, reaching about two or three leagues: All this way from the mouth
or gulfe of California aforesayd, for the space of the sayd fourescore
leagues, there are great streames that run Westward.
From the point or Cape de las Corrientes, we ranne Southeast, and
sometimes Southeast and by East, for the space of an hundred and thirtie
leagues to the hauen of Acapulco. In this way of an hundred and thirtie
leagues, being twentie leagues on the way, we had the hauen of
Natiuidad, that is, of the birth of the Virgin Mary: and other eight
leagues further, the hauen of Saint Iago, or Saint Iames; and sixe
leagues further, the sea Strand called La Playa de Colima, that is, the
Strand of Colima. All this coast from California to the hauen of
Acapulco is inhabited by people that haue peace and traffique with the
Spaniards, and are of condition and qualities like the people of the
other places of new Spaine.
The conclusion of the Author of this last voyage.
All this description and nauigation haue I my selfe seene, prooued, and
well noted in my voyage made and ended in the yeere of our Lord 1584.
from great China out of the hauen and riuer of Canton, as I will more at
large set it downe vnto your honour, with the longitudes and latitudes
thereof, as God shall permit mee time and leysure, whom I beseech to
send you long and happie dayes.
And the same was truly translated out of Spanish into lowe Dutch
verbatim out of the Originall copy, (which was sent vnto the
Viceroy of the Portugall Indies) by Iohn Huyghen Van Linschoten.
The relation of the nauigation and discouery which Captaine
Fernando Alarchon made by the order of the right honourable Lord
Don Antonio de Mendoça, Vizeroy of New Spaine, dated in Colima,
an hauen of New Spaine.
Chap. 1.
Fernando Alarchon after he had suffered a storme, arriued with his
Fleete at the hauen of Saint Iago, and from thence at the hauen of
Aguaiaual: he was in great perill in seeking to discouer a Bay,
and getting out of the same he discouered a riuer on the coast
with a great current, entring into the same, and coasting along he
descried a great many of Indians with their weapons: with signes
hee hath traffique with them, and fearing some great danger
returneth to his ships.
On Sunday the ninth of May in the yeere 1540. I set saile with two
ships, the one called Saint Peter being Admirall, and the other Saint
Catherine, and wee set forward meaning to goe to the hauen of Saint Iago
of good hope: but before wee arriued there wee had a terrible storme,
wherewith they which were in the ship called Saint Catherine, being more
afraid then was neede, cast ouer boord nine pieces of Ordinance, two
ankers and one cable, and many other things as needfull for the
enterprise wherein we went, as the ship it selfe. Assoone as we were
arriued at the hauen of Saint Iago I repaired my losse which I had
receiued, prouided my selfe of things necessary, and tooke aboord my
people which looked for my comming, and directed my course toward the
hauen of Aguaiauall. And being there arriued I vnderstood that the
Generall Francis Vazquez de Coronado was departed with all his people:
whereupon taking the ship called Saint Gabriel which carried victuals
for the armie I led her with mee to put in execution your Lordships
order. Afterward I followed my course along the coast without departing
from the same, to see if I could find any token, or any Indian which
could giue me knowledge of him: and in sailing so neere the shore I
discouered other very good hauens, for the ships whereof Captaine
Francis de Vllua was General for the Marquesse de Valle neither sawe nor
found them. [Sidenote: These shoalds are the bottome of mar Bermejo, or
the Bay of California.] And when we were come to the flats and shoalds
from whence the foresaid fleete returned, it seemed as well to me as to
the rest, that we had the firme land before vs, and that those shoalds
were so perilous and fearefull, that it was a thing to be considered
whither with our skiffes we could enter in among them: and the Pilotes
and the rest of the company would haue had vs done as Captaine Vllua
did, and haue returned backe againe. But because your Lordship commanded
mee, that I should bring you the secret of that gulfe, I resolued, that
although I had knowen I should haue lost the shippes, I would not haue
ceased for any thing to haue seene the head thereof: and therefore I
commanded Nicolas Zamorano Pilote maior, and Dominico del Castello that
eche of them should take a boate, and their lead in their hands, and
runne in among those shoalds, to see if they could find out the chanell
whereby the shippes might enter in: to whom it seemed that the ships
might saile vp higher (although with great trauell and danger) and in
this sort I and he began to follow our way which they had taken, and
within a short while after wee found our selues fast on the sands with
all our three ships, in such sort that one could not helpe another,
neither could the boates succour vs, because the current was so great
that it was impossible for one of vs to come vnto another: whereupon we
were in such great ieopardie that the decke of the Admirall was
oftentimes vnder water, and if a great surge of the sea had not come and
driuen our ship right vp, and gaue her leaue as it were to breath a
while, we had there bin drowned: and likewise the other two shippes
found themselves in very great hazard, yet because they were lesser and
drewe lesse water, their danger was not so great as ours: Nowe it
pleased God vpon the returne of the flood that the shippes came on
flote, and so wee went forward. And although the company would haue
returned backe, yet for all this I determined to goe forwarde, and to
pursue our attempted voyage: and we passed forward with much adoe,
turning our stemmes now this way, now that way, to seeke to find the
chanel. [Sidenote: The bottome of the Bay of California.] And it pleased
God that after this sort we came to the very bottoms of the Bay: where
we found a very mightie riuer, which ranne with so great fury of a
streame, that we could hardly saile against it.[53] In this sort I
determined as wel as I could to go vp this riuer, and with two boates,
leauing the third with the ships, and twenty men, my selfe being in one
of them with Roderigo Maldonado treasurer of this fleet, and Gaspar de
Castilleia comptroller, and with certaine small pieces of artillerie I
began to saile vp the river, and charged all my company, that none of
them should stirre nor vse any signe, but he whom I appointed, although
wee found Indians. [Sidenote: They goe vp the riuer of Buena guia the
26. of August.] The same day, which was Thursday the sixe and twentieth
of August, following our voyage with drawing the boats with halsers we
went about some 6 leagues; and the next day which was Friday by the
breake of day thus following our way vpward, I saw certaine Indians
which went toward certaine cottages neere vnto the water, who assoone as
they saw vs, ten or twelue of them rose vp furiously, and crying with a
loud voyce, other of their companions came running together to the
number of 50 which with all haste carried out of their cottages such
things as they had, and layd them vnder certaine shrubs and many of them
came running toward that part whether wee approched, making great signes
vnto vs that we should goe backe againe, vsing great threatnings against
vs, one while running on this side and an other while on that side. I
seeing them in such a rage, caused our boates to lanch from the shore
into the middes of the riuer, that the Indians might be out of feare,
and I rode at anker, and set my people in as good order as I could,
charging them that no man should speake, nor make any signe nor motion,
nor stirre out of his place, nor should not be offended for anything
that the Indians did, nor should shewe no token of warre: and by this
meanes the Indians came euery foote neere the riuers side to see vs: and
I gate by little and little toward them where the riuer seemed to be
deepest. In this meane space there were aboue two hundred and fiftie
Indians assembled together with bowes and arrowes, and with certaine
banners in warrelike sort in such maner as those of New Spayne doe vse:
and perceiuing that I drewe toward the shore, they came with great cryes
toward vs with bowes and arrowes put into them, and with their banners
displayed. And I went vnto the stemme of my boate with the interpreter
which I carried with me, whom I commanded to speake vnto them, and when
he spake, they neither vnderstood him, nor he them, although because
they sawe him to be after their fashion, they stayed themselues: and
seeing this I drewe neerer the shore, and they with great cryes came to
keepe mee from the shore of the riuer, making signes that I should not
come any further, putting stakes in my way betweene the water and the
land: and the more I lingered, the more people still flocked together.
Which when I had considered I beganne to make them signes of peace, and
taking my sword and target, I cast them downe in the boate and set my
feete vpon them, giving them to vnderstand with this and other tokens
that I desired not to haue warre with them, and that they should doe the
like: [Sidenote: A very good course taken to appease unknowen Sauages.]
Also I tooke a banner and cast it downe; and I caused my company that
were with mee to sit downe likewise, and taking the wares of exchange
which I carried with mee, I called them to giue them some of them: yet
for all this none of them stirred to take any of them, but rather
flocked together, and beganne to make a great murmuring among
themselues: and suddenly one came out from among them with a staffe
wherein certayne shelles were set, and entred into the water to giue
them vnto mee, and I tooke them, and made signes vnto him that hee
should come neere me, which when he had done, I embraced him, and gaue
him in recompence certaine beades and other things, and he returning
with them vnto his fellowes, began to looke vpon them, and to parley
together, and within a while after many of them came toward me, to whom
I made signes to lay downe their banners, and to leaue their weapons:
which they did incontinently, then I made signes that they should lay
them altogether, and should goe aside from them, which likewise they
did: and they caused those Indians which newly came thither to leaue
them, and to lay them together with the rest. After this I called them
vnto me, and to all them which came I gaue some smal trifle, vsing them
gently, and by this time they were so many that came thronging about
mee, that I thought I could not stay any longer in safety among them,
and I made signes vnto them that they should withdraw themselues, and
that they should stand al vpon the side of an hill which was there
betweene a plaine and the riuer, and that they should not presse to me
aboue ten at a time. And immediately the most ancient among them called
unto them with a loud voyce, willing them to do so: and some ten or
twelue of them came where I was: whereupon seeing my selfe in some
securitie, I determined to goe on land the more to put them out of
feare: and for my more securitie, I made signes vnto them, to sit downe
on the ground which they did: but when they saw that ten or twelue of my
companions came a shore after me, they began to be angry, and I made
signes vnto them that we would be friends, and that they should not
feare, and herewithal they were pacified, and sate down as they did
before, and I went vnto them, and imbraced them, giuing them certain
trifles, commanding mine interpreter to speake vnto them, for I greatly
desired to vnderstand their maner of speech, and the cry which they made
at mee. And that I might knowe what maner of foode they had, I made a
signe vnto them, that wee would gladly eate, and they brought mee
certaine cakes of Maiz, and a loafe of Mizquiqui, and they made signes
vnto mee that they desired to see an harquebuse shot off, which I caused
to be discharged, and they were all wonderfully afraid, except two or
three olde men among them which were not mooued at all, but rather cried
out vpon the rest, because they were afrayd: and through the speach of
one of these olde men, they began to rise vp from the ground, and to lay
hold on their weapons: whom when I sought to appease, I would haue giuen
him a silken girdle of diuers colours, and hee in a great rage bitte his
nether lippe cruelly, and gaue mee a thumpe with his elbowe on the
brest, and turned in a great furie to speake vnto his company. After
that I saw them aduance their banners, I determined to returne my selfe
gently to my boates, and with a small gale of wind I set sayle, whereby
wee might breake the current which was very great, although my company
were not well pleased to goe any farther. In the meane space the Indians
came following vs along the shore of the riuer, making signes that I
should come on land, and that they would giue mee food to eate, some of
them sucking their fingers, and others entred into the water with
certaine cakes of Maiz, to giue me them in my boate.
[53] Rio Colorado.
Chap. 2.
Of the habite, armour and stature of the Indians. A relation of many
others with whom he had by signes traffique, victuals and many
courtesies.
[Sidenote: Good forecast.] In this sort we went vp two leagues, and I
arriued neere a cliffe of an hill, whereupon was an arbour made newly,
where they made signes vnto me, crying that I should go thither, shewing
me the same with their handes, and telling mee that there was meate to
eate. But I would not goe thither, seeing the place was apt for some
ambush, but followed on my voyage, within a while after issued out from
thence aboue a thousand armed men with their bowes and arrowes, and
after that many women and children shewed themselues, toward whom I
would not goe, but because the Sunne was almost set, I rode in the
middest of the riuer. These Indians came decked after sundry fashions,
some came with a painting that couered their face all ouer, some had
their faces halfe couered, but all besmouched with cole, and euery one
as it liked him best. Others carried visards before them of the same
colour which had the shape of faces. They weare on their heads a piece
of a Deeres skinne two spannes broad set after the maner of a helmet,
and vpon it certaine small sticks with some sortes of fethers. Their
weapons were bowes and arrowes of hard wood, and two or three sorts of
maces of wood hardened in the fire. This is a mightie people, well
feitured, and without any grossenesse. They haue holes bored in their
nostrels whereat certaine pendents hang: and others weare shelles, and
their eares are full of holes, whereon they hang bones and shelles. All
of them both great and small weare a girdle about their waste made of
diuerse colours, and in the middle is fastened a round bunch of
feathers, which hangeth downe behind like a tayle. Likewise on the
brawne of their armes they weare a streit string, which they wind so
often about that it becommeth as broad as ones hand. They weare certaine
pieces of Deeres bones fastened to their armes, wherewith they strike
off the sweate, and at the other certaine small pipes of canes.
[Sidenote: Pipes and bagges of tobacco.] They carry also certaine little
long bagges about an hand broade tyed to their left arme, which serue
them also instead of brasers for their bowes, full of the powder of a
certaine herbe, whereof they make a certaine beuerage. They haue their
bodies traced with coles, their haire cut before, and behind it hangs
downe to their wast. The women goe naked, and weare a great wreath of
fethers behind them, and before painted and glued together, and their
haire like the men. There were among these Indians three or foure men in
womens apparell. Nowe the next day being Saturday very early I went
forward on my way vp the riuer, setting on shore two men for eache boate
to drawe them with the rope, and about breaking foorth of the Sunne, wee
heard a mightie crie of Indians on both sides of the riuer with their
weapons, but without any banner. I thought good to attend their comming,
aswell to see what they woulde haue, as also to try whither our
interpreter could vnderstand them. When they came ouer against vs they
leapt into the riuer on both sides with their bowes and arrowes, and
when they spake, our interpreter vnderstoode them not: whereupon I
beganne to make a signe vnto them that they should lay away their
weapons, as the other had done. Some did as I willed them, and some did
not, and those which did, I willed to come neere me and gaue them some
things which we had to trucke withall, which when the others perceiued,
that they might likewise haue their part, they layd away their weapons
likewise. I iudging my selfe to be in securitie leaped on shore with
them, and stoode in the middest of them, who vnderstanding that I came
not to fight with them, began to giue some of those shels and beades,
and some brought me certaine skinnes well dressed, and others Maiz and a
roll of the same naughtily grinded, so that none of them came vnto me
that brought mee not something, and before they gaue it me going a
little way from mee they began to cry out amayne, and made a signe with
their bodies and armes, and afterward they approached to giue me that
which they brought. And now that the Sunne beganne to set I put off from
the shore, and rode, in the middest of the riuer. The next morning
before break of day on both sides of the riuer wee heard greater cries
and of more Indians, which leaped into the riuer to swimme, and they
came to bring mee certaine gourdes full of Maiz, and of those wrethes
which I spake of before. [Sidenote: A notable policie.] I shewed vnto
them Wheate and Beanes, and other seedes, to see whether they had any of
those kindes: but they shewed me that they had no knowledge of them, and
wondred at all of them, and by signes I came to vnderstand that the
thing which they most esteemed and reuerenced was the Sunne: and I
signified vnto them that I came from the Sunne. Whereat they maruelled,
and then they began to beholde me from the toppe to the toe, and shewed
me more favour then they did before; and when I asked them for food,
they brought me such aboundance that I was inforced twise to call for
the boates to put it into them, and from that time forward of all the
things which they brought me they flang vp into the ayre one part vnto
the Sunne, and afterward turned towards me to giue mee the other part:
and so I was alwayes better serued and esteemed of them as well in
drawing of the boats vp the riuer, as also in giuing me food to eat: and
they shewed me so great loue, that when I stayed they would have carried
vs in their armes vnto their houses: and in no kind of thing they would
breake my commandment: and for my suretie, I willed them not to carry
any weapons in my sight: and they were so careful to doe so, that if any
man came newly thither with them, suddenly they would goe and meete him
to cause him to lay them downe farre from mee: and I shewed them that I
tooke great pleasure in their so doing: [Sidenote: Swarmes of people.]
and to some of the chiefe of them I gaue certaine little napkins and
other trifles; for if I should haue giuen somewhat to euery one of them
in particular, all the small wares in New Spayne would not haue
sufficed. Sometimes it fell out (such was the great loue and good wil
which they shewed me) that if any Indians came thither by chance with
their weapons, and if any one being warned to leaue them behind him, if
by negligence, or because he vnderstood them not at the first warning,
he had not layd them away, they would runne vnto him, and take them from
him by force, and would breake them in pieces in my presence. Afterward
they tooke the rope so louingly, and with striuing one with another for
it, that we had no need to pray them to doe it. Wherefore if we had not
had this helpe, the current of the riuer being exceeding great, and our
men that drew the rope being not well acquainted with that occupation, it
would haue beene impossible for vs to haue gotten vp the riuer so
against the streame. When I perceiued that they vnderstood mee in all
things, and that I likewise vnderstoode them, I thought good to try by
some way or other to make a good entrance to find some good issue to
obtaine my desire: And I caused certaine crosses to be made of certaine
small sticks and paper, and among others when I gaue any thing I gaue
them these as things of most price and kissed them, making signes vnto
them that they should honour them and make great account of them, and
that they should weare them at their necks: giuing them to vnderstand
that this signe was from heauen, and they tooke them and kissed them,
and lifted them vp aloft, and seemed greatly to reioyce thereat when
they did so, and sometime I tooke them into my boate, shewing them great
good will, and sometime I gaue them of those trifles which I caried with
me. And at length the matter grew to such issue, that I had not paper
and stickes ynough to make crosses. In this matter that day I was very
well accompanied, vntill that when night approched I sought to lanch out
into the riuer, and went to ride in the middest of the streame, and they
came to aske leaue of me to depart, saying that they would returne the
next day with victuals to visite me, and so by litle and little they
departed, so that there stayed not aboue fiftie which made fires ouer
against vs, and stayed there al night calling vs, and before the day was
perfectly broken, they leapt into the water and swamme vnto vs asking
for the rope, and we gaue it them with a good will, thanking God for the
good prouision which he gaue vs to go vp the riuer: for the Indians were
so many, that if they had gone about to let our passage, although we had
bene many more then wee were, they might haue done it.
Chap. 3.
One of the Indians vnderstanding the language of the interpreter,
asketh many questions of the originall of the Spaniards, he
telleth him that their Captaine is the child of the Sunne, and
that he was sent of the Sunne vnto them, and they would haue
receiued him for their king. They take this Indian into their
boat, and of him they haue many informations of that countrey.
[Sidenote: A wise deuise.] In this manner we sailed vntill Tuesday at
night, going as we were wont, causing mine interpreter to speak vnto the
people to see if peraduenture any of them could vnderstand him, I
perceiued that one answered him, whereupon I caused the boates to be
stayed, and called him, which hee vnderstoode, charging mine interpreter
that hee should not speake nor answere him any thing else, but onely
that which I said vnto him: and I saw as I stood still that that Indian
began to speake to the people with great furie: whereupon all of them
beganne to drawe together, and mine interpreter vnderstood, that he
which came to the boate sayd vnto them, that he desired to knowe what
nation we were, and whence wee came, and whither we came out of the
water, or out of the earth, or from heauen: And at this speech an
infinite number of people came together, which maruelled to see mee
speake: and this Indian turned on this side and on that side to speake
vnto them in another language which mine interpreter vnderstood not.
Whereas he asked me what we were, I answered that we were Christians,
and that we came from farre to see them: and answering to the question,
who had sent me, I said, I was sent by the Sunne, pointing vnto him by
signes as at the first, because they should not take mee in a lye. He
beganne againe to ask mee, how the Sunne had sent me, seeing he went
aloft in the skie and never stoode still, and seeing these many yeeres
neither he nor their olde men had euer seene such as we were, of whome
they euer had any kind of knowledge, and that Sunne till that houre had
neuer sent any other. I answered him that it was true that the Sunne
made his course aloft in the skie, and did neuer stand still, yet
neuertheless that they might well perceiue that at his going downe and
rising in the morning hee came neere vnto the earth, where his dwelling
was, and that they euer sawe him come out of one place, and that hee had
made mee in that land and countrey from whence hee came, like as hee had
made many others which hee had sent into other parties, and that nowe
hee had sent me to visitie and view the same riuer, and the people that
dwelt neere the same, that I should speake vnto them, and should ioyne
with them in friendshippe, and should giue them things which they had
not, and that I should charge them that they should not make warre one
against another. Whereunto he answered, that I should tell him the cause
why the Sunne had not sent mee no sooner to pacifie the warres which had
continued a long time among them, wherein many had beene slaine. I tolde
him the cause hereof was, because at that time I was but a child. Then
he asked the interpreter whether wee tooke him with vs perforce hauing
taken him in the war, or whether he came with vs of his own accord. He
answered him that he was with vs of his owne accord, and was very wel
appaid of our company. He returned to enquire, why we brought none saue
him onely that vnderstood vs, and wherefore we vnderstood not all other
men, seeing we were the children of the Sunne: he answered, that the
Sunne also had begotten him, and giuen him a language to vnderstand him,
and me, and others: that the Sunne knew well that they dwelt there, but
that because he had many other businesses, and because I was but yong
hee sent me no sooner. And he turning vnto me sayd suddenly: Comest thou
therefore hither to bee our Lord, and that wee should serue thee? I
supposing that I should not please him if I should haue said yea,
answered him, not to be their Lord, but rather to be their brother, and
to giue them such things as I had. He asked me, whether the Sunne had
begotten me as he had begotten others, and whether I was his kinsman or
his sonne: I answered him that I was his sonne. He proceeded to aske me
whether the rest that were with me were also the children of the Sunne,
I answered him no, but that they were borne all with me in one countrey,
where I was brought vp. Then he cryed out with a loud voyce and sayd,
seeing thou doest vs so much good, and wilt not haue vs to make warre,
and art the child of the Sunne, wee will all receiue thee for our Lord,
and alwayes serue thee, therefore wee pray thee that thou wilt not
depart hence nor leaue vs: and suddenly hee turned to the people, and
beganne to tell them, that I was the childe of the Sunne, and that
therefore they should all chuse me for their Lord. Those Indians hearing
this, were astonied beyond measure, and came neerer still more and more
to behold me. That Indian also asked mee other questions, which to auoyd
tediousnesse I doe not recite: and in this wise we passed the day, and
seeing the night approch, I began by all meanes I could deuise to get
this fellow into our boat with vs: and he refusing to goe with vs, the
interpreter told him that wee would put him on the other side of the
riuer, and vpon this condition he entred into our boate, and there I
made very much of him, and gaue him the best entertaynement I could,
putting him alwayes in securitie, and when I iudged him to be out of all
suspition, I thought it good to aske him somewhat of that countrey. And
among the first things that I asked him this was one, whether hee had
euer seene any men like vs, or had heard any report of them. [Sidenote:
Newes of bearded and white men.] Hee answered mee no, sauing that hee
had sometime hearde of olde men, that very farre from that Countrey
there were other white men, and with beardes like vs, and that hee knewe
nothing else. I asked him also whether hee knewe a place called Ceuola,
and a Riuer called Totonteac, and hee answered mee no. Whereupon
perceiuing that hee coulde not giue mee any knowledge of Francis Vazquez
nor of his company, I determined to aske him other things of that
countrey, and of their maner of life: and beganne to enquire of him,
whether they helde that there was one God, creator of heauen and earth,
or that they worshipped any other Idol. [Sidenote: The Sunne worshipped
as God.] And hee answered mee no: but that they esteemed and reuerenced
the Sunne aboue all things, because it warmed them and made their
croppes to growe: and that of all things which they did eate, they cast
a little vp into the ayre vnto him. I asked him next whether they had
any Lorde, and hee sayde no: but that they knewe well, that there was a
great Lorde, but they knewe not well which way hee dwelt. And I tolde
him that hee was in heauen, and that hee was called Iesus Christ, and I
went no farther in diuinitie with him. I asked him whether they had any
warre, and for what occasion. Hee answered that they had warre and that
very great, and vpon exceeding small occasions: for when they had no
cause to make warre, they assembled together, and some of them sayd, let
vs goe to make warre in such a place, and then all of them set forward
with their weapons. I asked them who commanded the armie: he answered
the eldest and most valiant, and that when they sayd they should
proceede no farther, that suddenly they retired from the warre. I prayed
him to tell me what they did with those men which they killed in
battell: he answered me that they tooke out the hearts of some of them,
and eat them, and others they burned; and he added, that if it had not
bene for my comming, they should haue bin now at warre: and because I
commanded them that they should not war, and that they should cease from
armes, therefore as long as I should not command them to take armes,
they would not begin to wage warre against others, and they said among
themselues, that seeing I was come vnto them, they had giuen ouer their
intention of making warre, and that they had a good mind to liue in
peace. [Sidenote: Certaine warlike people behind a mountaine.] He
complained of certaine people which dwelt behind in a mountaine which
made great war vpon them, and slew many of them: I answered him, that
from henceforward they should not need to feare any more, because I had
commanded them to be quiet, and if they would not obey my commandement I
would chasten them and kill them. He enquired of me how I could kill
them seeing we were so few, and they so many in number. And because it
was now late and that I saw by this time he was weary to stay any longer
with me, I let him goe out of my boat, and therewith I dismissed him
very well content.
