The Paston Letters, Volume II (of 6) - New Complete Library Edition

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Title: The Paston Letters, Volume II (of 6) - New Complete Library Edition
Author: Gairdner, James [Editor]
Language: English
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The Gairdner edition of the Paston Letters was printed in six
volumes. Each volume is a separate e-text; Volume VI is further
divided into two e-texts, Letters and Index. Volume I, the
General Introduction, will be released after all other volumes,
matching the original publication order.

Except for footnotes and sidenotes, all brackets are in the
notations. Series of dots representing damaged text are as in
the printed original.

The year was shown in a sidenote at the top of each page; this
has been merged with the sidenote at the beginning of each
Letter or Abstract.

A carat character is used to denote superscription. The
character(s) following the carat is superscripted (example:
xxviii^me). Braces { } are used only when the superscripted
text is immediately followed by non-superscripted letters
are shown in [[double brackets]]. The notation “corrected by
editor” refers to the Errata printed in Volume VI.

Footnotes have their original numbering, with added page
number to make them usable with the full Index. They are
grouped at the end of each Letter or Abstract.

Typographical errors are listed at the end of each Letter,
after the footnotes. In the primary text, errors were only
corrected if they are clearly editorial, such as missing
italics, or mechanical, such as u-for-n misprints. Italic “d”
misprinted as “a” was a recurring problem. The word “invisible”
means that there is an appropriately sized blank space, but the
letter or punctuation mark itself is missing. The spelling
“Jhon” is not an error. Gresham and Tresham are different
people.

Note that the printed book used z to represent original yogh
ȝ. This has not been changed for the e-text.]

This edition, published by arrangement with Messrs. ARCHIBALD CONSTABLE
AND COMPANY, LIMITED, is strictly limited to 650 copies for Great
Britain and America, of which only 600 sets are for sale, and are
numbered 1 to 600.

No. 44.

[[The number 44 is handwritten.]]

* * * * *
* * * *

THE PASTON LETTERS

A.D. 1422-1509

* * * *
* * * * *

THE PASTON LETTERS
A.D. 1422-1509

New Complete Library Edition

Edited with Notes and an Introduction

By
JAMES GAIRDNER
of the Public Record Office

_VOLUME II_

London
Chatto & Windus

[Decoration]

Exeter
James G. Commin
1904

Edinburgh: T. and A. CONSTABLE, Printers to His Majesty

THE PASTON LETTERS

_Early Documents_

Before entering upon the correspondence of the Paston family, in the
reign of Henry VI., we have thought it well to give the reader a brief
note of such deeds and charters of an earlier date as appear either to
have been preserved in the family, or to have any bearing on its
history. The following is a list of those we have been able to meet with
either in the originals or in other quarters, such as Blomefield’s
_History of Norfolk_, where notices are given of several documents,
which appear now to have got into unknown hands. The documents seen by
Blomefield, and those from the Paston and Dawson-Turner collections, now
in the British Museum, were probably all at one time part of the Paston
family muniments. The three Harleian charters seem to have been derived
from a different source.

A Deed is cited by Blomefield (_Hist. Norf._ vi. 480), by which
Anselm, Abbot of St. Benet’s, Hulme, and the Convent there, gave to
Osbern, the priest (said by Blomefield to have been a son of Griffin
de Thwait, the founder of the Paston family), the land of St.
Benet’s of Paston (_terram Sancti Benedicti de Paston_), in fee, for
half the farm of one _caruca_, as his ancestors used to pay for the
same.

Also a Deed of William the Abbot (who lived in King Stephen’s
reign), granting to Richer de Pastun, son of Osbern, son of Griffin
de Thwete, all the land that the Convent held in Pastun, with their
men, and other pertinencies.

Also a Deed of Covenant between Richer de Paston and Reginald the
Abbot, and Convent of St. Benet’s, Holme, that when peace should be
settled in England, and pleas held in the Court of our Lord the
King, the said Richer would, at the request and at the expense of
the Abbot, give him every security in Court to release the lands in
Pastun.

‘Ralph de Paston was son, as I take it’ (says Blomefield) ‘of this
Richer, and appears to have had two sons, Richard and Nicholas.

‘Richard, son of Ralph de Paston, by his deed, _sans_ date, granted
to Geoffrey, son of Roger de Tweyt, lands in this town (Oxnead),
paying 9d. per ann. for his homage and service, 40s. for a fine
(_in gersumam_), and paying to him and his heirs on the feasts of
St. Andrew, Candlemas, Pentecost, and St. Michael, on each feast,
2s. _ob._ He sealed with one _lis_. Laurence de Reppes, William and
John, his brother, William de Bradfield, &c., were witnesses.’
--Blomefield, vi. 480-1.

‘There was also another branch of this family, of which was Wystan,
or Wolstan, de Paston, which I take to be the lineal ancestor of Sir
William Paston, the Judge, and the Earls of Yarmouth. This Wolstan
lived in the reign of Henry II. and Richard I., and married, as is
probable, a daughter of the Glanvilles, as appeared from an
impalement of Paston and Glanville in the windows of Paston Hall in
Paston. His son and heir styled himself Robert de Wyston and Robert
de Paston; who, dying in or about 1242, was buried at Bromholm, and
left Edmund de Paston. To this Edmund, son of Robert, son of Wolstan
de Paston, Sir Richard de Paston gave the land in Paston which
Robert, his father, held of him and Nicholas, his brother, by deed
_sans_ date.’ --Blomefield, vi. 481.

Undated Deed of Nicholaus filius Radulfi Diaconi de Paston, granting
to Robert, son of Wistan de Paston, two parcels of land--one of them
abutting on the lands of Eudo de Paston. Witnesses--Richard de
Trunch; Will. Esprygy; Ralph de Reppes; Roger de Reppes; Richard,
s. of Ralph de Baketon; John de Reppes; Roger, s. of Warin de Paston;
Hugh, s. of Will. de Paston, &c.--Add. Charter 17,217, B.M. (Paston
MSS.).

Undated Deed of Richard, son of Ralph de Pastune, granting to
Edmund, son of Robert Wistan de Pastune, lands in Pastune,
&c.--(_Seal attached, in fine condition._)--Add. Charter 17,218,
B.M. (Paston MSS.).

Blomefield also mentions (vi. 481) that Nicholas, son of Ralph de
Paston, gave lands to Robert, son of Wystan de Paston, by deed _sans
date_. Witness, Roger de Repps.

Undated Deed Poll, by which Richard, the son of Ralph, Deacon of
Paston, grants to Edmund, the son of Robert Wiston of Paston,
certain lands at Paston.--Add. Charter 14,810, B.M. (D. Turner’s
Collection of Deeds relating to Norfolk).

Richard, son of Ralph de Paston, according to Blomefield (xi. 24),
gave 12_d._ a year rent in Paston to the Priory of Bromholm. This
gift is also mentioned by Richard Taylor in his Index Monasticus of
the Diocese of Norwich, p. 15, where the purpose of the endowment is
said to be ‘to keep their books in repair.’

Deed, cited by Blomefield (vi. 481), by Richard, son of John, son of
Richard de Paston, granting to Richer Alunday and his heirs his
native Alan de Tilney, with all his family, &c. (_cum tota
sequela_), and 7 acres of land in Paston and Knapton, with
messuages, &c., for 4 marks of silver _in gersumam_, and a rent of
22_d._ a year.

Undated Deed Poll, whereby William, the son of Robert Barrett,
grants to Edmund, the son of Robert Whiston of Paston, certain lands
in the Common Field of Paston.--Add. Charter 14,813, B.M.
(D. Turner’s Coll.).

Undated Indenture between Clement Parcerit of Gimmingham, and Cecil,
his wife, and Edmund, the son of Robert de Paston, concerning lands
in Paston Field.--Add. Charter 14,814, B.M. (D. Turner’s Coll.).

Undated Deed Poll, by which Richard de Lessingham grants to William,
son of Robert de Paston, certain lands in the Common Field of
Paston.--Add. Charter 14,812 (D. Turner’s Coll.).

Ancient Deed of Nich. Chancehose of Baketun granting to Edmund, fil.
Roberti Wistan de Pastun, and his heirs, for 30_s._, a _tresroda_ of
land in Pastun.--Add. Charter 17,219, B.M. (Paston MSS.).

Undated Deed Poll, by which Richard, son of John de Paston, grants
to Roger, his brother, certain lands in Paston Field.--Add. Charter
14,811, B.M. (D. Turner’s Coll.).

Undated Deed Poll, whereby Hugh, son of William de Pastun, grants to
Walter, son of Edmund de Pastun, and his heirs, a _tresroda_ of land
in the fields of Pastun, ‘inter terram quæ fuit Osberti Salr. (?),
ex parte Austri, et terram quæ fuit Ricardi Chaumpeneys ex parte
Aquilonis, et abuttat super forreram quæ fuit Roberti Carpentar’
versus Orientem, et super liberam et terram ecclesiæ de Past’ versus
Occidentem.’ --Add. Charter 2004, B.M.

A.D. 1313, 16 Oct. ‘William de Paston obtains a pardon as an
adherent of the Earl of Lancaster for his participation in the death
of Gaveston, and the disturbances occasioned thereby.’ 16 Oct.,
7 Edw. II.--Palgrave’s Parliamentary Writs, vol. ii. div. iii. p.
1262.

A.D. 1324, 22 Jan. Deed Poll, dated on Sunday after the Feast of St.
Agnes, 17 Edward II., whereby Henry de Mundham, parson of Oxnead,
and another, grant to William Hautayne and Alice, his wife,
a certain messuage and premises in Oxnead.--Add. Charter 14,804,
B.M. (D. Turner’s Coll.).

