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´╗┐Title: Emancipation and Emigration - A Plan to Transfer the Freedmen of the South to the - Government Lands of the West by The Principia Club
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    Transcriber's Note:

    Every effort has been made to replicate this text as faithfully as
    possible, including non-standard spelling and punctuation. Some
    changes of spelling and punctuation have been made. They are
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 Principia Club Papers, No. 9.

 EMANCIPATION AND EMIGRATION.

 A
 PLAN TO TRANSFER
 the
 FREEDMEN OF THE SOUTH
 to the
 GOVERNMENT LANDS OF THE WEST.

 BOSTON, MASS.:
 PUBLISHED BY THE PRINCIPIA CLUB.
 1878.



CONTENTS.


                                                          Page

 Open Letter to the Freedmen of the South,                   3

 Emancipation and Emigration,                                5

 Preamble and Resolutions,                                   7

 Plan of Operations,                                        10

 Safety as an Investment,                                   12

 Objections Considered,                                     12

 Settlement of Freedmen on Government Lands Approved,       14

 The Freedmen's Danger,                                     15

 The National Farmers' Association,                         16

 Appendix,                                                  17


SPECIAL NOTICE.

The PRINCIPIA CLUB PAPERS consist of nine chapters, to wit:

 Vaticanism Unmasked,                             Chaps. 1 and 2

 The Political Trinity of Despotism,                     Chap. 3

 Despotism vs. Republicanism,                            Chap. 4

 The Ballot a Sacred Trust,                              Chap. 5

 The Political Trinity Victorious,                       Chap. 6

 The Southern Policy a Failure,                          Chap. 7

 Finance, Politics, and Religion,                        Chap. 8

 Emancipation and Emigration: a Plan to Colonize and
 Settle the Freedmen of the South on the Government
 Lands of the West,                                      Chap. 9

All these chapters, or papers, make a book of 344 pages, and will be
sold for $1.00.

N. B.--Orders should be addressed "J. W. ALDEN, President of the
Principia Club, No. 9 Hanson Street, Boston, Mass."



AN OPEN LETTER TO THE FREEDMEN OF THE SOUTH.


CAMBRIDGEPORT, MASS., Aug. 13, 1878.

_Fellow Citizens:_--If any apology for improving your condition were
needed it may be found in the fact that a large portion of the last
forty years of my life was spent, and many thousand dollars invested, in
the terrible conflict with the slave power. It is _not_ necessary for me
to remind you that the result of that conflict was your emancipation
from American slavery by the Republican party, with such leaders and
co-laborers as Chief Justice Salmon P. Chase, Senators Charles Sumner
and Henry Wilson, Rev. Joshua Leavitt, D. D., and Rev. Wm. Goodell, all
of whom have now passed away, but whose life-long labors, with many who
are still living, culminated in the Emancipation Proclamation of
President Lincoln in 1863. But it _is_, as it seems to me, necessary to
remind you that the Republican party of to-day is a very different thing
from then--that your liberties and citizenship have now become the stock
in trade of corrupt politicians--that your political rights have been
bartered away for the _promises_ of your old masters, which they never
meant to perform when they made them, and for which they now substitute
_demands_ for your return to slavery, with the pecuniary interest of one
to two thousand dollars in each able-bodied man _left out_; consequently
when they shoot a man they do not lose that amount of investment in his
body. Among the demands of the "dominant race" is the repeal of the
constitutional amendments which made you citizens and gave you the
ballot. Of course they did not ask the Republican party to do it
_directly_. They only asked them to put the political power of the
nation into the hands of the Democratic party, and the second and third
rate politicians now at the head of affairs at Washington were stupid
enough to do it, for the poor privilege of occupying the White House for
a short time. But when another Congress assembles with a Democratic
majority in both houses (if such a calamity should overtake us), that
will be done as sure as water runs down hill. Now what we propose to do
is to open a door to the "better land" of this country, into which every
freedman, who has had enough of slavery, both _legal_ before the war,
and _practical_ since, and who has enterprise enough to desire to better
his condition and that of his family, if he has one, may enter. It is
the most practical, sensible, and scientific "labor reform" yet
proposed; with neither the blatherskite of Kearney, nor his blasphemy,
profanity, nor blarney, to mar and jeopardize the movement.

It has been known in Washington for some time, that "The Principia Club
Papers, No. 9," soon to be issued, will contain a plan of emigration for
the freedmen and their families of the Southern States, and their
settlement upon the government lands of the Northern and Western States
and Territories, where they can cultivate their own farms and sit under
their own vine and fig-tree. The club will appoint a board of trustees
in whom the public can have the utmost confidence, whose duty it shall
be to assist the freedmen in the selection, purchase, and payment of
their farms, and the removal of their families and outfits.

More full explanations and descriptions will be given in the pamphlet,
which will contain also specific directions to individuals or colonies
how to proceed in the matter. While arrangements are being made with the
government, the club will be glad to receive any suggestions from any
one interested in the movement, and especially the leading colored men
in the country.

Concerning this movement, any information desired may be had by
addressing the president of the club,

J. W. ALDEN,

No. 9 Hanson Street, Boston, Mass.



EMANCIPATION AND EMIGRATION.


When emancipation took place, in 1863, it was not thought, by the noble
army of philanthropists who had labored more than a quarter of a century
for its accomplishment, that it would ever be necessary for the freedmen
to flee their native States, in order to enjoy their civil and political
rights and privileges under the Constitution.

Nor was it ever dreamed by the voting Republicans of 1876, that the
administration they were putting into power could ever become so stupid
as to surrender the national power into the hands of the rebel States,
under so thin a guise as the old exploded humbug of South Carolina
nullification--State rights, home-rule doctrine; and then stand by with
folded arms and see the freedmen deliberately turned over to the tender
mercies of the political trinity of despotism, to be stripped of their
civil and political rights under the Constitution, and to be refused
protection by the national government. It made no difference that the
robbers were _rebels_ and the robbed _loyal_ citizens. The hollow
promises of the rebels who had fought four years to destroy the
government, it seems, were better currency at Washington than the
protests of the loyal people who had saved it.

But the fifteen years that have elapsed since emancipation, have
demonstrated the fact that these loyal people who fought for and
saved the government, and who voted for and elected the present
administration, must be returned to practical slavery, submit to
serfdom, or emigrate to more civilized States, where their civil and
political rights will be cheerfully accorded to them.

The proof of this proposition lies in the fact that State after State,
in the South, which had amended their ante-bellum constitutions, so as
to conform to that of the United States, preparatory to their
readmission to the Union after the war, have, since their admission,
remodelled the said constitutions in the interest of the "dominant class
of white rulers." Moreover, the leaders of that same class are now in
hot haste to have the United States Constitution made to conform to
their own State laws, by the repeal of the amendments enfranchising the
freedmen,--a specimen of sharp practice and unparalleled audacity, only
equalled in the papal church, where the hierarchy made their system, and
then a translation of the Bible to fit into it, instead of making a
system to conform to the Bible, as originally written. (See Vaticanism
Unmasked.)

If "the dominant race," as Mr. Gordon called them at the Revere House
dinner, with the approval of Governor Rice and company, choose to put
their carts before their donkeys, in their own States, they can do so,
but when they call upon the nation to do it, the North may have a word
to say about it.

If that "dominant race" we have heard so much about, and of which we
have had such sad specimens in the present Congress, are expecting to
get their potatoes dug, their corn hoed, and their cotton picked, for a
peck of corn or so per week to each laborer, as their fathers have done
for a couple of centuries past, we beg leave to differ from them, and
suggest to their laborers a more excellent way for themselves. More than
this: we propose to assist those who desire a better condition, to
obtain it quietly, where each can enjoy the fruits of his own labors,
and sit with his family under his own vine and fig-tree, man fashion,
and where their wives and daughters will not be stripped and receive
upon their bare backs, for some petty offence, as many lashes as the
"dominant race" may please to inflict, as was the practice under the old
slave code, and is still continued.

The whipping-post is as yet an institution of the slave oligarchy, if we
may credit the following telegram:--

"At Hampton, Virginia, the other day, a white girl of fourteen years
received fifteen lashes at the whipping-post for stealing a pair of
shoes."

If the "white girl of fourteen years" had stolen, instead of a pair of
shoes, the assets of a bank, railroad, or any other corporation, she
would have been wined and dined according to the present moral code of
the solid South, which is being copied all over the country.

If our Northern readers feel that we have overdrawn the picture, and
"flaunted the bloody shirt," we beg them to remember that the Southern
press furnishes the material for that article. The last Boston paper we
happened to take up while writing, has the following quotation from the
"Oskolona (Mississippi) Southern States":--

"The future belongs to us and ours. Davis and his Cabinet and his
soldiers will rank with the Washingtons, the Hampdens, and the Tells in
the Pantheon of history, while Grant and his horde of bloody hirelings
will be classed with the Vandals, Goths, and Huns."

