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ï»żTitle: Pompeii, Its Life and Art
Author: Mau, August
Language: English
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Transcriber's Note:

  Inconsistent hyphenation and spelling in the original document have
  been preserved. Obvious typographical errors have been corrected.

  Italic text is denoted by _underscores_ and spaced text by =equal
  signs=. In the ads, an = sign denotes bold text.

  On page 431, 1854 should possibly be 1845.
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    Chapter XXXV citation.
  On page 544, the pages listed as pp 226-223 are possibly a typo.
  [=HS] represents the characters HS with a bar over the top.
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     Translated into English



     New York

     _All rights reserved_

     COPYRIGHT, 1899, 1902,

     First Edition, October, 1899.
     New Revised Edition, with additions, November, 1902.

     Norwood Press
     J. S. Cushing & Co.--Berwick & Smith
     Norwood Mass. U.S.A.


For twenty-five years Professor Mau has devoted himself to the study
of Pompeii, spending his summers among the ruins and his winters in
Rome, working up the new material. He holds a unique place among the
scholars who have given attention to Pompeian antiquities, and his
contributions to the literature of the subject have been numerous in
both German and Italian. The present volume, however, is not a
translation of one previously issued, but a new work first published
in English, the liberality of the publishers having made it possible
to secure assistance for the preparation of certain restorations and
other drawings which Professor Mau desired to have made as
illustrating his interpretation of the ruins.

In one respect there is an essential difference between the remains of
Pompeii and those of the large and famous cities of antiquity, as Rome
or Athens, which have associated with them the familiar names of
historical characters. Mars' Hill is clothed with human interest, if
for no other reason, because of its relation to the work of the
Apostle Paul; while the Roman Forum and the Palatine, barren as they
seem to-day, teem with life as there rise before the mind's eye the
scenes presented in the pages of classical writers. But the Campanian
city played an unimportant part in contemporary history; the name of
not a single great Pompeian is recorded. The ruins, deprived of the
interest arising from historical associations, must be interpreted
with little help from literary sources, and repeopled with aggregate
rather than individual life.

A few Pompeians, whose features have survived in herms or statues and
whose names are known from the inscriptions, seem near to us,--such
are Caecilius Jucundus and the generous priestess Eumachia; but the
characters most commonly associated with the city are those of
fiction. Here, in a greater degree than in most places, the work of
reconstruction involves the handling of countless bits of evidence,
which, when viewed by themselves, often seem too minute to be of
importance; the blending of these into a complete and faithful picture
is a task of infinite painstaking, the difficulty of which will best
be appreciated by one who has worked in this field.

It was at first proposed to place at the end of the book a series of
bibliographical notes on the different chapters, giving references to
the more important treatises and articles dealing with the matters
presented. But on fuller consideration it seemed unnecessary thus to
add to the bulk of the volume; those who are interested in the study
of a particular building or aspect of Pompeian culture will naturally
turn to the _Pompeianarum antiquitatum historia_, the reports in the
_Notizie degli Scavi_, the reports and articles by Professor Mau in
the Roman _Mittheilungen_ of the German Archaeological Institute, the
Overbeck-Mau _Pompeji_, the Studies by Mau and by Nissen, the
commemorative volume issued in 1879 under the title _Pompei e la
regione sotterrata dal Vesuvio_, the catalogues of the paintings by
Helbig and Sogliano, together with Mau's _Geschichte der decorativen
Wandmalerei in Pompeji_, H. von Rohden's _Terracotten von Pompeji_,
and the older illustrated works, as well as the beautiful volume,
_Pompeji vor der Zerstoerung_, published in 1897 by Weichardt.

The titles of more than five hundred books and pamphlets relating to
Pompeii are given in Furchheim's _Bibliografia di Pompei_ (second
edition, Naples, 1891). To this list should be added an elaborate work
on the temple of Isis, _Aedis Isidis Pompeiana_, which is soon to
appear. The copperplates for the engravings were prepared at the
expense of the old Accademia ercolanese, but only the first section of
the work was published; the plates, fortunately, have been preserved
without injury, and the publication has at last been undertaken by
Professor Sogliano.

Professor Mau wishes to make grateful acknowledgment of obligation to
Messrs. C. Bazzani, R. Koldewey, G. Randanini, and G. Tognetti for
kind assistance in making ready for the engraver the drawings
presenting restorations of buildings; to the authorities of the German
Archaeological Institute for freely granting the use of a number of
drawings in its collection; and to the photographer, Giacomo Brogi of
Florence, for placing his collection of photographs at the author's
disposal and making special prints for the use of the engraver. In
addition to the photographs obtained from Brogi, a small number were
furnished for the volume by the translator, and a few were derived
from other sources.

The restorations are not fanciful. They were made with the help of
careful measurements and of computations based upon the existing
remains; occasionally also evidence derived from reliefs and wall
paintings was utilized. Uncertain details are generally omitted.

It is due to Professor Mau to say that in preparing his manuscript for
English readers I have, with his permission, made some changes. The
order of presentation has occasionally been altered. In several
chapters the German manuscript has been abridged, while in others,
containing points in regard to which English readers might desire a
somewhat fuller statement, I have made slight additions. The
preparation of the English form of the volume, undertaken for reasons
of friendship, has been less a task than a pleasure.


     October 25, 1899.


The author and the translator unite in expressing their deep
appreciation of the kind reception accorded to the first edition of
this book.

The second edition has been revised on the spot. Besides minor
additions, it has been enlarged by a chapter on the recently
discovered temple of Venus Pompeiana, and a Bibliographical Appendix;
prepared in response to requests from various quarters. Among the new
illustrations in the text are a restoration of the temple of Vespasian
and a reproduction of the bronze youth found in 1900, besides the
Alexandria patera and one of the skeleton cups from the Boscoreale
treasure; in Plate VIII are presented two additional paintings from
the house of the Vettii.

The translator is alone responsible for Chapter LIX, which was
prepared for the first edition at Professor Mau's request, at a time
when he was pressed with other work; for the paragraphs in regard to
the treasure of Boscoreale, and for one-half of the references in the
Bibliographical Appendix.


     August 2, 1901



     CHAPTER                                                      PAGE

           I. THE SITUATION OF POMPEII                               1

          II. BEFORE 79                                              8

         III. THE CITY OVERWHELMED                                  19

          IV. THE UNEARTHING OF THE CITY                            25

           V. A BIRD'S-EYE VIEW                                     31

              PERIODS                                               35

     PART I


         VII. THE FORUM                                             45

              TEMPLE OF JUPITER                                     61

          IX. THE BASILICA                                          70

           X. THE TEMPLE OF APOLLO                                  80

              FORUM, AND THE TABLE OF STANDARD MEASURES             91

         XII. THE MACELLUM                                          94

        XIII. THE SANCTUARY OF THE CITY LARES                      102

         XIV. THE TEMPLE OF VESPASIAN                              106

          XV. THE BUILDING OF EUMACHIA                             110

         XVI. THE COMITIUM                                         119

        XVII. THE MUNICIPAL BUILDINGS                              121

       XVIII. THE TEMPLE OF VENUS POMPEIANA                        124

         XIX. THE TEMPLE OF FORTUNA AUGUSTA                        130

              DORIC TEMPLE                                         133

         XXI. THE LARGE THEATRE                                    141

        XXII. THE SMALL THEATRE                                    153

              GLADIATORS                                           157

        XXIV. THE PALAESTRA                                        165

         XXV. THE TEMPLE OF ISIS                                   168

        XXVI. THE TEMPLE OF ZEUS MILICHIUS                         183


      XXVIII. THE BATHS NEAR THE FORUM                             202

        XXIX. THE CENTRAL BATHS                                    208

         XXX. THE AMPHITHEATRE                                     212


       XXXII. THE DEFENCES OF THE CITY                             237

     PART II


      XXXIII. THE POMPEIAN HOUSE                                   245

             I. Vestibule, Fauces, and Front Door                  248

            II. The Atrium                                         250

           III. The Tablinum                                       255

            IV. The Alae                                           258

             V. The Rooms about the Atrium. The Andron             259

            VI. Garden, Peristyle, and Rooms about the Peristyle   260

           VII. Sleeping Rooms                                     261

          VIII. Dining Rooms                                       262

            IX. The Kitchen, the Bath, and the Storerooms          266

             X. The Shrine of the Household Gods                   268

            XI. Second Story Rooms                                 273

           XII. The Shops                                          276

          XIII. Walls, Floors, and Windows                         278

       XXXIV. THE HOUSE OF THE SURGEON                             280

        XXXV. THE HOUSE OF SALLUST                                 283

       XXXVI. THE HOUSE OF THE FAUN                                288

      XXXVII. A HOUSE NEAR THE PORTA MARINA                        298

     XXXVIII. THE HOUSE OF THE SILVER WEDDING                      301

       XXXIX. THE HOUSE OF EPIDIUS RUFUS                           309

          XL. THE HOUSE OF THE TRAGIC POET                         313

         XLI. THE HOUSE OF THE VETTII                              321

        XLII. THREE HOUSES OF UNUSUAL PLAN                         341

             I. The House of Acceptus and Euhodia                  341

            II. A House without a Compluvium                       343

           III. The House of the Emperor Joseph II                 344

       XLIII. OTHER NOTEWORTHY HOUSES                              348

        XLIV. ROMAN VILLAS.--THE VILLA OF DIOMEDES                 355

         XLV. THE VILLA RUSTICA AT BOSCOREALE                      361

        XLVI. HOUSEHOLD FURNITURE                                  367



       XLVII. THE TRADES AT POMPEII.--THE BAKERS                   383

      XLVIII. THE FULLERS AND THE TANNERS                          393

        XLIX. INNS AND WINESHOPS                                   400

     PART IV



              GATES                                                429

     PART V


         LII. ARCHITECTURE                                         437

        LIII. SCULPTURE                                            445

         LIV. PAINTING.--WALL DECORATION                           456

          LV. THE PAINTINGS                                        471

     PART VI


              INSCRIPTIONS AND PUBLIC NOTICES                      485

        LVII. THE GRAFFITI                                         491




     BIBLIOGRAPHICAL APPENDIX                                      512

     INDEX                                                         551

     KEY TO THE PLAN OF POMPEII                                    559




     photograph                                         _Frontispiece_

                                                           FACING PAGE

     II. COURT OF THE TEMPLE OF APOLLO. From a photograph           88

     FROM THE SOUTH. Restoration (Weichardt, _Pompeji vor
     der Zerstörung_, Tafel II)                                    134

     IV. THE BARRACKS OF THE GLADIATORS. From a photograph         160

     LEADING FROM THE PALAESTRA. From a photograph                 188

     From a photograph                                             216

     MIDDLE OF THE ATRIUM INTO THE PERISTYLE. From a photograph    260

     IN THE SANCTUARY OF ARTEMIS. From photographs                 328

     photograph                                                    338

     GATE. From a photograph                                       420

     XI. ARTEMIS. Copy of an Archaic Work. From a photograph       444

     XII. SPECIMEN OF WALL DECORATION. Second or Architectural
     Style (Mau, _Geschichte der decorativen Wandmalerei in
     Pompeji_, Tafel V)                                            462

     STABIAN BATHS. Fourth or Intricate Style. From a drawing
     in the Naples Museum                                          470



     I. OUTLINE PLAN OF POMPEII                      preceding Chap. V

     II. THE FORUM, WITH ADJOINING BUILDINGS             "       " VII

     BUILDINGS                                           "       "  XX

     IV. THE VILLA RUSTICA NEAR BOSCOREALE               "       " XLV

     V. THE STREET OF TOMBS                              "       "   L

     VI. THE EXCAVATED PORTION OF POMPEII          following the Index


     FIGURE                                                       PAGE

     1. Map of Ancient Campania                                      2

     2. Vesuvius as seen from Naples. From a photograph              3

     3. View from Pompeii, looking south. From a photograph (A. M.)  5

     4. Venus Pompeiana. Wall painting. House of Castor and Pollux.
     After _Monumenti dell' Instituto_, Vol. III, pl. vi. _b_       12

     5. An amphora from Boscoreale. Collection of Classical
     Antiquities, University of Michigan. From a drawing            15

     6. The Judgment of Solomon. Wall painting. Naples Museum.
     From a photograph                                              17

     7. Cast of a man. Museum at Pompeii. From a photograph         22

     8. An Excavation. Atrium of the house of the Silver Wedding.
     From a photograph                                              28

     9. Wall with limestone framework (Ins. VII. iii. 13). From a
     photograph (F. W. K.)                                          37

     10. Façade of Sarno limestone, house of the Surgeon. From a
     photograph                                                     39

     11. Quasi-reticulate facing, with brick corner, at the
     entrance of the Small Theatre. From a photograph               42

     12. Reticulate facing, with corners of brick-shaped stone
     (I. iii. 29). From a photograph (F. W. K.)                     43

     13. North end of the Forum, with the temple of Jupiter,
     restored. From an original drawing[1]                          49

     14. Remnant of the colonnade of Popidius, at the south end
     of the Forum. From a photograph (A. M.)                        51

     15. Part of the new colonnade, near the southwest corner of
     the Forum. From a photograph (A. M.)                           53

     16. Scene in the Forum--a dealer in utensils, and a
     shoemaker. Wall painting. Naples Museum. After _Pitture di
     Ercolano_, Vol. III, pl. 42                                    55

     17. Scene in the Forum--citizens reading a public notice.
     Wall painting. Naples Museum. After _Pitture di Ercolano_,
     Vol. III, pl. 43                                               56

     18. Plan of the temple of Jupiter                              63

     19. Ruins of the temple of Jupiter. From a photograph          64

     20. Section of wall decoration in the cella of the temple of
     Jupiter. After Mazois, _Les Ruines de Pompéi_, Vol. III, pl.
     36 (Overbeck-Mau, _Pompeji_, Fig. 46)                          65

     21. Bust of Zeus found at Otricoli. Vatican Museum. After
     Tafel 130 of the Brunn-Bruckmann Denkmaeler                    68

     22. Bust of Jupiter found at Pompeii. Naples Museum. From a
     photograph                                                     69

     23. Plan of the Basilica                                       71

     24. View of the Basilica, looking toward the tribunal. From
     a photograph                                                   73

     25. Exterior of the Basilica, restored. From an original
     drawing                                                        75

     26. Interior of the Basilica, looking toward the tribunal,
     restored. From an original drawing                             76

     27. Front of the tribunal of the Basilica. Plan and
     elevation. From an original drawing                            77

     28. Corner of mosaic floor, cella of the temple of Apollo.
     After Mazois, Vol. IV, pl. 23 (Overbeck-Mau, Fig. 50)          80

     29. Plan of the temple of Apollo                               81

     30. View of the temple of Apollo, looking toward Vesuvius.
     From a photograph                                              83

     31. Section of the entablature of the temple of Apollo,
     showing the original form and the restoration after the
     earthquake of 63. After Mazois, Vol. IV, pl. 21
     (Overbeck-Mau, Fig. 264)                                       84

     32. Temple of Apollo, restored. From an original drawing       86

     33. Plan of the buildings at the northwest corner of the
     Forum                                                          91

     34. Table of Standard Measures. After Mazois, Vol. III, pl.
     40 (Overbeck-Mau, Fig. 23)                                     93

     35. Plan of the Macellum                                       94

     36. View of the Macellum. From a photograph                    95

     37. The Macellum, restored. From an original drawing           97

     38. Statue of Octavia, sister of Augustus, found in the
     chapel of the Macellum. Naples Museum. From a photograph       98

     39. Statue of Marcellus, son of Octavia, found in the chapel
     of the Macellum. Naples Museum. From a photograph             101

     40. Plan of the sanctuary of the City Lares                   102

     41. Sanctuary of the City Lares, looking toward the rear,
     restored. From an original drawing.* (Cf. _Röm. Mitth._,
     1896, p. 288)                                                 103

     42. North side of the sanctuary of the City Lares, restored.
     From an original drawing.* (Cf. _Röm. Mitth._, 1896, p. 289)  104

     43. Plan of the temple of Vespasian                           106

     44. Front of the altar in the court of the temple of
     Vespasian. From a photograph                                  107

     45. View of the temple of Vespasian. From a photograph        108

     46. The temple of Vespasian, restored. From an original
     drawing.* (Cf. _Röm. Mitth._, 1900, p. 133)                   109

     47. Plan of the building of Eumachia                          110

     48. Building of Eumachia--front of the court, restored. From
     an original drawing                                           114

     49. Building of Eumachia--rear of the court, restored. From
     an original drawing                                           116

     50. Fountain of Concordia Augusta. From a photograph (F. W.
     K.)                                                           117

     51. Plan of the Comitium                                      119

     52. Plan of the Municipal Buildings                           121

     53. View of the south end of the Forum. From a photograph
     (A. M.)                                                       122

     54. Plan of the ruins of the temple of Venus Pompeiana*       125

     55. View of the ruins of the temple of Venus Pompeiana. From
     a photograph                                                  126

     56. Plan of the temple of Venus Pompeiana, restored*          128

     57. Plan of the temple of Fortuna Augusta*                    130

     58. Temple of Fortuna Augusta, restored. From an original
     drawing                                                       131

     59. Temple of Fortuna Augusta--rear of the cella with the
     statue of the goddess, restored. From an original drawing.*
     (Cf. _Röm. Mitth._, 1896, p. 280)                             132

     60. Portico at the entrance of the Forum Triangulare. From a
     photograph                                                    135

     61. View of the Forum Triangulare, looking toward Vesuvius.
     From a photograph                                             136

     62. Plan of the Doric temple in the Forum Triangulare         137

     63. The Doric temple, restored. From an original drawing      138

     64. Plan of the Large Theatre                                 143

     65. View of the Large Theatre. From a photograph              145

     66. Plan of the Small Theatre                                 153

     67. View of the Small Theatre. From a photograph              154

     68. Section of a seat in the Small Theatre. After Mazois,
     Vol. IV, pl. 29 (Overbeck-Mau, Fig. 101)                      155

     69. A terminal Atlas from the Small Theatre. After Mazois,
     Vol. IV, pl. 29 (Overbeck-Mau, Fig. 100)                      156

     70. Ornament at the ends of the parapet in the Small
     Theatre--lion's foot. After Mazois, Vol. IV, pl. 29
     (Overbeck-Mau, Fig. 99)                                       156

     71. Plan of the Theatre Colonnade, showing its relation to
     the two theatres                                              157

     72. A gladiator's greave. Naples Museum. From a photograph    162

     73. A gladiator's helmet. Naples Museum. From a photograph    163

     74. Remains of stocks found in the guard-room of the
     barracks. Naples Museum. From a photograph                    163

     75. Plan of the Palaestra                                     165

     76. View of the Palaestra, with the pedestal, table, and
     steps. From a photograph                                      166

     77. Doryphorus. Statue found in the Palaestra. Naples
     Museum. From a photograph                                     167

     78. Plan of the temple of Isis                                170

     79. View of the temple of Isis. From a photograph             172

     80. The temple of Isis, restored. From an original drawing    173

     81. Scene from the worship of Isis--the adoration of the
     holy water. Wall painting from Herculaneum. Naples Museum.
     Drawing, after a photograph                                   177

     82. Temple of Isis. Part of the façade of the Purgatorium.
     After Mazois, Vol. IV, pl. 11, and Piranesi, _Antiquités de
     Pompéi_ Vol. II, pl. 65                                       179

     83. Decoration of the east side of the Purgatorium--Perseus
     and Andromeda, floating Cupids. Stucco reliefs. After
     Mazois, Vol. IV, pl. 10                                       180

     84. Plan of the temple of Zeus Milichius                      183

     85. Capital of a pilaster of the temple, with the face of
     Zeus Milichius. After Mazois, Vol. IV, pl. 6 (Overbeck-Mau,
     Fig. 62)                                                      184

     86. Plan of the Stabian Baths                                 190

     87. Stabian Baths--interior of Frigidarium. Drawing, with
     indebtedness to Niccolini, _Le Case ed i Monumenti di
     Pompei_, Vol. I, _Terme presso la porta stabiana_, pl. 7      191

     88. Bath basin in the women's caldarium--longitudinal and
     transverse sections, showing arrangements for heating.
     Drawing, with indebtedness to von Duhn und Jacobi, _Der
     griechische Tempel in Pompeji_, pl. IX                        194

     89. Colonnade of the Stabian Baths--capital with section of
     entablature. Drawing                                          198

     90. Southwest corner of the palaestra of the Stabian Baths,
     showing part of the colonnade and wall decorated with stucco
     reliefs. From a photograph                                    199

     91. Plan of the Baths near the Forum                          202

     92. Baths near the Forum--Interior of men's tepidarium. From
     a photograph                                                  204

     93. Baths near the Forum--Longitudinal section of the men's
     caldarium. Drawing, after Gell, _Pompeiana_, edit. of 1837,
     Vol. II, pl. 33, facing p. 91                                 205

     94. Plan of the Central Baths                                 209

     95. View of the Central Baths, looking from the Palaestra
     into the tepidarium. From a photograph (F. W. K.)             210

     96. The Amphitheatre, seen from the west side. From a
     photograph                                                    213

     97. Preparations for the combat. Wall painting (no longer
     visible) in the Amphitheatre. After Mazois, Vol. IV, pl. 48
     (Overbeck-Mau, Fig. 107)                                      214

     98. Plan of the Amphitheatre                                  215

     99. Transverse section of the Amphitheatre. After Mazois,
     Vol. IV, pl. 46 (Overbeck-Mau, Fig. 104)                      217

     100. Plan of the gallery of the Amphitheatre                  218

     101. Conflict between the Pompeians and the Nucerians. Wall
     painting. Naples Museum. After Overbeck-Mau, Fig. 3           221

     102. View of Abbondanza Street, looking east. From a
     photograph                                                    227

     103. Fountain, water tower, and street shrine, corner of
     Stabian and Nola streets. From a photograph (F. W. K.)        231

     104. Plan of the reservoir west of the Baths near the Forum   232

     105. Ancient altar in new wall--southeast corner of the
     Central Baths. From a photograph (F. W. K.)                   234

     106. Plan of a chapel of the Lares Compitales (VIII. iv. 24)  235

     107. Large street altar (VIII. ii. 25). From a photograph
     (F. W. K.)                                                    236

     108. Plan of a section of the city wall, with a tower and
     with stairs leading to the top. After Mazois, Vol. I. pl. 12
     (Overbeck-Mau, Fig. 7)                                        238

     109. View of the city wall, inside. From a photograph         239

     110. Tower of the city wall, restored. After Mazois, Vol. I,
     pl. 13 (Overbeck-Mau, Fig. 8)                                 241

     111. Plan of the Stabian Gate                                 242

     112. Plan of the Herculaneum Gate                             243

     113. View of the Herculaneum Gate, looking down the Street
     of Tombs. From a photograph                                   244

     114. Early Pompeian house, restored. From an original
     drawing                                                       246

     115. Plan of a Pompeian house                                 247

     116. Plan and section of the vestibule, threshold, and
     fauces of the house of Pansa. After Ivanoff, _Mon. dell'
     Inst._, Vol. VI, pl. 28, 3 (Overbeck-Mau, Fig. 136)           249

     117. A Tuscan atrium--plan of the roof. After Mazois, Vol.
     II, pl. 3 (Overbeck Mau, Fig. 139)                            251

     118. A Tuscan atrium--section. After Mazois, Vol. II, pl. 3
     (Overbeck-Mau, Fig. 140)                                      252

     119. Corner of a compluvium with waterspouts and antefixes,
     reconstructed. (Reconstruction, Ins. VII. iv. 16.) After
     Overbeck-Mau, Fig. 143                                        253

     120. A Pompeian's strong box, arca. Naples Museum. From
     photograph                                                    255

     121. Atrium of the house of Cornelius Rufus, looking through
     the tablinum and andron into the peristyle. From a
     photograph                                                    256

     122. End of a bedroom in the house of the Centaur, decorated
     in the first style. From an original drawing                  262

     123. Plan of a dining room with three couches                 263

     124. Plan of a dining room with an anteroom containing an
     altar for libations (VIII. v.-vi. 16)                         264

     125. Hearth of the kitchen in the house of the Vettii. From
     a drawing                                                     267

     126. Niche for the images of the household gods, in a corner
     of the kitchen in the house of Apollo. From a photograph (F.
     W. K.)                                                        269

     127. Shrine in the house of the Vettii. From a photograph     271

     128. Interior of a house (VII. xv. 8) with a second story
     dining room opening on the atrium, restored. From an
     original drawing                                              274

     129. Longitudinal section of the house with a second story
     dining room (VII. xv. 8) restored. From an original drawing   275

     130. Plan of a Pompeian shop. After Mazois, Vol. II, pl. 8
     (Overbeck-Mau, Fig. 182)                                      276

     131. A shop for the sale of edibles, restored. After Mazois,
     Vol. II, pl. 8 (Overbeck-Mau, Fig. 183)                       277

     132. Plan of the house of the Surgeon                         280

     133. A young woman painting a herm. Wall painting from the
     house of the Surgeon. Naples Museum. After _Pitture di
     Ercolano_, Vol. V, pl. 1                                      282

     134. Plan of the house of Sallust. After Mazois, Vol. II,
     pl. 35 (Overbeck-Mau, Fig. 165)                               284

     135. Atrium of the house of Sallust, looking through the
     tablinum and colonnade at the rear into the garden,
     restored. From an original drawing                            286

     136. Longitudinal section of the house of Sallust, restored.
     From an original drawing                                      287

     137. Plan of the house of the Faun                            288

     138. Part of the cornice over the large front door of the
     house of the Faun. From an original drawing                   289

     139. Façade of the house of the Faun, restored. From an
     original drawing                                              290

     140. Border of mosaic with tragic masks, fruits, flowers,
     and garlands, at the inner end of the fauces, house of the
     Faun. Naples Museum. After _Museo Borb._, Vol. IV, pl. 14
     (Overbeck-Mau, Fig. 315)                                      290

     141. Longitudinal section of the house of the Faun, showing
     the large atrium, the first peristyle, and a corner of the
     second peristyle, restored. From an original drawing          292

     142. Detail from the mosaic representing the battle between
     Alexander and Darius. From a photograph                       294

     143. Transverse section of the house of the Faun, showing
     the two atriums with adjoining rooms, restored. From an
     original drawing                                              296

     144. Plan of a house near the Porta Marina (VI. INS. OCCID.
     13)                                                           298

     145. Longitudinal section of the house near the Porta
     Marina, restored. From an original drawing                    299

     146. Plan of the house of the Silver Wedding                  302

     147. Longitudinal section of the house of the Silver
     Wedding, restored. From an original drawing                   304

     148. Transverse section of the house of the Silver Wedding,
     as it was before 63. From an original drawing                 307

     149. Plan of the house of Epidius Rufus                       310

     150. Façade of the house of Epidius Rufus, restored. From an
     original drawing                                              311

     151. Transverse section of the house of Epidius Rufus. From
     an original drawing                                           312

     152. Plan of the house of the Tragic Poet                     313

     153. View of the house of the Tragic Poet, looking from the
     middle of the atrium toward the rear. From a photograph       314

     154. Longitudinal section of the house of the Tragic Poet,
     restored. From an original drawing                            316

     155. The delivery of Briseis to the messenger of Agamemnon.
     Wall painting from the house of the Tragic Poet. Naples
     Museum. After _Museo Borb._, Vol. II, pl. 58 (Overbeck-Mau,
     Fig. 311)                                                     317

     156. The sacrifice of Iphigenia. Wall painting from the
     house of the Tragic Poet. Naples Museum. From a photograph    319

     157. Exterior of the house of the Vettii, restored. From an
     original drawing.* (Cf. _Röm. Mitth._, 1896, p. 4)            321

     158. Plan of the house of the Vettii*                         322

     159. Longitudinal section of the house of the Vettii,
     restored. From an original drawing.* (Cf. _Röm. Mitth._,
     1896, pl. 1)                                                  324

     160. Transverse section of the house of Vettii, restored.
     From an original drawing.* (Cf. _Röm. Mitth._, 1896, pl. 2)   324

     161. Base, capital, and section of entablature from the
     colonnade of the peristyle in the house of the Vettii. From
     a drawing.* (Cf. _Röm. Mitth._, 1896, p. 31)                  326

     162. View of the peristyle of the house of the Vettii,
     looking toward the south end. From a photograph               327

     163. System of wall division in the large room opening on
     the peristyle of the house of the Vettii                      329

     164. Psyches gathering flowers. Wall painting in the house
     of the Vettii. From a photograph                              330

     165. Cupids as makers and sellers of oil. Wall painting in
     the house of the Vettii. From a photograph                    332

     166. Press for olives. From a wall painting found at
     Herculaneum. Naples Museum. Drawing after _Pitture di
     Ercolano_, Vol. I, pl. 35                                     333

     167. Cupids as goldsmiths. Wall painting in the house of the
     Vettii. From a photograph                                     334

     168. Cupids gathering and pressing grapes. Wall painting in
     the house of the Vettii. From a drawing.* (Cf. _Röm.
     Mitth._, 1896, p. 81)                                         336

     169. Cupids as wine dealers. Wall painting in the house of
     the Vettii. From a photograph                                 337

     170. Cupids celebrating the festival of Vesta. Wall painting
     in the house of the Vettii. From a drawing.* (Cf. _Röm.
     Mitth._, 1896, p. 80)                                         338

     171. The punishment of Ixion. Wall painting in the house of
     the Vettii. From a photograph                                 340

     172. Plan of the house of Acceptus and Euhodia (VIII. v.-vi.
     39)                                                           341

     173. Longitudinal section of the house of Acceptus and
     Euhodia, restored. From an original drawing                   342

     174. Plan of a house without a compluvium* (V. v. 2)          343

     175. Transverse section of the house without a compluvium,
     restored. From an original drawing.* (Cf. _Röm. Mitth._,
     1895, p. 148)                                                 344

     176. Plan of the house of the Emperor Joseph II (VIII. ii.
     39)                                                           345

     177. Bake room of the house of the Emperor Joseph II, at the
     time of excavation. After Mazois, Vol. II, pl. 34
     (Overbeck-Mau, Fig. 4)                                        346

     178. Capital of a pilaster at the entrance of the house of
     the Sculptured Capitals (VII. iv. 57). From a photograph      349

     179. Plan of the house of Pansa (VI. vi. 1)                   350

     180. Section showing a part of the peristyle of the house of
     the Anchor (VI. x. 7), restored. From an original drawing     351

     181. Plan of the house of the Citharist (I. iv. 5)            352

     182. Orestes and Pylades before Thoas. Wall painting from
     the house of the Citharist. Naples Museum. From a photograph  353

     183. Plan of the villa of Diomedes                            356

     184. Longitudinal section of the villa of Diomedes,
     restored. From an original drawing, in part based on
     Ivanoff, _Architektonische Studien_, Vol. II, pl. 5, 6        358

     185. Hot-water tank and reservoir for supplying the bath in
     the Villa Rustica at Boscoreale. Museo de Prisco, Pompeii.
     From a drawing.* (Cf. _Röm. Mitth._, 1894, p. 353)            362

     186. Olive crusher found in the Villa Rustica at Boscoreale.
     Museo de Prisco. From a photograph                            365

     187. Silver patera, with a representation of the city of
     Alexandria. Boscoreale treasure, Louvre. After H. de
     Villefosse. _Le trésor de Boscoreale_, pl. 1                  366

     188. Dining couch with bronze mountings, the wooden frame
     being restored. Naples Museum. After Overbeck-Mau, Fig. 228   367

     189. Round marble table. Naples Museum. After _Museo Borb._,
     Vol. IV, pl. 56 (Overbeck-Mau, Fig. 229)                      368

     190. Carved table leg, found in the second peristyle of the
     house of the Faun. Naples Museum. After _Museo Borb._, Vol.
     IX, pl. 43 (Overbeck-Mau, Fig. 229)                           368

     191. Bronze stand with an ornamental rim around the top.
     Naples Museum. From a photograph                              369

     192. Lamps of the simplest form, with one nozzle. Naples
     Museum. After Overbeck-Mau, Fig. 231                          370

     193. Lamps with two nozzles. Naples Museum. After
     Overbeck-Mau, Fig. 231                                        370

     194. Lamps with more than two nozzles. Naples Museum. After
     Overbeck-Mau, Fig. 231                                        370

     195. Bronze lamps with ornamental covers attached to a
     chain. Naples Museum. After Overbeck-Mau, Fig. 231            371

     196. Bronze lamps with covers ornamented with figures.
     Naples Museum. After Overbeck-Mau, Fig. 231                   371

     197. Three hanging lamps. Naples Museum. After Overbeck-Mau,
     Fig. 231                                                      372

     198. A nursing-bottle, biberon. Naples Museum. After
     Overbeck-Mau, Fig. 231                                        372

     199. Lamp standard of bronze. Naples Museum. After _Museo
     Borb._, Vol. IV, pl. 57 (Overbeck-Mau, Fig. 234)              373

     200. Lamp holder for a hand lamp. Naples Museum. After
     Overbeck-Mau, Fig. 233                                        374

     201. Lamp holder for hanging lamps. Naples Museum. After
     _Museo Borb._, Vol. II, pl. 13 (Overbeck-Mau, Fig. 233)       374

     202. Lamp holder in the form of a tree trunk. Naples Museum.
     After Overbeck-Mau, Fig. 233                                  374

     203. Lamp stand. Naples Museum. From a photograph             374

     204. Bronze utensils. Naples Museum. After Overbeck-Mau,
     Fig. 241, and _Museo Borb._                                   375

     205. Mixing bowl, of bronze, in part inlaid with silver.
     Naples Museum. After _Museo Borb._, Vol. II, pl. 32
     (Overbeck-Mau, Fig. 248)                                      376

     206. Water heater for the table, view and section. Naples
     Museum. After _Museo Borb._, Vol. III, pl. 63 (Overbeck-Mau,
     Fig. 240)                                                     376

     207. Water heater in the form of a brazier. Naples Museum.
     After _Museo Borb._, Vol. II, pl. 46 (Overbeck-Mau, Fig.
     238)                                                          377

     208. Water heater in the form of a brazier, representing a
     diminutive fortress. Naples Museum. After _Museo Borb._,
     Vol. II, pl. 46 (Overbeck-Mau, Fig. 238)                      377

     209. Appliances for the bath. After _Museo Borb._, Vol. VII,
     pl. 16 (Overbeck Mau, Fig. 251)                               377

     210. Combs. After _Museo Borb._, Vol. IX, pl. 15
     (Overbeck-Mau, Fig. 252)                                      377

     211. Hairpins, with two small ivory toilet boxes. After
     _Museo Borb._, Vol. IX, pls. 14, 15 (Overbeck-Mau, Fig. 252)  378

     212. Glass box for cosmetics. After _Museo Borb._, Vol. IX,
     pl. 15 (Overbeck-Mau, Fig. 252)                               378

     213. Hand mirrors. After _Museo Borb._, Vol. IX, pl. 14
     (Overbeck-Mau, Fig. 252)                                      378

     214. Group of toilet articles. After _Museo Borb._, Vol. IX,
     pl. 15 (Overbeck-Mau, Fig. 252)                               378

     215. Gold arm band. After _Museo Borb._, Vol. VII, pl. 46
     (Overbeck-Mau, Fig. 318)                                      379

     216 _a-d_. Silver cups. Naples Museum. After _Museo Borb._,
     Vol. XI, pl. 45; Vol. XIII, pl. 49; Overbeck-Mau, pl. facing
     p. 624                                                        379

     216 _e_. Detail of cup with centaurs                          380

     217. Silver cup. Boscoreale treasure, Louvre. After H. de
     Villefosse, _Le trésor de Boscoreale_, pl. 8                  382

     218. Ruins of a bakery, with millstones (VII. ii. 22). From
     a photograph                                                  386

     219. Plan of a bakery (VI. iii. 3)                            388

     220. A Pompeian mill, without the framework                   389

     221. Section of a mill, restored. From an original drawing    389

     222. A mill in operation. Relief in the Vatican Museum.
     After _Ber. der SĂ€chs. Gesellschaft_, 1861, pl. xii. 2        390

     223. Section of a bake oven (VI. iii. 3). After Mazois, Vol.
     II, pl. 18 (Overbeck-Mau, Fig. 192)                           391

     224. Kneading machine, restored (VI. xiv. 35). From an
     original drawing                                              391

     225. Scene in a fullery--treading vats. Wall painting.
     Naples Museum. After _Museo Borb._, Vol. IV, pl. 49
     (Overbeck-Mau, Fig. 195)                                      394

     226. Scene in a fullery--inspection of cloth, carding,
     bleaching frame. Wall painting. Naples Museum. After _Museo
     Borb._, Vol. IV, pl. 49 (Overbeck-Mau, Fig. 194)              394

     227. A fuller's press. Wall painting. Naples Museum. After
     _Museo Borb._, Vol. IV, pl. 50 (Overbeck-Mau, Fig. 196)       395

     228. Plan of a fullery (VI. xiv. 22)                          396

     229. Plan of the vat room of the tannery (I. v. 2)            398

     230. Mosaic top of the table in the garden of the tannery.
     Naples Museum. From a photograph                              399

     231. Plan of an inn (VII. xii. 35)                            401

     232. Plan of the inn of Hermes (I. i. 8)                      402

     233. Plan of a wineshop (VI. x. 1)                            402

     234. Scene in a wineshop. Wall painting (VI. x. 1). After
     _Museo Borb._, Vol. IV, pl. A                                 403

     235. Delivery of wine. Wall painting (VI. x. 1). After
     _Museo Borb._, Vol. IV, pl. A                                 403

     236. Sepulchral benches of Veius and Mamia; tombs of Porcius
     and the Istacidii. From a photograph (A. M.)                  409

     237. The tomb of the Istacidii, restored. From an original
     drawing                                                       411

     238. View of the Street of Tombs. From a photograph           414

     239. Glass vase, with vintage scene, found in the tomb of
     the Blue Glass Vase. Naples Museum. From a photograph         416

     240. Bust stone of Tyche, slave of Julia Augusta. After
     Mazois, Vol. I, p. 31 (Overbeck-Mau, Fig. 223), with the
     correction in the spelling of the name TYCHE                  418

     241. Relief, symbolic of grief for the dead. After Mazois,
     Vol. I, pl. 29 (Overbeck-Mau, Fig. 221)                       421

     242. Front of the tomb of Calventius Quietus, with
     bisellium. From a photograph                                  422

     243. End of the tomb of Naevoleia Tyche, with relief
     representing a ship entering port. From a photograph          423

     244. Cinerary urn in a lead case. After Mazois, Vol. I. pl.
     22 (Overbeck-Mau, Fig. 213)                                   424

     245. Sepulchral enclosure, with triclinium funebre. After
     Mazois, Vol. I, pl. 20 (Overbeck-Mau, Fig. 210)               425

     246. Plan of the tombs east of the Amphitheatre*              431

     247. View of two tombs east of the Amphitheatre. From a
     photograph (F. W. K.)                                         432

     248. View of other tombs east of the Amphitheatre. From a
     photograph (F. W. K.)                                         434

     249. Four-faced Ionic capital. Portico of the Forum
     Triangulare. After Overbeck-Mau, Fig. 272                     439

     250. Capital of pilaster. Casa del duca d'Aumale. After
     Overbeck-Mau, Fig. 274                                        439

     251. Altar in the court of the temple of Zeus Milichius.
     After Mazois, Vol. IV, pl. 6 (Overbeck-Mau, Fig. 63)          440

     252. Capitals of columns, showing variations from typical
     forms. After Overbeck-Mau, Fig. 274                           442

     253. Capital of pilaster, modified Corinthian type. After
     Overbeck-Mau, Fig. 274                                        443

     254. Capitals of pilasters, showing free adaptation of the
     Corinthian type. After Overbeck-Mau, Fig. 274                 443

     255. Statue of the priestess Eumachia. Naples Museum. From a
     photograph                                                    446

     256. Portrait herm of Caecilius Jucundus. Naples Museum.
     From a photograph                                             447

     257. Double bust, Bacchus and a bacchante. Garden of the
     house of the Vettii. From a photograph                        448

     258. Dancing Satyr. Bronze statuette found in the house of
     the Faun. Naples Museum. From a photograph                    451

     259. Listening Dionysus, wrongly identified as Narcissus.
     Bronze statuette in the Naples Museum. From a photograph      452

     260. Bronze youth, found in November, 1900. Naples Museum.
     From a photograph                                             454

     261. Wall decoration in the atrium of the house of Sallust.
     First or Incrustation Style. After Tafel II of Mau's
     _Geschichte der decorativen Wandmalerei in Pompeji_           460

     262. Distribution of colors in the section of wall
     represented in Fig. 261                                       461

     263. Specimen of wall decoration in the house of Spurius
     Mesor (VII. iii. 29). Third or Ornate style. After Tafel XII
     of Mau's _Wandmalerei_                                        466

     264. Detail of wall decoration. Fourth style. Naples Museum.
     After _Pitture di Ercolano_, Vol. IV. pl. 57                  468

     265. Specimen of wall decoration. Fourth style. From a copy
     in the Naples Museum (showing decoration that has
     disappeared)                                                  469

     266. A fruit piece, Xenion. Wall painting. Naples Museum.
     After _Pitture di Ercolano_, Vol. II, pl. 58                  474

     267. A landscape. Wall painting. Naples Museum. After
     _Pitture di Ercolano_, Vol. V, p. 149                         475

     268. A group of women, one of whom is sounding two-stringed
     instruments. Wall painting. Naples Museum. From a photograph  476

     269. Paquius Proculus and his wife. Wall painting. Naples
     Museum. From a photograph                                     477

     270. The grief of Hecuba. Fragment of a wall painting. House
     of Caecilius Jucundus. After _Ann. dell' Inst._, 1877,
     Tafel P                                                       479

     271. Athena's pipes and the fate of Marsyas. Wall painting
     (V. ii. 10). Naples Museum. From a drawing.* (Cf. _Röm.
     Mitth._, 1890, p. 267)                                        482

     272. The fall of Icarus. Wall painting (V. ii. 10). From a
     drawing.* (Cf. _Röm. Mitth._, 1890, p. 264)                   483

     273. Zeus and Hera on Mt. Ida. Wall painting from the house
     of the Tragic Poet. Naples Museum. From a photograph          484

     274. Tablet with three leaves, opened so as to show the
     receipt and part of the memorandum, restored. After
     Overbeck-Mau, pl. facing p. 489                               500

     275. Tablet restored, with the two leaves containing the
     receipt tied and sealed. After Overbeck-Mau, pl. facing
     p. 489                                                        501


[1] The original drawings are based upon sketches by Professor Mau.
The drawings marked with an asterisk are in the collection of the
German Archaeological Institute in Rome.




From Gaeta, where the south end of the Volscian range borders abruptly
upon the sea, to the peninsula of Sorrento, a broad gulf stretched in
remote ages, cutting its way far into the land. Its waves dashed upon
the base of the mountains which now, rising with steep slope, mark the
eastern boundary of the Campanian Plain--Mt. Tifata above Capua, Mt.
Taburno back of Nola, and lying across the southeast corner, the huge
mass of Monte Sant' Angelo, whose sharply defined line of elevation is
continued in the heights of Sorrento.

This gulf was transformed by volcanic agencies into a fertile plain.
Here two fissures in the earth's crust cross each other, each marked
by a series of extinct or active volcanoes. One fissure runs in the
direction of the Italian Peninsula; along it lie Monti Berici near
Vicenza, Mt. Amiata below Chiusi, the lakes of Bolsena and Bracciano
filling extinct craters, the Alban Mountains, and finally Stromboli
and Aetna. The other runs from east to west; its direction is
indicated by Mt. Vulture near Venosa, Mt. Epomeo on the island of
Ischia, and the Ponza Islands.

At three places in the old sea basin the subterranean fires burst
forth. Near the north shore rose the great volcano of Rocca Monfina,
which added itself to the Volscian Mountains, and heaping the products
of its eruptions upon Mons Massicus,--once an island,--formed with
this the northern boundary of the plain. Toward the middle the
numerous small vents of the Phlegraean Fields threw up the low
heights, to which the north shore of the Bay of Naples--Posilipo,
Baiae, Misenum--is indebted for its incomparable beauty of landscape.
Finally, near the south shore, at the intersection of the fissures,
the massive cone of Vesuvius rose, in complete isolation--the only
volcano on the continent of Europe still remaining active. Its base on
the southwest is washed by the sea, while on the other sides a stretch
of level country separates it from the mountains that hem in the
plain. On the side opposite from the sea, however, Vesuvius comes so
near to the mountains that we may well say that it divides the
Campanian plain into two parts, of which the larger, on the northwest
side, is drained by the Volturno; the small southeast section is the
plain of the Sarno.

  [Illustration: Fig. 1.--Map of Ancient Campania.]

The Sarno, like the Umbrian Clitumnus, has no upper course. At the
foot of Mt. Taburno, bounding the plain on the northeast, are five
copious springs that soon unite to form a stream. Since 1843 the river
has been drawn off for purposes of irrigation into three channels,
which are graded at different levels; the distribution of water thus
assured makes this part of Campania one of the most fertile districts
in Italy. In antiquity the Sarno must have been confined to a single
channel; according to Strabo it was navigable for ships.

In Roman times three cities shared in the possession of the Sarno
plain. Furthest inland, facing the pass in the mountains that opens
toward the Gulf of Salerno, lay Nuceria, now Nocera. On the seashore,
where the coast road to Sorrento branches off toward the southwest,
was Stabiae, now Castellammare. North of Stabiae, at the foot of
Vesuvius, Pompeii stood, on an elevation overlooking the Sarno, formed
by the end of a stream of lava that in some past age had flowed from
Vesuvius down toward the sea. Pompeii thus united the advantages of an
easily fortified hill town with those of a maritime city. "It lies,"
says Strabo, "on the Sarnus, which accommodates a traffic in both
imports and exports; it is the seaport of Nola, Nuceria, and Acerrae."

  [Illustration: Fig. 2.--Vesuvius as seen from Naples.]

A glance at the map will show how conveniently situated Pompeii was to
serve as a seaport for Nola and Nuceria; but it seems hardly credible
that the inhabitants of Acerrae, which lay much nearer Naples, should
have preferred for their marine traffic the circuitous route around
Vesuvius to the Sarno. However that may have been, Pompeii was beyond
doubt the most important town in the Sarno plain.

Pompeii formerly lay nearer the sea and nearer the river than at
present. In the course of the centuries alluvial deposits have pushed
the shore line further and further away. It is now about a mile and a
quarter from the nearest point of the city to the sea; in antiquity it
was less than a third of a mile. The line of the ancient coast can
still be traced by means of a clearly marked depression, beyond which
the stratification of the volcanic deposits thrown out in 79 does not
reach. The Sarno, too, now flows nearly two thirds of a mile from
Pompeii; in antiquity, according to all indications, it was not more
than half so far away.

In point of climate and outlook, a fairer site for a city could
scarcely have been chosen. The Pompeian, living in clear air, could
look down upon the fogs which in the wet season frequently rose from
the river and spread over the plain. And while in winter Stabiae,
lying on the northwest side of Monte Sant' Angelo, enjoyed the sun for
only a few hours, the elevation on which Pompeii stood, sloping gently
toward the east and south, more sharply toward the west, was bathed in
sunlight during the entire day.

Winter at Pompeii is mild and short; spring and autumn are long. The
heat of summer, moreover, is not extreme. In the early morning, it is
true, the heat is at times oppressive. No breath of air stirs; and we
look longingly off upon the expanse of sea where, far away on the
horizon, in the direction of Capri, a dark line of rippling waves
becomes visible. Nearer it comes, and nearer. About ten o'clock it
reaches the shore. The leaves begin to rustle, and in a few moments
the sea breeze sweeps over the city, strong, cool, and invigorating.
The wind blows till just before sunset. The early hours of the evening
are still; the pavements and the walls of the houses give out the heat
which they have absorbed during the day. But soon--perhaps by nine
o'clock--the tree tops again begin to murmur, and all night long, from
the mountains of the interior, a gentle, refreshing stream of air
flows down through the gardens, the roomy atriums and colonnades of
the houses, the silent streets, and the buildings about the Forum,
with an effect indescribably soothing.

  [Illustration: Fig. 3.--View from Pompeii, looking south.]

How shall I undertake to convey to the reader who has not visited
Pompeii, an impression of the beauty of its situation? Words are weak
when confronted with the reality. Sea, mountains, and plain,--strong
and pleasing background,--great masses and brilliant yet harmonious
colors, splendid foreground effects and hazy vistas, undisturbed
nature and the handiwork of man, all are blended into a landscape of
the grand style, the like of which I should not know where else to
look for.

If we turn toward the south, we have at our feet the level plain of
the Sarno, in antiquity as now--we may suppose--not checkered with
villages but dotted here and there with groups of farm buildings,
surrounded with stately trees. Beyond the plain rises the lofty
barrier of Monte Sant' Angelo, thickly wooded in places, its summit
standing out against the sky in a long, beautiful profile, which,
toward the right, breaks up into bold, rugged notches; the side of the
mountain below is richly diversified with deep valleys, projecting
ridges, and terraces that in the distance seem like steps, where among
vineyards and olive orchards stand two villages fair to look on,
Gragnano and Lettere, so near that individual houses can be clearly
distinguished. Further west the plain before us opens out upon the
sea, while the mountains are continued in the precipitous coast of the
peninsula of Sorrento. Height crowds upon height, with villages
wreathed in olive orchards lying between. Here the hills descend in
terraces to the sea, covered with vegetation to the water's edge;
there the covering of soil has been cast off from the steep slopes,
exposing the naked rock, which shines in the afternoon sun with a
reddish hue that wonderfully accords with the dark shades of the
foliage and the brilliant blue of the sea. Further on the tints become
duller, and the sight is blurred; only with effort can we distinguish
Sorrento, resting on cliffs that rise almost perpendicularly from the
line of the shore. Further still the outline of the peninsula sinks
into the sea and gives place to Capri, island of fantastic shape,
whose crags rising sheer from the water stand out sharply in the
bright sunlight.

But we look toward the north, and the splendid variety of form and
color vanishes; there stands only the vast, sombre mass of the great
destroyer, Vesuvius, towering above the city and the plain. The sun as
it nears the horizon veils the bare ashen cone with a mantle of deep
violet, while the cloud of smoke that rises from the summit shines
with a golden glow. Far above the base the sides are covered with
vineyards, among which small groups of white houses can here and there
be seen. West of us the outline of the mountain descends in a strong,
simple curve to the sea. Just before it blends with the shore there
rise behind it distant heights wrapped in blue haze, the first of
moderate elevation, then others more prominent and further to the
left. They are the heights along the north shore of the Bay of
Naples--Gaurus crowned with the monastery of Camaldoli, famous for its
magnificent view; the cliffs of Baiae, the promontory of Misenum, and
the lofty cone of Epomeo on the island of Ischia. So the eye traverses
the whole expanse of the Bay; Naples itself, hidden from our view,
lies between those distant heights and the base of Vesuvius.

But meanwhile the sun has set behind Misenum; its last rays are
lighting up the cloud of smoke above Vesuvius and the summit of Monte
Sant' Angelo. The brilliancy of coloring has faded; the weary eye
finds rest in the soft afterglow. We also may take leave of these
beautiful surroundings, and inquire into the beginnings of the city
which was founded here.



When Pompeii was founded we do not know. It is more than likely that a
site so well adapted for a city was occupied at an early date. The
oldest building, the Doric temple in the Forum Triangulare, is of the
style of the sixth century B.C.; we are safe in assuming that the city
was then already in existence.[2] The founders were Oscans. They
belonged to a widely scattered branch of the Italic stock, whose
language, closely related with the Latin, has been imperfectly
recovered from a considerable number of inscriptions, so imperfectly
that in each of the longer inscriptions there still remain words the
meaning of which is obscure or doubtful. From this language the name
of the city came; for _pompe_ in Oscan meant 'five.' The word does
not, however, appear in its simple form; we have only the adjective
derived from it, _pompaiians_, 'Pompeian.' If we are right in assuming
that the name appeared in Oscan, as it does in Latin, in the plural
form, it was probably applied first to a gens, or clan, and thence to
the city; the Latin equivalent of Pompeii would be Quintii. Pompeii
was thus the city of the clan of the Pompeys, as Tarquinii was the
city of the Tarquins, and Veii the city of the Veian clan. The name
Pompeius was common in Pompeii down to the destruction of the city,
and in other Campanian towns, notably Puteoli, to much later times.

In order to follow the course of events at Pompeii, it will be
necessary to pass briefly in review the main points in the history of
Campania. The Campanian Oscans, sprung from a rude and hardy race,
became civilized from contact with the Greeks, who at an early period
had settled in Cumae, in Dicaearchia, afterward Puteoli, and in
Parthenope, later Naples; and the coast climate had an enervating
effect upon them. When toward the end of the fifth century B.C. the
Samnites, kinsmen of the Oscans, left their rugged mountain homes in
the interior and pressed down toward the coast, the Oscans were unable
to cope with them. In 424 B.C. the Samnites stormed and took Capua, in
420, Cumae; and Pompeii likewise fell into their hands. But they were
no more successful than the Oscans had been in resisting the influence
of Greek culture. How strong this influence was may be seen in the
remains at Pompeii. The architecture of the period was Greek; Greek
divinities were honored, as Apollo and Zeus Milichius; and the
standard measures of the _mensa ponderaria_ were inscribed with Greek

In less than a hundred years new strifes arose between the more
cultured Samnites of the plain and their rough and warlike kinsmen in
the mountains. But Rome took a part in the struggle, and in the
Samnite Wars (343-290 B.C.) brought both the men of the mountains and
the men of the plain under her dominion. Although the sovereignty of
Rome took the form of a perpetual alliance, the cities in reality lost
their independence. The complete subjugation and Romanizing of
Campania, however, did not come till the time of the Social War (90-88
B.C.) and the supremacy of Sulla; the Samnites staked all on the
success of the popular party, and lost.

In the narrative of these events Pompeii is not often mentioned. At
the time of the Second Samnite War, in the year 310 B.C., we read that
a Roman fleet under Publius Cornelius landed at the mouth of the
Sarno, and that a pillaging expedition followed the course of the
river as far as Nuceria; but the country folk fell on the marauders as
they were returning, and forced them to give up their booty. We have
no definite information regarding the attitude of the Pompeians after
the battle of Cannae (216 B.C.); probably they joined the side of
Hannibal, who, however, was defeated by Marcus Marcellus near Nola in
the following year, and was obliged to leave Campania to the Romans.

In the Social War, when, in the summer of 90 B.C., the Samnite army
marched into Campania, Pompeii allied itself with the insurgents; as a
consequence, in 89, it was besieged by Sulla, but without success. Two
years later, Sulla went to Asia to conduct the war against
Mithridates. Returning victorious in the spring of 83 B.C., he led his
army into Campania, where he spent the winter of 83-82; his soldiers,
grown brutal in the Asiatic war and accustomed to every kind of
license, may have proved unwelcome guests for the Pompeians.

The sequel came in the year 80, when a colony of Roman veterans was
settled in Pompeii under the leadership of Publius Sulla, a nephew of
the Dictator. Cicero later made a speech in behalf of this Sulla,
defending him against the charge that he had taken part in the
conspiracy of Catiline and had tried to induce the old residents of
Pompeii to join in the plot. From this speech we learn that Sulla's
reorganization of the city was accomplished with so great regard for
the interests of the Pompeians, that they ever after held him in
grateful remembrance. We learn, also, that soon after the founding of
the colony disputes arose between the old residents and the colonists,
about the public walks (_ambulationes_) and matters connected with the
voting; the arrangements for voting had probably been so made as to
throw the decision always into the hands of the colonists. The
controversy was referred to the patrons of the colony, and settled by
them. From this time on, the life of Pompeii seems not to have
differed from that of the other small cities of Italy.