A.D. 1324, 19 Feb. Quit-Claim by Edmund, son of Robert de Neketone,
to Robert de Paston, Tabernarius, of lands in the fields without the
West Gate of Bury St. Edmund’s. Sunday after St. Valentine’s Day,
17 Edw. II. Seal attached.--Harl. Charter 54 A. 31, B.M.

A.D. 1329, 24 Dec. Deed Poll of Margery, daughter of Robert de
Neketon, granting to Robert de Paston lands in the fields of St.
Edmund’s. St. Edmund’s Bury, Sunday, Christmas Eve, 3 Edw.
III.--Harl. Charter 54 A. 32, B.M.

A.D. 1330. Petition to Parliament 4 Edw. III. of John de Claveryng,
complaining that John Payne of Dunwich, Constantine de Paston,
Austin Fitzwilliam, and others of Dunwich, took by force and arms
five ships and a boat belonging to him, at Wallerswyke, and goods to
the value of £300, after having beat, shipwrecked, and imprisoned
(_baterent, naufrerent, et enprisonerent_) the said John’s servants.
The king’s answer: ‘Eyt en Chauncellerie oyer et terminer pur le
horibilite du trespas, devant covenables justices.’ --Rolls of Parl.
ii. 33.

A.D. 1333, 29 April. Deed Poll, dated Thursday next before the Feast
of the Invention of the Holy Cross, 7 Edward III., whereby Alice,
widow of William Hautayne, grants to Henry de Colby and others a
messuage, with the appurtenances in Oxnead.--Add. Charter 14,805,
B.M. (D. Turner’s Coll.).

A.D. 1341, 28 Aug. Deed Poll of Robert de Paston granting to William
de Bradeleghe and William Child, Chaplains, lands in the fields of
St. Edmund’s Bury, without the West Gate at Stanywerp, &c. St.
Edmund’s Bury, Tuesday after St. Bartholomew, 15 Edw. III.--Harl.
Charter 54 F. 37, B.M.

A.D. 1341. Indenture of 15 Edw. III. between John de Knapeton,
rector of Freugges, and Clement de Paston and Will. his son.--Add.
Charter 17,221, B.M. (Paston MSS.).

A.D. 1361. Charter of Sir Rob. de Mauteby to the Prior of St.
Olave’s, Herlyngflet, 35 Edw. III.--Add. Charter 17,222 (Paston
MSS.), B.M.

Notes of Proceedings in Outlawry of the time of Edward III. Judgment
by Sir John Hody, mentioned in a more modern hand.--Paston MSS.,
B.M.

A.D. 1382, 5 Oct. Deed Poll, dated on Sunday next after the Feast of
St. Michael, 6 Richard II., by which Robert de Paston grants to John
Gant certain lands in Paston field.--Add. Charter 14,817, B.M.
(D. Turner’s Coll.).

A.D. 1404, 1 Oct. Deed by which Mary, Lady Mortimer, mother of Sir
John Fastolf, grants to her said son her manors of Caister and
Caister Hall, together with her manor of Repps and the advowson of
the free Chapel of St. John, within the said manor of Caister, to
hold to him and his heirs for ever. 1 Oct., 6 Henry IV.--Add.
Charter 14,597, B.M. (D. Turner’s Coll.).

THE PASTON LETTERS

_Henry V_

HENRY V.’S CONQUESTS IN FRANCE[5.1]

[Sidenote: 1417-9]

These be the names of Townes, Castell, Citees, and Abbeys that the [King
did][5-2] gete in his secund viage:--

The Town of Cane and the Castell.
The Town of Valeis [_Falaise_] and the Castell.
The Town of Argenton and the Castell.
The Town of Bayeux and the Castell.
The Town of Alawnsom and the Castell.
The Town of Frezsne le Vicont and the Castell.
The Town of Seint Savers de Vive and the Castell.
The Town of Seint Jakes de Beueron and the Castell.
The Town of Seint Jakes de Burvam and the Castell.
The Town of Seint Low and the Castell.
The Town of Valence and the Castell.
The Cytee of Averense and the Castell.
The Cytee of Sees.
The Cytee of Leseaux.
The Cytee of Everose.
The Town of Louerse.
The Town of Counsheux.
The Town of Vire.
The Town of Karentine.
The Town of Chyrbourgh and the Castell.
The Town of Vernoile and ij. Castell.
The Town of Morteyn and the Castell.
The Town of Powntlarche and the Castell.
The Town of Esey and the Castell.
The Town of Dounfrount and the Castell.
The Town of Pountedomer and the Castell.
The Town of Turve and the Castell.
The Town of Costaunce and the Castell.
The Cytee of Roon and the Castell.
The Town of Galion and the Castell.
The Town of Galdebek [_Caudebec_].
The Town of Mustirvilers.
The Town of Depe.
The Town of Ve and the Castell.
The Town of Vernoile suz Seyne and the Castell.
The Town of Mawnt and the Castell.
The Castell of Towk.
The Castell of Morvile.
The Castell of Overs in Awge.
The Abbey of Seint Savers suz Deve.
The Abbey of Seint Peers suz Dive.
The Abbey of Seint Stevenis of Cane.
The Bole Abbey of Cane.
The Castell of Cursy.
The Castell of Gundy.
The Castell of Nevylebeke.
The Castell of Vermus.
The Castell of Garcy.
The Castell of Oo [_Eu_].
The Castell of Vileine.
The Castell of Egyll.
The Castell of Regyll.
The Castell of Curton.
The Castell of Fagernon.
The Castell of Chamberexs.
The Castell of Ryveers.
The Castell of Bewmanill.
The Castell of Bewmalyn.
The Castell of Harecourt.
The Abbey of Behelwyn.
The Castell of Parlevesque.
The Castell of Semper.
The Castell of Tracy.
The Castell of Tylly.
The Castell of Groby.
The Castell of Carsell.
The Castell of Hommbe.
The Castell of Seynt Denise.
The Castell of Bonvile.
The Castell of Grennevile.
The Castell of Perers.
The Castell of Seint Gilerinz.
The Castell of Bewmound.
The Castell of Asse la Rebole.
The Castell of Tanny.
The Castell of Antony.
The Castell of Balon.
The Castell of Mountfort.
The Castell of Tovey.
The Castell of Lowdon.
The Castell of Noaus.
The Castell of Seynt Romains in Plaine.
The Castell of Daungell.
The Castell of Peschere.
The Castell of Bolore.
The Castell of Keshank.
The Castell of Turre.
The Castell of Seint Imains.
The Castell of Seint Germains.
The Castell of Bomstapyll.
The Castell of Croile.
The Castell of Bakuile.
The Castell of Bellacombyr.
The Castell of Douyle.
The Castell of Likone.
The Castell of Ankyrvile.
The Abbey of Seint Katerinz.

These er the gates names of Roon, and how the lordys lay in sege, and to
fore what gate, and also the derth of vitailes withyn the forseyd Cytee
of Roon.

_Le Port Causches._ To fore thys gate, lay my Lord of Clarense[8.1] vnto
riversyde of Seyne with mykyl of hys howsold and a grete market; and
then fro that gate upward lay my Lord of Urmound,[8.2] my maistre
Corwayle[8.3] with the Lord Talbotts meyne. _Le Port de Castell._ At
thys gate my Lord Marchall,[8.4] the Lord of Haryngton. _Le Port de
Bewvoisyn._ At thys gate lay my Lord of Excester. _Le Port de
Vowdelagate._ To fore thys gate lay the Lord Roos, the Lord Wylleby, the
Lord Fyhew,[8.5] Sir John Gray, and Sir William Porter. _Le Port Seint
Yllare._ To fore thys gate lay the kyng and my Lord of Glowcestyr. _Le
Port de Martynvile._ To fore thys lay my Lord of Warwyk and Sir Phelip
Leche. _Le Port debut de Pount._ To fore thys gate lay my Lord of
Huntyngdon, my Lord of Sawlisbyry, my maistre Nevile, and my mayster
Umphirvile. _Le Port de Vicount._ Thys ys the chefe Watergate of the
town, and at thys gate cometh in al maner marchawndys and vitailes.

Furthyrmore as towchyng to the derth of vytayles withyn this forseyd
Cytee, j. [_one_] Buschell of Whete was worth v. scutys, j. lofe j.
frank, j. dog j. frank, j. kat ij_s._ sterlinges, j. rat vj_d._
sterlinges. And as towchyng all other vitailes, it was spendit or that
we com in to the Cytee.

Urbis Rotomagi Wulstano captio claret,
Quam Rex Henricus Quintus sexto capit anno.

[Footnote 5.1: [From Paston MSS., B.M.]]

[Footnote 5.2: Parchment mutilated.]

[Footnote 8.1: Thomas, Duke of Clarence, the King’s brother.]

[Footnote 8.2: James Butler, Earl of Ormond.]

[Footnote 8.3: Sir John Cornwall, afterwards Lord Fanhope.]

[Footnote 8.4: John Mowbray, Earl Marshal, afterwards Duke of
Norfolk.]

[Footnote 8.5: Fitz-Hugh.]