We will refer the reader to the "Appendix" of this, No. 9, for further
evidence of the public sentiment at the South, which goes to show that
the freedmen must EMIGRATE, FIGHT, or PERISH.

While the churches of the North are sending missionaries to educate them
up to the point of Christian citizenship and an educated ballot, the
"dominant white race" are robbing them of their political rights,
shooting them down, if they dare to assert them, and making them "hewers
of wood and drawers of water," as in the olden times of American
slavery. (See Appendix for evidence of this.)



PREAMBLE AND RESOLUTIONS.


The following preamble and resolutions, with plan of operations, will
indicate the work we propose to be done, or at least entered upon.


PREAMBLE.

_Whereas_, by the proclamation of emancipation of President Lincoln in
the year 1863, about four million of colored people were emancipated
from American slavery; and _whereas_, by the subsequent amendments to
the Constitution of the United States, passed by Congress and ratified
by more than three-quarters of the States of the Union, nearly a million
of said emancipated slaves, of lawful age and sex, were enfranchised and
made citizens; and

_Whereas_, said amendments to the Constitution were practically
nullified and rendered a dead letter in the Southern States at the last
presidential election, and ever since, by disfranchising the colored
Republicans who would not put into the ballot-boxes Democratic tickets,
shooting some and intimidating others; and

_Whereas_, the elements of despotism in the Democratic party are now
clamoring for a repeal of the said constitutional amendments, so that
they may return the colored Republicans legally to their former
condition, or a worse one, and use them for Democratic voters and
ballot-box stuffers; therefore,--


RESOLUTIONS.

1. _Resolved_, That the Principia Club appeal to the government of the
country, to render such assistance as will enable their emancipated
people to take their families to the Northern and Western States and
Territories, and settle on government lands, where they can enjoy their
rights of citizenship, and be protected by the government which has thus
far failed to render them protection from bull-dozing, assassination,
intimidation, and other barbarisms to which they are now subjected by
the elements of despotism in the South.

2. _Resolved_, That a board of trustees be appointed to assist the
freedmen in obtaining their lands at government price, together with
such an outfit as will enable them to remove their families and commence
farming on their own account, to receive and disburse all moneys
contributed for the above purposes, appoint such agents as may be
necessary in the several States, to promote emigration and carry forward
the following plan of operations, until the freedmen and their families
who desire it, shall be removed to better homes and more civilized
society, entirely away from the barbarism of slavery, and the pernicious
doctrine that States rights are supreme and national rights are
subordinate.

3. _Resolved_, That emancipation from American slavery being
practically nullified, therefore, emancipation from home rule as
understood and practised at the South, becomes a _necessity_, and
emigration to a civilized community a consequence.

4. _Resolved_, That the President of the Principia Club be instructed to
obtain from the Secretary of the Interior a list of the number of acres
of unsold and unpre-empted lands in each of the Northern and Western
States and Territories, from which the Trustees may select farms for
their wards.

5. _Resolved_, That the same ascertain from the officers of the Pacific
and other railroads, the best terms they are prepared to offer to
settlers for the transportation of themselves, their families, and their
outfits to the lands along their roads respectively.

6. _Resolved_, That the twenty-eight million acres of land contiguous to
the Central, Union, Kansas and Denver Pacific roads, which the Secretary
of the Interior has recently decided to open to actual settlers, at the
government price of $1.25 per acre (the three years' limitation after
the completion of said roads contained in the land-grant laws having
expired), shall receive the special attention of the Trustees of this
association in the selection of farms for applicants. But in case the
decision of the Secretary of the Interior should not stand, or should be
contested, then the government lands will be purchased instead.

7. _Resolved_, That the Republican party, to whom the country owes,
under God, Emancipation, be called upon to finish the work so nobly
begun, by carrying out a provision of the United States Constitution,
Art. IV., Sect. II., Clause I., which reads, "the citizens of each State
shall be entitled to all privileges and immunities of citizens in the
several States," and that this clause of the Constitution, together with
the amendments enfranchising the freedmen, be made test questions at the
polls, until a solid North shall elect a government that will
have backbone enough to see to it that every State in the Union
shall strictly comply with the requirements of the United States
Constitution, or revert to a territorial condition.



THE PLAN OF OPERATIONS.


1. The Trustees shall be men of either known wealth, ability, financial
strength, or business capacity, in whose honesty and integrity the
community will have the most implicit confidence.

2. All moneys entrusted to them shall be appropriated in strict
conformity to the directions of the donor or lender, whether for the
general expenses or the purchase of lands.

3. The funds furnished the Trustees for the purchase of lands, shall be
treated as loans or donations as the party may elect, the deed in each
case to be taken in the name of the party furnishing the money to pay
for the land, which deed may be held by the Trustees, or passed over to
the owner as he may elect, as security, if for a loan.

4. The terms of sale to the freedmen by the Trustees shall be
substantially those of the pre-emption laws, to wit: $1.25 per acre; but
the terms of payment may be mutually arranged between the owner and
purchaser, or their agents, the Trustees.

5. Every freedman who can pay for his own farm may have his deed at
once, and enjoy the privileges granted to and by this association, by
the payment of five dollars towards the general expenses.

By the above plan it will be seen that any person investing fifty
dollars for a quarter section, one hundred dollars for a half section,
or two hundred dollars for a section, and so on, will hold the land as
security at $1.25 per acre, while the alternate sections which have been
sold by the Pacific railroads have averaged much more, or about five
dollars an acre (some have sold for fifteen dollars). Thus it will be
seen that the investment will be a safe one, and at the same time
facilitate the exodus of the freedmen to the Western States.

The Trustees will not be allowed to run the association in debt, but
will invest the money put into their hands in the best lands, according
to their judgment, and sell them to the freedmen in the order in which
application and selection is made.

Justice to the freedmen, after the treatment they have received,
requires that the United States government should transport them free of
charge, together with their families, household goods, farming
implements, &c., to unpre-empted lands in the Western States and
Territories, giving to each family land sufficient for their
maintenance, with due diligence and care, and a reasonable time to pay
for it. But the prospect of a "labor reform" movement of that magnitude
does not look very encouraging, when we remember that the rebel South
have thirty-five bogus members in Congress, to which they are not
entitled, while depriving large Republican majorities of several States
of the exercise of the elective franchise, which the amendments to the
Constitution conferred upon them.

If we had more STATESMEN in Congress, and fewer corrupt politicians, the
prospect would be more flattering that the demands of justice would be
heeded.

If, however, the government as at present constituted, should take hold
of the matter in earnest and good faith, our "National Farmers'
Association" may be easily modified to conform to the circumstances. But
on the other hand, if the "solid South," by virtue of its _thirty-five_
bogus representatives, should rule the nation as in ante-bellum times it
did with its _twenty-five_, neither the freedmen nor their friends can
expect any thing to be done in the direction we have suggested that will
benefit the freedmen, until Congress shall be reconstructed at the
polls, or until the large Republican majorities of freedmen in the
South, despairing of the protection of their political rights by the
Federal power, seize their last resort and defend them by their own
strong arms, under "home rule and State rights." If they should do this
the "dominant race" and their rifle clubs would vanish like dew before
the sun, and that ball wouldn't stop rolling until the whole nest of
Southern rebels are cleaned out.

But we propose to the government to prevent all this bloodshed, and
quietly remove the freedmen and their families to the Western prairies.



SAFETY AS AN INVESTMENT.


1. When an individual furnishes the Trustees with money to purchase a
farm of a quarter section or more, for a freedman and his family, he
will get, in due time, a deed of the land at $1.25 per acre, as security
for his investment. The investor may then sell the land to the farmer or
freedman on such terms of payment as may be agreed upon; or, if more
convenient, the Trustees will do it, under his instructions.

2. When a purchaser of a farm pays for it himself he will get his deed
at once, and that will end the matter with him, so far as the Trustees
are concerned.

3. Parties wishing to _donate_ farms for poor and worthy freedmen and
their families, can do so through the Trustees, and be furnished in due
time with the names of the recipients, their location, and post-office
address.

4. As an investment, well-located farms at $1.25 per acre, are as safe
as government bonds, and will pay a much larger interest. We have
already stated that the lands donated to the Pacific railroads have
_averaged_ five dollars per acre, while some of them have sold as high
as fifteen dollars per acre.



OBJECTIONS CONSIDERED.