As the harbor of Pompeii was on the Sarno, which flowed at some
distance from the city, there must have been a small settlement at the
landing place. To this probably belonged a group of buildings, partly
excavated in 1880-81, lying just across the Sarno canal (canale del
Bottaro), about a third of a mile from the Stabian Gate. Here were
found many skeletons, and with them a quantity of gold jewellery,
which was afterward placed in the Museum at Naples. The most
reasonable explanation of the discovery is, that the harbor was here,
and that these persons, gathering up their valuables, fled from
Pompeii at the time of the eruption either in order to escape by sea
or to take refuge in Stabiae. Flight in either case was cut off. If
ships were in the harbor, they must soon have been filled with the
volcanic deposits; if there was a bridge across the river it was
probably thrown down by the earthquake.

A second suburb sprang up near the sea, in connection with the salt
works (_salinae_) of the city. Our knowledge of the inhabitants, the
Salinenses, is derived from several inscriptions painted upon walls,
in which they recommend candidates for the municipal offices, and from
an inscription scratched upon the plaster of a column in which a
fuller by the name of Crescens sends them a greeting: _Cresce[n]s
fullo Saline[n]sibus salute[m]_. From another inscription we learn
that they had an assembly, _conventus_, possibly judicial in its
functions; for in connection with a date, it speaks of a fine of
twenty sesterces, which would amount to about 3œ shillings, or 85
cents: _VII K. dec. Salinis in conventu multa HS XX_, 'Fine of twenty
sesterces; assembly at Salinae, November 25.' Still another
inscription speaks of attending such a meeting on November 19: _XIII
K. dec. in conventu veni_.

The suburb most frequently mentioned was at first called Pagus Felix
Suburbanus, but after the time of Augustus, Pagus Augustus Felix
Suburbanus. Its location is unknown. As it evidently took the name of
Felix from the Dictator Sulla, who used this epithet as a surname, we
may assume that its origin dates from the establishment of the Roman
colony; it may have been founded to provide a place for those
inhabitants of Pompeii who had been forced to leave their homes in
order to make room for the colonists. The existence of a fourth suburb
is inferred from two painted inscriptions in which candidates for
office are recommended by the Campanienses; this name would naturally
be applied to the inhabitants of a Pagus Campanus, who, perhaps, had
originally come from Capua.

Of the government of Pompeii in the earliest times, before the Samnite
conquest, nothing is known. The names of various magistrates in the
Samnite period, however, particularly the period of alliance with Rome
(290-90 B.C.), are learned from inscriptions. Mention is made of a
chief administrative officer (_mediss_, _mediss tovtiks_); of
quaestors, who, probably, like the quaestors in Rome, were charged
with the financial administration and let the contracts for public
buildings; and of aediles, to whom, no doubt, was intrusted the care
of streets and buildings, together with the policing of the markets.
The Latin names of the last two officials suggest that their offices
were introduced after 290. There was also an assembly called
_kombenniom_, with which we may compare the Latin _conventus_; but
whether it was an assembly of the people or a city council cannot now
be determined.

  [Illustration: Fig. 4.--Venus Pompeiana. From a wall painting.]

After the establishment of the Roman colony, Pompeii was named
_Colonia Cornelia Veneria Pompeianorum_, from the gentile name of the
Dictator Sulla (Lucius Cornelius Sulla Felix) and from the goddess to
whom he paid special honor, who now, as Venus Pompeiana, became the
tutelary divinity of the city. This goddess is represented in wall
paintings. In that from which our illustration is taken (Fig. 4), she
appears in a blue mantle studded with golden stars, and wears a crown
set with green stones. Her left hand, which holds a sceptre, rests
upon a rudder; in her right is a twig of olive. A Cupid stands upon a
pedestal beside her, holding up a mirror.

From this time the highest official body, as in Roman colonies
everywhere, was the city council, composed of decurions. The
administration was placed in the hands of two pairs of officials, the
duumvirs with judiciary authority, _duumviri iuri dicundo_, and two
aediles, who were responsible for the care of buildings and streets
and the oversight of the markets. When the duumvirs and the aediles
joined in official acts they were known as the Board of Four,
_quattuorviri_. Down to the time of the Empire it appears that the
aediles were not designated officially by that name, but by a title
known to us only in an abbreviated form, _duumviri v. a. sacr. p.
proc._ This probably stands for _duumviri viis, aedibus, sacris
publicis procurandis_, 'duumvirs in charge of the streets, the
temples, and the public religious festivals.' The title of aedile
seems to have been avoided because it had been in use in the days of
autonomy, and the authorities thought it prudent to suppress
everything that would suggest the former state of independence.
Nevertheless, the word retained its place in ordinary speech, as is
shown by its use in the inscriptions painted on walls recommending
candidates for office; thence it finally forced its way back into the
official language. The duumvirs of every fifth year were called
quinquennial duumvirs, _duumviri quinquennales_, and assumed functions
corresponding with those of the censors at Rome; they gave attention
to matters of finance, and revised the lists of decurions and of

All these officials were elected annually by popular vote. The
candidates offered themselves beforehand. If none came forward, or
there were too few,--for the city officials not only received no
salary, but were under obligation to make generous contributions for
public purposes, as theatrical representations, games, and
buildings,--the magistrate who presided at the election named
candidates for the vacancies; but each candidate so named had the
right to nominate a second for the same vacancy, the second in turn a
third. The voting was by ballot; each voter threw his voting tablet
into the urn of his precinct. No information has come down to us
regarding the precincts (_curiae_) into which the city must have been
divided for electoral purposes.

The election of a candidate was valid only in case he received the
vote of an absolute majority of the precincts. If the result was
indecisive for all or a part of the offices, the city council chose an
extraordinary official who bore the title of prefect with judiciary
authority, _praefectus iuri dicundo_. This prefect took the place of
the duumvirs, not only when an election was indecisive, but also when
vacancies arose in some other way, or when peculiar conditions seemed
to make it desirable to have an officer of unusual powers, a kind of
dictator; or finally, when the emperor had received the vote; in the
last two cases, the prefect was undoubtedly appointed by the emperor.
Thus, in the years 34 and 40 A.D., the Emperor Caligula was duumvir of
Pompeii; but the duties of the office were discharged by a prefect. A
law passed in Rome toward the end of the Republic on the motion of a
certain Petronius contained provisions regarding the appointment of
prefects; one chosen in accordance with them was called _praefectus ex
lege Petronia_, 'prefect according to the law of Petronius.'

There were also in Pompeii priests supported by the city, but only a
few of them are mentioned in the inscriptions. References are found to
augurs and pontifices, to a priest of Mars, and to priests (_flamen_,
_sacerdos_) of Augustus while he was still living; Nero had a priest
even before he ascended the throne. Mention is made of priestesses,
too, a priestess of Ceres and Venus, priestesses of Ceres, and others,
the divinities of whom are not named.

The suburbs could scarcely have had a separate administration; they
remained within the jurisdiction of the magistrates of the city. In
the case of the Pagus Augustus Felix mention is made of a _magister_,
'director,' _ministri_, 'attendants,' and _pagani_, 'pagus officials';
but apparently these were all appointed for religious functions only,
in connection with the worship of the emperor. The _magister_ and the
_pagani_, in part at least, were freedmen; the four _ministri_, first
appointed in 7 B.C., were slaves.

Apart from commerce, an important source of income for the Pompeians
lay in the fertility of the soil. In antiquity, as now, grapes were
cultivated extensively on the ridge projecting from the foot of
Vesuvius toward the south. The evidence afforded by the great number
of wine jars, _amphorae_ (Fig. 5), that have been brought to light
would warrant this conclusion; and lately wine presses also have been
discovered near Boscoreale, above Pompeii. Pliny makes mention of the
Pompeian wine, but remarks that indulgence in it brings a headache
that will last till noon of the following day. The olive too was
cultivated, but only to a limited extent; this we infer from the small
capacity of the press and other appliances for making oil found in
the same villa in which the wine presses were discovered. At the
present time the making of oil is not carried on about Pompeii. In the
plain below the city vegetables were raised, as at the present day;
the cabbage and onions of Pompeii were highly prized.

The working up of the products of the fisheries formed an important
industry. The fish sauces which so tickled the palate of ancient
epicures, _garum_, _liquamen_, and _muria_, were produced here of the
finest quality. The making of them seems to have been practically a
monopoly in the hands of a certain Umbricius Scaurus; a great number
of earthen jars have been found with the mark of his ownership (p.

  [Illustration: Fig. 5.--An amphora from Boscoreale.]

The Pompeians turned to account, also, the volcanic products of
Vesuvius. Pumice stone was an article of export. From the lava
millstones were made for both grain mills and oil mills, which were
apparently already in extensive use in the time of Cato the Elder; he
twice mentions the oil mills of Pompeii. In Pompeii itself the
millstones of the oldest period are of lava from Vesuvius; later it
was found that the lava of Rocca Monfina was better adapted for the
purpose, and millstones of that material were preferred. Small
hand-mills of the lava from Vesuvius were in use at Pompeii down to
79; but the larger millstones of this material found in the bakeries
had been put one side. In shape and finish the mills of local make
were superior to the more carelessly worked stones from Rocca Monfina;
the preference for the latter was due to the fact that they contained
numerous crystals of leucite, which broke off as the mill wore away,
and so kept the grinding surfaces always rough. Millstones from Rocca
Monfina may be seen at different places in Rome, as in the Museum of
the Baths of Diocletian.

To the sources of revenue which contributed to the prosperity of
Pompeii we may add the presence of wealthy Romans, who, attracted by
the delightful climate, built country seats in the vicinity. Among
them was Cicero, who often speaks of his Pompeian villa (Pompeianum).
That the imperial family also had a villa here is inferred from a
curious accident. We read that Drusus, the young son of the Emperor
Claudius, a few days after his betrothal to the daughter of Sejanus,
was choked to death at Pompeii by a pear which he had thrown up into
the air and caught in his mouth. These country seats, no doubt, lay on
the high ground back of Pompeii, toward Vesuvius; they probably faced
the sea. But the identification of a villa excavated in the last
century, and then filled up again, as the villa of Cicero, is wholly
without foundation.

_Salve lucrum_, 'Welcome, Gain!' Such is the inscription which a
Pompeian placed in the mosaic floor of his house. _Lucrum gaudium_,
'Gain is pure joy,' we read on the threshold of another house. A
thrifty Pompeian certainly did not lack opportunity to acquire wealth.

How large a population Pompeii possessed at the time of the
destruction of the city it is impossible to determine. A painstaking
examination of all the houses excavated would afford data for an
approximate estimate; but the results thus far obtained by those who
have given attention to the subject are unsatisfactory. Fiorelli
assigned to Pompeii twelve thousand inhabitants, Nissen twenty
thousand. Undoubtedly the second estimate is nearer the truth than the
first; according to all indication the population may very likely have
exceeded twenty thousand.

This population was by no means homogeneous. The original Oscan stock
had not yet lost its identity; inscriptions in the Oscan dialect are
found scratched on the plaster of walls decorated in the style
prevalent after the earthquake of the year 63. From the time when the
Roman colony was founded no doubt additions continued to be made to
the population from various parts of Italy. The Greek element was
particularly strong. This is proved by the number of Greek names in
the accounts of Caecilius Jucundus, for example, and by the Greek
inscriptions that have been found on walls and on amphorae. The
Greeks may have come from the neighboring towns; most of them were
probably freedmen. In a seaport we should expect to find also Greeks
from trans-marine cities; and, in fact, an Alexandrian appears in one
of the receipts of Jucundus. There were Orientals, too, as we shall
see when we come to the temple of Isis.

Thus far there has come to hand no trustworthy evidence for the
presence of Christians at Pompeii; but traces of Jewish influence are
not lacking. The words _Sodoma_, _Gomora_, are scratched in large
letters on the wall of a house in Region IX (IX. i. 26). They must
have been written by a Jew, or possibly a Christian; they seem like a
prophecy of the fate of the city.

  [Illustration: Fig. 6.--The Judgment of Solomon. Wall painting.]

Another interesting bit of evidence is a wall painting, which appears
to have as its subject the Judgment of Solomon (Fig. 6). On a tribunal
at the right sits the king with two advisers; the pavilion is well
guarded with soldiers. In front of the tribunal a soldier is about to
cut a child in two with a cleaver. Two women are represented, one of
whom stands at the block and is already taking hold of the half of the
child assigned to her, while the other casts herself on her knees as a
suppliant before the judges. It is not certain that the reference here
is to Solomon; such tales pass from one country to another, and a
somewhat similar story is told of the Egyptian king Bocchoris. The
balance of probability is in favor of the view that we have here the
Jewish version of the story, because this is consistent with other
facts that point to the existence of a Jewish colony at Pompeii.

The names Maria and Martha appear in wall inscriptions. The assertion
that Maria here is not the Hebrew name, but the feminine form of the
Roman name Marius, is far astray. It appears in a list of female
slaves who were working in a weaver's establishment, Vitalis,
Florentina, Amaryllis, Januaria, Heracla, Maria, Lalage, Damalis,
Doris. The Marian family was represented at Pompeii, but the Roman
name Maria could not have been given to a slave. That we have here a
Jewish name seems certain since the discovery of the name Martha.

In inscriptions upon wine jars we find mention of a certain M.
Valerius Abinnerichus, a name which is certainly Jewish or Syrian; but
whether Abinnerich was a dealer, or the owner of the estate on which
the wine was produced, cannot be determined. In this connection it is
worth while to note that vessels have been found with the inscribed
labels, _gar[um] cast[um]_ or _cast[imoniale]_, and _mur[ia] cast[a]_.
As we learn from Pliny (N. H. XXXI. viii. 95), these fish sauces,
prepared for fast days, were used especially by the Jews.

Some have thought that the word _Christianos_ can be read in an
inscription written with charcoal, and have fancied that they found a
reference to the persecution of the Christians under Nero. But
charcoal inscriptions, which will last for centuries when covered with
earth, soon become illegible if exposed to the air; such an
inscription, traced on a wall at the time of the persecutions under
Nero, must have disappeared long before the destruction of the city.
The inscription in question was indistinct when discovered, and has
since entirely faded; the reading is quite uncertain. If it were
proved that the word "Christians" appeared in it, we should be
warranted only in the inference that Christians were known at Pompeii,
not that they lived and worshipped there. According to Tertullian
(Apol. 40) there were no Christians in Campania before 79.


[2] It seems strange that traces of other buildings of the same period
have not been discovered; but, on the other hand, it is far from
probable that the temple was first erected, and that the city
afterward grew up around it, for in that case the temple must have
been placed further west, on the highest point of the elevation,
overlooking the sea.



Previous to the terrible eruption of 79, Vesuvius was considered an
extinct volcano. "Above these places," says Strabo, writing in the
time of Augustus, "lies Vesuvius, the sides of which are well
cultivated, even to the summit. This is level, but quite unproductive.
It has a cindery appearance; for the rock is porous and of a sooty
color, the appearance suggesting that the whole summit may once have
been on fire and have contained craters, the fires of which died out
when there was no longer anything left to burn."

Earthquakes, however, were of common occurrence in Campania. An
especially violent shock on the fifth of February, 63 A.D., gave
warning of the reawakening of Vesuvius. Great damage was done
throughout the region lying between Naples and Nuceria, but the shock
was most severe at Pompeii, a large part of the buildings of the city
being thrown down. The prosperous and enterprising inhabitants at once
set about rebuilding. When the final catastrophe came, on the
twenty-fourth of August, 79 A.D., most of the houses were in a good
state of repair, and the rebuilding of at least two temples, those of
Apollo and of Isis, had been completed. This renewing of the city,
caused by the earthquake, may be looked upon as a fortunate
circumstance for our studies.

Our chief source of information for the events of August 24-26, 79, is
a couple of letters of the Younger Pliny to Tacitus, who purposed to
make use of them in writing his history. Pliny was staying at Misenum
with his uncle, the Elder Pliny, who was in command of the Roman
fleet. In the first letter he tells of his uncle's fate. On the
afternoon of the twenty-fourth, the admiral Pliny set out with ships
to rescue from impending danger the people at the foot of Vesuvius,
particularly in the vicinity of Herculaneum. He came too late; it was
no longer possible to effect a landing. So he directed his course to
Stabiae, where he spent the night; and there on the following morning
he died, suffocated by the fumes that were exhaled from the earth. The
second letter gives an account of the writer's own experiences at

To this testimony little is added by the narrative of Dion Cassius,
which was written a century and a half later and is known to us only
in abstract; Dion dwells at greater length on the powerful impression
which the terrible convulsion of nature left upon those who were
living at that time. With the help of the letters of Pliny, in
connection with the facts established by the excavations, it is
possible to picture to ourselves the progress of the eruption with a
fair degree of clearness.

The subterranean fires of Vesuvius pressed upward to find an outlet.
The accumulations of volcanic dust and pumice stone that had been
heaped up on the mountain by former eruptions were again hurled to a
great height, and came down upon the surrounding country. On the west
side of Vesuvius they mingled with torrents of rain, and flowed as a
vast stream of mud down over Herculaneum. On the south side, driven by
a northwest wind as they descended from the upper air, they spread out
into a thick cloud, which covered Pompeii and the plain of the Sarno.
Out of this cloud first broken fragments of pumice stone--the average
size not larger than a walnut--rained down to the depth of eight to
ten feet; then followed volcanic dust, wet as it fell by a downpour of
water, to the depth of six or seven feet. With the storm of dust came
successive shocks of earthquake.

Such was, in outline, the course of the eruption. It must have begun
early in the morning of the twenty-fourth, and the stream of mud must
have commenced immediately to move in the direction of Herculaneum;
for shortly after one o'clock on that day the admiral Pliny at Misenum
received letters from the region threatened, saying that the danger
was imminent, and that escape was possible only by sea. Even then the
Younger Pliny saw, high above Vesuvius, the cloud, shaped like an
umbrella pine, which was to rain down destruction on Pompeii. Toward
evening, the ships off Herculaneum ran into the hail of pumice stone,
which, during the night, reached Stabiae and so increased in violence
that the admiral Pliny was obliged to leave his sleeping room from
fear that the door would be blocked up by the falling masses.

Early in the morning of the twenty-fifth there was a severe shock of
earthquake, which was felt as far as Misenum. Then the dust began to
fall, and a cloud of fearful blackness, pierced through and through
with flashes of lightning, settled down over land and sea. At Misenum,
even, it became dark; "not," says Pliny, "as on a cloudy night when
there is no moon, but as in a room which has been completely closed."

How long the fall of dust lasted we can only infer from this, that
when it ceased the sun had not yet set. In Misenum, which the shower
of pumice stone had not reached, everything was covered with a thick
layer of dust. Although the earthquake shocks continued, the
inhabitants went back into their houses. But Pompeii and Stabiae had
been covered so deep that only the roofs of the houses, where these
had not fallen in, projected above the surface; and Herculaneum had
wholly disappeared.

All the plain of the Sarno was buried, as were also the slopes of the
mountains on the south. Stabiae, as we have seen, lay at the foot of
the mountains, on the coast. It had been destroyed by Sulla in the
Social War; its inhabitants, forced to scatter, settled in the
surrounding country. In the years 1749-82 numerous buildings were
excavated in the vicinity, in part luxurious country seats, in part
plain farm buildings; but the excavations were afterward filled up
again. The covering of Stabiae was like that of Pompeii, only not so

Herculaneum was covered with the same materials; they were not,
however, deposited in regular strata, but were mixed together, and
being drenched with water, hardened into a kind of tufa which in
places reaches a depth of sixty-five feet. Excavating at Herculaneum
is in consequence extremely difficult; and the difficulty is further
increased by the fact that a modern city, Resina, extends over the
greater part of the ancient site. The excavations thus far attempted
have in most cases been conducted by means of underground
passageways. The statement that Herculaneum was overflowed by a stream
of lava, though frequently repeated, is erroneous.

  [Illustration: Fig. 7.--Cast of a man.]

The woodwork of buildings in Pompeii has in many cases been preserved,
but in a completely charred condition. Frequently where walls were
painted with yellow ochre it has turned red, especially when brought
immediately into contact with the stratum of dust--a change which this
color undergoes when it is exposed to heat. Nevertheless, the
inference would be unwarranted that the products of the eruption fell
upon the city red-hot and caused a general conflagration. The
fragments of pumice stone could scarcely have retained a great degree
of heat after having been so long in the air; it is evident from
Pliny's narrative that they were not hot.

With the dust a copious rain must have fallen; for the bodies of those
who perished in the storm of dust left perfect moulds, into a number
of which soft plaster of Paris has been poured, making those casts of
human figures which lend a melancholy interest to the collections in
the little Museum at Pompeii (Fig. 7). The extraordinary freshness of
these figures, without any suggestion of the wasting away after death,
is explicable only on the supposition that the enveloping dust was
damp, and so commenced immediately to harden into a permanent shape.
If the dust had been dry and had packed down and hardened afterwards,
we should be able to trace at least the beginnings of decay.

Neither the pumice stone nor the dust, then, could have set wood on
fire. The woodwork must have become charred gradually from the effect
of moisture, as in the case of coal, and the change in the color of
the yellow ochre must be due to some other cause than the presence of
heat. This is all the more evident from the fact that vestiges of
local conflagrations, confined within narrow limits, can here and
there be traced, kindled by the masses of glowing slag which fell at
the same time with the pumice stone, or by the fires left burning in
the houses.

From the number of skeletons discovered in the past few decades, since
an accurate record has been kept, it has been estimated that in
Pompeii itself, about two thousand persons perished. As the city
contained a population of twenty thousand or more, it is evident that
the majority of the inhabitants fled; since the eruption commenced in
the morning, while the hail of pumice stone did not begin till
afternoon, those who appreciated the greatness of the danger had time
to escape. It is, however, impossible to say how many fled when it was
already too late, and lost their lives outside the city. Mention has
already been made of some who perished at the harbor; others who went
out earlier to the Sarno may have made good their escape. Of those who
remained in the city part were buried in the houses--so with twenty
persons whose skeletons were found in the cellar of the villa of
Diomedes; others, as the hail of pumice stone ceased, ventured out
into the streets, where they soon succumbed to the shower of dust that
immediately followed. As the bodies wasted away little except the
bones was left in the hollows formed by the dust that hardened around
them, and the casts already referred to, which have been made from
time to time since 1863, give in some cases a remarkably clear and
sharp representation of the victims.

The Emperor Titus sent a commission of senators into Campania to
report in what way help could best be rendered. A plan was formed to
rebuild the cities that had been destroyed, and the property of those
who died without heirs was set aside for this purpose. Nothing came
of it, however, so far as our knowledge goes. Pompeii is indeed
mentioned in the Peutinger Table, a map for travellers made in the
third century, but the name was apparently given to a post station in
memory of the former city. Conclusive evidence against the existence
of a new city is the absence of any inscriptions referring to it.



The first excavations at Pompeii were undertaken by the survivors
shortly after the destruction of the city. As the upper parts of the
houses that had not fallen in projected above the surface, it was
possible to locate the places under which objects of value were
buried. Men dug down from the surface at certain points and tunnelled
from room to room underneath, breaking through the intervening walls.
This work was facilitated by the stratification of the volcanic
deposit; the loose bits of pumice stone in the lower stratum were
easily removed, while the stratum of dust above was compact enough to
furnish a fairly safe roof for narrow passageways. Only infrequently
is a house discovered that was left undisturbed; from this we
understand why comparatively little household furniture of value has
been found. Not only were rich house furnishings in demand,--the
excavators carried away valuable building materials as well. So
eagerly were these sought after that large buildings, as those about
the Forum, were almost completely stripped of their marble.

In the Middle Ages Pompeii was quite forgotten. Possibly some remains
of the ancient buildings were yet to be seen; at any rate it seems to
have been believed that a city once existed there, for the site was
called La Civita.

In the years 1594-1600 Domenico Fontana was bringing water from one of
the springs of the Sarno to Torre Annunziata, and in the course of the
work cut an underground channel through the site of Pompeii and
discovered two inscriptions; but no further investigations were made.
The indifference of Fontana may be explained by the fact that the
water channel was not dug out from above, like a railway cutting, and
then covered over, but was carried as a tunnel through the hill on
which the city stood, so that the workmen came to the ancient surface
at only a few points. In the part now excavated, the original level
was disturbed in but one place, near the temple of Zeus Milichius;
here the inscriptions were probably found.

The excavation of the buried Campanian towns began, not at Pompeii,
but at Herculaneum, where in 1709 the workmen of the Austrian general,
Count Elbeuf, sunk a shaft, reaching the ancient level at the rear of
the stage of the theatre. The current statement that Elbeuf discovered
the site of Herculaneum by accident, his workmen being engaged in
digging a well, is erroneous. The location of the city was already
known, and Elbeuf was searching for antiquities. The error probably
originated in a misunderstanding of the Italian word _pozzo_, which
has a double meaning, "shaft," and "well."

At first little was accomplished, but after 1738 excavations were
carried on by King Charles III in a more systematic manner. The
director of these excavations, Rocco Gioacchino de Alcubierre, in
March, 1748, had occasion to inspect the water channel mentioned
above, and learned that at the place called La Civita--which he
thought was Stabiae--objects of antiquity were often found. He came to
the conclusion that this site was more promising than that of
Herculaneum, where the excavations just then were yielding little of
value; the result of his recommendation was that on the thirtieth of
the same month excavations were commenced at Pompeii, with twelve

The first digging was done north of Nola Street, near the Casa del
Torello; then the men were set at work on the Street of Tombs, near
the Herculaneum Gate; and a part of the Amphitheatre also was cleared.
In 1750 the work was stopped, because the results were thought to be

Attention was again directed to Pompeii in 1754, when workmen engaged
in constructing the highway that runs just south of the city
discovered a number of tombs. About the same time, west of the
Amphitheatre, the extensive establishment of Julia Felix, arranged
like a villa, and some buildings lying north of it, were excavated;
but they were all covered up again, as was also the so-called villa
of Cicero, which was uncovered in 1763.

The parts excavated were not left clear until after 1763, when the
discovery of the inscription of Suedius Clemens, on the Street of
Tombs, had established the fact that the site was that of Pompeii.
Important discoveries were made soon after. In the years immediately
following 1764 the theatres, with the adjacent buildings, and the
Street of Tombs, together with the villa of Diomedes, were laid bare.
The excavations were conducted slowly and without system, yet with
scientific interest fostered by the Herculaneum Academy (Accademia
ercolanese), which had been founded in 1755.

Under Joseph Bonaparte and Murat, 1806-15, the work received larger
appropriations, and was prosecuted with greater energy, particularly
in the quarter lying between the Herculaneum Gate and the Forum. In
the same period the Forum was approached from the south side also. In
1799, at the time of the Parthenopean Republic, the French general
Championnet had excavated, south of the Basilica, the two houses which
are still called by his name. From these, in 1813, the excavators made
their way into the Basilica, whence, in November of the same year,
they pushed forward into the Forum. However, the excavation of the
Forum itself with the surrounding buildings, prosecuted less
vigorously and with limited means in the period of the Restoration,
was not completed till 1825; by this time the temple of Fortuna and
the Baths north of the Forum had also been uncovered. The following
years, to 1832, brought to light the beautiful houses on the north
side of Nola Street--the houses of Pansa, of the Tragic Poet, and of
the Faun--and those on Mercury Street; later came excavations south of
Nola Street and in various parts of the city.

The disturbances of the period of Revolution caused a cessation of
work for two years, from July 3, 1848, to September 27, 1850. During
the next nine years effort was expended chiefly in clearing Stabian
Street and the Stabian Baths.

The fall of the Bourbon dynasty and the passing over of Naples to the
Kingdom of Italy caused another interruption, which lasted a year,
from December 5, 1859, to December 20, 1860. On the last date the
excavations were resumed under the direction of Giuseppe Fiorelli, a
man of marked individuality, who left a permanent impress upon every
part of the work. To him is due the present admirable system,
excellent alike from the technical and from the administrative point
of view. We owe it to him, that better provision is made now than
formerly for the preservation and care of excavated buildings and
objects discovered; the earlier efforts in this direction naturally
left room for improvement, and the painstaking of the present
administration is especially worthy of commendation.

  [Illustration: Fig. 8.--An excavation. Atrium of the house of the
   Silver Wedding, cleared in the autumn of 1892.]

Fiorelli put an end to haphazard digging, to excavating here and there
wherever the site seemed most promising. He first set about clearing
the undisturbed places lying between the excavated portions; and when
in this way the west part of the city had been laid bare, he commenced
to work systematically from the excavated part toward the east. Since
1860 only one public building has been excavated--the baths at the
corner of Stabian and Nola streets; but many private houses have been
uncovered, some of which are of much interest. Fiorelli remained in
charge of the excavations until 1875, when he was called to Rome to
become General Director of Museums and Excavations; he died in 1896,
at the age of seventy-two. His successors, first Michele Ruggiero,
then Giulio de Petra, have worked according to his plans, and in full
sympathy with his ideals.

Up to the present time about three-fifths of Pompeii have been
excavated. In 1872 Fiorelli made the calculation that if the
excavations should continue at the rate then followed the whole city
would be laid bare in 74 years. Since that time the work has
progressed more slowly, partly in consequence of the greater care
taken for the preservation of the remains. At the present rate of
progress we may believe that the twentieth century will hardly witness
the completion of the excavations.

Articles of furniture and objects of art that can easily be moved, as
the statuettes often found in the gardens, are ordinarily taken to the
Museum in Naples; a few things have been placed in the little Museum
at Pompeii. Now and then small sculptures have been left in a house
exactly as they were found; but the necessity of keeping such houses
locked and of guarding them with especial care prevents the general
adoption of this method of preservation.

In respect to the preservation of paintings the practice has varied at
different periods. Generally, however, the best pictures have been cut
from the walls and transferred to the Museum, while the decorative
framework has been left undisturbed. It is keenly to be regretted that
in this way the effect of the decorative system as a whole has been
destroyed, for the picture forms the centre of a carefully elaborated
scheme of decoration which needs to be viewed as an artistic whole in
order to be fully appreciated; and the removal of a painting can
hardly be accomplished without some damage to the parts of the wall
immediately in contact with it. A far better method would be to leave
intact all walls containing paintings or decorative work of interest,
providing such means of protection against the weather as may be
necessary. A good beginning in this respect has been made in the case
of the house of the Vettii, the beautiful and well preserved paintings
of which have been left on the walls and are preserved with the
greatest care.

The treatment of a mosaic floor is an altogether different problem.
While the floor as a whole, with its ornamental designs, is left in
place, fine mosaics representing paintings, which are delicate and
easily destroyed, are wisely taken up and placed in the Museum.


     The Regions are given as they were laid out by Fiorelli (p.
     34), the boundaries being marked by broken lines. The Insulae
     are designated by Arabic numerals.

     Stabian Street, between Stabian and Vesuvius gates, separating
     Regions VIII, VII, and VI, from I, IX, and V, is often called
     Cardo, from analogy with the _cardo maximus_ (the north and
     south line) of a Roman camp. Nola Street, leading from the Nola
     Gate, with its continuations (Strada della Fortuna, south of
     Insulae 10, 12, 13, and 14 of Region VI, and Strada della
     Terme, south of VI, 4, 6, 8), was for similar reasons
     designated as the Greater Decuman, _Decumanus Maior_; while the
     street running from the Water Gate to the Sarno Gate (Via
     Marina, Abbondanza Street, Strada dei Diadumeni) is called the
     Lesser Decuman, _Decumanus Minor_.

     The only Regions wholly excavated are VII and VIII; but only a
     small portion of Region VI remains covered.

     The towers of the city wall are designated by numbers, as they
     are supposed to have been at the time of the siege of Sulla, in
     89 B.C. (p. 240).




The outline of Pompeii, with its network of streets, may be traced on
the accompanying plan.

The city took its shape from the end of the old lava stream on which
it lay, which ran southeast from Vesuvius. It formed an irregular oval
a little less than four fifths of a mile (1200 metres) long and a
little more than two fifths of a mile (720 metres) wide in its
greatest dimensions. On three sides, west, south, and east, the wall
of the city ran along the edge of the hill; on the northwest side,
between the Herculaneum and Capua gates, it passed directly across the
ridge formed by the lava.

The eight gates are known by the modern names given on our plan. Two
of them, the Herculaneum and Capua gates, lie at the points where the
wall comes to the edge of the lava bed on either side; the streets
that led from them descended to the plain. At the Herculaneum Gate the
much travelled highway from Naples, passing through Herculaneum,
entered the city; the Capua Gate does not seem to have been built to
accommodate a large traffic. Between these two lay the Vesuvius Gate,
through which the Pompeians passed out upon the ridge toward Vesuvius.

From the Herculaneum Gate nearly to the Stabian Gate, on the south
side, ran a bluff, with a sharp descent. Nevertheless, as a gate was
needed on the side nearest the sea, the Water Gate, Porta Marina, was
placed here; through it a steep road led to the Forum, so steep that
it could not have been much used by vehicles; but that may have
mattered little to the fishermen bringing their catches to the market.

The Stabian Gate lay in a depression at the end of the lava bed and
afforded a more convenient means of access to the city; thence a road
ran to the harbor on the Sarno, and to Stabiae. At the left another
road apparently branched off from this in the direction of Nuceria,
which could be reached also from the conveniently located Nocera Gate
further east; here also the slope of the hill was less pronounced. Two
gates, finally, gave access to the city on the somewhat steeper east
and northeast sides, the Sarno Gate, which takes its name, not from
the river, but from the modern town of Sarno, and the Nola Gate; it is
at least probable that the road passing through the latter led to

A glance at the plan will make it plain that the streets of Pompeii
must have been laid out according to a definite system; an arrangement
on the whole so regular and symmetrical would scarcely be found in a
city that had developed gradually from a small beginning, in which the
location of streets had been the result of accident.

Two wide streets that cross the city very nearly at right angles give
the direction for the other streets running approximately north and
south and east and west, Mercury Street with its continuations, and
Nola Street. The former probably served as a base line in laying out
the city; this we infer from the fact that while it is exceptionally
broad, and the Forum lies on it, there is no gate at either end, and
it could have been little used for traffic. Nola Street has a gate
only at the east end; the west end opens into the Strada Consolare,
which follows the line of the city wall and leads to the Herculaneum
Gate at the northwest corner. That the other streets must have taken
their direction from these two is clearly seen in the case of those in
the northwest part of the city; on close examination it will be found
that the arrangement of the rest also is in accordance with the same
system, a fact which would perhaps be still more obvious if the
unexcavated eastern portion of the city were laid bare.

In two instances, however, there is a deviation from this system. One
is in the quarter near the Forum. For reasons which have not been
satisfactorily explained, the Porta Marina was not placed on the
prolongation of the street coming from the Sarno Gate, but further
north. In order to reach this gate the street, as shown on the plan,
makes a bend to the north which is reproduced in the other east and
west streets lying south of Nola Street; west of the Forum, again,
the streets converge in order to give access to this gate.

The other deviation, which affects Stabian Street, can be explained on
grounds of convenience. This street, which runs from the Stabian to
the Vesuvius Gate, abandoned the line of the north and south streets
west of it in order to take advantage of a natural depression in the
hill, by following which an easy grade could be established to the
higher parts of the city; that the blocks along this important
thoroughfare might not be too irregular in shape, the nearest parallel
streets on the east were laid out in such a way as to follow the
direction of Stabian Street. The street running south from the Capua
Gate resumes, with slight variation, the north and south line of
Mercury Street.

The public buildings of the city form two extensive groups. One group
lies about the Forum (Plan II); with this we may reckon the Baths in
the first block north, and the temples of Fortuna Augusta and Venus
Pompeiana. The nucleus of the other is formed by the two theatres and
the large quadrangular colonnade which, designed originally to afford
protection for theatre-goers against the rain, was later turned into
barracks for the gladiators (Plan III). There are in addition only
four public buildings that need to be mentioned. Two are bathing
establishments, the Stabian Baths, and those at the corner of Stabian
and Nola streets. The third is a small building near the Herculaneum
Gate, consisting of a hall opening on the street, with a base for a
statue near the rear wall; this on insufficient grounds has been
called a custom-house. The fourth, the Amphitheatre, lies in the
southern corner of the city.

As the public buildings were thus located in clearly defined groups,
it is not probable that many yet remain in the portion of the city
which has not been excavated. We may expect to find only bathing
establishments, and perhaps one or two temples. There were priestesses
of Ceres and of Venus, but the sanctuary of Ceres has not been
discovered. Mention is made also of a priest of Mars; but the temple
of Mars, according to the precept of Vitruvius (I. vii. 1) would be
outside the city.

A word should be added regarding the modern division of Pompeii into
Regions, or wards, and Insulae. By an Insula is meant--in accordance
with ancient usage--a block of houses surrounded on all sides by
streets. The division into Regions was introduced by Fiorelli, and
rests upon a misconception which has been corrected by more recent
excavations. Fiorelli thought that the Capua Gate and the Nocera Gate
were connected by a street, and that the city was thus divided by four
streets (the assumed street, Stabian Street, Nola Street, and
Abbondanza Street with its continuations) into nine Regions, marked on
our plan with the numerals I-IX.

In each Region every block, or Insula, has its number, and in the
Insula a separate number is given to every door opening on a street.
This arrangement is convenient because each house can be accurately
designated by means of three numbers.

On the plans the Insulae are designated by Arabic numerals, but in the
text small Roman numerals are used for the sake of clearness; thus,
Ins. IX. i. 26, means the first Insula of Region IX, No. 26.

The names of several of the more important streets, as of the better
known houses, are given in the text in the English form.



Six centuries lie between the dates of the earliest and the latest
buildings at Pompeii; and in order to understand any structure rightly
we must first of all ascertain to what period it belongs. It is indeed
rarely possible to fix dates with exactness for the earlier time; but
certain periods are so clearly differentiated from one another, that
in most cases there is no room for doubt to which of them a building
is to be assigned. Before undertaking to characterize these periods,
however, it will be necessary briefly to notice what building
materials were used, and how they were turned to account in

Exclusive of wood, which was more freely used in Pompeii than in
Campanian towns to-day, the principal building materials were Sarno
limestone, two kinds of tufa (gray and yellow), lava, a whitish
limestone often called travertine wrongly, marble, and brick.

The Sarno limestone (_pietra di Sarno_) is a deposit from the water of
the Sarno, and is found in beds along the course of the river. It
contains many impressions of the leaves and stems of plants, and
varies greatly in compactness; it closely resembles the Roman
travertine, except that it has a more decided yellowish tint.

Gray tufa is a volcanic dust which has been hardened by the presence
of water into rock. It has a fine grain, and is easily worked; it was
quarried in the vicinity of Nocera. The volcanic dust which formed the
yellow tufa was thrown out in an earlier period, when the Sarno plain
was still a part of the sea, and so hardened in salt water; it is more
friable than the gray tufa, and not so durable.

The lava, which came originally from Vesuvius, was quarried at
Pompeii. Three varieties may be distinguished, differing in density
according as they were taken from the lower or the upper strata: solid
lava, or basalt, which, being heavy and extremely hard, was
extensively used for pavements and thresholds; slag, like the scoriae
found on the sides of Vesuvius to-day; and cruma, the foam of the lava
stream, which is light and porous, but on account of its hardness has
good resisting qualities.

The whitish limestone has a fine texture, without impressions of
leaves, and is of an even color; it was to some extent employed as a
substitute for marble. It was not quarried at Pompeii, and was not
extensively used; the most important example of its use is in the
later colonnade about the Forum. The white Carrara marble (_marmor
lunense_) was preferred for columns, pilasters, and architraves; but
colored marbles of many varieties, cut into thin slabs and blocks,
were used as a veneering for walls and in the mosaic floors.

Bricks were used only for the corners of buildings, for doorposts, and
in a few instances, as in the Basilica and the house of the Labyrinth,
for columns; brick walls are not found in Pompeii. The bricks seen in
corners and doorposts (Figs. 11, 95) are simply a facing for rubble
work. They are ordinarily less than an inch thick; they have the shape
of a right-angled triangle, and are so laid that the side representing
the hypothenuse--about six inches long--appears in the surface of the
wall. Sometimes fragments of roof tiles, more or less irregular in
shape, were used instead. The bricks of the earlier time contain sea
sand and have a granular surface, with a less uniform color; the later
bricks are smooth and even in appearance.

The flat oblong roof tiles (_tegulae_), measuring ordinarily 24 by 19
or 20 inches, had flanges at the sides; over the joints where the
flanges came together, joint tiles in the form of a half-cylinder
(_imbrices_) were laid, like those in use at the present day (Figs.
114, 117).

The styles of masonry are characteristic and interesting. We may
distinguish them as masonry with limestone framework, rubble work,
reticulate work, quasi-reticulate work, ashlar work, and, in the case
of columns and entablatures, massive construction.

The masonry with limestone framework dates from the earliest period.
The walls were built without mortar, clay being used instead. Since
this served only as a filling, without strength as a binding material,
it was necessary to arrange the stones themselves in such a way that
the wall would stand firm. This result was accomplished by using
large, oblong blocks, not only for corners and doorposts, but also for
a framework in the body of the wall; as shown in our illustration,
alternate vertical and horizontal blocks were built up into pillars
which would hold in place the courses of smaller stones that filled
the intervening spaces. The material of the larger, hewn blocks, as
well as of the smaller fragments, was Sarno limestone, with occasional
pieces of cruma or slag.

  [Illustration: Fig. 9.--Wall with limestone framework.]

The rubble work, _opus incertum_, consists of fragments irregular in
shape, of the size of the fist and larger, laid in mortar. The
material used in the earlier times was ordinarily lava; later, Sarno
limestone. Corners and doorposts at first were built of hewn blocks;
afterwards bricks and blocks of stone cut in the form of bricks were
used for this purpose, and in the latest period frequently brick and
stone combined, _opus mixtum_ or _opus compositum_--a course of stone
alternating with every two or three courses of brick. An example of
the _opus mixtum_ is seen in the entrances of the Herculaneum Gate
(Fig. 113). Rubble work is the prevailing masonry at Pompeii; in
comparison the other kinds described may be considered exceptional.

The reticulate work, _opus reticulatum_, formed the outer surface of a
wall, the inner part of which was built up with rubble. It was
composed of small four-sided pyramidal blocks, of which only the base,
cut square and smooth, showed on the surface; the tapering part served
as a key to bind the block into the wall. These blocks, which measured
from three to four inches square at the base, were laid on their
corners, so that the edges ran diagonally to the horizontal and
vertical lines of the wall; the pattern thus formed had the appearance
of a net, hence the name. The material was in most cases gray,
occasionally yellow, tufa. The corners and doorposts were at first
made of the same kind of stone cut in the shape of bricks; later of
bricks. This style of masonry was in vogue at Rome, and apparently
also at Pompeii, in the time of Augustus (Fig. 12; see also the
pedestal in the foreground of Plate I).

The quasi-reticulate work belongs to the early years of the Roman
colony. In appearance it lies between rubble and reticulate work,
differing from the latter in that the small blocks are less carefully
finished and are laid with less regularity. The material is generally
lava, but tufa and limestone are also found. The corners and doorposts
are of brick, or of brick-shaped blocks of tufa or limestone (Fig.

Ashlar work, of carefully hewn oblong blocks laid in courses, is found
in the older portions of the city wall (Fig. 109) and in the walls of
the Greek temple in the Forum Triangulare; it was used otherwise only
for the fronts of houses (Fig. 10). The material in the earliest times
was Sarno limestone, later gray tufa. With the coming of the Roman
colony ashlar work went out of use, even for the corners of houses and

In the construction of columns and many architraves large blocks were
used. Previous to the time of the Roman colony these were of gray
tufa, or, in rare instances, of limestone; a coating of white stucco
was laid on the surface. From the advent of the colony to the time of
the Early Empire, the whitish limestone was used; after that, Carrara

Bearing in mind the styles of construction just described, we may now
turn to the architectural history of Pompeii, which, as we shall see,
falls naturally into six periods.

The first period is that to which the Doric temple in the Forum
Triangulare and the city walls belong. From the style of the temple,
we may safely conclude that it was built in the sixth century B.C.;
the evidence is too scanty to enable us definitely to fix the date of
the walls. The building materials used were the Sarno limestone and
gray tufa.

The second period may be designated as the Period of the Limestone
Atriums, so characterized from the peculiar construction of a number
of houses found in different parts of the city. On the side facing the
street these houses have walls of ashlar work of Sarno limestone (Fig.
10), but the inner walls are of limestone framework (Fig. 9).

  [Illustration: Fig. 10.--Façade of Sarno limestone, house of the

Almost no ornamental forms belonging to this period have come down to
us; so far only a single column has been found, built into the wall of
a house. It is of the Doric style, and once formed part of a portico
that ran along the west side of the small open space at the northwest
corner of Stabian and Nola streets; it is thus the sole remnant of a
public building. In the only complete house that has survived from
this period, the house of the Surgeon, there was a portico in front of
the garden, but the roof was supported by square pillars, not by
columns. There is no trace of wall painting.

Characteristic as the construction of the limestone atriums is, it is
difficult to determine to what age they belong. The beginning of the
period cannot be determined even approximately. The end, however, is
fixed by the earlier limit of the next period, the Second Punic War.
We may, therefore, assign the houses with the limestone atriums to a
period just preceding this war; reckoning in round numbers, they were
built before 200 B.C.

In the third, or Tufa Period, came the climax of the development of
Pompeian architecture prior to the Roman domination. The favorite
building material was the gray tufa.

With the exception of the Greek temple mentioned above, all the public
buildings of Pompeii that do not belong to the time of the Roman
colony have a homogeneous character; a list of them would include the
colonnade about the Forum, the Basilica, the temples of Apollo and of
Jupiter, the Large Theatre with the colonnades of the Forum
Triangulare and the Barracks of the Gladiators, the Stabian Baths, the
Palaestra, and the outer part of the Porta Marina with the inner parts
of the other gates. Closely associated with these public edifices is a
large number of private houses; as a specially characteristic example,
we may mention the house of the Faun.

All these buildings are similar in style and construction; they
evidently date from a period of great building activity. It must also
have been a period of peace and prosperity; for the whole city, from
the artistic and monumental point of view, underwent a transformation.
Certain Oscan inscriptions, an early Latin monumental inscription, and
a few words, dating from 78 B.C., scratched upon the plaster of the
Basilica, oblige us to place the Tufa Period before the time of the
Roman colony; yet not long before, for the next oldest buildings date
from the first years of the colony. The time of peace that furnished
the background for the period can only have been that between the
Second Punic War and the Social War, about 200 to 90 B.C.; the Tufa
Period was approximately the second century before Christ.

In marked contrast with the Period of the Limestone Atriums, the Tufa
Period has a pronounced artistic character. It is preëminently a
period of monumental construction. Buildings and public places are
adorned with colonnades of the Doric, Ionic, and Corinthian orders.
The simple and beautiful forms of the Greek architecture are used,
sparingly indeed, but without petty detail and with evident fear of
excessive ornamentation. Columns and architraves are white, with only
slight suggestion of the earlier Greek polychrome decoration. A
variety of color, however, is laid on the walls, and with this period
the history of Pompeian wall decoration begins.

The Tufa Period coincides throughout with the time of the first style
of decoration. This, known as the Incrustation Style, aimed to imitate
in stucco the appearance of a wall veneered with colored marbles. Wall
paintings are wholly lacking, but pictures, often of rare beauty, are
found in the mosaics of the floors. In this period, we may truly say
that Pompeian architecture was at its best. With it the pure Greek
tradition dies out; all the buildings of later times bear the Roman

The buildings of the Tufa Period are easily recognized by the
unobtrusiveness of the materials used in their construction. The
rubble work is mostly of lava; but gray tufa was used exclusively, not
only for ashlar work in façades, but also for columns and
entablatures. The surface of the tufa was coated with a layer of fine
white stucco, which gave it the appearance of marble. The use of
marble for building purposes, however, is foreign to this period; and
it speaks well for the culture of the Oscan Pompeians that they had
pleasure in beauty of form above richness of material.

The fourth period covers the earlier decades of the Roman colony, from
80 B.C. to near the end of the Republic. According to inscriptions
which are still extant, soon after the year 80 a wealthy colonist,
Gaius Quinctius Valgus, when duumvir with Marcus Porcius as colleague,
built the Small Theatre, and afterwards, when quinquennial duumvir
with the same colleague, the Amphitheatre also. Both structures have
the quasi-reticulate facing (Fig. 11); and several other buildings in
which the same style of masonry is found without doubt belong to the
same period--the Baths near the Forum, the temple of Zeus Milichius,
a building just inside the Porta Marina, and apparently the hall at
the southeast corner of the Forum, which we shall identify as the
Comitium; with these should be included also the original temple of
Isis, which was destroyed by the earthquake of 63 A.D. Few houses
dating from this period have been discovered; the provision made by
the preceding period in this respect had been so generous that new
houses were not needed.

From the aesthetic point of view the fourth period falls far below
that just preceding; the exhaustion of resources and the decline of
taste due to the long and terrible war are unmistakable. Theatre,
Amphitheatre, and Baths were alike built for immediate use, with crude
and scanty ornamentation; and where richer ornament was applied, as in
the case of the temple of Isis, it could not for a moment be compared
with that of the Tufa Period in beauty and finish.

  [Illustration: Fig. 11.--Quasi-reticulate facing, with brick corner,
   at the entrance of the Small Theatre.]

The wall decoration of the fourth period is of the second Pompeian
style, which came into vogue just after the founding of the colony,
and which we shall call the Architectural Style; for in part, as the
first style, it imitated a veneering of marble, not however with the
help of slabs or panels modelled in stucco, but by the use of color
only, laid on walls finished to a plane surface; in part it made use
of architectural designs which were painted either correctly or with
at least some regard for proper proportions.

The fifth period extends from the last decades of the Republic to the
earthquake of the year 63 A.D. In the entire period, covering more
than a century, we are unable to distinguish a series of buildings
which may be classed together in style and construction as
constituting a homogeneous, representative group. Here and there we
can point out a piece of masonry which, from its similarity to that
of the fourth period, may be assigned to the end of the Republic;
again, walls with reticulate facing of tufa and corners of
brick-shaped blocks of the same stone belong to the time of Augustus
(Fig. 12), while reticulate work with corners of brick (Fig. 95) is of
later date; but there is a total lack of those distinguishing
characteristics which would serve to set off by themselves all the
buildings belonging to a particular time. Consequently in the case of
each structure it is necessary to take into account all the
circumstances, and then to form an independent judgment regarding its
style and date.

  [Illustration: Fig. 12.--Reticulate facing, with corners of
   brick-shaped stone. The filled arch is probably to bear the weight of
   the wall over a sewer.]

The difficulty is further enhanced by the fact that three styles of
wall decoration fall within the limits of the same period. The
Architectural Style, already mentioned, remained in vogue to the time
of Augustus; it then gave place to the third or Ornate Style, which is
characterized by a freer use of ornament and the introduction of
designs and scenes suggestive of an Egyptian origin. The fourth or
Intricate Style came in about the year 50 A.D., and represents, with
its involved and fantastic designs, the last stage in the development
of Pompeian wall decoration. In the fifth period marble began to be
employed as a building material; the earliest dated example of its use
is the temple of Fortuna Augusta, erected about 3 B.C.

The sixteen years between the earthquake of 63 A.D. and the
destruction of the city form the sixth period in the architectural
history of Pompeii. The buildings belonging to it can be easily
recognized, not only from their similarity in style and ornament, but
also from certain external characteristics, as newness of appearance,
unfinished condition, and the joining of new to broken walls. The only
important building wholly new is the large bathing establishment, the
Central Baths, at the corner of Stabian and Nola streets. For the
rest, effort seems to have been directed toward restoring the ruined
buildings as nearly as possible to their original condition. The wall
decoration throughout is of the Intricate Style.

The measurements of buildings in the Roman Period conform to the scale
of the Roman foot, while the dimensions of structures antedating the
Roman colony in most cases reduce to the scale of the Oscan or old
Italic foot. The Roman foot (296 mm.) may be roughly reckoned at 0.97
of the English foot (304.8 mm.); the Oscan foot (275 mm.) is
considerably shorter. As the Roman standard is of Greek origin, we may
perhaps find a structure conforming to it that was designed by a Greek
architect before the Roman Period.


     A. THE FORUM.

        1. Pedestal of the statue of Augustus.
        2. Pedestal of the statue of Claudius.
        3. Pedestal of the statue of Agrippina.
        4. Pedestal of the statue of Nero.
        5. Pedestal of the statue of Caligula.
        6. Pedestals of equestrian statues.
        7. Pedestals of standing figures.
        8. Pedestal for three equestrian statues.
        9. Speaker's platform (p. 48).
        10. Table of standard measures (p. 92).
        11. Room of the supervisor of measures.


        _a._ Entrance court.
        1. Corridor.
        2. Main room.
        3. Tribunal.
        4-4. Rooms at the ends of the tribunal.


        1. Colonnade.
        2. Podium.
        3. Cella.
        4. Altar.
        5. Sundial.
        6. Sacristan's room.
        7-7. Rooms made from earlier colonnade.


     E. LATRINA.






        1. Portico.
        2. Colonnade.
        3-3. Market stalls.
        4. Market for meat and fish.
        5. Chapel of the imperial family.
        6. Banquet room.
        7. Round structure with water basin--Tholus.
        8. Pen.


        1. Main room, unroofed, with an altar in the centre.
        2. Apse, with shrine.
        3. Recesses with pedestals.
        4. Niche opening on the Forum.


        1. Colonnade.
        2. Altar.
        3. Cella.
        4. Portico.


          See plan on p. 110.


        1. Recess opening on the main room.
        2. Recess opening on the Forum.


        P. Office of the duumvirs.
        Q. Hall of the city council.
        R. Office of the aediles.







The Forum is usually approached from the west side by the short, steep
street leading from the Porta Marina. Entering, we find ourselves near
the lower end of an oblong open space (Plate I), at the upper end of
which, toward Vesuvius, stands a high platform of masonry with the
ruins of a temple--the temple of Jupiter; the remains of a colonnade
are seen on each of the other three sides. Including the colonnade the
Forum measures approximately 497 feet in length by 156 in breadth;
without it the dimensions are 467 and 126 feet. The north side, at the
left of the temple, is enclosed by a wall in which there are two
openings, one at the end of the colonnade, the other between this and
the temple; at the right the wall bounding the open space has been
replaced by a stately commemorative arch, while the end of the
colonnade is closed by a wall with a passageway. Another arch, of much
simpler construction, stands at the left of the temple, in line with
the façade; it cuts off the area between the temple and the colonnade
from the rest of the Forum. A third arch once stood in a corresponding
position at the right.

The colonnade is nowhere intersected by a street passable for
vehicles. Even the entrances on the north side form no exception. At
the left you descend to the area by several steps, at the right by one
only; yet here the exclusion of carts and wagons was made doubly sure
by placing three upright stones in the passageway. Only pedestrians
could enter the Forum, and they, too, could easily be shut out by
means of gates in the entrances; the places where the gates swung can
still be seen in the pavement, and one of them is shown in a painting
(Fig. 16). No private houses opened on this area; it was wholly given
up to the public life of the city and was surrounded by temples,
markets, and buildings devoted to the civic administration.

The colonnade was not uniform in character upon all the three sides.
As will be seen from our plan (Plan II), on the south side, and on the
adjoining portion of the east side as far as Abbondanza Street, it was
constructed with two rows of columns and had a double depth. On the
east side, north of this street, the porticos in front of four
successive buildings (K, L, M, N) took its place. For the greater part
of its extent the colonnade was built in two stories, the lower of the
Doric, the upper of the Ionic order. The upper gallery was made
accessible by three stairways, at the southeast and southwest corners
of the Forum and at the middle of the west side; on the east side it
did not extend beyond Abbondanza Street.

The portico in front of the first of the four buildings referred to,
that of Eumachia, contained a double series of columns, one above the
other, corresponding in style and dimensions with those of the
colonnade; but there was no upper floor running back from the
intervening entablature. The arrangement in front of the fourth
building, the Macellum, was similar; as the remains of the porticos in
front of the two intervening buildings have wholly disappeared, it is
impossible to determine their character.

The area of the Forum was paved with rectangular flags of whitish
limestone. In front of the colonnade, the pavement of which was about
twenty inches above that of the open space, a broad step or ledge
projected, covering a gutter for rain water; the water found its way
into the gutter through semicircular openings in the outer edge of the

Of the many statues that once adorned the Forum not one has been
found. As may be seen from the pedestals still in place, they were of
three kinds, and varied greatly in size.