AMYE BOWET TO ----[9.1]

[Sidenote: 1417-9]

Trescher et mon tresfiable amy je vous salue tressouvent de tout mon
cuer, desirant pur savoir et oier bons noveles de vous, et que vous
soiez en prosperitee. Et, mon tresfiable amy, vous face assavoir que
monsieur mon baron covient sey apparailler et ordenyier envers le Roy
ore en y ceste proschein viage en la presence oue le Duc de Excestre,
pur la quelle luy covient faire graundes expenses entour son arraie en
salvacion de son honour, lequel je vorreie faire ma diligence pur saluer
et encrescer a mon poair, come je suy graundement tenuz; et vous estez
la persone en la quelle je plus graundement maffie devaunt aucune altre
ore vivant. Pur quey je vous emprie tresespecialment de trestout mon
cuer que vous please pur faire a tant pur moy quant a ore pur moy faire
chevyceance de xl. marcz come pur voie dapprompt ore en y ceste nostre
graunde busoigne, promittant de certeyne que sereez bien et loialment
repaiez a aucune jour reisoignable que vous veuilliez assigner; et si
vous ne osez pleignement affier en y ceste ma promys pur peril quent
purra avenir en temps avenir, vous auerez tiel seuretee come vous
veuillez deviser. Trescher et mon tresfiable amy, pluisours a vous nay
escrier au present, mays que vous veuillez doner foie et credence a une
gentile feme portour dycestes. Et pri al Saint Espirit qil vous ait touz
jours en sa tressaintisme garde. Escript en haste a Wrentham, le
xxviii^me jour de Mars.

AMYE BOWET.

On the back is written in a different hand:--

‘Thomas Lente et Matillda uxor mea petunt de Galfrido Somerton
xiij_s._ iiij_d._ quos Willelmus Lyster et dicta Matillda, circa
xxiiij. annos elapsos quum ipsi levaverunt finem de tenementis in
Castre inter ipsos et Walterum Gase; et dicit quod dicta Matillda
quando ipsa examinata fuit per Justiciarios apud Jernemuth qui
sedebant super Rayes (?) in ecclesia Fratrum Carmelitarum, dictus
Justiciarius dedit dictos xiii_s._ iiii_d._ quos ipse habere
debuisset pro labore suo dictæ Matilldæ, et dictus Galfridus dictos
xiii_s._ iiii_d._ posuit in loculo suo proprio et nullatenus illos
dictæ Matilldæ solvit: et ad festyngong per iiii. annos elapsos le
boteler apud Somerton audivit quod dictus Galfridus promisit dictæ
Matilldæ et dicto Thomæ tunc viro suo dictos xiii_s._ iiii_d._’

[Footnote 9.1: [Add. MS. 34,889, f. 141.] This letter appears to
be of a very early date. If its contents refer, as seems
probable, to the preparations for Henry V.’s expedition in
France, it is of the year 1417, and so earlier than No. 1;
which, however, it may follow as bearing on the same subject.]

[[lequel je vorreie faire _error for “vorroie”?_]]

[THE PARSON OF EDINGTHORPE] TO WILLIAM SEWARDBY[10.1]

_A mon trescher et honure sieur, William Sewardby._

[Sidenote: 1417-9?]

Trescher et honure sieur, jeo me recomaund a vous si tresentierement de
t . . . . . . . . . . . doyere et de savore bonez novells de vous et de
vostre entiere estat et souereyn . . . . . . . tres bonz de vous auore
et savore com vous mesmes lez sauera meltz devisere ou . . . . . . et si
de moy le vostre. Vous plese savore, a la fesaunce de cestez j’estoy en
bon saunte. [Et quant a] vostre boys de denz le boys de Baketon vous
plese savore que le Prieur de Bromholm est (?) [nostre] parochen, et
nous ade prie pur avore vostre dit boys dissevere et departie a son boys
issint . . . . boys que est parcel a vostre boys pur lour profit et
saunz damage de vostre dit boys, mes Richa[rd] . . . . . . . disseveryng
fere saunz vostre volunte ou autre maundement de vous, come le portour
de . . . . . . . ment que jeo ne puis ore escrire. Et touchant vostre
manere illuques si longuement com . . . . . . . maynez de dit priour,
vous, ne null de voz bien voliauncez y aueroyent nulle conyschaun[ce]
. . . de vostre manere as autrez de lours seigneuries, et ensi vous et
vostrez serrount en temps avenir . . . . . . . que vous les tenez en voz
maynez proprez et sure tiele colour si vous plese Richard Causton . . .
. . . . et payr omez a vous si taunt come le priour avaundit fet a
termes et jours par vous assign[ez] . . . . . . pur avore par voz
tenauntz lez ditz terez, rentz et tenementz, boys et autres comoditez
. . . . . . . disseverez et departez. Et vous covyent avore i. seneschal
pur tenire vostres courtez iluque[s] . . . . . . . de dit priour ne en
son daungere, mes tiel homme que nad null dom de eux et tiele . . .
. . . vous luy voliez bien rewardere pur son travail. Trescher et
honoure sieur, de ceste matere et de . . . . . . . par le portour de
cestz, et nous ferrouns nostre powere et diligence de lez accomplere a
vostre . . . . . . . Sieur, jeo prie a Dieux quil vous doyne tresbon vie
et long honour et souereyn joye de . . . . . . . A Edythorp juxta
Bromholm, le primer jour de Jul’.

[Footnote 10.1: [Add. MS. 34,889, f. 142.] This letter appears
also to be of a very early, but quite an uncertain date. It is
unfortunately mutilated, some words being lost on every line on
the right hand side of the MS.]

ABSTRACT[11.1]

[Sidenote: 1420 / 24 MARCH]

Marriage Settlement of William Paston, dated the Eve of the Annunciation
of the Virgin, 8 Henry V.--It is agreed between Sir Edmund Berre, Kt.,
on the one part, and William Paston of Paston on the other, that the
latter shall marry Agnes, daughter of the said Sir Edmund, and that his
trustees of the manor of Oxenede, Norf., shall demise the same to the
said William and Agnes, and the heirs of their bodies, &c. Also Sir
Edmund’s trustees, either of the manor of Estodenham, co. Norf., or of
the manor of Hollewellebury, Herts, at the option of William Paston,
shall deliver one or other manor to the said William and Agnes, and the
heirs of their bodies, &c. If Estodenham be chosen, Paston is to make to
Sir Edm. and his wife Alice an estate for life, either in the manors of
Marlingford, Norf., and Stanstede, Suff., or in the manors of Elghe and
Willyngham, Suff., &c.

ABSTRACT[11.2]

[Sidenote: 1422]

Inspeximus of a Deed of Thos. Pecke, clk., dated 10 Hen. V., granting
the reversion of the manors of Breydeston, Caston, &c., then held by Sir
John Carbonell and Margery, his wife, to Sir Rob. Brewys, John
Fitz-Rauff, and others.--(_See_ Blomefield’s _Norfolk_, ii. 285.)

[Footnote 11.1: [Add. Charter 17,225, B.M.]]

[Footnote 11.2: [Add. Charter 17,243.]]

THE PASTON LETTERS

_Henry VI_

INFORMATION AGAINST WALTER ASLAK[12.1]

[Sidenote: 1424]

Be it remembred that where, on the nyght next biforne the feste of the
Circumcision of owre Lord Jesu, the [second][12.2] yeer of the regne of
Kyng Henry the Sexte, certeyns maffaisours, felons, and brekeres of the
kynges peas vnknowyn, to the noumbre of iiij^xx [_four score_] and more
by estimacion, of malice and imaginacion forne thowght felonowsly, the
dwellyng place of John Grys of Wyghton, in Wyghton, in the shyre of
Norffolk, brokyn, and with carpenteres axes the yates and the dores of
the seyd place hewen, and the seyd John Grys, and hys sone, and a
servaunt man of hese by here bodyes tokyn, and fro the seyd dwellyng
place by the space of a myle to a payre gawles ledden, there hem for to
have hangyd; and by cause hem fayled ropes convenient to here felonowse
purpos, the seyd John Grys, hese sone, and hys man there felonowsely
slowen and mordered in the most orrible wyse that ever was herd spoken
of in that cuntre. Wher up on Walter Aslak, purposyng and imaginyng to
putte William Paston in drede and intollerable fere to be slayn and
mordered in the seyd forme with force and ageyn the kinges peas, on the
shyre day of Norffolk, halden at Norwiche, the xxviij day of August, in
the seyd secunde yeer, beyng there thanne a grete congregacion of poeple
by cause of the seyd shyre, in hese owne persone, and by Richard
Kyllynworth, that tyme hese servaunt, to the seyd William Paston swiche
and so many manaces of deth and dismembryng maden and puttyn by certeyns
Englische billes rymed in partye, and up on the yates of the Priorie of
the Trinite chirche of Norwiche, and on the yates of the chyrche of the
Freres Menures of Norwiche, and the yates of the same Cite called
Nedeham yates and Westewyk yates, and in othre places wyth inne the seyd
Cite by the seyd Walter and Richard sette, makyng mension and berying
this undyrstondyng that the seyd William, and hese clerkes, and
servauntes schuld be slayn and mordered in lyke forme as the seyd John
Grys in the seyd forme was slayne and mordered: conteyning also these
too words in Latyn, _et cetera_, by which wordes communely it was
undyrstandyn that the forgeers and makers of the seyd billes imagyned to
the seyd William, hese clerkes and servauntes, more malice and harm than
in the seyd billes was expressed. Wherfore the seyd William, hese seyd
clerkes and servauntz, by longe tyme aftyr were in gret and intolerable
drede and fere by the sayd maffaisours and felons to be slayn and
mordered. Wherfore the seyd William, hese clerkes and servauntes, ne
durst not at here fredom nothyr goon ne ryde.