Chap. 4.
Of Naguachato and other chiefe men of those Indians they receiue
great store of victuals, they cause them to set vp a crosse in
their countreys, and hee teacheth them to worship it. They haue
newes of many people, of their diuers languages, and customes in
matrimony, how they punish adultery, of their opinions concerning
the dead, and of the sicknesses which they are subiect vnto.
The next day betimes in the morning came the chiefe man among them
called Naguachato, and wished me to come on land because he had great
store of victuals to giue me. And because I saw my selfe in securitie I
did so without doubting; and incontinently an olde man came with rols of
that Maiz, and certaine litle gourds, and calling me with a loud voyce
and vsing many gestures with his body and armes, came neere vnto me, and
causing me to turne me vnto that people, and hee himselfe also turning
vnto them sayd vnto them, Sagueyca, and all the people answered with a
great voyce, Hu, and hee offred to the Sunne a little of euery thing
that he had there, and likewise a little more vnto me (although
afterward he gaue me all the rest) and did the like to all that were
with me: and calling out mine interpreter, by meanes of him I gaue them
thanks, telling them that because my boats were litle I had not brought
many things to giue them in exchange, but that I would come againe
another time and bring them, and that if they would go with me in my
boates vnto my ships which I had beneath at the riuers mouth, I would
giue them many things. They answered that they would do so, being very
glad in countenance. Here by the helpe of mine interpreter I sought to
instruct them what the sign of the crosse meant, and willed them to
bring me a piece of timber, wherof I caused a great crosse to be made,
and commanded al those that were with mee that when it was made they
should worship it, and beseech the Lord to grant his grace that so great
a people might come to the knowledge of his holy Catholike faith: and
this done I told them by mine interpreter that I left them that signe,
in token that I tooke them for my brethren, and that they should keepe
it for me carefully vntill I returned, and that euery morning at the
Sunne rising they should kneele before it. And they tooke it
incontinently, and without suffering it to touch the ground, they
carried it to set it vp in the middest of their houses, where all of
them might beholde it; and I willed them alwayes to worshippe it because
it would preserue them from euill. They asked me how deep they should
set in the ground, and I shewed them. [Sidenote: These people are
greatly inclined to learne the Christian faith.] Great store of people
followed the same, and they that stayed behinde inquired of mee, how
they should ioyne their handes, and how they should kneele to worship
the same; and they seemed to haue great desire to learne it. [Sidenote:
The Riuer in diuers places full of shelfes.] This done, I tooke that
chiefe man of the Countrey, and going to our boates with him, I followed
my iourney vp the Riuer, and all the company on both sides of the shoare
accompanied me with great good will, and serued me in drawing of our
boates, and in halling vs off the sands whereupon we often fel: for in
many places we found the riuer so shoald, that we had no water for our
boats. As wee thus went on our way, some of the Indians which I had left
behind me, came after vs to pray mee that I would throughly instruct
them, how they should ioyne their hands in the worshipping of the
crosse: others shewed me whether they were well set in such and such
sort, so that they would not let me be quiet. Neere vnto the other side
of the riuer was greater store of people, which called vnto me very
often, that I would receiue the victuals which they had brought me. And
because I perceiued that one enuied the other, because I would not leaue
them discontented, I did so. And here came before me another old man
like vnto the former with the like ceremonyes and offrings: and I sought
to learne something of him as I had done of the other. This man said
likewise to the rest of the people, This is our lord. Now you see how
long ago our ancesters told vs, that there were bearded and white people
in the world, and we laughed them to scorne. I which am old and the rest
which are here, haue neuer seene any such people as these. And if you
wil not beleeue me, behold these people which be in this riuer: let vs
giue them therefore meate, seeing they giue vs of their victuals: let vs
willingly serue this lord, which wisheth vs so well, and forbiddeth vs
to make warre, and imbraceth all of vs: and they haue mouth, handes and
eyes as we haue, and speake as we doe. I gaue these likewise another
crosse as I had done to the others beneath, and said vnto them the selfe
same words: which they listened vnto with a better will, and vsed
greater diligence to learne that which I said. [Sidenote: Another
nation.] Afterward as I passed farther vp the riuer, I found another
people, whom mine interpreter vnderstood not a whit: wherefore I shewed
them by signes the selfe same ceremonies of worshipping the crosse,
which I had taught the rest. And that principal old man which I tooke
with me, told me that farthur vp the riuer I should find people which
would vnderstand mine interpreter: and being now late, some of those men
called me to giue me victuals, and did in all poynts as the others had
done, dauncing and playing to shew me pleasure. [Sidenote: People of 23.
languages dwelling along this riuer.] I desired to know what people
liued on the banks of this riuer: and I vnderstood by this man that it
was inhabited by 23 languages, and these were bordering vpon the riuer,
besides others not farre off, and that there were besides these 23.
languages, other people also which hee knewe not, aboue the riuer. I
asked him whether euery people were liuing in one towne together: and he
answered me, No: but that they had many houses standing scattered in the
fieldes, and that euery people had their Countrey seuerall and
distinguished, and that in euery habitation there were great store of
people. [Sidenote: Acuco as Gomara writeth is on a strong mountaine.] He
shewed me a towne which was in a mountaine, and told me that there was
there great store of people of bad conditions, which made continual
warre vpon them: which being without a gouernour, and dwelling in that
desert place, where small store of Maiz groweth, came downe into the
playne to buy it in trucke of Deeres skinnes, wherewith they were
apparelled with long garments, which they did cutte with rasors, and
sewed with needles made of Deeres bones: and that they had great houses
of stone. I asked them whether there were any there of that Countrey;
and I found one woman which ware a garment like a little Mantle, which
clad her from the waste downe to the ground, of a Deeres skin well
dressed. Then I asked him whether the people which dwelt on the riuers
side, dwelt alwayes there, or els sometime went to dwell in some other
place: he answered me, that in the summer season they aboade there, and
sowed there; and after they had gathered in their croppe they went their
way, and dwelt in other houses which they had at the foote of the
mountaine farre from the riuer. And hee shewed me by signes that the
houses were of wood compassed with earth without, and I vnderstood that
they made a round house, wherein the men and women liued all together. I
asked him whether their women were common or no: he tolde me no, and
that hee which was married, was to haue but one wife only. I desired to
know what order they kept in marying: and he tolde me, that if any man
had a daughter to marry, he went where the people kept, and said, I haue
a daughter to marry, is there any man here that wil haue her? And if
there were any that would haue her, he answered that he would haue her:
and so the mariage was made. [Sidenote: Dancing and singing at mariages
of the Sauages.] And that the father of him which would have her,
brought something to giue the yong woman; and from that houre forward
the mariage was taken to be finished, and that they sang and danced: and
that when night came, the parents tooke them, and left them together in
a place where no body might see them. And I learned that brethren, and
sisters, and kinsfolk married not together: and that maydes before they
were married conuersed not with men, nor talked not with them, but kept
at home at their houses and in their possessions, and wrought: and that
if by chance any one had company with men before she were married, her
husband forsooke her, and went away into other Countreyes: and that
those women which fell into this fault, were accompted naughty packs.
And that if after they were maried, any man were taken in adultery with
another woman, they put him to death: and that no man might haue more
that one wife, but very secretly. [Sidenote: They burne their dead.]
They tolde mee that they burned those which dyed: and such as remayned
widowes, stayed halfe a yeere, or a whole yeere before they married. I
desired to know what they thought of such as were dead. Hee told me that
they went to another world, but that they had neither punishment nor
glory. The greatest sicknesse that this people dye of is vomiting of
blood by the mouth: and they haue Physicions which cure them with
charmes and blowing which they make. [Sidenote: Pipes to drinke Tabacco
with.] The apparell of these people were like the former: they carried
their pipes with them to perfume themselues, like as the people of New
Spaine vse Tabacco. I inquired whether they had any gouernour, and found
that they had none, but that every family had their seuerall gouernour.
[Sidenote: Maize, gourds, Mill.] These people haue besides their Maiz
certaine gourds, and another corne like vnto Mill: [Sidenote:
Grindestones, earthern pots, good fish.] they haue grindstones and
earthern pots, wherein they boyle those gourds, and fish of the riuer,
which are very good. My interpreter could goe no farther then this
place: for he said that those which we should find farther on our way,
were their enemies, and therefore I sent him backe very well contented.
Not long after I espied many Indians to come crying with a loude voice,
and running after me. [Sidenote: This riuer ouerfloweth his banks at
certaine seasons.] I stayed to know what they would haue; and they told
me that they had set vp the crosse which I had giuen them, in the midst
of their dwellings as I had appointed, but that I was to wit, that when
the riuer did ouerflow, it was wont to reach to that place, therefore
they prayed mee to giue them leaue to remove it, and to set it in
another place where the riuer could not come at it, nor carry it away:
which I granted them.
Chap. 5.
Of an Indian of that countrey they haue relation of the state of
Ceuola, and of the conditions and customes of these people, and of
their gouernour: and likewise of the countreys not farre distant
from thence, whereof one was called Quicoma, and the other Coama:
of the people of Quicoma, and of the other Indians not farre
distant they receiue courtesie.
Thus sayling I came where were many Indians, and another interpreter,
which I caused to come with me in my boat. And because it was cold, and
my people were wet, I leapt on shore, and commanded a fire to be made,
and as we stood thus warming our selues, an Indian came and strooke me
on the arme, pointing with his finger to a wood, out of which I saw two
companies of men come with their weapons, and he told me that they came
to set vpon vs: and because I meant not to fall out with any of them, I
retired my company into our boats, and the Indians which were with me
swam into the water, and saued themselues on the other side of the
riuer. In the meane season I inquired of that Indian which I had with
me, what people they were that came out of the wood: and he told me that
they were their enemies, and therefore these others at their approch
without saying any word leapt into the water: and did so, because they
meant to turne backe againe, being without weapons, because they brought
none with them, because they vnderstood my wil and pleasure, that they
should cary none. I inquired the same things of this interpreter which I
had done of the other of the things of that countrey, because I
vnderstood that among some people one man vsed to haue many wiues, and
among others but one. [Sidenote: Ceuola 40 dayes iourney from thence by
the riuer.] Now I vnderstood by him, that he had bin at Ceuola, and that
it was a moneths iourney from his country, and that from that place by a
path that went along that riuer a man might easily trauel thither in xl.
daies, and that the occasion that moued him to go thither, was only to
see Ceuola, because it was a great thing, and had very hie houses of
stone of 3. or 4. lofts, and windowes on ech side; that the houses were
compassed about with a wall conteining the height of a man and an halfe,
and that aloft and beneath they were inhabited with people, and that
they vsed the same weapons, that others vsed, which we had seene, that
is to say, bowes and arrowes, maces, staues and bucklers: [Sidenote:
Turqueses in Ceuola.] and that they had one gouernor, and that they were
apparelled with mantles, and with oxe-hides, and that their mantles had
a painting about them, and that their gouernour ware a long shirt very
fine girded vnto him, and ouer the same diuers mantles: and that the
women ware very long garments, and that they were white, and went all
couered: and that euery day many Indians wayted at the gate of their
gouernour to serue him, and that they did weare many Azure or blew
stones, which were digged out of a rocke of stone, and that they had but
one wife, with whom they were maried, and that when their gouernors
died, all the goods that they had were buried with them. And likewise
all the while they eate, many of their men waite at their table to court
them, and see them eate, and that they eate with napkins, and that they
haue bathes. On Thursday morning at breake of day the Indians came with
the like cry to the banke of the riuer, and with greater desire to serue
vs, bringing me meat to eat, and making me the like good cheere, which
the others had done vnto me, hauing vnderstood what I was: and I gaue
them crosses, with the self same order which I did vnto the former. And
going farther vp the riuer I came to a country where I found better
gouernment: for the inhabitants are wholly obedient vnto one only. But
returning againe to conferre with mine interpreter touching the
dwellings of those of Ceuola, he tolde me, that the lord of that
countrey had a dog like that which I caried with me. [Sidenote: This was
the Negro that went with Frier Marco de Niza.] Afterward when I called
for dinner, this interpreter saw certaine dishes caried in the first and
later seruice, whereupon he told me that the lord of Ceuola had also
such as those were, but that they were greene, and that none other had
of them sauing their gouernour, and that they were 4, which he had
gotten together with that dogge, and other things, of a blacke man which
had a beard, but that he knew not from what quarter he came thither, and
that the king caused him afterward to be killed, as he heard say. I
asked him whether he knew of any towne that was neere vnto that place:
he tolde me that aboue the riuer he knew some, and that among the rest
there was a lord of a towne called Quicoma, and another of a towne
called Coama: and that they had great store of people vnder them. And
after he had giuen me this information, he craued leaue of me to returne
vnto his companions. From hence I began againe to set saile, and within
a dayes sayling I found a towne dispeopled: where assoone as I was
entred, by chance there arriued there 500. Indians with their bowes and
arrowes, and with them was that principal Indian called Naguachato,
which I had left behind, and brought with them certaine conies and
yucas: and after I had friendly interteined them all, departing from
them, I gaue them license to returne to their houses. As I passed
further by the desert, I came to certain cotages, out of which much
people came toward me with an old man before them, crying in a language
which mine interpreter wel vnderstood, and he said vnto those men:
Brethren, you see here that lord; let vs giue him such as we haue,
seeing he dooth vs pleasure, and hath passed through so many
discourteous people, to come to visit vs. And hauing thus said, he
offred to the Sunne, and then to me in like sort as the rest had done.
These had certaine great bags and well made of the skins of fishes
called Sea-bremes. And I vnderstood that this was a towne belonging vnto
the lord of Quicoma, which people came thither onely to gather the fruit
of their haruest in summer; and among them I found one which vnderstood
mine interpreter very well: whereupon very easily I gaue them the like
instruction of the crosse which I had giuen to others behind. These
people had cotton, but they were not very carefull to vse the same:
because there was none among them that knew the arte of weauing, and to
make apparel thereof. They asked me how they should set vp their crosse
when they were come to their dwelling which was in the mountaine, and
whether it were best to make an house about it, that it might not be
wet, and whether they should hang any thing vpon the armes therof. I
said no; and that it sufficed to set it in a place where it might be
seene of all men, vntill I returned: and lest peraduenture any men of
warre should come that way, they offred mee more men to goe with me,
saying that they were naughty men which I should finde aboue; but I
would haue none: neuerthelesse 20. of them went with me, which when I
drew neere vnto those which were their enemies, they warned mee thereof:
and I found their centinels set vpon their guarde on their borders. On
Saturday morning I found a great squadron of people sitting vnder an
exceeding great arbour, and another part of them without: and when I saw
that they rose not vp, I passed along on my voyage: when they beheld
this an old man rose vp which said vnto me, Sir, why doe you not receiue
victuals to eate of vs, seeing you haue taken food of others? I
answered, that I tooke nothing but that which was giuen me, and that I
went to none but to such as requested me. Here without any stay they
brought me victuals, saying vnto me, that because I entred not into
their houses, and stayed all day and all night in the riuer, and because
I was the sonne of the Sunne, all men were to receiue me for their lord.
I made them signes to sit down, and called that old man which mine
interpreter vnderstood, and asked him whose that countrey was, and
whether the lord thereof was there, he said yes: and I called him to me;
and when he was come, I imbraced him, shewing him great loue: and when I
saw that all of them tooke great pleasure at the friendly interteinment
which I gaue him, I put a shirt vpon him, and gaue him other trifles,
and willed mine interpreter to vse the like speaches to that lord which
he had done to the rest; and that done, I gaue him a crosse, which he
receiued with a very good wil, as the others did: and this lord went a
great way with me, vntill I was called vnto from the other side of the
riuer, where the former old man stood with much people: to whom I gaue
another crosse, vsing the like speach to them which I had vnto the rest,
to wit, how they should vse it. Then following my way, I mette with
another great company of people, with whom came that very same olde man
whom mine interpreter vnderstood; and when I saw their lord which he
shewed vnto me, I prayed him to come with me into my boat, which he did
very willingly, and so I went still vp the riuer, and the olde man came
and shewed me who were the chiefe lords: and I spake vnto them alwayes
with great courtesie, and all of them shewed that they reioyced much
thereat, and spake very wel of my comming thither. At night I withdrew
my selfe into the midst of the riuer, and asked him many things
concerning that country: and I found him as willing and wel disposed to
shew them me, as I was desirous to know them. [Sidenote: Ceuola a goodly
thing.] I asked him of Ceuola: and he told me he had bin there, and that
it was a goodly thing, and that the lord thereof was very wel obeyed:
and that there were other lords thereabout, with whom he was at
continual warre. I asked him whether they had siluer and gold, and he
beholding certain bels, said they had metal of their colour. [Sidenote:
Gold and siluer in a mountaine neere Ceuola.] I inquired whether they
made it there and he answered me no, but that they brought it from a
certain mountaine, where an old woman dwelt. [Sidenote: This riuer
seemeth to bee Northward by the colde.] I demanded whether he had any
knowledge of a riuer called Totonteac, he answered me no, but of another
exceeding mighty riuer, wherein there were such huge Crocodiles, that of
their hides they made bucklers, and that they worship the Sunne neither
more nor lesse then those which I had passed: and when they offer vnto
him the fruits of the earth, they say: Receiue hereof, for thou hast
created them, and that they loued him much, because he warmed them; and
that when he brake not foorth, they were acolde. Herein reasoning with
him, he began somewhat to complaine, saying vnto me, I know not
wherefore the Sunne vseth these termes with vs, because he giueth vs not
clothes, nor people to spin nor to weaue them, nor other things which he
giueth to many other, and he complayned that those of that country would
not suffer them to come there, and would not giue them of their corne. I
told him that I would remedie this, whereat he remayned very well
satisfied.
Chap. 6.
They are aduertised by the Indians, wherefore the lorde of Ceuola
killed the Negro, which went with Frier Marco, and of many other
things: And of an old woman called Guatazaca, which liueth in a
lake and eateth no food. The description of a beast, of the skinne
whereof they make targets. The suspition that they conceiue of
them, that they are of those Christians which were seene at
Ceuola, and how they cunningly saue themselues.