1. We are aware that one objection to our plan of placing the freedmen
in a comparatively independent position from their old masters and their
posterity, is its _magnitude_. But that is no valid reason why it
should not be adopted. If it cannot be wholly accomplished in a
generation or a century, let it be done, so far as it can be, in our
generation, and continued by our successors until it shall be finished.

Under God, Moses undertook to lead the children of Israel out of
Egyptian bondage into the promised land. In doing it they were forty
years in the wilderness, but in due time the thing was accomplished and
passed into history. The magnitude of the project and the time required
for its accomplishment were no objections to its being undertaken. It is
true we have no Moses to lead the freedmen into our western prairies,
but we have the same God to work under that Moses had.

2. The American Board of Commissioners for Foreign Missions, when it
began its work, had no expectation of converting the world to
Christianity in a generation or a century; but that was no reason why it
should not organize and go to work, leaving for its successors to finish
what it then only began. The same is true of the Home Missionary Society
work, and that of the American Missionary Association, which has the
freedmen under its care especially. The work of both of these societies
will be greatly facilitated by taking the freedmen from the clutches of
the old slave oligarchy, and placing them in an independent civil
position on our boundless prairies, and in cities and villages where
they can care for themselves, their families, and their country, with
none to molest nor make them afraid; a work which neither of the above
societies can do, under their present constitutions.

Where they are, Col. Preston, of Virginia, in a paper addressed to the
American Missionary Association at its annual meeting said: "There is no
place for them as legislators, and no room for them among the whites as
doctors, lawyers, professors, engineers, architects, or artists. By
other pursuits they must gain their livelihood, and for other pursuits
they must be trained."

It will be observed that agriculture is left out of the colonel's
catalogue, and, of course, must be included in the "other pursuits" by
which the freedmen "must gain their livelihood." Now we propose to place
them on the best farming lands on this continent, where they can not
only gain a "livelihood," but qualify themselves for any and all of the
above occupations and professions, with no rifle clubs to keep them in
subjection to the ruling class of whites.

President Fairchild, of Berea College, said that the above quotation was
a "leaden weight hung upon the neck of the colored youth."

Our plan proposes to put them in a position to shake off that "leaden
weight," and rise in the scale of humanity in consonance with their just
deserts.

It can but commend itself to the friends of the freedmen.



THE PLAN APPROVED.


Since our "open letter to the freedmen of the South," dated Aug. 13,
1878, and published in the Boston "Traveller," a few days after,
announcing our plan of emigration, we have received letters of
endorsement from leading freedmen, which show the feeling in the South
in favor of this plan, and their opposition to the Liberia scheme of
emigration. One of them writes us: "I prefer going West, and many
hundreds here would join me. I am opposed to emigration to Liberia. We
cannot live in the South and enjoy our political rights. We need wealth
and education. These are what we cannot get in the South, where the
landed aristocrat refuses to sell and divide his land among the blacks.
He opposes our education, so as to be able to control our political
rights, and make us only "hewers of wood and drawers of water." I hope
the plan will be a success. The prayers of many freedmen will go with
you and the whole scheme."

This writer is endorsed by Hon. J. H. Rainey, M. C. from South
Carolina.

As we go to press with this pamphlet, we will give the key-note of the
newspaper press on the subject.

The "Washington Republican" urges upon the colored men of the South that
the best thing they can do is to go to the West. It says:--

"And the sooner they go the better for all concerned. Their exodus from
the South would leave the soil of that to them inhospitable section
without tillers. It would weaken the political strength of the
ex-Confederacy in the Union, and they would stand some chance of being
represented in the national councils, as well as being counted in the
basis of that representation. Besides, it would awaken a sentiment among
the better classes of the South in favor of law and order, for the
purpose of persuading them to remain 'at home'; and this would result in
a determined effort to overcome Ku-Kluxism and bull-dozing in all their
varied forms."

To be "counted in the basis of that representation," and be forced to
submit to have bull-dozing representatives sent to Congress by the
Ku-Klux, is an unparalleled monstrosity.



THE FREEDMEN'S DANGER.


We verily believe that the chief danger to the freedmen is in being
fooled by the _fair promises_ of "the dominant white race." They have
succeeded so well in befooling the government, and have found out by
experience that it is much easier and more profitable to _fool_ than to
_fight_, that they will try the same game with the freedmen, as soon as
they begin to emigrate. _But don't be deceived by them._ You had
experience enough, both during slavery and since emancipation, of their
perfidy, faithlessness, and treachery. In our forty years' contest with
the slave power, we never knew its votaries to make a promise, involving
human rights, _and redeem it_, when it was against their pecuniary
interest to do so. I may say the same of their political promises,
specimens of which are given in the previous numbers of the Principia
Club papers, also in the Appendix, and need not be repeated in this.

Rebels who claim that this is "a white man's country," and that "negroes
have no rights that white men are bound to respect," are not to be
trusted. The thirty-five members of Congress to which the freedmen are
entitled, should be chosen by their votes, and, in every locality where
the freedmen are in a majority, and are fraudulently deprived of their
vote, the representative from that district should be denied a seat in
Congress. This would dispose of the Democratic majority of bull-dozers
at once. But whether this can be done or not, as things now are,
organize into colonies, leave the "solid South to the world, the flesh,
and the devil," emigrate West, where you can vote and enjoy your
political rights, as the Constitution defines them.



THE NATIONAL FARMERS' ASSOCIATION.


ARTICLE I.

This association shall be called the National Farmers' Association.


ARTICLE II.

The officers of this association shall consist of a President,
Vice-President, Secretary, and Treasurer, who, together with three other
persons, shall constitute a board of trustees.


ARTICLE III.

The object of the association shall be to encourage the freedmen of the
Southern States to emigrate to the Northern and Western States and
Territories, and settle upon government lands, where they can be
protected, and live under laws in harmony with the Constitution of the
United States; or form townships of their own on the New England plan,
with churches, schools, &c., according to their own predilections.


ARTICLE IV.

Every individual owning a farm not less than a quarter section, or forty
acres, shall be entitled to membership in this association, by the
payment of five dollars towards the general expenses. Any surplus
remaining over and above the expenses will be invested in farms for poor
families, who have always been loyal to the United States government.


ARTICLE V.

Every freedman who purchases a farm and settles upon the same, shall be
an honorary member of this association, until he shall have paid for the
same and obtained his deed, when he shall be admitted to full
membership.


ARTICLE VI.

The officers of the Principia Club shall act as officers of this
association, until an act of incorporation shall be obtained, or until
other officers shall be elected.



APPENDIX.


If any proof were needed of the truth of our positions in the editorial,
the preamble, the resolutions, or the necessity of the transfer of the
freedmen from Southern rule and the barbarism of slavery, to the more
civilized portions of the land, it may be found in the Appendix. The
testimony of the Southern press is absolutely overwhelming. We might
print a large volume of the same kind, but we content ourself with only
specimens enough to answer our purpose, from both the Northern and
Southern press, leaving the mass of testimony still in our drawer.

We begin this catalogue of witnesses with an article from the Boston
"Traveller," which quotes and comments upon Southern testimony with so
much truthfulness, that we give the article entire.


NEGROES AND THEIR RIGHTS.

The recent Democratic Convention of Edgefield County, South
Carolina,--the home of "Hamburg" Butler,--adopted the following
resolution:--

"We regard the issues between the white and the colored people of this
State, and of the entire South, as an antagonism of race, not a
difference of political parties. This State and the United States were
settled by the white race; the lands now belong to the white race; the
white race are responsible for its government and civilization, and
white supremacy is essential to our continued existence as a people. We
are willing to accord to the colored race equal and exact justice, and
we recognize all of their rights and privileges under the laws of this
land."

Rightly interpreted this means--"We will give the niggers all their
rights, but really they have no rights." That is the old doctrine of the
Democratic party, which changes its principles only when the leopard
changes its spots, and a more truthful declaration of its principles
than is often presented. Some of the Southern Democrats, who just now
are endeavoring to secure negro votes for their party, deprecate these
declarations, and the resolution has given rise to some discussion in
the South Carolina press.

The Spartansburg "Spartan" says:--

"Unfortunately there are too many who, thinking they can manipulate the
negro vote, wish to bring it into the Democratic party. If this is done
it will not only destroy the controlling influences of the white man and
endanger his institutions and civilization, but will put the up country
of South Carolina under the control of the low country, where the great
negro vote lies."

The Charleston "News," taking a different view of the case, says:--

"If colored people are willing to become Democrats in good faith, it
will require grave deliberation to determine whether it is not wiser to
let them in, and give them a voice in the party, than to leave them
outside as a bait for Independent Democrats. The Independent, not the
colored Democrat, is the rock ahead in South Carolina politics."