Wher up on the seyd William, for hese owyn persone, affermyd a pleynt of
trespas ageyn the seyd Walter and Richard, processe contynued ther up on
til the seyd Walter and Richard were founden gilty of the seyd trespas
by an iniquisicion ther of takyn in dwe and lawefull forme, by whiche
inquisicion the damages of the seyd William for the seyd trespas were
taxed to cxx^li [£120]. Aftyr which pleynte affermyd, and to fore ony
plee up on the seyd pleynt pleded, the seyd Walter and William, by
Thomas Erpyngham, Knyght, a myghty and a gret supportour of the seyd
Walter in alle these matiers and circumstaunces ther of ageyn the seyd
William, were induced to trete in the same matier in the forme that
folwith: That is to seyne, that the seyd William schuld sue forth the
seyd pleynt and the execucion ther of at hese owne will, and the seyd
Walter schuld defende hym self in the seyd pleynt at hese owne will,
except that he schuld no benefice take by noon proteccion, ne wrytte of
_corpus cum causa_, ne of no lordes lettres up on the seyd sute. And
what so ever fortunyd in the seyd pleynt, the proces, execucion, or the
sute ther of, the seyd Walter and William schuld stonde and obeye to the
ordinaunce of certeyns persones by the seyd William and Walter
arbitratores that tyme named, if thei myghten accordyn, and ellys of
anoonpier also that same tyme named, of alle the seyd trespas, pleynt,
and sute, and alle the circumstaunces ther of, so that the seyd
arbitrement and ordinaunce of the seyd arbitratores, or ellys of the
seyd nounpier, were made withinne xl. dayes next folwyng aftyr the
jugement geven in the seyd pleynt.

And aftyrward, the Thursday next biforn Pentecost, the thrydde yeer of
the regne of the seyd kyng, at London, in the presence of the right
excellent, high and myghty prynce, the Duc de Gloucestre,[14.1] and by
hese commaundement, atte sute and instaunce of the seyd Thomas
Erpyngham, it was accordyd bytwen the seyd William and Walter that thei
schuld stande and obeye to the ordinaunce and award of alle the seyed
matiers of twenye of these iiij. persones, William Phelip, Knyght, Henry
Inglose, Knyght, Oliver Groos, and Thomas Derham, chosen on the partye
of the seyd William Paston, and tweyne of those iiij. persones, Symond
Felbrygge, Knyght, Bryan Stapilton, Knyght, Roberd Clyfton, Knyght, and
John of Berneye of Redeham, chosen on the partie of the seyd Water, and
elles the decree and jugement of a nounpier to be chosen by the same
arbitrores. The whiche William Phelip, Bryan Stapilton, Roberd Clyfton,
Oliver Groos, John of Berneye, and Thomas Derham, takyng up on hem the
charge of the makyng of the seyd award and ordinaunce by the assent of
the seyd Thomas Erpyngham, the Fryday next aftyr the feste of the
Assumpcion of Owre Lady, in the seyd thrydde yeer, at Norwiche, tokyn
ensurans of the seyd William and Walter by here fayth and here trowthez
to stande and obeye to here ordinaunce of alle the seyd matiers, and the
same day biforne noon, maden here full ordinaunce and arbitrement of
alle the same matiers in the chyrche of the Greye Freyrys at Norwich;
and aftyrward, up on the same award and ordinaunce mad, hadden a
communicacion ther of with the seyd Thomas Erpyngham; and aftyr the same
communicacion, the same day aftyr noon, the same ordinaunce and award
wretyn was red byforn the seyd arbitrores and the seyd Walter and
William, and examyned, agreed, and assented, and by the seales of the
same vj. arbitrores and the seyd Walter and William, was affermed and
ensealed and left in the handes of the seyd Sir Bryan, saveliche to be
kept in playne remembraunce of the seyd award and ordinaunce; the whiche
award and ordinaunce the seyd William was at all tymes redy to obeye and
performe, on to the seyd feste of Michelmesse, that the seyd Walter to
holde or performe the seyd award pleynly refused.

And where the seyd Walter, by jugement of the Chaunceller of Inglond,
the xvj. day of Jull’ the seyd thrydde yeer, was remytted to the kynges
prison at Norwich by cause of the seyd sute, the seyd Walter yede at
large owt of warde fro the seyd xvj. day of Jull’ to the seyd day of the
makyng of the seyd arbitrement and award, and fro that day in to
Michelmesse thanne next aftyr; the seyd William that meene tyme evermore
supposyng that the seyd Walter wolde have holde and performyd the sayd
ordinaunce, arbitrement, and award. And at the comyng of the right high
and myghty prynce the Duc of Norfolk fro his Castell of Framyngham to
the Cetie of Norwyche, aftyr the seyd day of the makyng of this
arbitrement and ordinaunce, and to fore the feste of Michelmesse than
next folwyng, the seyd Walter by hese sotill and ungoodly enformacion
caused the seyd Duke to be hevy lord to the seyd William. Where the seyd
William the tyme of the seyd enformacion was with Sir John Jermy,
Knyght, and othre of the counseill of the seyd Duk of Norffolk in hys
lordshipes in Norffolk and Suffolk, thanne to hym falle [_fallen_] by
the deth of the right worthy and noble lady hys modyr, occupied abowte
the dwe service of wryttes of _diem clausit extremum_[16.1] aftyr the
deth of the seyd lady. And where as the seyd William Paston, by
assignement and commaundement of the seyd Duk of Norffolk, at hese fyrst
passage over the see in to Normandye, in the kynges tyme Henry the
Fyfte, was the Styward of the seyd Duc of Norffolk, of alle hese
lordshipes in Norffolk and Suffolk fro hys seyd passage un to the seyd
feste of Michelmesse; [And[16.2] over that as sergeaunt of lawe, thow he
be unworthy, withholdyn with the seyd Duc of Norffolk alle the tyme that
he was sergeaunt bifore the same feste of Michelmesse. And all be it
that the fees and the wages of the seyd William for hys seyd service
unpayed draweth a gret some to hys pouere degree, if the seyd Duk of
Norffolk lyked, of hys noble and plentifous grace, to graunte to the
seyd William, in right, ony part of the favour of hese good lordship,
the seyd William wolde evere be hys pouere and trewe bedeman, and evere
in hys herte thenke alle hys seyd service, and alle the service that
ever he dede to the seyd [Duke] of Norfolk, plentefeousely weell
rewarded.[16.3]]

And where the seyd Walter, the tyme of the seyd trespas and of the seyd
bylles makyng ne long to fore, ne never aftyr biforn the seyd comyng of
the seyd Duc of Norffolk to Norwich, ne no tyme hangyng the seyd sute,
ne the tyme of makyng of the said arbitrement and ordinaunce, never was
servaunt to the seyd Duc of Norffolk at fees, ne at wages, ne wythhaldyn
in hese service, ne to hym sued to be supported by hese high Lordship in
this seyd matier, to the knowleche of the seyd William, ne to no commune
knowleche, in the shyres of Norffolk, Suffolk, ne Norwiche; the sute
that the seyd Walter made for supportacion in this seyd matier was be
the meene of the seyd Thomas Erpyngham to the seyd Duk of Gloucestre, by
whose reule and commaundemente the seyd arbitrement and award was mad in
the forme aforn seyd. And not with stondying the seyd trespas and
grevaunce by the seyd Walter doon the seyd William, ne that the seyd
William ne is not satisfied of the seyd cxx^li., ne no peny therof,
and hath absteyned hym of al maner of execucion, sewyng of godes or
catelles, that by force of the seyd processe, or ony othyr, he myght
have had ageyn the seyd Walter or hese borwes [_sureties_], ne that the
seyd William hath suffred the seyd Walter to gon at large by long tyme
whan he myght have had hys body in warde in lawfull forme: The seyd
Walter, be billes in the too last parlementz holden at Westminster and
at Leycestre, and at divers tymes in divers other maneres hath noysed
and skaundered the seyd William ungoodly and othyr wyse than othyr
[_either_] gentilnesse or trowthe wolde; and, overmore, caused the seyd
William orribly to be manassed of hys deth, betyng and dismembryng of
hys persone by certeyns servauntz of the Lordes Fitz Wauter and othre
persones, and by ferefull and overe felle lettres and sondes. Wherfore
the seyd William, nothyr hese frendes, ne hese servauntz in hys
companye, at here fredam sithen the seyd parlement at Leycestre durſt
not, ne yet ne dar not rydyn ne goo abowte swyche occupacion as he arn
used and disposed, to here grete and unportable drede and vexacion in
here spirites, and gret harme and damage and losse of here pouere
goodes.

[Overmore,[17.1] the seyd Walter hath sued, and yet rigorously suethe a
wrytte of _decies tantum_[17.2] ageyns x. persones of the seyd
Inquisicion and ij. of the servauntz of the seyd William and iiij. othre
persones; supposyng by hese seyd sute hem to have taken of the seyd
William in hys seyd syte lxij^li [£62] and more of moneye. The whiche
sute of _decies tantum_ the seyd Walter, betwyx God and hym, knewith
verraly is untrewe. And also the seyd Walter hath sued, and yet persuyth
Adam Aubre, on of the seyd Inquisicion in the court of the said Duc of
Norffolk of hys manoir of Fornsete, by cause and occasion of the seyd
matiers, in whiche sute in the seyd court it is proceded ageyn the seyd
Adam in other maner thanne othyr lawe, conscience, or good fayth
wolde.[18.1]]

Overmore the seyd William, atte commaundement of the seyd Duc of
Norffolk, hath submytted hym to stonde to the ordinaunce of divers
persones of alle the seyd matiers: ones at Leyceetre, the Wednesday next
biforn Palm Soneday, the iiij. yeer of the regne of the syd kyng;
anothyr tyme at Reed clyf in Aprill the same iiij. yeer, aftyr the forme
of certeyns billes endented ther of made. The whiche submission, with
alle the circumstaunces ther of, the seyd William hath be at alle tymes
redy to obeye. The cause why the seyd Walter, by the seyd Englishe
bylles, and in othyr forme, putte and sette the seyd William, and hys
seyd clerkes and servauntz, in drede and fere intollerable to be slayn
and mordered, and to hem trespaced in the forme aforn seyd, was onely
for as moche as the seyd William was with the prior of Norwiche of
counseille in hese trewe defence ageyn the entent of the seyd Walter in
a sute that he made ageyn the seyd priour of a voweson of the chyrche of
Sprouston in the counte of Norffolk, wher to the seyd Walter hath nothyr
title suffisaunt ne right in no maner wyse by ony matier by hym declared
byforn thys tyme.