The next day which was Sunday before breake of day, began their cry as
they were woont: and this was the cry of 2. or 3. sorts of people, which
had lyen all night neere the riuers side, wayting for me: and they tooke
Maiz and other corne in their mouth, and sprinkled me therewith, saying
that that was the fashion which they vsed when they sacrificed vnto the
Sunne: afterward they gaue me of their victuals to eat, and among other
things, they gaue me many white peason. I gaue them a crosse as I had
done to the rest: and in the meane season that old man tolde them great
matters of my doing, and poynted me out with his finger, saying, this is
the lord, the sonne of the Sunne: and they made me to combe my beard,
and to set mine apparel handsomely which I ware vpon my backe. And so
great was the confidence that they had in me, that all of them told me
what things had passed, and did passe among them, and what good or bad
mind they bare one toward another. I asked them wherefore they imparted
vnto me all their secrets, and that old man answered mee: Thou art our
lord, and we ought to hide nothing from our lord. After these things,
following on our way, I began againe to inquire of him the state of
Ceuola, and whether he knewe that those of this countrey had euer seene
people like vnto vs: he answered me no, sauing one Negro which ware
about his legs and armes certain things which did ring. [Sidenote: The
Negro that went with Frier Marco de Niza slaine.] Your lordship is to
cal to mind how this Negro which went with frier Marco was wont to weare
bels, and feathers on his armes and legs, and that he caried plates of
diuers colours, and that it was not much aboue a yeere agoe since he
came into those parts. [Sidenote: The cause wherefore Stephan Dorantez
the Negro was slaine.] I demanded vpon what occasion he was killed; and
he answered me, That the lord of Ceuola inquired of him whether he had
other brethren: he answered that he had an infinite number, and that
they had great store of weapons with them, and that they were not very
farre from thence. Which when he had heard, many of the chiefe men
consulted together, and resolued to kil him, that he might not giue
newes vnto these his brethren, where they dwelt, and that for this cause
they slew him, and cut him into many pieces, which were diuided among
all those chiefe lords, that they might know assuredly that he was dead:
and also that he had a dogge like mine, which he likewise killed a great
while after. I asked him whether they of Ceuola had any enemies, and he
said they had. And he reckoned vnto me 14. or 15. lords which had warre
with them: and that they had mantles, and bowes like those aboue
mentioned: howbeit he told me that I should find going vp the riuer a
people that had no warre neither with their neighbors, nor with any
other. [Sidenote: Antonio d'Espejo speaketh of such a great lake.] He
told me that they had 3. or 4. sorts of trees bearing most excellent
fruite to eate: and that in a certaine lake dwelt an olde woman, which
was much honoured and worshipped of them: and that shee remayned in a
litle house which was there, and that she neuer did eate any thing: and
that there they made things which did sound, and that many mantles,
feathers and Maiz were giuen vnto her. I asked what her name was, and he
tolde me that she was called Guatuzaca, and that thereabout were many
lords which in their life and death, vsed the like orders which they of
Ceuola did, which had their dwelling in the summer with painted mantles,
and in the winter dwelt in houses of wood of 2. or 3. lofts hie: and
that he had seene all these things, sauing the old woman. And when
againe I began to aske him more questions, he would not answere me,
saying that he was wearie of me: and many of those Indians comming about
me, they said among themselues: Let vs marke him well, that we may knowe
him when he commeth back againe. The Monday following, the riuer was
beset with people like to them, and I began to request the old man to
tell me what people were in that countrey, which told me he thought I
would soone forget them: and here he reckoned vp vnto me a great number
of lords, and people at the least 200. And discoursing with him of their
armour, he said that some of them had certaine very large targets of
lether, aboue two fingers thicke. [Sidenote: This might be the crooke
backed oxe of Quiuira.] I asked him of what beasts skinne they made
them: and he discribed vnto me a very great beast, like vnto an Oxe, but
longer by a great handfull, with broad feete, the legs as bigge as the
thigh of a man, and the head seuen handfuls long, the forehead of three
spannes, and the eyes bigger then ones fist, and the hornes of the
length of a mans leg, out of which grew sharpe poynts, an handfull long,
the forfeete and hinderfeete aboue seuen handfuls bigge, with a wrethed
tayle, but very great; and holding vp his armes aboue his head, he said
the beast was higher then that. After this hee gaue mee information of
another olde woman which dwelt toward the sea side. I spent this day in
giuing crosses to those people as I had done vnto the former. This old
man that was with me leapt on shore, and fell in conference with another
which that day had often called him; and here both of them vsed many
gestures in their speach, moouing their armes, and poynting at me.
[Sidenote: The Sauages treasons to be taken heede of.] Therefore I sent
mine interpreter out, willing him to drawe neere vnto them, and listen
what they said; and within a while I called him, and asked him whereof
they talked, and he sayd, that he which made those gestures said vnto
the other, that in Ceuola there were others like vnto vs with beards,
and that they said they were Christians, and that both of them sayd that
we were all of one company, and that it were a good deede to kill vs,
that those others might haue no knowledge of vs, lest they might come to
doe them harme: and that the old man had answered him, this is the sonne
of the Sunne, and our lord, he doth vs good, and wil not enter into our
houses, although we request him thereunto: he will take away nothing of
ours, he wil meddle with none of our women, and that to be short, he had
spoken many other things in my commendation and fauour: and for all this
the other stedfastly affirmed that we were all one, and that the old man
said, Let vs goe vnto him, and aske him whether he be a Christian as the
other be, or els the sonne of the Sonne: and the old man came vnto me,
and sayd: In the countrey of Ceuola whereof you spake vnto me doe other
men like vnto you dwell. [Sidenote: Certaine newes of the Spanyards at
Ceuola.] Then I began to make as though I wondred, and answered him,
that it was impossible; and they assured me that it was true, and that
two men had seene them which came from thence, which reported that they
had things which did shoote fire, and swords as we had. I asked them
whether they had seene them with their owne eyes? and they answered no;
but that certaine of their companions had seene them. Then hee asked mee
whether I were the sonne of the Sunne, I answered him yea. They said
that those Christians of Ceuola said so likewise. And I answered them
that it might well be. Then they asked mee if those Christians of Ceuola
came to ioyne themselues with me, whether I would ioyne with them: and I
answered them, that they needed not to feare any whit at all, for if
they were the sonnes of the Sunne as they said, they must needes be my
brethren, and would vse towards all men the like loue and courtesie
which I vsed: whereupon hereat they seemed to be somewhat satisfied.
Chap. 7.
It is tolde him that they are ten dayes iourney distant from Ceuola,
and that there be Christians there, which make warre against the
lords of that countrey. Of the Sodomie which those Indians vse
with foure young men, appoynted for that seruice, which weare
womens apparel. Seeing they could not send newes of their being
there to them of Ceuola, they went backe againe downe the riuer to
their ships.
[Sidenote: Ceuola tenne dayes distant from this place. A desert of ten
dayes iourney.] Then I prayed them to tel me how many dayes that kingdom
of Ceuola, which they spake of, was distant from that riuer: and that
man answered, that there was the space of tenne dayes iourney without
habitation, and that he made none accompt of the rest of the way,
because there were people to be found. Vpon this aduertisement I was
desirous to certifie Captaine Francis Vazquez of my being there, and
imparted my mind with my souldiers, among whom I found none that was
willing to goe thither, although I offered them many rewards in your
lordships name, onely one Negro slaue though with an euil wil offred
himselfe vnto me to go thither: but I looked for the comming of those
two Indians which they tolde me of, and herewithall we went on our way
vp the riuer against the streame in such sort as we had done before.
Here that olde man shewed me as a strange thing a sonne of his clad in
womans apparel, exercising their office: I asked him how many there were
of these among them, and he told me there were foure; and that when any
of them died, there was a search made of all the women with child which
were in the country, and that the first sonne which was borne of them,
was appoynted to doe that duetie belonging vnto women, and that the
women clad him in their apparell, saying, that seeing he was to doe that
which belonged to them, he should weare their apparel: these yong men
may not haue carnall copulation with any woman: but all the yong men of
the countrey which are to marrie, may company with them. These men
receiue no kind of reward for this incestuous act of the people of that
countrey, because they haue libertie to take whatsoeuer they find in any
house for their food. I saw likewise certaine women which liued
dishonestly among men: and I asked the old man whether they were
married, who answered me noe, but they were common women, which liued
apart from the married women. I came at length after these discourses to
pray them to send for those Indians, which they said had bin at Ceuola,
and they told me that they were eight dayes iourney distant from that
place, but that notwithstanding there was one among them which was their
companion and which had spoken with them, as he met them on the way,
when they went to see the kingdome of Ceuola, and that they told him
that he were not best to goe any farther, for he should find there a
fierce nation like vs: and of the same qualities and making, which had
fought much with the people of Ceuola, because they had killed a Negro
of their company saying, Wherefore haue yee killed him? what did he to
you? did he take any bread from you, or do you any other wrong? and such
like speech. And they said moreouer, that these people were called
Christians, which dwelt in a great house, and that many of them had oxen
like those of Ceuola, and other litle blacke beastes with wooll and
hornes, and that some of them had beasts which they rode vpon, which ran
very swiftly; and that one day before their departure, from sunne rising
vntill sunne setting these Christians were all day in comming thither,
and all of them lodged in that place where others had lodged, and that
these two met with two Christians, which asked them whence they were,
and whether they had fields sowen with corne: and they told them that
they dwelt in a farre country, and that they had corne, and that then
they gaue each of them a litle cap and they gaue them another to cary to
their other companions, which they promised to do, and departed quickly.
When I vnderstood this, I spoke againe with my company, to see if any
one of them would go thither, but I found them vnwilling as at the
first, and they layd against me greater inconueniences. [Sidenote: A
desert.] Then I called the old man to see if he would giue me any people
to goe with me, and victuals to trauel through that wildernes, but he
laid before me many inconueniences and dangers, which I might incurre in
that voyage, shewing me the danger that there was in passing by a lord
of Cumana, which threatned to make warre vpon them, because his people
had entred into the others country to take a stagge, and that I should
not therefore depart thence without seeing him punished. And when I
replied that in any wise I must needes goe to Ceuola, he willed me to
surcease from that purpose, for they looked that that lord without a
doubt would come to annoy them, and that therefore they could not leaue
their countrey naked to goe with me, and that it would be better, that I
would make an end of that warre betweene them, and that then I might
haue their company to Ceuola. And vpon this point we grew to such
variance, that we began to grow into choler, and in a rage he would haue
gone out of the boat, but I stayed him, and with gentle speeches began
to pacifie him, seeing that it imported mee much to haue him my friend:
but for all my courtesies which I shewed him, I could not alter him from
his mind, wherein he stil remained obstinate. In the meane while I sent
a man away vnto my ships to giue them knowledge of the iourney that I
had determined to make. After this I prayed the old man that he would
fetch him backe again, because I had determined, that seeing I saw no
meanes to be able to go to Ceuola, and because I would stay no longer
among those people because they should not discouer me, and likewise
because I meant in person to visit my ships, with determination to
returne againe vp the riuer, carying with me other companions, and leaue
there some which I had sicke, and telling the olde man and the rest that
I would returne, and leauing them satisfied the best I could (although
they alwayes said that I went away for feare) I returned downe the
riuer: and that way which I had gone against the streame vp the riuer in
15 dayes and an halfe, [Sidenote: He returneth in 2 dayes and an halfe
to his ships.] I made in my returne in 2 dayes and an halfe, because the
streame was great and very swift. In this wise going downe the riuer,
much people came to the banks, saying, Sir, wherefore doe you leaue vs?
what discourtesie hath bin done vnto you? did you not say that you would
remayne continually with vs, and be our Lord; And turne backe again? if
any man aboue the riuer hath done you any wrong we will goe with our
weapons with you and kill him; and such like words ful of loue and
kindnes.
Chap. 8.
When they came to their shippes the Captaine named the coast La
Campanna de la Cruz, and builded a Chapel vnto our Lady, and
called the riuer El Rio de Buena Guia, and returned vp the same
againe? when he came to Quicona and Coama the Lords of those
places vsed him very courteously.
Vpon mine arriuall at my ships I found all my people in health, although
very heauie for my long stay, and because the current had fretted fower
of their cables, and that they had lost two ankers which were recouered.
After we had brought our ships together, I caused them to bring them
into a good harbour, and to giue the carena to the shippe called Sanct
Peter, and to mend all that were needfull. And here assembling all my
company together, I opened vnto them what knowledge I had receiued of
Francis Vasquez; and how it might be that in those sixeteene dayes
space which I was in sayling vp the riuer he might peraduenture haue
some knowledge of me, and that I was minded to returne vp the riuer once
againe to try if I could finde any means to ioyne myself with him: and
although some spake against my determination, I caused al my boates to
bee made ready, because the ships had no need of them. [Sidenote: Mark
what things the Spaniardes cary with them in newe discoueries.] I caused
one of them to be filled with wares of exchange, with corne and other
seedes, with hennes and cockes of Castile, and departed vp the riuer,
leauing order that in that prouince called Campanna de la Cruz they
should build an Oratorie or Chapell, and called it the Chappell of our
Lady de la Buena Guia, and that they should call this riuer Rio de Buena
because that is your Lordships Deuise: I carried with me Nicolas
Zamorano Pilote mayor, to take the height of the pole. And I departed
on Tuesday the fourteenth of September, and on Wednesday I came vnto the
first dwellings of the first Indians, which came running to hinder my
passage, supposing that we had bene other people, for we caried with vs
a fifer, and a drummer, and I was clad in other apparell, then I went in
before, when they saw me first of all: and when they knew me they
stayed, though I could not grow vnto perfect friendship with them,
whereupon I gaue some of those seedes which I brought with mee; teaching
them how they should sow them, and after I had sayled 3 leagues, my
first interpretour came euen to my boat to seeke me with great ioy, of
whom I demanded wherefore he had left me, he tolde me that certaine
companions of his had led him away. I made him good countenance and
better intertainment, because he should beare me companie againe,
considering howe much it did importe me to haue him with me. [Sidenote:
Parrats in these parts.] He excused himselfe because he stayed there to
bring mee certaine feathers of Parrats, which he gaue me. [Sidenote: Two
moones to Ceuola.] I asked him what people these were, and whether they
had any Lord: hee answered me yea; and named three or foure vnto me, of
24 or 25 names of people which he knew and that they had houses painted
within, and that they had trafficke with those of Ceuola, and that in
two moones he came into the countrey. [Sidenote: Another booke written
of the particulars of that countrey.] He told me moreouer many other
names of Lords, and other people, which I haue written downe in a booke
of mine, which I will bring myselfe vnto your Lordship. But I thought
good to deliuer this brief relation to Augustine Guerriero in this hauen
of Colima, that he might send it ouerland to your Lordshippe, to whom I
haue many other things to imparte.
But to returne to my iourney, I arrived at Quicama, where the Indians
came forth with great ioy and gladnes to receive me, aduertizing me that
their Lord waited for my comming; to whom when I was come I found that
he had with him fiue or sixe thousand men without weapons, from whom he
went aparte with some two hundred onely, all which brought victuals with
them, and so he came towards me, going before the rest with great
authoritie, and before him and on each side of him were certaine which
made the people stand aside, making him way to passe. Hee ware a garment
close before and behind and open on both sides, fastened with buttons,
wrought with white and blacke checker worke, it was very soft and well
made, being of the skinnes of certaine delicate fishes called Sea
breams. Assoone as he was come to the waters side his seruants tooke him
vp in their armes, and brought him into my boate, where I embraced him
and receiued him with great ioy, shewing vnto him much kindnesse: vpon
which intertainment his people standing by and beholding the same seemed
not a litle to reioyce. This Lord turning himselfe to his people willed
them to consider my courtesie, and that he being of his owne accord come
vnto me with a strange people, they might see how good a man I was, and
with how great loue I had entertained him, and that therefore they
should take me for their Lord, and that all of them should become my
seruants, and doe whatsoever I would command them. There I caused him to
sit downe, and to eat certaine conserues of sugar which I had brought
with mee, and willed the interpreter to thanke him in my name for the
fauour which he had done me in vouchsafing to come to see mee,
recommending vnto him the worshipping of the crosse, and all such other
things as I had recommended to the rest of the Indians; namely that they
should liue in peace, and should leaue off warres, and should continue
alwayes good friendes together: he answered that of long time they had
continued in warres with their neighbours, but that from thence forward
he would command his people that they should giue food to all strangers
that passed through his kingdome, and that they should doe them no kinde
of wrong, and that if any nation should come to inuade him, he said he
would tell them howe I had commanded that they should liue in peace, and
if they refused the same, he would defend himselfe, and promised me,
that he would neuer goe to seeke warre, if others came not to invade
him. Then I gaue him certaine trifles, as well of the seedes which I
brought, as of the hens of Castile, wherewith he was not a litle
pleased. And at my departure I caryed certaine of his people with me, to
make friendship betweene them and those other people which dwelt aboue
the Riuer: and here the interpreter came vnto me, to craue leaue to
returne home: and I gaue him certaine gifts wherewith he departed
greatly satisfied.
The next day I came to Coama, and many of them knew me not, seeing me
clad in other aparrel, but the old man which was there as soone as he
knew me leapt into the water, saying vnto me, Sir, lo here is the man
which you left with me, which came forth very ioyfull and pleasant
declaring vnto me the great courtesies which that people had shewed him,
saying that they had strouen together who should haue him to his house,
and that it was incredible to thinke what care they had at the rising of
the Sunne to hold vp their hands and kneele before the Crosse. I gaue
them of my seedes and thanked them hartily for the good entertainement
which they had shewed my man, and they besought me that I would leaue
him with them, which I granted them vntill my return, and he stayed
among them very willingly. [Sidenote: Treason of the sauages.] Thus I
went forward vp the Riuer, taking that olde man in my companie, which
tolde mee, that two Indians came from Cumana to enquire for the
Christians, and that he had answered them that he knew none such, but
that he knew one which was the sonne of the Sunne, and that they had
perswaded him to ioyne with them to kill mee and my companions. I wished
him to lend me two Indians, and I would send word by them, that I would
come vnto them, and was desirous of their friendship, but that if they
on the contrary would haue warre, I would make such a warre with them,
that should displease them. And so I passed through all that people, and
some came and asked me, why I had not giuen them Crosses as well as the
rest, and so I gaue them some.
Chap. 9.
They goe on land, and see the people worship the Crosse which they
had giuen them. The Captain causeth an Indian to make a draught of
the countrey: hee sendeth a Crosse to the Lord of Cumana, and
going down the Riuer with the streame, he arriueth at his ships.
Of the error of the Pilots of Cortez as touching the situation of
this Coast.
The next day I went on land to see certaine cottages, and I found many
women and children holding vp their hands and kneeling before a Crosse
which I had giuen them. When I came thither I did the like my self; and
conferring with the old man, he began to informe me of as many people
and Prouinces as he knew. And when euening was come I called the old man
to come and lodge with mee in my boate; hee answered that hee would not
goe with mee because I would wearie him with asking him questions of so
many matters: I told him that I would request him nothing else but that
he would set me downe in a chart as much as he knew concerning that
Riuer, and what maner of people those were which dwelt vpon the banckes
thereof on both sides: which he did willingly. And then he requested me
that I would describe my countrey vnto him, as he had done his vnto me.
And for to content him, I caused a draught of certaine things to be made
for him. The next day I entred betweene certaine very high mountaines,
through which this Riuer passeth with a streight chanel, and the boats
went vp against the streame very hardly for want of men to draw the
same. Here certaine Indians came and told me, that in the same place
there were certaine people of Cumana, and among the rest an enchanter,
who enquired which way we would passe; and they telling him that we
meant to passe by the Riuer, he set certaine canes on both sides
thereof, through which wee passed, without receiuing any kinde of domage
which they intended against vs. Thus going forward I came vnto the house
of the olde man which was in my company, and here I caused a very high
crosse to be set vp, whereupon I engraued certaine letters to signifie
that I was come thither: and this I did, that if by chance any of the
people of the generall Vasquez de Coronado should come thither, they
might haue knowledge of my being there. At length seeing I could not
attaine to the knowledge of that which I sought for, I determined to
returne backe vnto my ships. And being ready to depart there arriued two
Indians, which by meanes of the interpreters of the old man, told me
that they were sent to me, and that they were of Cumana, and that their
Lord could not come himselfe, because he was farre from that place, but
desired me to signifie vnto him what my pleasure was. I told them, that
I wished that he would alwayes imbrace peace, and that I was comming to
see that countrey, but being inforced to returne backe downe the Riuer I
could not now doe it, but that hereafter I would returne, and that in
the meane season they should giue that Crosse vnto their Lorde, which
they promised me to do, and they went directly to cary him that Crosse
with certaine feathers which were on the same. [Sidenote: This Riuer ran
much farther vp then he had trauelled.] Of these I sought to vnderstand
what people dwelt vpward vpon the bankes of the Riuer, which gaue me
knowledge of many people, and told me that the Riuer went farre more vp
into the land then I had yet seene, but that they knew not the head
thereof, because it was very far into the countrey, and that many other
Riuers fell into the same.
Hauing learned thus much the next day morning I returned downe the
Riuer, and the day following I came where I had left my Spaniard, with
whom I spake, and told him that all things had gone well with me, and
that at this time and the former I had gone aboue 30 leagues into the
countrey. The Indians of that place inquired of me what the cause was of
my departure, and when I would returne: to whom I answered, that I would
returne shortly. Thus sayling downe the streame, a woman leapt into the
water crying vnto vs to stay for her, and shee came into our boate, and
crept vnder a bench, from whence we could not make her to come out: I
understood that shee did this, because her husband had taken vnto him
another wife, by whom hee had children, saying that she ment not to
dwell any longer with him, seeing he had taken another wife. Thus shee
and another Indian came with me of their owne accord, and so I came into
my ships, and making them ready we proceeded home on our voyage,
coasting and oftentimes going on land, and entering a great way into the
countrey, to see if I could learne any newes of Captaine Francis Vasquez
and his companie; of whom I could haue no other knowledge, but such as I
learned in the aforesaide Riuer. I bring with me many actes of taking
possession of all that Coast. And by the situation of the Riuer, and the
height which I tooke, I finde that that which the Masters and Pilots of
the Marquesse tooke is false, and that they were deceiued by 2 degrees,
and I haue sayled beyond them aboue 4 degrees. I sayled vp the Riuer 85
leagues, where I saw and learned all the particulars before mentioned,
and many other things; whereof when it shall please God to giue me leaue
to kisse your Lordships hands, I will deliuer you the full and perfect
relation. I thinke my selfe to haue had very good fortune, in that I
found Don Luis de Castilia, and Augustine Ghenero in the port of Colima:
for the Galiot of the Adelantado came vpon mee, which was there with the
rest of his fleet, and commanded me to strike sayle, which seeming a
strange thing vnto me, and not vnderstanding in what state things were
in Nueua Espanna, I went about to defend my selfe, and not to doe it. In
the meane while came Don Luis de Castilia in a boate and conferred with
mee, and I lay at anchor on the other side of the hauen where the saide
fleete road, and I gaue vnto him this relation (and to auoyd striffe I
determined to sayle away by night) which relation I caryed about me
briefly written; for I alwayes had a purpose to send the same, as soone
as I should touch vpon Nueua Espanna, to aduertise your Lordship of my
proceedings.
An extract of a Spanish letter written from Pueblo de los Angeles
in Nueua Espanna in October 1597, touching the discouerie of the
rich Isles of California, being distant eight dayes sayling from
the maine.
We haue seene a letter written the eight of October 1597, out of a towne
called Pueblo de los Angeles situate eighteene leagues from Mexico,
making mention of the Ilands of California situate two or three hundreth
leagues from the maine land of Nueua Espanna, in Mar del Sur: as that
thither haue bene sent before that time some people to conquer them:
which with losse of some twentie men were forced backe. After that they
had wel visited and found those Islands or countreys to be very rich of
gold and siluer mynes, and of very fayre Orientall pearles, which were
caught in good quantitie vpon one fathome and an halfe passing in
beautie the pearles of the Island Margarita: the report thereof caused
the Vice-roy of Mexico to send a citizen of Mexico with two hundreth men
to conquer the same. Therein also was affirmed that within eight dayes
they could sayle thither from the mayne.