The "News" is willing to allow negroes to act in the Democratic party,
it seems, solely because the colored vote may thereby be controlled. It
does not concede their right to vote, and to vote as they may choose,
but it realizes that some of them will vote, notwithstanding the
opposition of the Spartan school of Democracy, and seeking to have that
vote controlled in the interests of the party, it is willing to have it
understood by the negroes that they will find no obstacles in the way of
their voting, if they unite with the Democratic party. The same end is
sought by the "Spartan" and by the "News." The first-named wishes to
secure the supremacy of a race by preventing the negroes from voting,
while the "News" thinks it a better policy to adopt measures for the
control of their votes. The "News" is no more friendly to the colored
men than its contemporary, and the policy it proposes is as dangerous to
their rights, as that of those who, in an outspoken manner, tell the
negroes they are entitled to no political privileges.

PLAIN TALK.--The Providence "Journal" says: "The stipulations to which
the Southern States solemnly pledged themselves, as the conditions of
restoration to their forfeited rights in the Union, and to their
readmission to a share in the government which they had attempted to
overthrow, have been shamelessly violated. The negro is not permitted to
vote unless he is frightened into voting the Democratic ticket. He has
practically 'no rights which a white man is bound to respect.' In some
of these States a sort of peonage has been established, which differs
from slavery mainly in the exemption of the master from the care of the
slave in sickness and old age, and in all of them disqualifying laws,
and still more disqualifying practices under the laws, prevail. History
presents no parallel to the forbearance shown by the conquering party in
the rebellion, and none to the perfidy of the party that was overcome."

A leading paper in the State of Senator Gordon--the Columbus
"Enquirer-Sun,"--thus favors the lynch law: "A good, able-bodied,
healthy corpse, or even a slightly damaged one, dangling from the limb
of a tree on a public highway, strikes more terror into the heart of a
criminal, and creates more respect for the fiat of justice, than the
inside of a thousand jails, or the presence of an army of judges and
jurymen. There is an appalling grandeur, a horrifying sublimity in the
spectacle of a ghastly, half-devoured human form suspended in mid-air,
receiving alike unconsciously the refreshing drops of the nocturnal dew
that gives life to the violets, or the glowing rays of the morning sun
as it ascends the eastern horizon and beams smilingly down on a busy
world."

Which is correct? Here is Representative Waddell of North Carolina,
formerly a rebel general, telling an organization of Union veterans,
that not one person in one hundred thousand in the South expects or
desires compensation for property destroyed by the Union armies, and
here is ex-editor Cheney of Lebanon, who has travelled through the South
and sojourned in Florida, saying: "You meet with no man in the South who
does not either earnestly assert the justice of these claims, or leave
with you the impression that he hopes they will be paid, because such
payment means more money and greater prosperity for the South. Even the
negroes, when it comes to the test, will be found co-operating with
their masters to secure compensation for their own freedom." We repeat
our question, Which is correct?--_Concord Monitor_.


LOUISIANA.

Ex-Governor Pinchbeck had an interview with the President recently, in
which he took occasion to express his views concerning the needs of
Louisiana. He represents the interview to have been pleasant and
satisfactory. Pinchbeck says the State has now the best governor of any
other within his recollection; that the people were generally better
satisfied than heretofore, with the condition of affairs, although the
people there, as elsewhere, complain of hard times. The only thing of
which Pinchbeck complains is that the few children, nearly white, in the
public schools in New Orleans, have been required to leave them. They
should, he said, have been permitted to remain until faded out by
increase of years. His own children were included in the number removed
by the school authorities.


THE SOUTHERN POLICY.

The Principia Club of Cambridgeport has just published a pamphlet of 160
pages with the above title, containing a history of the President's
Southern policy, so far as developed, up to the close of the extra
session of Congress. The facts and testimony were collated by its
president, and constitute a chain of evidence absolutely overwhelming to
all but the conspirators, who are determined to ignore the facts and
swear it through in the interest of the bull-dozed Democracy. That the
said policy is a failure to promote Republicanism, can no longer be
doubted. That it has put the government of the country into the power of
the conspirators is abundantly proved by this pamphlet, which will be
read with great interest.--_Traveller_.

The colored people of the South are physically and socially in a worse
condition to-day than when held in the bonds of slavery, and as citizens
their badge of citizenship is a mockery, and far more galling than the
chains which bound them in involuntary servitude. The Constitution
promises them protection in equal rights before the law as citizens, but
the protecting arm of the Federal power has been withdrawn, and the
written law is not worth the parchment on which it is inscribed. The
guarantees of the Constitution are suspended. The rights of citizenship
are a baseless dream. The heel of political oppression is planted upon
their citizenship with a power as ruthless as that which restrained
their physical freedom as men. The Constitution and its guarantees have
become a mere sham.--_Washington Republican_.

The grand jury of Pike County, Miss., reported that many persons
summoned before them as witnesses failed to come, because of the fear
of personal violence should they testify. "One witness," they say, "was
assassinated while _en route_ to the seat of justice, and we have
received such information as to lead us to believe that the lives of
others would be in danger, if they came before the court to testify."
Mississippi gives a Democratic majority of fifty thousand.--_Chicago
Inter-Ocean_.

But what right has the "Inter-Ocean" to complain? Hasn't the policy
given Mississippi peace? Haven't the bull-dozers been informed that they
will be conciliated, regardless of expense? And what is the importance
of a murder or two, or the perversion of justice, or any other little
violation of the Declaration of Independence and the Constitution,
compared with peace and reform? The "Inter-Ocean" is an implacable
newspaper, and ought to be ashamed of itself for printing such
bloody-shirt facts, and insinuating unkind things against the President
and his Democratic policy!--_Traveller_.

Alluding to the suggestion of a Southern paper that Mr. Garrison should
be hung, the Philadelphia "Bulletin" says: "It is difficult to say with
certainty what may not happen in a country the government of which is
now controlled by a political party which once strove to destroy it; but
we have a very strong notion that when hanging for treason begins in
this country Mr. Garrison will not be the first victim. If such a policy
should be suddenly introduced, it would vacate about three-fourths of
the Democratic seats in Congress and rob the Democratic party of its
most popular leaders."

We know what we are talking about, and we say this is the plan which
Western and Southern Democrats are now working up. Their first purpose
is to capture the government, and their next will be the separation of
the States. Mr. Voorhees's statesmanship does not recognize any
community of interest between the West and the East. He thinks "the
great West" and "the sunny South" should join hands and let the Eastern
States with their "capitalists" and "bondholders" and "Shylocks" go.
This is the new Democratic scheme, and it is one that honest men and
patriots must fight from the start.--_Indianapolis Journal_.

The Atlanta "Constitution" objects to the roasting of negroes alive in
Alabama, especially those who have not been convicted of crime. Alluding
to a recent affair in that State, it says: "No immigrant, looking for a
new home, will for a moment think of settling in a State or section that
permits mobs to supersede courts. The senseless burning of Owen Wright
may cost the cotton State a million of dollars, coming as it did at a
time when immigrants were looking this way from the Northern States."

The Meriden, Miss., "Mercury," supports the policy by declaring that "no
man should be tolerated as an independent candidate for any cause and
under any circumstances, who attempts to procure his election by solidly
arraying the black voters in his favor," and the Okolona, Miss.,
"Southern States," supplements this with the following: "The real,
simon-pure Democracy of Mississippi, have never made the negro any
promises--none whatever. We have, therefore, no pledges to redeem.
Remember that. We will see that he is protected in his life, limb, and
property as far as in us lies; but at the same time we will take
precious pains to nip any of his political aspirations in the bud. 'This
is a white man's government, made for white men and their posterity
forever.'" We congratulate the administration on the progress of the
policy.

There are strong Republican districts in South Carolina, Mississippi,
and Louisiana. Let Matthews, Hoar, Foster, and the other distinguished
gentlemen who championed "the policy" in the Senate and House, together
with the editors who have been "writing it up," go down there and help
the Republicans elect the right kind of men. There is no easier and
better way to secure a Republican majority in the House.--_Inter-Ocean_.

At the Virginia election last week, the Republicans cast seven votes in
Petersburg and three in Richmond. The "Washington Republican" says: "It
is well known that the negro loves the franchise and is proud to
exercise it. The only reason for his not having done so at the recent
election was that he could not safely vote as he wished, and would not
vote the other ticket."

Alluding to the Atlanta speech of President Hayes, William Lloyd
Garrison says: "The mental obfuscation of the President is hard to
parallel; but his moral standard in this instance, is as flexible as 'a
reed shaken by the wind.' Such a confounding of loyalty and treason,
right and wrong, liberty and slavery, and treating them all 'with
respect,' and in the same complimentary manner, is enough 'to stir a
fever in the blood of age.' Hail, Judas Iscariot! Hail, Benedict Arnold!
Your reproach shall now be taken away! You nobly acted up to your
'convictions,' and are as much entitled to commendation as the apostle
John or the patriot George Washington! We humbly beseech you to be
'equally liberal and generous and just' to the apostle and patriot
aforesaid, who were not less heroic and true to their convictions.
Neither party has anything to be ashamed of; but both glory in their
achievements.".