This scrowe is mad only for the informacion of the worthy and
worshipfull lordes the arbitrores; savyng evere to the maker the
benefice reasonably to adde and amenuse, his ignoraunce in swiche
occupation and defaute of leyser also tendrely considered.

[Footnote 12.1: [From Paston MSS., B.M.] This paper refers to
proceedings as late as the fourth year of Henry VI., and
therefore cannot be earlier than 1426; but as it mainly relates
to outrages committed in the second year of Henry VI., _i.e._
1424, we have arranged it under that year.]

[Footnote 12.2: This word is omitted in the MS.]

[Footnote 14.1: Humphrey, Duke of Gloucester, Protector of
England.]

[Footnote 16.1: These were writs issued on the death of a tenant
_in capite_ of the Crown, and directed to the escheators in the
different counties in which his lands lay, directing them to
inquire by jury what lands he held, and of what value, and who
was his nearest heir, and what was the heir’s age.]

[Footnote 16.2: Over this word is written ‘va,’ the first
syllable of _vacat_, showing that the passage is cancelled.]

[Footnote 16.3: Here is written ‘cat.’ --_See_ Note 2.]

[Footnote 17.1: Here is written ‘va.’ --_See_ p. 16, Note 2.]

[Footnote 17.2: A writ against a juror who had been bribed, by
which the prosecutor could recover from him ten times the amount
of the bribe, dividing the proceeds with the King.]

[Footnote 18.1: Here is written ‘cat.’ --_See_ p. 16, Note 2, and
p. 17, Note 1.]

[[anoonpier also that same tyme named
_error for “a noonpier” with space?_]]

[[othyr wyse than othyr [_either_] gentilnesse or trowthe wolde
_bracketed gloss printed in roman (non-italic) type_]]

[[the seyd parlement at Leycestre durſt not
_anomalous long s in original_]]

[[ones at Leyceetre _text unchanged: error for “Leycestre”?_]]

WILLIAM PASTON TO JOHN STAYNFORD[19.1]

_To my weel beloved John Staynford of Furnyvales Inne_.

[Sidenote: 1425]

The instruccion to comune of to John Robynson of Carleton bysyde Snayth.

To enquerre and wyte whether the stoon may be sawed or nought. Whether
it wille chippe or chynne or affraye with frost or weder or water.

Also that every pece of the stoon be iij. foote longe, and that xv.
tunne tyght of the stoon be every stoon weel bedded into the walle and a
foote thikke that it ryse in heighte a foote in the walle; and x. stones
of the stoan must be ii. foote broad, and at the lest a foote and an
half thikke. A stoon wil drawe the wighte of a pipe, as I suppose; the
gret stones and nought the smallere stones shuld be sawed, so that every
pece sawed shud holde the seid lengthe of iij. foote, and the seid brede
of ij. foote, and to be, after it is sawed, half a fote or lesse on
thikkenesse, and thenne the brode sawed stones shulde evere stond in the
werk betwen the seid weel bedded stonys that shuld ryse but a fote in
the walle and ben ankered iche of hem with other; and this werk shal be
strong j nowe, as werkmen seyn, and drawe but litill cariage. I wold
have swiche stoan a xx^ti tunne tight caried to Moneslee[19.2] in
Norffolk between Crowmere and Bromholm, and but a myle from Bromholm.

To reporte plein answere of this bylle writen and how sone I myght have
the seid stone caried to Monesle aforn seid, and for what price.

This werk is for a . . .

W. PASTON.

On the back is written, also in the Judge’s hand:--

‘Sount due a mon sieur Will. Bardolf de ses gages en les lyueres a
. . . de mon tres honneure seigneur le Count de Warrwick, capitayn
illeoqes, iusques al iiij.^e jour de febr. lan de Roy Henri Sysme
tierce, ccccxiii_li._ xvj_s._ x_d._ q^a.’

Below this is written in Fenn’s hand: ‘14 Feb^y 3 H. 7. 1487’
--a great misreading of the date.

[Footnote 19.1: [Add. MS. 34,889, f. 213.] This letter appears
from the postscript to be of the year 1425, as Bardolf’s wages,
due on the 4th February in that year, had not yet been paid.]

[Footnote 19.2: Mundesley.]

NICHOLAS PRIOR OF BROMHOLM TO WILLIAM PASTON[20.1]

_A Will’ Paston soit donne._

[Sidenote: 1425 / JULY 5]

Dere Syre and weel be loved, I grete yow weel, and do yow to wetyn that
Dawn John Pastone was atte Norwiche on Munday last passed, and dede
settyn on Cryste Chyrche gates divers litteres, a lytyl tyme, and ij.
copiis wheche stondyn ther yet, for somounnyn me to the curt of Rome.
And we supposyn to have hym at Bromholm, or sum man in hys name wyth
inne a lytyl tyme; for dawn Robert of Yorke was atte Norwiche be
sendynge of my lady of Murlee, and spak wythe hym in hyre hous on Munday
afornseyd, and ther he told the forseyd dawn Robert that he wolde nedys
ben Priour of Bromholm, to levyn and deyin ther upon. Also he seyde, as
for the composissioun of Bromholm, he hadde do sherchyd att Clunye; and
ther inne he standyth clere as he seythe; and as for provisyoun, he
seyde he hadde spokyn wyth the Chaunceler and the chef Justyse and
Ascam, and thei demptyne hym clere as ther inne, and he seyth; and other
dowte is ther none inne be hys tale. And after this the forseyd dawn
John askyd obedience of the forseyd dawne Robert in my ladyis presens,
and dawn Robert seyde agayne he xulde noghte done that atte that tyme,
but he badde hym provyn owt hys purpos as for the composissioun and
provisioun to an hende, and than he wolde do hys dever to hym; and thus
he departyd. Where for, yif ony thing may be don whyl ye arn now atte
Londone for oure helpe and his lettyng, gode Syre, helpythe atte this
tyme if it maybe godely, we be seche yow. Dawn Thomas of Cane was atte
my lord of Norwiche for helpe in this matier, and he seyde he was
inhibytyd and alle hys clerkes be the curt of Rome in this matier, and
he seyde by yowre advys, yif it lyke yow, wryttes may ben taken agens
hym, and that is best remedye ther inne; j. [_one_] wrytte is _ne
ingrediatur manu forti_. The Holy Trinite have yow in governaunce.
Wretyn atte Bromholm the v. day of July,

_per_ NICH. PRIOREM DE BROMHOLM.

[Footnote 20.1: [Add. MS. 34,888, f. 1.] This letter is
evidently of the year 1425. Comp. No. 10.]

ABSTRACT[21.1]

[Sidenote: 1425 / SEPT. 24]

Bill witnessing a concord made 24 Sept. 4 Hen. VI. between John
Kertelyng, clerk, general attorney to Sir John Fastolf, on the one part,
and Richard Boson, Esq., on the other, viz.: That Fastolf shall have in
fee-simple the manor of the said Richard in Castre called Bosons of the
gift of the said Richard before Easter next, and that the said Richard
shall have Fastolf’s manor in Titeleshale called Peekhalle, in
fee-simple, of the gift of Fastolf, paying to Fastolf £60 within the
next four years.

[Footnote 21.1: [From a Bodl. MS.]]

WILLIAM PASTON TO ----[21.2]

[Sidenote: 1425 / NOV. 5]

Right worthy and worshepefull Sir, I recommaunde me to yow, and thank
yow for the good, trew, and diligent labour ye have hadde for the matier
betwen the Priour of Bromholme[21.3] and his commoigne[21.4] apostata,
Johne Wortes, that namythe hym self Paston, and affermith hym untrewely
to be my cousyn. [I have many pouere men of my kyn, but so fals, and so
pouere,--but he was nevere of my kyn.][22.1] God defende that any of my
saide kyn shuld be of swyche governaunce as he is of! Maister John
Ixworthe told me that he hadde lettres fro a frende of yowres in the
courtt of Rome, that is of the seyd prioures counseill in this mater as
ye be, whos name I knowe nought, specifyeng that the seyd John Wortes
adversarius prioris desperat in causa et concordiam quærit. It is told
me sithen that the seyd John Wortes is in the cite of Rome, sacred a
bysshop of Irland, videlicet episcopus Corcagensis, wherby it is seyd
here that his pretense of his title to the priourie of Bromholme is
adnulled, and voide in your lawe. The seyd John Wortes, and a contreman
of myne in the seyd court, Maister John Urry, have sent me lettres,
wherof I sende yow copies and a trewe instruccion of the seyd matier
closed with this bille, the whiche lettres and the matier ther of me
semyth mervaillous and straunge. A prest of Norffolk, that spak with yow
in Julie or August last passed, told me that he yede with yow to the
cardinales hous, Trikaricensis,[22.2] to espie if any swyche processe
were sued ageyn me as the seyd lettres specifien, and that ye told the
same prest at alle tymes ther was than no swiche processe sued, ne had;
the whiche relacion I trust and beleve bettre than the seyd lettres.
I have, by advys of counseill, in makyng a procuracie _ad agendum,
defendendum, provocandum, et appellandum_ to yow and the seyd Maister
John Urry and the Wynsalaw (?) de Swysto; and also a general appelle,
the engrossyng of wyche the messager of this bill myght nought abide;
the whiche procuracie and appelle I shal sende to yowr persone,
tantummodo [cum pecuniis],[22.3] with moneye onward, on trust. My will
is, ye have the chief governaunce of this matier, and that this article
be counseille [_i.e._, secret]; wher upon I prey yow hertily to be
saddely avysed in these matiers, and, as nede is, so to governe hem by
your wysdom, that the seyd prioures estat and honeste, and myn also, to
yowr worshepe be saved; and that, in alle haste resonable, ye lyke to
sende me redes lettres of alle the seyd matier, and the circumstances
ther of, and who ye wil I be governed in this mater. I was nevere
somouned, ne never hadde tydynges of this matier but by seyd lettres and
other fleyng tales that I heve herd sithen, ne nevere hadde to do more
with the seyd John Wortes than is specified in the seyd instruccion. Al
myghty God have yow in His governaunce. Writen at London, the v. day of
Novembre.