The course which Sir Francis Drake held from the hauen of Guatulco
in the South sea on the backe side of Nueua Espanna, to the
North-west of California as far as fourtie three degrees: and his
returne back along the said Coast to thirtie eight degrees: where
finding a faire and goodly hauen, he landed, and staying there
many weekes, and discouering many excellent things in the
countrey and great shewe of rich minerall matter, and being
offered the dominion of the countrey by the Lord of the same, hee
tooke possession thereof in the behalfe of her Maiestie, and
named it Noua Albion.
Wee kept our course from the Isle of Cano (which lyeth in eight degrees
of Northerly latitude, and within two leagues of the maine of Nicaragua,
where wee calked and trimmed our ship) along the Coast of Nueua Espanna,
vntill we came to the Hauen and Towne of Guatulco, which (as we were
informed) had but seuenteene Spaniards dwelling in it, and we found it
to stand in fifteene degrees and fiftie minutes.
Assoone as we were entred this Hauen we landed, and went presently to
the towne, and to the Towne house, were we found a Iudge sitting in
iudgement, he being associate with three other officers, vpon three
Negroes that had conspired the burning of the Towne: both which Iudges,
and prisoners we tooke, and brought them a shippeboord, and caused the
chiefe Iudge to write his letter to the Towne, to command all the
Townesmen to auoid, that we might safely water there. Which being done,
and they departed, wee ransaked the Towne, and in one house we found a
pot of the quantitie of a bushell full of royals of plate, which we
brought to our ship.
And here one Thomas Moone one of our companie, took a Spanish gentleman
as he was flying out of the Towne, and searching him he found a chaine
of Gold about him, and other jewels, which we tooke and so let him goe.
[Sidenote: The Portugal Pilote set on land.] At this place our Generall
among other Spaniards, set ashore his Portugall Pilote, which he tooke
at the Island of Cape Verde, out of a ship of Saint Marie port of
Portugall, and hauing set them ashoore, we departed thence.
Our General at this place and time thinking himselfe both in respect of
his priuate injuries receiued from the Spaniards, as also of their
contempts and indignities offered to our Countrey and Prince in
generall, sufficiently satisfied, and reuenged: and supposing that her
Maiestie at his returne would rest contented with this seruice, purposed
to continue no longer vpon the Spanish coastes, but began to consider
and to consult of the best way for his Countrey.
He thought it not good to returne by the Streights, for two speciall
causes: the one, least the Spaniards should there waite, and attend for
him in great number and strength, whose handes he being left but one
ship, could not possibly escape. The other cause was the dangerous
situation of the mouth of the Streits of the South side, with continuall
stormes raining and blustring, as he found by experience, besides the
shoals and sands vpon the coast, wherefore he thought it not a good
course to aduenture that way: he resolued therefore to auoide these
hazards, to goe forward to the Islands of the Malucos, and therehence to
saile the course of the Portugales by the Cape of Bona Sperança.
Vpon this resolution, he began to thinke of his best way for the
Malucos, and finding himselfe, where hee now was, becalmed, hee sawe
that of necessitie hee must bee enforced to take a Spanish course,
namely to saile somewhat Northerly to get a good winde, and thus much we
sayled from the 16 of Aprill after our olde stile till the third of
Iune.
[Sidenote: Sir Francis Drake sayled on the backe side of America, to 43
degrees of Northerly latitude. 38 degrees.] The fift day of Iune being
in fortie three degrees towardes the pole Arcticke, being speedily come
out of the extreame heate, wee found the ayre so colde, that our men
being pinched with the same, complayned of the extremitie thereof, and
the further we went, the more the colde increased vpon vs, whereupon we
thought it best for that time to seeke land, and did so, finding it not
mountainous, but low plaine land, and we drew backe againe without
landing, til we came within thirtie eight degrees towardes the line. In
which height it pleased God to send vs into a faire and good Bay, with a
good winde to enter the same.
In this Bay wee ankered the seuententh of Iune, and the people of the
Countrey, hauing their houses close by the waters side, shewed
themselues vnto vs, and sent a present to our Generall.
When they came vnto vs, they greatly wondred at the things which we
brought, but our Generall (according to his naturall and accustomed
humanitie) curteously intreated them, and liberally bestowed on them
necessarie things to couer their nakednesse, whereupon they supposed vs
to be gods, and would not be perswaded to the contrary: the presentes
which they sent vnto our Generall were feathers, and cals of net worke.
[Sidenote: A description of the people and Countrey of Noua Albion.]
Their houses are digged round about with earth, and haue from the
vttermost brimmes of the circle clifts of wood set vpon them, ioyning
close together at the toppe like a spire steeple, which by reason of
that closenesse are very warme.
Their bed is the ground with rushes strawed on it, and lying about the
house, they haue the fire in the middest. The men goe naked, the women
take bulrushes and kembe them after the maner of hempe, and thereof
make their loose garments, which being knit about their middles, hang
downe about their hippes, hauing also about their shoulders a skinne of
Deere, with the haire vpon it. These women are very obedient and
seruiceable to their husbands.
After they were departed from vs, they came and visited vs the second
time, and brought with them feathers and bags of Tabacco for presents:
And when they came to the toppe of the hil (at the bottome whereof wee
had pitched our tents) they stayed themselues, where one appointed for
speaker, wearied himselfe with making a long oration, which done, they
left their bowes vpon the hill and came downe with their presents.
In the meane time the women remaining on the hill, tormented themselues
lamentably, tearing their flesh from their cheekes, whereby we perceiued
that they were about a sacrifice. In the meane time our Generall, with
his companie, went to prayer, and to reading of the Scriptures, at which
exercise they were attentiue and seemed greatly to be affected with it:
but when they were come vnto vs they restored againe vnto vs those
things which before we had bestowed vpon them.
The newes of our being there being spread through the countrey, the
people that inhabited round about came downe, and amongst them the king
himself, a man of a goodly stature, and comely personage, with many
other tall and warlike men: before whose comming were sent two
Ambassadours to our Generall, to signifie that their king was comming,
in doing of which message, their speech was continued about halfe an
howre. This ended, they by signes requested our Generall to send
something by their hand to their king, as a token that his comming might
bee in peace: wherein our Generall hauing satisfied them, they returned
with glad tidings to their king, who marched to vs with a princely
Maiestie, the people crying continually after their maner, and as they
drewe neere vnto vs, so did they striue to behaue themselues in their
actions with comelinesse.
[Sidenote: These are like chaines of Esurnoy in Canada and Hochelage.]
In the fore front was a man of a goodly personage, who bare the scepter,
or mace before the king, whereupon hanged two crownes, a lesse and a
bigger, with three chaines of a marueilous length: the crownes were made
of knit work wrought artificially with feathers of diuers colours: the
chaines were made of a bony substance and few be the persons among them
that are admitted to weare them: and of that number also the persons
are stinted, as some ten, some twelue, &c. Next vnto him which bare the
scepter, was the king himselfe, with his Guarde about his person, clad
with Conie skinnes, and other skinnes: after them followed the naked
common sort of people, euery one hauing his face painted, some with
white, some with blacke, and other colours, and hauing in their hands
one thing or other for a present, not so much as their children, but
they also brought their presents.
In the meane time, our Generall gathered his men together, and marched
within his fenced place, making against their approching, a very warlike
shewe. They being trooped together in their order, and a general
salutation being made, there was presently a generall silence. When he
that bare the scepter before the king, being informed by another, whome
they assigned to that office, with a manly and loftie voice, proclaimed
that which the other spake to him in secret, continuing halfe an houre:
which ended, and a generall Amen as it were giuen, the king with the
whole number of men, and women (the children excepted) came downe
without any weapon, who descending to the foote of the hill, set
themselues in order.
In comming towards our bulwarks and tents, the scepter bearer began a
song, obseruing his measures in a dance, and that with a stately
countenance, whom the king with his Garde, and euery degree of persons
following, did in like maner sing and dance, sauing onely the women
which daunced and kept silence. The General permitted them to enter
within our bulwark, where they continued their song and daunce a
reasonable time. When they had satisfied themselues, they made signes to
our Generall to sit downe, to whom the king, and diuers others made
seueral orations, or rather supplication, that he would take their
prouince and kingdom into his hand, and become their king, making signes
that they would resigne vnto him their right and title of the whole
land, and become his subiects. [Sidenote: The king resignes his crowne
and kingdome to Sir Frances Drake. Great riches in Noua Albion.] In
which to perswade vs the better, the king and the rest, with one consent
and with great reuerence, ioyfully singing a song, did set the crowne
vpon his head, inriched his necke with all their chaines, and offered
vnto him many other things, honouring him by the name of Hioh, adding
thereunto as it seemed a signe of triumph: which thing our Generall
thought not meete to reiect, because hee knewe not what honour and
profite it might bee to our countrey. Wherefore in the name, and to the
vse of her Maiestie, he tooke the scepter, crowne and dignitie of the
said Countrey in his hands, wishing that the riches and treasure thereof
might so conueniently be transported to the inriching of her kingdome at
home, as it aboundeth in the same.
The common sort of the people leauing the king and his Guarde with our
Generall, scattered themselues together with their sacrifices among our
people, taking a diligent viewe of euery person; and such as pleased
their fancie, (which were the yongest) they inclosing them about offred
their sacrifices vnto them with lamentable weeping, scratching, and
tearing the flesh from their faces with their nayles, whereof issued
abundance of blood. But wee vsed signes to them of disliking this, and
stayed their hands from force, and directed them vpwardes to the liuing
God, whome onely they ought to worshippe. They shewed vnto vs their
wounds, and craued helpe of them at our handes, whereupon wee gaue them
lotions, plaisters, and ointments agreeing to the state of their
griefes, beseeching God to cure their deseases. Euery thirde day they
brought their sacrifices vnto vs, vntill they vnderstoode our meaning,
that we had no pleasure in them: yet they could not be long absent from
vs, but daily frequented our company to the houre of our departure,
which departure seemed so grieuous vnto them, that their ioy was turned
into sorrow. They intreated vs, that being absent wee would remember
them, and by stelth prouided a sacrifice, which we misliked.
Our necessarie businesse being ended, our Generall with his companie
traueiled vp into the Countrey to their villages, where we found heardes
of Deere by a thousand in a companie, being most large and fat of body.
[Sidenote: Abundance of strange conies.] We found the whole countrey to
bee a warren of a strange kinde of Conies, their bodyes in bignes as be
the Barbary Conies, their heads as the heades of ours, the feet of a
Want, and the taile of a Rat being of great length: vnder her chinne on
either side a bagge, into the which shee gathereth her meate when she
hath filled her belly abroad. The people eate their bodies, and make
great account of their skinnes, for their Kings coate was made of them.
Our Generall called this countrey, Noua Albion, and that for two causes:
the one in respect of the white bankes and cliffes, which lye towardes
the sea: and the other, because it might haue some affinitie with our
Countrey in name, which sometimes was so called.
[Sidenote: Golde and siluer in the earth of Noua Albion.] There is no
part of earth heere to be taken vp, wherein there is not some special
likelihood of gold or siluer.
At our departure hence our Generall set vp a monument of our being
there; as also of her Maiesties right and title to the same, namely a
plate nailed vpon a faire great poste, whereupon was ingrauen her
Maiesties name, the day and yeere of our arriuall there, with the free
giuing vp of the Prouince and people into her Maiesties hands, together
with her highnesse picture and armes, in a piece of sixe pence of current
English money vnder the plate, where vnder was also written the name of
our Generall.
It seemeth that the Spaniards hitherto had neuer bene in this part of
the countrey, neither did euer discouer the land by many degrees to the
Southwards of this place.
THE DISCOVERIE
OF THE LARGE, RICH, AND BEAUTIFULL EMPIRE OF GUIANA, WITH A
RELATION OF THE GREAT AND GOLDEN CITIE OF MANOA (WHICH THE
SPANIARDS CALL EL DORADO) AND THE PROUINCES OF EMERIA, AROMAIA,
AMAPAIA, AND OTHER COUNTRIES, WITH THEIR RIUERS ADIOYNING.
PERFORMED IN THE YEERE 1595 BY SIR WALTER RALEGH KNIGHT, CAPTAINE
OF HER MAIESTIES GUARD, LORDE WARDEN OF THE STANNERIES, AND HER
HIGHNESSE LIEUTENANT GENERALL OF THE COUNTIE OF CORNE-WALL.
To the right Honourable my singular good Lord and kinsman Charles
Howard, Knight of the Garter, Baron and Counceller, and of the
Admirals of England the most renowmed: and to the right
Honourable Sir Robert Cecyll knight, Counceller in her Highnesse
Priuie Councils.
For your Honours many Honourable and friendly partes, I haue hitherto
onely returned promises, and now for answere of both your adventures, I
haue sent you a bundle of papers, which I haue deuided betwene your
Lordship, and Sir Robert Cecyll in these two respects chiefly: First for
that it is reason, that wastful factors, when they haue consumed such
stockes as they had in trust, doe yeeld some colour for the same in
their account; secondly for that I am assured, that whatsoeuer shall bee
done, or written by me, shall neede a double protection and defence. The
triall that I had of both your loues, when I was left of all, but of
malice and reuenge, makes me still presume, that you wil be pleased
(knowing what litle power I had to performe ought, and the great
aduantage of forewarned enemies) to answer that out of knowledge, which
others shal but obiect out of malice. In my more happy times as I did
especially Hon. you both, so I found that your loues sought mee out in
the darkest shadow of aduersitie, and the same affection which
accompanied my better fortune, sored not away from me in my many
miseries: al which though I can not requite yet I shal euer acknowledge:
and the great debt which I haue no power to pay, I can do no more for a
time but confesse to be due. It is true that as my errors were great, so
they haue yeelded very grieuous effects, and if ought might haue bene
deserued in former times to haue conterpoysed any part of offences, the
fruit thereof (as it seemeth) was long before fallen from the tree, and
the dead stocke onely remained. I did therefore euen in the winter of my
life, vndertake these trauels, fitter for bodies lesse blasted with
misfortunes, for men of greater abilitie, and for minds of better
incouragement, that thereby, if it were possible, I might recouer but
the moderation of excesse, and the least tast of the greatest plenty
formerly possessed. If I had knowen other way to win, if I had imagined
how greater aduentures might haue regained, if I could conceiue what
farther meanes I might yet vse, but euen to appease so powerful
displeasure, I would not doubt but for one yeere more to hold fast my
soule in my teeth, till it were performed. Of that litle remaine I had,
I haue wasted in effect all herein. I haue vndergone many constructions.
I haue been accompanyed with many sorrows, with labour, hunger, heat,
sicknes, and perill: It appeareth notwithstanding that I made no other
brauado of going to the sea, then was ment, and that I was neuer hidden
in Cornewall, or els where, as was supposed. They haue grosly belied me,
that foreiudged, that I would rather become a seruant to the Spanish
King, then returne, and the rest were much mistaken, who would haue
perswaded, that I was too easefull and sensuall to vndertake a iourney
of so great trauell. But, if what I haue done, receiue the gracious
construction of a painefull pilgrimage, and purchase the least
remission, I shall thinke all too litle, and that there were wanting to
the rest many miseries. But if both the times past, the present, and
what may be in the future, doe all by one grain of gall continue in
eternall distaste; I doe not then know whether I should bewaile my selfe,
either for my too much trauell and expence, or condemne my selfe for
doing lesse then that, which can deserue nothing. From my selfe I haue
deserued no thankes, for I am returned a begger, and withered, but that
I might haue bettred my poore estate, it shall appeare by the following
discourse, if I had not onely respected her Maiesties future Honour, and
riches. It became not the former fortune in which I once liued, to goe
iourneys of picory, it had sorted ill with the offices of Honour, which
by her Maiesties grace I hold this day in England, to run from Cape to
Cape, and from place to place, for the pillage of ordinaries prizes.
Many yeeres since, I had knowledge by relation, of that mighty, rich and
beautifull Empier of Guiana, and of that great and golden Citie, which
the Spaniards call El Dorado, and the naturals Manoa, which Citie was
conquered, reedified, and inlarged by a yonger sonne of Guainacapa
Emperour of Peru, at such time as Francisco Piçarro and others conquered
the said Empire, from his two elder brethren, Guascar, and Atabalipa,
both then contending for the same, the one being fauoured by the
Orejones of Cuzco, the other by the people of Caxamalca. I sent my
seruant Iacob Whiddon the yere before, to get knowledge of the passages,
and I had some light from Captaine Parker, sometime my seruant, and nowe
attending on your Lordship, that such a place there was to the Southward
of the great Bay of Charuas, or Guanipa: but I found that it was 600
miles farther off then they supposed, and many other impediments to them
vnknowen and vnheard. After I had displanted Don Antonio de Berreo, who
was vpon the same enterprize, leauing my ships at Trinidad at the Port
called Curiapan, I wandred 400 miles into the said countrey by lande and
riuer: the particulars I will leaue to the following discourse. The
countrey hath more quantity of gold by manifolde, then the best partes
of the Indies, or Peru: All the most of the kings of the borders are
already become her Maiesties vassals: and seeme to desire nothing more
then her Maiesties protection and the returne of the English nation. It
hath another ground and assurance of riches and glory, then the voyages
of the West Indies, an easier way to inuade the best parts thereof, then
by the common course. The king of Spaine is not so impouerished, by
taking three or foure Port townes in America, as wee suppose, neither
are the riches of Peru, or Nueua Espanna so left by the sea side, as it
can bee easily washt away with a great flood, or springtide, or left dry
vpon the sandes on a lowe ebbe. The Port townes are fewe and poore in
respect of the rest within the lande, and are of litle defence, and are
onely rich, when the Fleets are to receiue the treasure for Spaine: and
we might thinke the Spaniards very simple, hauing so many horses and
slaues, if they could not vpon two dayes warning cary all the golde they
haue into the land, and farre enough from the reach of our foote-men,
especially the Indies being (as they are for the most part) so
mountainous, so full of woodes, riuers, and marishes. In the Port townes
of the Prouince of Veneçuela, as Cumana, Coro and S. Iago (whereof Coro
and S. Iago were taken by Captaine Preston, and Cumana and S. Iosepho by
vs) we found not the value of one riall of plate in either: but the
Cities of Barquasimeta, Valencia, S. Sebastian, Cororo, S. Lucia,
Laguna, Maracaiba, and Truxillo, are not so easely inuaded: neither
doeth the burning of those on the coast impouerish the king of Spaine
any one ducat: and if we sacke the riuer of Hacha, S. Marta, and
Cartagena, which are the Portes of Nueuo reyno, and Popayan; there are
besides within the land, which are indeed riche and populous the townes
and Cities of Merida, Lagrita, S. Christophoro, the great Cities of
Pamplon, S. Fe de Bogota, Tunxa and Mozo where the Esmeralds are found,
the townes and Cities of Marequita, Velez, la Villa de Leua, Palma,
Vnda, Angustura, the great citie of Timana, Tocaima, S. Aguila, Pasto,
Iuago, the great Citie of Popaian it selfe, Los Remedios, and the rest.
If we take the Ports and villages within the Bay of Vraba in the kingdom
or riuers of Dariene, and Caribana, the Cities and townes of S. Iuan de
Roydas, of Cassaris, of Antiocha, Caramanta, Cali, and Anserma haue gold
enough to pay the kings part, and are not easily inuaded by the way of
the Ocean: or if Nombre de Dios and Panama be taken in the Prouince of
Castilla del oro, and the villages vpon the riuers of Cenu and Chagre;
Peru hath besides those and besides the magnificent cities of Quito and
Lima so many ylands, ports, cities, and mines, as if I should name them
with the rest, it would seem incredible to the reader; of all which,
because I haue written a particular treatise of the West Indies, I wil
omit the repetition at this time, seeing that in the said treatise I
haue anatomised the rest of the sea-townes, aswel of Nicaragua, Iucatan,
Nueua Espanna, and the ylands, as those of the Inland, and by what
meanes they may be best inuaded, as far as any meane iudgment can
comprehend. But I hope it shal appeare that there is a way found to
answer euery mans longing, a better Indies for her Maiestie then the
King of Spaine hath any: which if it shal please her highnes to
vndertake, I shall most willingly end the rest of my daies in folowing
the same: if it be left to the spoile and sackage of common persons, if
the loue and seruice of so many nations be dispised, so great riches,
and so mighty an empire refused, I hope her maiesty wil yet take my
humble desire and my labor therin in gracious part, which, if it had not
bin in respect of her highnes future honor and riches, could haue laid
hands on and ransomed many of the kings and Casiqui of the country, and
haue had a reasonable proportion of gold for their redemption: but I
haue chosen rather to beare the burden of pouerty, then reproch, and
rather to endure a second traue and the chances therof, then to haue
defaced an enterprise of so great assurance, vntil I knew whether it
pleased God to put a disposition in her princely and royal heart either
to folow or foreslow the same: I wil therefore leaue it to his ordinance
that hath only power in all things, and do humbly pray that your honors
wil excuse such errors, as without the defence of art, ouerrun in euery
part of the folowing discourse, in which I haue neither studied phrase,
forme or fashion, that you will be pleased to esteeme mee as your owne
(though ouer dearly bought) and I shall euer remaine ready to do you all
honour and seruice.
W. R.
¶ To the Reader.