First, statues of citizens who had rendered distinguished services
were placed in front of the colonnade on the ledge over the gutter.
Four pedestals that once supported statues of this sort may be seen on
the west side.

Then equestrian statues of life size were set up in front of the
ledge, these also in honor of dignitaries of the city (Fig. 17). On
one of the pedestals the veneering of colored marble is still
preserved, with an inscription showing that the person represented was
Quintus Sallustius, "Duumvir, Quinquennial Duumvir, Patron of the

Finally, on the south side, the life size equestrian statues, which
seem at the outset to have been arranged symmetrically, were almost
all removed in order to make room for four much larger statues, the
pedestals of which still remain (Fig. 53, p. 122). These must have
represented emperors, or members of the imperial families. The
pedestal in the middle, which is in the form of an arch almost square
at the base, is much the oldest. Upon it was probably placed a
colossal statue of Augustus. It is incredible that during the long and
successful reign of the first emperor no statue in his honor should
have been erected in Pompeii; and this is the most suitable place. The
other three pedestals are similar in construction, and clearly belong
together. The one at the right (2 on the plan) supported a colossal
equestrian statue; that at the left (3) a colossal standing figure; on
the third, further forward (4), was a smaller equestrian statue. Here
stood, then, emperor, empress, and crown prince--Claudius, Agrippina,

A fifth pedestal, for an equestrian statue of the same size as that of
Nero, is seen further to the north, in front of the temple of Jupiter
(5). While unquestionably later than the time of Augustus, it must on
the other hand be older than the pedestals of members of the Claudian
family; for aside from himself, no one belonging to Nero's time can be
taken into consideration, and after his death the Forum lay in ruins
in consequence of the earthquake of the year 63. Who stood here,
however, can scarcely be even conjectured. Not necessarily an emperor;
the younger Drusus, for instance, Tiberius's son, or Germanicus might
have been thus honored if they had in any way come into relation with
the Pompeians. But if an emperor, it must have been Caligula; another
place was provided for the statue of Tiberius.

In the south side of the arch at the northeast corner of the Forum are
two niches. It is highly probable that statues of the two oldest sons
of Germanicus, Nero and Drusus, were placed in them; a fragment of an
inscription referring to the former was found near by. These became
presumptive heirs to the throne after the death of Tiberius's son
Drusus, in 23 A.D.; but both afterwards fell victims to the morbid
suspicions of the emperor and the plots of Sejanus, Nero in 29 A.D.,
Drusus four years later.

On the top of the arch an equestrian statue of Tiberius probably
stood. That such a statue was placed here seems clear from analogy.
North of this arch was another, almost in line with it, at the end of
Mercury Street where it opens into Nola Street; and here the
excavators found fragments of a bronze equestrian statue which were
put together and set up in the Naples Museum. Whether this statue
represented Caligula or Nero has been a matter of dispute, but the
former is really excluded from consideration by the short, heavy
figure, which is better suited to Nero. There is no decided
resemblance to Nero either; but it is quite possible that, although as
crown prince he had been honored with a statue in the Forum, the
Pompeians thought it best to erect for him as emperor a more imposing

Before leaving the area we may raise the question whether it contained
a speakers' platform, like the Rostra in the Roman Forum. If we have
reference to a special structure, probably not; no trace of a separate
tribunal has been discovered. The orator who wished to address the
people, however, could mount the broad platform in front of the temple
of Jupiter, on which once an altar stood; before him the audience
could gather in the open, on the only side of the Forum free from the
colonnade. This place well suited the convenience of both speaker and
hearers. It is possible that we should also identify as a tribune the
platform in a recess at the southeast corner (p. 120).

On even a cursory inspection the Forum is seen to lack unity in the
details of its plan and in its architecture; the fact soon becomes
apparent that it reached its final form only as the result of a long
period of development. It will be worth while briefly to trace this
development, and to note at least the more important changes which
followed one another in the course of the centuries.

In the earliest times the Forum was merely an open square bounded by
four streets.

  [Illustration: Fig. 13.--North end of the Forum, with the Temple of
   Jupiter, restored.]

The proof that this was the original form is in part based upon the
orientation of the temple of Apollo. The sides of this temple have the
same direction as the north and south streets in the northern part of
the city, and must have been laid out parallel with a street that once
ran between it and the Forum. The temple is, therefore, older than the
colonnade of the Forum, which shows a marked deviation from the line
of its axis; the divergence, as may be seen on our plan, was in part
concealed by making a difference in the thickness of the pillars
between the court of the temple and the Forum. It is obvious that the
colonnade on the west side takes the place of an older street; the
south side was probably defined by the prolongation of Abbondanza
Street toward the southwest.

Near the southeast corner an inscription was found: _V[ibius] Popidius
Ep[idii] f[ilius] q[uaestor] porticus faciendas coeravit_, 'Vibius
Popidius, the son of Epidius, when quaestor caused this colonnade to
be erected.' No clew to the date is given, but it must have been
before the coming of the Roman colony, for after that time there was
no office of quaestor in Pompeii. It must also have been before the
Social War; in those years of tumult an extensive colonnade would not
have been built, and when the national spirit was so vehemently
asserting itself, we should expect to find inscriptions upon public
works in the Oscan language, certainly not in Latin. But the use of
Latin may very well date from the latter part of the period of
alliance with Rome; we may then with much probability assign the
inscription to the second half of the second century B.C.

Remains of the colonnade of Popidius are still to be seen on the south
side, and on the adjoining part of the east side, extending just
across Abbondanza Street; traces of it are found also on the west
side, where it was afterward replaced by a new structure. On the east
side north of Abbondanza Street no traces remain; the appearance of
this part of the Forum was entirely changed when the four buildings
(K, L, M, N) with their porticos were erected, but we can hardly doubt
that the original colonnade extended here also. Our illustration (Fig.
14) shows the arrangement of the Doric columns in the lower story; of
the Ionic columns above only scanty fragments have been recovered. The
appearance of the whole may be suggested by our restoration (Fig. 13).

In style and construction this colonnade belongs to the Tufa Period
(p. 40). While the forms are not those of the classical period, they
nevertheless manifest Greek feeling. The low ratio in the proportions
of the Doric columns, of which the height is equal to five diameters,
well accords with their use as a support for an upper gallery;
elsewhere in pre-Roman Pompeii more slender proportions are preferred,
even for the Doric style. The shaft is well shaped, with a moderate
swelling (_entasis_). Only the upper part is fluted; as the sharp
edges of the flutings near the bottom might easily be marred, the
divisions of the surface on the lower third of the shaft were left

The architrave is relatively low, the result of an interesting
peculiarity in the method of construction. Blocks of tufa long enough
to span the intercolumniations were too weak to sustain the weight of
the rest of the entablature. To meet this difficulty a line of thick
planks was placed in old Italic fashion above the capitals of the
columns, and on these were laid short tufa blocks. Thus in our
illustration (Fig. 14), while the upper of the two bands of the
architrave is seen to be of stone, the lower shows the modern timber
supplied in the place of the ancient. That the planks were in reality
no thicker than has been assumed in the reconstruction is proved
beyond question by the later colonnade on the west side, which,
although entirely of stone, corresponds throughout in its proportions
with the older one; the architrave is equally narrow, and is likewise
divided into two parts.

  [Illustration: Fig. 14.--Remnant of the colonnade of Popidius, at the
   south end of the Forum.]

This explanation is curiously confirmed by an architectural painting
on the garden wall of one of the finest houses of the Tufa Period, the
house of the Faun. Here we find pilasters and entablature, except the
architrave, painted white; but the architrave is painted in two
bands, of which the lower is yellow, as if to represent wood. Nothing
would have been easier than to leave the architrave, moulded in
stucco, of one color as if it were all of one material; but special
effort was made apparently to indicate the appearance of a lower
division of timber. From this we may infer that in actual construction
no pains was taken to conceal the lack of uniformity in structural
materials by laying a coat of white or colored stucco over wood and
stone alike; on the contrary, the difference was not only recognized
in the decoration, but even accentuated, as the timber, whether
retaining its original color or painted with a suitable tint,
presented a marked contrast with the stone the surface of which was
covered with white stucco. If the strip of timber in the architrave
had been perceptibly thicker than that of stone above it, the effect
would not have been good; as the earlier Greek polychrome decoration
was now no longer in vogue, the stripe of color above the capitals
made a pleasing variation from the prevailing whiteness of the

The Basilica at the southwest corner and the temple of Jupiter both
conform to the same variation from the direction of the early north
and south street that we have noticed in the case of the colonnade of
Popidius; they belong, therefore, to the same remodelling of the
Forum. It is quite possible that the erection of the temple, by
limiting the area of the Forum on the north side, caused its extension
toward the south beyond the earlier boundary. Originally the temple
was isolated, the north end of the Forum on either side being left
open; later, but still in the time of the Republic, a high boundary
wall with passageways was built on both sides of it. Later still the
two arches were erected in a line with its façade; afterwards, in the
time of Tiberius, the wall at the right of the temple was replaced by
the commemorative arch (I), and the smaller arch near the façade at
the right was removed in order that there might be an unimpeded view
of the great arch from the area.

The colonnade of Popidius may have stood for more than a century; the
necessity of making thoroughgoing repairs no doubt became urgent. In
the meantime, however, the taste of the Pompeians had undergone a
change, and instead of repairing the old colonnade they began to
replace it by a new one, a part of which is shown in Fig. 15. Better
material, the whitish limestone, was used, and the construction was
more substantial; the blocks of the entablature were fitted together
so as to form a flat arch. Though the new colonnade followed closely
the proportions of the old, effective details, such as the fluting of
the columns, and the triglyphs with the guttae underneath, were
omitted. The refined sense of form characteristic of the earlier time
was no longer manifest; all is coarse and inartistic, the swelling on
the shafts of the columns, for example, being carried too high.

  [Illustration: Fig. 15.--Part of the new colonnade, near the southwest
   corner of the Forum.]

The new colonnade had a second story of the Ionic order, of the
columns of which (though not of the entablature) considerable
fragments have been found. The stylobate on which the columns rested
was renewed in limestone, and about the same time the Forum was paved
and the ledge over the gutter was laid with flags of the same

This second remodelling of the Forum commenced in the early years of
the Empire, the pavement having been laid before the pedestal of the
monument to Augustus was built. It was never carried to completion. On
the west side the new colonnade was almost finished when the
earthquake of the year 63 threw it nearly all down. At the time of the
eruption only the columns at the south end of this side, which had
safely passed through the earthquake, were still standing with their
entablature; they are shown in Fig. 15. The area was then strewn with
blocks, which the stonecutters were engaged in making ready for the

The Forum of Pompeii, as of other ancient cities, was first of all a
market place. Early in the morning the country folk gathered here with
the products of the farm; here all day long tradespeople of every sort
exhibited their wares. In later times the pressure of business led to
the erection of separate buildings around the Forum to relieve the
congestion; such were the Macellum, used as a provision market; the
Eumachia building, erected to accommodate the clothing trade; the
Basilica and the market house west of the temple of Jupiter, devoted
to other branches of trade. Yet in a literal sense the Forum always
remained the business centre of the city.

It served, too, as the favorite promenade and lounging place, where
men met to discuss matters of mutual interest, or to indulge in
gossip. Here idlers loitered and plied busier men with questions
regarding public affairs, makers and dealers came together to talk
over and settle points of difference, and young people pursued their
romantic adventures. He can best form an idea of this bustling,
ceaseless, varied activity who knows what the piazza means in the life
of a modern Italian city, and stops to consider how much has been
taken from the life of the piazza by the cafés and similar places of
resort; modern squares, moreover, are usually not provided, as were
the ancient, with inviting colonnades, affording protection against
both sun and rain.

The life of the Forum seemed so interesting to one of the citizens of
Pompeii that he devoted to the portrayal of it a series of paintings
on the walls of a room. The pictures are light and sketchy, but they
give a vivid representation of ancient life in a small city. First, in
front of the equestrian statues near the colonnade we see dealers of
every kind and description. There sits a seller of copper vessels and
iron utensils (Fig. 16), so lost in thought that a friend is calling
his attention to a possible purchaser who is just coming up. Next come
two shoemakers, one waiting on women, another on men; then two cloth
dealers. Further on a man is selling portions of warm food from a
kettle; then we see a woman with fruit and vegetables, and a man
selling bread. Another dealer in utensils is engaged in eager
bargaining, while his son, squatting on the ground, mends a pot.

  [Illustration: Fig. 16.--Scene in the Forum.

   In the foreground, at the left, dealer in utensils; at the right,
   shoemaker waiting on four ladies. Wall painting.]

The scenes now change. A man sitting with a writing tablet and stylus
listens closely to the words of another who stands near by; he reminds
us of the scribes who, under the portico of the theatre of San Carlo,
at Naples, write letters for those that have been denied the privilege
of an education.

Then come men wearing tunics, engaged in some transaction, in the
course of which they seem to pass judgment on the contents of bottles
which they hold in their hands; their business perhaps involves the
testing of wine. Beyond these, some men are taking a walk; a woman is
giving alms to a beggar; and two children play hide and seek around a
column. The following scene is not easy to understand, but apparently
has reference to some legal process; a woman leads a little girl with
a small tablet before her breast into the presence of two seated men
who wear the toga.

  [Illustration: Fig. 17.--Scene in the Forum.

   Citizens reading a public notice. Wall painting.]

In the next scene (Fig. 17) four men are reading a notice posted on a
long board, which is fastened to the pedestals of three equestrian
statues. The sketchy character of the painting is especially obvious
in the representations of the horses, which are nevertheless lifelike.
It is also interesting to note that the heads of the men in these
scenes are uncovered; in stormy weather pointed hoods (shown in a
tavern scene, Fig. 234) were sometimes worn. The festoons suggest a
trimming of the colonnade for some festal occasion.

The last scene is from school life. A pupil is to receive a flogging.
He is mounted on the back of one of his schoolmates, while another
holds him by the legs; a slave is about to lay on the lash, and the
teacher stands near by with an air of composure. It would not be safe
to infer from this, however, that there was a school in the Forum; the
columns in this scene are different from those in the others and are
further apart. Possibly a part of the small portico north of the court
of the temple of Apollo was at one time let to a schoolmaster.

The most important religious festivals were celebrated in the Forum.
Here naturally festal honors were paid to the highest of the gods--the
whole area enclosed by the colonnade was the court of his temple; but
we learn from an inscription, mentioned below, that celebrations were
held here in honor of Apollo also, whose temple adjoined the Forum,
and was at first even more closely connected with it than in later

Vitruvius informs us that in Greek towns the market place, _agora_,
was laid out in the form of a square (a statement which is not
confirmed by modern excavations), but that in the cities of Italy, on
account of the gladiatorial combats, the Forum should have an oblong
shape, the breadth being two thirds of the length. The purpose in
giving a lengthened form to the Forum, as also to the Amphitheatre,
was no doubt to secure, at the middle of the sides, a greater number
of good seats, from which a spectacle could be witnessed. In the
Pompeian Forum, as may be seen from the dimensions given at the
beginning of this chapter, the breadth is less than one third of the
length. However, there can be little doubt that gladiatorial
exhibitions were frequently held there before the building of the
Amphitheatre, which dates from the earlier years of the Roman colony.
After this time the Forum was still used for games and contests of a
less dangerous character. The epitaph of a certain A. Clodius Flaccus,
which is now lost, but was copied by a scholar in the seventeenth
century, tells us at length how in his first, and again in his second,
duumvirate (he was duumvir for the third time in 3 B.C.), in
connection with the festival of Apollo, he not only gave gladiatorial
exhibitions in the Amphitheatre, but also provided bullfights and
other spectacles, as well as musical entertainments and pantomimes, in
the Forum.

Speaking of the Forum as a place for gladiatorial combats, Vitruvius
adds that the spaces between the columns should be wide,--that the
view of spectators might be as little as possible impeded,--and that
the upper story of the colonnade should be arranged with reference to
the collection of an admission fee. The latter suggestion is of
special interest. As we know from other sources, at public games
certain places were reserved for the officials and for the friends of
him who gave the spectacle; others were free to the public, while for
still others an admission fee was charged. If the exhibition was held
in a market place, with lower and upper colonnades, the former would
be open to the people; the latter in part reserved, in part accessible
on payment of the price of admission.

It would be interesting to know whether on such occasions at Pompeii
the gates of the Forum itself were shut, so that admission even to the
free space could be regulated; perhaps they were in earlier times
when, as at Rome, slaves were forbidden to witness the games. However,
Cicero speaks of this time-honored regulation as in his day already a
thing of the past; and so in Roman Pompeii the gates of the Forum may
have remained open even on the days of the games. Their most important
use was probably in connection with the voting.

The Forum had a part also in spectacles which were not presented
there. We are safe in assuming that, at least in the earlier times,
whenever a gladiatorial combat was given in the Amphitheatre, or a
play in the Theatre, the city officials, including especially the
official providing the entertainment, formed in procession with their
retinue and proceeded in festal attire to the place of amusement.
These processions could scarcely have formed anywhere else than in the
Forum, and thence they must have started out.

The fact that the Forum was not accessible for vehicles suggests a
significant point of difference between the festal processions of the
colony and those of the capital. In the latter, vehicles had a
prominent place. Thus at Rome the official who gave the games in the
Circus entered the edifice with his retinue in chariots in the
imposing circus parade, _pompa circensis_, and a similar usage
prevailed in the case of other processions; priests, too, and
priestesses were on many occasions allowed to ride. But even in Rome
carriages were always considered a matter of luxury; and the municipal
regulations promulgated by Caesar prohibited the use of vehicles,
except those required for religious and civic processions, on the
streets of the city from sunrise till the tenth hour, that is, till
four o'clock in the afternoon.

In Pompeii, and without doubt also in other cities of Italy and the
provinces, the closing of the Forum to vehicles made it necessary that
religious and other processions should proceed on foot. We have no
evidence of any exception to this rule. We ought perhaps to recognize
in it one of those devices by means of which Rome maintained a
position of dignified superiority over the provincial towns; to her
processions was allowed an element of display which to theirs was
denied. It was not permitted to name the two chief executive officers
of a municipality consuls, though their functions, within limits,
corresponded with those of the consuls at Rome; nor could the city
council be called a senate, though the Roman writers did not hesitate
to apply this term to corresponding bodies in states and cities
outside of Rome's jurisdiction. For like reasons, it would seem that
on public occasions officials and priests of a provincial town were
not permitted, as were those in Rome, to ride. Was this humiliating
restriction laid upon the Pompeians when the Roman colony came, or
previously when the city was in name the ally of Rome, but in reality
already subject? The evidence is almost conclusive for the latter
alternative; for the colonnade of Popidius, which as we have seen was
erected in the period of autonomy, left no entrance for vehicles,
though in other ways it added greatly to the attractiveness and
convenience of the Forum as a place for civic and religious

No record of events has survived to help us form a picture of the
Forum as the seat of deliberative and judicial functions, the centre
of the city's political life; yet stirring scenes present themselves
to the imagination as we recall the critical periods in the history of
the city.

In the Forum, about 400 B.C., the valiant Samnite mountaineers, having
taken the city by storm, assembled and established their civic
organization; here, in later times, without doubt amid conflicts
similar to those at Rome, the polity was put to the test and underwent
transformation. Fierce enough the strifes may have been during the
Samnite wars, and again in the time of Hannibal,--after the battle of
Cannae,--when the aristocrats who favored Rome contended with the
national party for the mastery. Here, on the platform in front of the
temple of Jupiter, the leaders of the national party stood in 90 B.C.,
and with flaming words roused the people to revolt, to join the
movement which, starting in Asculum, had spread like wildfire over
Southern Italy.

Then ten years of bloody war,--siege, campaigns, surrender,--and again
the scene changes. Roman soldiers stand thick in serried ranks upon
the area. They are the veterans of Sulla. An officer bearing a civil
commission, the nephew of the Dictator, appears before them. Standing
in front of the temple of Jupiter, he makes a proclamation regarding
the founding and administration of the colony. The citizens crowd back
timidly into the colonnade. Many of the best of the Pompeians have
fallen in battle; of the rest, a part at least will be dispossessed of
house and home to make room for the intruders, whose arrogance they
will be compelled submissively to endure.

This is the last tragic act in the Pompeian Forum. After this time,
there will be disputes regarding the rights of the old residents and
the colonists, public questions of many kinds will call for
settlement; the elections will come each year, and the ardent southern
temperament may assert itself in violent scenes. Yet all these
disturbances will be only as the ripples on the surface; the depths
will remain undisturbed. The life of Pompeii has become an integral
part of the life of the Roman world.



The Forum was to the ancient city what the atrium was to the early
Italic house; it was used for every purpose for which a special place
was not provided elsewhere. And as sleeping rooms, dining rooms, and
storerooms were grouped about the atrium and opened into it, so around
the Forum lay the edifices which served the requirements of the public
life,--the most important temples, the municipal buildings, and market
houses or exchanges for different branches of business.

Three temples adjoined the Forum at Pompeii. In addition, there was a
sanctuary of the City Lares; and the temples of Venus Pompeiana and
Fortuna Augusta were but a short distance away. These religious
edifices are representative of the different periods in the history of
the city.

In very early times the Oscans of Pompeii received from the Greeks who
had settled on the coast the cult of Apollo, and built for the
Hellenic god a large, fine temple (C, in Plan II) adjoining the Forum
on the west side.

Several centuries later, the divinities of the Capitol--Jupiter, Juno,
and Minerva--were enthroned in the temple that on the north side
towered above the area (H).

On the east or right side followed, in Roman times, the edifices
erected for the worship of the emperors. The oldest is the unroofed
building, with a broad, open front, dedicated to the Lares of the City
and to the Genius of Augustus (L). Further north, in the first block
at the right beyond the Forum, is the temple of Fortuna Augusta, the
goddess who guarded the fortunes of Augustus, erected in 3 B.C. A
chapel for the worship of Claudius and his family was placed in the
Macellum (K, 5); this seems to have sufficed also for the worship of
Nero. After Nero's death and after the brief Civil War, a temple (M)
was built close to the shrine of the Lares in honor of Vespasian, the
restorer of peace, the new Augustus. This was the last temple erected
in Pompeii; it was not entirely finished at the time of the eruption.

Three buildings at the south end of the Forum were used for city
offices (P-R). They were much alike, each containing a single large
hall. They were seemingly built in the early years of the Empire, and
repaired after the earthquake of the year 63. There is also a
structure at the southeast corner, south of Abbondanza Street, which
we may identify as the voting place, the Comitium (O). At the
northwest corner was apparently the city treasury, built in the latest
years of Pompeii, perhaps on the site of an earlier structure of the
same kind (F).

At a comparatively early period the area was found to be too small for
the increasing volume of business; and the demand for roofed space
made itself felt. In the second century B.C. the large and splendid
Basilica (B), serving the double purpose of a court and an exchange,
was built at the southwest corner.

Diagonally opposite, near the temple of Jupiter, a provision market,
the Macellum (K), was constructed; this also at an early date. It was
entirely rebuilt in the time of the Empire, perhaps in the reign of
Claudius. Previous to this rebuilding, the priestess Eumachia had
erected an exchange for the fullers on the same side of the Forum,
further south (N).

On the west side, from pre-Roman times, stood a small colonnade in two
stories, with its rear against the rear of the colonnade on the north
side of the court of the temple of Apollo; only the first story, of
the Doric order, has been preserved. Probably this structure and the
small open space in front were at first used as a market; later, in
the imperial period, shops (D') were built upon the open space, and
the colonnade was made over into closed rooms, the purpose of which,
except in the case of one, is unknown (6, 7, 7). In the last years of
the city, a large market building (D) was erected between this small
place and the Forum. It was connected both with the city treasury and
with a latrina.

       *       *       *       *       *

The temple of Jupiter dominates the Forum, and more than any other
structure gives it character. As we have seen, its orientation accords
with that of the colonnade of Popidius. It probably dates from the
pre-Roman period, the columns being of tufa covered with white stucco.
The earthquake of the year 63 left the temple in ruins, and at the
time of the eruption the work of rebuilding had not yet commenced. In
the meantime, it was used as a workshop for stonecutters. The journal
of the excavations reports the finding here of the torso of a colossal
statue out of which a smaller statue was being carved. A place for the
worship of the divinities of the temple must temporarily have been
provided elsewhere.

  [Illustration: Fig. 18.--Plan of the temple of Jupiter.

     1. Speaker's platform.
     2. Portico.
     3. Cella.]

The temple stands on a podium 10 Roman feet high, and including the
steps, 125 Roman feet long (Fig. 18). Very nearly a half of the whole
length is given to the cella; of the other half, a little more than
two thirds is occupied by the portico, leaving about a third (20 Roman
feet) for the steps. The pediment was sustained by six Corinthian
columns about 28 feet high. This arrangement--a deep portico in front
of the cella--is Etruscan, though the canon of Vitruvius, that in
Etruscan temples the depth of the portico should equal that of the
cella, is violated. The high podium also, with steps in front, is
characteristic of Etruscan, or at least of early Italic religious
architecture. On the other hand, the architectural forms of the
superstructure are Greek, and these in turn have had their influence
upon the plan; the intercolumniations are not wide, as in the Tuscan
style with its wooden architrave, but narrower, as in the Greek
orders. Vitruvius speaks of temples such as this, in which Greek and
Etruscan elements are united, at the end of his directions for the
building of temples; they are a development of Roman architecture.

The arrangement of the steps is peculiar. Above is a series of long
steps reaching nearly across the front (Fig. 19); below are two narrow
flights near the sides, and between them is the projecting front of
the podium, used as a tribune, which has already been mentioned (p.

  [Illustration: Fig. 19.--Ruins of the temple of Jupiter.]

That an altar stood at the middle of this platform is proved by a
relief with a representation of the north side of the Forum, found on
the base of a chapel of the Lares in the house of the wealthy
Pompeian, L. Caecilius Jucundus. At the left we see the arch near the
façade and a strip of wall connecting it with the temple; next a
corner of the platform with an equestrian statue; then a flight of
steps, and the front of the platform with an altar at the middle;
finally the other flight of steps and another equestrian statue in a
position corresponding with that of the first. The columns shown in
the relief do not agree in number or style with those of the façade of
the temple, but such inaccuracies are common in ancient
representations of buildings, and there can be no doubt that the
temple of Jupiter is represented; the relief has, in fact, been used
in making our restoration of the arch at the left (Fig. 13).

Both the portico and the cella no doubt had a coffered ceiling. Just
in front of the doorway, which was fifteen Roman feet wide, are the
large stones with holes for the pivots on which the massive double
doors swung (indicated in Fig. 18); the doors here were not placed in
the doorway, but in front of it, and were besides somewhat larger, so
that the effect was rendered more imposing when they were shut.

The ornamentation of the cella was especially rich. A row of Ionic
columns, about fifteen feet high, stood in front of each of the longer
sides; the entablature above them probably served as a base for a
similar row of Corinthian columns, the entablature of which in turn
supported the ceiling. On the intermediate entablature, between the
columns of the upper series, statues and votive offerings were
doubtless placed. The floor about the sides was covered with white
mosaic, of which scanty remains have been found; the marble pavement
of the centre (inside of the dotted line, Fig. 18) has wholly

  [Illustration: Fig. 20.--Section of the wall decoration in the cella
   of the temple of Jupiter.]

A section of the wall decoration, in the second Pompeian style, is
shown in Fig. 20. We notice here the characteristic elements--imitation
of marble veneering, with large red central panels and a cornice
above. The base with its simple dividing lines upon a black ground was
painted over in the third style; originally it must have been more
suggestive of real construction, with a narrow painted border along
the upper edge.

Against the rear wall of the cella stands a large pedestal, three
times as long as it is broad. It was originally divided by four
pilasters--two at the corners and two on the front between them--into
three parts. Later the pilasters and the entablature over them were
removed, and the whole was covered with marble veneering. Inside were
three small rooms, entered by separate doors from the cella. The
pedestal was thus built for three images; three divinities were
worshipped here, and in the little chambers underneath were perhaps
kept the trappings with which on festal occasions the images were

A head of Jupiter, of which we shall speak later, was found in the
cella, as was also an inscription of the year 37 A.D., containing a
dedication to Jupiter Optimus Maximus, the ruling deity of the Capitol
at Rome. It is thus proved beyond question that the Capitoline Jupiter
was worshipped here; and it will not be difficult to ascertain what
other divinities shared with him the honors of the temple.

As the Roman colonies strove in all things to be Rome in miniature,
each thought it necessary to have a Capitolium--a temple for the
worship of the gods of the Roman Capitol, Jupiter, Juno, and Minerva;
and this naturally became the most important temple in the city. That
the worship of the three divinities was established at Pompeii is
evident from the discovery of three images representing them, in the
little temple conjecturally assigned to Zeus Milichius. These are poor
images of terra cotta, and the temple itself was altogether unworthy
to be a place of worship for the great gods that shaped the destinies
of Rome. We are warranted in the conclusion that the temple of Zeus
Milichius was used temporarily for the worship of the three divinities
of the large temple till the latter could be rebuilt; and that Juno
and Minerva stood on the great pedestal beside the king of the gods.

It seems strange that the Pompeians should have erected a temple to
the gods of the Capitol in the pre-Roman period. It must be
remembered, however, that the worship of the three divinities was by
no means limited to Rome and her colonies. The Etruscans, as Servius
informs us in his commentary on Virgil, thought that a city was not
properly founded unless it contained sanctuaries of Jupiter, Juno, and
Minerva. Vitruvius, also, in his directions for laying out a city,
makes the general statement that the most prominent site should be set
aside for the temples of the same divinities. If we consider further
that the opposition of the Italians to Rome found expression only in
the Social War, and that previously they had looked upon the
attainment of Roman citizenship as the highest object of ambition, the
gradual adoption of Roman customs at Pompeii and the erection of a
temple to the Capitoline divinities are seen to be less remarkable.
The building of such a temple was a natural expression of political
aspirations; it was in complete harmony with the use of Latin in the
inscription of Popidius (p. 50).

There is, however, another possibility that may be stated. The
remodelling of the Forum was certainly commenced in the pre-Roman
period; but it is not impossible that the work was interrupted by the
breaking out of the Social War and that the colonists completed it,
dedicating the temple to the gods of the Capitol. The use of several
brick-shaped blocks of stone,--such blocks are not found in other
buildings of the pre-Roman time,--the lack of any trace of the wall
decoration of the first style, the form of the egg-and-dart moulding
on the capitals of the Ionic columns in the cella, and the
correspondence of certain dimensions with the Roman scale of
measurements may be alleged in favor of this hypothesis. The evidence
at present does not warrant a positive decision against it.

The fact that we have here a Capitolium may explain the special
prominence of the altar in front, which might just as well have been
placed in the area of the Forum at the foot of the steps. In Rome the
Capitol lay upon a summit of a hill; perhaps the aim in this case was
to place not only the temple but also the altar upon an elevation so
that here, as there, the priest should go up to offer sacrifice.

The podium of the temple contains vaulted rooms which can be entered
from the Forum through a narrow door on the east side. Their use is
unknown. We are reminded of the temple of Saturn in the Forum at Rome,
the podium of which served as a treasury, _aerarium_. The vaults,
_favissae_, may have been used as a place of safe keeping for
treasure, or for furniture of the temple, or for discarded votive

       *       *       *       *       *

The beautiful head of Jupiter found in the cella deserves more than a
passing mention. In order to appreciate its character we may view it
in contrast with the Otricoli Zeus, with which it is closely related.
In both heads we feel the lack of that majestic simplicity, that
ineffable and godlike calm, which rested on the features of the Zeus
of Phidias. Here man has much more obviously made God in his own
image; the face shows less of the ideal, with more of human energy and

  [Illustration: Fig. 21.--Bust of Zeus from Otricoli, now in the
   Vatican Museum. After Tafel 130 of the Brunn-Bruckmann Denkmaeler.]

It is not for us to decide whether the Otricoli mask is from the
school of Praxiteles, or shows more of the influence of Lysippus; it
is sufficient here to notice that the type was developed in the second
half of the fourth century B.C., the century after Phidias. The
similarity between these two examples of the type is apparent at first
glance. The shape of the two heads is, in general, the same, and there
is the same profusion of hair and beard, symbolic of power; but the
differences in detail are striking.

In the Otricoli Zeus the peculiar shape of the forehead--prominent in
the middle up to the roots of the hair and retreating at the
sides--seems to suggest, not so much the power of a world-encompassing
and lofty intellect, as absorption in great, unfathomable thoughts. In
the lines of the massive face irresistible force of will is revealed,
and the capability of fierce passion lurks beneath the projecting
lower part of the forehead and uneven eyebrows, threatening like a
thundercloud. But for the moment all is deep repose, and the lids seem
partly closed over eyes that look downwards, as if not concerned with
seeing. The sculptor has conceived of Zeus as the occult power of
nature, alike the origin and law of all things, or as the
personification of the heavens veiled by impenetrable mists.

  [Illustration: Fig. 22.--Bust of Jupiter found at Pompeii. Naples

Great force of will is seen also in the face of the Pompeian god; but
it is will dominated by alert and all-embracing mind. The forehead
expands in a broad arch; the eyes, wide open, look out with full
vision under sharply cut brows. Here we have no secret brooding; a
powerful yet clearly defined and comprehensible personality is stamped
upon features carved in bold, free lines. And this personality is not
lost in mystical self-contemplation; the god is following with closest
attention the course of events in some far distant place, affairs that
in the next moment may require his intervention; excitement and
expectancy are seen in the raised upper lip. The ideal of this artist
was the wise and powerful king, whose watchful and all-protecting eye
sees to the furthest limits of his kingdom. Surely this variation of
the Otricoli type must have been conceived in a monarchical period,
the period when the Greek world was ruled by the successors of

The Pompeian god is more a sovereign; the Zeus of Otricoli is more
poetic, more divine.



The Basilica, at the southwest corner of the Forum, was the most
magnificent and architecturally the most interesting building at
Pompeii. Its construction and decoration point to the pre-Roman time;
and there is also an inscription scratched on the stucco of the wall,
dating from almost the beginning of the Roman colony: _C. Pumidius
Dipilus heic fuit a. d. v. nonas Octobreis M. Lepid. Q. Catul.
cos._,--'C. Pumidius Dipilus was here on the fifth day before the
nones of October in the consulship of Marcus Lepidus and Quintus
Catulus,' that is October 3, 78 B.C.

The purpose of the building is clearly indicated not only by its plan
and the details of its arrangement but also by the word _Bassilica_
scratched a number of times by idlers on the stucco of the outer wall
at the right of the south entrance. This sure identification lends to
the edifice a special significance; it is without doubt the oldest
example that we have of an important architectural type whose origin
is lost in obscurity, but of which the derivative forms may still be
recognized in the architecture of to-day. What the temple developed by
the Greeks was to pagan antiquity, that the basilica became to the
Christian Church--a type dominating a system of religious
architecture. Pagan worship was individual,--a narrow chamber sufficed
for the image of the god and the requirements of religious service;
but Christian worship was social, and its functions demanded a larger
room, in which a congregation could be assembled. The religious
architecture of the Church therefore broke with the religious
architecture of pagan antiquity, and turned for its model to the

Our knowledge of the history of the basilica begins with the erection
of the Basilica Porcia in Rome by Cato the Elder, in 184 B.C.; other
basilicas followed, and in Caesar's day a number stood about the
Forum. Regarding its development prior to the time of Cato only
conjectures can be offered. The name _basilica_ (_basilike stoa_, 'the
royal hall') points to a Greek origin; we should naturally look for
the prototype of the Roman as well as the Pompeian structure in the
capitals of the Alexandrian period and in the Greek colonies of Italy.
But no ruin, no reference in literature comes to our aid. The
supposition that the King's Hall (_basileios stoa_) in Athens, the
official residence of the King Archon, was the prototype of all
basilicas, has little to support it; our information in regard to the
form of this building is quite inadequate, and the name alone warrants
no positive conclusion. It is more probable that both the name and the
architectural type came from the 'royal hall' of one of the successors
of Alexander.

A basilica was a spacious hall which served as an extension of a
market place, and was itself in a certain sense a covered market. It
was not limited to a specific purpose; in general, whatever took place
on the market square might take place in the basilica, the roof of
which afforded protection against the weather. It was chiefly devoted,
however, to business transactions and to the administration of
justice. The form is known partly from the remains of the basilicas in
Rome--Basilica Julia, Basilica Ulpia, the Basilica of Constantine--and
in Africa, but more fully from the treatise of Vitruvius and the
description of a basilica which he himself erected at Fano.

  [Illustration: Fig. 23.--Plan of the Basilica.

     _a._ Entrance court.
     1. Corridor.
     2. Main room.
     3. Tribunal.
     4. Rooms at the ends of the tribunal.]

According to these sources the plan of a typical basilica is
essentially that of the building before us (Fig. 23). An oblong space
is divided by columns into a broad central hall and a corridor which
runs around the four sides. The height of the columns, in the typical
basilica, is equal to the width of the corridor, which is covered by a
flat roof; the inner edge of this roof is carried by the entablature
above the columns. The main room is higher than the corridor. Above
the entablature is a low wall on which there is a second row of
columns; these carry the main roof and form a clerestory, the light
being admitted through the intercolumniations.

The main hall and the corridor were devoted to trade; the dealers
perhaps occupied the former, while in the latter the throng of
purchasers and idlers moved freely about. The place set aside for the
administration of justice, the tribunal, was ordinarily an apse
projecting from the rear end. In our Basilica, however,--and in some
others as well,--it was a small oblong elevated room back of the
central hall, toward which it opened in its whole length.

This ideal plan would answer very well for that of the early Christian
basilicas, excepting in one respect; instead of a corridor on all four
sides they have only aisles parallel with the nave, an arrangement
which had already been adopted in some basilicas designed for markets.
The Christian basilicas would give us a still truer idea of the
arrangement and lighting of the pagan prototype if in most cases a
part of the numerous windows had not been walled up, thus producing a
dimness in keeping with a religious but not a secular edifice.

In pagan structures the ideal plan was by no means strictly followed.
Vitruvius himself at Fano, and the architects of other basilicas the
remains of which have been discovered, did not hesitate to depart from
it. So the Basilica at Pompeii, as we shall see, presents a
modification of the general plan in an important particular, the
admission of light; and this deviation was carried out with finer
artistic feeling than was displayed by Vitruvius in his building.

Our Basilica is undoubtedly of later date than the Basilica Porcia,
but the Pompeians, who at the time when it was built were pupils of
the Greeks in matters of art, found their model not in Rome but in a
Greek city, perhaps Naples.

Five entrances, separated by tufa pillars, lead from the colonnade of
the Forum into the east end of the basilica. First comes a narrow
entrance court (_a_), extending across the entire building and open to
the sky. On the walls, as also on the outside of the building, are
remains of a simple stucco decoration; below, a yellow base with a
projecting red border along the upper edge; above, a plain white
surface. At the left outside the entrance court is a cistern for rain
water collected from the roof; the stairway close by (shown on the
plan) had nothing to do with the Basilica, but was connected with the
upper gallery of the colonnade about the Forum.

  [Illustration: Fig. 24.--View of the Basilica, looking toward the

Mounting four steps of basalt we pass from the narrow court into the
building. The five entrances here are separated by four columns. Those
next to the two sides on the right and on the left were closed by a
wall in which was a wide doorway; the three at the middle were left as
open intercolumniations. The enclosed space before us measures 180⅓
English feet (200 Oscan feet) in length, 78Ÿ feet in breadth.
Twenty-eight massive brick columns, 4 Oscan feet in diameter, separate
the great central hall from the broad corridor running about it; only
the lower part of the columns, built of small bricks evidently made
specially for this purpose, is preserved (Fig. 24). Attached
half-columns, with a diameter a little more than three fourths that of
the others, project from the walls; the wall decoration, which
imitates in stucco a veneering of colored marbles, is of the first
style (p. 41). The columns of the entrance and those at the rear have
the same diameter as the half-columns; part of the Ionic capitals
belonging to them have been found, but the capitals of the large
columns have wholly disappeared.

There are only scanty remains of the floor, which consisted of bits of
brick and tile mixed with fine mortar and pounded down (_opus
Signinum_); it extended in a single level over the whole enclosed
space, and from this level our estimates of height are reckoned. On
three sides of the main hall near the base of the columns under the
floor is a square water channel, indicated on our plan; eight
rectangular basins lie along its course, but the purpose of it is not
clear. The tribunal projects from the rear wall, its floor being six
Oscan feet above that of the rest of the building.

The large columns about the main hall, with a diameter of more than 3œ
feet, must have been at least 32 or 33 feet high; the attached
half-columns with the columns at the entrance and at the rear,
including the Ionic capitals, were probably not more than 20 feet
high. But assuming that the roof of the corridor was flat, the walls
must have been as high as the entablature of the large columns, and so
must have extended above the entablature of the half-columns;
considerable portions of this upper division of the walls remain.

Along the walls on the ground are to be seen a number of capitals,
fragments of shafts and bases belonging to a series of smaller columns
with a diameter of 1.74 feet, all found in the course of the
excavations. They are of tufa, coated with white stucco; they can
belong only here, and by the study of their forms--columns,
half-columns, and peculiarly shaped three-quarter-columns--the upper
division of the walls can be restored with some degree of certainty.
Not to go into technical details, in the upper part of the side walls
a section of wall containing a window alternated with a short series
of columns in which the columns, for the sake of greater solidity,
were set twice as close as the half-columns in the lower division of
the wall, the intercolumniations being left entirely open (Fig. 25);
over the entrances at the front the wall was continuous but was
divided into sections by half-columns corresponding with the columns
below, a window being placed between every two half-columns in order
to conceal the difference in width between the sections of wall at the
front and those at the sides. The arrangement was similar at the rear,
on either side of the tribunal, as may be seen from the section (Fig.

  [Illustration: Fig. 25.--Exterior of the Basilica, restored.]

With this restoration of the outer walls completed we are able to form
a clear idea of the appearance of the main hall. Whether or not the
rafters could be seen from below is uncertain, but the probability is
that, as assumed in our restoration (Fig. 26), they were hidden by a
coffered ceiling. The simple and beautiful interior abounded in fine
spatial effects. The corridor and main room were almost as high as the
main room was wide, that is between 35 and 40 feet. The light
streaming in through the openings in the upper portion of the walls
was evenly distributed throughout the hall; we may assume that when
the sun became too hot on the south side it could be shut out by

In our Basilica, then, we notice a wide divergence from the ideal or
normal plan. Instead of a clerestory above the main hall a
proportionally greater height is given to the corridor. The normal
height of a basilica corridor is represented by the lower division of
the walls with the attached half-columns and their entablature; this,
however, is here treated simply as a lower member, and upon it, rather
than upon the entablature of the columns about the main hall, was
placed an upper division of wall admitting light and air through
intercolumniations and windows.

  [Illustration: Fig. 26.--Interior of the Basilica, looking toward the
   tribunal, restored.]

The tribunal at the rear is the most prominent and architecturally the
most effective portion of the building. The base is treated in a bold,
simple manner; upon it, at the front, stands a row of columns the
lower portions of which show traces of latticework. The decoration of
the walls, like that of the rest of the interior, imitates a veneering
of colored marbles. The shape and comparatively narrow dimensions of
the elevated room indicate that we have here a tribunal in the strict
sense, a raised platform for the judge and his assistants; in the
basilicas provided with apses the latter were large enough to make
room both for the judicial body and for the litigants. Here the
litigants stood on the floor in front of the tribunal, and when court
was in session the general public must have been excluded from this
part of the corridor. The arrangement in this respect was far from
convenient, but seemingly convenience was sacrificed to aesthetic
considerations; the builders wished to treat the projecting front of
the tribunal as an ornament to the building.

  [Illustration: Fig. 27.--Front of the tribunal--plan and elevation.]

Under the tribunal was a vaulted chamber half below the level of the
ground; two round holes, indicated on the plan, opened into it from
above. It could hardly have been designed as a place for the
confinement of prisoners; escape would have been easy by means of two
windows in the rear, especially when help was rendered from the
outside. More likely it was used, in connection with the business of
the court, as a storeroom, in which writing materials and the like, or
even documents, might be kept; they could easily have been passed up
through the holes when needed. The second story of the tribunal was
not as completely open to the main hall as the first. Its front, the
remains of which have for the most part been recovered, was divided
off by half-columns corresponding in number and arrangement with the
columns of the first story, but each half-column was flanked by narrow
pilasters, while a parapet of moderate height occupied the intervening
spaces. It was built apparently with a view to architectural effect
rather than practical use (Fig. 27).

At the right and the left of the tribunal are places for stairways.
Each of these contains a landing on the same level with the floor of
the tribunal, from which it was cut off by a door; the steps
connecting with these landings, being of wood, have disappeared. In
both stair rooms, however, flights of stone steps lead down to the
vaulted chamber below, so that this could not have been accessible if
there were wooden steps on both sides connecting the tribunal with the
floor of the Basilica. Probably on one side the wooden steps led from
the tribunal down to the floor, but on the other ascended from the
corresponding landing to the second story, thus leaving the stairway
to the lower room unobstructed on that side. At some later time the
door at the left between the tribunal and the landing was walled up,
perhaps because the gallery was no longer used; if still in use it
could to all appearances have been reached only by a ladder.

The two open rooms at the rear on either side of the tribunal agree in
their decoration with the entrance court except that the base with its
border is higher, and the white surface above is moulded in stucco so
as to give the appearance of slabs of white marble. They were no
higher than the first division of the wall; the windows seen in Fig.
27 above the broad entrances opened into the outer air. Perhaps they
were used as waiting rooms for litigants.

Opposite the north entrance between two columns stood a curb like
those over the mouths of cisterns; only the foundation stone with a
circular opening is preserved. The remains of a lead pipe, which
brought the water to it, show that it must have been connected with an
aqueduct. At the further end of the main hall was an equestrian statue
of which no trace has been found.

The arrangement of the roof is a problem of much difficulty. Without
wearying the reader by presenting various possibilities, it will be
sufficient for our purposes to suggest the explanation which, on the
whole, has the most in its favor. As assumed in our restoration, the
roof of the main hall was carried by the entablature of the
twenty-eight large columns. Thus in general the arrangement
corresponded fairly well with that of other basilicas except that,
owing to the lack of a clerestory, the roof of the main hall was not
much if any higher than that of the corridor. From the flat roof of
the corridor, at least on the south side, the rain water flowed into
the cistern near the front part of the building.

The five entrances opening from the Forum into the narrow court could
be closed by latticed doors. Similar doors hung also on the wooden
jambs of the north and south entrances. With such doors a complete
safeguarding could not have been contemplated. Tradespeople using the
Basilica must either have removed their wares at the close of business
hours or have made the stalls sufficiently secure for protection. We
can hardly doubt that ordinarily a night watchman was on duty about
the building.



In some respects the study of the large temple on the west side of the
Forum is especially satisfactory. The building had been completely
restored after the earthquake of 63, and was in good order at the time
of its destruction. Though ancient excavators removed many objects of
value, including the statue of the divinity of the temple, much was
left undisturbed, as the interesting series of statues in the court;
in addition, a number of inscriptions have been recovered. On the
whole, more complete information is at hand regarding this sanctuary
than in reference to any other in Pompeii.

  [Illustration: Fig. 28.--Corner of mosaic floor, cella of the temple
   of Apollo.]

The identification of this as the temple of Apollo is certain. The
accompanying illustration shows a corner of the floor laid over the
greater part of the cella (3 on the plan); the parts along the inner
walls were of white mosaic. This floor was composed of small,
lozenge-shaped pieces of green and white marble and slate; of the two
narrow stripes between the lozenge pattern and the bright mosaic fret
along the border one is of slate, the other of red marble. In the
slate stripe was an inscription. The letters were outlined by means of
small holes filled with metal, every seven holes forming a vertical
line, every four a horizontal. The inscription, which was in Oscan,
stated that the quaestor O[ppius] Camp[anius], by order of the council
and with money belonging to Apollo, had caused something to be
made;[3] what this was cannot be determined, as the important word is
missing, but apparently it was the floor. In the cella, moreover,
stands a block of tufa, having the shape of half an egg; this is the
Omphalos, the familiar symbol of Apollo. In the court on the first
pilaster at the right as you enter a tripod is painted, too large for
mere decoration, and explicable only as a symbol of the god. Lastly,
in the design of the stucco ornamentation with which the entablature
of the peristyle was adorned after the earthquake, the principal
figures are griffins. The griffin was sacred to Apollo, and though it
was often used as a purely decorative theme, in this case a reference
to the divinity of the temple is unmistakable (Fig. 31).

  [Illustration: Fig. 29.--Plan of the temple of Apollo.

     1. Colonnade.
     2. Podium.
     3. Cella.
     4. Altar.
     5. Sundial.
     6. Sacristan's room.]

As previously stated (p. 49), the deviation of the axis of this
building from that of the Forum is undoubtedly due to the fact that it
followed the direction of a street which bordered it on the east side
before the colonnade of Popidius was built; this is therefore an
evidence of the antiquity of the temple. The style of architecture,
however, is in no essential particular different from that of the
colonnade and of other buildings of the Tufa Period, and gives no
indication of great age. The most probable explanation is that the
temple was rebuilt in the Tufa Period on the site of an earlier
structure, the orientation of which was preserved. The difference in
direction is concealed by the increasing thickness, from south to
north, of the pillars between the Forum and the court of the temple.
The spaces between the pillars were originally left open. Later, at
what time it is impossible to determine, they were all walled up
except the three opposite the side of the temple; since the temple was
excavated these also have been closed. In comparison with the
entrances from the Forum, at first ten in number, the one on the
south side, opening on the street leading from the Porta Marina, must
have been considered unimportant. Otherwise pains would have been
taken to give to the colonnade on that side an even number of columns,
so that the door of the temple should face an intercolumniation; as it
is the number is uneven and the entrance to the court had to be put a
little to one side that it might not open upon a column.

The court is of oblong shape. The continuous colonnade about the
sides, the peristyle, was originally in two stories. At the rear of
the peristyle on the north side stood the small colonnade of the Doric
order already mentioned (p. 62); one of the rooms into which in later
times this was divided (6) was connected with the court of the temple,
and was probably occupied by the sacristan (_aedituus_).

The temple stood upon a high podium, in front of which is a broad
flight of steps. The small cella was evidently intended for but one
statue. The columns at the sides of the deep portico, which in other
respects follows the Etruscan plan (p. 63), are continued in a
colonnade which is carried completely around the cella.

In Plate II and Fig. 30 we give a view of the ruins as they are
to-day; in Fig. 32 a view of the temple as it appeared before the
earthquake of 63. The height and diameter of the Corinthian columns
seen in the restoration can be calculated with approximate
correctness; of the entablature and parts above nothing has been found
except a large waterspout of terra cotta in the form of a lion's head.

The colonnade about the court was built of tufa, and coated with white
stucco. It presents an odd mixture of styles, of which other examples
also are found at Pompeii; a Doric entablature with triglyphs was
placed upon Ionic columns having the four-sided capital known as Roman
Ionic. Here, as in the earlier colonnade about the Forum, the stone
blocks of the entablature were set upon beams; and in the blocks now
in place we may see the sockets made to receive the ends of the joists
of the second story floor. Evidently with the purpose of supporting
this second story, which was probably of the Corinthian order, the
Ionic columns below were made relatively short. No remains of an
upper gallery, however, have been found; and it is quite possible that
when the colonnade was restored, after the earthquake, the second
story was omitted. The upper floor could be reached from the second
story of the small colonnade north of the court, which was accessible
by means of a stairway leading from the Forum.

  [Illustration: Fig. 30.--View of the temple of Apollo, looking toward
   Vesuvius. At the left of the steps, the column on which was the
   sundial; in front of the steps, the altar.]

When the restoration of the temple and its colonnade was undertaken,
the feeling for the pure and simple forms of the Greek architecture
was no longer present; the prevailing taste demanded gay and fantastic
designs, with the use of brilliant colors. The Pompeians improved the
opportunity afforded by the rebuilding to make the temple and its
colonnade conform to the taste of the times.

First the projecting portions of the Ionic and Corinthian capitals
were cut off; then shaft and capital alike were covered with a thick
layer of stucco. New capitals were moulded in the stucco, of a shape
in general resembling the Corinthian, and were painted in red, blue,
and yellow; the lower part of the shaft, unfluted, was also painted
yellow. The entablature, at least in the case of the colonnade, was in
like manner covered with stucco and ornamented with reliefs in the
same colors. All this gaudy stucco has now fallen off; and our
illustration (Fig. 31) is taken from Mazois, who made the drawing soon
after the court was excavated. The later capitals and stucco
ornamentation of the temple itself had wholly disappeared before the
excavations were made.

  [Illustration: Fig. 31.--Section of the entablature of the temple of
   Apollo, showing the original form and the restoration after the

The wall decoration of both the temple and the colonnade was
originally in the first style; a remnant of it may still be seen in
the cella. After 63 it was modernized. The walls of the temple both
within and without were done over in stucco, so as to resemble ashlar
work of white marble; apparently it was the intention to give the
appearance of real marble. The walls of the colonnade were painted in
the latest Pompeian style, in bright colors, on a white ground. The
decorative designs, to judge from the remains and from sketches, were
not of special interest. There was a series of pictures representing
scenes from the Trojan War,--the quarrel between Achilles and
Agamemnon, the embassy of the Greeks to Achilles, the battle between
Achilles and Hector (the subject of this, however, is doubtful), the
dragging of Hector's body about the walls of Troy, Priam making
entreaty for the body of Hector, and the rape of the Palladium,--but
they have long since perished and are known only from unsatisfactory

Long before this modernizing of the temple the west side of the court
had undergone a complete transformation. The peculiar bend in the
street at the northwest corner (shown in Plan II), the diagonal line
with which the small colonnade north of the court ends, and the
narrow, quite inaccessible space between the west wall of the court
and the houses lying near it, cannot easily be explained as a part of
an original plan, but must rather be the result of later changes. The
north and south street which now ends abruptly at the northwest corner
must originally have been continued through the west colonnade, the
ends of which were left open; this colonnade was then a public
thoroughfare, on which the windows of houses opened, and perhaps also

We learn from an inscription that about the year 10 B.C. the city
purchased from the residents whose property adjoined the colonnade,
for the sum of 3000 sesterces (about $155), the right to build a wall
in front of their windows; this explains how the narrow space between
the wall on the north side of the court and the houses came to be cut
off. The inscription reads: _M. Holconius Rufus d[uum] v[ir] i[uri]
d[icundo] tert[ium], C. Egnatius Postumus d. v. i. d. iter[um] ex
d[ecurionum] d[ecreto] ius luminum opstruendorum [=HS] ∞ ∞ ∞
redemerunt, parietemque privatum Col[oniae] Ven[eriae] Cor[neliae]
usque ad tegulas faciundum coerarunt_,--'Marcus Holconius Rufus,
duumvir with judiciary authority for the third time, and Gaius
Egnatius Postumus, duumvir with judiciary authority for the second
time, in accordance with a decree of the city council purchased for
3000 sesterces the right to shut off light (from adjoining buildings)
and caused to be constructed a wall belonging to the colony of Pompeii
to the height of the tiles,' that is, as high as the roofs of the

The wall referred to was no doubt that on the west side of the court
of the temple; when it was built the ends of the colonnade on that
side must have been closed, so that this ceased to be a thoroughfare.
Marcus Holconius was duumvir for the fourth time in the year 3-2
B.C.; as an interval of at least five years must intervene between two
duumvirates, his third duumvirate must have been not far from 10 B.C.

The pedestal in the cella, on which the statue of Apollo stood, still
remains, but no trace of the statue itself has been found.

  [Illustration: Fig. 32.--Temple of Apollo, restored.]

Near the foot of the steps in front is a large altar of travertine,
having the same inscription on both sides: _M. Porcius M. f., L.
Sextilius L. f., Cn. Cornelius Cn. f., A. Cornelius A. f. IIII vir[i]
d[e] d[ecurionum] s[ententia] f[aciundum] locar[unt]_,--'Marcus
Porcius the son of Marcus, Lucius Sextilius the son of Lucius, Gnaeus
Cornelius the son of Gnaeus, and Aulus Cornelius the son of Aulus, the
Board of Four, in accordance with the vote of the city council let the
contract (for building this altar).' The names of the four officials
who erected the altar, the two duumvirs and two aediles (for the title
see p. 12), appear without surnames; this points to a relatively early
time, at the latest the age of Augustus.