Yowre frend unknowen.[23.1]

_A Instruccion and Information of the verray trewe matier betwen the
Priour and the Covent of Bromholm and the seyd John and me, as I am
enformed, and as I knowe touchant my persone and the_[23.2] ----.

[Sidenote: Ista litera missa non fuit.]

Right worthy and worshepefull Sir, I recomaunde to yow, preyeng yow to
wite that I have resceyved yowr goodly lettres makyng mencion that Sir
John Paston,[23.3] ut asserit, hath optyned me condempnyd to hym in
CCC[vij.][23.4] marcz and C._s._; and that the same John, atte
reverence of your right worthy persone, hathe cesed of his sute of
certeins processes ageyns me up on the seyd condempnacion, takyng
continuance[23.5] of the same matier unto Cristemasse next comyng; by
which lettres ye conseille me to make ende with the seyd John, ne
deterius inde contingat. I [s]end yow, closed with this bille,
[the][23.6] copie of un frendly lettre that the seyd John hathe sent to
me late, touchant the same matier. The seyd priour hath sent also to
yow, and to Mayster William Swan, whiche longe hathe be his procurator,
a procuracie for my person, and v. marcz of moneye onward. Wher up, in
the seyd prioures name, and in myn own also, I prey yow hertily to sette
al these matieres in continuaunce un to yowr comyng in to Ingeland; and
because ye arn here beneficed, owr cuntreman, and of worshepe and
cunnyng worthyly endowed, the seyd priour and his brether, and I also,
willen gladdely in these matieres be treted by yow; and if this mesure
be accepted, and we may have knowyng here ther of, it shall cause the
attemptacion of diverses matieres a geyn summe frendes of the seyd John
to cese. And if this continuance be refused, I prey yow, with al my
power, that of your wysdom and good discrecion ye wille, in the seyd
prioures name, and myn, defenden the seyd sutes, and alle other that the
seyd Johne sueth ageyn the seyd priour and me, in your best maner, and
to be of owr counseill in these matieres; and as ye lyke resonablely to
write to us, so we wil be governed in yowre rewarde, and al other
circumstaunces of the same matieres.[24.1] I conceyve by your seyd
lettres that the grece of the matier conteigned in the same ye have of
the informacion and assercion of the seyd John, and as he hath enformed
yow, I wot weel ye trewely writen; but I hope and trust verrayly the
matier of his informacion is untrewe [for he hathe no cause to swe to
me, ne I was nevre somouned ne cited].[24.2] The priour of Bromholm sued
ageyn the seyd John and other in Ingeland a wryt of _præmunire facias_,
and I was therin of the same prioures counseill as the lawe of Ingelond
and myn office willen, and more I have nought hadde to do with the seyd
Johne, and I can nought beleve that in this cas the same Johne myght by
your lawe any swich sute have ageyn me as your lettre specifieth. Also
William, the prest specified in yowr [letter],[24.3] told me that he,
after that ye told hym of this matier, lyke as yewrce (?), he comuned
with Maister William Swan, and he told the seyd prest ther no processe
in the courte ageyn me in no maner ----.[24.4]

The above two documents are from a corrected draft, written on one
side of a broad sheet of paper. On the other side is a long Latin
pleading, also much corrected, relative to the Abbey of Bermondsey;
prefixed to which are the following words, in the same hand as the
preceding letters:--

‘Sir, do writen ij. copies of this note in papier, wyde writen, and
gete a copie of the writte in the Eschekyr ageyn.’

The pleading referred to is in a different hand, and begins as
follows:--

‘Et prædictus abbas dicit quod ipse de præmissis domino Regi
compotum reddere non debet; quia dicit quod diu ante erectionem,
fundationem sive erectionem prioratus de Bermundeseye qui nunc
erectus est in prædictam Abbatiam, Willielmus Rufus filius Willelmi
Conquestoris nuper Rex Angliæ fuit seisitus de manerio de
Bermundeseye,’ etc.

[Footnote 21.2: [From Paston MSS., B.M.] This letter, being
dated in November, was probably written before Nos. 11 and 12
which follow, though evidently very near them in point of date.
The chief evidence of the time when they all must have been
written will be seen in No. 12.]

[Footnote 21.3: Who this Prior was we cannot say, the list of
the Priors of Bromholm being very defective. Blomefield says,
that a Prior John has been met with in the 11th of Edward III.,
and Robert, in the 14th of Henry VI.--that is to say, in 1435 or
1436, just ninety-nine years later. Nothing is known of the
Priors between these dates, even by the latest editors of
Dugdale.]

[Footnote 21.4: ‘Commoigne,’ i.e. brother monk. The writer also
calls him _apostata_, _i.e._ a monk who has run away and
renounced his order.]

[Footnote 22.1: These words occur in the draft, but are crossed
out.]

[Footnote 22.2: Thomas Brancaccio, Cardinal Bishop of Tricarico.
He was made a cardinal by his uncle, Pope John XXIII., and is
said to have been a man of very bad morals.]

[Footnote 22.3: Interlined, and afterwards erased.]

[Footnote 23.1: Above these words, and in the place where the
signature might have been expected, occur these names, one above
another--
‘Thomas Abbas de Leyston, in Com’ Suff.
‘Ricardus Fremelyngham, concanonichus ibidem.’
They do not, however, appear to be connected with the letter.
The following words are also scrawled between this letter and
the next:-- ‘N. persona ecclesiæ de Testerton in Com’ Norff.
Gees Cuttyng. Joh’ persona ecclesiæ de Yermuth (?), Alicia
Gosloth (?).’]

[Footnote 23.2: _Sic._]

[Footnote 23.3: The title ‘Sir’ was at this time commonly
prefixed to a priest’s name.]

[Footnote 23.4: The ‘vij.’ is struck out.]

[Footnote 23.5: Contiañce, MS. here and after.]

[Footnote 23.6: Struck out.]

[Footnote 24.1: Here occur the following words, crossed
out:-- ‘Ferthermore, touchant my persone, I mervaille that the
seyd ---- Ferthermore.’]

[Footnote 24.2: Struck out.]

[Footnote 24.3: Omitted in MS.]

[Footnote 24.4: The draft here ends abruptly.]

[[fuit seisitus de manerio _text has “d emanerio”_]]

JOHN PASTON _ALIAS_ WORTES[25.1]

_Venerables et discretes persones les courtesans demorans en l’ostel
du Templebar en la cité de Londres, Mes treschiers et treshonnourés
seigneurs et amis._

[Sidenote: 1426]

Treschiers et treshonnourés seigneurs et grans amis, toutte
recommendation premise, plaisir vous soit de scavoir que je vous notifie
et avertich pour le present que Wilhelmus Paston le Sargant est
denunciés escommuniés, que plus plainement poes perchevoir per
Instrument que vous envoye. Et pour tant, mez treschiers seigneurs, que
je disire moult le salut de votre ames et l’onneur de cascun de vous,
comme faire le doy, affin que vous u [_ou_] aucun de vous n’ayes aucune
conversation u participation auvecquels le dit Wilhelmus, car il est
aggrevés a cloquettes sonans, et tant que pour faire cesser en touttes
eglises leur il voldroit aler. Mais jou qui suy homme d’eglise et sur
touttes choses desire et convoite l’onneur et le bien dou Royaulme, car
gy suy tenus, je ne envoye point pour le present les dittes aggravances,
ne ossi voillans faire si grand mal que poroye jusquels a che que j’aray
certaines novelles et responses comment li dis Wilhelmes se voldra
ordonner en mes affaires, car nous avons en le loy que nuls os
excumeniés ne puet et ne doit estre admis devant juge quelcunque. Mes
treschiers seigneurs, se aucune chose vo plaise que faire puisse, mande
le me et le feray de bon cuer. E le sancte Dieuls qui vous ait tous et
cascun de vous en sa sancte garde. Et osy, mes treschiers et
treshonourés seigneurs, plaise vous scavoir que encelle meyme cause li
dis Wilhelmes est redevaules et enquews envers moy, par sentence
diffinitive que j’ay obtenu pour moy, en mille deuls cens et trente
ducas, et que li dis Wilhelmes ne puet yestre jamays absols sy non qu’il
soit d’acort auvecquels moy. Escript a en la ville de Bruges le xxiij^e
jour de Jenvier.

JOHANNES PASTON,[26.1] en temps passé Priour
de Broholm, et pour le present evesquels
de Corkagen, le tout vostre.

[Footnote 25.1: [From Paston MSS., B.M.] William Paston, who is
here spoken of as a Serjeant, attained that degree in 1421, and
was made Judge of the Common Pleas in 1429. But a closer
approximation to the date of this letter may be made by
comparing it with that which follows, which is certainly much
about the same time.]

[Footnote 26.1: William Paston, as appears by Nos. 12 and 14
following, disputed this writer’s right to call himself Paston,
and asserted that his real name was Wortes. It is curious that
neither in the list of the Bishops of Cork, nor in that of the
Priors of Bromholm, is the name either of Paston or Wortes to be
met with.]