Because there haue bin diuers opinions conceiued of the gold oare broght
from Guiana, and for that an Alderman of London and an officer of her
Maiesties Mint, hath giuen out that the same is of no price, I haue
thought good by the addition of these lines to giue answer aswel to the
said malicious slander, as to other obiections. It is true that while we
abode at the yland of Trinidad, I was informed, by an Indian, that not
far from the Port, where we ancored, there were found certaine mineral
stones which they esteemed to be gold, and were thereunto perswaded the
rather for that they had seene both English and Frenchmen gather, and
imbark some quantities therof: vpon this likelyhood I sent 40. men and
gaue order that each one should bring a stone of that mine to make trial
of the goodnes: which being performed, I assured them at their returne
that the same was Marcasite, and of no riches or value: notwithstanding
diuers, trusting more to their owne sence, then to my opinion, kept of
the said Marcasite, and haue tried therof since my returne in diuers
places. In Guiana it selfe I neuer saw Marcasite, but al the rocks,
mountains, al stones in the plaines, woods, and by the riuers side are
in effect throughshining, and seem maruelous rich, which being tried to
be no Marcasite, are the true signes of rich minerals, but are no other
then El madre del oro (as the Spaniards terme them) which is the mother
of gold, or as it is said by others the scum of gold: of diuers sorts of
these many of my company brought also into England, euery one taking the
fairest for the best, which is not general. For mine own part I did not
countermand any mans desire, or opinion, and I could haue aforded them
litle if I should haue denied them the pleasing of their owne fancies
therein: but I was resolued that gold must be found either in graines
separate from the stone (as it is in most of the riuers of Guiana) or
els in a kind of hard stone, which we call The white spar, of which I
saw diuers hils, and in sundry places, but had neither time nor men, nor
instruments fit for labour. Neere vnto one of the riuers I found of the
said White sparre or flint a very great ledge or banke, which I
endeuoured to breake by al the meanes I could, because there appeared on
the outside some smal graines of golde, but finding no meane to worke
the same vpon the vpper part, seeking the sides and circuit of the said
rocke, I found a clift in the same from whence with daggers, and with
the head of an axe, we got out some smal quantitie therof, of which kind
of white stone (wherin gold engendred) we saw diuers hils and rocks in
euery part of Guiana, wherein we traueiled. Of this there haue bin made
many trials, and in London it was first assaid by M. Westwood a refiner
dwelling in Woodstreet, and it held after the rate of 12000. or 13000.
pounds a tunne. Another sort was afterward tried by M. Bulmar and M.
Dimock Assay-master, and it held after the rate of 23000 li. a tunne.
There was some of it againe tried by M. Palmer comptroller of the Mint,
and M. Dimock in goldsmiths hal, and it held after 26900. li. a tun.
There was also at the same time, and by the same persons a trial made of
the dust of the said mine which held 8. li. 6. ounces weight of gold in
the 100: there was likewise at the same time a triall of an image of
copper made in Guiana, which held a third part of gold, besides diuers
trials made in the countrey, and by others in London. But because there
came ill with the good, and belike the said Alderman was not presented
with the best, it hath pleased him therefore to scandall all the rest,
and to deface the enterprize as much as in him lieth. It hath also bene
concluded, by diuers, that if there had bin any such oare in Guiana, and
the same discouered, that I would haue brought home a greater quantitie
thereof: first I was not bound to satisfie any man of the quantitie, but
such only as aduentured, if any store had bin returned thereof: but it
is very true that had al their mountaines bene of massie gold, it was
impossible for vs to haue made any longer stay to haue wrought the same:
and whosoeuer hath seene with what strength of stone the best gold oare
is inuironed, hee will not thinke it easy to be had out in heapes, and
especially by vs, who had neither men, instruments, nor time (as it is
said before) to performe the same. There were on this discouery no lesse
then 100. persons, who can all witnesse, that when we past any branch of
the riuer to view the land within, and staied from our boats but 6.
houres, wee were driuen to wade to the eyes, at our returne: and if we
attempted the same, the day following it was impossible either to ford
it, or to swim it, both by reason of the swiftnesse, and also for that
the borders were so pestred with fast woods, as neither boat nor man
could find place, either to land or to imbarke: for in Iune, Iuly,
August and September, it is impossible to nauigate any of those riuers:
for such is the fury of the current, and there are so many trees and
woods ouerflowne, as if any boat but touch vpon any tree or stake, it is
impossible to saue any one person therein: and yer [ed: before] we
departed the land it ranne with such swiftnes, as wee draue downe most
commonly against the wind, little lesse then 100. miles a day: Besides
our were no other then whirries, one little barge, a small cockboat, and
a bad Galiota, which we framed in hast for that purpose at Trinidad, and
those little boats had 9. or 10. men a piece, with all their victuals,
and armes. It is further true, that we were about 400. miles from our
ships, and had bene a moneth from them, which also we left weakly manned
in an open road, and had promised our returne in 15. dayes. Others haue
deuised that the same oare was had from Barbary, and that we caried it
with vs into Guiana: surely the singularitie of that deuice I doe not
well comprehend: for mine owne part, I am not so much in loue with these
long voyages, as to deuise, therby to cozen my selfe, to lie hard, to
fare worse, to be subiected to perils, to diseases, to ill sauors, to be
parched and withered, and withall to sustaine the care and labour of
such an enterprize, except the same had more comfort, then the fetching
of Marcasite in Guiana, or buying of gold oare in Barbary. But I hope
the better sort will judge me by themselves, and that the way of deceit
is not the way of honour or good opinion: I have herein consumed much
time, and many crownes, and I had no other respect or desire then to
serue her Majestie and my country thereby. If the Spanish nation had
bene of like beliefe to these detracters, we should litle have feared or
doubted their attempts, wherewith we now are daily threatned. But if we
now consider of the actions both of Charles the 5. who had the
maidenhead of Peru, and the abundant treasures of Atabalipa, together
who the affaires of the Spanish king now liuing, what territories he
hath purchased, what he hath added to the acts of his predecessors, how
many kingdoms he hath indangered, how many armies, garisons, and nauies
he hath and doth mainteine, the great losses which he hath repaired, as
in 88. aboue 100 saile of great ships with their artillery, and that no
yere is lesse vnfortunate but that many vessels, treasures, and people
are deuoured, and yet notwithstanding he beginneth againe like a storme
to threaten shipwrack to vs all: we shall find that these abilities rise
not from the trades of sacks, and Siuil oringes, nor from ought els that
either Spaine, Portugal, or any of his other prouinces produce: it is
his Indian gold that indangereth and disturbeth all the nations of
Europe, it purchaseth intelligence, creepeth into counsels, and setteth
bound loyaltie at libertie, in the greatest Monarchies of Europe. If the
Spanish king can keepe vs from forren enterprizes, and from the
impeachment of his trades, either by offer of inuasion, or by besieging
vs in Britaine, Ireland, or elsewhere, hee hath then brought the worke
of our peril in great forwardnes. Those princes which abound in treasure
haue great aduantages ouer the rest, if they once constraine them to a
defensiue war, where they are driuen once a yere or oftener to cast lots
for their own garments, and from such shal all trades and entercourse be
taken away, to the general losse and impouerishment of the kingdom and
common weale so reduced: besides when our men are constrained to fight,
it hath not the like hope, as when they are prest and incouraged by the
desire of spoile and riches. Farther, it is to be douted how those that
in time of victory seeme to affect their neighbor nations, wil remaine
after the first view of misfortunes, or il successe; to trust also to
the doubtfulnes of a battel, is but a fearefull and vncertaine
adventure, seeing therein fortune is as likely to preuaile, as vertue.
It shall not be necessary to alleage all that might bee said, and
therefore I will thus conclude, that whatsoeuer kingdome shall be
inforced to defend it selfe, may be compared to a body dangerously
diseased, which for a season may be preserued with vulgar medicines, but
in a short time, and by litle and litle, the same must needs fall to the
ground, and be dissolued. I have therefore laboured all my life, both
according to my smal power, and perswasion, to aduance al those
attempts, that might either promise return of profit to our selues, or
at least be a let and impeachment to the quiet course and plentifull
trades of the Spanish nation, who in my weake judgement by such a warre
were as easily indangered and brought from his powerfulnes, as any
prince of Europe, if it be considered from how many kingdoms and nations
his reuenues are gathered, and those so weake in their owne beings, and
so far seuered from mutual succour. But because such a preparation and
resolution is not to be hoped for in hast, and that the time which our
enemies imbrace, cannot be had againe to aduantage, I wil hope that
these prouinces, and that Empire now by me discouered shal suffice to
inable her Maiestie and the whole kingdome, with no lesse quantities of
treasure, then the king of Spaine hath in all the Indies East and West,
which he possesseth, which if the same be considered and followed, ere
the Spaniards enforce the same, and if her Maiestie wil vndertake it, I
wil be contented to lose her highnesse fauour and good opinion for euer,
and my life withall, if the same be not found rather to exceed, then to
equal, whatsoeuer is in this discourse promised or declared. I will now
referre the Reader to the following discourse, with the hope that the
perillous and chargeable labours and indeuors of such as thereby seeke
the profit and honour of her Maiestie, and the English nation, shall by
men of qualitie and vertue receiue such construction, and good
acceptance, as themselves would looke to be rewarded withall in the
like.
W. R.
¶ The discouerie of Guiana.
On Thursday the 6. of February in the yeere 1595. we departed England,
and the Sunday following had sight of the North cape of Spaine, the
winter for the most part continuing prosperous: we passed in sight of
the Burlings, and the Rocke, and so onwards for the Canaries, and fel
with Fuerte ventura the 17 of the same moneth, where we spent two or
three dayes, and relieued our companies with some fresh meat. From
thence we coasted by the Grand Canaria, and so to Tenerif, and stayed
there for the Lions whelpe your Lordships ship, and for Captaine Amyas
Preston and the rest. [Sidenote: The yle of Trinidad.] But when after 7.
or 8. dayes wee found them not, we departed and directed our course for
Trinidad with mine owne ship, and a small barke of Captaine Crosses
onely (for we had before lost sight of a small Galego on the coast of
Spaine, which came with vs from Plimmouth) we arriued at Trinidad the
22. of March, casting ancker at point Curiapan, which the Spaniards call
punta de Gallo, which is situate in 8. degrees or there abouts: we abode
there 4. or 5. dayes, and in all that time we came not to the speach of
any Indian or Spaniard: on the coast we saw a fire, as we sailed from
the point Caroa towards Curiapan, but for feare of the Spaniards none
durst come to speake with vs. I my selfe coasted it in my barge close
abord the shore and landed in euery Coue, the better to know the yland,
while the ships kept the chanell. From Curiapan after a fewe dayes we
turned vp Northeast to recouer that place which the Spaniards call
Puerto de los Espannoles, and the inhabitants Conquerabia, and as before
(reuictualling my barge) I left the ships and kept by the shore, the
better to come to speach with some of the inhabitants, and also to
vnderstand the riuers, watering places, and ports of the yland, which
(as it is rudely done) my purpose is to send your Lordship after a few
dayes. From Curiapan I came to a port and seat of Indians called Parico,
where we found a fresh water riuer, but saw no people. From thence I
rowed to another port, called by the naturals Piche, and by the
Spaniards Tierra de Brea: In the way betweene both were diuers little
brookes of fresh water and one salt riuer that had store of oisters vpon
the branches of the trees, and were very salt and well tasted. All their
oisters grow vpon those boughs and spraies, and not on the ground: the
like is commonly seene in other places of the West Indies, and else
where. This tree is described by Andrew Theuet in his French
Antarctique, and the forme figured in the booke as a plant very strange,
and by Plinie in his 12. booke of his naturall historie. But in this
yland, as also in Guiana there are very many of them.
At this point called Tierra de Brea or Piche there is that abundance of
stone pitch, that all the ships of the world may be therewith loden from
thence, and we made trial of it in trimming our shippes to be most
excellent good, and melteth not with the Sunne as the pitch of Norway,
and therefore for shippes trading the South parts very profitable. From
thence wee went to the mountaine foote called Anniperima, and so passing
the riuer Carone on which the Spanish Citie was seated, we met with our
ships at Puerto de los Espannoles or Conquerabia.
This yland of Trinidad hath the forme of a sheephooke, and is but
narrow, the North part is very mountainous, the soile is very excellent
and will beare suger, ginger, or any other commoditie that the Indies
yeeld. It hath store of deere, wilde porks, fruits, fish and foule: It
hath also for bread sufficient maiz, cassaui, and of those rootes and
fruites which are common euery where in the West Indies. It hath diuers
beastes which the Indies haue not: the Spaniards confessed that they
found graines of golde in some of the riuers, but they hauing a purpose
to enter Guiana (the Magazin of all rich mettals) cared not to spend
time in the search thereof any further. This yland is called by the
people thereof Cairi, and in it are diuers nations: those about Parico
are called Iaio, those at Punta de Carao are of the Arwacas, and
betweene Carao and Curiapan they are called Saluajos, betwene Carao and
Punta de Galera are the Nepoios, and those about the Spanish citie terme
themselues Carinepagotes: Of the rest of the nations, and of other ports
and riuers I leaue to speake here, being impertinent to my purpose, and
meane to describe them as they are situate in the particular plot and
description of the yland, three parts whereof I coasted with my barge,
that I might the better describe it.
[Sidenote: The death of Captaine Whiddon.] Meeting with the ships at
Puerto de los Espannoles, we found at the landing place a company of
Spaniards who kept a guard at the descent, and they offering a signe of
peace, I sent Captaine Whiddon to speake with them, whom afterward to my
great griefe I left buried in the said yland after my returne from
Guiana, being a man most honest and valiant. The Spaniards seemed to be
desirous to trade with vs, and to enter into termes of peace, more for
doubt of their owne strength then for ought else, and in the ende vpon
pledge, some of them came abord: the same euening there stale also abord
vs in a small Canoa two Indians, the one of them being a Casique or Lord
of the people called Cantyman, who had the yeere before bene with
Captaine Whiddon and was of his acquaintance. By this Cantyman, wee
vnderstood what strength the Spaniards had, howe farre it was to their
Citie, and of Don Antonio de Berreo the gouernor, who was said to be
slaine in his second attempt of Guiana, but was not.
While we remained at Puerto de los Espannoles some Spaniards came abord
vs to buy linnen of the company, and such other things as they wanted,
and also to view our ships and company, all which I entertained kindly
and feasted after our maner: by meanes whereof I learned of one and
another as much of the estate of Guiana as I could, or as they knew for
those poore souldiers hauing bene many yeeres without wine, a few
draughts made them merrie, in which mood they vaunted of Guiana and of
the riches thereof, and all what they knewe of the wayes and passages,
my selfe seeming to purpose nothing lesse then the enterance or
discouerie thereof, but bred in them an opinion that I was bound onely
for the reliefe of those English which I had planted in Virginia,
whereof the bruite was come among them: which I had performed in my
returne, if extremitie of weather had not forst me from the said coast.
I found occasions of staying in this place for two causes: the one was
to be reuenged of Berreo, who the yere before 1594. had betraied eight
of Captaine Whiddons men, and tooke them while he departed from them to
seeke the Edward Bonauenture, which arriued at Trinidad the day before
from the East Indies: [Sidenote: 8 Englishmen betrayed by Antony
Berreo.] in whose absence Berreo sent a Canoa abord the pinnesse onely
with Indians and dogs inuiting the company to goe with them into the
woods to kill a deare, who like wise men in the absence of their
Captaine followed the Indians, but were no sooner one harquebuze shot
from the shore, but Berreos souldiers lying in ambush had them al,
notwithstanding that he had giuen his word to Captaine Whiddon that they
should take water and wood safely: the other cause of my stay was, for
that by discourse with the Spaniards I dayly learned more and more of
Guiana, of the riuers and passages, and of the enterprise of Berreo, by
what meanes or fault he failed, and how he meant to prosecute the same.
While wee thus spent the time I was assured by another Casique of the
North side of the yland, that Berreo had sent to Margarita and Cumana
for souldiers, meaning to haue giuen mee a cassado at parting, if it had
bene possible. For although he had giuen order through all the yland
that no Indian should come abord to trade with me vpon paine of hanging
and quartering, (hauing executed two of them for the same, which I
afterwards founde) yet euery night there came some with most lamentable
complaints of his crueltie, how he had diuided the yland and giuen to
euery souldier a part, that hee made the ancient Casiques which were
Lords of the countrey to be their slaues, that he kept them in chaines,
and dropped their naked bodies with burning bacon, and such other
torments, which I found afterwards to be true: for in the citie after I
entred the same there were 5. of the lords or litle kings (which they
cal Casiques in the West Indies) in one chaine almost dead of famine,
and wasted with torments: these are called in their owne language
Acarewana, and now of the late since English, French and Spanish are
come among them, they call themselues Capitaines, because they perceiue
that the chiefest of euery ship is called by that name. Those fiue
Capitaines in the chaine were called Wannawanare, Carroaori, Maquarima,
Tarroopanama, and Aterima. So as both to be reuenged of the former wrong
as also considering that to enter Guiana by small boats, to depart 400.
or 500. miles from my ships, and to leaue a garison in my backe
interrested in the same enterprize, who also dayly expected supplies out
of Spaine, I should haue sauored very much of the asse: [Sidenote: The
Citie of S. Ioseph taken. Antony Berreo taken prisoner.] and therefore
taking a time of most aduantage I set vpon the Corps du guard in the
euening, and hauing put them to the sword, sent Captaine Calfield
onwards with 60. souldiers, and my selfe followed with 40. more and so
tooke their new City which they called S. Ioseph by breake of day: they
abode not any fight after a fewe shot, and all being dismissed but onely
Berreo and his companion, I brought them with me abord, and at the
instance of the Indians I set their new citie of S. Ioseph on fire.
The same day arriued Captaine George Gifford with your Lordships ship,
and Captaine Keymis whom I lost on the coast of Spaine with the Galego,
and in them diuers gentlemen and others, which to our little armie was a
great comfort and supply.
We then hasted away towards our purposed discouery, and first I called
all the Captaines of the yland together that were enemies to the
Spaniards: for there were some which Berreo had brought out of other
countreys, and planted there to eate out and wast those that were
naturall of the place, and by my Indian interpreter, which I caried out
of England, I made them vnderstand that I was the seruant of a Queene,
who was the great Casique of the North, and a virgine, and had more
Casiqui vnder her then there were trees in that yland: that shee was an
enemie to the Castellani in respect of their tyrannie and oppression,
and that she deliuered all such nations about her, as were by them
oppressed, and hauing freed all the coast of the Northren world from
their seruitude, had sent mee to free them also, and withall to defend
the countrey of Guiana from their inuasion and conquest. I shewed them
her Maiesties picture which they so admired and honoured, as it had bene
easie to haue brought them idolatrous thereof.
The like and a more large discourse I made to the rest of the nations
both in my passing to Guiana, and to those of the borders, so as in that
part of the world her Maiestie is very famous and admirable, whom they
now call Ezrabeta Cassipuna Aquerewana, which is as much as Elizabeth,
the great princesse or greatest commander. This done we left Puerto de
los Espannoles, and returned to Curiapan, and hauing Berreo my prisoner
I gathered from him as much of Guiana as he knew.
This Berreo is a gentleman wel descended, and had long serued the
Spanish king in Millain, Naples, the Low countreis and elsewhere, very
valiant and liberall, and a gentleman of great assurednes, and of a
great heart: I vsed him according to his estate and worth in all things
I could, according to the small meanes I had.
[Sidenote: Sir W. Ralegh passed 400. miles toward Guiana.] I sent
Captaine Whiddon the yeere before to get what knowledge he could of
Guiana, and the end of my iourney at this time was to discouer and enter
the same, but my intelligence was farre from trueth, for the countrey is
situate aboue 600. English miles further from the Sea, then I was made
beleeue it had bin, which afterward vnderstanding to be true by Berreo,
I kept it from the knowledge of my company, who else would neuer haue
bene brought to attempt the same: of which 600. miles I passed 400.
leauing my ships so farre from mee at ancker in the Sea, which was more
of desire to performe that discouery, then of reason, especially hauing
such poore and weake vessels to transport our selues in; for in the
bottom of an old Galego which I caused to be fashioned like a galley,
and in one barge, two whirries, and a shipboat of the Lions whelpe, we
caried 100. persons and their victuals for a moneth in the same, being
al driuen to lie in the raine and weather, in the open aire, in the
burning Sunne, and vpon the hard bords, and to dresse our meat, and to
cary all maner of furniture in them, wherewith they were so pestered and
unsauory, that what with victuals being most fish, with wette clothes of
so many men thrust together, and the heat of the Sunne, I will vndertake
there was neuer any prison in England, that could bee found more
vnsauorie and lothsome, especially to my selfe, who had for many yeeres
before bene dieted and cared for in a sort farre more differing.
If Captaine Preston had not bene perswaded that he should haue come too
late to Trinidad to haue found vs there (for the moneth was expired
which I promised to tary for him there ere hee coulde recouer the coast
of Spaine) but that it had pleased God hee might haue ioyned with vs,
and that we had entred the countrey but some ten dayes sooner ere the
Riuers were ouerflowen, wee had aduentured either to haue gone to the
great Citie of Manoa, or at least taken so many of the other Cities and
townes neerer at hand, as would haue made a royall returne: but it
pleased not God so much to fauour mee at this time: if it shall be my
lot to prosecute the same, I shall willingly spend my life therein, and
if any else shalbe enabled thereunto, and conquere the same, I assure
him thus much, he shall perfourme more then euer was done in Mexico by
Cortez, or in Peru by Piçarro, whereof the one conquered the Empire of
Mutezuma, the other of Guascar, and Atabalipa, and whatsoeuer prince
shall possesse it, that Prince shall be Lord of more golde, and of a
more beautifull Empire, and of more Cities and people, then either the
King of Spaine, or the great Turke.
But because there may arise many doubts, and how this Empire of Guiana
is become so populous, and adorned with so many great Cities, townes,
temples and treasures, I thought good to make it knowen, that the
Emperour now reigning is descended from those magnificent princes of
Peru, of whose large territories, of whose policies, conquests,
edifices, and riches Pedro de Cieça, Francisco Lopez, and others haue
written large discourses: for when Francisco Piçarro, Diego Almagro and
others conquered the said Empire of Peru, and had put to death Atabalipa
sonne to Guaynacapa, which Atabalipa had formerly caused his eldest
brother Guascar to bee slaine, one of the yonger sonnes of Guaynacapa
fled out of Peru, and tooke with him many thousands of those souldiers
of the Empire called Oreiones, and with those and many others which
followed him, he vanquished all that tract and valley of America which
is situate betweene the great riuer of Amazones, and Baraquan, otherwise
called Orenoque and Marannon.
The Empire of Guiana is directly East from Peru towards the Sea, and
lieth under the Equinoctial line, and it hath more abundance of golde
then any part of Peru, and as many or more great Cities then euer Peru
had when it flourished most: it is gouerned by the same lawes, and the
Emperour and people obserue the same religion, and the same forme and
policies in gouernment as were vsed in Peru, not differing in any part:
[Sidenote: The statelines of Manoa.] and I haue bene assured by such of
the Spaniards as haue seene Manoa the Imperial Citie of Guiana, which
the Spaniards call El Dorado, that for the greatnesse, for the riches,
and for the excellent seat, it farre exceedeth any of the world, at
least of so much of the world as is knowen to the Spanish nation: it is
founded vpon a lake of salt water of 200. leagues long like vnto Mare
Caspium. [Sidenote: Fran. Lopez de Gomera hist. gen. cap. 120.] And if
we compare it to that of Peru, and but read the report of Francisco
Lopez and others, it will seeme more then credible: and because we may
iudge of the one by the other, I thought good to insert part of the 120.