The sum total of Democratic policy in the South is the condign
punishment of venial crime committed by Republicans and negroes, and
amnesty for all crimes committed by Democrats. The Democratic party has
never been strong enough anywhere to declare its independence of the
dangerous classes.--_Philadelphia North American_.

The Atlanta "Independent," in discussing the question of who saved
Georgia to the Democrats, does not give credit to Benjamin Hill, but to
the shot-guns of the Ku-Klux.--_Cincinnati Gazette_.


GOING TO LEAVE "OLD MISSISSIPPI."

Senator Bruce, colored, of Mississippi, is preparing to shake the dust
of that unfriendly stronghold of Democracy from his feet. He realizes
that it is not the place where a black man can safely go to grow up with
the country. His marriage to a Cleveland belle was only part of the
programme he has mapped out for himself. He has bought considerable
property in that vicinity, and when his senatorial term has expired he
will go to his farms, and let others fight it out on the color line.


HAMPTON'S LEGION OF "CONCILIATORS."

The "Traveller" has all along maintained, in spite of the protests of
the Northern doughfaces who worship the ex-Confederate chiefs, that the
conciliatory profession of Hampton & Co. is a malicious snare, and the
fraternal disposition attributed to their followers is a delusion. As
the campaign at the South advances, the truth begins to develop, and
even the Northern conciliators begin to acknowledge it. The following
information comes in the form of a Washington despatch to one of the
most obedient newspaper servants of the Southern chieftains:--


_Terrorism in South Carolina._

Information from Abbeville District, in South Carolina, is to the effect
that Democrats have already begun a system of terrorism to prevent
Republicans from organizing for political purposes. Several of the local
papers of that section are charging that Republicans of that vicinity
have completed a ticket, and that it is already being circulated
secretly among colored voters, and upon this curious charge an attempt
is being made to stir up white citizens to take this matter in hand, and
act in time, and vigorously. In Edgefield District, one of the local
newspapers, in commenting upon this reported secret action on the part
of the Republicans, says that something is feared in Edgefield County,
and upon this urges that two Republicans, who are supposed to be leaders
in this movement, should, if they dared to lift their heads or fingers
in political machinations, be seized and hung. To use its own words:
"Yes, we mean exactly what we say. If those named, and others, ever dare
to inaugurate political schemes in Edgefield again, let us hang them.
Not only our own self-respect, but our safety demands it, and that
without masks or disguise."

The newspaper quoted is the Edgefield "Advertiser," which contains a
long article giving the names of those Republicans against whom it
tries to incite the mob. The Abbeville "Medium" joins in the cry against
the Republicans, who are exercising their common rights, and advises the
Democrats to "throw out pickets" in order to suppress the movement. What
all this talk means everybody knows, and the experience of the Southern
Republicans shows them what they are to expect if they dare to exercise
their privileges as citizens. Extraordinary emphasis is given to this
revival of Ku-Kluxism, by the recollection that it is just two years
since the horrors of the Hamburg massacre were enacted, on the very
ground where this movement finds its inspiration, under the patronage of
one who now holds a seat in the United States Senate; and that it is
more than one year since the State government of South Carolina was
surrendered to Hampton with the assurance that everybody's rights would
be protected, and that fraternal relations would be maintained as a
result of the conciliatory policy. This melancholy failure of all
efforts to compromise with the perfidious ex-Confederates, in South
Carolina, is only one in a score of lessons, by which the North has
blindly failed to profit. The assassins, who slaughtered the colored
Republicans, at Hamburg, are still at large, and ready for more bloody
work: and Hampton sits calmly at the head of affairs in his State,
deluding the people of the North with promises which he never intends to
fulfil. It would seem to be about time for us to recall the language of
the Cincinnati platform, declaring it to be "the solemn obligation of
the legislative and executive departments of the government" to "secure
to every citizen complete liberty and exact equality in the exercise of
all civil, political, and public rights." This language was enforced by
the imperative demand for "a Congress and a chief executive whose
courage and fidelity to these duties shall not falter until these
results are placed beyond dispute or recall." It is useless to deny that
the signs are ominous in the South. The time seems to have arrived for
testing the courage and fidelity of those whom the Republican party
called to the duty of protecting the rights of citizenship, and the
capability of Republican institutions for the plainest purposes and
requirements of a government.

The Portland "Advertiser," a disgruntled sheet of Republican
antecedents, says President Hayes has effected a "permanent settlement
of the Southern question." That depends. He has secured Democratic
ascendency in every Southern State. He has wiped out the Republican
party of the South. He has rewarded bull-dozers instead of punishing
them for their crimes. He has emasculated the United States flag so that
it is no longer the symbol of protection to the newly enfranchised race.
But the one thing which would compensate in some degree for these acts,
he has not been able to do; viz., make loyal men of the unreconstructed
ex-rebels. These are just as bitter, venomous, and implacable to-day as
on the day when Gen. Grant's term of office expired. One man, and one
only, so far as we know, has been changed by the "new departure," and
that man is now a Cabinet officer. Upon the same terms even the Chisholm
assassins might be conciliated.--_Concord Monitor_.

The safest thing to do with the Southern claims of all kinds is to
reject them promptly. If the entire batch should be ruled out, some
deserving persons might suffer, but the country would be saved the cost
of enriching a good many scores of rascally rebels. The claims now on
file foot up about three hundred millions of dollars, and we venture to
say that not half a million of this amount is honestly due to the
claimants.--_Philadelphia Bulletin_.

The lynching of the colored man, Walker Denning, in the town of
Riverside, Texas, appears to have been an unusually brutal and
unjustifiable act, even for Texas. The girl with whom he eloped admitted
to the reporter of a Texas paper that she prompted his course, Denning
at first strongly objecting and advising her to stay at home. The
spectacle of twenty armed men firing buck-shot into a chained and
helpless victim at such close range that his clothing was set on fire,
horrifies us with its unnecessary savagery. But the revelation is no
new one. We have already had proof upon proof that under "conciliation"
there is no law, justice, nor mercy for the unfortunate colored people
of the South: and this merely adds another to the long list of
butcheries, and worse than Turkish barbarities, of which the
blood-thirsty rebel element have been guilty.--_Traveller_.

Henrietta Wood, a colored woman, of Cincinnati, has recovered two
thousand five hundred dollars damages against ex-Sheriff Ward, of
Campbell County, Kentucky, for unlawful duress and abduction. In 1853,
when living in Cincinnati, she was enticed over the river to Kentucky,
and delivered over to Ward, who kept her as a slave seven months, when
he disposed of her to a slave-trader. She was sold South, and remained
fifteen years in slavery. She returned to Cincinnati after the close of
the war, and commenced the action which has just terminated in her
favor.

The "Macon (Ga.) Telegraph" demands that the Southern people shall be
paid for their emancipated slaves. Next they will probably want pay, at
hotel rates, for the entertainment of Union prisoners during the
war.--_Philadelphia Press_.

The colored Republicans in Somerville County, South Carolina, carried
the local election recently by a large majority, but the Democrats
managed to count them out, on the ground that it wouldn't do for the
Republicans to carry the first election of the season.--_Journal_.

And this right under the much-praised administrative system of Wade
Hampton, who, with Gordon, Lamar, Stephens, Hill, and the rest of
the treasonable species, constitutes the organic beau-ideal of
statesmanship. Turn the other cheek and let them slap it, Mr. Journal.

A SAD, TRUE STORY.--A letter from New Orleans to the "Philadelphia
Press" thus refers to the native Republicans of Louisiana:--

"The leaders were beset with dangers and difficulties such as have never
even been dreamed of in the North. One by one they have given their
life's blood in the cause. They have lain down their lives, true to the
flag. They have been thinned out by assassination and violence. Their
graves--the graves of the victims of Democratic outrage--are scattered
throughout the South. There are comparatively few of the living to tell
the tale. A large proportion of these, even, have been maimed and
crippled in the fight.

"They are to-day, as a rule, none the less true to the Republican faith.
The Southern Republican leaders have nothing to offer by way of
palliation or excuse. They have fallen one by one in the enemy's front.
The Republican masses have been massacred by wholesale; have been
murdered and outraged upon every occasion and in every manner. They have
been hunted as the beasts of the jungle. Their blood cries to Heaven
from every hillside, from every by-way, and from every bridle-path in
the South. There has been more of blood--_Republican blood_--that has
dyed the soil of Louisiana alone than all that has been shed in all of
the Indian wars of a quarter of a century. It has been shed, alas, in
vain. _The American people were not a nation. There was not, there is
not to-day, to their shame be it said, the power within the American
people, to protect the life, or avenge the murder of an American
citizen, within the American lines_."