At the left of the steps is an Ionic column with the inscription: _L.
Sepunius L. f. Sandilianus, M. Herennius A. f. Epidianus duovir[i]
i[uri] d[icundo] d[e] s[ua] p[ecunia] f[aciundum] c[urarunt]_,--'Lucius
Sepunius Sandilianus the son of Lucius, and Marcus Herennius Epidianus
the son of Aulus, duumvirs with judiciary authority, caused (this) to
be erected at their own expense.' Old sketches, made soon after the
court was excavated, represent the column with a sundial on the top.
The probability that a sundial belonging to the column was actually
found is increased by the fact that these same men placed one on the
circular bench in the Forum Triangulare. Here, in front of the temple
of the Sun-god, such a dial would certainly have been in place. At the
right of the steps are some blocks of lava containing holes, in which,
undoubtedly, the supports of a votive offering were once set, but the
holes give no clew to the size or character of the offering.

Other divinities besides Apollo were honored in this sanctuary, which
in the earlier time was evidently the most important in the city;
statues and altars for their worship were placed in the court. The
pedestals of the statues still remain where they were originally
placed, on the step in front of the stylobate of the colonnade; the
statues themselves, with one exception, have been taken to Naples.
There were in all six of them, grouped in three related pairs. In
front of the third column at the left of the entrance, stood Venus, at
the right was a hermaphrodite--both marble figures of about one half
life size. They belong to the pre-Roman period and were originally of
good workmanship, but even in antiquity they had been repeatedly
restored and worked over. As a work of art, the hermaphrodite is the
more important.

An altar stands before the statue of Venus. In pre-Roman times this
may have been the only shrine in the city at which worship was offered
to Herentas; for by that name the goddess of love was known in the
native speech. Venus as goddess of the Roman colony (Fig. 4), was
represented in an altogether different guise, and had a special place
of worship elsewhere (see pp. 124-129).

Though the statues of Venus and of the hermaphrodite here form a pair,
both artistically and in respect to arrangement, the latter belongs
not to the cycle of Venus but to that of Bacchus; and in order to make
this the more evident, the ears of a satyr were given to the figure.
We may, perhaps, infer that the god of wine also was worshipped in
this sanctuary. In the sacristan's room (6 on the plan) we find a
painting in which Bacchus is represented as leaning upon Silenus who
is playing the lyre, meanwhile allowing the panther to drink out of
his cup. This seems strange enough in a temple of Apollo; still it
cannot be considered conclusive evidence that Bacchus actually
received worship here. Without doubt the Wine-god was honored in
Pompeii, the region about which was rich in vines. He appears
countless times in wall paintings, but no shrine dedicated to him has
yet been found.

On the right side of the court, in front of the third column, was a
statue of Apollo; on the left directly opposite stood Artemis, both
life size figures in bronze. An altar stood before the statue of
Artemis; the altar of Apollo was before the temple. Both statues were
armed with the bow, and it is evident that they were not designed to
stand facing each other, but side by side, or one behind the other;
both may originally have belonged to a Niobe group. As works of art,
they are not of high merit. We recognize a certain elegance and nicety
of finish, but these qualities cannot compensate for superficiality in
the treatment of the figure, want of expression in the faces, and lack
of energy in the movement. We have no other evidence of the worship of
Artemis in Pompeii.

Further on, in front of the fifth column on either side, was a marble
herm. That on the right is still in place and is seen in Plate II. It
is of fine workmanship, and clearly belongs to the pre-Roman period;
it represents Hermes, or Mercury. The god appears as a youth standing
with his mantle drawn over the back of his head; the face, with a
placid, serious, mild expression, is inclined a little forward. In
this form Mercury was honored as the presiding divinity of the
palaestra, the god of gymnastic exercises; we shall find him in the
same guise later in the court of the Stabian Baths (p. 200). How this
type of Hermes came to be chosen for the place of honor in athletic
courts is by no means clear; it was certainly designed originally to
represent him as a god of death, the Psychopompus, conductor of souls
to the Underworld. The worship of Mercury here as a god of gymnastic
exercises would not be in harmony with the surroundings; we should
rather believe that the Pompeians, having placed him in such close
relation with Apollo, god of the death-dealing shaft, and the earth
goddess, Maia, associated more serious ideas with his image.


The herm on the opposite side of the court probably represented Maia.
No trace of it has been found; the female herm in the Naples Museum
formerly assigned to this place is now known to have been brought from
Rome. In Greek mythology, the mother of Hermes was Maia, the daughter
of Atlas; and this relationship, by a common confusion, was
transferred to the Italian Maia, who was originally goddess of the
spring, and gave her name to the month of May. The assignment of the
herm opposite Mercury to Maia is based upon a number of inscriptions
which establish the existence of a cult of Mercury and Maia in
Pompeii. From the same source we learn that with the worship of these
two that of Augustus was intimately associated; there are few better
illustrations of the development of emperor worship in the Early

These inscriptions were found in different places, none of them in
their original location. They are dedications once attached to votive
offerings, of which one was set up each year by a college of priests,
consisting of slaves and freedmen, under the general direction of the
city authorities. The official title of this college at first,
certainly to 14 B.C., was _Ministri Mercurii Maiae_, 'Servants of
Mercury and Maia'; the word _minister_ indicates a low order of
priesthood. The worship of the emperor was then added, and the priests
were called 'Servants of Augustus, Mercury, and Maia.' Still later, at
least as early as 2 B.C., the names of the two divinities were
dropped, and the priests were designated simply as 'Servants of

The extant inscriptions of this series come down to the year 40 A.D.
As an example, we give that of 2 B.C., in which the _ministri Augusti_
first appear: _N. Veius Phylax, N. Popidius Moschus, T. Mescinius
Amphio, Primus Arrunti M. s., min. Aug., ex d. d. iussu M. Holconii
Rufi IV, A. Clodi Flacci III d. v. i. d., P. Caeseti Postumi, N.
Tintiri Rufi d. v. v. a. s. p. p. Imp. Caesare XIII, M. Plautio
Silvano cos_,--'Numerius Veius Phylax, Numerius Popidius Moschus,
Titus Mescinius Amphio and Primus the slave of Marcus Arruntius,
Servants of Augustus (set this up), in accordance with a decree of the
city council, on the order of Marcus Holconius Rufus, duumvir with
judiciary authority for the fourth time, Aulus Clodius Flaccus,
duumvir for the third time, and of Publius Caesetius Postumus and
Numerius Tintirius Rufus, duumvirs in charge of the streets,
buildings, and public religious festivals (the official title of the
aediles, p. 13) in the thirteenth consulship of the Emperor Caesar
(Augustus), the other consul being Marcus Plautius Silvanus.'

It is not difficult to understand how the worship of Augustus came to
have a place in this sanctuary. The divinities here honored stood in
close relation to him. Apollo was his tutelary divinity, to whom he
thought that he owed the victory at Actium, and in whose honor he
built the magnificent temple on the Palatine. Venus, moreover, was
revered as the ancestress of the Julian family; and finally Mercury
was said to be incarnate in Augustus himself.

This last conception found expression in one of the finest of the odes
of Horace, written in 28 B.C. Fearful portents, the poet says, are
threatening Rome; Jupiter with flaming right hand has even struck his
own temple on the Capitoline. To what god shall we turn for help--to
Apollo, to Venus, or to Mars? or rather to thee, winged god, Maia's
son, that even now doest walk the earth in the form of a youth, the
avenger of Caesar:--

     Sive mutata iuvenem figura
     Ales in terris imitaris almae
     Filius Maiae, patiens vocari
             Caesaris ultor.

It is interesting to note that evidence of the worship of Augustus as
Mercury has come to light also in Egypt. In an inscription from
Denderah we find _HelmĂźs Kaisar_, 'beloved of Ptah and of Isis';
HelmĂźs Kaisar is apparently 'Hermes Caesar,' and in Egyptian
inscriptions Augustus is elsewhere referred to as 'the beloved of Ptah
and of Isis.'


[3] O · KAMP[aniÏs ... kva]ISSTUR · KOMBENNI[eÏs tanginud] ·



The large building at the northwest corner of the Forum (Fig. 33, 1,
2, 3) was erected after the earthquake of the year 63. We do not know
whether at the time of the eruption it had yet been roofed; the inside
at least was in an unfinished state.

  [Illustration: Fig. 33.--Plan of the buildings at the northwest corner
   of the Forum.

     1. City treasury.
     2. Latrina.
     3, 4. Market buildings.]

This building is divided into three parts, one of which, that furthest
north, at the corner, contains both lower and upper rooms. Below, at
the level of the Forum, are two dark vaulted chambers, one at the rear
of the other. The front chamber is dimly lighted by a slit in the
ceiling and was entered from the Forum by a narrow door; there are
traces of a strong iron grating in the doorway. It has been supposed,
not without probability, that these were the vaults of the city
treasury, the aerarium; if they had been built for prison cells, they
would naturally have had separate entrances.

Above these chambers are two rooms which open not on the Forum, but on
the street that runs past them on the north (1, 1). They resemble
shops and would be classed as such without further question but for
the fact that the level of the floor is nearly five feet above the
sidewalk, so that they could have been reached only by means of steps.
If the identification of the chambers below as the vaults of the city
treasury is correct, these rooms must have been occupied by the
treasury officials, who could here transact business with the public
without admitting the latter to their offices.

The middle room (2) was a public closet, with a small anteroom. As the
doors to and from the anteroom were not placed opposite each other,
the interior was not visible from the street. The room was not
entirely finished; nevertheless, we can see the water channel running
along three sides, and above it the stones on which the woodwork was
to be placed; the inlet pipe was in position, as well as the outlet
for carrying the water off into a sewer at the rear.

The last of the three parts of the building (3) is by far the largest.
It was a high and spacious hall, with numerous entrances from the
Forum. It was divided into two rooms by two short sections of wall
projecting from the sides, and was evidently a market house, perhaps
for vegetables and farm products.

The rooms formed by enclosing the small colonnade at the rear of the
court of Apollo have already been mentioned (p. 62). At the left of
the stairway leading to the second story (shown in Plan II) is a small
room which opens in its entire breadth upon the Forum (11). Close by
is a recess (10), also open toward the Forum, in the side of the first
of the thick pillars which separate the Forum from the court of the

In this recess stood the table of standard measures, _mensa
ponderaria_ (Fig. 34), which is now in the Naples Museum,
unfortunately not entire; a part of it has disappeared. The part
remaining consists of a large slab of limestone (a little over 8 feet
long and 1.8, or 2 Oscan feet, wide), in which are nine bowl-shaped
cavities with holes at the bottom through which the contents could be
drawn off; this slab rested on two stone supports, and similar
supports above it carried another slab, which is now lost, with three
cavities. The table thus contained twelve standards of capacity for
liquid and dry measure, but only ten are shown in the illustration, as
two are too far back.

It is evident that the table has come down from the pre-Roman period.
The names of the measures were originally written in Oscan, beside the
five largest cavities, and though the letters were later erased, they
are still in part legible. Only one word, however, can be made out
with certainty, beside the next to the smallest cavity; that is
_Kuiniks_, plainly the same as the Greek _Choinix_. We naturally infer
that in the pre-Roman time the Pompeians used Greek measures.

  [Illustration: Fig. 34.--Table of standard measures, _mensa

In the time of Augustus, about 20 B.C., the cavities were enlarged and
made to conform to the Roman standard, but the new names were not put
beside them. The inscription on the front of the larger slab has
reference to these changes: 'Aulus Clodius Flaccus, the son of Aulus,
and Numerius Arcaeus Arellianus Caledus, the son of Numerius, duumvirs
with judiciary authority, in accordance with a decree of the city
council, caused the measures to be made equal' to the Roman measures.

A similar adjustment of measures to the Roman standard is indicated by
the use of the phrase _metra exaequare_ on a table found at Minturnae.
The adoption of a uniform standard was made a subject of imperial
regulation by Augustus, who, by this means, sought to promote the
unification of the Empire. Similar tables of measures have been found
in various parts of the Roman world, as at Selinunto in Sicily, in the
Greek islands, and at Bregenz on the Lake of Constance.

It is probable that an official charged with the oversight of the
measures had his office in the small room next to the stairway (11).



The large building at the northeast corner of the Forum was a
provision market, of the sort called _Macellum_. The name Pantheon,
once applied to it, is now abandoned, and there is no longer the
slightest doubt regarding its purpose, which is indicated by its
general plan, the remains found in the course of the excavations, and
the paintings upon the walls.

Such markets, where provisions, especially of the finer and more
expensive kinds, were sold and in which a cook also might be secured,
without doubt existed in the Greek cities after the time of Alexander;
from the Greeks, as in the case of the basilica, the Romans took both
the name and the architectural type.

  [Illustration: Fig. 35.--Plan of the Macellum.

     1. Portico.
     2. Colonnade.
     3, 3, 3. Rows of market stalls.
     4. Market room for meat and fish.
     5. Chapel.
     6. Banquet room.
     7. Tholus.
     8. Pen.]

The first macellum in Rome was built in 179 B.C. in connection with
the enlargement of a fish market. In later times, as we learn from
inscriptions, others were constructed in Rome and in various cities of
Italy and the provinces.

A macellum built by Nero is shown on one of the coins of this emperor.
It agrees in essential points with our building, having stalls or
shops of more than one story in height, and at the middle of the court
a structure with a dome-like roof. The central structure, the
_tholus_, is mentioned by Varro as an essential part of a macellum,
but its use is known to us only from the remains found at Pompeii.

The plan of our building is simple. A court in the shape of a
rectangle, slightly longer than it is broad, is surrounded by a deep
colonnade on the four sides. In the middle twelve bases, arranged so
as to form a dodecagon, supported an equal number of columns on which
a roof rested; underneath was a rectangular basin in the pavement,
from which a covered drain led toward the southeast corner. Under this
roof the fish that had been sold were scaled, the scales being thrown
into the basin, where they were found in great quantity. Behind the
colonnade on the south side, and opening into it, was a row of market
stalls or small shops (3 on the plan). Above these were upper rooms,
in front of which was a wooden gallery, but there was no stairway, and
apparently the shopkeeper who wished to use his second story had to
provide himself with a ladder.

  [Illustration: Fig. 36.--View of the Macellum.

   In the foreground, part of the stylobate. In the middle ground,
   remains of the tholus. In the background, at the middle, walls and
   pedestal of the imperial chapel; at the right, market room; at the
   left, banquet room.]

There were shops also on the north side, but they opened upon the
street bounding the Macellum on the north; a southern exposure for
the shop fronts seems to have been avoided on account of the damage
that the heat in summer might cause to the stock. In the shops on this
street--whether in those belonging to the building or those on the
opposite side is not stated--the excavators found charred figs,
chestnuts, plums, grapes, fruit in glass vessels, lentils, grain,
loaves of bread, and cakes. A few shops behind the portico in front
faced toward the Forum.

A large market room (4) opened on the colonnade at the southeast
corner, the entrance being divided by two columns. Along three sides
runs a counter for meat and fish, the surface of which slopes toward
the middle of the room. That fish were sold on the left side is plain
from the special arrangement made to carry off the water; the floor
behind the counter here was raised and sloped toward the rear, where a
gutter connecting with it, and passing across the room, led under the
counter on the south side into the street.

In the little room or pen at the northeast corner of the colonnade (8)
remains of skeletons of sheep were found. Such animals, then, were
sold here alive; instead of buying the flesh of slaughtered animals,
many purchasers no doubt preferred to obtain a victim which could be
sacrificed as an offering to the household gods before it was used for

The paintings on the walls of the colonnade are among the best
examples of the latest Pompeian style. Above the base are large black
panels with a broad red border; between them, in the vertical spaces
separating the border of one panel from that of the next, are light
and fantastic architectural designs in yellow on a white ground, the
parts designed to appear furthest from the eye being in green and red.
In this way a rich development of architectural forms is united, in a
consistent and effective decorative scheme, with large panels suitable
for paintings.

Along the edges of the black panels run conventional plant designs; in
the middle are paintings symmetrically arranged in a series in which a
pair of floating figures alternates with a mythological scene enclosed
in a painted frame. Among the mythological pictures are Ulysses before
Penelope, who does not recognize him, Io guarded by Argus, and Medea
plotting the murder of her children. The whole arrangement is in
excellent taste, while the execution is careful and delicate.

The treatment of the upper part of the wall is especially worthy of
note. Generally in walls of the fourth style the portion above the
large panels is filled with airy architectural designs upon a white or
at least a bright ground. In this instance the fantastic architectural
forms in the spaces between the black panels are continued upwards to
the ceiling, and in the midst of each group a standing figure is
painted on a blue ground--a girl with utensils for sacrifice, a satyr
playing the flute; but the spaces above the panels are completely
filled with representations of the things exposed for sale.
Unfortunately only a few of these pictures remain. One contains birds,
some alive, some killed and dressed; in another, different kinds of
fish are seen; and a third presents a variety of vessels in which wine
and other liquids could be kept. This departure from the usual style
of decoration, strikingly suggestive, can be explained only as having
a direct reference to the purpose of the building.

  [Illustration: Fig. 37.--The Macellum, restored.]

In two small pictures in the black panels of the north entrance Cupids
took the place of men. The Pompeians were very fond of the
representation of Cupids as engaged in human occupations; it gave
opportunity for the poetic treatment of everyday life, which was thus
carried over into fairyland. So in one picture sprightly, winged
little figures are celebrating the festival of Vesta, the tutelary
divinity of millers and bakers, who on this day, just as appears in
the painting, wreathed with garlands their mills and much belabored
asses that once a year were thus admitted to a share in the festal
celebrations of their masters; the reference to trade in bread and
flour is obvious.

In the other picture the Cupids are plaiting and selling wreaths; in
view of the extensive use of garlands at banquets and on gala days the
inference is warranted that they, too, were sold in this market. In
the market room for meat and fish there is another interesting picture
representing the local divinities of Pompeii--personifications of the
Sarno, of the coast, and of the country round about, suggesting that
here the products of the sea, the river, and the land might be

  [Illustration: Fig. 38.--Statue of Octavia, sister of Augustus, found
   in the chapel of the Macellum. She is represented in an attitude of
   worship, with a libation saucer in her right hand, and a box of
   incense in her left.]

Besides the rooms thus far considered, which served a practical end,
we find in the Macellum two other rooms which gave to the building a
religious character and placed it under the special protection of the
imperial house. One, at the middle of the east end (5), is a chapel
consecrated to the worship of the emperors. The floor is raised above
that of the rest of the building, and the entrance is reached by five
steps leading up from the rear of the colonnade. On a pedestal against
the rear wall, and in four niches at the sides, were statues, of which
only the two in the niches at the right have been found; these
represent Octavia, the sister of Augustus (Fig. 38), and Marcellus
(Fig. 39), the hope of Augustus and of Rome, whose untimely death was
lamented by Virgil in those touching verses in the sixth book of the
Aeneid. An arm with a globe was also found, doubtless belonging to the
statue of an emperor that stood on the pedestal at the rear. The
chapel contains no altar; sacrifice was probably offered on a portable
bronze coal pan in the form of a tripod. Several beautiful examples of
these movable altars have been found, and there are numerous
representations of them in reliefs and in wall paintings.

The Macellum in its present form was at the time of the eruption by no
means an ancient building. While finished and no doubt in use at the
time of the earthquake of 63, it had been built not many years before,
in the reign of Claudius or of Nero, in the place of an older
structure which dated from the pre-Roman period. The earlier Macellum,
of which scanty but indubitable traces remain, could not have
contained a chapel for the worship of the emperors; this was probably
introduced into the plan of the structure at the time of the
rebuilding. The most reasonable supposition is that the chapel was
built in honor of Claudius, and that his statue with the globe as a
symbol of world sovereignty stood on the pedestal at the rear, while
in the niches at the left were his wife Agrippina and adopted son

We can hardly doubt that Claudius was worshipped in Pompeii during his
lifetime; it is known from inscriptions that even before the death of
Claudius Nero was honored with the services of a special priest. That
Octavia and Marcellus, another mother with a son who was heir to the
throne, should be placed opposite Agrippina and Nero, was quite
natural. Claudius, who through his mother Antonia was the grandson of
Octavia, had great pride in this relationship, through which alone he
was connected with the family of Augustus; and from Octavia, Agrippina
and Nero also were descended, the former as a daughter of Germanicus,
Claudius's brother, and the latter through his father Gnaeus Domitius,
who was a son of the older daughter of Octavia, also called Antonia.
This thought was suggested by the grouping of Octavia and Marcellus
with Agrippina and Nero: Octavia's descendants are now on the throne,
as Augustus intended that they should be; and Nero is the pride and
hope of the emperor and the Roman people, as once Marcellus was.

The room at the left of the imperial chapel, with a wide entrance
divided by two columns (6), was also consecrated to the worship of the
emperors. It contains a low altar (shown on the plan) of peculiar
shape. A slab of black stone rests on two marble steps; it has a
raised rim about the edge with a hole in one corner. Evidently this is
an altar for drink offerings; in this room sacrificial meals were
partaken of, at which the long estrade at the right, like a counter,
nearly three feet high, was perhaps used as a serving table. Such
meals had an important place among the functions of the Roman colleges
of priests, and some priesthood connected with the worship of the
emperors apparently had its place of meeting here; but whether this
was the college of the Seviri Augustales, composed of freedmen, or a
more aristocratic priesthood modelled after the Sodales Augustales at
Rome, cannot be determined. The purpose of the niche in the corner,
with the platform in front of it approached by steps, is unknown.

In this room, also, there were two pictures containing Cupids. In one
they were represented as drinking wine and playing the lyre; in the
other, as engaged in acts of worship--both appropriate decorative
subjects for a room intended for sacrificial banquets.

The Macellum was entered from three sides. At the front, facing the
Forum, was a portico consisting of two orders of white marble columns,
one above the other, supporting a roof. Fragments of the Ionic or
Corinthian columns belonging to the lower order, and of the well
proportioned intermediate entablature, have been preserved. Statues
stood at the foot of the columns, as also at the ends of the party
walls between the shops at the rear of the portico, and beside the two
columns of the little vestibule at the entrance; between the two doors
was a small shrine, and here, too, was a statue.

The difference in direction between the front of the Macellum and the
side of the Forum is concealed by increasing the depth of the shops
from south to north, so that the depth of the portico remained the
same. The room at the extreme right, being so shallow that it could
not be used as a shop, was made into a shrine; the image or images set
up in it must have been very small. What divinities were worshipped
here, unless the Street Lares, cannot be conjectured.

  [Illustration: Fig. 39.--Statue of Marcellus, son of Octavia, found in
   the chapel of the Macellum.]

There is another entrance on the north side, and a third near the
southeast corner. In the latter are steps, and at the left as you come
in is a small niche under which two serpents were painted. This humble
shrine was probably dedicated to the presiding divinity of the
building, the Genius Macelli.

The colonnade of the Macellum was thrown down by the earthquake of 63.
At the time of the eruption the stylobate on which the columns rested,
and the gutter in front of it, had been renewed; but only the columns
on the north side and a part of those on the west side had been set up
again. Both the columns and the entablature have entirely disappeared,
in consequence of excavations made in ancient times.



In earlier times a street opened into the Forum south of the Macellum.
Later, apparently in the time of Augustus, it was closed, and the end,
together with adjoining space at the south, was occupied by a building
which measures approximately sixty by seventy Roman feet.

In richness of material and architectural detail this was among the
finest edifices at Pompeii. Its walls and floors were completely
covered with marble. Now we see only rough masonry, stripped of its
veneering, but enough vestiges remain to enable us to reconstruct the
whole; in Figs. 41 and 42 both rear and side views of the interior are

  [Illustration: Fig. 40.--Plan of the sanctuary of the City Lares.

     1. Main room, unroofed, with an altar in the centre.
     2. Apse, with shrine.
     3. Recesses--alae.
     4. Niche facing the Forum.]

Opening into the main room at the rear is a large apse (Fig. 40, 2),
which gives to the building a peculiar character. In the inner part of
the apse is a broad foundation about six feet high, on which stood a
shrine (_aedicula_), containing a pedestal for three statues of not
more than life size; the foundation projects in front of the pedestal,
forming a table for offerings. A base of the same height as the
foundation of the shrine runs along the walls of the apse; it
supported two columns and two attached half-columns on the right, and
the same number on the left.

On either side of the main room is a recess, _ala_, containing a
pedestal for a statue of more than life size. The two entrances were
flanked by pilasters nearly two Roman feet square, while each entrance
was divided into three parts by two columns. There were three niches
about six feet above the floor in each of the side walls of the main
room, and two more at the rear; all were originally flanked by small
pilasters which rested on a projecting base. The remains of an altar
may still be seen in the middle of the room.

  [Illustration: Fig. 41.--Sanctuary of the City Lares, looking toward
   the rear, restored.]

The height of both side and rear walls can be approximately computed
from the existing remains, the basis of computation for the side walls
being the thickness of the pilasters at the entrance. The rear part of
the building was certainly not less than 45 feet high, exclusive of
the gable, while the sides could not have been more than 30 or at most
35. This difference in height, taken with other indications, obliges
us to conclude that the central room was treated as a paved court open
to the sky; only the apse and the wings were roofed.

It is evident that we have here a place of worship, yet not, properly
speaking, a temple. The shrine in the apse, with its broad pedestal
for several relatively small images, presents a striking analogy to
the shrines of the Lares found in so many private houses. Cities, as
well as households, had their guardian spirits. The worship of these
tutelary divinities was reorganized by Augustus, who ordered that,
just as the Genius of the master of the house was worshipped at the
family shrine, so his Genius should receive honor together with the
Lares of the different cities; thus in each city the emperor was to be
looked upon as a father, the head of the common household. As the
house had its shrine for the Lares, so also had the city; that in Rome
was near the spot on which the arch of Titus was afterwards erected.

  [Illustration: Fig. 42.--North side of the sanctuary of the City
   Lares, restored.]

Undoubtedly we should recognize in this edifice the sanctuary of the
Lares of the city, _Lararium publicum_. On the pedestal of the shrine
in the apse the Genius of Augustus probably stood, represented by a
statue of the emperor himself, with his toga drawn over the back of
his head, offering a libation; on his right and on his left were the
two Lares, like those represented in paintings (p. 271) and in the
little bronze images so often found in house shrines.

In connection with the Lares the members of a family honored other
gods, Penates, to whose special protection the head of the household
had committed himself and his interests. As we shall see later, in
house shrines diminutive bronze figures representing Hercules,
Mercury, Fortuna, and other divinities are often found together with
those of the Lares. It is quite possible that other gods were likewise
associated with the Lares of the city; and perhaps here in the two
chapels at the sides of the main room images of Ceres and of Bacchus
were placed. Regarding the statues that stood in the eight niches it
is better to refrain from conjecture. On the outside of the building,
under the portico of the Macellum, was a small platform (4), the
raised floor of which was reached by steps.

At the edge of the Forum in front of the building are eight square
blocks of basalt, which still have traces of the iron clamps by which
marble veneering was fastened on. These supported the columns of a
portico which was joined with the porticos of the Macellum and the
temple of Vespasian and took the place of the Forum colonnade. As the
main room of the building was open to the sky, the portico also must
have been without a roof; there is no trace of any support for the
ends of the rafters at the rear. The columns in front, probably of two
orders one above the other, were merely for ornament. Possibly awnings
were at times stretched over the area of the portico as a protection
against sun and rain.



South of the sanctuary of the City Lares is another religious edifice
of an entirely different character. Passing from the Forum across the
open space once occupied by the portico--of which no remains have been
found--we enter a wide doorway and find ourselves in a four-sided
court somewhat irregular in shape (Fig. 43). The front part is
occupied by a colonnade (1).

  [Illustration: Fig. 43.--Plan of the temple of Vespasian.

     1. Colonnade.
     2. Altar.
     3. Temple.
     4. Portico, forming part of the colonnade of the Forum.]

At the rear a small temple (3) stands upon a high podium which
projects in front of the cella and reached by two flights of steps.
The pedestal for the image of the divinity is built against the rear

In the middle of the court is an altar faced with marble and adorned
on all four sides with reliefs of moderately good workmanship. The
sacrificial scene shown in the accompanying illustration (Fig. 44) is
on the front side, facing the entrance to the court. A priest with a
toga drawn over his head in the manner prescribed for those offering
sacrifice, pours a libation from a shallow bowl, _patera_, upon an
altar having the form of a tripod. With him at the left are two
lictors with their bundles of rods, a fluteplayer, two boys,
_camilli_, carrying the utensils for the sacrifice, and an attendant;
at the right a bull intended for sacrifice is being brought to the
altar by the slayer, _victimarius_, and an assistant. In the
background is a tetrastyle temple, doubtless the temple before us; the
scene represents the dedicatory exercises. The middle intercolumniation
of the portico, as indicated by the relief and shown in the plan, is
wider than the other two.

On the sides of the altar some of the utensils and ceremonial objects
used in sacrificing are represented: at the left the napkin
(_mantele_), the augural staff (_lituus_), and the box in which the
incense was kept (_acerra_); at the right the libation bowl
(_patera_), a ladle (_simpulum_), and a pitcher.

  [Illustration: Fig. 44.--Front of the altar in the court of the temple
   of Vespasian.]

The reliefs on the back of the altar, which consist simply of a wreath
of oak leaves with a conventional laurel on either side, are of
special significance and give a clew to the purpose of the edifice. On
the thirteenth of January, 27 B.C., the Senate voted that a civic
crown--that is, one made of oak leaves, of the kind awarded to a
soldier who had saved the life of a Roman citizen--should be placed
above the door of the house in which Augustus lived, and that the
doorposts should be wreathed with laurel. From that time the civic
crown and the laurel were recognized as attributes denoting imperial
rank. This temple, therefore, was built in honor of an emperor. From
the inscriptions of the Arval Brethren, we learn that in the case of a
living emperor a bull was the suitable victim, but that an ox was
sacrificed to an emperor who had been deified after death. As the
victim on our altar is a bull, the temple must have been dedicated to
an emperor during his lifetime. With these facts in mind it will not
be difficult to ascertain to whose worship the building was

  [Illustration: Fig. 45.--View of the temple of Vespasian.]

The coins of Augustus have both the civic crown and the laurel, but
those of his immediate successors have only the former. In the year 74
the laurel again appears with the crown on the coins of Vespasian and
Titus, and we may suppose that the distinction formerly conferred on
Augustus was about this time revived in honor of Vespasian. It was
indeed quite natural that men should think of Vespasian and Augustus
together. Both restored peace and order after disastrous civil wars;
both adopted severe repressive measures against luxury and immorality,
and both adorned Rome with great public buildings. The temple of
Jupiter on the Capitoline, which Augustus had repaired and made more
magnificent, Vespasian rebuilt from the foundation after it was burned
in 69.

The Senate, which had suffered so seriously at the hands of Nero, had
reason to be deeply grateful to Vespasian, who treated it with marked
respect, in this also following the example of Augustus. If the annals
of the reigns of the Flavian emperors were not so meagre, we should
very likely find a decree of the Senate honoring Vespasian with the
civic crown and the laurel. Such a decree might well have suggested
the founding of a temple, and the placing of these symbols of peace
and victory upon its altar.

The temple itself was built, together with the court, after the
earthquake of 63, and at the time of the eruption the work was not
entirely completed. The walls of the cella and of the entrance from
the Forum had received their veneering of marble and were in a
finished state; but those of the court, divided off into a series of
deep panels above which small pediments alternated with arches (Fig.
45), had received only a rough coat of stucco and were still awaiting
completion. The temple must have been built in the time of Vespasian,
who reigned from 68 to 79 A.D.; and as this emperor possessed too
great simplicity of character to allow men to worship him as a god
while he was still alive, it was probably dedicated to his Genius.

  [Illustration: Fig. 46.--The temple of Vespasian, restored.]

The rooms at the rear of the temple (shown on the plan) were entered
by a door at the right. They may have served as a habitation for the
sacristan, or as a place of storage for the sacrificial utensils. The
north room was also connected with rooms belonging to the sanctuary of
the Lares, the purpose of which is unknown.



  [Illustration: Fig. 47.--Plan of the building of Eumachia.

     1. Portico, forming part of the colonnade of the Forum.
     2, 3. Small niches for statues.
     4, 4. Apsidal niches.
     5, 5. Large niches, accessible by means of steps.
     6. Entrance.
     7. Passage room to stairway.
     8. Porter's room.
     9, 9. Colonnade.
     10. Pedestal of the statue of Concordia Augusta.
     11, 11. Light courts.
     12, 12. Corridor.
     13. Broad niche with the statue of Eumachia.
     14. Passage leading from Abbondanza Street, with a door opening
         into the corridor.
     15. Stone with ring.
     17, 17. Rectangular elevations.
     18, 18. Remains of masonry.]

The plan of the large building on the east side of the Forum, between
the temple of Vespasian and Abbondanza Street, is simple and regular.
In front is a deep portico (1), facing the Forum. The interior
consists of a large oblong court with three apses at the rear and a
colonnade about the four sides (9); on three sides there is a corridor
behind the colonnade, with numerous windows opening upon it (12). The
corridor could be entered by three doors, two at the front end of the
court, connecting with the colonnade, and a third at the rear,
entered from the end of a passage leading up from Abbondanza Street
(14), the grade of which at this point is considerably below the
pavement of the building (Fig. 50).

An inscription appears in large letters on the entablature of the portico,
and again on a marble tablet over the side entrance in Abbondanza
Street: _Eumachia L. f., sacerd[os] publ[ica], nomine suo et M.
Numistri Frontonis fili chalcidicum, cryptam, porticus Concordiae
Augustae Pietati sua pequnia fecit eademque dedicavit_,--'Eumachia,
daughter of Lucius Eumachius, a city priestess, in her own name and
that of her son, Marcus Numistrius Fronto, built at her own expense
the portico, the corridor (_cryptam_, covered passage), and the
colonnade, dedicating them to Concordia Augusta and Pietas.'

The word _pietas_, in such connections, has no English equivalent, and
is difficult to translate. It sums up in a single concept the
qualities of filial affection, conscientious devotion, and obedience
to duty which in the Roman view characterized the proper conduct of
children toward their parents and grandparents. Here mother and son
united in dedicating the building to personifications, or
deifications, of the perfect harmony and the regard for elders that
prevailed in the imperial family.

The reference of the dedication can only be to the relation between
the Emperor Tiberius and his mother Livia; it cannot apply to Nero and
Agrippina, for the reason that the walls of the building were
decorated in the third Pompeian style, which in Nero's time was no
longer in vogue. In 22 A.D., when Livia was very ill, the Senate voted
to erect an altar to Pietas Augusta. In the following year Drusus, the
son of Tiberius, gave expression to his regard for his grandmother by
placing her likeness upon his coins, with the word Pietas.

On the coins of colonies also--of Saragossa and another the name of
which is not known--the Pietas Augusta appears, apparently about the
same time. Not long afterwards the harmonious relations between
Tiberius and his mother gave place to mutual suspicion and hostility;
the dedication therefore points to the earlier part of the reign of
Tiberius, and in this period the building was no doubt erected. The
statue of Concordia Augusta, a female figure with a gilded
cornucopia, was found in the building; the head, which has not been
preserved, probably bore the features of Livia. By this dedication the
building of Eumachia, as the Macellum later, was placed under the
protection of the imperial house.

While the parts are enumerated in the dedicatory inscription, neither
the name of the building as a whole, nor the purpose, is mentioned. A
hint of the latter, however, is found in another inscription. A broad
niche (13) opens into the corridor at the rear, directly behind the
largest apse. Here stood a marble statue of a beautiful woman (Fig.
255), now replaced by a cast; the original is in Naples. Upon the
pedestal we read: _Eumachiae L. f., sacerd[oti] publ[icae],
fullones_,--'Dedicated to Eumachia, daughter of Lucius Eumachius, a
city priestess, by the fullers.'

This building, in which the fullers had set up, in a specially
prominent place, a statue of the person who had erected it, must in
some way have served the purposes of their trade. Clearly enough it
was not a fullery; on the other hand, it was well adapted for a
clothier's exchange, a bazaar for the sale of cloth and articles of
clothing. Tables and other furniture for the convenience of dealers
could be placed in the colonnade and the corridor; in the corridor,
especially, goods exposed for sale in front of the open windows could
be conveniently inspected by prospective buyers,--not only by those in
the corridor itself, but also by those looking in from the colonnade.
The small doors between the corridor and the colonnade could be
securely closed, and the entrance from Abbondanza Street could be
easily guarded; there was only a narrow door at the end of the passage
opening into the corridor, and at the street entrance was a porter's
room connected by doors both with the passage and with the street.
This evidence of unusual precaution suggests that possibly the side
entrance, from its close connection with the corridor, was intended
especially for the conveyance of goods to and from the building, in
order that the front entrance might be left for the exclusive use of
purchasers and dealers.

On the assumption that the building was a cloth market, it is clear
that the colonnade would naturally be open at all times, the corridor
only during business hours; after business hours the corridor would be
closed for the protection of the goods left there over night. The
windows may have been closed with shutters as in the Oriental bazaars.
Other peculiarities of arrangement also are cleared up by this
explanation, but we cannot present them in detail. It is not possible,
however, to make out what the purpose was of certain remains of
masonry found on the south side of the court (18) which have now
disappeared, or of two rectangular elevations at the rear (17), or,
finally, of a large stone in the middle of the court in which a
movable iron ring is fastened (15). Our information is so scanty that
we are unable to determine in all particulars what the requirements of
a fuller's exchange might have been.

At the time of the eruption men were still engaged in rebuilding the
parts of the edifice that had suffered in the earthquake of 63. The
front wall at the rear of the portico was finished and had received
its veneering of marble; as shown by the existing remains, it
conformed to the plan of the earlier structure. The columns and
entablature of the portico had not yet been set in place; considerable
portions of them were found in the area of the Forum. The wall at the
rear of the court, with the three apses, had been rebuilt, and the
workmen had begun to add the marble covering. The other walls had
remained standing at the time of the earthquake; but the colonnade had
been thrown down and was now in process of erection. The remains of
the colonnade were removed in ancient times, probably soon after the
destruction of the city; yet from the parts that remain, both of the
old building and of the restorations, we can determine the
architectural character with certainty. We give two reconstructions of
the interior, one showing the front (Fig. 48), the other the rear
(Fig. 49).

The colonnade and the portico were characterized by the same
peculiarity of construction: they were in two stories, one above the
other, but there was no upper floor corresponding with the
intermediate entablature. In the case of the portico this is certain
from the treatment of the wall at the rear, the ornamentation of which
is carried without interruption high above the level of the
entablature. If the appearance of this building alone had been taken
into account, it would have been simpler and more effective to place
at the front of the portico a single order of large columns the height
of which should correspond with that of the façade; but as the
colonnade about the Forum was in two stories, the front of the portico
was made to conform to it. The columns below were of the Doric, those
above of the Ionic, order. The material--whitish limestone--was the
same as that used in the new colonnade of the Forum. Nevertheless, by
the skilful handling of details a certain individuality was given to
the columns; while in general appearance they harmonized with those
about the Forum, the portico as a whole stood out by itself as
something distinct and characteristic.

The columns of the portico were left unfluted, as were those of the
new Forum colonnade, and were of the same height; but their
proportions were more slender, their ornamental forms were slightly
different, and they were set closer together. The pains and skill
manifested in harmonizing the particular with the general
architectural effect reflect much credit upon the Pompeian board of
public works. Under the portico at the foot of each column was a
statue, facing the front of the building; the pedestals, which still
remain, assist in determining the places of the columns, of which only
one was found in position. The spaces between the columns could be
closed by latticed gates, as may be seen from traces of them remaining
in the marble pavement at the south end of the portico; the pavement
elsewhere has disappeared.

  [Illustration: Fig. 48.--The building of Eumachia: front of the court,

The wall at the rear of the portico, facing the Forum, was richly
ornamented. The broad entrance in the middle (6) was bridged at the
top by a lintel. At the ends are two large niches more than four feet
above the pavement (5), both reached by flights of steps. Between each
of these and the doorway is a large apsidal arched niche (4) extending
down to the pavement. Lastly in the projecting portions of the wall
are four smaller niches for statues. The whole façade was overlaid
with various kinds of colored marbles.

None of the statues have been found, but the inscriptions belonging to
the two that stood in the small niches at the left are extant and of
special interest; the names of the persons represented, Aeneas and
Romulus, are given, together with a short enumeration of their heroic
deeds. These statues were evidently copies; the originals formed a
part of a famous series in Rome.

Augustus set up in his Forum the statues of renowned Roman generals
with inscriptions setting forth their services to the State; in this
way, he said, the people might obtain a standard of comparison for
himself and his successors. At the beginning of the series were
Aeneas, the kings of Alba Longa, and Romulus. Not one of these statues
has been preserved, but some of the inscriptions have been found in
Rome, while others are known from copies discovered in Arezzo, where
without doubt, as at Pompeii, they were set up with copies of the
statues--a forcible illustration of the striving of the smaller cities
to be like Rome. Two other statues, perhaps representing Julius Caesar
and Augustus, stood in the niches at the right corresponding with
those of Aeneas and Romulus; it is not probable that the rest of the
series in Rome was duplicated here, because the remaining pedestals in
the portico were all designed for figures of larger size.

The colonnade about the court was of marble. The front part, as one
entered from the portico, was higher than that on the sides and rear
(Fig. 48); it must have presented a fine architectural effect. The two
series of Corinthian columns, one above the other, reached the height
of 30 feet; the wall behind was diversified with niches and completely
covered with marble. At the right and at the left one could pass down
the sides under the colonnade, or through small doors into the
corridor. The walls between the colonnade and the corridor, pierced
with large windows, were decorated below with a dado of colored
marbles and above with painting upon stucco, in the third style.

The two smaller apsidal niches at the rear were no higher than the
colonnade, but the central apse projected above and terminated in a
marble pediment (Fig. 49), fragments of which are still to be seen in
the building. It was entered through three arched doorways, above
which apparently there were windows. The image of Concordia Augusta,
with the features of Livia, probably stood on the pedestal at the rear
of the apse, while the statues of Tiberius and Drusus may have adorned
the niches at the sides.

  [Illustration: Fig. 49.--Rear of the court of the building of
   Eumachia, restored.]

We can readily see why the colonnade was made so high, and in two
stories, when a lower structure would have afforded better protection
against sun and rain. Had it been limited to the usual height the
corridor behind it would have been too dark; and if instead of a
double series of small columns, one above the other, there had been a
single series of large columns of the usual proportions, the thickness
of the latter would have shut out much light and have made the
colonnade seem less roomy. The arrangement adopted had the further
advantage that it harmonized the aspect of the colonnade with that of
the portico, the character of which, as we have seen, was determined
by that of the colonnade about the Forum.

The small rooms of irregular shape at the sides of the apse (11) were
light courts, left open to the sky in order to furnish light to the
corridor at the rear, which was shut off from the colonnade.

The corridor was about fourteen feet in height; its walls still have
remains of decoration in the third style.

At the right of the broad niche (13), in which the statue of Eumachia
was found, a door opened into the passage leading from Abbondanza
Street; in the corresponding position at the left, where there was no
entrance, a door was painted upon the wall. This is a folding door in
three parts, of a kind quite common at Pompeii; the middle part is
hung by means of hinges, like those on doors of the present day,
fastened to one of the leaves at the sides, while these are
represented as swinging on pivots at the top and the bottom.

A stairway at the southeast corner of the corridor, over the entrance
from Abbondanza Street, led to an upper room. A similar stairway was
placed in the last of the little rooms between the court and the
portico, at the left of the front entrance. The upper rooms, difficult
to reach, could hardly have been intended for salesrooms. They must
have been low, probably no higher than the difference between the
height of the colonnade and that of the corridor. They were most
likely used as temporary storerooms for the goods of the dealers.

  [Illustration: Fig. 50.--Fountain of Concordia Augusta.

   In the background, steps in the side entrance of the Eumachia

In front of the entrance from Abbondanza Street, is a fountain of the
ordinary Pompeian form; as the material is limestone it is probably of
later date than the other fountains, which are generally of basalt. As
may be seen in our illustration (Fig. 50), the inlet pipe was carried
by a broad standard projecting above the edge of the basin, on the
front of which a bust of a female figure with a cornucopia is carved
in relief. The right side of the face has been worn away by eager
drinkers pressing their mouths against the mouth of the figure, whence
the jet issued; it reminds one of the attenuated right foot of the
famous bronze St. Peter in Rome. Hands also have worn deep, polished
hollows in the stone on either side of the standard. The figure
represents Concordia Augusta, but the name Abundantia, given to it
when first discovered, still lingers in the Italian name for the
street, which might more appropriately have been called Strada della



The last building on the east side of the Forum, south of Abbondanza
Street, had undergone a complete transformation a short time before
the destruction of the city. Before the rebuilding, a row of pillars
separated the interior of the structure from the Forum and from the
street. At the edge of the sidewalk along the latter are square holes
opposite the pillars (shown on the plan, Fig. 51), evidently designed
for the insertion of posts, so that a temporary barrier of some sort
could be set up. The end of the space within the barrier where this
came to the Forum, and of the rest of the street as well, could be
shut off by latticed gates.

  [Illustration: Fig. 51.--Plan of the Comitium.

     1. Recess opening on the main room.
     2. Recess opening on the Forum.]

If the barrier were set up, and the latticed gate at the Forum end
left open, the building and the space within the barrier would be shut
off from Abbondanza Street, but closely connected with the Forum by
the numerous entrances. After the rebuilding only two entrances from
the Forum were left, and one from Abbondanza Street.

It is altogether unlikely that so large a building, of irregular shape
and with pillars on two sides, was provided with a roof; we have here
an open space rather, serving as an extension of the Forum. The walls
were covered with marble and adorned with niches, in which, without
doubt, statues were placed. On the south side is a large recess the
floor of which, reached by a flight of steps, forms a kind of platform
or tribune about four feet above the pavement of the enclosure (1). A
small door at the right leads into a narrow room containing a similar
platform opening on the colonnade of the Forum (2), and to all
appearances once accessible from it by steps; afterwards both the
steps and the tribune were walled up.

The purpose of these tribunes, and of the building as a whole, is far
from clear. An analogy, however, suggests itself. On one side of the
Roman Forum near the upper end was a small rectangular open space
called the Comitium, used in early times as a voting place. Between
the Forum and the Comitium was originally a speaker's platform, the
Rostra, so placed that orators by turning toward one side could
address an audience in the Comitium and facing about could harangue
the Forum. Though the later changes have obscured the original form of
our building, yet it is plain that at one time there must have been
two connected tribunes, one facing the Forum, the other the enclosed
open space; we may at least hazard the conjecture that the colonists
of Sulla, taking the arrangements of the capital as their pattern in
all things, designed this place as their Comitium.

The enclosure was too small to admit of its use for voting according
to the ancient fashion, but general elections in the Comitium had long
been a thing of the past; only the unimportant curiate elections were
held there, at which each curia was represented by a lictor, and at
other times the place was used for judicial proceedings. So our
building was probably used, if not for elections, for formalities
preliminary to the elections and for business connected with the



At the south end of the Forum were three buildings similar in plan and
closely connected. In front they presented a common façade, the narrow
spaces between them being entered by low doors. The building at the
right (Fig. 52, 3) was at the corner of the Forum, while the space
separating the other two lay on a line dividing the Forum into two
equal parts; east of the last building is the Strada delle Scuole.

  [Illustration: Fig. 52.--Plan of the Municipal Buildings.

     1. Office of the duumvirs.
     2. Hall of the city council.
     3. Office of the aediles.]

The three buildings were erected after the earthquake of 63, on the
site of older buildings of the same character. In the walls of that
furthest east (1), considerable remains of the earlier walls are
embodied; in that near the corner the original pavement is preserved,
and in the middle building there are traces of the original pavement.
Previous to this rebuilding the inner series of columns belonging to
the colonnade about the Forum had in part been removed and a barrier
set up, by which the space in front of the middle building and that at
the left could be shut off (indicated on the plan by broken lines). At
the time of the eruption only the building at the left (1) was
entirely finished. The others still lacked their decoration on both
inner and outer walls.

These three spacious halls must have served the purposes of the city
administration. The two at the right and the left are alike in having
at the end opposite the entrance an apse large enough to accommodate
one or more magistrates with their attendants; they were the official
quarters of the aediles and the duumvirs, while the middle hall was
the council chamber, _curia_, where the decurions met.

The middle room was obviously intended to be the most richly
ornamented of the three, and was further distinguished from the others
by the elevation of its floor, which was more than two feet above the
pavement of the colonnade. In front of the entrance is a platform
reached at either end by an approach hardly wide enough for two
persons, thus suited for a select rather than a large attendance.

  [Illustration: Fig. 53.--View of the south end of the Forum.

   In the background, the ruins of the municipal buildings; in front of
   these, the remains of the colonnade. In the middle ground the
   pedestals of the statues of the imperial family.]

Along the sides within runs a ledge a little more than five feet above
the floor, on which rested a double series of columns, one above the
other, serving both as ornament and as a support for a ceiling like
that of the temple of Jupiter. If we picture to ourselves the columns
in place, the walls covered with marble, and a rich coffered ceiling
above, we are led to form a favorable idea of the recuperative powers
of the city which set about the construction of such costly and
splendid buildings so soon after the terrible earthquake.

The recess at the rear was designed for a large shrine patterned after
the small shrines of the Lares and Penates in private houses. The
Penates of the city were above all the emperor and his family. If this
shrine had been finished, figures representing Vespasian, Titus, and
Domitian would probably have been placed in it, facing the three
Capitoline divinities in the temple of Jupiter at the other end of the

The office of the aediles, situated at the corner of the colonnade and
close to the Basilica, and with no barrier to prevent ready access,
was particularly convenient for magistrates who, among other duties,
were charged with the maintenance of order and the enforcement of
regulations in the markets. One or perhaps both aediles sat in the
apse; while the rear and middle parts of the room were reserved for
those who had business with them. The front part, lower than the rest
by two steps (shown on the plan), may have served as a waiting room.
At the rear of the apse and in the walls at the sides were niches for
the statues of members of the imperial family and of those who had
rendered important services to the city.

As the duumvirs not only sat as judges but also had in their hands the
financial administration of the city, we can see why the hall set
aside for their use was the first to be rebuilt after the earthquake.
The magistrates, of course, sat in the apse, along the wall of which
was a ledge for statues. The strong front doors were fastened with
iron bolts, and there was also a latticed gate on the step in front of
the threshold; probably the archives of the duumviral office were kept
within. The small side door at the right made it possible to enter and
leave the building after business hours or at other times when the
large doors were closed.



For some years it had been known that a temple once stood in the
rectangular block south of the strada della Marina; and in 1898
workmen excavating here began to uncover the massive foundations. When
the volcanic deposits had been removed it was seen that the court of
the temple, with the surrounding colonnade, occupied the whole area
between the Basilica and the west wall of the long room now used as a
Museum. On the podium (Fig. 55) was found a part of a statuette of
Venus, of the familiar type which represents the goddess as preparing
to enter the bath; it was probably a votive offering set up by some
worshipper. In the subterranean passageway entered near the southeast
corner (Fig. 54, IV) the excavators found another votive offering, a
bronze steering paddle of the kind shown in paintings as an attribute
of Venus Pompeiana; an example may be seen in Fig. 4 (p. 12). From
these indications, as well as from the size of the temple and its
location, near the Forum and on an elevation commanding a wide view of
the sea, we are safe in assigning the sanctuary to Venus Pompeiana,
the patron divinity of Roman Pompeii.

Prior to the founding of the Roman colony the site of the temple had
been occupied by houses, built in several stories on the edge of the
hill, which here slopes sharply toward the southwest; remains of the
houses, which must have resembled those farther east (an example is
the house of the Emperor Joseph II, p. 344), have been brought to
light in the course of the excavations. In less than a century and a
half the temple was twice built, twice destroyed; a third building was
in progress at the time of the eruption.

  [Illustration: Fig. 54.--Plan of the temple of Venus Pompeiana.

     I, II. Remains of podium of first and second temples.
     III. Altar.
     IV. Entrance to underground passage.
     V, VI. Pedestals.
     A-B, C-D-E. Foundations of walls of court of first temple.
     F-G-G', G"-H-I. Foundation of stylobate of colonnade of first
       temple, with gutter.
     A'-B'. Foundation of rear wall of rooms opening on colonnade
       of first temple.
     _a-b-c-d._ Walls of court of second temple.
     _e-f-g-h_, _e'-f'_, _g'-h'_. Foundations of colonnade of second
       temple--two rows of columns on each side, a single row at the
     K. Main entrance of court of second temple.
     L. Smaller entrance of court of second temple.
     _x_, _y_, _z_. Old foundation walls having nothing to do with
       the temple.
     ~A~-~B~-~C~-~C'~-~B'~. Enlargement of podium for third temple.]

The first temple was erected in the early years of the Roman colony.
An area approximately 185 Roman feet square was prepared for it by
levelling off and filling up, terrace walls being built to hold in
place the earth and rubbish used for filling. The foundations of the
walls about the court (A-B, C-D-E) can still be traced except on the
south side, where, perhaps in consequence of the earthquake at the
time of the eruption, every vestige has disappeared, and at the
southwest corner, where excavations for building materials in modern
times have been carried below the Roman level, a part of the
foundation of the temple itself having been removed. These walls
conformed to the direction of the walls of the Basilica, the corners,
as those of the Basilica, showing a noticeable divergence from a right

  [Illustration: Fig. 55.--Ruins of the temple of Venus Pompeiana,
   viewed from the southeast.

   At the right, foundation of the front row of columns of the latest
   (unfinished) colonnade; then foundation of stylobate of earlier
   colonnade, with gutter. In foreground, entrance to subterranean
   passage. On the podium of the temple at the farther end is seen the
   pedestal of the statue of the divinity. The wall at the rear of the
   court is on the south side of the strada della Marina.]

The front of the earlier colonnade is outlined by the gutter (F-G-G',
G"-H-I), constructed of blocks of tufa, which show signs of long use,
and the foundation of the stylobate behind the gutter, which is
plainly seen (Fig. 55); in places (as indicated in the plan), the
layer of mortar spread over this foundation shows the impressions made
by the blocks of the stylobate which rested on it. At the middle of
the north side (G'-G") both the gutter and the wall under the
stylobate were removed when the foundations of the third temple were
extended in that direction. Along the gutter were basins for water
used in cleaning the floor of the court, which was made of fine
concrete. The entrance to the court was at the northeast corner.

On the east side of the court were six rooms, the rear of which was
formed by the wall A'B'. Two of these opened on the colonnade in their
whole breadth, and four with narrow doors, the thresholds of which, of
whitish limestone, are still in place. Their purpose cannot be
determined. The cross walls shown in the plan on the west side (_x_,
_y_, _z_) belonged to an earlier building, and have nothing to do with
the temple.

In front of the temple are remains of a large altar of whitish
limestone (III). On the east side of the court is the base of an
equestrian statue (V), of the same material, which was afterwards
veneered with marble; near it is a pedestal of a standing figure (VI),
of masonry covered with stucco, and behind this is the small base of a
fountain figure. Near the southeast corner is the entrance (IV) to a
subterranean passageway which runs toward the south; it probably led
to rooms of earlier houses which were preserved, when the area was
filled up, for the use of the attendants of the temple.

The temple itself, as the other edifices, religious and secular, of
the first years of the Roman colony, must have been built of common
materials and coated with stucco. Of the existing remains only the
inner part of the podium (I, II on the Plan) can be assigned to it; a
series of small blocks of tufa at the rear end is perhaps a remnant of
the cornice which was carried around the upper edge of the podium.