Chapter of Lopez in his generall historie of the Indies, wherein he
describeth the Court and magnificence of Guaynacapa, ancestour to the
Emperor of Guiana, whose very wordes are these. Todo el seruicio de su
casa, mesa, y cozina, era de oro, y de plata, y quando menos de plata, y
cobre por mas rezio. Tenia en su recamara estatuas huecas de oro, que
parecian gigantes, y las figuaras al propio, y tamanno de quantos
animales, aues, arboles, y yeruas produze la tierra, y de quantos peces
cria la mar y aguas de sus reynos. Tenia assi mesmo sogas, costales,
cestas, y troxes de oro y plata, rimeros de palos de oro, que parecissen
lenna raiada para quemar. En fin no auia cosa en su tierra, que no la
tuuiesse do oro contrahecha: y aun dizen, que tenian los Ingas vn vergel
en vna Isla cerca de la Puna, donde se yuan a holgar, quando querian
mar, que tenia la ortaliza, las flores, y arboles de oro y plata,
inuencion y grandeza hasta entonces nunca vista. Allende de todo esto
tenia infinitissima, cantitad de plata, y oro por labrar en el Cuzco,
que se perdio por la muerte de Guascar, car los Indios lo escondieron,
viendo que los Espannoles se lo tomauan, y embiauan a Espanna. That is,
All the vessels of his house, table and kitchin were of gold and siluer,
and the meanest of siluer and copper for strength and hardnesse of
metall. He had in his wardrobe hollow statues of gold which seemed
giants, and the figures in proportion and bignesse of all the beasts,
birds, trees and hearbes, that the earth bringeth foorth: and of all the
fishes that the sea or waters of his kingdome breedeth. He had also
ropes, budgets, chestes and troughs of golde and siluer, heapes of
billets of gold, that seemed wood marked out to burne. Finally, there
was nothing in his countrey, whereof he had not the counterfait in gold:
Yea and they say, The Ingas had a garden of pleasure in an yland neere
Puna, where they went to recreat themselues, when they would take the
aire of the Sea, which had all kinde of garden-hearbs, flowers and trees
of golde and siluer, an inuention, and magnificence till then neuer
seene. Besides all this, he had an infinite quantitie of siluer and
golde vnwrought in Cuzco which was lost by the death of Guascar, for the
Indians hid it, seeing that the Spaniards tooke it, and sent it into
Spaine.
And in the 117. chapter Francisco Piçarro caused the gold and siluer of
Atabalipa to be weyed after he had taken it, which Lopez setteth downe
in these words following. Hallaron cinquenta y dos mil marcos de buena
plata, y vn millon y trezientos veinte y seys mil, y quinientos pesos de
oro, Which is: They found fiftie and two thousand markes of good siluer,
and one million, and three hundred twenty and sixe thousand and fiue
hundred pezos of golde.[54]
[54] These quotations show the riches of _Peru_, not of _El Dorado_.
This was the name given by the Spaniards in the sixteenth century to an
imaginary region somewhere in the interior of South America, between the
Orinoco and the Amazon, where gold and precious stones were supposed to
be in such abundance as to be had for merely picking them up. This story
was communicated by an Indian cacique to Gonzalo Pizarro, brother of the
conquerer, who sent Francisco Orellana down the Amazon River to discover
this wonderful land. Orellana followed the course of the Amazon down to
the sea, but he did not find El Dorado. The story, however, continued to
be credited for many years afterwards.
Now although these reports may seeme strange, yet if we consider the
many millions which are dayly brought out of Peru into Spaine, wee may
easily beleeue the same: for we finde that by the abundant treasure of
that countrey the Spanish king vexeth all the princes of Europe, and is
become in a few yeeres, from a poore king of Castile, the greatest
monarch of this part of the world, and likely euery day to increase, if
other princes forslow the good occasions offered, and suffer him to adde
this empire to the rest, which by farre exceedeth all the rest: if his
golde now endanger vs, hee will then be vnresistable. Such of the
Spanyards as afterward endeuoured the conquest thereof (whereof there
haue bene many, as shall be declared hereafter) thought that this Inga
(of whom this emperour now liuing is descended) tooke his way by the
riuer of Amazones, by that branch which is called Papamene: for by that
way followed Orellana (by the commandement of Gonzalo Piçarro, in the
yere 1542) whose name the riuer also beareth this day, which is also by
others called Marannon, although Andrew Theuet doeth affirme that
betweene Marannon and Amazones there are 120 leagues: but sure it is
that those riuers haue one head and beginning, and the Marannon, which
Theuet describeth, is but a branch of Amazones or Orellana, of which I
will speake more in another place. [Sidenote: Iuan Martinez the first
that euer saw Manoa.] It was attempted by Ordas; but it is now little
lesse then 70 yeres since that Diego Ordas, a knight of the order of
Saint Iago attempted the same: and it was in the yeere 1542 that
Orellana discovered the riuer of Amazones: but the first that euer saw
Manoa was Iuan Martinez master of the munition to Ordas. At a port
called Morequito in Guiana there lieth at this day a great anker of
Ordas his ship; and this port is some 300 miles within the land, vpon
the great riuer of Orenoque.
I rested at this port foure dayes: twenty dayes after I left the ships
at Curiapan. The relation of this Martinez (who was the first that
discouered Manoa) his successe and ende are to bee seene in the Chancery
of Saint Iuan de Puerto rico, whereof Berreo had a copy, which appeared
to be the greatest incouragement aswell to Berreo as to others that
formerly attempted the discouery and conquest. Orellana after he failed
of the discouery of Guiana by the sayd riuer of Amazones, passed into
Spaine, and there obteined a patent of the king for the inuasion and
conquest, but died by sea about the Islands, and his fleet seuered by
tempest, the action for that time proceeded not. [Sidenote: Diego de
Ordas went foorth with 600 souldiers 1531.] Diego Ordas followed the
enterprise, and departed Spaine with 600 souldiers, and 30 horse, who
arriuing on the coast of Guiana, was slaine in a mutiny, with the most
part of such as fauoured him, as also of the rebellious part, insomuch
as his ships perished, and few or none returned, neither was it
certeinly knowen what became of the sayd Ordas, vntill Berreo found the
anker of his ship in the riuer of Orenoque; but it was supposed, and so
it is written by Lopez, that he perished on the seas, and of other
writers diuersely conceiued and reported. [Sidenote: Fran. Lopez hist.
gen. de las Ind. cap. 87.] And hereof it came that Martinez entred so
farre within the land, and arriued at that city of Inga the emperour;
for it chanced that while Ordas with his army rested at the port of
Morequito (who was either the first or second that attempted Guiana) by
some negligence, the whole store of powder prouided for the seruice was
set on fire: and Martinez hauing the chiefe charge, was condemned by the
Generall Ordas to be executed foorthwith: Martinez being much fauoured
by the souldiers, had all the meanes possible procured for his life; but
it could not be obteined in other sort than this: That he should be set
into a canao alone without any victuall, onely with his armes, and so
turned loose into the great riuer: but it pleased God that the canoa was
caried downe the streame, and that certeine of the Guianians mette it
the same euening; [Sidenote: The great city of Manao or El Dorado.] and
hauing not at any time seene any Christian, nor any man of that colour,
they caried Martinez into the land to be woondred at, and so from towne
to towne, vntill he came to the great city of Manoa, the seat and
residence of Inga the emperour. The emperour after he had beheld him,
knew him to be a Christian (for it was not long before that his brethren
Guascar and Atabalipa were vanquished by the Spanyards in Peru) and
caused him to be lodged in his palace, and well interteined. Hee liued
seuen moneths in Manoa, but was not suffered to wander into the countrey
any where. He was also brought thither all the way blindfold, led by the
Indians, vntill he came to the entrance of Manoa it selfe, and was
fourteene or fifteene dayes in the passage. He auowed at his death that
he entred the city at Noon, and then they vncouered his face, and that
he trauelled all that day till night thorow the city, and the next day
from Sun rising to Sun setting yer he came to the palace of Inga. After
that Martinez had liued seuen moneths in Manoa, and began to vnderstand
the language of the countrey, Inga asked him whether he desired to
returne into his owne countrey, or would willingly abide with him. But
Martinez not desirous to stay, obteined the fauour of Inga to depart:
with whom he sent diuers Guianians to conduct him to the riuer of
Orenoque, all loden with as much golde as they could cary, which he gaue
to Martinez at his departure: but when he was arriued neere the riuers
side, the borderers which are called Orenoqueponi robbed him and his
Guianians of all the treasure (the borderers being at that time at
warres, which Inga had not conquered) saue only of two great bottels of
gourds, which were filled with beads of golde curiously wrought, which
those Orenoqueponi thought had bene no other thing then his drinke or
meat, or graine for food, with which Martinez had liberty to passe: and
so in canoas hee fell downe from the riuer of Orenoque to Trinidad, and
from thence to Margarita, and also to Saint Iuan de puerto rico, where
remaining a long time for passage into Spaine, he died. In the time of
his extreme sicknesse, and when he was without hope of life, receiuing
the Sacrament at the hands of his Confessor, he deliuered these things,
with the relation of his trauels, and also called for his calabaças or
gourds of the golde beads which he gaue to the church and friers to be
prayed for. [Sidenote: The author of the name of El Dorado.] This
Martinez was he that Christened the city of Manoa by the name of El
Dorado, and as Berreo informed mee, vpon this occasion: Those Guianians,
and also the borderers, and all other in that tract which I haue seene
are maruellous great drunkards; in which vice, I thinke no nation can
compare with them: and at the times of their solemne feasts, when the
emperour carowseth with his captaines, tributaries, and gouernours, the
maner is thus: All those that pledge him are first stripped naked, and
their bodies anointed all ouer with a kind of white balsamum (by them
called curca) of which there is great plenty, and yet very deare amongst
them, and it is of all other the most precious, whereof wee haue had
good experience: when they are anointed all ouer, certeine seruants of
the emperour, hauing prepared golde made into fine powder, blow it
thorow hollow canes vpon their naked bodies, vntill they be all shining
from the foot to the head: and in this sort they sit drinking by
twenties and hundreds, and continue in drunkennesse sometimes sixe or
seuen dayes together. [Sidenote: Sir Robert Duddeley.] The same is also
confirmed by a letter written into Spaine, which was intercepted, which
M. Robert Duddeley tolde me he had seene. Vpon this sight, and for the
abundance of golde which he saw in the city, the images of golde in
their temples, the plates, armours, and shields of gold which they vse
in the warres, he called it El Dorado. After the death of Ordas and
Martinez, and after Orellana, who was imployed by Gonzalo Piçarro, one
Pedro de Osua a knight of Nauarre attempted Guiana, taking his way from
Peru, and built his brigandines vpon a riuer called Oia, which riseth to
the Southward of Quito, and is very great. This riuer falleth into
Amazones, by which Osua with his companies descended, and came out of
that prouince which is called Mutylonez: and it seemeth to mee that this
empire is reserued for her Maiesty and the English nation, by reason of
the hard successe which all these and other Spanyards found in
attempting the same, whereof I will speake briefly, though impertinent
in some sort to my purpose. [Sidenote: Reade Iosephus Acosta.] This
Pedro de Osua had among his troups a Biscain, called Agiri, a man meanly
borne, who bare no other office then a sergeant or alferez: but after
certaine moneths, when the souldiers were grieued with trauels, and
consumed with famine, and that no entrance could be found by the
branches or body of Amazones, this Agiri raised a mutiny, of which hee
made himselfe the head, and so preuailed, as he put Osua to the sword,
and all his followers, taking on him the whole charge and commandement,
with a purpose not onely to make himselfe emperour of Guiana, but also
of Peru, and of all that side of the West Indies: he had of his party
seuen hundred souldiers, and of those many promised to draw in other
captaines and companies, to deliuer vp townes and forts in Peru: but
neither finding by the sayd riuer any passage into Guiana, nor any
possibility to returne towards Peru by the same Amazones, by reason that
the descent of the riuer made so great a current, he was inforced to
disemboque at the mouth of the sayd Amazones, which can not be lesse
then a thousand leagues from the place where they imbarked: from thence
be coasted the land till he arriued at Margarita: [Sidenote: The voyage
of sir Iohn Burgh to the West Indies.] to the North of Mompatar, which
is at this day called Puerto de Tyranno, for that he there slew Don Iuan
de villa Andreda, gouernour of Margarita when sir Iohn Burgh landed
there and attempted the Island. Agiri put to the sword all other in the
Island that refused to be of his party, and tooke with him certeine
Simerones, and other desperate companions. From thence he went to
Cumana, and there slew the gouernour, and dealt in all as at Margarita:
hee spoiled all the coast of Caracas, and the prouince of Venezuela, and
of Rio de la hacha; and as I remember, it was the same yere that sir
Iohn Hawkins sailed to Saint Iuan de Vllua in the Iesus of Lubeck: for
himselfe tolde me that he met with such a one vpon the coast that
rebelled, and had sailed downe all the riuer of Amazones. Agiri from
thence landed about Sancta Marta, and sacked it also, putting to death
so many as refused to be his followers, purposing to inuade Nueuo reyno
de Granada, and to sacke Pamplon, Merida, Lagrita, Tunxa, and the rest
of the cities of Nueuo reyno, and from thence againe to enter Peru: but
in a fight in the sayd Nueuo reyno he was ouerthrowen, and finding no
way to escape, he first put to the sword his owne children, foretelling
them that they should not liue to be defamed or vpbraided by the
Spanyards after his death, who would haue termed them the children of a
traitour or tyrant; and that sithence hee could not make them princes,
hee would yet deliuer them from shame and reproche. These were the ends
and tragedies of Ordas, Martinez, Oreliana, Ozua, and Agiri.
[Sidenote: 1532. Gomar. cap. 84 and 86.] Also soone after Ordas followed
Ieronimo Ortal de Saragosa with 130 souldiers, who failing his entrance
by sea, was cast with the current on the coast of Paria, and peopled
about S. Miguel de Neueri. It was then attempted by Don Pedro de Silua,
a Portugues of the family of Ruigomes de Silua, and by the fauour which
Ruigomes had with the king, he was set out, but he also shot wide of the
marke; for being departed from Spaine with his fleete, he entered by
Marannon and Amazones, where by the nations of the riuer, and by the
Amazones hee was vttlerly ouerthrowen, and himselfe and all his armie
defeated, only seuen escaped, and of those but two returned.
After him came Pedro Hernandez de Serpa, and landed at Cumana in the
West Indies, taking his iourney by and towards Orenoque, which may be
some 120 leagues: but ther he came to the borders of the sayd riuer, hee
was set vpon by a nation of the Indians called Wikiri, and ouerthrowen
in such sort, that of 300 souldiers, horsemen, many Indians, and Negros,
there returned but 18. Others affirme, that he was defeated in the very
entrance of Guiana, at the first ciuil towne of the empire called
Macureguarai. Captaine Preston in taking S. Iago de Leon (which was by
him and his companies very resolutely performed, being a great towne,
and farre within the land) held a gentleman prisoner, who died in his
ship, that was one of the company of Hermandez de Serpa, and saued among
those that escaped, who witnessed what opinion is held among the
Spanyards thereabouts of the great riches of Guiana, and El Dorado the
city of Inga. Another Spanyard was brought aboord me by captaine
Preston, who told me in the hearing of himselfe and diuers other
gentlemen, that he met with Berreos campe-master at Caracas, when he
came from the borders of Guiana, and that he saw with him forty of most
pure plates of golde curiously wrought, and swords of Guiana decked and
inlayed with gold, feathers garnished with golde and diuers rarities
which he carried to the Spanish king.
After Hernandez de Serpa, it was undertaken by the Adelantado, Don
Gonzales Ximenes de Casada, who was one of the chiefest in the conquest
of Nueuo reino, whose daughter and heire Don Antonio de Berreo maried.
Gonzales sought the passage also by the riuer called Papamene, which
riseth by Quito in Peru, and runneth Southeast 100 leagues, and then
falleth into Amazones, but he also failing the entrance, returned with
the losse of much labour and cost. I tooke one captaine George a
Spanyard that followed Gonzales in this enterprise. Gonzales gaue his
daughter to Berreo, taking his oth and honour to follow the enterprise
to the last of his substance and life, who since, as he hath sworne to
me, hath spent 300000 ducats in the same, and yet never could enter so
far into the land as my selfe with that poore troupe or rather a
handfull of men, being in all about 100 gentlemen, souldiers, rowers,
boat-keepers, boyes, and of all sorts: neither could any of the
forepassed vndertakers, nor Berreo himselfe, discouer the countrey, till
now lately by conference with an ancient king called Carapana, he got
the true light thereof: for Berreo came about 1500 miles yer he
vnderstood ought, or could finde any passage or entrance into any part
thereof, yet he had experience of al these forenamed, and diuers others,
and was perswaded of their errors and mistakings. Berreo sought it by
the river Cassamar,[55] which falleth into a great riuer called Pato:
Pato falleth into Meta, and Meta into Baraquan, which is also called
Orenoque.
[55] Casanare.
He tooke his journey from Nueuo reyno de Granada where he dwelt, hauing
the inheritance of Gonzales Ximenes in those parts: he was followed with
700 horse, he draue with him 1000 head of cattell, he had also many
women, Indians, and slaues. How all these riuers crosse and encounter,
how the countrey lieth and is bordered, the passage of Ximenes and
Berreo, mine owne discouery, and the way that I entred, with all the
rest of the nations and riuers, your lordship shall receiue in a large
Chart or Map, which I haue not yet finished, and which I shall most
humbly pray your lordship to secret, and not to suffer it to passe your
owne hands: for by a draught thereof all may be preuented by other
nations: for I know it is this very yeere sought by the French, although
by the way that they now take, I feare it not much. [Sidenote: A new and
rich trade of the French to the riuer of Amazones.] It was also tolde me
yer I departed from England, that Villiers the Admirall was in
preparation for the planting of Amazones, to which riuer the French haue
made diuers voyages and returned much golde, and other rarities. I spake
with the captaine of a French ship that came from thence, his ship
riding in Falmouth the same yere that my ships came first from Virginia.
There was another this yeere in Helford that also came from thence, and
had bene foureteene moneths at an anker in Amazones, which were both
very rich. Although, as I am perswaded, Guiana cannot be entred that
way, yet no doubt the trade of gold from thence passeth by branches of
riuers into the riuer of Amazones, and so it doth on euery hand far from
the countrey it selfe; for those Indians of Trinidad haue plates of
golde from Guiana, and those canibals of Dominica which dwell in the
Islands by which our ships passe yerely to the West Indies, also the
Indians of Paria, those Indians called Tucaris, Chochi, Apotomios,
Cumanagotos, and all those other nations inhabiting neere about the
mountaines that run from Paria thorow the prouince of Venezuela, and in
Maracapana, and the canibals of Guanipa, the Indians called Assawai,
Coaca, Aiai, and the rest (all which shall be described in my
description as they are situate) haue plates of golde of Guiana. And
vpon the riuer of Amazones, Theuet writeth that the people weare
croissants of golde, for of that forme the Guianians most commonly make
them: so as from Dominica to Amazones, which is aboue 250 leagues, all
the chiefe Indians in all parts weare of those plates of Guiana.
Vndoubtedly those that trade Amazones returne much golde, which (as is
aforesayd) commeth by trade from Guiana, by some branch of a riuer that
falleth from the countrey into Amazones, and either it is by the riuer
which passeth by the nations called Tisnados, or by Carepuna. I made
inquiry amongst the most ancient and best travelled of the Orenoqueponi,
and I had knowledge of all the riuers betweene Orenoque and Amazones,
and was very desirous to vnderstand the truth of those warlike women,
because of some it is beleeued, of others not. And though I digresse
from my purpose, yet I will set downe that which hath bene deliuered me
for trueth of those women, and I spake with a casique or lord of people,
that told me he had bene in the riuer, and beyond it also. [Sidenote:
The seat of the Amazones.] The nations of these women are on the South
side of the riuer in the prouinces of Topago, and their chiefest
strengths and retracts are in the Islands situate on the South side of
the entrance some 60 leagues within the mouth of the sayd riuer. The
memories of the like women are very ancient aswell in Africa and in
Asia: In Africa those that had Medusa for queene: others in Scithia nere
the riuers of Tanais and Thermodon: we finde also that Lampedo and
Marthesia were queenes of the Amazones: in many histories they are
verified to haue bene, and in diuers ages and prouinces: but they which
are not far from Guiana doe accompany with men but once in a yere, and
for the time of one moneth, which I gather by their relation, to be in
April: and that time all kings of the borders assemble, and queenes of
the Amazones: and after the queenes haue chosen, the rest cast lots for
their Valentines. This one moneth, they feast, dance, and drinke of
their wines in abundance; and the Moone being done, they all depart to
their owne prouinces. If they conceiue, and be deliuered of a sonne,
they returne him to the father; if of a daughter they nourish it, and
reteine it: and as many as haue daughters send vnto the begetters a
present; all being desirous to increase their owne sex and kind: but
that they cut off the right dug of the brest, I doe not finde to be
true. It was farther tolde me, that if in these warres they tooke any
prisoners that they vsed to accompany with those also at what time
soeuer, but in the end for certeine they put them to death: for they are
sayd to be very cruell and bloodthirsty, especially to such as offer to
inuade their territories. These Amazones haue likewise great store of
these plates of golde, which they recouer by exchange chiefly for a
kinde of greene stones, which the Spanyards call Piedras hijadas, and we
vse for spleene stones: and for the disease of the stone we also esteeme
them. Of these I saw diuers in Guiana: and commonly euery king or
casique hath one, which their wiues for the most part weare: and they
esteeme them as great iewels.