WILLIAM PASTON TO WILLIAM WORSTED AND OTHERS[26.2]

_A mez treshonnourés Meistres Will’m Worstede, John Longham, et Meistre
Piers Shelton soit donné._

[Sidenote: 1426 / MARCH 1]

Right worthy and worshepefull sires and maistres, I recomand me to yow,
and thank yow with al my herte, of the gret tendrenesse ye lyke to have
of the salvacion of my symple honeste, preying yow evermore of your good
continuance. I have, after the advys of your lettre, doon dewely
examyned the instrument by the wysest I coude fynde here, and in
especial by on Maister Robert Sutton,[27.1] a courtezane of the Court of
Rome, the which is the chief and most chier man with my Lord of
Gloucestre, and his matier in the said court for my lady, his
wyff;[27.2] and here aunswere is that al this processe, though it were
in dede preceded as the instrument specifieth, is not suffisant in the
lawe of Holy Cherche, and that hem semyth, by the sight of the
instrument and by the defautes [that] ye espied in the same and other,
and in maner by the knowelech of the notarie, that the processe, in gret
part ther of, is fal[se and un]trewe. I have taken advys of Maister
Robert Bruus, chauncellor with my Lord of Cantirbury,[27.3] and Maister
Nicholl Billesdon,[27.4] cha[uncellor] of my Lord of Wynchestre,[27.5]
and Maister John Blodwelle,[27.6] a weel lerned man holden, and a
suffisant courtezan of the seyd court, and all these acorden to the seyd
Maister Robert Sutton. Nought with stondyng that I herde nevere of this
matier no maner lykly ne credible evidence unto that I sey your lettre
and the instrument, yet I made an appell and a procuracie, and also a
provocacion, at London, longe biforn Cristemasse, by the a[dvys] of
Maister David Aprys, Maister Symond Kempston, and Maister James Cole,
and sent al this, with an instruccion of al the matier, w[ith] my
procuratours to Rome by your frere, my Maister Suppriour, and geff hym
gold that he was content: and, evermore, nowe here by advys I make this
day a newe appelle and a newe procuracion, and upon this alle the seyd
worthy men here seyn and informe me pleynly I have no maner cause in
lawe ne in conscience to drede aught in this matier. Myn
adversarie[27.7] is become Bysshop of Cork in Irland, and ther arn ij.
other persones provided to the same bysshopriche yet lyvyng, beforn my
seyd adversarie; and by this acceptacion of this bysshopriche, he hath
pryved hym self of the title that he claymed in Bromholm, and so
adnulled the ground of his processe ageyn me, and also the tyme of his
grevaunce pretendid, and the tyme of his sute he was _apostata_, and I
trowe is yet, and so unable to sue any swich processe. I purpose me to
come homward be London, to lerne more in this matier, if I may. I prey
the Holy Trinite, lord of your cherche and of alle the werld, delyvere
me of my iij. adversaries, of this cursed bysshop for Bromholm, Aslak
for Sprouston,[28.1] and Julian Herberd for Thornham. I have nought
trespassed ageyn noon of these iij., God knowing, and yet I am foule and
noysyngly vexed with hem, to my gret unease, and al for my lordes and
frendes matieres, and nought for myn owyn. I wot not whether it were
best in any sermon or other audience, in your cherche or elles where, to
declare aught of this matier in stoppyng of the noyse that renneth in
this case. I submitte me and alle this matier to your good discrecion;
and evere gremercy God, and ye, who ever have yow and me in His gracious
governance. I suppose to see yow on Palm Sunday. Writen at Leycestre,
the Friday the thredde wyke of Lente.

Alle the seyd lerned men telle me trewely ther is nother perill ne
doubte in the takyng doun of the instrument and the bille to no
creature. Which instrument and bille I send yow ageyn by the berare of
this, which I prey you to kepe as pryve as ye may.

Yowr man,

W. PASTON.

I have preyed my Maister Hammond to write yow tydyngges, and smale (?)
lesynges among.

[Footnote 26.2: [From Paston MSS., B.M.] About the year 1425 the
question of the validity of the Duke of Gloucester’s marriage
with Jacqueline of Hainault was before the Court of Rome. This
letter must have been written in the spring of the year
following, when Parliament was sitting at Leicester. The
original is slightly mutilated at the edge in one place.]

[Footnote 27.1: Prebendary of Lincoln, 1435-9. Died 1439.]

[Footnote 27.2: Jacqueline of Hainault, whom Humphrey, Duke of
Gloucester, married, pretending that her former marriage with
John, Duke of Brabant, was void by consanguinity. The question
which of the two marriages was valid was at this time before the
Pope.]

[Footnote 27.3: Archbishop Chicheley.]

[Footnote 27.4: Dean of Salisbury, 1435-41. Died 1441.]

[Footnote 27.5: Henry Beaufort, Bishop of Winchester, afterwards
Cardinal.]

[Footnote 27.6: LL.D. Prebendary of Hereford about 1433, and of
Lichfield 1432-43.]

[Footnote 27.7: John Paston or Wortes, the writer of the
preceding letter.]

[Footnote 28.1: A lordship in Sprouston was acquired by John
Aslake of Bromholm in 14 Richard II., and seems to have
continued some time in that family. Blomefield notes that a
Walter Aslake, Esq. of Sprouston, had a protection in the 10th
of Henry VI., being in France in the retinue of John, Duke of
Bedford (Blomefield’s _Norfolk_, x. 462). Probably this was the
same Walter Aslak mentioned in No. 6 preceding. --_See_ p. 18.]

ABSTRACTS[29.1]

[Sidenote: 1426]

(1) _Capias_ against William Stayard of Great Yarmouth, late lieutenant
of Thomas Chaucer,[29.2] chief butler of Henry V., for debts to the
Crown.

(2) Release by William Steyard of Great Yarmouth, to Elizabeth, widow of
John Rothenhale, Knight, of all personal actions against her as her
husband’s executor. 7 April, 4 Hen. VI.

ABSTRACT[29.3]

JOHN PASTON _alias_ WORTES.

[Sidenote: 1426 / DEC. 1]

i. Draft writ to the Sheriff of Norwich to attach and bring before the
Council John Paston _alias_ Wortes and others for violation of the
statutes of Provisors 25 Edw. III. and 16 Ric. II., on the complaint of
John Brundale, prior of Bromholm that although he, Brundale, was
canonically elected prior, the said Paston or Wortes had crossed the sea
without royal license, obtained a provision of the said priory in the
Court of Rome, and got himself installed as prior, and the other
expelled. Also the said John Paston or Wortes, and John Gees,
a Carmelite friar of Norwich, Edmund Alderford, late of Norwich, clerk,
Barth. Waryn, parson of Trunche, William Cuttyng of Worsted, clerk, John
Gees of Crowemer, merchant, and Ralph Gunton of Norwich, scrivener,
received the said instruments at Bakton, and put them into
execution.--Dated 1 Dec.

ii. On the back of the preceding is another draft writ of the same date
against the same parties for endeavouring to draw the prior out of the
kingdom by a suit in the Court of Rome.

The paper is endorsed--’S. (?) Billæ vis. Veneris prox. post diem
antedictum (?) Anno H. vj. v^to, et non necessario festinant’. Iterum
supervidendum.’

_Endorsed in a later hand_-- ‘Towchynge Sir John Fastolffes landes
in Norffolk and Surrye.’

[Footnote 29.1: [From Paston MSS., B.M.]]

[Footnote 29.2: He is believed to have been son of Geoffrey
Chaucer, the famous poet, and his daughter Alice married William
De la Pole, at this time Earl, afterwards Duke, of Suffolk.]

[Footnote 29.3: [From a Bodl. MS.]]

[[Barth. Waryn, parson of Trunche _text has “Barth,” with , for ._]]

ABSTRACT[30.1]

---- ---- TO WILLIAM PASTON.

[Sidenote: 1426(?)]

‘Dear and well-beloved Cousin.’ --Is in good health, but ill at ease,
being informed that she is in debt to Steyard for my lord’s debt, whose
soul God assoil, £7 and a pipe of wine. Knew nothing of it in my lord’s
life, except of 2 pipes for herself, and one for her mother-in-law, of
which she has paid 20s. Since my Lord’s death, Steyard has never asked
her for it. ‘For which time, as I was at Jernemouth abiding in the Frere
Carmes the time of the pestilence, his wife came unto me,’ asking the
writer to be good lady to him; and he asked no more then than the above
3 pipes. He asked no more last harvest when he was sick and like to die,
when John of Berneye was present. Thinks, therefore, his asking is
untrue. My Lord would have made me or some of his council privy to such
a debt. Hopes Paston, whom my Lord made one of his feoffees, will see
‘that ye and I be discharged anemps the King as for the debt of
Steyard.’ --Dated Castre, the day after the Conversion of St. Paul.
Addressed, ‘A mon tres cher et bien ame cousin, Will’m Paston soit
donné.’

[This letter is endorsed in another hand, ‘W. Paston, j. feoffatorum
et executorum Johannis Rothnale per lit’ Cz. (?)’ It seems,
therefore, to have been written by the Lady Elizabeth, widow of Sir
John Rothenhale, whose name occurs in No. 13 in connection with
William Steyard of Great Yarmouth. She was the daughter of Sir
Philip Branch, Kt., and had been previously married to John Clere of
Ormesby. She died at Caister, the place from which this letter is
dated, in 1440; and by her will, which was dated at Caister, 16th
October 1438, she bequeathed all her goods at Ormesby to her son
Robert Clere, and all her goods at Horning Hall, in Caister, to her
son Edmund. --_See_ Blomefield’s _Norfolk_, iv. 35, vi. 392, xi.
210.]

[Footnote 30.1: [From Paston MSS., B.M.]]