To the Pompeians of the Empire the modest structure of Republican days
seemed unworthy of the tutelary divinity of their city. On the same
podium they built a temple of marble. Of this are preserved the
foundations of the door posts of the cella (Fig. 56 _a_) and the core
of the pedestal (D) on which stood the statue of the divinity, besides
some bits of the cella floor, which consisted of a border of white
mosaic (_b_), a broad strip of pavement of small flags of colored
marble (_c_), and an ornamental centre (_a_) now entirely destroyed.
The only remains of the superstructure that can be identified are in a
storeroom north of the temple of Apollo. They consist of fragments of
large marble columns, nearly thirty-two inches in diameter, and of an
entablature of corresponding dimensions.

  [Illustration: Fig. 56.--Plan of the second temple, restored.

     A. Steps.
     B. Portico.
     C. Cella.
     D. Pedestal of the statue of the divinity.
     _a._ Door of cella.
     _b._ Floor border of white mosaic.
     _c._ Pavement of colored marbles.
     _d._ Ornamental centre.]

After the completion of the temple the Pompeians set about rebuilding
the colonnade, on a scale of equal magnificence. First of all they
enlarged the court by removing the old walls to the foundations, and
constructed new outside walls (_a-b-c-d_), the corners of which
form right angles. The wall on the north side, of reticulate work, can
be distinguished in Fig. 55. That on the east side is also well
preserved, but of that on the south side no trace remains. The deep
foundation of the wall on the west side forms the farther wall of the
present Museum, the roof of which very nearly represents the level of
the floor of the ancient court. The colonnade was to be single on the
north, double on the east and west sides. The principal entrance was
at the northeast corner (K), with a smaller entrance (L) at the end of
the narrow street south of the Basilica.

How far the work had progressed before the earthquake of the year 63
it is not easy to determine. The new gutter along the front of the
colonnade had not yet been laid, but the foundations of the rows of
columns (_e-f-g-h_, _e'f'_, _g'h'_) were for the most part
ready. From the Corinthian capital and fragments of shafts and
entablature lying about the court it is clear that these members were
fitted and in place when they were thrown down. Part of the colonnade
was therefore finished. It was in two stories, probably without an
intervening floor, like the porticoes in front of the Macellum and the
building of Eumachia. Not less than three hundred marble columns must
have been required to complete the work; undoubtedly the wall back of
the colonnade was divided off by pilasters below and half columns
above, the intervening spaces being filled with marble. In point of
size, the temple with its court formed the largest sanctuary, in
richness of materials the most splendid edifice of the entire city.

The great earthquake felled to the ground alike the finished temple
and the unfinished colonnade. But the Pompeians, in their time of
trouble least of all disposed, we may assume, to forsake their patron
goddess, soon commenced the work of rebuilding. Postponing the renewal
and completion of the colonnade as of secondary importance, they
cleared away the débris of the temple, and on the podium where the
cella had stood constructed a temporary place of worship, a small
wooden building strengthened at the bottom by a low wall around the
outside. Then they proceeded to enlarge the podium; the third temple
was to be even more imposing than its predecessor. The old steps were
removed from the front. The existing podium was cut back five Roman
feet on each side, and four inches at the rear, to form the core of
the new podium; on all sides of this a massive foundation wall was
commenced, five and a half Roman feet thick, made of large blocks of
basalt carefully worked and fitted. A similar wall was carried through
the old podium (~B~-~B'~), to serve as the foundation for the front wall
of the cella. The relative size of the component parts of the new
temple is thus clearly indicated. The cella was to extend over the
space ~B~-~C~-~C'~-~B'~, the portico over that marked ~A~-~B~-~B'~; how
far the steps were to project in front is uncertain.

At the time of the eruption five courses of basalt had been laid,
reaching a height of more than four feet, the space between the core
of the old podium and the outer wall being filled with concrete as the
work progressed. On the north side of the court are still to be seen a
number of blocks of basalt not yet trimmed and fitted, just as they
were abandoned by the workmen when the work was stopped forever.



Passing out from the Forum under the arch at the northeast corner, we
enter the broadest street in Pompeii. On the right a colonnade over
the sidewalk runs along the front of the first block, at the further
corner of which, where Forum Street opens into Nola Street, stands the
small temple of Fortuna Augusta. The front of the temple is in a line
with the colonnade, which seems to have been designed as a
continuation of the colonnade about the Forum; the builders apparently
wished to have it appear that the temple was located on an extension
of the Forum rather than on a street. The colonnade is certainly not
older than the earlier years of the Empire, and the temple dates from
the time of Augustus.

  [Illustration: Fig. 57.--Plan of the temple of Fortuna Augusta.

     A. Altar.
     B. Portico.
     C. Cella.
     D. Shrine for the statue of the divinity.
     1-4. Niches for statues.]

The divinity of the temple and the name of its builder are both known
to us from an inscription on the architrave of the shrine at the rear
of the cella: _M. Tullius M. f., d. v. i. d. ter., quinq[uennalis],
augur, tr[ibunus] mil[itum] a pop[ulo], aedem Fortunae August[ae] solo
et peq[unia] sua_,--'Marcus Tullius the son of Marcus, duumvir with
judiciary authority for the third time, quinquennial duumvir, augur,
and military tribune by the choice of the people, (erected this)
temple to Fortuna Augusta on his own ground and at his own expense.'

Such inscriptions were ordinarily placed on the entablature of the
portico. The portico of this temple, however, had been thrown down by
the earthquake of 63, and had not yet been rebuilt. The cella may have
been damaged also, but in order that the worship might not be
interrupted the shrine was restored; the inscription was temporarily
placed over it.

  [Illustration: Fig. 58.--Temple of Fortuna Augusta, restored.]

The remains of the walls, columns, and entablature make it possible to
reconstruct the edifice with certainty (Fig. 58). The plan (Fig. 57)
in several respects closely resembles that of the temple of Jupiter,
from which the architect copied the projecting platform in front of
the podium, with its altar and double series of steps. The eight
columns sustaining the portico had Corinthian capitals. The walls of
the cella were veneered with marble. In the shrine at the rear stood,
without doubt, the image of Fortuna as guardian of the fortunes of
Augustus and protectress of the imperial family (Fig. 59).

There were also in the walls of the cella four niches for statues, of
which two have been found. The face of one, a female figure, had been
sawed off in order to replace it with another, which has not come to
light; the features of the other statue were said in the reports of
the excavations to resemble those of Cicero, but the resemblance is
purely fanciful, suggested by the name Marcus Tullius in the
dedicatory inscription. Both statues were of persons connected with
the priesthood, not of members of the imperial family. Probably
statues of the latter were set up elsewhere, so that the cella was
left free for less important personages.

  [Illustration: Fig. 59.--Rear of the cella in the temple of Fortuna
   Augusta, with the statue of the goddess, restored.]

The worship of Fortuna Augusta was in charge of a college of priests,
consisting of four slaves and freedmen, who were called _Ministri
Fortunae Augustae_,--'Servants of Fortuna Augusta.' Our information in
regard to them is derived from five inscriptions, of which two were
found in the temple, the others in different places; but none of them
where they originally belonged. These all relate to the small statues,
_signa_, of which one was set up by the college every year. One
inscription, of the year 3 B.C., speaks of the 'first servants
(_ministri primi_) of Fortuna Augusta.' The priesthood was therefore
established in that year, and the temple was probably built only a
short time before.

In donating the land for the temple Tullius retained the ownership of
a narrow strip of irregular shape at the right. Here a rough block of
basalt was set up with the inscription: _M. Tulli M. f. area
privata_,--'Private property belonging to Marcus Tullius, son of




     1, 1. Colonnade.
        2. Promenade.
        3. Doric temple.
        4. Semicircular bench, with sundial.
        5. Sepulchral enclosure.
        6. Altars.
        7. Well house.
        8. Pedestal of the statue of Marcellus.


        1. Colonnade.
        2. Pedestal with steps behind it.
        3, 3. Dressing rooms.



        1. Dressing room.
        2. Stage.
        3. Orchestra.
        4. Ima cavea.
        5. Media cavea.
        6. Summa cavea, over a corridor.
        7, 7. Tribunals.


        1. Dressing room.
        2. Stage.
        3, 3. Tribunalia.


        1. Passage leading from Stabian Street.
        2. Entrance.
        3. Doorkeeper's room.
        4. Passage to the Large Theatre, walled up.
        5. Stairway leading down from the Forum Triangulare.
        6. Athletes' waiting room--Exedra.
        7. Room with remains of weapons and cloth.
        8. Guard room.
        9. Stairs leading to overseer's rooms.
        10. Kitchen.
        11. Mess room.


        1. Colonnade.
        2. Altar.
        3. Cella.
        4. Sacristan's room.


        1. Colonnade.
        2. Cella.
        3. Shrine of Harpocrates.
        4. Purgatorium.
        5. Hall of initiation.
        6. Hall of the Mysteries.
        7. Priest's residence.

     K. CITY WALL.





The end of the old lava stream on which Pompeii lay runs off into two
points; in the depression between them, as we have seen, was the
Stabian Gate. On the edge of the spur at the left a temple of the
Doric style was built in very early times. The descent here, toward
the southwest, is so sharp and the height so great that it was not
necessary to add a wall at the top as a means of defence.

The sides of the temple followed in general the direction of the edge
of the cliff. Raised upon a high foundation, it not only dominated the
plain below but was visible also from the greater part of the city;
glistening in the sun, it became a landmark for mariners far out at
sea, who from a distance could offer greetings to the gods there

In the second century B.C. the northwest corner of the depression back
of the Stabian Gate was selected as the site for a large theatre (E on
Plan III); previously, we may suppose, temporary wooden structures had
answered the purpose. This location was chosen, in accordance with the
Greek custom, because the places for the greater part of the seats for
the spectators could be easily cut in the natural slope, which here
had the shape of half a shallow saucer; a superstructure was necessary
only for the upper rows of seats. The architect, if not a Greek, was
certainly of Greek training.

South of the theatre an extensive colonnade (G) was erected. It was
intended as a shelter for theatre-goers, but was afterwards turned
into barracks for gladiators.

With a similar purpose, a colonnade of the Doric order was built along
two sides of the triangular level space about the Greek temple (1).
In front of the north end, where the two arms of the colonnade meet, a
high portico of the Ionic order was erected (A) facing the street,
thus forming a monumental entrance to the Theatre. The southwest side
of the area was left unobstructed, and the place, by reason of its
shape, is called the Forum Triangulare, 'Three-cornered Forum.'

In connection with the building of the Theatre land had been
expropriated and cleared as far north as the first east and west
street. Here, near the entrance of the Forum Triangulare, a Palaestra
for gymnastic exercises (C) was built, with funds left for public
purposes by a benevolent citizen. Later, probably not before the time
of the Roman colony, a temple of Isis (I) was erected, adjoining the
Theatre on the northeast.

Early in the Roman Period, not long after 80 B.C., a small roofed
theatre (F) was constructed east of the stage of the Large Theatre and
of the area at the rear.

Stabian Street north and south of the Small Theatre was lined with
private houses. At the northeast corner of the block was a temple of
Zeus Milichius (H), seemingly of early date, but entirely rebuilt
about the time that the Small Theatre was erected.

       *       *       *       *       *

Part of the columns and entablature belonging to the beautiful portico
at the entrance of the Forum Triangulare have been set up again and
are seen in our illustration (Fig. 60). The brackets projecting from
the rear wall were probably designed for statuettes or vases. When the
wall was rebuilt, after the earthquake of 63, a change was made in at
least one particular. The small doorway at the middle, now at right
angles with the wall, formerly passed obliquely through it, opening
toward the end of the promenade which was laid out in front of the
colonnade at the left. This promenade (2 on Plan III) was separated
from the area of the Forum by a low wall; on sunny winter days it must
have been the most frequented walk in the city.


Besides the small doorway, which was closed by a latticed gate hung
from a wooden jamb, there was at the left a massive double door
with strong bolts, inside of which was still a second door. It seems
odd that one entrance should be so securely closed, while the
fastenings of the other were so light. Ordinarily, the large doors
must have been kept shut, while the small entrance was left open for
everyday use; but when there was to be a play in the Theatre, and the
magistrate who gave the entertainment proceeded from the Forum with a
retinue in festal attire, then the great doors were swung back in
honor of the occasion, and the opening of them formed part of an
impressive ceremony.

  [Illustration: Fig. 60.--Portico at the entrance of the Forum

The colonnade within contained ninety-five Doric columns. It was only
one story in height, and the columns for this reason are more slender
than those of the same order in the Forum. The entablature varies from
the Doric type only in respect to the architrave, which consists of
two bands. The continuation of the colonnade along the southwest side
was prevented by the nearness of the temple to the edge of the cliff.
Here the magnificent view over the plain to the mountains and across
the Bay was unimpeded; for the enjoyment of it, two duumvirs in the
early years of the Empire built near the west corner of the temple a
semicircular stone seat, _schola_ (4 on Plan III), like those found in
connection with tombs. On the back they placed a sundial with the
inscription: _L. Sepunius L. f. Sandilianus, M. Herennius A. f.
Epidianus duo vir[i] i. d. scol[am] et horol[ogium] d. s. p. f. c._
(for _de sua pecunia faciundum curarunt_),--'Lucius Sepunius
Sandilianus the son of Lucius, and Marcus Herennius Epidianus the son
of Aulus, duumvirs with judiciary authority, caused the seat and the
sundial to be made at their own expense.' The same duumvirs, as we
have seen, set up a sundial in the court of the temple of Apollo.

  [Illustration: Fig. 61.--View of the Forum Triangulare, looking toward

   At the left, remains of the Doric temple and of the altars and well
   house in front of it; at the right, exterior of the large theatre.]

At the foot of the middle column at the north end of the colonnade is
a broad basin of Carrara marble resting on a finely proportioned,
fluted standard; a jet of water fell into it from the end of a pipe
which passed through the column above. A little further forward is a
pedestal (8) veneered with marble on which is the inscription: _M.
Claudio C. f. Marcello patrono_,--'To Marcus Claudius Marcellus, the
son of Gaius, patron.' Here stood a statue of Marcellus, the nephew of
Augustus, a portrait statue of whom we have already found in the
imperial chapel of the Macellum. The reason why he was honored with
more than one statue is clear from the inscription before us: he was
patron of the colony.

The surface of the Forum Triangulare was considerably higher than the
top of the city wall (K) south of the barracks of the Gladiators. It
seems likely that a flight of steps led down to the wall between the
barracks and the long colonnade, as seen in Weichardt's restoration
(Plate III). This explanation accounts for the existence of certain
remains of walls (L on the plan), the purpose of which is otherwise

       *       *       *       *       *

Of the ancient Doric temple but little remains: only the foundation,
which was high for a Greek temple, with a flight of steps in front;
two stumps of columns and traces of a third; four capitals, and
portions of the right wall of the cella. The plan of the cella,
however, has been traced by means of excavations.

  [Illustration: Fig. 62.--Plan of the Doric temple in the Forum

     1. Colonnade.
     2. Outer chamber of cella.
     3. Inner chamber of cella.
     4. Semicircular bench, with sundial.
     5. Sepulchral enclosure.
     6. Altars.
     7. Well house.]

The foundation, unlike the podiums of the other temples at Pompeii,
was built up in a series of broad, high steps. The number of the
columns, eleven on the sides and seven in front, as in the temple of
Zeus at Agrigentum, has been calculated from the distances between the
stumps. Of those in front two were opposite the corners of the cella,
where the edges of the flight of steps come to the stylobate (Fig.
62). Only a narrow space was needed between the walls of the cella and
the surrounding columns, but in order to make the outward appearance
more imposing the columns were set as far out as they would have been
if a second series had been placed within, between them and the cella;
according to the classification of Vitruvius the temple was a
pseudodipteral. On account of the interval thus afforded between the
entrance of the cella and the columns in front (a little over sixteen
feet), it was thought proper to leave the number of columns uneven, so
that one stood over against the middle of the doorway.

The temple was of mixed construction, part stone and part wood. The
entablature must have been of stone, otherwise the intercolumniations
would not have been so narrow. The space between the entablature and
the cella, however, could only have been bridged by means of timbers.
The stone used was the gray tufa, but the capitals were of the more
durable Sarno limestone. The surface was coated with stucco, which in
part at least was painted in bright colors. The projecting edge of the
eaves trough, also covered with stucco, was painted red, yellow, and
black, and ornamented with waterspouts in the shape of lions' heads
alternating with rosettes.

  [Illustration: Fig. 63.--The Doric temple, restored.]

The proportions of the columns (lower diameter 6.07 feet, upper
diameter 3.12 feet) with their flaring capitals, and the narrow
intercolumniations (Fig. 63), point to an early period; the archaic
character of the capitals will be more fully appreciated if they are
compared with those of the colonnade of the Forum Triangulare. In
respect to age this temple ranks with the oldest of those at
Selinunto; it must have been built in the sixth century B.C.

The cella, as our plan shows, was divided into two chambers. In the
inner chamber (3) a large rectangular flag is embedded in the floor at
one side so that a second (indicated on the plan by dotted lines) must
have been near it; the supports of a stone table in front of the image
of the divinity perhaps rested on them. On the long pedestal at the
right of the cella stood a deer of terra cotta, above life size, of
which some fragments have been found.

Directly in front of the temple, at the foot of the steps, we find a
monument of an altogether unusual character. The respect with which it
was regarded is evidenced by its location in the place ordinarily
occupied by the principal altar. It consists of a small enclosure of
peculiar shape, fenced in by an outer wall and a low inner wall. To
judge from its form, it must have been a place of burial; we shall
find a tomb later the plan of which is quite similar (Plan V, right
side, 2), and it is said that human bones were found here. These walls
are not earlier than the imperial period, but they must have taken the
place of an older structure; for the altars were evidently put over
near the east corner of the temple (6 on the plan), because the place
which they would naturally have had was already occupied. For a
time--how long it would be idle to conjecture--this was beyond doubt
the most important temple of the city; the placing of the tomb in the
most sacred spot in front of it suggests that the founder or founders
of the city may have been buried here, and afterwards revered as

Instead of a single altar in front of the temple there are three, all
made of blocks of tufa, two of them resting on a single foundation;
the third is built on the ground without a foundation, and is of later
date. One altar is larger than the other two, and its surface is
divided into three parts.

Not far from the altars are the remains of a small round structure (7
on the plan, shown in Fig. 61) about twelve feet in diameter. The
roof, supported by eight Doric columns, was over the mouth of a well,
which had been driven down through the old lava bed till living water
was found for cleaning the temple and for religious rites. According
to the Oscan inscription on the architrave the well house was built by
N. Trebius, chief administrative officer (_meddix tuticus_) of the

It is impossible to determine what divinities were worshipped here.
The placing of two altars together, one being divided into three
parts, and the addition of a third, seem to imply that three
divinities received worship in common, and that besides these two
other gods were honored in this sanctuary. The terra cotta deer
furnishes a clew, but is not decisive evidence; deer were sacred to
several divinities, among others to Apollo and Artemis. A marble
torso of about half life size, found on the declivity south of the
temple, has been identified with some degree of probability as
belonging to a statue of Apollo. Perhaps originally Apollo and Artemis
were honored here, and with them Leto; but in an Oscan inscription
discovered in 1897 the temple seems to be designated as belonging to
Minerva (p. 240), who was perhaps also worshipped with them.

At the time of the eruption the temple was in ruins. It may have been
in this condition only since the earthquake of 63, or for a longer
time. That the worship might not be abandoned a poor shrine was built
among the ruins, smaller than the old cella and a little further to
the right; a drum of a column, set up on the flag in the floor of the
cella, served as a pedestal for the image of the divinity.



Performances upon the stage were first given in Rome in the year 364
B.C.; a pestilence was raging, and the Romans thought to appease the
gods by a new kind of celebration in their honor. The performers were
brought from Etruria, and the exercises were limited to dancing, with
an accompaniment on the flute. There was as yet no Latin drama. The
first regular play was presented more than a century later, in 240
B.C., and the playwright was not a Roman but a Greek from Tarentum,
Livius Andronicus, who translated both tragedies and comedies from his
native tongue. The next dramatist was a Campanian, Gnaeus Naevius. The
building of a theatre was not yet thought of; a temporary wooden
platform was erected for the actors, and the spectators spread
themselves out on the green slope of a hillside facing it.

When the censor Cassius Longinus in 154 B.C. commenced the erection of
a theatre on the Palatine hill near the temple of Cybele, at whose
festivals plays were given, the ex-consul Scipio Nasica rose in the
Senate and in a speech full of feeling warned the Romans not to
countenance this foreign amusement, on the ground that it would sap
the foundations of the national character. His words produced so deep
an impression that the Senate not only voted to pull down the part of
the building already erected, and to refuse permission for the
erection of similar buildings in the future, but even prohibited
altogether the renting of seats at theatrical representations; Romans
who wished to see a play must remain standing during a performance, or
sit on the ground. Naturally so stringent measures could not long
remain in force. Nine years later Mummius, the destroyer of Corinth,
presented dramas in connection with his triumph, and put up wooden
seats for the spectators. The first stone theatre in Rome was built by
Pompey, the rival of Caesar, in 55 B.C. In Pompeii, on the contrary, a
permanent theatre had been erected at least a hundred years earlier.

The Oscan culture was so completely merged in that of Rome that our
knowledge of it as an independent development is extremely slight; and
no information has come down to us regarding the history of the native
drama. From literary sources we know only of a crude form of popular
comedy in which, as in the Italian Commedia dell' arte, there were
stock characters distinguished by their masks,--Maccus a buffoon,
Bucco a voracious, talkative lout, Pappus an old man who is always
cheated, and Dossennus a knave. The scene of these exhibitions was
always Atella, the Gotham of Campania, whence they were called Atellan

The Theatre at Pompeii, however, is a proof that as early as the
second century B.C., in at least one Campanian city, dramatic
representations of a high order were given. Here, perhaps, as at
Athens, they were associated with the worship of Dionysus; for the
satyrs were companions of the Wine-god, and the head of a satyr,
carved in tufa, still projects from the keystone of the arch at the
outer end of one of the vaulted passages leading to the orchestra.
Greek verse, and native verse modelled after the Greek, must have
gained a hearing at Pompeii, and the works of Oscan poets--not a line
of which has come down to us--must have stirred the hearts of the
people long before Livius Andronicus, and Naevius, who brought
inspiration from his Campanian home, produced their dramas at Rome.

In describing the Theatre it will be best to take up in order the
three main divisions common to Greek and Roman buildings of this
class: the _cavea_, the large outer part shaped somewhat like half a
funnel, containing seats for spectators; the orchestra, the small
semicircular portion enclosed by the cavea, with an entrance,
_parodos_, on either side; and the stage, facing the orchestra and the
cavea. The accompanying illustrations give a plan (Fig. 64), and a
view of the ruins in their present condition (Fig. 65); the exterior
as seen from the south is shown in Fig. 61.

The cavea afforded seats for about five thousand persons. The greater
part of it, from the orchestra to the vaulted corridor under the summa
cavea (Fig. 64, 6), lies on the slope of the hill; the floor of the
corridor is on a level with the Forum Triangulare.

The seats are arranged in three semicircular sections. The lowest,
_ima cavea_ (4), next to the orchestra, contains four broad ledges on
which, as well as in the orchestra itself, the members of the city
council, the decurions, could place their chairs, the 'seats of double

  [Illustration: Fig. 64.--Plan of the Large Theatre.

     1. Dressing room.
     2. Stage.
     3. Orchestra.
     4. Ima cavea.
     5. Media cavea.
     6. Summa cavea.
     7. Tribunalia.
     8. Tank for saffron water.]

The middle section, _media cavea_ (5), was much deeper, extending from
the ima cavea to the vaulted corridor. It contained twenty rows of
marble seats arranged like steps, of which only a small portion is
preserved. On a part of one of these, individual places, a little less
than 16 inches wide, are marked off by vertical lines in front, and
numbered; they probably belonged to some corporation which found it
necessary, in order to avoid confusion, to assign places to its
members by number. In Rome the fourteen rows nearest the bottom were
reserved for the knights. Whether a similar arrangement prevailed in
the municipalities and the colonies is not known, but if so the number
reserved here must have been smaller.

The upper section, _summa cavea_ (6), supported by the vault over the
corridor, was too narrow to have contained more than four rows of

The ima cavea was entered from the orchestra. The media cavea could be
entered on the lower side from the passage (_diazoma_, _praecinctio_)
between it and the ima cavea, which at the ends was connected by short
flights of steps with the parodoi leading outside; on the upper side
six doors opened into the media cavea from the corridor, from which
flights of steps descended dividing the seats into five wedgelike
blocks, _cunei_, with a small oblong block in addition on either side
near the end of the stage.

The corridor was accessible by four doors, one from the Forum
Triangulare, another from the open space between this and the rounded
exterior of the Theatre, a third at the end of an alley east of the
temple of Isis, and a fourth opening from a steep passage leading up
from Stabian Street. The summa cavea, which for convenience we may
call the gallery, was entered by several doors (the exact number is
uncertain) from a narrow vaulted passage along the outside. This
passage, however, did not extend the whole length of the gallery, but
stopped where the outer wall of the Theatre joined that of the Forum
Triangulare. Here a stairway led to it; there was a second stairway at
the rear of the Palaestra, and a third leading from the alley east of
the temple of Isis; the three are shown on Plan III. At the edge of
the Forum Triangulare, a narrow stairway, built in the thick wall, led
directly to the gallery (Fig. 64).

The outer wall back of the gallery rose to a considerable height above
the last row of seats. On the inside near the top were projecting
blocks of basalt (seen in Fig. 65), containing round holes in which
strong wooden masts were set; from these the great awning, _velum_,
was stretched over the cavea and orchestra to the roof of the stage,
protecting the spectators from the sun. This sort of covering for the
theatre was a Campanian invention, and here, where the cavea opened
toward the south, was especially necessary. In the Coliseum, and the
well preserved theatre at Orange, the arrangements for fastening the
masts are on the outside of the wall. The upper part of the wall of
our Theatre has been rebuilt in modern times, and it has been doubted
whether the blocks of basalt and the pieces of cornice above with
corresponding incisions are ancient; the latter surely are not modern,
and their slightly wedged shape shows that from the beginning they
must have been on the inside of the wall.

Near the front of the orchestra at the right and the left were small
rectangular platforms; one is shown in Fig. 65. They were supported
by the vaults over the entrances (7, 7), and were reached by small
stairways near the ends of the stage. They were called tribunals, and
here, as in Rome, were no doubt reserved for the seats of those to
whom special honor was paid. One was set aside for the use of the
magistrate who gave the play; in Rome the vestal virgins, in
accordance with a decree of Augustus, occupied the other, and in
Pompeii their place was very likely taken by the city priestesses.

  [Illustration: Fig. 65.--View of the Large Theatre.]

The shape of the orchestra is that of a semicircle enlarged in the
direction of tangents at right angles with the diameter; a complete
circle could be inscribed in the space. It was probably never used for
a chorus, but was occupied by the seats of prominent spectators,
particularly the city officials and their friends. It was entered by
means of the vaulted passages under the tribunals.

The steps leading from the orchestra upon the stage (Fig. 65) can be
explained only on the supposition that even in the Roman period, to
which the steps in their present form belong, actors who took the
part of persons arriving from distant places came upon the stage
through the orchestra. In the niches in front of the stage, as we
learn from a wall painting, sat those charged with the maintenance of
order in the Theatre, two perhaps in the rectangular niches, or one in
the semicircular niche in the middle.

The stage is long and narrow, measuring 120 by 24 Oscan feet; the
floor is a little more than three feet above the level of the
orchestra. The rear wall, as in ancient theatres generally, was built
to represent the front of a palace, entered by three doors, and
adorned with columns and niches for statues. In each of the short
sections of wall at the ends of the stage is a broad doorway,
extending across almost the entire space. The long narrow room behind
the stage, used as a dressing room (_postscaenium_), was entered by a
door at the rear, which was reached by an inclined approach. No trace
of the roof of the stage remains, but from the better preserved
theatres at Orange, in the south of France, and at Aspendus, in Asia
Minor, we infer that it sloped back toward the rear wall. The floor
was of wood.

The room underneath the stage was divided into several parts. Between
the front wall and that just back of it (seen in Fig. 65) was the
place for the curtain, which, as in Roman theatres, was let down at
the beginning of the play, and raised at the end. The space between
the parallel walls must have been covered, leaving only a narrow slit
for the curtain; otherwise it would not have been easy to go upon the
stage from the steps in the orchestra.

Underneath the place for the curtain is a low passage, in the vaulted
roof of which are two rows of holes, a little more than a foot square,
cut in blocks of basalt, and evidently designed to hold upright
timbers. This passage has in recent years been entirely cleared. In
the floor, directly under the openings in the vaulted roof and
corresponding with them, were square holes. In those nearer the front
of the stage were remains of timbers and of square pieces of iron
fitted to the ends of these, a larger and a smaller piece for each
hole. It seems likely that, as Mazois suggested, hollow upright beams
were set in the holes, and in them smaller hollow beams were placed,
in which were still smaller poles or iron rods; by the sliding of
these up and down, the long horizontal pole on which the curtain was
hung could be raised or lowered. The use of the inner row of holes has
not been satisfactorily explained.

The room under the right of the stage is so low, about three feet,
that it could not have been available for any purpose, but that at the
left is higher, and was used for theatrical machinery, the scanty
remains of which arouse our curiosity without satisfying it. In the
floor are set two oblong blocks of limestone, about four feet in
length. Each has in its upper surface a round hole, between two and
three inches deep, with an iron socket, in which there are still
remains of an iron cap once fitted to the lower end of a vertical
wooden shaft that turned in it; the upper end of the shaft--assuming
that the blocks are in their original position--must have revolved in
a socket fixed in one of the joists of the stage floor. There is
besides on the upper surface of each block a rectangular depression,
and on either side a shallow incision; the purpose is altogether
obscure. A third stone, similar to these two, is set in the north wall
of the same room, and opposite it was fitted another; here, then, a
horizontal shaft turned; there was a similar pair of stones at the
left end of the place for the curtain. These arrangements suggest the
crane-like machine by which floating figures were brought upon the
stage, as Medea in the play of Euripides riding in a chariot drawn by
dragons, and the familiar _deus ex machina_; such machinery, according
to Pollux (Onomast. IV. 128), was placed on the left side of the

When plays were presented, the front of the palace at the back of the
stage was concealed by painted scenery. As several pieces might be
produced one after the other, it was necessary to arrange for the
shifting of scenes. This was accomplished by drawing one set of
decorations off to the sides, thus bringing the next set into view
(_scaena ductilis_); the ends were changed by turning the _periactoi_,
huge three-sided prisms, each side of which was suited to a different
scene (_scaena versilis_). In spite of the clumsiness of the
arrangements, as contrasted with those of the best modern theatres,
the mounting of plays was artistic and impressive, and compares
favorably with that of Shakespeare's time.

The only allusions to matters connected with theatrical
representations at Pompeii are in inscriptions relating to actors, as
Sorex (p. 176). A number of graffiti scratched on walls in various
parts of the city mention an Actius Anicetus, whose name is given in
full in an inscription found at Puteoli, C. Ummidius Actius Anicetus.
He seems to have been a very popular actor of pantomime, at the head
of a troupe. One of the inscriptions reads: _Acti, a[mor] populi, cito
redi_,--'Actius, darling of the people, come back quickly!'

The theatre in antiquity was by no means reserved for scenic
representations alone. It was a convenient place for bringing the
people together, and was used for public gatherings of the most varied
character. In the theatre at Tarentum the memorable assembly met which
heaped insults upon the Roman ambassadors and precipitated war with
Rome. At Pergamos King Mithridates was to be crowned in the theatre by
a descending Victory, but by some mishap the wreath fell to the floor,
an omen of evil. When the Ephesians, stirred up by Demetrius the
silversmith, wished to take measures against Paul and his companions,
"They rushed with one accord into the theatre." On such occasions we
may suppose that the front of the palace at the rear of the stage
served as a background without other decoration. This use of the
theatre for general purposes was a Greek rather than a Roman custom,
but the theatre itself in Italy was an importation from Greece; and we
may suppose that the theatre at Pompeii was on more than one occasion
the scene of notable demonstrations.

Our Theatre, as is evident from the character of the construction, in
its original form belonged to the Tufa Period, but was rebuilt in
Roman times. Some particulars in regard to the rebuilding are given in
an inscription: _M. M. Holconii Rufus et Celer cryptam, tribunalia,
theatrum_,--'Marcus Holconius Rufus and Marcus Holconius Celer (built)
the crypt, the tribunals, and the part designed for spectators,' that
is, the vaulted corridor under the gallery, the platforms over the
entrances to the orchestra, and the cavea.

The two Holconii lived in the time of Augustus. The elder, Rufus, was
duumvir for the fourth term in 3-2 B.C. The work on the Theatre was
probably done about that time; for soon afterwards, before his fifth
duumvirate, a statue in his honor was erected in the Theatre, as we
learn from an inscription. Later, in 13-14 A.D., the younger Holconius
also, when he had been chosen quinquennial duumvir, was honored with a
statue. The masonry of the corridor and of the exterior arches
supporting it, as well as of the tribunals, well agrees with that in
vogue in the Augustan Age; we find brick-shaped blocks of tufa and
reticulate work. The marble seats in the cavea may be assigned to the
same period; in the original structure the benches must have been of
tufa. About the same time the present wall at the back of the stage
was built, in the place of an older and much simpler façade, but not
by the Holconii; if this also had been rebuilt by them, it would have
been mentioned in the inscription.

Possibly the tribunals were an addition due to the Holconii. The
corridor under the gallery, however, must have been built in the place
of an earlier corridor, for the piers on the outside rest on
foundations similar in character to the oldest parts of the building.
As these piers served no other purpose than to sustain the passage
opening into the section of seats above the corridor, this must have
formed a part of the original plan.

The statues of both the Holconii probably stood in niches in the wall
at the back of the stage. Holconius Rufus was further honored with a
monument of some sort in the cavea. The lowest seat of the media cavea
had at the middle, directly opposite the stage, a double width for a
distance of about five feet, gained by removing a portion of the next
seat above. Here was an inscription in bronze letters: _M. Holconio M.
f. Rufo, II. v. i. d. quinquiens, iter[um] quinq[uennali], trib[uno]
mil[itum] a p[opulo], flamini Aug[usti], patr[ono] colo[niae],
d[ecurionum] d[ecreto]_,--'[Dedicated] in accordance with a decree of
the city council to Marcus Holconius Rufus the son of Marcus, five
times duumvir with judiciary authority, twice quinquennial duumvir,
military tribune by the choice of the people, priest of Augustus, and
patron of the colony.' The object placed here was of bronze, and was
made secure by fastenings set in twelve holes; what it was is
altogether uncertain. The ancients had the custom of conferring
lasting honor upon a deserving man after death by placing in the
theatre a seat inscribed with his name. We should be glad to believe
that a 'seat of double width,' _bisellium_, the use of which was
allowed to members of the city council, was placed here, but the
arrangement of the twelve holes is difficult to reconcile with this

The architect employed by the Holconii, a freedman, was not honored
with a statue, but his name was transmitted to posterity in an
inscription placed in the outer wall near the east entrance to the
orchestra: _M. Artorius M. l[ibertus] Primus, architectus_,--'Marcus
Artorius Primus, freedman of Marcus, architect.'

The plan of the Theatre could not have been taken from a Roman model;
it conforms, as we should have expected, to the Greek type. In the
Roman theatre the orchestra was in the form of a semicircle, of which
the diameter was represented by the stage. In Greek theatres, on the
contrary, the stage according to Vitruvius was laid out on one side of
a square inscribed in the circle of the orchestra; the orchestra, as
shown by existing remains, in most cases was either a complete circle
or was so extended by tangents at the sides that a circle could be
inscribed in it. The latter is the case in our Theatre, of which the
orchestra has essentially the same form as that of the theatre of
Dionysus at Athens.

The stage falls under the limit of height,--five feet,--allowed by
Vitruvius for the stage of the Roman theatre, not to mention the
height of ten to twelve feet specified for that of the Greek type. The
reason assigned for the moderate elevation of the Roman stage is that
the orchestra was occupied by the seats of senators, whose view would
be obstructed if more than a moderate elevation should be given to the
front of the stage. The orchestra of our Theatre was apparently from
the beginning intended for the use of spectators, not for a chorus.

The conclusions reached by Dr. William Doerpfeld in regard to the
stage of the Greek theatre, if borne out by the facts, would
necessitate a complete abandonment of previous views on the subject.
His theory, in brief, is, that not only the chorus but also the actors
went through their parts not on the stage but in the orchestra, which
had the form of a circle, and that what we are accustomed to consider
the front wall of the stage was rather the rear wall of the platform
in the orchestra on which the actors and chorus stood, this wall being
laid out on a tangent of the circle and having a height of twelve
feet, as we may understand from Vitruvius and from the remains of the
theatre at Epidaurus.

The main reasons advanced in support of this theory are that the
platform currently regarded as the stage, which according to Vitruvius
and the existing remains was hardly more than ten feet wide, must have
been too narrow to allow free movement on the part of the actors, and
that the height above the orchestra was too great to admit of the
close relation between the actors and the chorus, of which there is
abundant evidence in the extant dramas. According to Dr. Doerpfeld,
the stage came into existence in Italy first, and in the Roman period,
when there was no longer any chorus; a platform five feet high was
built for the actors, extending to the middle of the orchestra, so
that this now took the form of a semicircle and could be used for the
seats of spectators.

To undertake the examination of Dr. Doerpfeld's theory in detail would
not be pertinent here; yet we cannot bring our description of the
Theatre at Pompeii to a close without inquiring whether this
structure, which is perhaps a century older than the oldest Roman
theatre, shows any trace of the arrangement which the theory assumes.
Unfortunately, the evidence is not conclusive for either a negative or
an affirmative answer. Just as this second edition goes to press a
joint investigation of the whole matter has been undertaken by the
author and Dr. Doerpfeld, whose work is being facilitated by
excavations. It is yet too early to anticipate the conclusions to
which the evidence thus gained will lead; we may hazard a tentative
statement in regard to only one or two points.

It now appears probable that the present stage was not constructed at
the same time with the other parts of the Theatre, but that it is a
later addition. There is no trace of an earlier stage, and there is
nothing to indicate that this was built against the part of the
structure designed for the spectators. We might assume that this
earlier stage was placed at a slight distance from the other parts of
the building, and that the entrances of the orchestra, the parodoi,
lay between, were it not for the fact that the outer doorways of the
present parodoi--notably that on the west side with the head of a
satyr on the keystone--unquestionably belong to the original
structure; and we should not be warranted in assuming two entrances to
the orchestra on each side. At the same time it is evident that the
construction of the tribunalia must have involved a rebuilding of this
part of the Theatre, and it is possible that originally passages led
from the outer doors of the present parodoi, not to the orchestra, but
to the ranges of seats. In that case, assuming that the stage was
slightly removed from the rest of the structure, we may freely grant
that the acting may have gone on in front of it rather than upon it,
and that this may have been a Greek theatre according to Dr.
Doerpfeld's view. But we are here dealing only with possibilities; it
is to be hoped that further investigation will bring to light data for
a final solution of the problem.

In the open space between the Theatre, the Forum Triangulare, and the
Palaestra there is a deep reservoir for water (D), square on the
outside and round within. It was evidently used for the sprinklings,
_sparsiones_, with saffron-colored water, by which on summer days the
heat of the Theatre was mollified. That such sprinklings were in vogue
in Pompeii is known from announcements of gladiatorial combats,
painted on walls, in which they are advertised together with an awning
as part of the attraction,--_sparsiones, vela erunt_.



The names of the builders of the Small Theatre are known from an
inscription which is found in duplicate in different parts of the
building: _C. Quinctius C. f. Valg[us], M. Porcius M. f. duovir[i]
dec[urionum] decr[eto] theatrum tectum fac[iundum] locar[unt]
eidemq[ue] prob[arunt]_,--'Gaius Quinctius Valgus the son of Gaius and
Marcus Porcius the son of Marcus, duumvirs, in accordance with a
decree of the city council let the contract for building the covered
theatre, and approved the work.' Later the same officials, when, after
the customary interval, they had been elected quinquennial duumvirs,
built the Amphitheatre 'at their own expense' (p. 212).

  [Illustration: Fig. 66.--Plan of the Small Theatre.

     1. Dressing room.
     2. Stage.
     3, 3. Tribunals.]

When two magistrates set up an inscription in duplicate, ordinarily
the name of one appears first in one copy, while that of the second is
put first in the other. In all four inscriptions, however, two at the
Small Theatre and two at the Amphitheatre, Valgus has the first place.
The reason in the case of the Amphitheatre is not far to seek: Valgus
was the man of means, who furnished the money for the building, but
allowed his colleague and friend to share in the honor. We may also
believe that, while the Small Theatre was erected 'in accordance with
a decree of the city council,' and hence presumably at public expense,
a part of the funds was contributed by Valgus, who on this account
received honor above his less opulent colleague.

The son-in-law of this Valgus, Publius Servilius Rullus, has been
undeservedly immortalized by a speech of Cicero in opposition to a
bill brought forward by him in regard to the division of the public
lands. From the same oration we learn that Valgus, a man without
scruples, had taken advantage of the reign of terror instituted by
Sulla to acquire vast wealth, particularly in the way of landed
property. Among his estates was one in the country of the Hirpini,
near the city of Aeclanum (south of Beneventum), which made him its
patron and for which, as shown by an inscription, he repaired the
walls destroyed in the Civil War. He was undoubtedly one of the
leading men in the colony founded by Sulla at Pompeii, and very likely
sought by large public benefactions to cast his former life into
oblivion. The Small Theatre must have been built in the early years of
the Roman colony, not long after 80 B.C.

  [Illustration: Fig. 67.--View of the Small Theatre.]

A covered auditorium in the immediate vicinity of a large unroofed
theatre was not uncommon. About the time of the destruction of Pompeii
the poet Statius, praising the magnificence of his native city Naples,
speaks of 'twin theatres in a single structure, one open and one
roofed,'--_geminam molem nudi tectique theatri_. Our only clew to the
special use of such a building, however, is derived from the one
erected at Athens by Herodes Atticus, in the reign of Hadrian. This
was called an Odeum, that is, according to the derivation of the word,
a room for singing; musical entertainments were held there,
especially, we may assume, those musical contests which had so
important a place in ancient festivals. The purpose of the roof was
doubtless to add to the acoustic effect.

The plan of the Large Theatre has been discussed at so great length
that a few words will suffice in relation to that of the smaller
structure (Fig. 66). That it might be possible to cover the enclosed
space with a roof, the upper rows of seats were reduced in length, and
the whole building--cavea, orchestra, and stage--was brought into an
oblong shape; only the orchestra and the lower rows of seats in the
cavea form a complete semicircle. The pyramidal roof was supported by
a wall on all four sides; in the upper part of the wall, between the
roof and the highest row of seats, there were probably windows.

The seating capacity of the building was about fifteen hundred. The
lowest section of the cavea, as in the Large Theatre, consisted of
four low, broad ledges on which the chairs of the decurions could be
placed. Above these is a parapet, behind which is a passage accessible
at either end by semicircular steps. The broad range of seats above
was divided into five wedge-shaped blocks by flights of steps; only
two of these, however, extended as far as the passage running along
the upper side, which could be reached from the alley at the rear of
the building by means of stairways connecting with outside doors.

  [Illustration: Fig. 68.--Section of a seat in the Small Theatre.]

The seats were of masonry capped with slabs of tufa about seven inches
thick. They had depressions in the side and in the top, as may be seen
in the accompanying section (Fig. 68). They were thus made somewhat
more comfortable, the person in front being less subject to
disturbance from the feet of one sitting on the next seat behind; a
saving of room was also effected--an important consideration in the
construction of a small auditorium.

The tribunals (3, 3) differed from those in the Large Theatre in that
they were shut off entirely from the seats of the cavea by a sharply
inclined wall, and were entered only from the stage, by means of
narrow stairways; in this way the exclusive character of the seats was
made still more prominent. Besides the platform itself, measuring only
about 11 by 9 feet, three seats above each tribunal were set off with
it by the same division wall and were available for the occupants.

  [Illustration: Fig. 69.--An Atlas.]

The sloping wall between the tribunal and the cavea on each side ends
with a kneeling Atlas (Fig. 69); large vases probably stood on the two
brackets supported by these figures. The end of the parapet on either
side is embellished with a lion's foot of tufa (Fig. 70). These rather
coarse sculptures illustrate the character of the art that was brought
to Pompeii by the Roman colony. The workmanship is by no means fine,
yet the muscles of the figures are well rendered, and the effect is

  [Illustration: Fig. 70.--Ornament at the ends of the parapet.]

The pavement of the orchestra (seen in Fig. 67) consists of small
flags of colored marble. An inscription in bronze letters informs us
that it was laid by the duumvir Marcus Oculatius Verus _pro ludis_,
that is instead of the games which he would otherwise have been
expected to provide.

At the ends of the stage, as in the case of the Large Theatre, there
were two broad entrances. The wall at the rear, which was veneered
with marble, had the customary three doors, and in addition two small
doors, one near each end. The long dressing room behind the stage had
likewise two broad entrances at the ends, besides four at the rear.
Apparently the two narrow doors near the ends of the wall at the rear
of the stage, and the two doors corresponding with them at the back of
the dressing room, were for the use of those who had seats on the
tribunals; they could thus enter and leave their places even when the
large side doors of both stage and dressing room had been shut--as
undoubtedly happened immediately after the procession (_pompa_) had
passed across the stage.



'Behind the stage,' says Vitruvius (V. ix.), speaking of the
arrangements of the theatre, 'colonnades should be built, that shelter
may be afforded to spectators in case of rain and a place provided for
making preparations for the stage.'

  [Illustration: Fig. 71.--Plan of the Theatre Colonnade, showing its
   relation to the two theatres.

     1. Passage leading from Stabian Street.
     2. Entrance.
     3. Doorkeeper's room.
     4. Passage to Large Theatre, walled up.
     5. Stairway from the Forum Triangulare.
     6. Exedra--athletes' waiting room.
     7. Room with remains of costumes.
     8. Guard room.
     9. Stairway to overseer's rooms.
     10. Kitchen?
     11. Mess room.]

This maxim of ancient architects was applied at Pompeii in a generous
way; in connection with the theatres there was an extensive system of
colonnades. To understand their use it will be necessary first to view
them as they were in the earlier time, and then to take account of
later changes.

In the Oscan Period, and afterwards to the end of the Republic, when
a performance in the Large Theatre was interrupted by a shower, the
spectators in the upper seats could take refuge under the colonnade of
the Forum Triangulare; those below found shelter under the rectangular
colonnade at the rear, which was obviously built for the purpose, and
may be called, by way of distinction, the Theatre Colonnade (Fig. 71).
It contained seventy-four Doric columns, and enclosed a large open
area. The main entrance (2) was near the northeast corner. The
entrance hall on the side of the colonnade was supported by three
Ionic columns. It was connected at the north end with a short
colonnade on the east side of the area back of the stage of the
Theatre; this led to the large door at the east end of the stage and
the corresponding parodos of the orchestra; the wall at 4 on our plan
is a later addition. The Theatre Colonnade must have been used also as
a promenade on days when there was no performance; it was connected by
a broad passage (1) with Stabian Street.

This colonnade seems too far away to have served as a place for making
preparations for the stage; another was erected for that purpose. At
the northwest corner a broad stairway leads down from the Forum
Triangulare (5; cf. Fig. 65); from the foot a small and inconvenient
flight of steps leads into the area at the rear of the stage. In a
line with the stairway is a series of small rooms opening toward the
south. These do not belong to the original structure. In their place
there was once a colonnade, which faced the north and connected the
large stairway with the short colonnade, the remains of which are
still to be seen on the east side of the area; the back of it was at
the same time the back of the north division of the Theatre Colonnade.
There was thus a covered passage extending from the foot of the
stairway along two sides of the area to the east entrance of the stage
and of the orchestra, which would answer very well to the second part
of Vitruvius's dictum; but it had also another important use.

The portico of the Forum Triangulare, as we have seen, was at the same
time the monumental entrance of the Theatre, and the large doorway at
the left was used only for the ceremonious admission of the city
officials, who with their retinue formed a procession in the Forum
and wended their way hither in festal attire in order to open the
performance--a formality that may be compared with the parade with
which the Roman games were opened at Rome.

The route of such a procession, after entering the Forum Triangulare,
is now clear. It passed along under the colonnade adjoining the
Theatre, beyond the entrances to the upper portion of the cavea;
turned and descended the broad stairway (5), proceeded under the
colonnade along the south and east sides of the area behind the stage,
and finally came upon the stage through the wide doorway at the east
end. It was indeed possible to pass beyond the stage entrance and
proceed through the parodos directly to the seats of the orchestra and
the lowest section of the cavea; but it is more in accordance with the
fondness of the ancients for display to suppose that the procession
moved across the stage, receiving as it passed the plaudits of the
great audience, and emerged from the entrance opposite that by which
it came in, disbanding in the court, whence the members could go to
their respective seats. We need not here raise the question whether
the procession passed upon the stage behind the triangular side
screens (_periactoi_), or whether these were set in place only after
it had already passed.

When the colonnade on the south side of the court had been replaced by
rooms, and the Theatre Colonnade itself had been transformed into
barracks, this route of the processions was blocked. They could still
pass down the street in front of the temple of Isis, turn into Stabian
Street, and reach the stage through the passage at the rear of the
Small Theatre; but it does not seem probable that they followed this
course, for the reason that there are three large stepping stones in
the street before one comes to the entrance of the passage; these
would have proved a serious obstruction, and would undoubtedly have
been removed had the processions gone this way.

We may rather believe that before the usual route was closed the
processions themselves had been given up. They were still in vogue,
however, when the Small Theatre was built; otherwise the purpose of
the wide entrances at the ends of the stage and of the room back of it
is not clear. Moreover the sidewalk in front of the Small Theatre, on
Stabian Street, is of an altogether unusual width, and was apparently
covered by a portico. We infer that the procession to this theatre
entered at the west end of the stage, and passed out at the east end;
since it could not disperse on the street, it would turn where the
sidewalk was broadest, go back through the room at the rear of the
stage into the court, and there disband.

The discontinuance of the processions must then be assigned to the
period between the building of the Small Theatre and the changing over
of the Theatre Colonnade into barracks, which, to judge from the
masonry and the remains of the decoration, did not take place before
the time of Nero. The processions were abandoned either in the
troubled period of the Civil Wars, or in the early years of the
Empire; if in the latter period, their discontinuance may have been
due to legislation connected with the reorganization of the Empire
under Augustus, or to the overshadowing of them by more imposing
ceremonies introduced in connection with the religious festivals.

Our information in regard to the later use of the Theatre Colonnade is
indeed meagre; not a single inscription bearing upon it has been
found. Yet when we take into account the changes that were made in it,
and the objects found there, the supposition that it was turned into
barracks for gladiators in the time of the Early Empire, and so used
till the destruction of the city, is seen to harmonize with almost all
the facts.

First, rooms were built on all sides behind the colonnade; on the
north side they took the place of the south arm of the colonnade in
the area back of the stage. They were in two series, one above the
other; the upper rooms were entered from a low wooden gallery
accessible by three stairways. They could not have been intended for
shops; they were too small, measuring on the average hardly more than
twelve feet square, and the doors were too narrow. There were no doors
opening from one room into the other. Both lower and upper rooms, we
may conclude, were used for men's quarters.


In the middle of the south side a large room was left, with the front
open toward the area, an exedra (6). On the east side was a still
larger room the front of which is divided off by pillars; other
rooms open from it, and among them is one (10) with several hearths,
evidently intended for a mess kitchen, if the hearths are ancient;
they may be modern. Over these rooms was a second story, reached by a
broad stairway (9).

The immediate connection of the colonnade with the area behind the
stage was now cut off by a wall (4); there was left only a small door
in the corner, which could be readily fastened. The entrance from the
passage leading to Stabian Street (2) was provided with doors and
placed under the control of a guard, for whom a special room was built
at one side (3). There was a third entrance, narrow and easily closed,
at the northwest corner, where a flight of steps connected the foot of
the broad stairway (5) with the landing of the stairs leading to the
wooden gallery.

Thus a complete transformation was effected. The promenade for
theatre-goers had become barracks, with a great number of cell-like
rooms, a mess kitchen, and narrow, guarded entrances. Soldiers,
however, could not have been kept here; in the period to which the
rebuilding belongs, garrisons were not stationed in the cities of
Italy except the Capital. On the other hand, gladiatorial combats in
Pompeii were so frequent, and on so large a scale, that a special
building for the housing and guarding of gladiators would seem to have
been a necessity; such a building would naturally have been erected by
the city and placed at the disposal of those who gave the games. As
early as the time of Augustus, Aulus Clodius Flaccus brought forward
forty pairs of gladiators in a single day, and on various occasions
afterwards as many as thirty pairs were engaged. How well the
colonnade was now suited for gladiators' quarters may be seen from a
glance at the plan. The area would serve as a practice court, the
exedra on the south side (6), protected from the sun, as the station
for the trainers and lounging room for men awaiting their turn; the
mess room would be the large apartment adjoining the kitchen (11),
while the quarters of the chief trainer, _lanista_, and his
assistants, would be in the second story, reached by the broad
stairway (9).

The small rooms were poorly decorated, in the fourth style. There were
better paintings only in the exedra. On the rear wall of this room
was the oft repeated group of Mars and Venus; on the side walls,
gladiatorial weapons were represented, piled up in heaps, after the
manner of trophies, about eight feet high. The reference to the
purpose of the building, as in the case of the paintings in the
Macellum, is obvious. The columns about the area were originally
white; after the rebuilding the unfluted lower part was painted red,
the upper part yellow. Four columns, however, two at the middle of the
east side, and the two opposite them on the west side, were painted
blue, probably to serve as bounds in marking off the area for athletic

The objects found in the barracks are recorded in the journal of the
excavations. They indicate that at the time of the eruption the rooms
were occupied. Everything of value was removed from those on the north
side by the survivors, but the south half was apparently left
undisturbed, and has yielded a rich harvest.

  [Illustration: Fig. 72.--A gladiator's greave.]

In ten rooms the excavators found a great quantity of weapons of the
kinds used by gladiators, including fifteen helmets, a shield, greaves
(Fig. 72), several broad belts trimmed with metal, and a couple of
armlets; there were more than a hundred scales of horn belonging to a
coat of mail, and a half dozen shoulder protectors, _galeri_, which
the net fighter, _retiarius_, who carried no shield and was armed only
with a net and a trident, wore on his left shoulder. The weapons were
mostly for defence, but remains of a few offensive weapons were found,
as the head of a lance, a sword, and a couple of daggers. In the same
room with the daggers and the sword (perhaps 7) were the remains of
two wooden chests containing cloth with gold thread; this may have
been used in gladiators' costumes.

The helmets are characteristic (Fig. 73). They are furnished with a
visor, and part of them have a broad rim, richly ornamented with
reliefs; their shape corresponds exactly with that of the helmets
seen in paintings and reliefs representing gladiatorial combats. The
shield, which is round and only about sixteen inches in diameter,
would have been quite useless in military service. In a room under the
stairs the skeleton of a horse was found, with remains of trappings
richly mounted with bronze; one class of gladiators, the equites,
fought on horseback.

  [Illustration: Fig. 73.--A gladiator's helmet.]

One of the small rooms on the west side (8) was used as a guard room.
Here were the stocks, the remains of which are shown in Fig. 74; they
were fastened to a board. At one end of the under piece was a lock, by
which the bar passed through the rings could be made secure. The men
confined had the choice of lying down or sitting in an uncomfortable
position. The four persons whose skeletons were found in this room,
however, were not in the stocks at the time of the eruption. That such
means of discipline should be employed in controlling gladiators is
entirely consistent with ancient methods.

  [Illustration: Fig. 74.--Remains of stocks found in the guard room of
   the barracks.]

Besides these finds, there were others not so easily explained. In the
two rooms in which the spearhead and the other offensive weapons were
found, there were eighteen skeletons, among them that of a woman
richly adorned with gold jewelry; she had a necklace with emeralds,
earrings, and two armbands, besides rings and other ornaments, and in
a casket a cameo, the elaborate setting of which is in part preserved.
In a room near the southwest corner the bones of a new-born infant
were found in an earthen jar. A number of weights also were
discovered, and vessels of terra cotta and glass; in three rooms there
were more than six dozen small saucers. Were the barracks wholly given
up to gladiators at the time of the eruption, or were some other
persons allowed to have quarters here, perhaps some of those whose
houses had been destroyed by the earthquake of 63 and had not been
rebuilt? A certain conclusion cannot be reached.