But to returne to the enterprise of Bereo, who (as I haue sayd) departed
from Nueuo reyno with 700 horse, besides the prouisions aboue rehearsed,
he descended by the riuer called Cassanar, which riseth in Nueuo reyno
out of the mountaines by the city of Tunia, from which mountaine also
springeth Pato: both which fall into the great riuer of Meta: and Meta
riseth from a mountaine ioyning to Pampion in the same Nueuo reyno de
Grenada. These, as also Guaiare, which issueth out of the mountaines by
Timana, fall all into Baraquan, and are but of his heads: for at their
comming together they lose their names: and Baraquan farther downe is
also rebaptized by the name of Orenoque. On the other side of the city
and hilles of Timana riseth Rio grande, which falleth in the sea by
Sancta Marta. By Cassanar first, and so into Meta, Berreo passed,
keeping his horsemen on the banks, where the countrey serued them for to
march, and where otherwise, he was driuen to imbarke them in boats which
he builded for the purpose, and so came with the current downe the riuer
of Meta, and so into Baraquan. After he entred that great and mighty
riuer, he began dayly to lose of his companies both men and horse: for
it is in many places violently swift, and hath forcible eddies, many
sands, and diuers Islands sharp pointed with rocks: but after one whole
yeere, iourneying for the most part by riuer and the rest by land, he
grew dayly to fewer numbers: for both by sicknesse, and by encountring
with the people of those regions, thorow which he trauelled, his
companies were much wasted, especially by diuers encounters with the
Amapians: and in all this time hee neuer could learne of any passage
into Guiana, nor any newes or fame thereof, vntill he came to a further
border of the sayd Amapaia, eight dayes iourney from the riuer Caroli,
which was the furthest riuer that he entred. Among those of Amapaia,
Guiana was famous, but few of these people accosted Berreo, or would
trade with him the first three moneths of the six, which he soiourned
there. This Amapaia is also maruellous rich in golde (as both Berreo
confessed and those of Guiana with whom I had most conference) and is
situate vpon Orenoque also. In this countrey Berreo lost 60 of his best
souldiers, and most of all his horse that remained in his former yeeres
trauell: but in the end, after diuers encounters with those nations,
they grew to peace; and they presented Berreo with tenne images of fine
golde among diuers other plates and croissants, which, as he sware to me
and diuers other gentlemen, were so curiously wrought, as he had not
seene the like either in Italy, Spaine, or the Low countreys: and he was
resolued, that when he came to the hands of the Spanish king, to whom he
had sent them by his camp-master, they would appeare very admirable,
especially being wrought by such a nation as had no yron instruments at
all, nor any of those helps which our goldsmiths haue to worke withall.
The particular name of the people in Amapaia which gaue him these
pieces, are called Anebas, and the riuer of Orenoque at that place is
aboue 12 English miles broad, which may be from his out fall into the
sea 700 or 800 miles.
This prouince of Amapaia is a very low and a marish ground nere the
riuer; and by reason of the red water which issueth out in small
branches thorow the fenny and boggy ground; there breed diuers
poisonfull wormes and serpents: and the Spanyards not suspecting, nor in
any sort foreknowing the danger, were infected with a grieuous kinde of
fluxe by drinking thereof; and euen the very horses poisoned therewith:
insomuch as at the end of the 6 moneths, that they abode their, of all
there troups, there were not left aboue 120 souldiers, and neither horse
nor cattell: for Berreo hoped to haue found Guiana by 1000 miles nerer
then it fel out to be in the end: by meanes whereof they sustained much
want and much hunger, oppressed with grieuous diseases, and all the
miseries that could be imagined. I demanded of those in Guiana that had
trauelled Amapaia, how they liued with that tawny or red water when they
trauelled thither: and they tolde me that after the Sun was neere the
middle of the skie, they vsed to fill their pots and pitchers with that
water, but either before that time, or towardes the setting of the Sun
it was dangerous to drinke of, and in the night strong poison. I learned
also of diuers other riuers of that nature among them, which were also
(while the Sun was in the Meridian) very safe to drinke, and in the
morning, euening, and night woonderfull dangerous and infectiue. From
this prouince Berreo hasted away assoone as the Spring and beginning of
Summer appeared, and sought his entrance on the borders of Orenoque on
the South side: but there ran a ledge of so high and impassable
mountaines, as he was not able by any meanes to march ouer them,
continuing from the East sea into which Orenoque falleth, euen to Quito
in Peru: neither had he meanes to cary victuall or munition ouer those
craggie, high, and fast hilles, being all woody, and those so thicke and
spiny, and so full of prickles, thornes, and briers, as it is impossible
to creepe thorow them: hee had also neither friendship among the people,
nor any interpreter to perswade or treat with them: and more, to his
disaduantage, the casiques and kings of Amapaia had giuen knowledge of
his purpose to the Guianians, and that he sought to sacke and conquer
the empire, for the hope of their so great abundance and quantities of
golde: he passed by the mouthes of many great riuers, which fell into
Orenoque both from the North and South, which I forbeare to name for
tediousnesse, and because they are more pleasing in describing then
reading.
[Sidenote: Many great riuers falling into Orenoque.] Berreo affirmed
that there fell an hundred riuers into Orenoque from the North and
South, whereof the least was as big as Rio grande, that passed betweene
Popayan and Nueuo reyno de Granada (Rio Grande being esteemed one of the
renowmed riuers in all the West Indies, and numbred among the great
riuers of the world:) but he knew not the names of any of these, but
Caroli onely; neither from what nations they descended, neither to what
prouinces they led: for he had no meanes to discourse with the
inhabitants at any time: neither was he curious in these things, being
vtterly vnlearned, and not knowing the East from the West. But of all
these I got some knowledge, and of many more, partly by mine owne
trauell, and the rest by conference: of some one I learned one, of
others the rest, hauing with me an Indian that spake many languages, and
that of Guiana naturally. I sought out all the aged men, and such as
were greatest travellers, and by the one and the other I came to
vnderstand the situations, the riuers, the kingdomes from the East sea
to the borders of Peru, and from Orenoque Southward as farre as Amazones
or Marannon, and the religions of Maria Tamball, and of all the kings of
prouinces, and captaines of townes and villages, how they stood in
tearmes of peace or warre, and which were friends or enemies the one
with the other, without which there can be neither entrance nor conquest
in those parts, nor elsewhere: for by the dissention betweene Guascar
and Atabalipa, Piçarro conquered Peru, and by the hatred that the
Tlaxcallians have to Mutezuma, Cortez was victorious ouer Mexico:
without which both the one and the other had failed of their enterprise,
and of the great honour and riches which they atteined vnto.
[Sidenote: The prouince of Emeria inhabited by gentle Indians.] Now
Berreo began to grow into dispaire, and looked for no other successe
then his predecessor in this enterprise, vntill such time as hee arriued
at the prouince of Emeria towards the East sea and mouth of the riuer,
where he found a nation of people very fauourable, and the countrey full
of all maner of victuall. The king of this land is called Carapana, a
man very wise, subtill, and of great experience, being little lesse then
an hundred yeeres olde: in his youth he was sent by his father into the
Island of Trinidad, by reason of ciuill warre among themselues, and was
bred at a village in that island, called Parico: at that place in his
youth hee had seene many Christians, both French and Spanish, and went
diuers times with the Indians of Trinidad to Margarita and Cumana in the
West Indies (for both those places haue euer beene relieued with
victuall from Trinidad) by reason whereof he grew of more vnderstanding,
and noted the difference of the nations, comparing the strength and
armes of his countrey with those of the Christians, and euer after
temporized so, as whosoeuer els did amisse, or was wasted by contention,
Carapana kept himselfe and his countrey in quiet and plenty: he also
held peace with the Caribes or Canibals his neighbours, and had free
trade with all nations, whosoeuer els had warre.
Berreo soiourned and rested his weake troupe in the towne of Carapana
sixe weeks, and from him learned the way and passage to Guiana, and the
riches and magnificence thereof: but being then vtterly disable to
proceed, he determined to try his fortune another yere, when he had
renewed his prouisions, and regathered more force, which hee hoped for
as well out of Spaine as from Nueuo reyno, where hee had left his sonne
Don Antonio Ximenes to second him vpon the first notice giuen of his
entrance, and so for the present imbarked himselfe in canoas, and by the
branches of Orenoque arriued at Trinidad, hauing from Carapana
sufficient pilots to conduct him. From Trinidad he coasted Paria, and so
recouered Margarita: and hauing made relation to Don Iuan Sermiento the
gouernour, of his proceeding and perswaded him of the riches of Guiana,
he obteined from thence fifty souldiers, promising presently to returne
to Carapana, and so into Guiana. But Berreo meant nothing lesse at that
time: for he wanted many prouisions necessary for such an enterprise,
and therefore departed from Margarita, seated himselfe in Trinidad, and
from thence sent his camp-master, and his sergeant-maior backe to the
borders to discouer the neerest passage into the empire, as also to
treat with the borderers, and to draw them to his party and loue:
without which, he knew he could neither passe safely, nor in any sort be
relieued with victuall or ought els. Carapana directed his company to a
king called Morequito, assuring them that no man could deliuer so much
of Guiana as Morequito could, and that his dwelling was but fiue dayes
journey from Macureguarai, the first ciuill towne of Guiana.
[Sidenote: Vides the gouernour of Cumana competitor with Berreo in the
conquest of Guiana.] Now your lordship shall vnderstand, that this
Morequito, one of the greatest lords or kings of the borders of Guiana,
had two or three yeeres before bene at Cumana and at Margarita, in the
West Indies, with great store of plates of golde, which he caried to
exchange for such other things as he wanted in his owne countrey, and
was dayly feasted, and presented by the gouernours of those places, and
held amongst them some two moneths, in which time one Vides gouernour of
Cumana wanne him to be his conductour into Guiana, being allured by
those croissants and images of golde which hee brought with him to
trade, as also by the ancient fame and magnificence of El Dorado:
whereupon Vides sent into Spaine for a patent to discouer and conquer
Guiana, not knowing of the precedence of Berreos patent, which, as
Berreo affirmeth, was signed before that of Vides: so as when Vides
vnderstood of Berreo, and that he had made entrance into that territory,
and forgone his desire and hope, it was verily thought that Vides
practised with Morequito to hinder and disturbe Berreo in all he could,
and not to suffer him to enter thorow his signorie, nor any of his
companies; neither to victuall, nor guide them in any sort; for Vides
gouernour of Cumana, and Berreo, were become mortall enemies, aswell for
that Berreo had gotten Trinidad into his patent with Guiana, as also in
that he was by Berreo preuented in the iourney of Guiana it selfe:
howsoeuer it was, I know not, but Morequito for a time dissembled his
disposition, suffered Spanyards, and a frier (which Berreo had sent to
discouer Manoa) to trauell thorow his countrey, gaue them a guide for
Macureguaray, the first towne of ciuill and apparelled people, from
whence they had other guides to bring them to Manoa the great city of
Inga: [Sidenote: Ten Spanyards arriue at Manoa.] and being furnished
with those things which they had learned of Carapana were of most price
in Guiana, went onward, and in eleuen dayes arriued at Manoa, as Berreo
affirmeth for certaine: although I could not be assured thereof by the
lord which now gouerneth the prouince of Morequito, for he tolde me that
they got all the golde they had, in other townes on this side Manoa,
there being many very great and rich, and (as he sayd) built like the
townes of Christians, with many roomes.
When these ten Spaniards were returned, and ready to put out of the
border of Aromaia, the people of Morequito set vpon them, and slew them
all but one that swam the riuer, and tooke from them to the value of
forty thousand pezos of golde: and one of them onely liued to bring the
newes to Berreo, that both his nine souldiers and holy father were
benighted in the said prouince. I my selfe spake with the captaines of
Morequito that slew them, and was at the place where it was executed.
Berreo, inraged heerewithall, sent all the strength he could make into
Aromaia, to be reuenged of him, his people, and countrey. But Morequito
suspecting the same, fled ouer Orenoque, and thorow the territories of
the Saima, and Wikiri, recouered Cumana, where he thought himself very
safe, with Vides the gouernour. But Berreo sending for him in the Kings
name, and his messengers finding him in the house of one Fashardo on the
sudden yer he was suspected, so as he could not then be conueyed away,
Vides durst not deny him, aswell to avoid the suspition of this
practise, as also for that an holy father was slaine by him and his
people. [Sidenote: Morequito executed.] Morequito offered Fashardo the
weight of three quintals in golde, to let him escape: but the poore
Guianian betrayed on all sides was delivered to the camp-master of
Berreo, and was presently executed.
After the death of this Morequito, the souldiers of Berreo spoiled his
territorie, and tooke diuers prisoners, among others they tooke the vncle
of Morequito, called Topiawari, who is now king of Aromaia (whose sonne
I brought with me into England) and is a man of great vnderstanding and
policy: he is aboue an hundred yeeres olde, and yet of a very able body.
The Spaniards ledde him in a chaine seuenteene dayes, and made him
their guide from place to place betweene his countrey and Emeria, the
prouince of Carapana, aforesayd, and he was at last redeemed for an
hundred plates of golde, and diuers stones called Piedras Hijadas, or
Spleene-stones. [Sidenote: The towne of Carapana is the port of Guiana.]
Now Berreo for executing of Morequito, and other cruelties, spoiles, and
slaughters done in Armonaia, hath lost the loue of the Orenoqueponi, and
all the borderers, and dare not send any of his souldiers any further
into the land then to Carapana, which he called the port of Guiana: but
from thence by the helpe of Carapana he had trade further into the
countrey, and alwayes appointed ten Spaniards to reside in Carapanas
towne, by whose fauour, and by being conducted by his people, those ten
searched the countrey thereabouts, aswell for mines, as for other trades
and commodities.
They also haue gotten a nephew of Morequito, whom they haue Christened,
and named Don Iuan, of whom they haue great hope, endeuouring by all
meanes to establish him in the sayd prouince. [Sidenote: Some fewe
Spaniards are now seated in Dissequebe.] Among many other trades, those
Spaniards vsed canoas to passe to the riuers of Barema, Pawroma, and
Dissequebe, which are on the south side of the mouth of Orenoque, and
there buy women and children from the Canibals, which are of that
barbarous nature, as they will for three or foure hatchets sell the
sonnes and daughters of their owne brethren and sisters, and for
somewhat more, euen their owne daughters. Hereof the Spaniards make
great profit: for buying a maid of twelue or thirteene yeres for three
or foure hatchets, they sell them againe at Margarita in the West Indies
for fifty and an hundred pezos, which is so many crownes.
The master of my shippe, Iohn Dowglas, tooke one of the canoas which
came laden from thence with people to be solde, and the most of them
escaped: yet of those he brought, there was one as well fauoured, and as
well shaped as euer I saw any in England, afterward I saw many of them,
which but for their tawnie colour may be compared to any of Europe. They
also trade in those riuers for bread of Cassaui, of which they buy an
hundred pound weight for a knife, and sell it at Margarita for ten
pezos. They also recouer great store of Cotton, Brasill wood, and those
beds which they call Hamcas or Brasill beds, wherein in hot countreyes
all the Spaniards vse to lie commonly, and in no other, neither did we
our selues while we were there. By meanes of which trades, for ransome
of diuers of the Guianians, and for exchange of hatchets and kniues,
Berreo recouered some store of golde plates, eagles of golde, and images
of men and diuers birdes, and dispatched his campe-master for Spaine,
with all that hee had gathered, therewith to leuie souldiers, and by the
shew thereof to draw others to the loue of the enterprise. And hauing
sent diuers images aswell of men as beasts, birds and fishes, so
curiously wrought in gold, he doubted not but to perswade the king to
yeeld to him some further helpe, especially for that this land had neuer
beene sacked, the mines neuer wrought, and in the Indies their works
were well spent, and the golde drawen out with great labour and charge.
He also dispatched messengers to his sonne in Nueuo reyno to leuie all
the forces he could, and to come downe the riuer Orenoque to Emeria, the
prouince of Carapana, to meet him: he had also sent to Saint Iago de
Leon on the coast of the Caracas, to buy horses and mules.
After I had thus learned of his proceedings past and purposed, I told
him that I had resolued to see Guiana, and that it was the end of my
iourney, and the cause of my comming to Trinidad, as it was indeed, (and
for that purpose I sent Iacob Whiddon the yeere before to get
intelligence with whom Berreo himselfe had speech at that time, and
remembred how inquisitiue Iacob Whiddon was of his proceedings, and of
the countrey of Guiana) Berreo was stricken into a great melancholy and
sadnesse, and vsed all the arguments he could to disswade me, and also
assured the gentlemen of my company that it would be labour lost, and
that they should suffer many miseries if they proceeded. And first he
deliuered that I could not enter any of the riuers with any barke or
pinnesse, or hardly with any ships boat, it was so low, sandy, and full
of flats, and that his companies were dayly grounded in their canoas,
which drew but twelue inches water. He further sayde, that none of the
countrey would come to speake with vs, but would all flie: and if we
followed them to their dwellings, they would burne their owne townes:
and besides that, the way was long, the Winter at hand, and that the
riuers beginning once to swell, it was impossible to stem the current,
and that we could not in those small boats by any means cary victuall
for halfe the time, and that (which indeed most discouraged my company)
the kings and lords of all the borders of Guiana had decreed that none
of them should trade with any Christians for golde, because the same
would be their owne ouerthrow, and that for the loue of gold the
Christians meant to conquer and dispossesse them of all together.
Many and the most of these I found to be true, but yet I resoluing to
make triall of all whatsoever happened, directed Captaine George Gifford
my vice-admirall to take the Lions whelpe, and captaine Calfield his
barke to turne to the Eastward, against the mouth of a riuer called
Capuri, whose entrance I had before sent captaine Whiddon, and Iohn
Dowglas the master, to discouer, who found some nine foot water or
better vpon the flood, and fiue at low water, to whom I had giuen
instructions that they should anker at the edge of the shoald, and vpon
the best of the flood to thrust ouer, which shoald Iohn Dowglas bwoyed
and beckoned for them before: but they laboured in vaine: for neither
could they turne it vp altogether so farre to the East, neither did the
flood continue so long, but the water fell yer they could haue passed
the sands: as wee after found by a second experience; so as now wee must
either give ouer our enterprise, or leauing our ships at aduenture foure
hundred mile behinde vs, must run vp in our ships boats, one barge, and
two wheries. But being doubtfull how to cary victuals for so long a time
in such bables, or any strength of men, especially for that Berreo
assured vs that his sonne must be by that time come downe with many
souldiers. I sent away one King, master of the Lions whelpe, with his
shipboat to trie another branch of a riuer in the bottome of the bay of
Guanipa, which was called Amana, to prooue if there were water to be
found for either of the small ships to enter. But when he came to the
mouth of Amana, he found it as the rest, but stayed not to discouer it
thorowly, because he was assured by an Indian, his guide, that the
Canibals of Guanipa would assaile them with many canoas, and that they
shot poisoned arrowes: so as if he hasted not backe, they should all be
lost.
In the mean time, fearing the woorst, I caused all the carpenters we
had, to cut downe a Galego boat, which we meant to cast off, and to fit
her with banks to row on, and in all things to prepare her the best they
could, so as she might be brought to draw but fiue foot, for so much we
had on the barre of Capuri at low water. And doubting of Kings returne,
I sent Iohn Dowglas againe in my long barge, aswell to relieue him, as
also to make a perfect search in the bottome of that bay: for it hath
bene held for infallible, that whatsoeuer ship or boat shall fall
therein, can neuer disembogue againe, by reason of the violent current
which setteth into the sayde-bay, as also for that the brize and
Easterly winde bloweth directly into the same. Of which opinion I haue
heard Iohn Hampton of Plymmouth, one of the greatest experience of
England, and diuers other besides that haue traded to Trinidad.
I sent with Iohn Dowglas an old casique of Trinidad for a pilot, who
tolde vs that we could not returne againe by the bay or gulfe, but that
he knew a by-branch which ran within the land to the Eastward, and that
he thought by it we might fall into Capuri, and so returne in foure
dayes. Iohn Dowglas searched those riuers, and found foure goodly
entrances, whereof the least was as bigge as the Thames at Wolwich; but
in the bay thitherward it was shoald, and but sixe foote water: so as we
were now without hope of any ship or barke to passe ouer, and therefore
resolued to go on with the boats, and the bottome of the Galego, in
which we thrust 60 men. In the Lions whelps boat and whery we caried 20.
Captaine Calfield in his whery caried ten more, and in my barge other
tenne, which made vp a hundred: we had no other meanes but to cary
victuall for a moneth in the same, and also to lodge therein as we
could, and to boile and dresse our meat. Captaine Gifford had with him
master Edward Porter, captaine Eynos, and eight more in his whery, with
all their victuall, weapons, and prouisions. Captaine Calfield had with
him my cousin Butshead Gorges, and eight more. In the galley, of
gentlemen and officers my selfe had captaine Thin, my cousin Iohn
Greenuile, my nephew Iohn Gilbert, captaine Whiddon, captaine Keymis,
Edward Handcocke, captaine Clarke, lieutenant Hewes, Thomas Vpton,
captaine Facy, Ierome Ferrar, Anthony Welles, William Connocke, and
aboue fifty more. We could not learne of Berreo any other way to enter
but in branches, so farre to wind-ward, as it was impossible for vs to
recouer: for wee had as much sea to crosse ouer in our wheries, as
betweene Douer and Calais, and in a great billow, the winde and current
being both very strong, so as we were driuen to goe in those small boats
directly before the winde into the bottome of the bay of Guanipa, and
from thence to enter the mouth of some one of those riuers which Iohn
Dowglas had last discouered, and had with vs for pilot an Indian of
Barema, a riuer to the South of Orenoque, betweene that and Amazones,
whose canoas we had formerly taken as hee was going from the sayd
Barema, laden with Cassaui-bread, to sell at Margarita. This Arwacan
promised to bring me into the great riuer of Orenoque, but indeed of
that which he entred he was vtterly ignorant, for he had not seene it in
twelue yeeres before: at which time he was very yoong, and of no
iudgement: [Sidenote: A wonderfull confluence of streames.] and if God
had not sent vs another helpe, we might haue wandred a whole yere in
that labyrinth of riuers, yer wee had found any way, either out or in,
especially after wee were past ebbing and flowing which was in foure
dayes, for I know all the earth doeth not yeelde the like confluence of
streames and branches, the one crossing the other so many times, and all
so faire and large, and so like one to another, as no man can tell which
to take: and if wee went by the Sunne or Compasse, hoping thereby to goe
directly one way or other, yet that way wee were also caried in a circle
amongst multitudes of Islands, and euery Island so bordered with high
trees, as no man coulde see any further then the bredth of the riuer, or
length of the breach. But this it chanced, that entering into a riuer,
(which because it had no name, wee called the riuer of the Red crosse,
our selues being the first Christians that euer came therein) the two
and twentieth of May, as wee were rowing vp the same, wee espied a small
canoa with three Indians, which (by the swiftnesse of my barge, rowing
with eight oares) I ouertooke yer they could crosse the riuer, the rest
of the people on the banks shadowed vnder the thicke wood, gazed on with
a doubtfull conceit what might befall those three which we had taken.