[[whose name occurs in No. 13
_corrected by editor from “No. 8”_]]

ABSTRACT[30.2]

[Sidenote: 1426-7]

Depositions on the ---- day of ----, 5 Hen. VI., by Richard Wyoth,
executor of Margery, daughter and heir of Edmund Bakon, touching the
manor of Gressam which Bakon purchased, _temp._ Edw III. After the death
of two brothers, Margery became sole possessor, and gave it to Wyoth and
other executors to perform her will, with proviso that Philip Vache and
Eliz., his wife, should have it during their lives, but that the
reversion of it should be sold, giving William, son of Robert Moleyns,
the first option of purchase. It was accordingly offered to him, but he
refused to buy. On the death of said Eliz., however, he bought the manor
for 420 marks, and held it two years, when Wyoth re-entered because part
of the purchase-money was unpaid. W. Moleyns’s wife, however, induced
him to accept security from Thos. Fawkoner, merchant of London, whose
daughter the said William agreed that his son should marry, when he came
of age; and it was arranged that meanwhile Fawkoner and Wyoth should be
jointly enfeoffed of the manor, which was to be given in jointure, if
the marriage took effect. The marriage did not take effect, and Fawkoner
re-entered upon the manor according to the enfeoffment, but paid Wyoth
nothing, till Thos. Chawsers,[31.1] Esq., a kinsman of the said Margery,
made him understand that Wyoth might enter on his own portion, and had
even a prior right to himself. At length Fawkoner sold his right to
Chaucers and Wyoth, and released the manor on security for the payment.
Wyoth then said he should have little advantage by the bargain, except
in having easy days of payment; ‘et quod dictus Thomas Chaucers, pro
bona voluntate quod (_sic_) erga dictum Willelmum Paston gessit,
episcopum Londoni de emptione ejusdem manerii per longum tempus
dilatavit, intentione ut idem Willelmus illud emeret si voluerit.’

ABSTRACT[31.2]

RAUF, Parson of Cressyngham, to WILLIAM PASTON, Justice.

[Sidenote: 1427-43]

Is he to deliver to John Halleman Paston’s evidences belonging to the
manor of Wodhalle in Pagrave, and under what form? Hopes to see him at
Norwich, on Tuesday or Wednesday after Michaelmas-day. Cressingham,
20 Sept.

On the back are written, in William Paston’s hand, some notes of a case
touching ‘Frater Kensale.’

[Ralph Wolman _alias_ Harple was incumbent of Cressingham from 1427
to 1460; but this letter could not have been written later than
1443, as William Paston died in August of the following year.]

[Footnote 30.2: _Ibid._]

[Footnote 31.1: _See_ Note 2 on page 29. _See also_ Blomefield,
viii. 127.]

[Footnote 31.2: [From Paston MSS., B.M.]]

ABSTRACT[31.3]

Mutilated Letter in French, from JOHN VAUX, Parson of Edythorp, to ----.

[Sidenote: 1426]

Only the right-hand half of the letter remains. Names mentioned--Richard
de Causton, William Coule. Date lost.

[John Vaux was Rector of Edingthorp in Norfolk, in 1388. His
successor was John Prentys, who was presented to the living in 1429
by the feoffees of the duchy of Lancaster.--Blomefield, xi. 29.]

[Footnote 31.3: _Ibid._]

ABSTRACT[32.1]

[Sidenote: 1426 / DEC. 7]

‘A grant of the Monastery of Bury to make William Paston, justice,
brother of the Chapter-House.’ Day of St. Ambrose 1429.

[The description is taken from an endorsement. The document itself
is printed in Yates’s _Bury St. Edmunds_, p. 156.]

[Footnote 32.1: [Add. Charter 17,226, B.M.]]

WILLIAM PASTON TO THE VICAR OF THE ABBOT OF CLUGNY[32.2]

[Sidenote: 1430(?)]

My ryghte worthy and worshopeful lord, I recomaunde me to yow. And for
as meche [as I] conseyve verrayly that ye arn Vicar general in Inggelond
of the worthy Prelate, the Abbot of Clunie, and have hys power in many
grete articles, and mong other in profession of monkes in Inggelond of
the seyd ordere. And in my cuntre, but a myle fro the place where I was
born, is the poure hous of Bromholm of the same ordre, in wheche arn
divers vertuous yongge men, monkes clad and unprofessyd, that have
abedyn there. . . . Abbyte ix. or x. yeer; and be lenger delaye of here
profession, many inconvenientez arne lyke to falle. And also the priour
of . . . hath resigned in to your worthy handes by certeins notables and
resonables causes, as it apperyth by an instrument, and a symple lettre
under the comune seal of the seyd hous of Bromholm, which the berare of
this hath redy to shewe yow, wher up on I prey yow wyt al my herte, and
as I evere may do yow service, that it lyke to your grace to graunte of
your charite, by yowr worthy lettres to the priour of Thetford in
Norfolk, of the seyde ordre of Clunye, autorite and power as your
ministre and depute to professe in dwe forme the seyd monkes of Bromholm
unprofessed. And that it lyke yow evermore to accepte and admitte the
seyd resygnacion by your seyd autoritie and power, wyth the favour of
your good lordshepe in comfort and consolacion of your pouere prestes,
the monkes of the seyd hous of Bromholm, and there up to graunte your
worthy lettres, wittenessyng the same acceptacion and admyssion of the
seyd resignacion, and al your seyd lettres to delyvere to my clerke, to
wham I prey yow to gyve feith and credence touchant this matier, and to
delivere it hym in alle the hast resonable. And I am your man, and evere
will be by the grace of God, which evere have yow in his kepyng. Writen
at Norwich the [33.1] of Aprill.

Yowres,

WILL. PASTON.

[Footnote 32.2: [From Paston MSS., B.M.] This letter is printed
from a rough draft written on paper, corrected in William
Paston’s own hand, and scribbled over, after his fashion, with
numerous other drafts and jottings on both sides. Some of these
occur upside down between the lines of this letter. At the head
of the memoranda on the back are the words, ‘In parliamento,
anno H. vj. viijº.’ from which we may infer the date to be at
least as early.]

[Footnote 33.1: Blank in MS.]

ABSTRACT[33.2]

[Sidenote: 1429-30]

A Memorandum, dated 8 Henry VI., that Sir Simon Felbrigge, William
Paston, &c., recovered certain land in Edithorp, Bakton, and
Northwalsham, against Richard, Abbot of St. Benet’s, Hulme, John Roys,
and others.

[Footnote 33.2: [From Paston MSS., B.M.]]

ABSTRACT[33.3]

ROBERT, LORD OF WILLUGHBY AND BEAUMESNIL, TO WILLIAM PASTON, ESQ.

[Sidenote: 1431 / JAN. 8]

Notifying that he has granted to Sir William Oldhall and Margaret, our
sister, his wife, for moneys which Oldhall has lent and paid for him at
need, an annuity of 120 marks on lands in Norfolk and Suffolk, in which
ye (William Paston, Esq.) stand enfeoffed, to our behoof. Pont de
l’Arche, 8 Jan. 1430, 9 Hen. VI.--_Signed. Fine seal, mutilated._

[Footnote 33.3: [Add. Charter 17,227, B.M.]]

ABSTRACT[34.1]

[Sidenote: 1432 / MAY 1]

Deed Poll, whereby Robert York, Prior of the church of St. Andrew of
Broomholme, and the Convent of the same place, grant to Sir Simon
Felbrygg, Knt., William Paston of Paston, and others, certain lands in
Bacton Wood, &c., 1 May, 10 Henry VI. (_Fragment of seal._)

[Footnote 34.1: [Add. Charter 14,313, B.M. (Dr. Turner’s
Coll.)]]

EDUCATION OF HENRY VI[34.2]

_Articles de Monsr. de Warrewyk[34.3] touchant le bon regime du Roy,
etc._[34.4]

[Sidenote: 1432 / NOV. 9]

For the goode reule, demesnyng and seuretee of the Kynges persone, and
draught of him to vertue and connyng, and eschuyng of eny thing that
mighte yeve empeschement or let therto, or cause eny charge, defaulte,
or blame to be leyd upon the Erle of Warrewyk at eny tyme withouten his
desert, he, considering that perill and besinesse of his charge aboute
the Kinges persone groweth so that that auctoritee and power yeven to
him before suffiseth him nought without more therto, desireth therfor
thees thinges that folowen.

Furst, that considering that the charge of the reule, demesnyng, and
governance, and also of nourture of the Kinges persone resteth upon the
said Erle whiles it shal like the king, and the perille, daunger, and
blame if eny lak or defaulte, were in eny of thees, the whiche lak or
defaulte mighte be caused by ungodely or unvertuous men, if eny suche
were aboute his persone; he desireth therfore, for the goode of the
King, and for his owne seuretee, to have power and auctoritee to name,
ordeigne, and assigne, and for cause that shal be thought to him
resonable to remoeve thoo that [shal] be aboute the Kinges persone, of
what estate or condicion that thei be, not entending to comprehende in
this desir the Stuard, Chamberlein, Tresoror, Contrerollor, ne Sergeantz
of offices, save suche as serve aboute the Kinges persone and for his
mouth.

_Responsio._ As toward the namyng, ordeignance, and assignacion
beforesaid, it is agreed, so that he take in noon of the iiij. knightes
ne squyers for the body without th’advis of my Lord of Bedford,[35.1]
him being in England, and him being out, of my Lord of Gloucestre[35.2]
and of the remenant of the Kinges Counsail.

* * *

Item, the said Erle desireth that where he shal have eny persone in his
discrecion suspect of mysgovernance, and not behoveful nor expedient to
be aboute the King, except th’estates of the hous, that he may putte hem
from excercise and occupacion of the Kinges service till that he shal
mowe have speche with my Lordes of Bedford or of Gloucestre, and with
the other Lordes of the Kinges Counsaile, to that ende that, the
defaulte of eny suche persone knowen unto him, shal mowe ordeigne
therupon as theim shel thenke expedient and behoveful.