The oblong court north of the Large Theatre, between the entrance of
the Forum Triangulare and the temple of Isis, is the Palaestra.
Originally, the enclosed area was entirely surrounded by a colonnade,
with ten columns on the sides and five at each end; but at a
comparatively late period, probably after the earthquake of 63, the
columns at the east end were removed and the space thus gained was
added to the temple of Isis.

  [Illustration: Fig. 75.--Plan of the Palaestra.

     1. Colonnade.
     2. Pedestal.
     3. Dressing rooms.]

A number of the columns on the other three sides are still standing.
They are Doric but of slender proportions, the height, 10œ feet, being
equal to eight diameters, while the intercolumniations measure about
nine feet. It is doubtful whether the columns carried a complete
entablature; more likely the roof rested directly on a wooden

The building clearly dates from the pre-Roman period. The columns are
of tufa coated with stucco, the dimensions of the colonnade (90 by 36
Oscan feet) reduce to the early standard of measurement; and an Oscan
inscription was found here which says that the building was erected by
the Quaestor Vibius Vinicius, with money which Vibius Adiranus had
left by will to the Pompeian youth. The translation of the word
_vereiiai_, 'to the youth,' otherwise doubtful, is confirmed by
various facts which indicate that the building was intended as a small
palaestra or open-air gymnasium for boys.

While the Palaestra had its original length, the entrance, which is
now nearer the east end, was at the middle of the north side. Opposite
it, near the colonnade on the south side, is a pedestal of tufa,
before which stands a small table of the same stone (Fig. 76). The
pedestal is reached by narrow steps. Here stood a statue of the patron
divinity of the Palaestra. When an athletic contest was held, the
wreath intended for the victor was laid on the stone table before the
god; after the award had been made, the successful contestant took up
the wreath and dedicated it to the divinity by mounting the steps and
placing it on the head of the statue. It is evident from the height of
the steps that the contestants were boys, not men.

  [Illustration: Fig. 76.--View of the Palaestra, with the pedestal,
   table, and steps.]

On the pedestal was undoubtedly a statue of Hermes, but not of the
type which we have already met with in the court of the temple of
Apollo (p. 88), and shall find later in the palaestra of the Stabian
Baths (p. 200); a base of this sort can hardly have been intended for
a herm. No trace of the missing statue has been discovered.

Another statue stood at the foot of one of the columns on the south
side. It is a copy of the doryphorus of Polyclitus, and is now in the
Naples Museum (Fig. 77). Though it has been restored, there seems no
good reason to believe that the restoration is incorrect, and that the
figure is really a Hermes, having originally carried on the left
shoulder a herald's staff with entwined snakes, _caduceus_, instead of
a spear. For the adornment of a place devoted to athletic exercises
nothing could have been more appropriate than a copy of the doryphorus
as an ideal of youthful strength, of harmonious physical development;
and the Elder Pliny bears witness (N. H. XXXIV. v. 18), that it was
customary to set up such statues in a palaestra. This figure had no
pedestal; it stood on the ground, a man among men.

  [Illustration: Fig. 77.--Doryphorus. Statue found in the Palaestra.]

At the west end of the court were dressing rooms where the boys,
before exercising, could anoint themselves and afterwards could remove
the oil and dirt with the strigil; such a dressing room in connection
with a bath was called a destrictarium. Water was brought into the
court by a lead pipe, which passed through one of the columns at the
right of the entrance and threw a jet either into a basin standing
below or into the gutter in front of the colonnade.

It would be of interest to know what athletic exercises were practised
in the Palaestra; but apart from the pedestal with its steps and table
no characteristic remains were found here. The exercises in the Roman
period undoubtedly differed somewhat from those practised at the time
when the building was erected, when the Greek system was everywhere in



The loftiest and purest religious conceptions of the ancient Egyptians
were embodied in the myth of Isis and Osiris, which in the third
millennium B.C. had already become the basis of a firmly established
cult. These conceptions approached the monotheistic idea of an
omnipresent god, and with them was associated a belief in a blessed
immortality. Isis was the goddess of heaven, and Osiris was the
Sun-god, her brother and husband, who is slain at evening by his
brother Set,--the Greek Typhon,--ruler of darkness. Their child Horus,
also called Harpocrates, born after the father's death, is the fresh
sun of the new day, the successor and avenger of his father, the
conqueror of Set; he becomes a new Osiris, while the father, ever
blessed, rules in the realm of the dead, the kingdom of the West. Man,
the followers of Isis taught, is an incarnation of deity, whose
destiny is also his. He is himself an Osiris, and will enter upon a
better state of existence beyond the grave if a favorable judgment is
passed upon him in the trial given to the dead.

The worship of Isis, associated with Mysteries from an early period,
was reorganized by the first Ptolemy with the help of Manetho, an
Egyptian priest, and Timotheus, a Greek skilled in the Eleusinian
Mysteries. The purpose of the king was to unite his Egyptian and Greek
subjects in one faith, and the effort was more successful than might
have been anticipated. In its new Alexandrian form the worship of Isis
and Osiris, or Serapis, as the latter divinity was now called, spread,
not only over all Egypt, but also over the other countries in the East
into which Greek culture had penetrated, and soon made its way to
Italy and the West.

Various causes contributed to the rapid extension of the cult. It had
the charm of something foreign and full of mystery. Its doctrine,
supported by the prestige of immemorial antiquity, successfully
opposed the mutually destructive opinions of the philosophers, while
at the same time its conception of deity was by no means inconsistent
with philosophic thought; and it brought to the initiated that
expectation of a future life to which the Eleusinian Mysteries owed
their attractive power. The ascetic side of the worship, too, with its
fastings and abstinence from the pleasures of sense, that the soul
might lose itself in the mystical contemplation of deity, had a
fascination for natures that were religiously susceptible; and the
celebration of the Mysteries, the representation of the myth of Isis
in pantomime with a musical accompaniment, appealed powerfully to the
imagination. The cult also possessed elements that brought it nearer
to the needs of the multitude. The activities of the Egyptian
divinities were not confined to the other world; their help might be
sought in the concerns of this life. Thus the chief priest could say
to Apuleius that Isis summoned her elect to consecrate themselves to
her service only when the term of life allotted to them had really
expired, and that she lengthened their tale of years, so that all of
life remaining was a direct gift from the hands of the goddess. The
priests of Isis were looked upon as experts in astrology, the
interpretation of dreams, and the conjuring of spirits.

A college of the Servants of Isis, Pastophori, was founded in Rome in
the time of Sulla, about 80 B.C. In vain the authorities tried to
drive out the worship of the Egyptian gods. Three times their temple,
in the midst of the city, was destroyed by order of the consuls, in
58, 50, and 48 B.C. But after Caesar's death, in 44 B.C., the
triumvirs built a temple in honor of Isis and Osiris; and a few
decades later, perhaps in the reign of Caligula, their festival was
recognized in the public Calendar. In Campania the Alexandrian cult
gained a foothold earlier than in Rome. An inscription of the year 105
B.C., found at Puteoli, proves that a temple of Serapis was then
standing in that enterprising city, which had close commercial
relations with Egypt and the East. Soon after this date the earlier
temple of Isis at Pompeii must have been built.

  [Illustration: Fig. 78.--Plan of the temple of Isis.

     1. Portico.
     2. Cella.
     3. Shrine of Harpocrates.
     4. Purgatorium.
     5. Hall of initiation.
     6. Hall of the Mysteries.
     7, 8, 9. Dwelling of priest.
     _a._ Colonnade.
     _b._ Pit for the refuse of sacrifices.
     _c._ Niche for statue of Bacchus.
     _d_, _d._ Niches at the sides of the cella.
     _e._ Large altar.]

The entrance to the court of the temple (Fig. 78) is from the north.
Above the door is an inscription which informs us that after an
earthquake (that of the year 63) Numerius Popidius Celsinus, at his
own expense, rebuilt the temple of Isis from the foundation, and that
in recognition of his generosity, though he was only six years of age,
the members of the city council, the decurions, admitted him without
cost to their rank: _N[umerius] Popidius N[umerii] f[ilius] Celsinus
aedem Isidis terrae motu conlapsam a fundamento p[ecunia] s[ua]
restituit; hunc decuriones ob liberalitatem, cum esset annorum sexs,
ordini suo gratis adlegerunt_. The temple evidently belonged to the
city; and the places for statues in the court, as the inscriptions
show, were assigned by vote of the city council.

Other inscriptions give information in regard to the family of the
child Celsinus. His father was Numerius Popidius Ampliatus, his mother
Corelia Celsa; a brother bore the same name as the father. The real
rebuilders were of course the parents; by associating their
munificence with the name of their son, they opened the way for him to
the city offices, for which the father, a freedman, was not eligible.
Ampliatus perpetuated his own name by setting up a statue of Bacchus
in a niche in the outside of the rear wall of the temple (at _c_ on
the plan), with the inscription: _N. Popidius Ampliatus pater p. s._,
'Numerius Popidius Ampliatus the father (set up this statue) at his
own expense.' The names of the two sons appear with that of their
mother in the mosaic floor of the large room (6) behind the colonnade
at the rear.

Though the rebuilding of Celsinus was 'from the foundation,' remains
of the old temple were utilized, as shafts of columns and Corinthian
capitals coated with white stucco; and the plan of the new building
was very nearly the same as that of the old. The stylobate of the
colonnade belongs to the earlier structure, but the columns originally
stood nearer together, eight instead of seven at the ends, and ten on
the sides.

The architectural forms and the workmanship of these remains point to
a time just after the founding of the Roman colony; nevertheless the
dimensions of the colonnade, approximately fifty by sixty Oscan feet,
reduce to the pre-Roman standard of measurement, and the building may
have been commenced earlier. In later times the increasing number of
the worshippers of Isis made necessary an enlargement of the
sanctuary. The two rooms at the west end (5 and 6) were added at the
expense of the Palaestra, probably at the time of the rebuilding.

In the middle of the court, which is surrounded by the colonnade, is
the temple, consisting of an oblong cella (2), the east side of which
is treated as a front, with a portico borne by six columns (1). A pit
for the refuse of sacrifices, enclosed by a wall (_b_) stands in the
corner of the court near the entrance from the street; in the opposite
corner there is a larger enclosure having the appearance of a small
temple (4). Near this are two altars; a third altar stood close to the
temple, and there are five others, somewhat smaller, between the
columns. On the south side, between the colonnade and the Theatre, is
a small area of irregular shape, east of which is a dwelling
containing five rooms (7, 8, 9).

The accompanying illustrations show the temple as it is to-day (Fig.
79) and as it was before the eruption (Fig. 80). It has
architecturally nothing suggestive of the Egyptian style. Yet the plan
presents a marked deviation from ordinary types, as if the builders,
erecting an edifice for the worship of foreign gods, strove with set
purpose to produce a bizarre effect; at the right and the left of the
front of the cella is a large niche, projecting beyond the sides of
the portico, and inorganically connected with the main part of the
temple by a pilaster. In the ornamentation of this temple, as in that
of the temple of Apollo, the simple and chaste forms of the Greek
architecture were replaced by gaudy stucco ornaments more in harmony
with the prevailing taste.

  [Illustration: Fig. 79.--View of the temple of Isis.]

Besides the broad flight of steps in front, a narrow stairway at the
left of the temple led to a side door opening into the cella. A base
of masonry about six feet high extends across the rear of the cella,
on which were two pedestals of tufa, about sixteen inches square, for
the statues of Isis and Osiris. In the two large niches outside other
divinities stood, perhaps Anubis and Harpocrates. The latter was
apparently worshipped also at the shrine in the wall on the east side
of the court (3), facing the doorway of the cella. A painting from
this shrine, now in the Naples Museum, represents a statue of
Harpocrates of the familiar type--a boy with his finger in his mouth
holding a cornucopia, with a lotus blossom resting on his forehead;
before him stands a priest in a long white robe, holding a candlestick
in each hand, while in the background is a temple surrounded by a
colonnade, evidently intended for a free representation of the temple
before us. In front of the shrine were the charred remains of a wooden

  [Illustration: Fig. 80.--The temple of Isis, restored. In the
   background, the Large Theatre.]

No statue was found in the cella or in the two niches in front. We may
suppose that the images of the four divinities, being of relatively
small size, were carried off by the priests at the time of the
eruption; had they been removed afterwards, the excavators would have
taken also the other objects in the cella used in the services of the
temple. Among these were two skulls, probably made use of in the
ceremonies attending initiation into the Mysteries, and a marble hand,
about four inches long, but whether a right or a left hand, the
journal of the excavations does not say. A left hand was carried in
the procession in honor of Isis, described by Apuleius; as the weaker
of the two, and so less ready to do evil, it symbolized the even
justice (_aequitas_) with which the deity governs the world. There
were also two wooden caskets, one of which contained a diminutive gold
cup, measuring less than an inch across the top, a glass vessel a
trifle over an inch and a half in height, and a statuette of a god
about half as high; in the other were two bronze candlesticks about
ten inches high, the use of which may be inferred from the painting
described above, and a bronze lamp with places for two wicks.

The walls of the colonnade were painted in bright colors on a deep red
ground. The lower part of the columns was red, but above they were
white; the temple also was white, the purpose obviously being to give
the appearance of marble. Nevertheless the same decorative framework
appears both in the white stucco of the temple and the painted
decoration of the colonnade: a division of the body of the wall into
large panels, with a continuous garland of conventional plant forms
above. In the colonnade there was a yellow base, treated as a
projecting architectural member; above it large red panels alternated
with light, fantastic architectural designs in yellow on a red ground.
The frieze was black, with garlands in strong contrast--green, blue,
and yellow--enlivened with all sorts of animal forms. In the middle of
each of the large panels was a priest of Isis; in the lower part of
the intervening architectural designs were marine pictures,--galleys
maneuvering, and seafights. Similar pictures are found in other
buildings, as the Macellum, but marine views were especially
appropriate here, because Isis was a patron divinity of seamen.
Apuleius gives an interesting description of the spring festival, by
which the navigation of the opening season was committed to her
guardian care.

Opposite the entrance of the temple the colonnade presents an
interesting peculiarity of construction, which is found also in other
buildings at Pompeii, as the Stabian Baths. The place of the three
middle columns on that side is taken by two large pillars, higher than
the rest of the colonnade, each of which is backed by an attached
half-column. This arrangement made the approach to the temple more
imposing, and also furnished an appropriate setting for the shrine of
Harpocrates against the wall.

The principal altar, on which sacrifice was offered to the divinities
worshipped in the temple, is that near the foot of the steps in front
(_e_). The officiating priest stood on a block of stone at the side of
it, with the temple at his right; on this altar were found ashes and
fragments of calcined bones. The two smaller altars near by were
probably consecrated to the gods whose images were placed in the
exterior niches.

Two rectangular pits were used as receptacles for the refuse of
sacrifices. One was quite small, and no trace of it can now be found;
it was near the large altar, and contained remains of burnt figs, pine
kernels and cones, nuts, and dates, with fragments of two statuettes
representing divinities. The wall about the other (_b_), when
excavated, was built up at each end in the form of a gable, and
evidently once supported a wooden roof; in this pit also were charred
remains of fruits. What divinities were worshipped at the altars
between the columns, it is impossible to determine. The small base
standing against the corner column near the entrance (seen in Fig. 79)
was probably a pedestal, not an altar.

At the left of the steps leading up to the temple, and facing the
large altar, is a small pillar of masonry fifteen inches square and
nearly two and a half feet high. A similar pillar, which formerly
stood at the right, had thin slabs of stone on three sides. One of
these, that on the front of the pillar (now in the Naples Museum), was
covered with hieroglyphics. It is a memorial tablet, which Hat, 'the
writer of the divine word,' _hierogrammateus_, set up in honor of his
parents and grandparents; it contains symbolic representations in
three divisions, one above the other. In the upper division Hat, his
brother and colleague Meran, their father and grandfather, are praying
to Osiris, 'Lord of the Kingdom of the Dead'; below, Hat is bringing
to his parents and grandparents offerings for the dead, while in the
lower division Meran and two sisters unite with him in prayer to
Osiris. The tablet could hardly have been designed for a temple, but
still, by reason of its contents, it was considered appropriate for
this place. It was doubtless intended that a similar tablet should be
affixed to the pillar at the left, but perhaps none happened to be
available; statuettes of divinities were probably placed on the

The presence of a statue of Bacchus in the niche in the rear wall of
the cella is easily explained; this divinity was identified with
Osiris. Two ears are moulded in the stucco beside the niche, symbolic
of the listening of the god to the prayers of his worshippers.

Against the west wall of the colonnade, near the corners, were two
pedestals, with statues of female divinities about one half life size.
At the right was Isis, in archaic Greek costume, with the inscription:
_L. Caecilius Phoebus posuit l[oco] d[ato] d[ecurionum] d[ecreto]_,
'Set up by Lucius Caecilius Phoebus, in a place granted by a decree of
the city council'; the name indicates that the donor was a freedman.
The other statue, at the left, represents Venus drying her hair after
the bath; it is of a common type and possesses small value as a work
of art, yet is of interest because of the well preserved painting and
gilding. Venus, as many other goddesses, was identified with Isis.

In the same corner with the statue of Venus, against the south wall,
stood the herm of Gaius Norbanus Sorex, a marble pillar with a bronze
head. According to the inscription, he was an actor who played the
second part (_secundarum, sc. partium_), and was also magister of the
suburb Pagus Augustus Felix. He was probably a generous supporter of
the temple. A duplicate of the herm is found in the Eumachia building,
to which also he may have made a contribution. The low social standing
of the various benefactors of the temple is noteworthy; it indicates
in what circles the worship of the Egyptian divinities found its
adherents. As yet this was by no means an aristocratic cult, although
it became such later, especially after the time of Hadrian.

While the Greek and Roman gods were honored chiefly at their
festivals, the Egyptian divinities demanded worship every day, indeed
several times a day. The early service, the 'opening of the temple,'
is described by Apuleius, who was probably admitted to the college of
the Servants of Isis in Rome in the time of the Antonines, and wrote
about 160 A.D. Before daybreak the priest went into the temple by the
side entrance and threw back the great doors, which were fastened on
the inside. White linen curtains were hung across the doorway,
shielding the interior from view. Now the street gate of the court was
opened; the thronging multitude of the devout streamed in and took
their places in front of the temple. The curtains were drawn aside and
the image of the goddess was presented to the gaze of her worshippers,
who greeted her with prayers and shaking of the sistrum, a musical
rattle, the use of which was characteristic of the worship of the
Egyptian gods. For a time they remained sitting, engaged in prayer and
in the contemplation of the divinity; an hour after daybreak the
service was closed with an invocation to the newly risen sun. This
description throws light on the purpose of the bench in front of the
shrine of Harpocrates.

  [Illustration: Fig. 81.--Scene from the worship of Isis--the adoration
   of the holy water. Wall painting from Herculaneum.]

The second service was held at two o'clock in the afternoon, but we do
not possess exact information in regard to it. It is, perhaps,
depicted in a fresco painting from Herculaneum (Fig. 81), the subject
of which is a solemn act in the worship of Isis, the adoration of the
holy water. In the portico of the temple, above the steps, two priests
and a priestess are standing. The priest in the middle holds in front
of him, in the folds of his robe, a vessel containing the holy water,
which was supposed to be from the Nile; his two associates are shaking
the sistrum. There is an altar at the foot of the steps; a priest is
fanning the fire into flame. On the right and the left of the altar
are the worshippers, with other priests, part of whom are shaking the
sistrum, while a fluteplayer sits in the foreground at the right.

Another painting, the counterpart of that just described, seems to
portray the celebration of a festival; the surroundings correspond
fairly well with those of our temple. The doors are thrown back; a
dark-visaged man, wearing a wreath, is dancing in the doorway. Behind
him, within the temple, are the musicians, among whom can be
distinguished a girl striking the cymbals and a woman with a
tambourine. About the steps are priests and other worshippers, shaking
the sistrum and offering prayer; in front stands a burning altar. An
important festival of Isis occurred in November. It commenced with an
impassioned lamentation over the death of Osiris and the search for
his body. On the third day, November 12, the finding of the body by
Isis was celebrated with great rejoicing. So, perhaps, in this
painting the dance is a manifestation of the joy with which the
festival ended, the whole picture being a scene from the observance of
the Egyptian Easter.

In such celebrations use would be made of the small brazier of bronze
found in the court in front of our temple, on which incense could be
burned. The ablutions, which played so important a part in Egyptian
rites, were performed in the rear of the court, where stood a
cylindrical leaden vessel, adorned with Egyptian figures in relief; a
jet fell into it from a lead pipe connected with the city aqueduct.

The small building at the southeast corner of the court, which is
known as the Purgatorium, was open to the sky. It was made to look
like a roofed structure by the addition of gables at the ends. On the
inside, at the rear, a flight of steps leads down toward the right to
a vaulted underground chamber, about five feet wide and six and a half
feet long. The inner part of the chamber, divided off by a low wall,
was evidently intended for a tank. In one of the corners in the front
part is a low base, on which a jar could be set while it was being
filled. Here the holy Nile water--more or less genuine--was kept for
use in the sacred rites.

The purpose of the tank is suggested by certain of the stucco reliefs
on the outside of the enclosing wall. In the gable, above the
entrance, is a vase, standing out from a blue ground, with a kneeling
figure on either side. The frieze contains Egyptian priests and
priestesses, also on a blue ground, with their faces turned toward the
vessel (Fig. 82). The figures are all worshipping the sacred water in
the vase.

  [Illustration: Fig. 82.--Part of the façade of the Purgatorium.]

Of the other figures in relief, only the two goddesses in the panels
at the sides of the entrance have an Egyptian character. Under each of
them was a small altar of tufa, attached to the wall; the figure at
the left (Fig. 82) is plainly Isis.

The side walls are decorated with reliefs in Greco-Roman style. They
are divided into a large middle panel, containing two figures, and two
side panels, each with a Cupid. In the middle panel, on the right
side, Mars and Venus are represented; in that at the left, Perseus
rescuing Andromeda (Fig. 83).

The dwelling back of the colonnade, on the south side, consists of a
kitchen (8), a dining room (7), a sleeping apartment (9), and two
small rooms at the rear, under the stairway leading to the highest
seats of the Large Theatre. The ritual of the Egyptian gods was so
exacting, and the services of worship were so numerous, that it was
necessary for one or more priests to reside within the precincts of
the temple. These rooms were the habitation of a priest.

  [Illustration: Fig. 83.--Decoration of the east side of the
   Purgatorium--Perseus rescuing Andromeda.

   At the right and the left floating Cupids, the one at the left
   bearing a box of incense.]

One of the rooms on the west side (6) is oblong in shape, with five
broad, arched entrances opening from the colonnade. The walls were
richly decorated in the last Pompeian style. There were seven large
paintings, five of which were landscapes with shrines, part being
Egyptian landscapes; the other two represent Io watched by Argus, with
Hermes coming to rescue her, and Io in Egypt, received by Isis.
Against the rear wall was a pedestal, on which probably stood the
female figure, above life size, the remains of which were found in one
of the entrances. Only the head, the hands, and the front parts of the
feet were of marble; the rest was of wood, no doubt concealed by
drapery. The priests seemingly had started to carry the statue with
them when they fled, but abandoned the attempt at the doorway. In the
same room a marble table, a sistrum, two pots of terra cotta, three
small glass bottles, and a glass cup were found. We may safely
conclude that here the common meals were served, of which, as we
learn from Apuleius, the devotees of the cult partook. And when, in
connection with the great festivals, the Mysteries were celebrated
with a presentation of the myth of Isis and Osiris in pantomime, this
large room was well adapted for the sacred exhibitions.

The adjoining room, at the southwest corner of the colonnade (5), is
irregular in shape and of an entirely different character. It seems to
have been regarded as a sacred place, and to have been used for secret
ceremonies. It was entered from the colonnade by a narrow door, which
could be securely fastened. Large, sketchy pictures of gods were
painted on the walls on a white ground,--Isis, Osiris, Typhon,--with
sacred animals and symbols relating to the myth which to us are
unintelligible. The excavators found here the remains of four wooden
statues with marble heads, hands, and feet, one of a male figure, the
other three female; there were besides a statuette of an Egyptian god
made of green stone, on which were hieroglyphics; a statuette of white
clay, covered with a green glaze; a sphinx of terra cotta, fragments
of terra cotta statuettes of Egyptian figures, different kinds of
vessels of clay, glass, and lead, and a bronze knife, evidently
intended for use in sacrifices. At the left near the entrance is a
small reservoir, reached by three steps. On the north side is a niche
that apparently formed part of a small shrine.

A kind of alcove opens off from the southeast corner of this room, the
entrance to which could be closed by a curtain. From this a few steps
and a door led into a storeroom, in which were found about three dozen
vessels of various shapes, an iron tripod, and no less than
fifty-eight earthen lamps. The lamps were in part provided with iron
rings, so that they could be suspended; there were also iron rods,
which the excavators supposed to be lamp holders. A rear door
connected the storeroom with the small area of irregular shape between
the Palaestra and the Theatre.

These arrangements suggest the celebration of secret rites by night;
we may well believe that novices were here initiated into the order of
the Servants of Isis. Obscure hints in regard to the ceremonies
connected with the consecration to the service of the goddess are
thrown out by Apuleius. 'The initiation,' said the priest to him, 'is
conducted under the image of a voluntary death, with the renewing of
life as a gift from the deity.' Of his own experience he says merely:
'I came to the borders of death, I trod the threshold of Proserpina,
then came back through all the stages to life. In the middle of the
night I saw the sun shine brightly; I entered into the immediate
presence of the gods above and the gods below, and worshipped them
face to face.'

Renunciation of past life, and a second birth to a new and purified
existence, were the main ideas underlying the ceremonies, which as
presented here must have been far less splendid and impressive than in
Rome, where they were witnessed by Apuleius.



The small temple near the northeast corner of the block containing the
theatres is entered from Stabian Street. The court (Fig. 84, 2), like
that of the temple of Vespasian, has a colonnade across the front;
only the foundation and a Doric capital of lava are preserved.

  [Illustration: Fig. 84.--Plan of the temple of Zeus Milichius.

     1. Colonnade.
     2. Court, with large altar.
     3. Cella.
     4. Sacristan's room.]

At the end of the colonnade on the right is the room of the sacristan
(4). The large altar (Fig. 251) stands close to the foot of the steps
leading up to the temple. It is built of blocks of tufa, with a frieze
of triglyphs and panels like those found on walls in the first style
of decoration.

The steps extend across the front of the temple, the unusual elevation
of which is explained by the inequality of the ground. Of the six
columns in the tetrastyle portico no remains have been found, but
three capitals of pilasters are preserved, two belonging to those at
the corners of the cella, and one, considerably smaller, to a
doorpost; they are of tufa, and were once covered with white stucco.

The excellent proportions and fine workmanship of the capitals point
to the period of the first style of decoration; there was formerly a
remnant of that style on the north wall of the cella, copied before
1837. Nevertheless the quasi-reticulate masonry of the cella, closely
resembling that of the Small Theatre, dates from the early years of
the Roman colony. In this period the temple in its present form was
built, perhaps with the help of native Pompeian masons.

Attached to the rear wall of the cella was an oblong pedestal on which
were placed two statues, representing Jupiter and Juno, together with
a bust of Minerva, all of terra cotta and of poor workmanship. The
suggestion at once presents itself that this was the Capitolium,
erected by the Roman colonists soon after they settled in Pompeii. It
is incredible, however, that colonists who had the means to erect
monumental buildings, such as the Amphitheatre and the Small Theatre,
should have housed the great gods of the Capitol in so modest a
temple, in so inconspicuous a spot, and should not have provided more
costly images.

All the evidence is in favor of the explanation, already proposed (p.
66), that after the earthquake the worship of the gods of the Capitol
was transferred hither temporarily from the temple in the Forum, until
that should be rebuilt.

  [Illustration: Fig. 85.--Capital of pilaster with the face of Zeus

What divinity thus became the host of the Roman gods? It would be
impossible to say but for the fortunate recovery of an Oscan
inscription, which was set up in the passage of the Stabian Gate. This
commemorates the work of two aediles, M. Sittius and N. Pontius, who
improved the street leading out from the Stabian Gate 'as far as the
Stabian Bridge, and the Via Pompeiana as far as the temple of Zeus
Milichius; these streets, as well as the Via Jovia (and another, the
name of which cannot be made out) they placed in perfect repair.'

It is natural to suppose that the Via Pompeiana, mentioned in
immediate connection with the road leading to Stabiae, was the
continuation of the latter within the city, or Stabian Street. This,
then, led to the temple named in the inscription, and as there is no
other temple on the street, the small sanctuary in which the images of
the Capitoline divinities were placed was the temple of Zeus

This building, however, is not old enough to have been mentioned in an
Oscan inscription. It probably stands in the place of a much earlier
edifice. The masonry of the wall on the south side of the court is
different from that of the other walls, and older; as it shows no
trace of a cross wall, it must always have stood at the side of an
open space, such as that of the present court. To the earlier building
the capitals belong, the style of which, as remarked above, is

In view of this explanation, we should probably recognize in the head
carved on the smallest of the pilaster capitals (Fig. 85) a
representation of Zeus Milichius, a divinity honored in many parts of
Greece, especially by the farmers; Zeus the Gracious, the patron of
tillers of the soil. The serious, kindly face, bearded and with long
locks, was more than a mere ornament; it was the god himself looking
down upon the worshipper who entered his sanctuary. As a
representation of Zeus it probably exemplifies an ancient type.



In comparison with the great bathing establishments of Rome, the baths
at Pompeii are of moderate size. They have, however, a special
interest, due in part to their excellent preservation, in part to the
certainty with which the purpose of the various rooms can be
determined; and their remains enable us to trace the development of
the public bath in a single city during a period of almost two hundred
years. From this source, moreover, most of our knowledge of the
arrangements of the ancient bath is derived, without which the
imposing but barren remains of Rome itself would be for the most part
unintelligible. It is not easy for one living under present conditions
to understand how important a place the baths occupied in the life of
antiquity, particularly of the Romans under the Empire; they offered,
within a single enclosure, opportunities for physical care and comfort
and leisurely intercourse with others, not unlike those afforded in
the cities of modern Europe by the club, the café, and the promenade.

Though the Roman baths differed greatly in size and in details of
arrangement, the essential parts were everywhere the same. First there
was a court, _palaestra_, surrounded by a colonnade. This was devoted
to gymnastic exercises, and connected with it in most cases was an
open-air swimming tank. The dressing room, _apodyterium_, was usually
entered from the court through a passageway or anteroom. A basin for
cold baths was sometimes placed in the dressing room; in large
establishments a separate apartment was set aside for this purpose,
the _frigidarium_. To avoid too sudden a change of temperature for the
bathers, a room moderately heated, _tepidarium_, was placed between
the dressing room and the _caldarium_, in which hot baths were given.
At one end of the caldarium was a bath basin of masonry, _alveus_; at
the other was ordinarily a semicircular niche, _schola_, in which
stood the _labrum_, a large, shallow, circular vessel resting upon a
support of masonry, and supplied with lukewarm water by a pipe leading
from a tank back of the furnace. The more extensive establishments, as
the Central Baths at Pompeii, contained also a round room, called
_Laconicum_ from its Spartan origin, for sweating baths in dry air. In
describing baths it is more convenient to use the ancient names.

In earlier times the rooms were heated by means of braziers, and in
one of the Pompeian baths the tepidarium was warmed in this way to the
last. A more satisfactory method was devised near the beginning of the
first century B.C. by Sergius Orata, a famous epicure, whose surname
is said to have been given to him because of his fondness for golden
trout (_auratae_). He was the first to plant artificial oyster beds in
the Lucrine Lake, and the experiment was so successful that he derived
a large income from them; we may assume that he turned an honest penny
also by his invention of the 'hanging baths,' _balneae pensiles_, with
which his name has ever since been associated. These were built with a
hollow space under the floor, the space being secured by making the
floor of tiles, two feet square, supported at the corners by small
brick pillars (Fig. 88); into this space hot air was introduced from
the furnace, and as the floor became warm, the temperature of the room
above was evenly modified.

This improved method of heating was not long restricted to the floors.
As early as the Republican period, the hollow space was extended to
the walls by means of small quadrangular flues and by the use of
nipple tiles, _tegulae mammatae_, large rectangular tiles with conical
projections, about two inches high, at each corner; these were laid on
their edges, with the projections pressed against the wall, thus
leaving an air space on the inside.

In bathing establishments designed for both men and women, the two
caldariums were placed near together. There was a single furnace,
_hypocausis_, where the water for the baths was warmed; from this also
hot air was conveyed through broad flues under the floors of both
caldariums, thence circulating through the walls. Through similar
flues underneath, the warm air, already considerably cooled, was
conveyed from the hollow spaces of the caldariums into those of the
tepidariums. In order to maintain a draft strong enough to draw the
hot air from the furnace under the floors, the air spaces of the walls
had vents above, remains of which may still be seen in some baths.
These vents were no doubt sufficient to keep up the draft after the
rooms had once been heated; but in order to warm them at the outset a
draft fire was needed,--that is, a small fire under the floor at some
point a considerable distance from the furnace and near the vents,
through which it would cause the escape of warm air, and so start a
hot current from the furnace. The place of the draft fire has been
found under two rooms of the Pompeian baths; and a similar arrangement
has been noted in the case of Roman baths excavated in Germany.

The use of the baths varied according to individual taste and medical
advice. In general, however, bathers availed themselves of one of
three methods.

The most common form of the bath was that taken after exercise in the
palaestra,--ball playing was a favorite means of exercise,--use being
made of all the rooms. The bather undressed in the apodyterium, or
perhaps in the tepidarium, where he was rubbed with unguents; then he
took a sweat in the caldarium, following it with a warm bath.
Returning to the apodyterium, he gave himself a cold bath either in
this room or in the frigidarium; he then passed into the Laconicum,
or, if there was no Laconicum, went back into the caldarium for a
second sweat; lastly, before going out, he was thoroughly rubbed with
unguents, as a safeguard against taking cold.

Some bathers omitted the warm bath. They passed through the tepidarium
directly into the Laconicum or caldarium, where they had a sweat; they
then took a cold bath, or had cold water poured over them, and were
rubbed with unguents.

In the simplest form of the bath the main rooms were not used at all.
The bathers heated themselves with exercise in the palaestra, then
removed the dirt and oil with scrapers, _strigiles_, and bathed in the
swimming tank.


Up to the present time three public baths have been excavated in
Pompeii, two for both men and women, one for men only. Besides these
there are two private establishments in the eighth Region (VIII. ii.
17 and 23), one perhaps for men, the other for women; and another,
apparently for men, was discovered in the eighteenth century near the
Amphitheatre and covered up again, being a part of the villa of Julia
Felix. It is quite possible that two or three more bathing
establishments yet await excavation; one at least, connected with a
warm spring, is known to us from an inscription--that of M. Crassus
Frugi. About a dozen houses also contain complete baths for private

       *       *       *       *       *

The largest and oldest bathing establishment at Pompeii is that to
which the name Stabian Baths has been given, from its location on
Stabian Street. It was built in the second century B.C., but was
remodelled in the early days of the Roman colony, and afterwards
underwent extensive repairs. It is of irregular shape, and occupies a
large part of a block, having streets on three sides; on the north
side it is bounded by the house of Siricus. Opening upon two of the
streets are shops, which have nothing to do with the baths and are not
numbered on the plan (Fig. 86).

Entering from the south through the broad doorway at A, we find
ourselves in the palaestra, C, which has a colonnade on three sides.
On the west side the place of the colonnade is taken by a strip of
smooth pavement with a raised margin; two heavy stone balls were found
here, which were obviously used in a game resembling the modern
ninepins; at the further end is the room for the players, K. Close to
the bowling course, at the middle of the west side, is the swimming
tank, F, with rooms (E, G) adjoining it at either end. At the corner
near the further room, G, is a side entrance, L; J is the office of
the director or superintendent in charge of the building.

On the east side of the court are the men's baths, rooms I-VIII; north
of these are the women's baths, rooms 1-6, with the furnace room, IX,
between them. In the northwest corner of the building were small rooms
(_e-e_) intended for private baths. They had not been provided with
the improved heating arrangements, and were not in use at the time of
the catastrophe. The larger room adjoining (_k_) was a closet.

The anteroom of the men's baths (IV), opens at one end into the
dressing room or apodyterium (VI), as seen in Plate V. It has a
vaulted ceiling, richly decorated. A door at the left leads into the
frigidarium (V), and another at the right into a servants' waiting
room (I), which is accessible from the court. This room was formerly
entered also from the street, through a passage (III), which was later
closed; on one side of it is a bench of masonry for the slaves in
attendance upon their masters. Similar benches are found in the
waiting room at the other end of the apodyterium (X).

  [Illustration: Fig. 86.--Plan of the Stabian Baths.

     A. Main Entrance.
     B. Colonnade.
     C. Palaestra.
     F. Swimming tank.
     I-VIII. Men's Baths.
        IV. Anteroom.
        V. Frigidarium.
        VI. Apodyterium.
        VII. Tepidarium.
        VIII. Caldarium.
        IX. Furnace room.
     1-6. Women's baths.
        1, 5. Entrances.
        2. Apodyterium.
        3. Tepidarium.
        4. Caldarium.]

The apodyterium also was provided with benches of the same sort, as
indicated on the plan; they are shown in Plate V. Along the walls at
the sides, just under the edge of the vaulted ceiling, was a row of
small niches, the use of which corresponded with that of the lockers
in a modern gymnasium. These niches are about 5Ÿ feet above the floor,
while those in the other dressing room (2) are a little less than five
feet; from this difference in height it has been rightly inferred that
the smaller and simpler division of the baths was set aside for women.
The floor is paved with rectangular flags of gray marble, with blocks
of basalt next to the walls. While the walls were left simply white,
with a red base, the ceiling was elaborately decorated with stucco
reliefs in the style prevalent shortly before the destruction of the
city; there are vestiges of similar decoration in the tepidarium. In
octagonal, hexagonal, and quadrangular panels are rosettes, Cupids,
trophies, and bacchic figures. The lunettes are adorned with fantastic
architectural designs, in which we see bacchic figures standing on
pedestals, and Cupids riding on dolphins; the sides of the two arches
supporting the ceiling (one of them is seen in Plate V) are decorated
with female figures mounted on dolphins, which run out into
arabesques. The frequent suggestion of water in these motives is in
harmony with the purpose of the room.

Even more effective is the decoration of the small round frigidarium.
Light is admitted, as in the Pantheon at Rome, through a round hole in
the apex of the domed ceiling. At the edge of the circular bath basin,
lined with white marble, was a narrow strip of marble floor, which is
extended into the four semicircular niches. Wall and niches alike are
painted to represent a beautiful garden, with a blue sky above (Fig.
87). The eye wanders among trees and shrubs, catching glimpses of
birds overhead, of statues and vases here and there in the midst of
the green foliage, and of jets of water falling into circular basins.
The blue dome is studded with stars. The bather could scarcely feel
the narrowness of a room, the decoration of which was so suggestive of
expanse and open air. A jet of water fell into the basin from a small
niche in the upper part of the wall; and the place of the overflow
pipe may be easily recognized.

  [Illustration: Fig. 87.--Stabian Baths: interior of the frigidarium,

The tepidarium (VII) and caldarium (VIII) were heated by means of
hollow floors and walls. The former is much the smaller, as we should
have expected from its use as an intermediate room, in which the
bathers would ordinarily not tarry so long as in the caldarium. The
large bath basin at the east end (indicated on the plan) is unusual;
it was seemingly a later addition, and was probably made to
accommodate those who in the winter shrank from using the frigidarium,
but wished nevertheless to take a moderately cold bath. Near the
bottom of the wall back of this basin, a hole had been made so that
underneath a fire could be kindled from the outside (in X), not in
order to heat the basin, which could be supplied with warm water by
means of a pipe, but to start the circulation of hot air from the
furnace; at the top of the wall above were two vents opening from the
warm air chamber. There was a place for another draft fire under the
women's caldarium.

One of the fragments of stucco relief still remaining in the
tepidarium presents the figure of a man reading from a roll of
manuscript. It suggests the standing complaint of the ancients in
regard to the trials of bathers, who could not escape the ever-present
poet declaiming his latest production.

At one end of the caldarium we find the bath basin, alveus; at the
other is the support of the labrum, which has disappeared. In the
niche above the latter are two vents for the draft, and above the
niche was a round window. This room, as most of the others, was dimly
lighted. The little round window of the anteroom is shown in our
plate. There were two similar windows in the lunette of the
apodyterium, above the roof of the anteroom; they are not seen in our
plate, having at one time been entirely covered up by the construction
of a wall to support the roof. A similar window was very likely placed
at the end of the tepidarium, over the roof of the frigidarium; and
perhaps these were supplemented by holes in the crown of the arched
ceilings, as in the women's apodyterium.

The women's baths are entered from the court through a long anteroom
(6); the dressing room is connected also with the two side streets by
means of corridors (1, 5). Originally there was no communication
between the women's baths and the palaestra.

The apodyterium (2) is the best preserved room of the entire building,
and also the most ancient. It shows almost no traces of the
catastrophe. The vaulted ceiling is intact. The smooth, white stucco
on the walls and the simple cornice at the base of the lunettes date
from the time of the first builders. Now, as then, light is admitted
only through two small openings in the crown of the vault and a window
in the west lunette. To a modern visitor the interior seems gloomy.
The pavement, of lozenge-shaped, reddish glazed tiles, belongs to the
same early period. There is a strip of basaltic flags connecting the
door of one of the corridors (1) with that of the tepidarium. This
much travelled path seems to indicate that many ladies--particularly,
we may assume, in the winter--went at once into the more comfortable
tepidarium without stopping in the dressing room. Along the walls were
benches, and above them niches, as in the men's apodyterium. In the
time of the Empire the fronts of the niches, finely carved in tufa,
were overlaid with a thick coating of stucco, the upper part being
ornamented with designs in relief.

The women had no frigidarium. A large basin for cold baths was built
at the west end of the dressing room, but this also is a later
addition; before it was made, those who wished for cold baths must
have contented themselves with portable bath tubs.

The tepidarium (3) and caldarium (4) are in a better state of
preservation than those of the men's baths, which they so closely
resemble in all their arrangements that a detailed description is
unnecessary. In their present form they are not so ancient as the
apodyterium, and the decoration is less elaborate than that of the
corresponding rooms on the other side.

The labrum is intact, a round, shallow basin of white marble resting
on a support of masonry; it has here no separate niche. The bath basin
in the caldarium also retains its veneering of white marble, with an
overflow pipe of bronze at the upper edge; it is about two feet deep.
In such basins the bathers leaned against the sloping back, which for
this reason was called a cushion (_pulvinus_) by Vitruvius. This
alveus would accommodate eight bathers, that in the men's caldarium
perhaps ten. Places were probably assigned in numerical order, each
bather awaiting his turn. Those who did not wish to wait, or preferred
to bathe by themselves, might use individual bath tubs of bronze.
Remains of such a tub, as well as of bronze benches, were found in
this room. Near the bottom of the alveus in front is an opening,
through which the water could be let out; when it was emptied, the
water ran over the white mosaic floor, which was thus cleaned.

In the time of the Early Empire it became the fashion to bathe with
very warm water. 'People want to be parboiled,' Seneca exclaims. The
construction of the alveus, however, was not well adapted to conserve
the heat, and an ingenious contrivance was devised to remedy the
difficulty, which may best be explained with the help of our
illustration, showing the arrangement of the bath basin in room 4
(Fig. 88). A large hot air flue, D, led directly from the furnace to
the hollow space, C, under the alveus, A. Above this flue was a long
bronze heater, B, in the form of a half cylinder, with one end opening
into the end of the alveus. As the bottom of the heater was six inches
lower than that of the alveus, the cooler water from the basin would
flow down into it and be heated again, a circulation being thus

  [Illustration: Fig. 88.--The bath basin in the women's
   caldarium--longitudinal and transverse sections, showing the
   arrangement for heating the water.

     A. Bath basin, alveus.
     B. Bronze heater.
     C. Hot air chamber under the floor.
     D. Hot air flue.]

A similar arrangement (called _testudo alvei_ by Vitruvius) probably
existed for the alveus in the caldarium on the other side; but that
part of the men's baths has been destroyed. Only one other heater of
this kind has been found,--and that much smaller,--in a villa near
Boscoreale, recently excavated; but the semicircular opening made for
the heater above the hot air flue may be seen in the Central Baths, in
a private establishment at Pompeii, and generally in the remains of
Roman baths.

In the furnace room (_praefurnium_, IX) between the two caldariums,
stood three large cylindrical tanks. They have disappeared, but their
outlines can still be seen in the masonry of the foundations, and are
shown in our plan. The one furthest east was for hot water. It was
directly over the fire, and connected with the bath basins of the two
caldariums. The next, for lukewarm water, stood over a hollow space
opening into the furnace. A lead pipe leading from it to the labrum of
the women's caldarium is still to be seen; the water bubbled up in the
middle of the labrum. The third and largest reservoir, for cold water,
was placed on a foundation of solid masonry.

The more important alterations made in the baths during the two
centuries that they were in use had to do with the arrangements for
heating, and may briefly be considered here before we proceed to
another part of the building. It will be best not to weary the reader
with details, but to present a brief summary of conclusions, which
will perhaps be found of interest, not only as casting light on the
gradual development of these baths, but also as illustrating that
adjustment of public buildings to the needs and tastes of successive
generations, which was as characteristic of ancient as it is of modern

For the extensive changes made in the earlier part of the first
century B.C. we have the evidence of an inscription, which had been
cast aside and was found in one of the smaller rooms. It reads, _C.
Uulius C. f., P. Aninius C. f., II v. i. d., Laconicum et destrictarium
faciund. et porticus et palaestr[am] reficiunda locarunt ex
d[ecurionum] d[ecreto] ex ea pequnia quod eos e lege in ludos aut in
monumento consumere oportuit faciun[da] coerarunt eidemque
probaru[nt]_. The form of the letters and the spelling point to the
time of Sulla as the period in which the inscription was cut. The
syntax is confused, but the meaning is clear: a Laconicum and
_destrictarium_ were built, the colonnade and palĂŠstra repaired, by
the duumvirs Gaius Ulius and Publius Aninius, in accordance with a
vote of the city council; and they furnished the means for this work
in fulfilment of their obligation, incurred by the acceptance of the
duumviral office, to spend a certain sum upon either games or

The destrictarium--a room for removing dirt and oil with the strigil
after gymnastic exercises--is easily identified (D), as are also the
palaestra and colonnade; but in our survey of the baths, we have
found no separate chamber to which the term Laconicum could properly
be applied. In order to arrive at a solution of the difficulty, we
must note the successive steps by which, as shown by an examination of
the remains of the masonry, the heating arrangements were extended and

At first, in the Baths as originally constructed, there were neither
hollow walls nor hollow floors. The heating was done by means of
braziers; and there were niches or lockers in the walls of the
caldariums and tepidariums similar to those now found in the dressing
rooms, but in double rows, the upper niches being larger, the lower

Later, a hollow floor was built in the men's caldarium. Later still,
this room was provided with hollow walls, which were extended to the
crown of the ceilings and the lunettes, the tepidarium being still
heated with braziers.

Finally, a hollow floor and hollow walls were constructed at the same
time in the men's tepidarium, but the hot air chamber was not carried
up into the ceiling or the lunettes.

A similar transformation was gradually accomplished in the women's
apartments; but owing, it would seem, to a desire for greater warmth
in the tepidarium, the hot air chamber here, as in the caldarium, was
extended to the lunettes and the ceiling.

Since the method of heating by means of hollow floors only came into
vogue about 100 B.C., and since the duumvirate of Ulius and Aninius
must have occurred soon after 80 B.C., we are probably safe in
supposing that they built the hollow floors of the two caldariums, and
that the new heating arrangement was loosely called a Laconicum. At
least a partial warrant for this interpretation is found in a passage
of Dion Cassius (LIII. xxvii. 1), in which he says that Agrippa built
the 'Spartan sweating bath,' τ᜞ πυρÎčατ᜔ρÎčÎżÎœ τ᜞ ΛαÎșωΜÎčÎșáœčÎœ. Agrippa,
however, built, not a Laconicum in the narrow sense, but a complete
bathing establishment, and Dion, doubtless following some earlier
writer, uses the word as generally applicable to a system of warm
baths. In default of a better explanation, we must accept a meaning
equally loose for our inscription.

It is not possible to date, even approximately, the other changes by
which the baths were conformed to the increasing desire for warmth and
comfort; but the decoration of the greater part of the building, with
its complicated designs and stucco reliefs, was clearly applied to the
walls not many decades before the destruction of the city.

The unroofed swimming tank, F, was separated from the court by a
barrier of masonry about two feet high, which was extended also in
front of the rooms at the ends, E and G. On either side was a step,
both the steps and the barrier being veneered with white marble. The
tank was supplied by a pipe entering from the northeast; the overflow
pipe, at the southeast corner, is indicated on the plan.

The rooms E and G, opening both on the swimming tank and on the court
with high arched doorways, were roofed shallow basins where the
athletes could give themselves a preliminary cleaning before going
into the tank. The walls are veneered with marble to a height of 6œ
feet; above are painted plants, birds, statues, and nymphs, one of
whom holds a shell to catch a jet of water; over these the blue sky.
Here, as in the frigidarium, the artist strove to convey the
impression of being in the open air, in a beautiful garden, adorned
with sculptures. A jet of water spurted from the rear wall just above
the marble dado; above it is a large oblong niche, apparently for a

After a time the basin in G was filled up, and covered with a mosaic
floor of the same height as the threshold; when one cleaning room was
found to be adequate, that was retained which had a separate dressing
room, D. On the white walls of the dressing room are traces of the
wooden wardrobes that once stood against them. In this room, the
destrictarium, the athletes disrobed, and rubbed themselves with oil
before engaging in gymnastic exercises, and to it they returned from
the palaestra, in order to scrape themselves (_se destringere_); then
they washed themselves in the next room, E, and finally plunged into
the tank.

The room of the official in charge of the baths, J, had windows
opening on the court and into the bowlers' room, K. A large bronze
brazier was found here, presented, according to an inscription on it,
by Marcus Nigidius Vaccula, who, as a symbol of his name, had the
figure of a cow (_vacca_) stamped in relief on the brazier. We find a
similar brazier, together with benches, in the tepidarium of the baths
near the Forum, which had no other means of heating; we naturally
infer that the furniture here was intended for one of the tepidariums,
and used there before the improved method of heating was introduced. A
Nasennius Nigidius Vaccula, who died before 54 A.D., is known to us
from the receipts of Caecilius Jucundus. If he was the donor, and made
the gift when he was a young man, the change of the system of heating
in the tepidarium may have been made as early as 20 A.D.

  [Illustration: Fig. 89.--Colonnade of the Stabian Baths: capital with
   section of entablature, restored.]

The colonnade was originally uniform on all the three sides. The Doric
columns were of tufa, coated with fine white stucco. They were of
slender proportions, the height being a trifle over nine feet, with a
diameter of only sixteen inches. They were edged, not fluted, and
doubtless carried an entablature with triglyphs, of which no trace
remains. In the time of the Empire, apparently before the earthquake
of 63, the colonnade was remodelled in accordance with the prevailing
taste. The columns received a thick coating of stucco, with flutings
indicated by incised lines; the lower third of the shaft was painted
red, the upper portion being left white. Over the capitals, moulded in
stucco, was an entablature resting on thick planks, and ornamented
with light-colored stucco reliefs. The general effect may be seen from
our illustration (Fig. 89).

In this reconstruction the sameness of the earlier colonnade was
varied with pleasing irregularities. Thus in front of the main
entrance (A), and in a corresponding position on the opposite side of
the court, the place of four columns was taken by two broad pillars
flanked by half-columns, and carrying a roof more than five feet
higher than that of the rest of the colonnade. A similar arrangement
has already been noted in the colonnade of the temple of Isis (p.

  [Illustration: Fig. 90.--Stabian Baths: southwest corner of the
   palaestra, showing part of the colonnade and wall decorated with
   stucco reliefs.]

The wall decoration of the court has been particularly well preserved
on the outer wall of D and E (Fig. 90; cf. Pl. XIII). The surface is
diversified by fantastic architectural designs in two stories, made up
of slender columns with their entablatures, open doorways with steps
leading up to them, and glimpses of interiors. In the panels thus
outlined, figures of all kinds stand out in white relief on a bright
red or blue ground. Above the arched doorway Jupiter sits, resting his
right hand on his sceptre; near by, on a pillar, is the eagle. Further
to the left a satyr offers Hercules a drinking horn. Another relief,
not so well preserved, has a motive suggestive of the purpose of the
building--Hylas at the spring seized by the nymphs. With this we may
associate two designs having reference to the exercises of the
palaestra: a boxer, at the left of the doorway of E, and at the right
a man scraping himself with a strigil. On the outer wall of G is
Daedalus, making wings for himself and Icarus.

Under the colonnade at the rear, a herm stands close to the wall,
having the features of a youth with a garment drawn over his head and
covering the upper part of the body. For the explanation of it we are
indebted to Pausanias. 'In the gymnasium at Phigalia, in Arcadia,'
says this writer, 'is an image of Hermes. It has the appearance of a
man wrapped in a cloak, and terminates below in a square pillar in the
place of feet.' This is Hermes, the god of the Palaestra, here, as in
Phigalia, in a guise suggestive of his function of Psychopompus, the
conductor of departed souls. We have already met with an example of
the same type in the court of the temple of Apollo.

A sundial stood on the roof of the frigidarium and men's caldarium,
supported by a foundation of masonry still visible. It bore an Oscan
inscription, from which we learn that it was set up by the Quaestor
Maras Atinius, in accordance with a decree of the council, the money
for the expenditure being derived from fines. The fines were very
likely collected here, by the official in charge of the building.
Sundials were erected also in the other baths at Pompeii. They were a
necessity, for all such establishments were conducted on a schedule of
hours. Hadrian ordered that the baths in Rome should be open from the
eighth hour, that is, after two o'clock in the afternoon; and a
regulation in regard to the time of opening, if not of closing, was
probably in force at Pompeii.

A motley and tumultuous life once filled the barren court, the rooms
now ruined and deserted. The scene is well pictured by Seneca (Ep.
56): 'Quiet is by no means so necessary for study as men commonly
believe,' the philosopher gravely argues. 'I am living near a bath:
sounds are heard on all sides. Just imagine for yourself every
conceivable kind of noise that can offend the ear. The men of more
sturdy muscle go through their exercises, and swing their hands
heavily weighted with lead: I hear their groans when they strain
themselves, or the whistling of labored breath when they breathe out
after having held in. If one is rather lazy, and merely has himself
rubbed with unguents, I hear the blows of the hand slapping his
shoulders, the sound varying according as the massagist strikes with
flat or hollow palm. If a ballplayer begins to play and to count his
throws, it's all up for the time being. Meanwhile there is a sudden
brawl, or a thief is caught, or there is some one in the bath who
loves to hear the sound of his own voice; and the bathers plunge into
the swimming tank with loud splashing. These noises, however, are not
without some semblance of excuse; but the hair plucker from time to
time raises his thin, shrill voice in order to attract attention, and
is only still himself when he is forcing cries of pain from some one
else, from whose armpits he plucks the hairs. And above the din you
hear the shouts of those who are selling cakes, sausages, and
sweetmeats, besides all the hawkers of stuff from the cookshops, each
with a different and characteristic cry.'

Such were the distractions of a Roman bath.



The bathing establishment in the block north of the Forum is smaller
and simpler in its arrangements than that described in the last
chapter, but the parts are essentially the same. Here also we find a
court, with a colonnade on three sides; a system of baths for men,
comprising a dressing room (I) with a small round frigidarium (II)
opening off from it, a tepidarium (III), and a caldarium (IV); a
similar system for women, the place of the frigidarium being taken by
a tank for cold baths (2) in the dressing room; and a long narrow
furnace room between the two baths (V). On three sides of the
establishment are shops, in connection with which are several inns.