But when they perceiued that we offered them no violence, neither entred
their canoa with any of ours, nor tooke out of the canoa any of theirs,
they then beganne to shew themselues on the banks side, and offered to
traffique with vs for such things as they had. And as wee drew neere,
they all stayed, and we came with our barge to the mouth of a little
creeke which came from their towne into the great riuer.
As we abode there a while, our Indian pilot, called Ferdinando, would
needs goe ashore their village to fetch some fruits, and to drinke of
their artificiall wines, and also to see the place, and know the lord of
it against another time, and tooke with him a brother of his, which hee
had with him in the iourney: when they came to the village of these
people the lord of the Island offered to lay hands on them, purposing
to haue slaine them both, yeelding for reason that this Indian of ours
had brought a strange nation into their territory, to spoile and destroy
them. But the pilot being quicke, and of a disposed body, slipt their
fingers, and ran into the woods, and his brother being the better
footman of the two, recouered the creekes mouth, where we stayed in our
barge, crying out that his brother was slaine: with that we set hands on
one of them that was next vs, a very olde man, and brought him into the
barge, assuring him that if we had not our pilot againe, we would
presently cut off his head. This olde man being resolued that he should
pay the losse of the other, cried out to those in the woods to saue
Ferdinando our pilot: but they followed him notwithstanding, and hunted
after him vpon the foot with the Deere-dogges, and with so maine a crie,
that all the woods eckoed with the shout they made: but at the last this
poore chased Indian recouered the riuer side, and got vpon a tree, and
as we were coasting, leaped downe and swamme to the barge halfe dead
with feare. But our good happe was, that we kept the other olde Indian
which we handfasted to redeeme our pilot withall: for being naturall of
those riuers, we assured our selues hee knew the way better then any
stranger could. And indeed, but for this chance, I thinke we had neuer
found the way either to Guiana, or backe to our ships: for Ferdinando
after a few dayes knew nothing at all, nor which way to turne, yea and
many times the old man himselfe was in great doubt which riuer to take.
Those people which dwell in these broken islands and drowned lands, are
generally called Tiuitiuas: there are of them two sorts, the one called
Ciawani, and the other Waraweete.
[Sidenote: A description of the mighty riuer of Orenoque or Baraquan.]
The great riuer of Orenoque or Baraquan hath nine branches which fall
out on the North side of his owne maine mouth: on the South side it hath
seuen other fallings into the sea, so it disemboqueth by sixteene armes
in all, betweene Ilands and broken ground, but the Ilands are very
great, many of them as bigge as the Isle of Wight, and bigger, and many
lesse. From the first branch on the North to the last of the South, it
is at least 100 leagues, so as the riuers mouth is 300 miles wide at his
entrance into the sea, which I take to be farre bigger then that of
Amazones. All those that inhabit in the mouth of this riuer vpon the
seuerall North branches, are these Tiuitiuas, of which there are two
chiefe lords which haue continuall warres one with the other. The Ilands
which lie on the right hand, are called Pallamos, and the land on the
left, Horotomaka, and the riuer by which Iohn Douglas returned within
the land from Amana to Capuri, they call Macuri.
[Sidenote: What maner of people the Tiuitiuas are.] These Tiuitiuas are
a very goodly people and very valiant, and haue the most manly speech
and most deliberate that euer I heard, of what nation soeuer. In the
Summer they haue houses on the ground, as in other places: in the Winter
they dwell vpon the trees, where they build very artificiall townes and
villages, as it is written in the Spanish story of the West Indies, that
those people do in the low lands nere the gulfe of Vraba: for betweene
May and September the riuer of Orenoque riseth thirty foot vpright, and
then are those ilands ouerflowen twenty foot high aboue the leuell of
the ground, sauing some few raised grounds in the middle of them: and
for this cause they are inforced to liue in this maner. They neuer eat
of any thing that is set or sowen: and as at home they vse neither
planting nor other manurance, so when they come abroad, they refuse to
feed of ought, but of that which nature without labour bringeth forth.
They vse the tops of Palmitos for bread, and kill deere, fish, and
porks, for the rest of their sustenance. They haue also many sorts of
fruits that grow in the woods, and great variety of birds and fowle.
And if to speake of them were not tedious, and vulgar, surely we saw in
those passages of very rare colours and formes, not elsewhere to be
found, for as much as I haue either seene or read. Of these people those
that dwell vpon the branches of Orenoque, called Capuri and Macureo, are
for the most part carpenters of canoas, for they make the most and
fairest canoas, and sel them into Guiana for golde, and into Trinidad
for tobacco in the excessiue taking whereof, they exceed all nations:
and not withstanding the moistnesse of the aire in which they liue, the
hardnesse of their diet, and the great labours they suffer to hunt, fish
and fowle for their liuing in all my life, either in the Indies or in
Europe, did I neuer behold a more goodly or better fauoured people or a
more manly. They were woont to make warre vpon all nations, especially
on the Canibals, so as none durst without a good strength trade by those
riuers: but of late they are at peace with their neighbours, all holding
the Spaniards for a common enemy. When their commanders die, they vse
great lamentation, and when they thinke the flesh of their bodies is
petrified, and fallen from the bones, then they take vp the carcase
againe, and hang it in the caciques house that died, and decke his scull
with feathers of all colours, and hang all his golde plates about the
bones of his armes, thighs, and legs. Those nations which are called
Arwacas, which dwell on the South of Orenoque, (of which place and
nation our Indian pilot was) are dispersed in many other places, and doe
vse to beat the bones of their lords into powder, and their wiues and
friends drinke it all in their seuerall sorts of drinks.
After we departed from the port of these Ciawani, wee passed vp the
riuer with the flood, and ankered the ebbe, and in this sort we went
onward. The third day that we entred the riuer, our galley came on
ground, and stucke so fast, as we thought that euen there our discouery
had ended, and that we must haue left fourescore and ten of our men to
haue inhabited like rooks vpon trees with those nations: but the next
morning, after we had cast out all her ballast, with tugging and halling
to and fro, we got her aflote, and went on. At foure dayes end wee fell
into as goodly a riuer as euer I beheld, which was called The great
Amana, which ranne more directly without windings and turnings then the
other: but soone after the flood of the sea left vs; and being inforced
either by maine strength to row against a violent current, or to returne
as wise as we went out, we had then no shift but to perswade the
companies that it was but two or three dayes worke, and therefore
desired them to take paines, euery gentleman and others taking their
turnes to row, and to spell one the other at the houres end. Euery day
we passed by goodly branches of riuers, some falling from the West,
others from the East into Amana, but those I leaue to the description in
the Cart of discouery, where euery one shalbe named with his rising and
descent. When three dayes more were ouergone, our companies began to
despaire, the weather being extreame hote, the riuer bordered with very
high trees, that kept away the aire, and the current against vs euery
day stronger then other: but we euermore commanded our pilots to promise
an ende the next day, and vsed it so long, as we were driuen to assure
them from foure reaches of the riuer to three, and so to two, and so to
the next reach: but so long we laboured, that many dayes were spent, and
wee driuen to drawe our selues to harder allowance, our bread euen at
the last, and no drinke at all; and our men and our selues so wearied
and scorched, and doubtfull withall, whether wee should euer performe it
or no, the heat increasing as we drew towards the line: for wee were now
in fiue degrees.
The further we went on (our victuall decreasing and the aire breeding
great faintnesse) wee grew weaker and weaker, when wee had most need of
strength and abilitie: for hourely the riuer ranne more violently then
other against vs, and the barge, wheries, and shippes boat of captaine
Gifford and captaine Calfield, had spent all their prouisions: so as we
were brought into despaire and discomfort, had wee not perswaded all the
company that it was but onely one dayes worke more to atteine the land
where wee should be relieued of all wee wanted, and if we returned, that
wee were sure to starue by the way, and that the world would also laugh
vs to scorne. On the banks of these riuers were diuers sorts of fruits
good to eat, flowers and trees of such variety, as were sufficient to
make tenne volumes of herbals: we relieued our selues many times with
the fruits of the countrey, and sometimes with fowle and fish. Wee saw
birds of all colours, some carnation, some crimson, orenge-tawny,
purple, watchet and of all other sorts both simple and mixt, and it was
vnto vs a great good passing of the time to beholde them, besides the
reliefe we found by killing some store of them with our fowling pieces:
without which, hauing little or no bread, and lesse drinke, but onely
the thicke and troubled water of the riuer, we had beene in a very hard
case.
Our olde pilot of the Ciawani (whom, as I sayd before, wee tooke to
redeeme Ferdinando) tolde vs, that if we would enter a branch of a riuer
on the right hand with our barge and wheries, and leaue the galley at
anker the while in the great riuer, he would bring vs to a towne of the
Arwacas, where we should finde store of bread, hennes, fish, and of the
countrey wine; and perswaded vs that departing from the galley at noone,
we might returne yer night. I was very glad to heare this speech, and
presently tooke my barke, with eight musketiers, captaine Giffords
whery, with myselfe and foure musketiers and Captaine Calfield with his
whery, and as many; and so we entred the mouth of this riuer: and
because we were perswaded that it was so nere, we tooke no victuall with
vs at all. When we had rowed three houres, we maruelled we saw no signe
of any dwelling, and asked the pilot where the towne was: he tolde vs a
little further. After three houres more, the Sun being almost set, we
began to suspect that he led vs that way to betray vs; for hee confessed
that those Spaniards which fled from Trinidad, and also those that
remained with Carapana in Emeria, were ioyned together in some village
vpon that riuer. But when it grew towards night; and wee demanded where
the place was: hee tolde vs but foure reaches more. When we had rowed
foure and foure, we saw no signe; and our poore water-men, euen
heart-broken, and tired, were ready to giue up the ghost: for we had now
come from the galley neere forty miles.
At the last we determined to hang the pilot; and if wee had well knowen
the way backe againe by night, we had surely gone; but our owne
necessities pleaded sufficiently for his safety: for it was as darke as
pitch, and the riuer began so to narrow it selfe, and the trees to hang
ouer from side to side, as wee were driuen with arming swords to cut a
passage thorow those branches that couered the water. Wee were very
desirous to finde this towne, hoping of a feast, because wee made but a
short breakefast aboord the galley in the morning and it was now eight a
clocke at night, and our stomacks began to gnawe apace: but whether it
was best to returne or goe on, we beganne to doubt, suspecting treason
in the pilot more and more: but the poore olde Indian euer assured vs
that it was but a little further, but this one turning and that turning:
and at the last about one a clocke after midnight wee saw a light; and
rowing towards it, wee heard the dogges of the village. When we landed
wee found few people; for the lord of that place was gone with diuers
canoas aboue foure hundred miles off, vpon a iourney towardes the head
of Orenoque to trade for golde, and to buy women of the Canibals, who
afterward vnfortunately passed by vs as wee rode at an anker in the port
of Morequito in the darke of the night, and yet came so neere vs, as his
canoas grated against our barges: he left one of his company at the port
of Morequito, by whom wee vnderstood that hee had brought thirty yoong
women, diuers plates of golde, and had great store of fine pieces of
cotton cloth, and cotton beds. In his house we had good store of bread,
fish, hennes, and Indian drinke, and so rested that night, and in the
morning after we had traded with such of his people as came downe, we
returned towards our gally, and brought with vs some quantity of bread,
fish, and hennes.
[Sidenote: A most beautifull countrey.] On both sides of this riuer we
passed the most beautifull countrey that euer mine eyes beheld: and
whereas all that we had seene before was nothing but woods, prickles,
bushes, and thornes, here we beheld plaines of twenty miles in length,
the grasse short and greene, and in diuers parts groues of trees by
themselues, as if they had beene by all the arte and labour in the world
so made of purpose: and still as we rowed, the deere came downe feeding
by the waters side, as if they had beene vsed to a keepers call.
[Sidenote: The riuer of Lagartos, or Crocodiles.] Vpon this riuer there
were great store of fowle, and of many sorts: we saw in it diuers sorts
of strange fishes, and of maruellous bignes: but for lagartos it
exceeded, for there were thousands of those vgly serpents; and the
people call it for the abundance of them, The riuer of Lagartos, in
their language. I had a Negro a very proper yoong fellow, who leaping
out of the galley to swim in the mouth of this riuer, was in all our
sights taken and deuoured with one of those lagartos. In the meane while
our companies in the gally thought we had bene all lost, (for wee
promised to returne before night) and sent the Lions whelps shippes boat
with captaine Whiddon to follow vs vp the riuer; but the next day, after
we had rowed vp and downe some fourescore miles, we returned, and went
on our way, vp the great riuer; and when we were euen at the last cast
for want of victuals, captaine Gifford being before the galley and the
rest of the boats, seeking out some place to land vpon the banks to make
fire, espied foure canoas comming downe the riuer; [Sidenote: Two canoas
taken.] and with no small ioy caused his men to trie the vttermost of
their strengths, and after a while two of the foure gaue ouer, and ranne
themselues ashore, euery man betaking himselfe to the fastnesse of the
woods, the two other lesser got away, while he landed to lay hold on
these: and so turned into some by-creeke, we knew not whither.
[Sidenote: Three Spanyards escaped.] Those canoas that were taken, were
loaden with bread, and were bound for Margarita in the West Indies,
which those Indians (called Arwacas) purposed to cary thither for
exchange: but in the lesser there were three Spanyards, who hauing heard
of the defeat of their gouernour in Trinidad, and that we purposed to
enter Guiana, came away in those canoas: one of them was a cauallero; as
the captaine of the Arwacas after tolde vs, another a souldier, and the
third a refiner.
END OF VOL. XIV.
* * * * *
Transcriber's note:
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When the author's preference can be determined, we have rendered
consistent on a per-word-pair basis the hyphenation or spacing of
such pairs when repeated in the same grammatical context.
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have been corrected.
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The following list indicates any additional changes. The page number
represents that of the original publication and applies in this etext
except for footnotes and illustrations since they may have been moved.
Page Change
5 (Continuation of Part II.)[Added line.]
14 with great sprindges[springes], which lifted vp their feete
15 Great snow about the twentith[twentieth] of March.
17 neere vnto the prouince of Guachoyn[Guachoya]:
22 and that they would quit and and[Deleted 'and'.] free him
23 of their diposition[disposition], and because they were
38 aboue the Riuer in a Prouince called Taguante[Taguanate],
40 The Ruier[Riuer] increaseth but once a yeere when the snowes doe
40 Another day came some from Tanguanate[Taguanate],
41 for pure hunger and weaknesse. The Gourernour[Gouernour]
43 Guachoya had told him coucerning[concerning] himselfe,
44 canoes of the Saniards[Spaniards], and ouerwhelme them;
50 it, as though they had bin venomous. In the mornin-[morning]
51 from North to South, aud[and] thitherto they had runne
51 midday forward they saw gerat[great] Mountaines, which vntill
52 tho[the] current, they went close to the shore,
69 This was the valley of Coracones[Coraçones].
75 had information of the woollen cloth of Tontonteac[Totonteac],
75 which were furnised[furnished] from thence with things
79 which stoode without the citie, and straightway[streightway]
85 se partio con ocho soldados, qûe[que] de voluntad le quisieron
85 pocos dias de camino toparaon[toparon] con vna Prouincia
85 quedaron ellos en la dicha Prouiucia[Prouincia] con
88 vna Prouiucia[Prouincia] grande, y de muchos pueblos con
90 cueros de venados tan bien aderçados[adereçados] como los
91 Andauan vestitos[vestidos] de algodon,
91 y que la rongan[pongan] por obra.
91 as[las] tierras de Cibola, donde ay muchas vacas, de
92 que bastan a partir pòr[por] medio vn hombre,
93 a su Megestad[Magestad], como testigos de vista:
95 con neue[nueve] companneros que
97 y que en las riberas del de vna y orta[otra] banda ay
99 que tantas almas rededimas con su saugre[sangre] no se
104 for the space of twelue dayes traul[trauel],
106 as well dresssd[dressed] as those of
108 together with the three Indian boyes, and the mestico[mestiço].
112 demomonstration[demonstration] of ioy and gladnes
114 they got glistering[glistening] and good metal
115 concering[concerning] the speedy building of two strong Forts
115 to Francis Hernandes of Siuil, concering[concerning] the
117 last past I departed from the prouinice[prouince]
118 the place which the father prouininciall[prouinciall] tolde vs
119 whereby certaine Indians were releiued[relieued] and some
121 doubt that some mishappe is is[del is] fallen vnto
125 good houses of three or foure ou[or] fiue lofts high,
125 prouinces whereof the Father prouncial[prouincial] made report
128 they are ruminated[ruinated] by warre
128 neuer, thelesse[neverthelesse] I must say the trueth
132 which was with him of of[del 2nd of] the prouince
135 with some dozen Indians of Meehuacan[Mechuacan],
137 The horses fleddde[fledde] from them,
145 and al other necesssary[necessary] apparel
149 and euery peso is 4.s[.] 8.d. of our money
150 perceiued to be preiudicall[preiudiciall] to the Romish doctrine
152 sweeter the the[Deleted 2nd 'the'.] countrey
154 Wine and olye[oyle] there is none growing
154 as some say it is, but a berrie that growteh[groweth]
155 the Contractation[Contratation] house, and there receiued my
156 which he esteemed aboue any treasure for for[Deleted 'for'.]
159 that euer was built iu[in] the Indies,
160 out of a ship called the Iesus of Lubec[Lubeck]
162 the ships, both from Peru, Hunduras[Honduras], Porto rico,
163 a bishop and about forty Spanyardsr[Spanyards.] Among
163 hundred Spanyards. In this couutrey[countrey]
165 a great wood about two leagus[leagues]
166 the Casique brough[brought] it from Shallapa
167 from the sea side to the mines of Secatecas[Sacatecas],
171 into into[Deleted 'into'.] the countrey.
173 The Indiaus[Indians] know a way to drowne
174 they haue vsed much lobour[labour] and diligence
175 This captine[captaine] lacking things necessary
175 had a great checke of the goueruour[gouernour]
177 which was fiue yerees[yeeres],
177 The people of the countrey are of good statute[stature],
179 and bring their masster[master] so much metall
178 Sidenote The Indians ignroance[ignorance] from whence they
180 then to fine their oare wite[with] lead.
180 little set by in these pars[parts],
182 and much Cinamom[Cinamon],
188 to graunt[grant] him succour and ayde against those
188 and held on the former entended[intended] voyage:
194 the first Northwinde that blewe, we had had[Deleted 'had'.] our
204 he had bene besore[before] shot with an arrow into the throat
207 who threatend[threatned] to hang vs for breaking
209 proclamation made vpon paine of loosing[losing] of goods
211 scaffold or place of iudgmeut[iudgment] vpon the morrow
211 maket[market] place in Mexico right ouer against
213 caried to be shewed as a spectacle for all the peoble[people]
214 and they hate and obhorre[abhorre] the Spaniards
215 demaunded[demanded] why I did not marrie
221 I bought me an horse of one of the the[Deleted 'the'.] Indians,
226 foule weather did sepatate[separate] them, to meete at the
231 cansed[caused] them to be beheaded,
234 mongst[amongst] the enemies, then to sterue[serue] on ship
240 the Admirall,[.] When it was day
244 The Port and small harbour of Techuanapa[Tecuanapa] hath
245 The place is very hoat[hot],
250 wherwith [wherewith] he made three long and famous
252 [Sidenote: A for[fort] built in Brasil by the English.]
265 the laying out of one thoussand[thousand].
267 Salomon spending her mast at the Range of Darmouth[Dartmouth],
269 where we might in best safety set our gallly[gally]-frigat
272 the gouerner[governor] of the towne sent
272 but God sent vs now for a generall scourage[scourge] to them all
285 certified Manuel Mascarenhas of these informtions[informations]
286 Sidenote All the Canbals[Canibals] of Petiguar
288 Maiestie so iustly as he will do who wil[will]
288 but he shall shall[Deleted 'shall'.] lose all the countrey.
306 disouery[discouery] of the Malucos by the North.
317 OF THE GULFE OF CALIFONIA[CALIFORNIA], AND OF THE SEA COAST
317 THE OCEAN SEA FROM CHINA AND IAPAN TO THE NOTHWEST[NORTHWEST]
325 an Island in the sea, within a crossse[crosse]-bow shoote
326 The hauhn[hauen] of S. Andrew
329 shore, for she[he] also had seene them,
330 ranne through that greene couutrey[countrey]
331 and on Tewesday[Tewsday] at breake of day
331 great hauen, euuironed[enuironed] with diuers small hilles
346 they detemined[determined] to retire to their boats
348 very faire and shinining[shining] sea-oyster of pearles
350 meane while our Chicimeco[Chichimeco] interpreter
358 when we came from Nuena[Nueua] Espanna:
365 passed beweene[betweene] the Indians and those of the Trinity
367 Indians,*[Deleted '*', no footnote.] where we had slaine the
369 with greene shrubs very plesant[pleasant] to behold
372 We began therfore[therefore] to set forward,
376 We sailed on Munday and Tewsday til noon[noone]
386 hauens along by those coastes to the hauen of Acupulco[Acapulco].
395 being not well acqainted[acquainted] with that
404 and thefore[therefore] I sent him backe very well contented
411 Certaine newes of the Spanyaads[Spanyards] at
411 hose[those] people as I had done vnto
413 met them on the way, whem[when] they went to see
414 and that I should not there, fore[therefore] depart thence
414 without al[a] doubt would come to annoy them,
415 and how it might be that in those sixeteeene[sixteene] dayes
426 which ly[lye] towardes the sea:
427 with her hignes[highnesse] picture and armes
429 of gall continue in eternall distast ;[distaste;]
431 mountanous[mountainous], so full of woodes, riuers, and marishes
439 made them merrie, in which mood they vaunted o[of] Guiana
442 it could not be obtened[obteined] in other sort then[than] this:
443 and as many or moe[more] great Cities
445 Thuet[Theuet] describeth, is but a branch of Amazones
446 And hereof it came that Martines[Martinez] entred so
448 built his brigandines vpon a riuer colled[called] Oia
449 landed at Cumaná[Cumana] in the West Indies,
458 and toke[tooke] diuers prisoners, among others they tooke
461 of a riuer called Capuri, whose entrace[entrance] I had
469 canaos[canoas] one of them was a cauallero; as
469 night, when the Trinite[Trinitie] againe
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