We would crucify our extreme modesty and suggest to the above writer the
reason why "there is not to-day the power within the American people to
protect the life or avenge the murder of an American citizen." Is it not
because we, "the people," put their political power into the hands of
the commander-in-chief of our army, in trust for four years, who
betrayed that trust by the transfer of that power into the hands of a
contemptible knot of armed and defiant rebels, thus constituting a solid
South with which to rule the nation? And is it not because the said
commander-in-chief, at the demand of the said rebels in arms, packed up
his traps and withdrew our "federal bayonets" from the South, thus
giving them, in addition to _their_ State rule, _our_ national
supremacy, by further giving them two States with large Republican
majorities?

And furthermore, is it not because the loyal North did not arise as one
man and demand the impeachment of the traitor who bartered their
liberties for a _sham_ peace, taking rebel promises for pay which have
since been repudiated?

But the men who assisted the President in this nefarious business are
coming to their senses. In a speech a few days ago, at Toledo, O., the
Hon. Charles Foster, M. C. from Ohio, and a member of the political firm
of Matthews, Foster & Co., renounces the Southern policy of the
administration, which that firm helped to inaugurate, as follows:--

"I believed in and supported President Hayes in the policy of refusing
the use of force to sustain State governments. I believed in it as a
matter of principle, though his course can be sustained on the ground of
necessity. I had hoped that his policy of kindness and conciliation
would result in the formation of a public sentiment South that would
permit Republicans to exercise fully all of the political rights
guaranteed to them by the Constitution and the amendments thereto.
Knowing that there are a large number of the people South who are tired
of the Bourbon Democracy, I hoped that the President's course would
permit them the more easily to assert themselves in some form in
opposition to the Democracy. I see signs of a realization of this hope,
especially in the States of Tennessee, North Carolina, and Texas, but in
less permanent form than I had hoped. The President's policy has lost
him the sympathy of the great mass of his party. That he has
conscientiously done his duty as he saw it, there can be no question. No
matter whether the conventions indorse him or not, no man will rejoice
more than he over Republican success--North and South. While he was
beslavered with praise from the Southern Democracy, they seemed to be
laying broad and deep the foundations for a solid South. Upon the
attempt, through the Potter resolutions, to unseat the President, they,
with bare two exceptions, voted for it. They declined even to give an
opportunity to vote upon the Hale amendment, which would have permitted
an investigation into Democratic frauds. Jeff Davis makes as treasonable
speeches as those of 1861, and he receives the indorsement and approval
of a large proportion of the press and people. Out of one hundred
newspapers in Mississippi, ninety-five indorse and applaud Jeff Davis.
Mr. Singleton, of the same State, on the floor of the House of
Representatives, declared 'his highest allegiance to be due to his
State, both in peace and in war.'

"By the adoption of the Fifteenth Amendment, the political power of the
South in the Electoral College and the House of Representatives, was
increased about forty per cent. The Republican party to-day can poll, if
permitted to do so, forty per cent. of the vote of the South. Yet, in
the coming elections, I do not believe that we can carry one in five of
the districts that we know to be reliably Republican. By force and fraud
the political power of forty per cent. of their people is exercised
solely by the sixty per cent., thus making a solid Democratic South. The
right of the citizens of the several States to enjoy the privileges and
immunities of all the States is not respected in many localities. It is
said, condescendingly, that a Republican can live in the South without
trouble, if he will keep a padlock on his mouth.

"Now, my fellow-citizens, there can be no lasting peace until the
amendments to the Constitution are executed in good faith, both in
letter and spirit. A solid South is a constant menace to the peace of
the country. It means that the Constitutional amendments shall be
abrogated and repealed in spirit; it means the usurpation by the
majority of all the political power of one section of the country, and
with a fragment of the other section it enables the solid South,
inspired as it is by the spirit and the men who sought the overthrow of
the country, to now rule and control it; and yet they may be in a large
minority in the whole country. Such success, if it is submitted to,
means the payment of the rebel claims, the pensioning of rebel
soldiers, the payment for slaves lost in rebellion. I feel it my
especial duty to say that as long as the menace of the solid South
threatens the peace of the country, it is the duty of the North to be
united against it. I am desirous as any man can be that we shall get
away from sectional politics, but I cannot close my eyes to the danger
of a solid South. The advice I give is simply that ordinary prudence and
care be exercised. I repeat, that so long as the menace of a solid South
exists, it is the duty of the North to continue to meet it with 'the
most Greeks.'"

The New Orleans "Times" says: "While the North, with a lavish hand, is
soothing the fevered brow of the Southern suffering, she is building a
monument of gratitude which will be luminous forever." And the only
thing the North will ask in return for what it cheerfully gives is that
the monument shall bear the inscription, "Justice to all men."

Senator Chaffee, of Colorado, who is now at Saratoga, was asked if he
expected an early revival of business, and in response said: "Yes; a
beginning of a revival, because the excessively hard times and real
hunger have driven the lazy to work. I was at Hot Springs, Ark., not
long ago, and saw thousands of people going through to Texas. As many as
twelve hundred emigrants would go through Arkansas in a day. I talked to
many of them, and they told me that they had not generally twenty-five
dollars ahead of the railroad fare, but said that they desired to get a
piece of ground, raise potatoes, or anything, and be independent. That
is what will bring us up, and nothing else, every idle person to do
something at production.


RECENT BULL-DOZING IN LOUISIANA.

The Pointe Coupee, La., "Record," a Democratic paper, on the 17th inst.,
said:--

"It is rumored that several men from Bayou Fordoche came to the court
house this morning to make affidavits against certain parties from that
section of the parish. The complaint is shooting and whipping."

Commenting on this, the New Orleans "Observer" of the 24th said:--

"From sources absolutely reliable, affecting affairs in Pointe Coupee
parish, we learn that since the hanging of four black men in the
Racourcee settlement by the bull-dozers of that section, the colored
people thereabouts have sought to leave the locality, going to Fordoche,
a bayou neighborhood where is a large colored settlement of small
farmers.

"Determined to stop this migration of colored people, and at the same
time terrorize the Fordoche farmers, on the night of the 14th inst.,
Wednesday, a crowd of bull-dozers, some sixty odd men from Racourcee,
came to this colored settlement, and for no known cause, save that which
we have expressed, outraged several inoffensive and hard-working colored
people. Lucy Allain, a colored woman, was stripped and whipped
unmercifully, and the same treatment was given William Abraham. Levi
Sherman was shot three times. All three of these victims are now
confined, by reason of this outrage, to their beds. Others of the
colored people would have received like treatment, but they got out of
the way. A prisoner in the jail there was hung for sport. Fortunately,
he was cut down in time to save his life. Some colored people were
outraged, and atrocities and indignities practised generally befitting
the lawless character of the Democratic party-workers and bull-dozers.
The good citizens (white) of the locality have called a mass meeting to
express their indignation and to attempt to redress these wrongs, or at
least put a stop to further outrages. The meeting was to have had place
on Wednesday, the 21st inst. A similar meeting was also called for the
same day at New Roads. The information furnished us of these horrible
crimes is from purely Democratic sources, gentlemen and decent citizens
who abhor the partisan atrocities of their party-workers. So far as we
can learn, Republicans of Pointe Coupee are so terrorized that even
prominent gentlemen there will say nothing of this act of atrocity, the
information in fact reaching this city and our office from responsible
Democratic citizens. We are informed that the plantation visited was
one of the New York Warehouse and Security Company's places, and of
which Mr. Bradish Johnson is the agent.

The Macon, Ga., "Telegraph" is only a little in advance of the
ex-Confederate "conservatives" when it demands the repeal of the
fourteenth amendment, that the Southern people may extort payment for
their liberated slaves. That will soon be one of the regular planks in
the Southern Democratic platform.

In Jasper County, Georgia, since the war (reports a local paper), there
have been sixty-nine men killed, and not a single hanging.

The Augusta (Ga.) "Chronicle" suggests that the proper place for
Congressman Rainey (the man whose sobriety enabled Congress to adjourn
on the day appointed) is the chain-gang. Perhaps his consignment to a
slave-gang would suit the "Chronicle" better.

The Democrats claim that white and colored school children have equal
school privileges in Georgia, but this is far from being true. In
Atlanta, there are fine houses for the white scholars; the colored
scholars are sent to cellars and other unfit places, and are limited in
accommodation at that.