  [Illustration: Fig. 91.--Plan of the baths near the Forum.

     A, A'. Street entrances to court.
     B. Colonnade.
     I-IV. Men's baths.
        I. Apodyterium.
        II. Frigidarium.
        III. Tepidarium.
        IV. Caldarium.
     V. Furnace room.
     C. Area.
     D. Court back of women's baths.
     1-4. Women's baths.
        1. Apodyterium.
        2. Basin for cold baths.
        3. Tepidarium.
        4. Caldarium.
        _d._ Sundial.]

These baths were built shortly after 80 B.C., about the time that
Ulius and Aninius repaired the Stabian Baths; the characteristic
masonry, with quasi-reticulate facing, is similar to that of the Small
Theatre and the Amphitheatre. The names of the builders are known from
an inscription found in duplicate: _L. Caesius C. f. d[uum] v[ir]
i[uri] d[icundo], C. Occius M. f., L. Niraemius A. f. II v[iri] d[e]
d[ecurionum] s[ententia] ex peq[unia] publ[ica] fac[iundum] curar[unt]
prob[arunt] q[ue]_. Thus we see that the contract for the building was
let and the work approved by Lucius Caesius, duumvir with judiciary
authority,--his colleague had probably died since election and the
vacancy had not yet been filled,--and the two aediles, Occius and
Niraemius, who are here styled 'duumvirs,' for reasons already
explained (p. 12); the cost was defrayed by an appropriation from the
public treasury. Though these Baths are of later construction than the
Stabian Baths, they seem more ancient because fewer changes were made
in them.

The court here was not a palaestra; it was small for gymnastic
exercises, and was not provided with a swimming tank and dressing
rooms. The open space was occupied by a garden.

The colonnade on the north and west sides of the court had slender
columns standing far apart, with a low and simple entablature; on the
east side the columns were replaced by pillars carrying low arches,
which served as a support for a gallery affording a pleasant view of
the garden. This gallery was accessible from the upper rooms of
several inns along the street leading north from the Forum, whose
guests no doubt found diversion in watching what was going on
below--an advantage that may have been taken into account by the city
officials in fixing the rent. There are benches on the north side of
the court, and at the middle a deep recess, or exedra (_b_), making a
pleasant retreat for quiet conversation. The entrance from the
frequented street at the left (A) is so arranged that passers-by could
not look in; near the entrance from the street on the opposite side
(A') is a closet (_c_). The decoration of the court was extremely
simple. Columns and walls were unpainted; on the lower parts, stucco
with bits of brick in it; above, white plaster.

From the court a corridor (_a_) led into the men's apodyterium, which
could be entered also on the north side from the Strada delle Terme.
This room contained benches, as shown on the plan; but there were no
niches, as in the dressing rooms of the Stabian Baths, and wooden
shelves or lockers may have been used instead. The small dark chamber
at the north end (_f_) may have been used as a storeroom for unguents,
such as the Greeks called _elaeothesium_. It seems to have been
thought necessary here to connect the dressing room with the furnace
room (V) by a separate passage.

  [Illustration: Fig. 92.--Baths near the Forum: interior of the men's

Light was admitted to the dressing room through a window in the
lunette at the south end, closed by a pane of glass half an inch
thick, set in a bronze frame that turned on two pivots. On either side
of the window are huge Tritons in stucco relief, with vases on their
shoulders, surrounded by dolphins; underneath is a mask of Oceanus,
and in the same wall is a niche for a lamp, similar to that seen in
Fig. 92, blackened by the soot.

The frigidarium is well preserved. In all its arrangements it is
almost an exact counterpart of the one in the Stabian Baths, but the
scheme of decoration, suggestive of a garden, is less realistically
carried out, the ground being yellow; and the round window at the apex
of the domed ceiling has a rectangular extension toward the south in
order to admit as much sunlight as possible.

The tepidarium, as will be seen from our illustration (Fig. 92), is in
the condition of the tepidariums of the Stabian Baths before the
improved arrangements for heating were introduced. There were no warm
air chambers in the walls or the floor. At one end we see the remains
of the large bronze brazier and benches (the iron grating is modern)
presented by Vaccula, to which reference has already been made (p.
197). The feet of the benches are modelled to represent hoofs, each
with a cow's head above.

  [Illustration: Fig. 93.--Longitudinal section of the men's caldarium.]

There are niches in the walls, as formerly in the tepidariums of the
Stabian Baths, but several of them for some reason have been walled
up. Wild-visaged, muscular Atlantes stand out in bold projection on
the front of the partitions between the niches, sustaining a cornice
upon their uplifted hands. The window, seen in the illustration above
the lamp niche, was closed, as that in the dressing room, by a pane of
glass in a bronze frame.

The decoration of the ceiling, unfortunately only in part preserved,
is well designed. Along the lower edge are arabesques, interwoven in a
scroll pattern, in white stucco on a white background. Above these are
panels of different sizes, in which raised white ornaments and figures
appear on a white, blue, or violet ground; among the motives are Cupid
leaning on his bow, Apollo riding on a griffin, Ganymede with the
eagle, and Cupids on sea horses.

The caldarium is well preserved; only a part of the vaulted ceiling
has been destroyed. The hollow space for hot air in the floor and
walls is indicated in our section (Fig. 93). Here we see at the right,
the bath basin, lined with white marble, with its sloping back
affording a comfortable support for the bathers; at the other end is
the apsidal niche (_schola_) with the labrum. The direction of
Vitruvius, that the labrum should be placed under a window in such a
way that the shadows of those standing around should not fall on it,
is here literally observed. There were three other small windows at
the same end of the room, and a niche for a lamp.

We learn from an inscription on the labrum, in bronze letters, that it
was made under the direction of Gnaeus Melissaeus Aper and Marcus
Staius Rufus, who were duumvirs in 3-4 A.D., at a cost of 5250
sesterces, not far from $270. This room seems to have received its
final form before the new method of heating the water in the alveus
came into vogue; there is no trace of a bronze heater, such as that
found in connection with the bath basin of the women's caldarium at
the Stabian Baths. The simple decoration is in marked contrast with
the usual ornamentation of the later styles. Above a low marble base
are yellow walls divided by dark red pilasters, shown in Fig. 93.
These support a projecting flat cornice of dark red, whose surface is
richly ornamented with stucco reliefs. The ceiling is moulded in
flutings running up to the crown of the vault; only in the ceiling of
the schola do we find raised figures.

The rooms of the women's baths are small, their arrangement being
determined in part by the irregular shape of the corner of the
building in which they are placed; but the system of heating is more
complete than in the men's baths, for both the tepidarium (3) and the
caldarium (4) were provided with hollow floors and hot air spaces in
the walls extending to the lunettes and the ceiling. The vaulted
ceilings of both of these rooms, as well as of the apodyterium, are
preserved; but the caldarium has lost its hollow floor and walls,
together with the bath basin, which was placed in a large niche at the
right as one entered; only the base of the labrum remains. The
condition of this room may be due to the earthquake of the year 63,
the necessary repairs not having been made before the eruption. There
was no connection between the women's baths and the court at the rear
(D), which had a separate entrance from the street. At the women's
entrance there was a narrow waiting room for attendants, separated
from the street by a thin wall and protected by a roof.

The furnace room could be entered at one end from the street. The
three cylindrical tanks for hot, lukewarm, and cold water were
arranged as in the Stabian Baths. Beyond the tanks is a cistern (_g_),
which was supplied in part by rain water from the roof, in part by a
feed pipe connected with the water system of the city. The raised walk
(_h_) on the right side of the furnace room is continued to the small
court (D) in the corner of which is a stairway leading to the flat
roof of the men's caldarium. From this point of vantage, the view over
the landscape and the sea must have been beautiful in antiquity, as it
is to-day.

A sundial doubtless stood on the larger of the two pillars in the
court (_d_), which is about seventeen feet high and nearly five feet
thick at the base; on the smaller pillar was perhaps a statue or other
ornamental object of the sort frequently seen in wall paintings.



Seneca in an entertaining letter (Ep. 86) gives an account of a visit
about 60 A.D. to the villa at Liternum in which the Elder Scipio had
lived in the years immediately preceding his death, in 183 B.C. The
philosopher was particularly struck with the bath, the simplicity of
which he contrasts forcibly with the luxurious appointments of his own
time. We cannot follow him through the extended disquisition--he
speaks of various refinements of luxury of which we find no traces at
Pompeii; but he mentions as the most striking difference the lack of
light in the old bath, with its small apertures more like chinks than
windows, while in his day the baths were provided with large windows
protected by glass, and people 'wanted to be parboiled in full
daylight,' besides having the enjoyment meanwhile of a beautiful view.
Some such feeling as this we have in turning from the two older baths
at Pompeii--one of pre-Roman origin, the other dating from the time of
Sulla--to the Central Baths, which were in process of construction at
the time of the eruption, and had been designed in accordance with the
prevailing mode of life.

This extensive establishment, at the corner of Stabian and Nola
streets, occupied the whole of a block; but a large part of the
frontage on the two streets mentioned was utilized for shops.
Notwithstanding the size of the building, it had only a single series
of apartments, which were laid out on a correspondingly large scale.
It was doubtless built for men, although the use of it at certain
hours by women may possibly have been contemplated, in case the
women's baths at the two other establishments should be overcrowded.

Entrances from three streets lead to the ample palaestra, from which
the remains of the houses demolished to make room for it had not yet
been entirely removed. On the northeast side is the excavation for a
large swimming tank (_h_), and for a water channel leading to the
closet (_e_). In order to have water at hand for building purposes,
the masons had built a low wall around an old impluvium on the south
side (shown on the plan, Fig. 94) into which a feed pipe ran. For a
short distance on the north side the stylobate had been made ready for
the building of the colonnade; elsewhere only the preliminary work had
been done. The rooms at the southeast corner (_f_, _g_) were no doubt
intended for dressing rooms for the palaestra and the plunge bath.

  [Illustration: Fig. 94.--Plan of the Central Baths.

     _d._ Palaestra.
     _h._ Swimming tank.
     _i_, _l._ Stores
     _p._ Apodyterium.
     _q._ Tepidarium.
     _r._ Laconicum.
     _s._ Caldarium.
     _x_, _y._ Furnaces.]

Two small rooms (_b_, _c_) open upon the north entrance of the
palaestra; one of them, perhaps, was to be a ticket office, for the
adjustment of matters relating to admission, the other a cloak room,
in which the _capsarius_ would guard the valuables of the bathers.

Two doors admit the visitor from the palaestra to the series of bath
rooms, one of them opening from the north end of the colonnade. The
first room (_i_, _l_) was designed to answer the purpose of a store,
with four booths (_k_, _m_, _n_, _o_) opening into it for the sale of
edibles and bathers' conveniences.

The apodyterium (_p_), tepidarium (_q_), and caldarium (_s_) had each
three large windows opening on the palaestra; two of those belonging
to the tepidarium are seen in Fig. 95. None of the rooms were
finished, though a hollow floor and hollow walls had been built in the
tepidarium, caldarium, and Laconicum. The bath basins yet lacked their
marble linings, and the two furnaces (at _x_ and _y_) had not been

Five smaller windows on the southeast side of the caldarium looked out
on a narrow garden, about which the workmen had commenced to build a
wall to cut off the sight of the firemen passing to and fro between
the two furnaces. The caldarium was so placed as to receive the
greatest possible amount of sunlight, particularly in the afternoon
hours, when it would be used; this was in accordance with a
recommendation of Vitruvius, who says that the windows of baths ought,
whenever possible, to face the southwest, otherwise the south.

  [Illustration: Fig. 95.--View of the Central Baths, looking from the
   palaestra into the tepidarium.]

The contrast is indeed marked between the numerous large windows here,
with their attractive outlook, and the small apertures, high in the
walls and ceiling, through which light was admitted in the older

In the Central Baths there was no frigidarium; but a large basin for
cold baths, nearly five feet deep, was placed in the dressing room
opposite the windows. Supply pipes were so laid that jets would spring
into the basin from three small niches, one in each wall; the overflow
was conducted by pipes under the floor to a catch basin (_w_), and
thence to the street.

The tepidarium (_q_)--here, as usual, relatively small--is connected
with the apodyterium by two doors, and similarly with the caldarium.
The latter room has a bath basin at each end, thus affording
accommodations for twenty-six or twenty-eight bathers at once; at the
middle of the southeast side was a smaller basin that took the place
of the labrum. The hot air flues leading from the furnaces under the
bath basins were already built, and above them openings were left for
semi-cylindrical heaters like that in the women's caldarium of the
Stabian Baths.

The round sweating room, Laconicum, was made more ample by means of
four semicircular niches, and lighted by three small round windows
just above the cornice of the domed ceiling. There was probably
another round opening at the apex, designed for a bronze shutter,
which could be opened or closed from below by means of a chain, so as
to regulate the temperature. Doors led into the Laconicum from both
the tepidarium and the caldarium.

The oblong court between the bath rooms and the street on the
northeast side was apparently to be laid out as a garden. At the north
end the workmen had begun to build pillars for a short colonnade. A
large square foundation for a sundial stands near the opposite corner.



In the southeast corner of the city, at a distance from the other
excavations, lies the Amphitheatre, the scene of gladiatorial combats.
The Pompeians called it 'the show,' _spectacula_, as in the
inscription, preserved in two copies, that gives us the names of the
builders: _C. Quinctius C. f. Valgus, M. Porcius M. f[ilius] duo
vir[i] quinq[uennales] coloniai honoris caussa spectacula de sua
peq[unia] fac[iunda] coer[arunt] et coloneis locum in perpetuom
deder[unt]_. According to this, the Amphitheatre was built by the same
men, Valgus and Porcius, who are already known to us as the builders
of the Small Theatre (p. 153); and they presented it to the city in
recognition of the honor conferred upon them by their reëlection as
duumvirs. The Amphitheatre may thus have been finished half a decade
later than the Theatre, but in any case it belongs to the earliest
years of the Roman colony,--as might be inferred, in default of other
evidence, from the archaic spelling of the inscription, and the
character of the masonry, which is like that of the Small Theatre and
the baths north of the Forum (p. 41).

The colonists, however, did not receive from Rome their impulse to
erect such a building. The passion for gladiatorial combats was
developed in Campania earlier, and manifested itself more strongly,
than in Latium. Strabo's statement that gladiators were brought
forward at Campanian banquets, in larger or smaller numbers according
to the rank of the guests, has reference to the period before the
Second Punic War; but it was considered a noteworthy event in Rome
when, in 264 B.C., gladiators engaged in combat in the Forum Boarium
in celebration of funeral rites, as also when, on a similar occasion
in 216 B.C., twenty-two pairs fought in the Forum. Buildings were
erected for gladiatorial shows in Campanian towns earlier than at the
Capital. As late as the year 46 B.C. the spectators who witnessed the
games given by Julius Caesar sat on wooden seats supported by
temporary staging; and the first stone amphitheatre in Rome was built
by Statilius Taurus in 29 B.C., almost half a century after the
quinquennial duumvirate of Valgus and Porcius. The Amphitheatre at
Pompeii is the oldest known to us from either literary or monumental

In comparison with later and more imposing structures, our
Amphitheatre seems indeed unpretentious. Its exterior elevation is
relatively low (Fig. 96); as our section shows (Fig. 99), the arena
and the lower ranges of seats are in a great hollow excavated for the
purpose below the level of the ground. The dimensions (length 460
feet, breadth 345) are small when compared with those of the Coliseum
(615 and 510 feet, respectively) or even the amphitheatres at Capua or
Pozzuoli; and the lack of artistic form is noteworthy.

  [Illustration: Fig. 96.--The Amphitheatre, seen from the west side.]

The exhibitions held here must also have been on a modest scale. There
were no underground chambers, below the arena, with devices by means
of which wild beasts could be lifted up into view and the sand
suddenly covered with new combatants. The limited means of this small
city were not adequate to make provision for the elaborate equipment
and costly decoration found in the amphitheatres of larger towns.

The arena, a view of which is given in Plate VI, is surrounded by a
wall about 6œ feet high. This wall was covered with frescoes which,
still fresh at the time of excavation, are now known to us only from
copies in the Naples Museum. They consisted of alternate broad and
narrow panels, the latter containing each a herm between two columns,
while the larger spaces presented alternately a conventional pattern
and a scene connected with the games. One of the scenes gives an
interesting glimpse of the preparations for the combat (Fig. 97). In
the middle we see the overseer marking out with a long staff the ring
within which the combatants must fight. At the right a gladiator
stands, partly armed; two attendants are bringing him a helmet and a
sword. A hornblower, also partly armed, stands at the left; and behind
him two companions, squatting on the ground, make ready his helmet and
shield. At either end of the scene, in the background, is an image of
a Winged Victory with a wreath and palm.

  [Illustration: Fig. 97.--Preparations for the combat. Wall painting,
   from the Amphitheatre.]

The limestone coping of the wall about the arena shows traces of iron
in the joints between the blocks, apparently remains of a grating
designed to protect the spectators from attacks by the infuriated wild
beasts. The traces are not visible all the way around, but this may be
accounted for on the supposition that repairs were in progress at the
time of the eruption.

Two broad corridors (3, 3A) connect the ends of the arena with the
outside of the building. The one at the north end, toward Vesuvius,
follows a straight line; the other bends sharply to the right in order
to avoid the city wall, which bounds the structure on the south and
east sides. By these corridors the gladiators entered the arena, first
in festal array, passing in stately procession across the sand from
one entrance to the other, then coming forth in pairs as they were
summoned to mortal combat.

  [Illustration: Fig. 98.--Plan of the Amphitheatre at different levels
   showing, above, the arrangement of the seats; below, the arrangement
   of the vaulted passages under the seats.

     1. Podium.
     2. Gallery.
     3, 3A. Entrances to arena.
     4, 4. Vaulted corridor.
     5. Passage to death gate.
     6. Ima cavea.
     7. Media cavea.
     8. Summa cavea.
     9. Stairs of balcony.
     10. Terrace.
     11, 11. Outer double stairways to terrace.
     12, 12. Single stairways to terrace.
     13. Tower of city wall.
     14. City wall.
     _a._ First praecinctio.
     _b._ Second praecinctio.
     _c_, _d._ Side entrances.
     _e._ Death Gate.
     _f_, _f_, _f._ Dens.]

At the middle of the west side there is a third passage, narrow and
low (_e_); this is the grewsome corridor through which the bodies of
the dead were dragged by means of hooks, its entrance being the Porta
Libitinensis, 'Death Gate.' Near the inner end of each of the three
corridors is a small, dark chamber (_f_) the purpose of which is
unknown. It has been suggested that wild animals may have been
confined here, but larger and more easily accessible rooms would have
been required for this purpose. They may have been storerooms for
appliances of various kinds required for the exhibitions.

The seats, of which there are thirty-five rows, have the same form as
those in the Small Theatre, and are of the same material, gray tufa.
They are arranged in three divisions,--the lowest, _ima cavea_, having
five rows; the middle division, _media cavea_, twelve; and the
highest, _summa cavea_, eighteen (Figs. 98, 99). In the middle section
of the ima cavea on each side the place of the seats is taken by four
low, broad ledges, set aside for members of the city council, who
could place upon them the seats of honor, _bisellia_, to the use of
which they were entitled. At the middle of the east side the second
ledge is interrupted for a distance of ten feet (the break is shown in
Plate VI), a double width being thus given to the lowest. This place
was designed for seats of special honor, and was, no doubt, reserved
for the official who provided the games, and his associates. On the
same side the ledges are extended into the next section on the south,
the continuity of the seats being interrupted by a low barrier. This
supplementary section was, perhaps, intended for certain freedmen, as
the Augustales (p. 100), who had the right to use bisellia, but who
nevertheless could not become members of the city council, and were
not ranked on a social equality with the occupants of the middle

The seats of the ima cavea and media cavea were reached through a
vaulted passage (4), which, in accordance with ancient usage, we may
call a crypt. It ran under the first seats of the second range, and
stairs led from it to both divisions. It might be entered either from
the two broad corridors leading to the arena, or directly from the
west side by means of two separate passages (_c_, _d_, on the plan).
It is, however, interrupted at the middle on each side of the
Amphitheatre. On the west side the prolongation of the crypt would
have interfered with the use of the corridor leading to the Death
Gate; but as no such reason existed for blocking the east branch, it
is probable that the designers of the Amphitheatre interrupted both
branches of the crypt in order to force the spectators who had seats
in the lower and middle divisions of the south half of the
structure to enter and leave by the somewhat inconvenient south
entrances, which are situated in an angle of the city wall. Had the
crypt been carried completely around, the crowd would always have
pressed into the building through the north entrances, which opened
toward the city, thus causing confusion, if not danger, on occasions
of special interest.


In the corridor leading from the north entrance, as may be seen on the
plan, a row of stones with square holes in them were placed in the
pavement near the left wall. In these stakes could be set and
connected by ropes, thus making a narrow passageway along the side.
The purpose of the arrangement is not difficult to understand. Through
the north corridor the gladiators entered and left the building, and
the wild beasts were brought in; so provision had to be made to give
them a passage separate from that used by the spectators. Before the
commencement of an exhibition the whole entrance was accessible to the
populace, which eagerly crowded forward to secure seats in good
season. When they had for the most part found their places, the
barrier was set up, and only a narrow alley was left along the east
wall for belated spectators who wished to pass into the crypt on that
side; the rest of the passage was reserved for the gladiators, and the
spectators whose seats were reached from the opposite branches of the
crypt were obliged to use the side entrance (_c_).

  [Illustration: Fig. 99.--Transverse section of the Amphitheatre.]

The middle division was separated from the summa cavea (8) by a low
parapet with a narrow passage (_praecinctio_, _b_) on the upper side.
The seats of the summa cavea could be reached in two ways, by passing
through the crypt and up the long flights of stairs that led through
the middle division to the top (best seen in Fig. 99), or by mounting
the stairs on the outside of the building to the terrace (10), which
has the same level as the highest rows of seats; it is also of the
same height as the city wall, with which it is merged on the south and
east sides. The terrace was no doubt the principal means of access;
ample provision was made for the crowd by building two large double
stairways (11), with smaller single flights at the corners where the
terrace joined the city wall (12).

Between the terrace and the seats of the summa cavea was an elevated
gallery, divided up into small boxes, about four feet square; under
the row of boxes were vaulted vomitoria, making the seats of the summa
cavea accessible from the terrace. A passage ran along the outside of
the boxes, with steps leading from the terrace; only every third box
was connected with this passage, however, the other two of the group
being entered from a narrow ramp along the front (Fig. 100).

  [Illustration: Fig. 100.--Plan of the gallery.

     1. Steps.
     2. Boxes.]

The Amphitheatre had a seating capacity of about twenty thousand
persons. We have no information in regard to the distribution of
seats, but it may safely be assumed, from the arrangements known to
have existed elsewhere, that the lowest division was reserved for the
city officials with their friends and other prominent people; that an
admission fee was charged for the seats of the middle division; and
that the seats of the upper division were free. The gallery was
doubtless set aside for women, who were permitted by a regulation
promulgated in the reign of Augustus to have a place only in the upper
portion of the Amphitheatre.

Besides the inscription giving the names of the builders (p. 212)
there are several others of interest in connection with the building.
Four of them, cut in large letters in the travertine coping of the
wall about the arena, commemorate the construction of seats. One
reads: _L. Saginius II vir i. d. pr[o] lu[dis] lu[minibus] ex
d[ecurionum] d[ecreto] cun[eum]_,--'Lucius Saginius, duumvir with
judiciary authority, in accordance with a resolution of the city
council (constructed) a section of seats in the place of the games and
illumination,' that otherwise he would have been required to provide.
Another of the series is even more abbreviated, but the meaning is
clear: MAG · PAG · AUG · F · S · PRO · LUD · EX · D · D, that is,
_Magistri Pagi Augusti Felicis Suburbani pro ludis ex decurionum
decreto_,--'The officials of the suburb Pagus Augustus Felix by
authority of a resolution of the city council (constructed a section
of seats) in the place of providing games.'

From an inscription in the Stabian Baths, to which reference has
already been made (p. 195), it is clear that some freedom of choice
was permitted to the city officials regarding the disposition of the
sum which they were required to contribute for public purposes in
recognition of the honor conferred upon them by their election. The
Amphitheatre was not provided with seats at the beginning, and one
wedge-shaped section (_cuneus_) after another was added until the
divisions were complete; meanwhile the spectators made themselves as
comfortable as they could on the sloping ground. As the organization
of the Pagus Augustus Felix did not take place till 7 B.C., the
construction of the seats could not at that time have been completed;
but they were all finished before the overwhelming of the city.

The north entrance to the arena was adorned with two portrait statues
of Gaius Cuspius Pansa, father and son, placed in niches in the walls
facing each other. The statues have disappeared, but the inscriptions
underneath are still in place. What services the Pansas had rendered
in connection with the Amphitheatre to merit this distinction, we do
not know; but the father, as the inscription indicates, was 'prefect
in accordance with the law of Petronius' (p. 14); that is, he was
appointed by the city council to exercise the functions of the two
duumvirs when no valid election occurred. Bulwer Lytton, by a natural
error, makes Pansa a commissioner to secure the execution of an
altogether different _Lex Petronia_, which forbade the giving of
slaves to wild beasts unless judicial sentence had been previously
passed upon them.

The attraction of the gladiatorial exhibitions, together with the
ample seating capacity of the building, stimulated attendance from
neighboring cities, and on one occasion unfortunate results followed.
In the year 59 A.D. a Roman senator, Livineius Regulus, who had been
expelled from the Senate, and had apparently taken up his residence
at Pompeii, gave an exhibition that attracted a great concourse. Among
those who came to witness the combats were many inhabitants of
Nuceria. The people of the two towns may not have been on the best of
terms previously; whatever the cause, the Pompeians and Nucerians
commenced with mutual bantering and recriminations, then resorted to
stone-throwing, and finally engaged in a free fight with weapons.

The Nucerians, as can easily be understood, fared the worse, having
many killed and wounded. They carried the matter to Rome, lodging a
complaint with Nero; the emperor referred the case to the Senate,
which decreed that Regulus and the leaders of the disturbance should
be sent into exile, that the Pompeians should not be permitted to hold
any gladiatorial exhibitions for the space of ten years, and that the
illegal societies at Pompeii--in regard to which, unfortunately, we
have no further information--should be dissolved. From the receipts of
Caecilius Jucundus we learn, further, that the duumvirs of the year 59
were removed from office, and that with the new duumvirs, elected in
their places, a magistrate with extraordinary powers, _praefectus iuri
dicundo_, was associated--measures that indicate how serious the
disturbance of public order must have been.

Reminiscences of this bloody fray are found in several inscriptions
scratched on walls; and a lively idea of it is given by a wall
painting found in 1869 in a house near the theatres, now in the Naples
Museum (Fig. 101). The picture is of special interest as throwing
light on the surroundings of the Amphitheatre and some of its
arrangements. The open space with the trees in the foreground, among
which are various booths, remind one of a park; at the right is a
single house. It is clear from the painting that the women's boxes, in
the gallery, were arched in front; and we see how the great awning,
_velum_, was stretched over the south end to protect the audience from
the sun. It was carried by the two towers of the city wall (one of
them is indicated on the plan, 13) and by masts that stood in the
passage behind the women's boxes, where several of the perforated
stones in which they were set may still be seen.

That the sports of the Amphitheatre had at all times the keenest
interest for the Pompeians is evident, not only from the number of
notices having to do with the games, which we see painted in red on
walls along the streets or on tombs by the roadside, but also from the
countless graffiti in both houses and public places having reference
to combats and favorite gladiators. The limits of space do not permit
us to describe the gladiatorial exhibitions as they took place at
Pompeii and other Roman cities; but the inscriptions bring so near to
us the scenes and excitement of those days that it seems worth while
to quote and interpret a few typical examples.

  [Illustration: Fig. 101.--Conflict between the Pompeians and the
   Nucerians. Wall painting.]

On a tomb near the Nuceria Gate, excavated in 1886, is the following
notice, painted in red letters: _Glad[iatorum] par[ia] XX Q. Monni
Rufi pug[nabunt] Nola K[alendis] Mais, VI. V. Nonas Maias, et venatio
erit_,--'Twenty pairs of gladiators, furnished by Quintus Monnius
Rufus, will fight at Nola May 1, 2, and 3, and there will be a hunt.'
The forms of the letters and the numerous ligatures point to a
comparatively early period, perhaps antedating the reign of Augustus.
The 'hunt,' _venatio_, was an exhibition of wild beasts, which
sometimes were pitted against one another, sometimes fought with men.
Another tomb close by bears a notice of a gladiatorial combat to take
place at Nuceria.

A still larger number of gladiators is announced in this notice: _Cn.
Allei Nigidi Mai quinq[uennalis] gl[adiatorum] par[ia] XXX et eor[um]
supp[ositicii] pugn[abunt] Pompeis VIII VII VI K[alendas] Dec[embres].
Ven[atio] erit. Maio quin[quennali] feliciter. Paris va[le]_,--'Thirty
pairs of gladiators furnished by Cn. Alleius Nigidius Maius,
quinquennial duumvir, together with their substitutes, will fight at
Pompeii November 24, 25, 26. There will be a hunt. Hurrah for Maius
the quinquennial! Bravo, Paris!' The substitutes were to take the
place of the killed or wounded, that the sport might not suffer
interruption. Nigidius Maius appears to have been a rich Pompeian of
the time of Claudius. In another painted inscription, he advertises a
considerable property for rent (p. 489). His daughter, as we know from
an inscription belonging to a statue erected in her honor, was a
priestess of Venus and Ceres. Paris was probably a popular gladiator.

Other officials besides duumvirs provided exhibitions. Thus an aedile:
_A. Suetti Certi aedilis familia gladiatoria pugnab[it] Pompeis
pr[idie] K[alendas] Iunias; venatio et vela erunt_,--'The gladiatorial
troop of the aedile Aulus Suettius Certus will fight at Pompeii May
31; there will be a hunt, and awnings will be provided.'

The following notice can be dated, approximately: _D. Lucreti Satri
Valentis flaminis Neronis Caesaris Aug[usti] fili perpetui gladiatorum
paria XX, et D. Lucreti Valentis fili glad[iatorum] paria X
pug[nabunt] Pompeis VI V IV III pr[idie] Idus Apr[iles]. Venatio
legitima et vela erunt. Scr[ipsit] Aemilius Celer sing[ulus] ad
luna[m]_,--'Twenty pairs of gladiators furnished by Decimus Lucretius
Satrius Valens, permanent priest of Nero, son of the emperor, and ten
pairs of gladiators furnished by Decimus Lucretius Valens his son,
will fight at Pompeii April 8, 9, 10, 11, and 12. There will be a big
hunt, and awnings. Aemilius Celer wrote this, all alone by the light
of the moon.' The reference to Nero as the son of the emperor, shows
that the inscription was written after he was adopted by Claudius, in
50 A.D., and before Claudius's death, in 54. Celer was an enterprising
painter of notices, whose name appears elsewhere in a similar

Besides the general announcement of a gladiatorial exhibition, a
detailed programme, _libellus_, was prepared in advance, of which
copies were sold. No such copy has come down to us, but the character
of the contents of a programme may be inferred from the order of
events which a Pompeian with waste time on his hands scratched on a
wall; the memorandum covers two exhibitions, which came near together
in the early part of May, the result of each combat being carefully
noted. Unfortunately the letters have now become almost illegible; but
we give the superscription and three of the nine pairs of combatants
mentioned in the second programme, which is the better preserved of
the two, adding in a separate column the full forms of the abbreviated
words; the figures indicate the number of combats in which the
different gladiators had taken part:--

   MUNUS·N ... IV·III          Munus N ... IV. III.
   PRID·IDUS·IDI[BUS]·MAI[S]   pridie Idus, Idibus Mais

           T  M                                  Threx, Myrmillo
   _v._ PUGNAX·NER·III         _vicit._        Pugnax, Neronianus, III
   _p._ MURRANUS·NER·III       _periit._       Murranus, Neronianus, III

           O  T                                  Hoplomachus, Threx
   _v._ CYCNUS·IUL·VIIII       _vicit._        Cycnus, Iulianus, VIIII
   _m._ ATTICUS·IUL·XIV        _missus est._   Atticus, Iulianus, XIV

            ESS                                  Essedarii
   _m._ P·OSTORIUS·LI          _missus est._   Publius Ostorius, LI.
   _v._ SCYLAX·IUL·XXVI        _vicit._        Scylax, Iulianus, XXVI

The name of the official who gave the exhibition (_munus_) is
obliterated. The contests extended over four days, May 12-15.

In the first pair of gladiators Pugnax, equipped with Thracian
weapons--a small, round shield and short, curved sword or dagger--was
matched with the Myrmillo Murranus, who bore arms of the Gallic
fashion, with the image of a fish on his helmet. Both were
_Neroniani_; that is, from the training school for gladiators founded
by Nero, apparently at Capua. Pugnax and Murranus had both been
through three contests previously. The name of a gladiator entering a
combat for the first time was not followed by a number, but by the
letter T, standing for _tiro_, 'novice.' At the left we see the record
added to the programme by the writer in order to give the result of
the combat. Pugnax was the victor, Murranus was killed.

In the second pair Cycnus, in heavy armor, was pitted against Atticus,
who had the Thracian arms. Both were from the training school founded
by Julius Caesar, probably at Capua, and hence are called _Iuliani_.
Cycnus won, but the audience had compassion on Atticus, and his life
was spared. The same term was applied to a defeated gladiator
permitted to leave the arena as to a soldier having an honorable
discharge--_missus_, 'let go.'

The third pair fought in chariots, being dressed in British costume.
Scylax was from the Julian school. Such establishments let out
gladiators to those who gave exhibitions, and obtained in this way a
considerable income. But Publius Ostorius, as his name implies, was a
freeman; presumably he was a gladiator, who, having served a full
term, had secured his freedom, and was now fighting on his own
account. Though beaten, he was permitted to live, perhaps on account
of his creditable record; he had engaged in fifty-one combats.

The combatants from the schools of Caesar and Nero were especially
popular, and were generally victorious; but gladiators belonging to
other proprietors are mentioned, as in the inscriptions of a house on
Nola Street, which will be mentioned again presently. Here we find
gladiators who were evidently freemen named with others who were
slaves of different masters. In only one of these inscriptions,
however, do we find the name of an owner that is known to us:
_Essed[arius] Auriolus Sisen[nae]_. The chariot fighter Auriolus
belonged to a Sisenna, seemingly either the Sisenna Statilius Taurus,
who was consul in 16 A.D., or his son of the same name. As we have
seen, it was a Statilius Taurus who built the first permanent
amphitheatre in Rome, in 29 B.C. The control of this building remained
in the hands of the family. In the columbarium in which the ashes of
their slaves and freedmen were placed, we find inscriptions of a
'guard of the amphitheatre,' and of a 'doorkeeper'--_custos de
amphitheatro_, _ostiarius ab amphitheatro_. It is highly probable that
the family--the first in Rome after the imperial house--possessed a
training school, and derived an income from furnishing gladiators to
those who gave exhibitions.

In view of these facts, we must suppose that the 'troop' (_familia
gladiatoria_) of Suettius Certus, for example, was simply a band of
gladiators brought together for a particular engagement, not a
permanent organization. The giver of an exhibition would make a
contract for the gladiators that he might need. At the close of the
combats the dead would be counted, the surviving freemen paid off and
dismissed, and the surviving slaves returned to their masters, 'the
troop' thus going out of existence.

Occasionally the individual who provided the combats would erect a
monument to the fallen, by way of perpetuating the memory of his
munificence. A familiar example is the memorial set up by Gaius
Salvius Capito at Venosa, of which the inscription is extant. The
names are given of the gladiators who were killed, together with the
number of their previous combats and victories. They were slaves of
different masters, only one of them, Optatus, being owned by Capito
himself. Optatus was a tiro, who fell thus in his first contest.
Possibly his master had obliged him, on account of some misdemeanor,
to enter the arena with little previous training.

Besides the classes of inscriptions of which examples have been
presented, all sorts of scratches upon the plastered walls bear
witness to the general enthusiasm for gladiatorial sports. Sometimes
there is simply the name of a gladiator, with his school and the
number of combats, as _Auctus, Iul[ianus], XXXXX_; sometimes we find a
rough outline of a figure with a boastful legend, as _HermaĂŻscus
invictus hac_, 'Here's the unconquered HermaĂŻscus.'

There are also memoranda in regard to particular combats, illustrated
by rude sketches. Thus on a wall in the house of the Centenary we find
a drawing of a gladiator in flight, pursued by another, with the note:
_Officiosus fugit VIII Idus Nov[embres] Druso Caesare M. Iunio Silano
cos._,--'Officiosus fled on November 6, in the year 15 A.D.' A similar
sketch has been found in another house, with these words written
beside the fleeing gladiator, _Q. P[e]tronius O[c]ta[v]us XXXIII,
m[issus]_; beside the pursuer, _Severus lib[ertus], XXXXXV, v[icit]_.
Severus was thus a gladiator who had been a slave, and had gained his
freedom: he had fought fifty-five combats. Petronius Octavus may have
been a freeman, who had fought on his own account from the beginning.
In taverns a painting of a gladiator with an inscription like the
record of a programme was a favorite subject of decoration.

Athletes in all ages have won the admiration of the gentler sex; and
it would be surprising if among so many gladiatorial graffiti there
were not some containing references to female admirers. In the
peristyle of a house on Nola Street (V. v. 3) the names of about
thirty gladiators are found; the kinds of weapons and the owners are
designated, and the number of previous combats given, as in the
programmes, while records of the results of the combats are entirely
lacking. Terms of endearment are lavished upon two, Celadus, Threx,
and Crescens, net fighter; Celadus is _suspirium puellarum_, 'maidens'
sigh,' and _puellarum decus_, 'glory of girls'; while Crescens is
_puparum dominus_, 'lord o' lassies,' and _puparum medicus_, 'the
darlings' doctor.'

Another graffito informs us that at one time--before the year 63--a
gladiator lived in this house: _Samus / Ↄ / m[urmillo], idem eq[ues],
hic hab[itat]_,--'Samus, who has fought once, and once conquered (_Ↄ_
is for _corona_, 'crown'), Myrmillo, and at the same time fighter on
horseback, lives here.' Other gladiators, no doubt, shared the
dwelling with him; and the amatory graffiti may have been written by
one and another _miles gloriosus_, referring to conquests outside the
arena, or by companions in bitter scorn.



  [Illustration: Fig. 102.--View of Abbondanza Street, looking east.

   At the left, fountain of Concordia Augusta, and side entrance of the
   Eumachia building. In the pavement, three stepping stones.]

The streets of Pompeii vary greatly in width. The widest is Mercury
Street, the continuation of which near the Forum has a breadth of
nearly 32 feet. Next come Abbondanza and Nola streets, the greatest
width of which is about 28 feet; the other streets and thoroughfares
vary from 10 to 20 feet. With unimportant exceptions, broad and narrow
streets alike are paved with polygonal blocks of basalt, which in
laying were fitted to one another with great care; on both sides are
raised sidewalks, with basalt or tufa curbing. The sidewalks in some
places are paved with small stones, elsewhere are laid with concrete,
or left with a surface of beaten earth. As there is no uniformity, the
sidewalk varying in front of adjoining houses, it is clear that the
choice of materials was left to individual owners of abutting
property. The limits of ownership are often designated by boundary
stones, laid in the surface of the walk.

Broad ruts, worn by wheels, are seen in the pavement, shallower in
places where the basalt flags, cut from the lowest stratum of the
stream of lava, are particularly hard; deeper wherever there are
blocks quarried nearer the surface. Only the principal streets were
wide enough to allow wagons to meet and pass; elsewhere drivers must
have waited at a corner for a coming team to go by. It seems likely
that driving on the streets of the city was forbidden, wheeled
vehicles being used only for traffic; people who wished to ride
availed themselves of litters.

At various places along the thoroughfares, but particularly at the
corners, large oblong stepping stones with rounded corners were set in
the pavement at convenient distances for those wishing to cross, the
surface being on a level with the sidewalk. The number varied
according to the width of the pavement; in the broadest streets as
many as five were used. They were arranged always in such a way as to
leave places for the wagon wheels. It is not difficult to understand
how Pompeian drivers guided their teams past them; draft animals were
attached to the wagon by means of a yoke fastened to the end of the
pole, and, as there were no tugs or whippletrees, they had a greater
freedom of movement than is allowed to modern teams.

It is not to be supposed that so complete a system of paving existed
from the beginning of the city. Some light is thrown on the period of
its laying by two inscriptions,--one, EX · K · QUI, cut in the edge of
the sidewalk west of Insula IX. iv.; the other, K · Q, in the pavement
between the second and fourth Insulae of Region VII. Both are
evidently dates, and in full would read _ex Kalendis Quinctilibus_,
'from the first day of July,' and _Kalendis Quinctilibus_, 'July 1.'
Apparently they relate to the laying of the pavement; this was in
place, even in the unimportant side street of Region VII, when the
inscriptions were cut, and so must go back to the time before the name
of the month _Quinctilis_ was changed to _Iulius_, our July. Pompeii
was paved, therefore, before 44 B.C.

The stepping stones were particularly useful when there was a heavy
rain; for the water then flowed in torrents down the streets, as it
does to-day in Catania, where the inhabitants have light bridges which
they throw over the crossings after a storm. There were covered
conduits to carry off the surface drainage of the Forum, one of which
runs under the Strada delle Scuole to the south, the other under the
Via Marina to the west. Elsewhere the water rushed down the streets
till it came near the city walls, where it was collected and carried
off by large storm sewers. These are still in successful operation, as
are also the conduits at the Forum. One is at the west end of the Vico
dei Soprastanti, another at the west end of Nola Street; and a third
leads from Abbondanza Street, where it is crossed by Stabian Street,
toward the south.

There were other sewers in the city, but they were of small dimensions
and have not been fully investigated. They seem generally to have been
under sidewalks. They were not designed to receive surface water, but
the drainage of houses. They cannot have served this purpose fully,
however, for most of the closets were connected, not with the sewers,
but with cesspools.

After the lapse of more than eighteen centuries, the visitor at
Pompeii will distinguish at a glance the business streets from those
less frequented. The sides of the former are lined with shops; along
the latter are blank walls, broken only by house doors, with now and
then a small window high above the pavement. The greatest volume of
business was transacted on the two main thoroughfares, Stabian and
Nola streets; next in importance were Abbondanza Street, leading from
the Forum toward the Sarno Gate, and the continuation of Augustales
Street from the north end of the Forum toward the east. First in the
list of quiet thoroughfares is the broad Mercury Street, along which
were many homes of wealth; the north end of it is closed by the city

There were many fountains along the streets of Pompeii, most of them
at the corners. They were fed by pipes connecting with the water
system of the city. The construction is simple. A deep basin was made
by placing on their edges four large slabs of basalt, held together at
the corners by iron clamps. Above one of the longer sides, usually
near the middle, is a short, thick standard, of the same stone,
pierced for the lead feed pipe, which threw a jet of water forward
into the basin below; on the opposite side is a depression through
which the superfluous water ran off into the street. Most of these
standards are ornamented with reliefs, roughly carved but
effective,--an eagle with a hare in its beak, a calf's head, a bust of
Mercury, a head of Medusa, a drunken Silenus (Fig. 103), or some other
suitable design, arranged so that the water would spurt from the mouth
of the figure or from an amphora.

Occasionally we find a fountain of finer material. That of Concordia
Augusta, of limestone, has already been mentioned (p. 117). In the
neighborhood of the Porta Marina there is a fountain of white marble
with a relief showing a cock that has tipped over a jar, from the
mouth of which the water flowed. Both these more costly fountains were
probably the gift of private individuals, one presented to the city by
Eumachia, the other by the owner of the nearest house, at VII. xv.
1-2. All the fountains bear witness to long use by the depressions
worn in the stone by the hands of those leaning forward to drink.

Water towers stand at the sides of the streets, small pillars of
masonry preserved ordinarily to the height of 20 feet. Usually on one
side there is a deep perpendicular groove (shown in Fig. 103) in which
ran the pipe that carried the water to the top of the tower, where it
was received by a small open reservoir, presumably of metal, and
distributed through numerous small pipes leading to the fountains and
to private houses. The sides of the towers are often covered with
incrustations of lime deposited from the water, in which the
impressions of the lead pipes are still to be seen; in the case of one
tower, at the northeast corner of Insula VI. xiii, a number of the
pipes have been preserved. A reservoir was placed also on the top of
the commemorative arch at the lower end of Mercury Street, on which
stood the bronze statue of Nero or Caligula (p. 48); the traces of the
pipes leading from it are clearly seen on the surface of the arch.
Similar water towers are in use now in Constantinople and Palermo,
having been introduced into the latter city, it would seem, by the
Saracens, who very likely took their water system from that of the
Turkish capital.

  [Illustration: Fig. 103.--Fountain, water tower, and street shrine,
   corner of Stabian and Nola streets.]

In consequence of these arrangements, Pompeii was well supplied with
water. There were flowing jets in all houses except the poorest, and
in some the amount used must have been large. In the house of the
Vettii there were no less than sixteen jets, in the house of the
Silver Wedding, seven; and an equally generous distribution is found
in many other of the more extensive private establishments. Large
quantities of water were used also in the public baths. The water
pipes were made of sheet lead folded together, a transverse section
showing the shape of a pear. They were of all sizes, according to the
pressure; the flow of water was regulated by means of stopcocks, much
like those in use to-day.

Across the street from the Baths near the Forum, on the west, is a
deep reservoir, of which we give the plan (Fig. 104). It is built
partly below the level of the sidewalk, and measures about 50 feet in
length and 13 in width, being covered by a vault. In the south end is
a window (_c_), reached from one of the stairways; when the reservoir
was filled to the bottom of the window, it contained not far from
ninety-five thousand gallons. There were two outlets. One was at the
level of the floor, closed by means of a bronze slide; the grooves in
which the slide worked are preserved. This must have been used only
when the reservoir was cleaned. The other outlet was placed about
three feet above the floor, so that the water could be drawn off
without disturbing the bottom. On the flat roof were rooms the
arrangement of which cannot be determined.

Similar reservoirs are found in Constantinople, designed to furnish a
supply of water in case of siege. Such may have been the purpose of
our structure, which seems to have been built in the early years of
the Roman colony. The residents, remembering the hardships of the
siege of Sulla, may have thought it necessary to make provision
against a similar strait in the future.

  [Illustration: Fig. 104.--Plan of reservoir, west of the Baths near
   the Forum.

     _a_, _b_, _c_. Windows.
     _d_, _e_. Stairs.]

The source from which the city received its water supply has not been
discovered. Evidently it did not draw upon the sources of the Sarno;
the water channel constructed by Fontana (p. 25) runs through the city
at a height of less than sixty feet above the level of the sea, while
the ancient aqueduct that supplied Pompeii had so great a head that in
the highest parts of the city, more than 130 feet above the sea, it
forced the water to the top of the water towers, at least twenty feet
more. Copious springs can never have existed on the sides of Vesuvius;
water must have been brought to the city from the more distant
mountains bounding the Campanian plain on the east.

We can hardly believe that the construction of a water channel for so
great a distance lay within the resources of so small a town. We find,
however, the remains of a great aqueduct which, starting near
Avellino, a dozen miles east of Nola, skirted the base of Vesuvius on
the north and extended westward, furnishing water not only to Naples
but also to Puteoli, Baiae, and Misenum. This ancient structure drew
from the same springs, and followed substantially the same route, as
the new aqueduct which since 1885 has been bringing water to Naples.
No inscription in regard to it has been found, and there is no
reference to it in ancient books. The remains--of which the longest
section, known as Ponti Rossi, 'Red Bridges,' may be seen near
Naples--seem to indicate two styles of construction, extensive repairs
having been made after the aqueduct had been partly destroyed; but up
to the present time it has not been possible to determine the period
to which they belong.

The water system of Pompeii goes back to the time before the founding
of the Roman colony. This is evident, not only from the arrangements
of the older baths, which contemplated a freer use of water than could
well have been provided by cisterns, but also from the existence of
three marble supports for fountain basins, which, as shown by their
style of workmanship, the use of Oscan letters as mason's marks, and
their location in pre-Roman buildings--the temple of Apollo, the Forum
Triangulare, and the house of the Faun--belonged to the earlier
period. If we may ascribe the building of the great aqueduct to the
time of peace and prosperity in Campania between the Second Punic War
and the Social War, and suppose that Pompeii, joining with other towns
in its construction, was supplied by a branch from it, we have a
simple and highly probable solution of the problem. Nothing in the
character of the masonry requires us to assign the aqueduct to a later

       *       *       *       *       *

The shrines along the streets, with few exceptions, were dedicated to
the guardian deities presiding over thoroughfares, particularly the
gods of street crossings, _Lares Compitales_. The worship of these
divinities in Rome was reorganized by Augustus and placed in charge of
the precinct wardens, _vicorum magistri_, who were to see that the
worship of his guardian spirit, Genius, was associated with that of
the Lares at each shrine. The arrangements at the Capital were
naturally followed by the colonies and other cities under Roman rule.

At Pompeii the shrines of the street gods differ greatly in size and
character. Sometimes there is a small altar against the side of a
building, with two large serpents, personifications of the Genius of
the place, painted on the wall near it; one of the serpents, with a
conspicuous crest, represents a male, the other, a female.

Frequently the place of the altar is taken by a niche, in which the
passer-by could deposit his offering. In our illustration (Fig. 105)
we see an ancient street altar which was carefully preserved when the
Central Baths were built, a niche being made over it in the new wall.

  [Illustration: Fig. 105.--Ancient altar in new wall, southeast corner
   of the Central Baths.]

Sometimes a large altar is found, and the Lares, with their offerings,
are painted on a wall above it. Such a shrine may be seen at the
northwest corner of Stabian and Nola streets, between the fountain and
the water tower (Fig. 103). Back of the altar is a wall terminating in
a gable (the tiles are modern) on which was a painted altar with four
worshippers clad in togas, and a fluteplayer, the inseparable
accompaniment of a Roman sacrificial scene; at the sides were the two
Lares, represented as youths, in loose tunics confined by a girdle,
holding in one hand, high uplifted, a drinking horn (_rhyton_), from
which a jet of wine flows into a small pail (_situla_) in the other
hand. It is remarkable that we do not find in this or similar
paintings at Pompeii, any figure representing the Genius of the
emperor, while in private houses the Genius of the proprietor often
has a place with the Lares, and sometimes the Genius of the emperor
also; in theory at least, as already remarked (p. 104), the emperor
stood to all men in the relation that the master of a house bore to
the household.

  [Illustration: Fig. 106.--Plan of a chapel of the Lares Compitales.]

There is also a small chapel for the worship of the street gods on the
west side of Stabian Street, near Abbondanza Street. As may be seen
from the accompanying plan (Fig. 106), at the left as you enter is a
bench of masonry (1), at the rear a long altar (2). In the wall at the
right is a niche for the bronze or terra cotta figures of the Lares
and the Genius, while the surface of the altar is divided into two
parts, for the separate worship of the same divinities. A similar
chapel is situated on the west side of Mercury Street (VI. viii. 14).
Here also we find a bench of masonry, with two niches above it; in the
middle was a block of limestone which may have been used as an altar.
At the rear is a door leading into a small back room. This chapel was
formerly thought to be a barber shop.

It has been customary to assign to the street gods all of the shrines
at the side of the street. Occasionally, however, other divinities
were thus honored; and the only street altar found with an inscription
is consecrated to a different deity. This altar is near Nola Street,
on the east side of Insula IX. vii. On the wall above two cornucopias
are painted the words _Salutei sacrum_, 'Sacred to Salus'; the goddess
of health was worshipped here.

Near the upper end of the Forum, on the north side of Insula VII. vii,
is another altar, above which is a stucco relief representing a
sacrifice; at the sides of the relief are pilasters, and over it a
gable, in which an eagle is seen. This indicates that the shrine was
dedicated to Jupiter.

The largest of the street altars, of tufa, stands free in a vaulted
niche on the north side of Insula VIII. ii, but no traces of painting
are to be seen near it (Fig. 107).

Various divinities are painted on the outside of houses. The largest
picture of this kind is at the corner of Abbondanza Street, on the
east side of Insula VIII. iii. It contains figures of the twelve gods,
distinguished by their attributes--Vesta, Diana, Apollo, Ceres,
Minerva, Jupiter, Juno, Vulcan, Venus Pompeiana, Mars, Neptune, and
Mercury. Underneath are the two serpents, facing each other, on either
side of a painted altar; near the altar are other figures that cannot
be plainly distinguished, probably of men offering sacrifice. This is
not a shrine--there is no place for the offerings. The owner of the
property (house of the Boar), desired to place his household under the
protection of these gods, perhaps also to preserve the corner from
defilement. We often find roughly sketched figures of single gods, to
the guardian care of whom the master of a house wished to commit his
interests--most frequently Mercury, the patron divinity of traders,
and Bacchus; but also Jupiter, Minerva, and Hercules.

  [Illustration: Fig. 107.--Large street altar.]

Sometimes merely a pair of serpents are painted on a wall, in order to
give a religious association to the place, as a means of protection.
In one case (east side of Insula VII. xi. 12) an explicit warning was
painted on the plaster beside them: _Otiosis locus hic non est;
discede, morator_,--'No place for loafers here; move along!'



From the military point of view, Pompeii at the time of the eruption
did not possess a system of defences. For many years previously the
city wall had been kept in repair only as a convenience in matters of
civil administration, and the gates had long since lost all appearance
of preparedness to resist attack. The fortifications are not, however,
without interest. They form a massive and conspicuous portion of the
ruins, and as a survival from an earlier period they have recorded
many evidences of the successive changes through which the city

The relation of the wall to the configuration of the height on which
Pompeii stood was pointed out in connection with our general survey of
the city (p. 31). Along the southwest side, at the time of the
eruption, it had almost completely disappeared. Here, where the slope
was steepest and the city best defended by nature, the wall had been
removed, and its place occupied by houses, at a comparatively early
date, probably in the second century B.C.; enough fragments remain,
however, to enable us to determine its location with certainty.
Elsewhere the greater part of the wall is in a fair state of
preservation. The towers did not belong to the original structure, and
one of the gates in its present form is of still more recent origin.

The construction of the wall will be readily understood with the help
of the accompanying illustrations.

First, two parallel stone walls were built, about 15 feet apart and 28
inches thick; both walls were strengthened on the side toward the city
by numerous buttresses, the inner wall being further supported by
massive abutments projecting into the space between (Fig. 108). This
space was filled with earth.

When the desired height, 26 or 28 feet, was reached, a breastwork of
parapets was constructed on the outer wall; the inner wall was carried
up about 16 feet above the broad passageway on the top (Fig. 110) as a
shield against the weapons of the enemy, preventing the missiles from
going over into the town and causing them to fall where the garrison
could easily pick them up to hurl back again. Rain water falling on
the top flowed toward the outside, and was carried beyond the face of
the masonry by stone waterspouts.

  [Illustration: Fig. 108.--Plan of a section of the city wall.

     A. Inner wall with buttresses and abutments.
     B. Outer wall.
     C. Filling of earth between the stone walls.
     D. Tower.
     E. Stairs leading to the top of the wall.]

For additional strength there was heaped against the inner wall an
embankment of earth, which still remains on the north side, between
the tenth and twelfth towers. At the right of the Herculaneum Gate the
place of the embankment and of the inner wall was taken by a massive
stairway (E in Fig. 108) leading to the top. Originally, the stairs
extended east about 270 feet, but afterwards they were demolished for
the greater part of the distance, and houses were built close to the
wall. There is a smaller stairway of the same kind east of the Stabian
Gate (Fig. 111).

In the original structure both outer and inner walls were built of
hewn blocks of tufa and limestone; but we find portions of the outer
wall, and all the towers, of lava rubble, the surface of which was
covered with stucco. The towers were already standing, as shown by
inscriptions, at the time of the Social War. We are therefore safe in
believing that in the period of peace following the Second Punic War
the walls were not kept in repair, some parts of the outer wall being
utilized as a quarry for building stone; that with the advent of the
Social War they were hastily repaired on the north, east, and south
sides, and strengthened by towers, but that no attempt was made to
renew the fortifications on the steep southwest side, between the
Herculaneum Gate and the Forum Triangulare, where the line of the old
wall was covered with buildings.