The Charleston "News and Courier" is Wade Hampton's organ, and it is
leading his campaign in South Carolina. Alarmed because the Republicans
threatened to exercise their right to talk politics and vote, the organ
says: "Seceders and malcontents will be treated as public enemies, and
made political outcasts. The Democratic party will not lay down the
sceptre of authority in South Carolina, nor shall the sceptre be wrested
from the strong hands by which it is grasped." That is, Wade Hampton
says, in substance, "I am for conciliating those who vote for me, but
death to all who oppose!" Truly, as Gov. Boutwell said in his Maine
speech, the Southern question is given the greater importance in this
campaign by the action of the ex-rebels.

In North Carolina, the Republican leaders are trying to induce the
negroes to vote by telling them that the coming election will be a fair
and free one. The deception is not justifiable, and will cost the men
who resort to it the confidence of the colored voters.

The vote for the Democratic State ticket last week was about eighty
thousand. There was no opposition. The legislature will be almost
entirely Democratic.--_Despatch from Alabama_.

And where, pray, is that new Independent party; where are the old Whigs,
the administration Democrats, not to say anything about the resuscitated
Republicans, who were to arise from the policy of conciliation? Alabama
is pretty solid.

To deprive man of the fruit of his labors is to cut the sinews of
industry. Who will care to labor if another is to appropriate the
results of his toil? He is deprived of an inalienable right, the
enjoyment of which alone can induce him to exercise the self-denial
implied in labor and economy. To distribute the products of his industry
to the community, as some social theorists would teach us, is to
destroy individual enterprise, and to reduce society to a great
almshouse.--_Zion's Herald_.

[Despatch to the Traveller.]


FREEDOM OF SPEECH NOT TOLERATED IN SOUTH CAROLINA.

"New York, Oct. 15.--A Washington despatch says that Congressmen Smalls
and Rainey have been obliged to flee from South Carolina on account of
their activity in organizing Republican meetings, and they were
yesterday promised protection by the President."

Protection where? in Washington or South Carolina? It cannot be in the
latter, for the President has put his "Federal bayonets" into the hands
of Gov. (?) Hampton, and voluntarily shut himself out of that State.
Nay, more, he has driven the bolts through his military power as
commander-in-chief of the nation, and the last Congress screwed on
the nut, which leaves the President powerless, and the Governor
all-powerful. Let us see how he is using that power. The Democratic
paper of Sumter County, edited by one of the aids of Wade Hampton,
calls upon the Democrats to turn out and break up the Republican
meetings in such appeals as the following:--

"Men with mothers and wives; men with sisters dear; men who expect to
raise families in Sumter County,--let your sons and daughters turn out
on Saturday and meet the thieves whom Sam Lee is gathering together and
attempting to fasten on us as our rulers and masters in this county. Let
everything be conducted on Saturday with military order, promptness, and
decision. In 1861 our Southern braves left their homes and firesides and
encountered every conceivable bodily privation, every danger, for a
cause that dwarfs into perfect insignificance in comparison with the
Democratic cause in this county to-day, and yet are there men who are so
ease-loving and unpatriotic that they will not turn out on Saturday to
meet the Republican thieves? If such there be, go mark them well.

"Let Northern speakers come; we intend to carry Sumter County
Democratic, at the next election, in spite of the world, flesh, and the
devil.

"Democrats should rally as one, on Saturday. He who dallies is dastard.
He who doubts is damned.

"Surely, no one, who is worthy of the name of man, can hesitate, under
such conditions, to take a hand on Saturday."

The following, to the rifle clubs, is given as the programme for the
Democrats, on Saturday, Oct. 19, the day the Republican meetings are
called for nominations:--

"Presidents of clubs are requested to report to county chairman, who can
be found at the rooms of the executive committee, in the rear of the
town hall, up stairs. The clubs will be earnestly enjoined, by those in
authority, to remain in line and under command of their respective
presidents until they are turned over to some higher officer, from whom
they will receive orders during the day."

Ex-Senator Swails, of Williamsburg County, and also deputy United States
marshal, has committed the unpardonable sin against the Wade-Hampton,
Hamburg-Butler, shot-gun Democracy, by speaking at Republican meetings,
for which offence he has been twice shot at, and finally driven from the
county, having been visited by the Democratic Executive Committee,
accompanied by a band of Red Shirts or Rifle Clubs, and presented with
these good Democratic resolutions:--

_Resolved_, That S. A. Swails be required to leave Williamsburg in ten
days.

_Resolved_, That he is a high-handed robber.

_Resolved_, That he and his rioters be held responsible for all
incendiarism which may happen.

_Resolved_, That unless the above be complied with, he must forfeit his
life.

These facts were yesterday brought to the attention of the President by
Congressman Rainey and Mr. Swails, and it is reported that he thinks
something ought to be done about it, and says just what the man whom he
made Governor of South Carolina said: "Tell the people they shall have
all the protection the law can give." Wade Hampton has the power to
fulfil his promise, and it is apparent he never intended to give the
Republicans the protection they asked, and we fear that President Hayes
is putting them off with a promise of the protection he is well aware he
cannot give.

These South Carolinians come to Washington and claim government
protection to their persons and property while in the exercise of their
constitutional political rights. The President "thinks something ought
to be done about it"! Wonderful! So does an old hen when the hawks are
after her chickens. But the difference between the two is this: the hen
blusters about and immediately calls her subjects under her wings, thus
giving them all the protection in her power. But the President _thinks
something ought to be done_, but does nothing worthy of the occasion.

Wade Hampton promises "all the protection the law can give," and that
was none at all while in his hands to administer, for the reason that
the theory of the shot-gun Democracy is, that the negro has no _rights_
that the white man is bound to protect.

While the South is entitled to the palm of victory for shot-gun
Democracy, the North is a fair competitor for doughface flunkyism.
Ex-Senator Swails, by the testimony of his personal friends in Boston,
bears a character the direct opposite of that given him in the following
paragraph from the Philadelphia "Times." While despotism is the rule in
the South, owing to the natural soil in which it is nurtured, we are
happy to believe that flunkyism _in the superlative degree_ at the North
is the exception.

"If State Senator Swails of South Carolina, had lived in any Northern
State and prostituted his senatorial office as openly and recklessly as
is clearly proven he did in that State, he would be in the penitentiary;
but having resigned his seat to escape dismissal and fled to escape
punishment, he has settled down in Washington, where a few carpet-bag
thieves yet linger, and is telegraphing over the country how the Hampton
rifle clubs have driven him from the State. As the South Carolina
penitentiary evidently haunts his dreams, he should hie himself to
the Massachusetts Botany Bay of public thieves, and put himself
under the protecting wing of Governor Rice. He will find Kimpton
there, and a fellow feeling will make Kimpton wondrous kind to
Swails."--_Philadelphia Times_.

[Special Despatch to the Boston Traveller.]

Washington, D. C., Oct. 21.--The statement made to the President, last
week, by State Senator Swails, that he was forced to leave South
Carolina in consequence of receiving a notice that his life would pay
the penalty if he remained, is fully confirmed by the Charleston "News
and Courier" received here to-day.

That paper admits that such a notice was served on Swails, and says it
was done because he was a dangerous man, and disturbing the peace of the
country where he resided. Instead of lynching him the Democrats gave him
the opportunity of leaving the State.

The "News and Courier" contains an account of the capture of a
Republican meeting at Lawtonville on Friday last, showing that the
Democrats are determined to carry out their policy regardless of the
instructions sent out by Attorney-General Devens to the U. S. officials.

The meeting was called by the Republicans in the interest of Smalls, the
Republican candidate for re-election to Congress. The despatch to the
"News and Courier," from Lawtonville, says:

"This morning the negroes began pouring in, attired in the
recently-adopted radical uniform of blue shirts, several mounted clubs
and other clubs on foot, embracing large numbers, being included. Fully
2,000 men, women and children gathered, when some eight red shirts
galloped in and captured the meeting and proceeded to run it on a
division of time schedule. Rousing Democratic speeches were made. Mr.
Smalls failed to appear. Some of Hampton's men rode forty miles to hear
Smalls. The effect of the day's work was exceedingly good."

SCOTT.

As goes South Carolina so go the other rebel States, as in the _first_
rebellion. Georgia next falls into line after this fashion:

The "Augusta (Georgia) Constitutionalist" insists that the Democrats of
South Carolina shall defy the lawful direction of the Attorney-General
of the United States in regard to conspiracies against the political
rights of the citizens, and shall continue to disturb, and, if need be,
break up Republican meetings. The advice is equally plain and
peremptory. Republicans are not to be allowed to hold meetings without
the presence and participation of Democrats. What that participation is,
is well understood. It is the attendance of armed men who will not allow
a word said which does not meet with their approbation; it is the
warning of citizens not to join in the meetings; it is the threatening
of life if they do; it is the savage assaulting of those who are
conspicuous in proclaiming their intention to vote the Republican
ticket; it is armed and violent defiance of the law, and, in the last
resort, assassination. The issue is clearly defined. It is, pure and
simple, whether the government of the United States can and will protect
its citizens in their constitutional rights, when those are rights which
it is authorized and required to conserve and defend. Evidently the
rebellion was not ended at Appomattox.--_Providence Journal_.

We have contemplated deferring the publication of this pamphlet until we
could ascertain from the Secretary of the Interior the number of acres
of unpre-empted land in each State, together with their location &c.,
&c., but we are informed by the commissioner of the land office in
Washington that there are no data or statistics in his office that will
give us that information.

As we may have to wait for Congress to assemble before we can obtain the
necessary statistics, we shall send out our pamphlet at once, and set
the ball in motion.

The question that has recently come up between the Secretary of the
Interior and the Pacific railroads must be settled, so far as we can
see, in favor of the Secretary, who has just issued a pamphlet with the
grounds of his decision, and which has been sent us.

The railroads, however, may delay matters by their dilatoriness in
making their returns to government of the lands sold by them, their
location, &c., and it may be necessary for Congress to hurry up that
matter a little, so that the land commissioner can give the desired
information.

But there is no time to be lost. The "conciliated" Wade Hampton, and the
Hamburg-massacre-Butler crowd have already organized the second
rebellion in South Carolina, and armed their militia with "federal
bayonets," over which waves the "bloody shirt," inscribed with Hampton's
declaration in a speech in Sumter County, "that the Democrats must carry
that county at all hazards," supplemented by Senator!! Butler, who "said
it was unnecessary to tell them _how_ to do it." "Webb," a correspondent
of the Boston "Journal," tells us in the following paragraph, how they
are doing it:--


SHAMEFUL CONDUCT OF THE MILITARY.

"Armed men have been stationed as pickets on roads leading to county
conventions. These men were supplied with State arms, furnished through
the United States, were evidently under good military discipline, had
recognized officers, and were known as members of the State volunteer
militia. At first they appeared without uniforms; of late they have
attempted in uniform to break up Republican meetings. They have not
hesitated to announce publicly that the white people of South Carolina
had decided that Republican meetings should not be held, and that any
attempt to hold such meetings might result in personal injury. At one of
the meetings at Sumter County, one of the aids of Governor Hampton
knocked the Republican chairman from the stand. Another seized the
chairman by the throat and severely injured him. The speaker was Probate
Judge Lee, who acted as chairman of the meeting, and who at that time
was threatened both with shooting and hanging. So many authorized
details of those acts of violence have been brought to the knowledge of
the Administration here that the President and his Cabinet are convinced
that there is an organized movement in South Carolina to put down by
violence any attempt at Republican organization, and that Wade Hampton
is giving this revolutionary and cowardly movement his active personal
support. It is, perhaps, needless to say that the President is very much
surprised at Hampton's conduct."

If "the President and his Cabinet" had consulted the Principia Club
papers more, and Southern rebels less, it would not have taken them half
of their Presidential term to learn that rebel promises are of no
account whatever, for they would have discovered abundant evidence of
their utter worthlessness. As "federal bayonets" are now so popular in
_rebel_ hands, and getting to be so useful to put down _Republicanism_
in South Carolina, perhaps our verdant President, in his "_surprise_,"
may break the shackles with which he was voluntarily bound, and use
"federal bayonets" to put down _rebellion_. At all events, he ought to
obey the United States Constitution he has sworn to support, which
tells him he "shall guarantee to every State in the Union a republican
form of government." If he hasn't given away all his "federal bayonets"
to the rebels, is it not about time for our commander-in-chief to use
them in South Carolina? (See Principia Club Papers No. 7, pp. 152-5: The
Southern Policy.)

[Special Despatch to the Boston Traveller.]

Washington, D. C., Oct. 18.--The President has taken steps, through the
proper officers, to have the outrage perpetrated at Sumter, South
Carolina, investigated, with a view of ascertaining who is responsible,
and whether or not there has not been an open violation of the United
States laws.

District-Attorney Northrup has the case in charge, and will, said a
member of the Cabinet to your correspondent to-day, make an energetic
investigation of the outrage and report the facts promptly. There is no
reason to doubt that he will do his whole duty and make a fearless
investigation of the affair, which, according to the Democratic account,
was brutal in the extreme. The Administration, said the Cabinet Minister
further, will see that the rights of the colored people in South
Carolina are maintained, and to this end will, if necessary, go to the
full extent of the United States laws.

We may be too faithless in this matter, we hope we are, but when
"investigations" shall result in the _punishment of criminals_, instead
of their protection from further molestation, we may have more
confidence that justice will triumph in rebeldom.


VIRGINIA COMES NEXT.

"President Hayes, who is attending an agricultural fair at Winchester,
Virginia, made a hard money speech yesterday, and quoted Washington,
Jefferson, Madison, and other distinguished Virginians in favor of sound
money."--_Traveller, Oct. 17_.

While the President was making stump speeches in Winchester, in the
direct line of civil service reform, as he understands it we suppose,
the shot-gun brigade were at Hicksford demonstrating the fruits of his
Southern policy. The "Traveller" states this case in the following
strain of sarcasm.

A "saucy" negro was shot at Hicksford, Virginia, yesterday. It was a
political meeting, of course. A Republican was speaking, and the negro
had the audacity to applaud his sentiments. This was in the Court House.
A leader of the Democracy named Reese, not wishing to soil the temple of
justice with blood, called the negro out of the building and promptly
shot him dead. There were four hundred colored men present and this
shooting will be a lesson for them. They will now know better than to
applaud Republican speakers, or vote a Republican ticket.


CONCLUSION.

We have thus spread out the present condition of the freedmen, before
the American people. It is a plain case for the former, and not a hard
one for the latter.

The whole question of emigration, as it now stands, lies in three
propositions, one of which every freedman _must_ choose.

1. He must remain, as he is, under the political trinity of despotism;
be denied the free ballot, conferred upon him by the amendments to the
United States Constitution; be forced to vote for the despotism that
crushes him, already deserted by the government he fought to save, and
which is constitutionally bound to protect him in his political rights
and Christian privileges; or,

2. He must, _vi et armis_, maintain those rights against rebel
despotism, with the "Federal bayonets" in rebel hands, and the power to
send the army to the Indians or the devil; or,

3. He must, _quietly_, if he can, _forcibly_, if he must, emigrate to
the public lands in the West, pre-empt a farm, and enjoy the rights of
citizenship under a republican form of government, of which he is an
integral part, and be represented in Congress by one elected by a
majority of legal voters, and not by a minority of rebels, as is now
the case in large Republican districts in the Southern States.

For obvious reasons, we pray the freedmen, in Christ's stead, to be
reconciled to the last proposition, and in every county and town where
their political rights are ignored by a rebel Democracy, let them form
colonies under a chosen leader and emigrate West. If they cannot go
without assistance, let that fact be communicated to us, and we will
appeal to the people of the North to furnish them the means to do so.

It will be readily perceived that the converse of all this will be, that
the landed aristocracy of the South must pay their laborers honest
wages, recognize their constitutional rights as citizens of this
Republic, acknowledge the ownership of their capital, which means the
fruits of their labor (land and labor being co-operative capital,
neither being available or profitable without the other), or, otherwise,
the land-owners must submit to the loss of their laborers by emigration,
perform their own labor, or employ foreign emigrants.



NOTICE.


_Five dollars_ will pay for _one hundred_ of these pamphlets with the
appendix, to be sent to as many freedmen in the Southern States, and
constitute the donor a member of the Principia Club.

_One dollar_ will pay for twenty copies of the same, sent as above.

Address the President of the Principia Club, J. W. ALDEN, No. 9 Hanson
St., Boston, Mass.

       *       *       *       *       *

==> =Read and Circulate.=


ALBERT J. WRIGHT, Printer, 79 Milk Street (corner Federal), Boston.



    Transcriber's notes:

    The following is a list of changes made to the original.
    The first line is the original line, the second the corrected one.

    The terms of sale to the freedmen by the Trustees
    4. The terms of sale to the freedmen by the Trustees

    a "permenant settlement of the Southern question."
    a "permanent settlement of the Southern question."

    They are to-day, as a rule, none the less true to the
    "They are to-day, as a rule, none the less true to the

    doughface flunkeyism. Ex-Senator Swails, by the testimony
    doughface flunkyism. Ex-Senator Swails, by the testimony





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