  [Illustration: Fig. 109.--View of the city wall, inside, where the
   embankment has been removed. The door in the tower at the left marks
   the height of the embankment.]

When the towers were added--probably not long before 90 B.C.--they
were not distributed evenly along the wall, but were placed where they
seemed to be most needed. The western portion of the ridge between the
Herculaneum and Capua Gates was particularly favorable for the
approach of an enemy; hence three towers were built near together
here, numbered 10, 11, and 12 on Plan I. Another part of the wall
especially exposed was on the southeast side, where the height covered
by the city slopes gradually down to the plain; and we find five
towers within a comparatively short distance, two east of the
Amphitheatre, the other three further south. On the north side,
between the Capua and Sarno gates, the slope is steeper and two towers
were thought to be sufficient.

That there were once two additional towers, besides the ten that have
been enumerated, is evident from several Oscan inscriptions, painted
in red letters on the street walls of houses. One of them, near the
southwest corner of the house of the Faun, reads thus: 'This way leads
between Towers 10 and 11, where Titus Fisanius is in command.' The
street referred to runs between the tenth and twelfth Insulae of
Region VI, direct to the city wall. Two others refer to a 'Tower 12'
near the Herculaneum Gate, this part of the fortifications being in
charge of Maras Adirius.

In a fourth inscription we read: 'This way leads between the houses of
Maras Castricius and of Maras Spurnius, where Vibius Seximbrius is in
command.' In 1897, a fifth inscription became visible on the north
side of Insula VIII. v-vi, where it had been concealed by a coat of
plaster: 'This way leads to the city building (and) to Minerva.' The
street referred to is seemingly the blind alley which formerly ran
through the insula (Plan I). If this is correct, the sanctuary of
Minerva is the Doric temple in the Forum Triangulare; but the 'city
building' cannot be identified.

The five inscriptions evidently date from the siege of Sulla; they
were intended for the information of the soldiers, belonging to the
army of the Allies, who were quartered in the city to assist in its
defence. At this time there must have been twelve towers, that near
the Herculaneum Gate being reckoned last in the enumeration, as in
Plan I; but the location of the two that have disappeared has not been
determined. Another suggestive reminder of the same siege is the name
L · SVLA, scratched by a soldier in the stucco on the inside of Tower
10, near a loophole.

The towers, which measure approximately 31 by 25 feet, were built in
two stories, with strong vaulted ceilings. The floor of the second
story was on a level with the top of the wall, and over this story was
a terrace with battlements, as shown in Fig. 110; the roof seen on the
two towers in Fig. 101 was a later addition, made when the city walls
were no longer needed as a means of defence. Stairways on the inside
gave ready access to the lower part of the towers, which could be
entered from the city by a door (Fig. 109) opening on the embankment.
On the outside were loopholes. Below, at the right, was a sally port,
placed thus in order that the soldiers when rushing forth might
present their shields to the enemy, leaving the right hand free to use
with offensive weapons; when returning to the wall they would, if
possible, cut their way to the sally port in the next tower to the
right, so as to avoid the danger of exposing their right sides to the

  [Illustration: Fig. 110.--Tower of the city wall, restored.]

Four of the gates have been excavated, the Porta Marina and the
Stabian, Nola and Herculaneum gates; two others, the Vesuvius and
Sarno gates, have been partly exposed to view. The remaining two are
still completely covered. All bear evidence of extensive repairs, and
one of them, the Herculaneum Gate, was entirely rebuilt at a
comparatively late period; with this exception, however, they seem to
have assumed their present form in the Tufa Period. Three of them
still retain traces of decoration of the first style on the inner
parts. The different gateways enter the walls at various angles.

The Stabian Gate may be taken as typical. Entering from the outside,
at A, one came through a vaulted passage, B, about twelve feet wide,
to a broad middle passage, or vantage court, open to the sky, into
which missiles and boiling pitch could be hurled from above upon the
heads of an enemy attempting to force the gates; then followed a
second vaulted passage, a little wider than the other, in which were
hung the heavy double doors, opening outward. The projecting posts of
the doors are preserved, as are also the stones on which they rested
when they were swung back against the wall; the vaulting has been
restored. The gateway was paved throughout, with a raised walk on the
right side. On one side of the inner entrance is a well (_a_), the
Gorgon's head upon the curb reminding one of the protectress of the
gate; on the other, the flight of steps already mentioned (_b_) leads
to the top of the wall. Just beyond the steps are the remains of a
small building, perhaps the lodge of the gate keeper (_c_).

  [Illustration: Fig. 111.--Plan of the Stabian Gate.

     B. Outer passage.
     C. Vantage court.
     D. Doors.
     _a._ Well.
     _b._ Steps leading to the top of the wall.
     _c._ Gatekeeper's lodge.
     _d._ Oscan inscription.
     _e._ Latin inscription.]

The patron divinity of city gates, Minerva, was probably honored with
a small statue in the niche still to be seen in the wall of the
vantage court. Two inscriptions commemorate the making of repairs on
the thoroughfare passing under the gateway. One of them (at _d_) is
the Oscan inscription recording the work of the aediles Sittius and
Pontius, to which reference has already been made (p. 184). The other
(at _e_) is in Latin, and of much later date. It informs us that the
duumvirs L. Avianius Flaccus and Q. Spedius Firmus at their own
expense paved the road 'from the milestone,' which must have been near
the gate, 'to the station of the gig drivers (_cisiarios_), at the
limits of the territory of the Pompeians.' The Roman gigs, _cisia_,
were very light, and adapted for rapid travelling; they were drawn by
horses or mules, and were kept for hire at stations along the
highways. The site of the station between Pompeii and Stabiae is not

The Nola Gate, and the partially excavated Vesuvius and Sarno gates,
follow the plan just described in all essential particulars. The inner
keystone of the Nola Gate, facing the city, is ornamented with a
helmeted head of Minerva, in high relief, which being of tufa has
suffered from exposure to the weather. There was once an Oscan
inscription near by, which stated that the chief executive officer of
the city, Vibius Popidius, let the contract for building this gate,
and accepted the structure from the contractor.

  [Illustration: Fig. 112.--Plan of the Herculaneum Gate.

     A. Steps leading to the top of the city wall.
     B. Room belonging to the house at the left of the Gate.]

The front of the Porta Marina has the appearance of a tower projecting
from the wall. The gateway consists simply of two vaulted entrances,
of unequal width; one for vehicles, the other, at the left, for
pedestrians. Both were closed by doors. In the niche at the right of
the wider passage the lower part of a terra cotta statue of Minerva
was found. There was no vantage court, no inner passage; but in the
early years of the Roman colony the steep lower end of the Via Marina
for a distance of 70 feet was covered with a vaulted roof, which still
remains. Opening into this corridor on the right is a long narrow
room, which formed a part of the foundations of the court of the
temple of Venus Pompeiana, and is now used as a Museum.

This gate in its present form could hardly have been intended for
defence; it was adapted rather for administrative purposes, and must
have been built--probably in the place of an earlier structure--in a
period when the possibility of war seemed remote. Such a time, as
previously remarked, was the second century B.C., particularly the
latter half, after the destruction of Carthage.

  [Illustration: Fig. 113.--Herculaneum Gate, looking down the Street of

   The corners of the entrances are opus mixtum, a course of brick-shaped
   blocks of stone alternating with three courses of bricks.]

A still more peaceful aspect is presented by the Herculaneum Gate. The
style of masonry--rubble work with _opus mixtum_ at the
corners--points to the end of the Republic, rather than to the Empire,
as the period of construction. Here we find three vaulted passages,
the middle one for vehicles, those on either side for pedestrians. The
vaulting over the middle part of the gate has disappeared; but
according to appearances a vantage court was left here, in the middle
passage, if not in those at the sides; at the inner end of this court
the gates were placed. The greater part of the structure served no
purpose of utility; it was obviously designed as a monumental entrance
to the city.





Our chief sources of information regarding the domestic architecture
of ancient Italy are two,--the treatise of Vitruvius, and the remains
found at Pompeii. The Pompeian houses present many variations from the
plan described by the Roman architect; yet in essential particulars
there is no disagreement, and it is not difficult to form a clear
conception of their arrangements.

The houses of Greco-Roman antiquity differed from those of modern
times in several respects. They took their light and air from the
inside, the apartments being grouped about a court or about a large
central room which ordinarily had an opening in the ceiling; the
distribution of space being thus made on a different principle, the
large rooms were often larger, the small rooms smaller and more
numerous than in modern dwellings of corresponding size; and in the
better houses the decoration of both walls and floors was more
permanent than is usual in our day. The ancient houses were relatively
low, in most cases, if we except the crowded tenements of imperial
Rome, not exceeding two stories. The windows in the outside walls were
generally few and small, and the external appearance was not unlike
that of Oriental houses of the present time. In the city house the
large front entrance was frequently ornamented with carved posts and

The development of the Italic house can be traced at Pompeii over a
period of almost four hundred years. The earlier form consisted of a
single series of apartments,--a central room, _atrium_, with smaller
rooms opening into it, and a garden at the rear; an example is the
house of the Surgeon (p. 280). A restoration of such a house with its
high atrium, wide front door, and garden is shown in Fig. 114.

  [Illustration: Fig. 114.--Early Pompeian house, restored.]

Later, under Greek influence, a court with a colonnade and surrounding
rooms was added. This was called _peristylium_, 'peristyle'; it is
simply the more elaborate inner part of the Greek house, _andronitis_,
joined to the dwelling of Italic origin. We find the union of atrium
and peristyle with their respective groups of apartments fully
accomplished in the second century B.C., the Tufa Period; the type of
dwelling thus developed remained in vogue during Roman times and is
often called the Roman house.

The double origin is clearly indicated by the names of the rooms.
Those of the front part are designated by Latin words,--_atrium_,
_fauces_, _ala_, _tablinum_; but the apartments at the rear bear Greek
names,--_peristylium_, _triclinium_, _oecus_, _exedra_. In large
houses both atrium and peristyle were sometimes duplicated.

The houses of Pompeii impress the visitor as having been designed
primarily for summer use. The arrangements contemplate the spending of
much time in the open air, and pains was taken to furnish protection
from the heat, not from the cold. The greater part of the area is
taken up by colonnades, gardens, and courts; from this point of view
the atrium may be classed as a court. The living rooms had high
ceilings. In summer they were cool and airy, in winter difficult to
heat; they were dark and close when the door was shut, cold when it
was open.

  [Illustration: Fig. 115.--Plan of a Pompeian house.]

With a single exception the arrangements for heating so often met with
in the remains of houses discovered in northern countries are found at
Pompeii only in connection with bath-rooms; the cold was ineffectively
combated by means of braziers. We are led to believe that the
Pompeians were extremely sensitive to heat, but endured cold with
great patience. One who makes himself familiar with the arrangements
of Italian houses to-day will receive a similar impression, although
the peculiarity is perhaps less obvious than in the case of the
ancient dwellings.

In describing the Pompeian houses it is more convenient to designate
the principal rooms by the ancient names. In Fig. 115 we present an
ideal plan; in it the names are given to the parts of the house, the
relative location of which is subject to comparatively little
variation. These parts will first be discussed; then those will be
taken up which present a greater diversity in their arrangements.


The _vestibulum_ was the space between the front door and the street.
The derivation of the word (_ve-_ + the root of _stare_, 'to stand
aside') suggests the purpose; the vestibule was a place where one
could step aside from the bustle and confusion of the street. In many
houses there was no vestibule, the front door opening directly on the
sidewalk; and where vestibules did exist at Pompeii, they were much
more modest than those belonging to the houses of wealthy Romans, to
which reference is so frequently made in classical writers. Roman
vestibules were often supported by columns of costly marbles, and
adorned with statues and other works of art. Only one vestibule at
Pompeii was treated as a portico, that of the house of the Vestals
near the Herculaneum Gate. This was once as wide as the atrium, the
roof being carried by four columns; but before the destruction of the
city two partitions were built parallel with the sides dividing it
into three parts, a narrow vestibule of the ordinary type, with a shop
at the right and at the left.

The passage inside the front door was called _fauces_, or _prothyron_.
According to Vitruvius the width of it in the case of large atriums
should be half, in smaller atriums two thirds, that of the tablinum;
at Pompeii the width is generally less than half. In the houses of the
Tufa Period the corners of the fauces where it opens into the atrium
were ornamented with pilasters connected at the top by an entablature.

The vestibule and fauces were ordinarily of the same width, and were
separated by projecting doorposts with a slightly raised threshold
(Fig. 116) and heavy double doors. Sometimes, as in the house of
Epidius Rufus, there was in addition a small door at the side of the
vestibule opening into a narrow passage connecting with the fauces
(Fig. 149). In such cases the folding doors, which on account of their
size and the method of hanging must always have been hard to open,
were generally kept shut. They would be thrown back early in the
morning for the reception of clients, and on special occasions; at
other times the more convenient small door would be used.

In several instances the volcanic dust so hardened about the lower
part of a front door that it has been possible to make a cast by
pouring soft plaster of Paris into the cavity left by the crumbling
away of the wood; there are several of these casts in the little
Museum at Pompeii. With their help, and with the well preserved stone
thresholds before us, it is possible to picture to ourselves the
appearance of the doorway.

  [Illustration: Fig. 116.--Plan and section of the vestibule,
   threshold, and fauces of the house of Pansa.]

The doorposts were protected by wooden casings, _antepagmenta_, which
were made fast at the bottom by means of holes in the threshold (α, α
in Fig. 116).

The folding doors swung on pivots, which were fitted into sockets in
the threshold (ÎČ, ÎČ) and in the lintel. The pivots were of wood, but
were provided--at least the lower ones--with a cylindrical cap of iron
or bronze, and the socket had a protective lining of the same metal.
Both caps and sockets, especially those of bronze, are found in the
thresholds in a good state of preservation. It seems strange that
ancient builders did not use smaller pivots of solid metal, on which
the doors would have turned much more easily; but a conservative
tradition in this regard prevailed against innovation.

The fastenings were elaborate. Near the inner edge of each door was a
vertical bolt, which shot into a hole in the threshold (Îł,
Îł); there was probably a corresponding bolt at the top, as in
the case of large modern doors. Sometimes there was a heavy iron lock,
turned with a key, and also an iron bar which was fastened across the
crack in such a way as to tie the two folds together. In many houses
there are holes in the walls of the fauces, just back of the door, in
which at night a strong wooden bar, _sera_, was placed; hardly less
often we find a hole in the floor a few feet back, in which one end of
a slanting prop was set, the other end being braced against the middle
of the door. These arrangements bring to mind Juvenal's vivid picture
of the disturbances and dangers of the streets of Rome at night.


An atrium completely covered by a roof was extremely rare. With few
exceptions, there was a large rectangular opening over the middle,
_compluvium_, toward which the roof sloped from all sides (Figs. 114,
118). In the floor, directly under the compluvium, was a shallow
basin, _impluvium_, into which the rain water fell (_h_ in Fig. 118).
The impluvium had two outlets. One was connected with the cistern; a
round cistern mouth, _puteal_, ornamented with carving, often stood
near the edge of the basin, as in the house of the Tragic Poet (Fig.
153). The other outlet led under the floor to the street in front,
carrying off the overflow when the cistern was full, and also the
water used in cleaning the floor. In the better houses a fountain was
often placed in the middle of the impluvium.

Vitruvius (VI. iii. 1 _et seq._) mentions five kinds of atriums, the
basis of classification being the construction of the roof--Tuscan,
tetrastyle, Corinthian, displuviate, and tortoise atriums. The first
three are well illustrated at Pompeii.

The Tuscan atrium, supposed by the Romans to have been derived from
the Etruscans, was apparently the native Italic form. Two heavy
girders were placed across the room, above the ends of the impluvium
(Fig. 117, _b_). On these, two shorter crossbeams were laid (_c_),
over the sides of the impluvium. The corners of the rectangular frame
thus made were connected with the walls at the corners of the atrium
by four strong slanting beams (Figs. 117, 118, _e_). On these and on
the frame were placed the lower ends of the sloping rafters (Fig. 117,
_f_), carrying the tiles, the arrangement of which can be seen in
Figs. 114, 117, and 118. This was the most common arrangement of the
roof at Pompeii.

  [Illustration: Fig. 117.--A Tuscan atrium: plan of the roof.

     _a_, _a._ Side walls.
     _b._ One of the two girders supporting the roof.
     _c._ Crossbeam, resting on the two girders.
     _d._ Short beam of the thickness of _c_.
     _e._ Corner beam.
     _f._ Rafters, sloping toward the inside.
     _g._ Compluvium.
     1. Flat tiles, _tegulae_.
     2. Semicylindrical tiles for covering the joints, _imbrices_.
     3. Gutter tiles.]

The edge of the compluvium was frequently ornamented with terra cotta
waterspouts, representing the heads of animals. In a house near the
Porta Marina the projecting foreparts of dogs and lions were used in
place of the heads; the remains of a part of the compluvium have been
put together again, and are seen in Fig. 119. The lions were placed
over the larger spouts at the four corners; the under side of the
spouts surmounted by the dogs and lions was ornamented with acanthus
leaves in relief. The same illustration presents an example of the
antefixes sometimes found.

The tetrastyle atrium differed from the Tuscan in only one respect:
there were four columns supporting the roof, one at each corner of the
impluvium. In most cases these supports, which interfered with the
view of the interior, can hardly have been intended primarily for
ornament; they simplified the construction, making the ceiling and
roof firm without the use of the heavy and expensive girders.

The Corinthian atrium had a larger compluvium than the other kinds,
the roof being supported by a number of columns. There are three
examples at Pompeii, the houses of Epidius Rufus with sixteen columns
(p. 310), of Castor and Pollux with twelve, and of the Fullonica with

The roof of the displuviate atrium sloped from the middle toward the
sides, the water being carried off by lead pipes. The aperture for the
admission of light and air was relatively much higher above the floor
than in the kinds previously described. No example of this type has
been found at Pompeii.

  [Illustration: Fig. 118.--A Tuscan atrium: section.

     _b._ Girder.
     _e._ Corner rafter.
     _h._ Impluvium.
     1. Flat tiles.
     2. Semicylindrical tiles.]

The tortoise atrium, _atrium testudinatum_, was small and without a
compluvium. The roof had a pyramidal shape. There were possibly a few
examples at Pompeii, as we may infer from the occasional absence of an
impluvium; in the only instance, however, in which it is possible to
determine the form of the roof (V. v. 1-2), this must have been very
different from that referred to by the Roman writer (p. 343).

Vitruvius says further that the atrium should have an oblong shape,
the width being three fifths or two thirds of the length, or measured
on the side of a square, the hypothenuse of which is taken for the
length. The design was obviously to bring the sides nearer together,
thus lessening the strain on the two girders which in the commonest
form were used to sustain the roof. The height, to the frame of the
compluvium, should be three fourths of the width.

In the case of the tetrastyle and Corinthian atriums at Pompeii the
height is indicated by that of the columns, but there are rarely
adequate data for determining the height of the others with exactness.
In regard to length and breadth the proportions harmonize fairly well
with those recommended by Vitruvius; but the height, in the cases in
which it can be ascertained, is often greater than that contemplated
by the rules of the architect.

Looking at the Pompeian atriums in their present condition (Plate VII,
Figs. 121, 153) one might easily receive the impression that they were
primarily courts rather than rooms. In this respect the restorations
of Roman houses in the older books are often at fault, the atrium
being generally represented as too low in comparison with the rooms
around it.

  [Illustration: Fig. 119.--Corner of a compluvium with waterspouts and
   antefixes, reconstructed.]

The references in the ancient writers uniformly point to this as the
principal room of the house. In the earliest times the hearth stood
here; a hole in the roof served as a chimney. The accumulation of soot
on the ceiling and the walls suggested the characteristic name 'black
room'; for _atrium_ comes from _ater_, 'black.' Here the household
gathered at mealtime; here they worked, or rested from their labors.
In the atrium Lucretia sat with her maids spinning late at night when
her husband entered unexpectedly with his friends.

Such the atrium remained in farmhouses to the latest times. The name
meanwhile was transferred to the corresponding apartment of elegant
city homes, while in the country it went out of use, being replaced by
_culina_, 'kitchen,' on account of the presence of the hearth. In
such a room in his Sabine villa Horace loved to dine, conversing on
topics grave or gay with his rustic neighbors, and partaking of the
simple fare with relish; while his slaves, freed from the restraints
of city life, were permitted to eat at the same time, sitting at a
separate table. The remains of an atrium of this kind, with its hearth
and niche for the images of the household gods, may be seen in the
villa recently excavated near Boscoreale (p. 361).

Without doubt some houses of the ancient type might be found in
cities, even in Rome, as late as the end of the Republic. We read of
one in Cicero's time in the atrium of which spinning was done. But at
Pompeii the hearth had been banished from the atrium at a
comparatively early date, in the Tufa Period if not before; and the
room was made uncomfortable to sit in, for a considerable part of the
year, by the broad opening of the compluvium.

From the architectural point of view, however, the atrium never lost
its significance as the central apartment. In all its dimensions, but
particularly in height, it presents so great a contrast with the rooms
around it as to remind us of the relation of a Roman Catholic church
to the chapels at the sides. The impression of spaciousness was
perhaps deepened when the atrium was provided with a ceiling. Few
traces of such ceilings are found at Pompeii, and in the smaller
houses the inside of the roof seems generally to have been visible.

The atrium of the Corinthian type most nearly resembled a court, on
account of the size of the opening to the sky and the use of many
columns. A suggestion of the un-Italic character of this type appears
in the name; for one can scarcely suppose that atriums in the strict
sense existed at Corinth.

Although the Pompeian atriums show no traces of a hearth, there is
possibly a reminiscence of the ancient arrangement in the
_gartibulum_, a table which we frequently find at the rear of the
impluvium. Varro says that since his boyhood these tables, on which
vessels of bronze were placed, had gone out of use; at Pompeii they
remained in fashion much longer. The gartibulum with its bronze vases
may symbolize the ancient hearth with the cooking utensils. Possibly,
however, it represents the kitchen table near the hearth on which the
dishes were washed; that it may have served a similar purpose in later
times is evident from the fact that in front of it a marble pedestal
was often placed for a statuette which threw a jet of water into a
marble basin at the edge of the impluvium. This group of table,
fountain figure, and basin appears in many Pompeian atriums. In Plate
VII we see the gartibulum and the supports of the marble-basin, but
the base of the fountain figure has disappeared.

  [Illustration: Fig. 120.--A Pompeian's strong box, _arca_.]

The strong box of the master of the house, _arca_, often stood in the
atrium, usually against one of the side walls. It was sometimes
adorned with reliefs, as the one shown in Fig. 120, which is now in
the Naples Museum. It stood on a heavy block of stone, or low
foundation of masonry, to which it was attached by an iron rod passing
down through the bottom. A wealthy Pompeian sometimes had more than
one of these chests.

In three atriums the herm of the proprietor stands at the rear. One,
with the portrait of Cornelius Rufus, is shown in Fig. 121.

When there were two atriums in a house, the larger was more
elaborately furnished than the other, and was set aside for the public
or official life of the proprietor; the smaller one was used for
domestic purposes. Typical examples are found in the houses of the
Faun and of the Labyrinth. In the former the principal atrium is of
the Tuscan type, the other tetrastyle; in the latter the large atrium
is tetrastyle, the smaller Tuscan.


The tablinum was a large room at the rear of the atrium, opening into
the latter with its whole width; the connection of the two rooms is
clearly shown in Plate VII and Fig. 121. According to Vitruvius, when
the atrium was 30 to 40 feet in width--as in the larger Pompeian
houses--the tablinum should be half as wide; when the atrium was
smaller, the width of the tablinum should be two thirds that of the
atrium, while the height at the entrance should be nine eighths, and
inside four thirds of the width. These proportions will not hold good
for Pompeii, where the tablinum is generally narrower and higher
(Vitr. VI. iv. 5, 6).

  [Illustration: Fig. 121.--Atrium of the house of Cornelius Rufus,
   looking through the tablinum and andron into the peristyle.

   In the foreground, the impluvium, with the carved supports of a
   marble table; at the left, between the entrances to the andron and
   the tablinum, the herm of Rufus.]

The posts at the entrance were usually treated as pilasters, joined
above by a cornice; architecturally the front of this room formed the
most impressive feature of the atrium. Between the pilasters hung
portiĂšres, which might be drawn back and fastened at the sides. In the
house of the Silver Wedding the fastenings were found in
place,--bronze disks from which a ship's beak projected, attached to
the pilasters.

In early times the tablinum ordinarily had an opening at the rear
also, but this was not so high as that in front, and could be closed
by broad folding doors. In winter the doors were probably kept shut.
In summer they were left open and the room, cool and airy, served as a
dining room, a use which harmonizes well with a passage of Varro
explaining the derivation of the name. "In the olden time," says this
writer, "people used to take their meals in the winter by the hearth;
in summer they ate out of doors, country folk in the court, city
people in the _tabulinum_, which we understand to have been a summer
house built of boards." The derivation of _tabulinum_, of which
_tablinum_ is a shortened form, from _tabula_, 'a board,' is obvious.

The period to which Varro refers antedates that of the oldest houses
at Pompeii. The room which we call tablinum was then a deep recess at
the rear of the atrium, open at the front, as now, but enclosed by a
wall at the rear; against this wall was a veranda opening into the
garden, toward which the board roof sloped. People took their meals in
the veranda in summer, and to it the name tablinum was naturally
applied. In the recess at the rear of the atrium, corresponding to the
later tablinum, was the bed of the master of the house, called _lectus
adversus_ because 'facing' one who entered the front door. As late as
the reign of Augustus, long after it became the custom to set aside a
closed apartment for the family room, a reminiscence of the ancient
arrangement still remained in the couch which stood at the rear of the
atrium or in the tablinum, which was called _lectus adversus_, or even
_lectus genialis_.

The removal of the hearth and the bed from the atrium must have taken
place when the small hole in the roof was replaced by the compluvium.
A broad opening was made in the rear wall, and the place where the bed
had been was turned into a light, airy room; this was now used as a
summer room instead of the veranda, the name of which was in
consequence transferred to it.

Even in later times, when the houses were extended by the addition, at
the rear, of a peristyle with its group of apartments, the tablinum
may often have been used as a summer dining room; but the tendency now
was to withdraw the family life into the more secluded rooms about
the peristyle. The tablinum, lying between the front and the rear of
the house, was used as a reception room for guests who were not
admitted into the privacy of the home; and here undoubtedly the master
of the house received his clients.

In the house of the Vettii the tablinum is omitted on account of the
abundance of room; but at the rear of the atrium there are wide
openings into the peristyle (Fig. 158).


The alae, the 'wings' of the atrium, were two deep recesses in the
sides (Fig. 115). They were ordinarily at the rear, but were sometimes
placed at the middle, as in the house of Epidius Rufus (Fig. 149).
Vitruvius (VI. iv. 4) says that where the atrium is from 30 to 40 feet
long, one third of the length should be taken for the breadth of the
alae; in the case of larger atriums the breadth of these rooms should
be proportionally less, being fixed at one fifth of the length for
atriums from 80 to 100 feet long; the height at the entrance should be
equal to the breadth.

At Pompeii the alae, as the tablinum, are narrower and higher than
required by these proportions. In the Tufa Period the entrances were
ornamented with pilasters, and treated like the broad entrance of the

With reference to the purpose and uses of these rooms we have no
information beyond a remark of Vitruvius in regard to placing the
images of ancestors in them. This throws no light upon their origin;
for only a few noble families could have possessed a sufficiently
large number of ancestral busts or masks to make it necessary to
provide a special place for these, while the alae form an essential
and characteristic part of the Pompeian house. Now and then an ala was
used as a dining room; more frequently, perhaps, one was utilized for
a wardrobe, as may be seen from the traces of the woodwork. A careful
study of the remains only deepens the impression that at Pompeii the
alae served no definite purpose, but were a survival from a previous
period, in which they responded to different conditions of life.

An interesting parallel presents itself in the arrangements of a type
of peasants' house found in Lower Saxony. The main entrance, as in the
early Italic house, leads into a large and high central room; at the
sides of this and of the main entrance are the living rooms and
stalls. At the back the central room is widened by two recesses
corresponding with the alae; the hearth stands against the rear wall.
In the side walls, at the rear of each recess, are a window and a
door. The two windows admit light to the part of the central room
furthest from the entrance; the doors open into the farmyard and the

The Italic house in the beginning was not a city residence shut in by
party walls, but the isolated habitation of a countryman. The design
of the alae, as of the recesses in the Low Saxon farmhouse, was to
furnish light to the atrium, which, as we have seen, was completely
covered by a roof, there being only a small hole to let out the smoke.
The large windows in the rear of the alae of the house of Sallust may
be looked upon as a survival; but in city houses generally light could
not be taken in this way from the sides. After the compluvium had come
into general use, a conservative tradition still retained the alae
whenever possible, though they no longer answered their original


In front there were rooms at either side of the entrance, ordinarily
fitted up as shops and opening on the street, but sometimes used as
dining rooms or sleeping rooms, or for other domestic purposes.

On each side of the atrium were two or three small sleeping rooms; in
narrow houses these, as well as one or both of the alae, were
occasionally omitted.

At the rear were one or two rooms of the same depth as the tablinum,
used in most cases as dining rooms. They frequently had a single broad
entrance on the side of the peristyle or the garden (Fig. 134, 22),
but were sometimes entered by a door from the atrium or from one of
the alae (Figs. 115, 121). The door on the side of the atrium seems
generally to have been made when the house was built; if the owner
did not wish to use it, it was walled up and treated as a blind door,
an ornament of the atrium.

The rooms about the atrium in the pre-Roman period were made high,
those in front and at the sides often measuring fifteen feet to the
edge of the ceiling, which had the form of a groined vault. The rear
rooms were still higher, the crown of the vaults being as far above
the floor as the flat ceiling of the tablinum. A corresponding height
was given to the doors; those in the house of the Faun measure nearly
fourteen feet. The upper part of the doorway was doubtless pierced for
the admission of light in the manner indicated by wall paintings, and
shown in our restoration of one side of the atrium in the house of
Sallust (Figs. 261, 262).

The andron was a passage at the right or the left of the tablinum,
connecting the atrium with the peristyle (Figs. 115, 121). The name
was used originally to designate an apartment in the Greek house, but
was applied by the Romans to a corridor. In modern times the passage
has often been erroneously called fauces.

The andron is lacking only in small houses, or in those in which a
different connection is made between the front and rear portions by
means of a second atrium, or other rooms.


A few Pompeian houses, like those of the olden time, are without a
peristyle, having a garden at the rear. In such cases there is a
colonnade at the back of the house, facing the garden; this is the
arrangement in the houses of the Surgeon, of Sallust, and of Epidius
Rufus. In the large house of Pansa (Fig. 179), we find both a
peristyle and a garden, the latter being at the rear of the peristyle;
and in many houses a small garden was placed wherever available space
could be found.

The peristyle is a garden enclosed by a colonnade, or having a
colonnade on two or three sides. When this was higher on the north
side than on the other three, as in the house of the Silver Wedding,
the peristyle was called Rhodian. In the Tufa Period the colonnade
was frequently in two stories, on all four sides or on the front
alone. Fragments of columns belonging to the second story have been
found in many houses, but in only one instance, that of the house of
the Centenary, are they of such a character as to enable us to make an
accurate restoration; here the double series of columns extended only
across the front.


A separate entrance, _posticum_ (Fig. 115), usually connected the
peristyle with a side street. At the rear there was often a broad,
deep recess, _exedra_, corresponding with the tablinum. The location
of the other rooms in this part of the house is determined by so many
conditions, and manifests so great a diversity that it may be spoken
of more conveniently in connection with their use.


The small, high rooms about the atrium were in the earlier times used
as bedrooms; and such they remained in some houses, as that of the
Faun, down to the destruction of the city.

The sleeping rooms about the peristyle were much lower, and the front
opened by means of a broad door in its whole, or almost its whole,
width upon the colonnade. These rooms could frequently be entered also
through a small side door from a dining room, or a narrow recess
opening on the peristyle (Fig. 146, _x_). The design of the
arrangement is obvious. In summer the inconvenient large door could be
left open day and night, a curtain being stretched across the space;
in winter it would be opened only for airing and cleaning, the small
door being used at other times.

The place for the bed was sometimes indicated in the plan of the room.
In a bedroom of the house of the Centaur, of which an end view is
given in Fig. 122, a narrow alcove was made for the bed at the left
side; the floor of the alcove is slightly raised, and the ceiling, as
often, is in the form of a vault, while the ceiling of the room is
higher and only slightly arched. A similar arrangement is found in
several other rooms decorated in the first style. In several houses,
as in the house of Apollo, there is a sleeping room with alcoves for
two beds.

In bedrooms with a mosaic floor the place for the bed is ordinarily
white, being separated from the rest of the room by a stripe
suggestive of a threshold. A similar division is often indicated in
the wall decoration, particularly that of the second style; the part
designated for the bed is set off by pilasters on the end walls, and
differently treated both in respect to the decorative design and in
the arrangement of colors.

  [Illustration: Fig. 122.--End of a bedroom in the house of the
   Centaur, decorated in the first style. At the left, alcove for the
   bed; above, two windows.]


As long as it was customary to sit at meals any fair-sized apartment
could be used as a dining room. When the early Italic house was
extended by the addition of a peristyle, and the Greek custom of
reclining at table was introduced, it became necessary to provide a
special apartment, and the Greek name for such a room with the three
couches, _triclinium_, came into use. For convenience in serving, the
length of a dining room, according to Vitruvius, should be twice the
width. At Pompeii, however, the dimensions are less generous; with an
average width of 12 or 13 feet the length rarely exceeds 20 feet. In
many cases one end of the room opened on the peristyle, but could be
closed by means of broad doors or shutters.

  [Illustration: Fig. 123.--Plan of a dining room with three couches.

     A. Upper couch, _lectus summus_.
     B. Middle couch, _lectus medius_.
     C. Lower couch, _lectus imus_.
     D. Table, _mensa_.]

The plan of a typical dining room is given in Fig. 123. The couch at
the right of the table was called the upper couch; that at the left,
the lower; and that between, the middle couch. With few exceptions
each couch was made to accommodate three persons; the diner rested on
his left arm on a cushion at the side nearer the table, and stretched
his feet out toward the right. Hence, the first on the upper couch had
what was called 'the highest place.' The one next was said to recline
'below' him, because lying on the side toward which the first person
extended his feet; the man at the outer end of the lower couch was
said to be 'at the foot,' _imus_. When in the Gospel of John we read
of a disciple "lying on Jesus' breast," the meaning is easily
explained by reference to Roman usage; John was reclining in the place
next below the Master. This arrangement makes clear to us the reason
why the couches were so placed that the lower one projected further
beyond the table than the upper one; the feet of those on the lower
couch were extended toward the end furthest from the table.

To the couches grouped in the manner indicated the same name was
applied as to the dining room, triclinium. Of those in the dining
rooms only scanty remains are found. In summer the Pompeians, as the
Italians of to-day, were fond of dining in the open air. In order to
save the trouble of moving heavy furniture couches of masonry were not
infrequently constructed in the garden, and have been preserved; such
a triclinium is that in the garden of the tannery (p. 398). The
arrangement is in most cases precisely that indicated in Fig. 123, the
outer end of the lower couch projecting beyond the corresponding end
of the upper one. In the middle stands the base of the table, also of
masonry; the top is rarely preserved. Near by is a little altar for
the offerings made in connection with each meal. The appearance of
such a triclinium may be inferred from that of the triclinium funebre
shown in Fig. 245, which has a square table and round altar.

  [Illustration: Fig. 124.--Plan of a dining room with an anteroom
   containing an altar for libations.

     A. Room for the table and couches.
     B. Anteroom with altar.]

In many gardens we find about the triclinium the remains of four or
six columns. These supported a frame of timber or lattice-work, upon
which vines were trained, making a shady bower, as in the garden of
the tavern in the first Region, referred to below (p. 404).

The couches were ordinarily not provided with backs, but the outer
ends of the upper and lower couches sometimes had a frame to hold the
cushions, as indicated in Fig. 123 and shown more clearly in our
restoration, Fig. 188. In the dining rooms small movable altars must
have been used for the offerings, such as those of terra cotta or
bronze not infrequently met with in the course of excavation. A fixed
altar has been found in only one instance, in a small dining room in
the eighth Region (VIII. v-vi. 16). Here, as our plan (Fig. 124)
shows, the front of the apartment is set off as an anteroom, and in
this was placed an altar of tufa.

In accordance with an ancient custom the children, even those of the
imperial family, sat on low stools at a table of their own on the open
side of the large table. In an open-air triclinium in the ninth Region
(IX. v. 11) the children's seat is preserved, a low bench of masonry
about forty inches long connected with the projecting arm of the lower
couch (Plate VII.).

The inner part of the dining room, designed for the table and couches,
was often distinguished from the free space in the same way that the
place for the bed was indicated in bedrooms, sometimes by a difference
in the design of the mosaic floor, more frequently by the division of
the wall decoration and the arrangement of the ceiling. In the third
and fourth decorative styles the division is less plainly marked than
in the second; but often the side walls back of the couches and the
inner end of the room have each a single large panel with a small
panel at the right and left, while on each side wall in front are only
two panels, of the same size.

In one respect the ordinary dining room was far from convenient; those
who had the inner places could not leave the table or return to it in
the course of a meal without disturbing one or more of those reclining
nearer the outside. Large rooms, in which an open space was left
between the couches and the wall, or in which several tables with
their sets of couches could be placed, were unknown in pre-Roman
Pompeii. In the time of the Empire a few of these large dining rooms
were built in older houses. There is one measuring about 25 by 33 feet
in the house of Pansa; another, of which the dimensions are 23 by 30
feet, in the house of Castor and Pollux; and a third, 36 feet long, in
the house of the Citharist.

In a number of houses we find a large, fine apartment--designated by
the Greek word _oecus_--which seems often to have been used for a
dining room, especially on notable occasions. A particularly elegant
form was the Corinthian oecus, which had a row of columns about the
sides a short distance from the walls, the room being thus divided
into a main part with a vaulted ceiling and a corridor with a flat
ceiling. The couches would be placed in the main part; the guests
could pass to their places along the corridor, behind the columns. The
remains of such an oecus may be seen in the houses of Meleager and of
the Labyrinth.

A specially interesting example--unfortunately not yet wholly
excavated--is in the house of the Silver Wedding. In this case only
the inner part, designed for the couches, is set off by columns. We
may assume that there was a vaulted ceiling over the middle, resting
on the entablature of the columns; that the ceiling of the corridor
between the columns and the wall was flat, and of the same height as
the entablature; and that the front part of the room had a flat or
slightly arched ceiling of the same height as the crown of the vault
over the middle.

In the more pretentious Roman houses there was sometimes a dining room
for each season of the year; when Trimalchio in Petronius's novel
boasts that he has four dining rooms, we are to understand that he had
one each for winter, summer, autumn, and spring. In the case of the
Pompeian houses we are warranted in assuming that dining rooms opening
toward the south were for winter use, those toward the north for use
in summer. Other airy apartments, with a large window in addition to
the wide door, may well have been intended for summer triclinia.
Further than this it is hardly possible to classify Pompeian dining
rooms according to the seasons.


In the Pompeian house the kitchen had no fixed location. It was
generally a small room, and was placed wherever it would least
interfere with the arrangement of the rest of the house.

The most important part of the kitchen was the hearth. This was built
of masonry, against one of the walls. It was oblong, and the fire was
made on the top. The cooking utensils sometimes rested on rectangular
projections of masonry, as in the kitchen of the house of Pansa,
sometimes on small iron tripods, as in the house of the Vettii (Fig.
125). The hearth of the latter house was found undisturbed, with a
vessel in place ready to be heated. In one house the place of an iron
tripod was taken by three pointed ends of amphorae set upright on the
hearth. Underneath there was often a hollow place, like that shown in
our illustration, in which fuel was kept, as in similar openings under
the hearths of Campanian kitchens to-day.

Sometimes we find near the hearth a bake oven, not large enough to
have been used for bread, and evidently intended for pastry; bread
must ordinarily have been obtained from the bakers. In one of the
cellars of the house of the Centenary there is a larger oven, which
may have been used to bake coarse bread for the slaves; the heat was
utilized in warming a bath above.

Over the hearth was a small window to carry off the smoke. As the
kitchen was ordinarily high there may have been a hole in the roof
also, but the upper parts have been destroyed, and their arrangement
cannot be determined. From the small size of the kitchens and of the
hearths in even the largest and finest houses, we may infer that the
luxury of the table prevalent in the Early Empire had made only slight
progress at Pompeii.

Close by the kitchen, frequently forming a part of it and next to the
hearth, was the closet; a separate closet of good size is found in the
houses of the Faun and of Castor and Pollux.

  [Illustration: Fig. 125.--Hearth of the kitchen in the house of the
   Vettii. The arched place underneath is for the storage of fuel.]

In many large houses there is a bath, generally too small to have been
used by more than one person at a time. These baths ordinarily include
only a tepidarium and a caldarium, but occasionally there is an
apodyterium, less frequently still a small frigidarium; in most cases
a basin in the apodyterium or tepidarium must have been used for the
cold bath. The heating arrangements are similar to those found in the
public baths, and more or less complete according to the period in
which the bath was fitted up, and the taste of the proprietor; a
progressive refinement in the appointments of the private baths can be
traced similar to that which we have already noted in the case of the
Stabian Baths. The close relation generally existing between the
bath-rooms and the kitchen is well illustrated in the houses of the
Faun and of the Silver Wedding.

In connection with this group of rooms we may mention the storerooms,
which are found in various parts of the houses and may be identified
by the traces of the shelves that were fastened to the walls.

Comparatively few houses were provided with cellars. In the house of
the Centenary, however, there are two. One, entered from the atrium by
a stairway, extends under the tablinum and the front colonnade of the
peristyle; the other is accessible from a side atrium and is divided
into several rooms, in one of which is the oven mentioned above. The
cellar belonging to the house of Caecilius Jucundus is under the
garden; that of the villa of Diomedes will be described later.


In ancient Italy each household worshipped its guardian spirits and
tutelary divinities, which formed a triple group, the Lares, the
Penates, and the Genius. In Pompeii the remains associated with
domestic worship are numerous and important.

Many Pompeians painted representations of the household gods upon an
inner wall, often upon a wall of the kitchen, near the hearth. There
was usually a painted altar underneath, with a serpent on either side
coming to partake of the offerings.

In a large number of houses a small niche was made in the wall, in
which were placed little images of the gods, the Lares and the Genius
being also painted on the back of the cavity or on the wall at the
sides or below. Such a niche may be seen in a corner of the kitchen in
the house of Apollo (Fig. 126); the pictures of the gods are almost
obliterated, but that of the serpent--in this case there is but
one--and of the altar can be clearly seen. In front is a small altar
of masonry; the ferns and grasses with which the floor is carpeted
make this kitchen in summer an attractive nook. Sometimes the niches
were ornamented with diminutive half-columns or pilasters at the sides
and a pediment above.

Frequently a more elaborate shrine was provided, a diminutive temple
raised on a foundation, placed against a wall of the atrium or of the
garden. An example is the one at the rear of the peristyle in the
house of the Tragic Poet (Fig. 153).

In rare instances a small, separate chapel was devoted to the domestic
worship, as in the house of the Centenary. In a house of the ninth
Region (IX. viii. 7) there is such a chapel in the garden, a niche for
the images being placed in the wall.

  [Illustration: Fig. 126.--Niche for the images of the household gods,
   in a corner of the kitchen in the house of Apollo.

   Underneath, a painted serpent represented as about to take offerings
   from a round altar. In front is a square altar for the domestic

The Lares are the guardian spirits of the household. Originally but
one was worshipped in each house; they began to be honored in
plurality after the time of Cicero, and at Pompeii we invariably find
them in pairs. They are represented as youths clad in a short tunic
confined by a girdle (Fig. 127), stepping lightly or dancing, with one
hand high uplifted in which a drinking horn, _rhyton_, is seen; from
the end of the horn a jet of wine spurts in a graceful curve, falling
into a small pail, _situla_, or into a libation saucer, _patera_, held
in the other hand.

Simple offerings were made to these beneficent spirits,--fruits,
sacrificial cakes, garlands, and incense,--and at every meal a portion
was set aside for them in little dishes. When a sacrifice was offered
to the Lares, the victim was a pig.

With the worship of the Lares was associated that of the Genius, the
tutelary divinity of the master of the house. He is represented as a
standing figure, the face being a portrait of the master. The toga is
drawn over his head, after the manner of one sacrificing; in the left
hand there is usually a cornucopia, sometimes a box of incense,
_acerra_; with the right hand he pours a drink offering from a patera.

Very rarely we find a representation of the Genius of the mistress of
the house. In one painting she appears with the attributes of Juno;
the Genius of a woman was often called Juno, as in the inscription on
the bust stone of Tyche, the slave of Julia Augusta (p. 418). As a man
might swear in the name of his Genius, so a woman's oath might be 'By
my Juno.'

The Lares and the Genius are often found together both in the hearth
paintings, and in the groups of little bronze images frequently placed
in the shrines. They are associated also in an inscription on the
shrine in the house of Epidius Rufus: _Genio M[arci] n[ostri] et
Laribus duo Diadumeni liberti_,--'To the Genius of our Marcus and the
Lares; (dedicated by) his two freedmen with the name of Diadumenus.'
Marcus was the first name of the head of the household.

In a few cases the Genius of the emperor seems to have been revered at
a house shrine. Horace (Od. IV. v. 34) speaks distinctly of the
worship of the tutelary divinity of Augustus in connection with that
of the Lares,--_et Laribus tuum Miscet numen_. On the rear wall of a
little chapel in a garden is a painted altar at the right of which
stands Jupiter, at the left a Genius, each pouring a libation. We can
scarcely believe that the Genius of an ordinary man would thus be
placed as it were on an equality with the ruler of heaven; more likely
the Genius of an emperor is represented, perhaps that of Claudius. The
face is not unlike the face of Claudius, and the painting is on a wall
decorated in the third style (Ins. VII. xi. 4).

In another house (IX. viii. 13) two Genii are painted, and under one
of them is scratched in large letters _EX SC_, undoubtedly for _ex
senatus consulto_,--'in accordance with a decree of the Senate.' We
are probably safe in assuming that the decree referred to is that of
the reign of Augustus, by which the worship of the Lares was regulated
(Dio Cass. LI. xix. 7); if so, the figure is intended to represent the
Genius of that emperor.

  [Illustration: Fig. 127.--Shrine in the house of Vettii.

   In the middle the Genius, with libation saucer and box of incense; at
   the sides, the two Lares, each with a drinking horn and pail; below, a
   crested serpent about to partake of the offerings.]

The face of the Genius in the house of the Vettii (Fig. 127) bears a
decided resemblance to that of Nero. Here the shrine was placed in the
rear wall of the smaller atrium. It consists of a broad, shallow
niche, the front of which is elaborately ornamented to give the
appearance of a little temple, while on the back are painted the
household divinities. The Genius stands with veiled head between the
two Lares, holding in his left hand a box of incense and pouring a
libation with the right. In the original painting the features were
unusually distinct.

The Penates were the protecting divinities of the provisions or
stores, _penus_, and the storerooms of the house; under this name were
included various gods to whom the master and the household offered
special worship. At Pompeii the Penates, as the Lares and the Genius,
appear in paintings, and are also represented by bronze images placed
in the shrines. In the shrine of the house of Lucretius were
diminutive bronze figures of the Genius and of Jupiter, Hercules,
Fortuna, and another divinity that has not been identified. Statuettes
of Apollo, Aesculapius, Hercules, and Mercury were found, together
with those of the two Lares, in another house; in a third, Fortuna
alone with the Lares.

Jupiter and Fortuna are frequently met with in shrine paintings, as
well as Venus Pompeiana (Fig. 4), Hercules, Mars, and Vulcan as a
personification of the hearth fire; Vesta, the patron goddess of
bakers, usually appears in the hearth paintings of bake shops.

Underneath the representations of the Lares and Penates ordinarily are
painted two serpents, one on either side of an altar, which they are
approaching in order to partake of the offerings; these consist of
fruits, in the midst of which an egg or a pine cone can usually be
distinguished. As early as the beginning of the Empire the
significance of the serpent in the Roman worship had ceased to be
clearly understood; Virgil represents Aeneas as in doubt whether the
serpent which came out from the tomb of Anchises was the attendant of
his father or the Genius of the place (Aen. V. 95).

In the Pompeian paintings, when a pair of serpents occurs, one may
usually be recognized as a male by the prominent crest. They were
undoubtedly looked upon as personifications of the Genii of the master
and mistress of the house. When a single crested serpent appears, as
in the shrine paintings of both the house of the Vettii (Fig. 127) and
the house of Apollo (Fig. 126), we are to understand that the head of
the household was unmarried.


With few exceptions the houses of pre-Roman Pompeii were built in only
one story; where the peristyle was in two stories, there must have
been rooms opening upon the upper colonnade. In Roman times, as the
population of the city increased and more space was needed, it became
a common practice to make the rooms about the atrium lower and build
chambers over them. A complete second story was rare; small rooms were
added here and there, frequently at different levels and reached by
different stairways. Sometimes the second story on the front side
projected a few feet over the street; an example may be seen in a
house in the seventh Region (casa del Balcone Pensile), the front of
which, with the part projecting over the sidewalk, has been carefully
rebuilt by replacing the charred remains of the ancient beams with new

Houses with three stories were quite exceptional, and the rooms of the
third floor must have been unimportant. Along the steep slope of the
hill, on the west and southwest sides of the city, a number of houses
are found that present the appearance of several stories; they are not
properly classed with those just mentioned, however, for the reason
that the floors are on terraces, the highest at the level of the
street, the others lower down and further back, being adjusted to the
descent of the ground.

From the time of Plautus, second story rooms were designated as
'dining rooms,' _cenacula_. Varro says that after it became customary
to dine upstairs, all upper rooms were called cenacula. This
explanation is not altogether satisfactory, because other literary
evidence for the prevalence of such a custom is lacking. Perhaps in
early times, when, on account of the introduction of the compluvium
and impluvium, the atrium ceased to be convenient and comfortable for
the serving of meals, a dining room was frequently constructed on an
upper floor, and, being the principal second story apartment, gave its
name to the rest. In some places the ancient custom may still have
lingered in the time of the Early Empire.

  [Illustration: Fig. 128.--Interior of a house with a second story
   dining room opening on the atrium, restored.]

The upper parts of the Pompeian houses in most cases have been
completely destroyed; in a few, however, there are traces of a second
story apartment that was probably used as a dining room.

One of these houses is in Insula XV of Region VII, near the temple of
Apollo. It is painted in the second style, and dates apparently from
the end of the Republic. At the rear of the atrium are two rooms and a
passageway leading to the back of the house. Over these was a single
large apartment, closed at the sides and rear, but opening on the
atrium in its entire length; along the front, as seen in our
restoration (Fig. 128), ran a balustrade connecting the
pilasters--ornamented with half-columns--which supported the roof.

In a corner of the atrium at the rear a narrow stairway led to the
second floor. At the right, as our section shows (Fig. 129), was a
narrow gallery resting on brackets, which connected the upper room at
the rear with one in the front of the house.

  [Illustration: Fig. 129.--Longitudinal section of the house with a
   second story dining room.

   At the right, vestibule, door, and fauces, with front room
   above; then the atrium, with the gallery connecting the front
   room with the dining room; lastly, the apartments at the rear
   of the house. In this house there was no peristyle.]

The large upper room was so well fitted for a dining room, especially
in summer, that we can hardly resist the conclusion that it was
designed for this purpose. There is no trace of a kitchen on the
ground floor; and for greater convenience this also was probably
placed in the second story, behind the dining room.

In the fifth Region there was a small dwelling, which afterwards
became a part of the house of the Silver Wedding; the arrangement of
the two stories at the rear of the atrium was similar to that just
described, except that columns were used in place of the pilasters,
and there was only the one upper room in the back part of the house.
In such cases as this 'dining room' and 'upper story' might easily
have come to be used as synonymous terms.

Where there was a large upper room at the rear of the atrium, no place
was left for the high tablinum; in a house in the seventh Region (casa
dell' Amore Punito, VII. ii. 23) the cenaculum was in front. On the
front wall of the atrium one may still see part of the carefully hewn
stones on which the columns of the second story rested, and fragments
of these columns were found on the floor below.


The outer parts of the houses fronting on the principal thoroughfares
were utilized as shops. On the more retired side streets there were
fewer shops, and we often find a façade of masonry unbroken except for
the front door and an occasional window.

  [Illustration: Fig. 130.--Plan of a Pompeian shop.

     1. Entrance.
     2. Counter.
     3. Place for a fire.
     4. Stairway to upper floor.
     5, 5. Back rooms.]

The shop fronts were open to the street. The counter, frequently of
masonry, has in most cases the shape indicated on our plan (Fig. 130,
2), being so arranged that customers could make their purchases, if
they wished, without going inside the shop. Large jars were often set
in it, to serve as receptacles for the wares and edibles exposed for
sale. Sometimes on the end next to the wall there are little steps, on
which, as seen in our restoration (Fig. 131), measuring cups and other
small vessels were placed. At the inner end we see now and then a
depression (3) over which a vessel could be heated, a fire being
kindled underneath as on a hearth. In the wineshops a separate hearth
is sometimes found, and occasionally a leaden vessel for heating

In the houses of the Tufa Period the shops, as the front doors and the
rooms about the atrium, were relatively high. Those of the house of
Caecilius Jucundus measured nearly 16 feet; those of the house of the
Faun, 19 feet; the appearance of the latter may be suggested by our
restoration (Fig. 139). The height was divided by an upper floor,
_pergula_, 10 or 12 feet above the ground, along the open front of
which was a balustrade; the stairs leading to it were inside the shop.
On such a pergula Apelles, according to Pliny (N. H. xxxv. 84), was
accustomed to display his paintings; and in the Digest reference is
more than once made to cases in which a person passing along the
street was injured by an object falling upon him from the second story
of a shop. 'Shops with their upper floors' are advertised for rent in
one of the painted inscriptions found at Pompeii (p. 489).

  [Illustration: Fig. 131.--A shop for the sale of edibles, restored.]

In Roman times the shops, as the inner rooms of the house, were built
lower, and over them small closed rooms were made, which were called
by the same name as the open floor, pergula. These rooms were
frequently accessible from the street by a stairway, and in such cases
could be rented separately. In colloquial language, a man whose early
life had been passed amid unfavorable surroundings was said to have
been 'born in a room over a shop,'--_natus in pergula_.

Shops were entered by means of small doors; the front was closed with
shutters. These consisted of overlapping boards set upright in narrow
grooves at the top and the bottom. A separate set of shutters was
provided for the open pergula.


The walls were covered with a thick layer of plaster and painted; the
preparation of the stucco, the processes employed in painting, and the
styles of decoration are reserved for discussion in a later chapter.

The floors were frequently made of an inexpensive concrete, consisting
of bits of lava or other stone pounded down into common mortar. A much
better floor was the Signia pavement, _opus Signinum_, so named from a
town in Latium. This was composed of very small fragments of brick or
tile pounded into fine mortar. The surface was carefully finished, and
was sometimes ornamented with geometrical or other patterns traced in
outline by means of small bits of white stone.

In the Tufa Period a floor was often made by fitting together small
pieces of stone or marble, and bedding them well in mortar. The colors
are white and black,--slate is used in the floor of the atrium in the
house of the Faun; sometimes also violet, yellow, green, and red
appear with white and black. Pavements of square or lozenge-shaped and
triangular pieces of colored marble and slate, like that in the cella
of the temple of Apollo (Fig. 28), are occasionally found in houses.
In the time of the Early Empire floors paved with larger slabs were
not uncommon.

The mosaics of the Pompeian floors--using the term mosaic in a
restricted sense--may be divided into two classes, coarse and fine. In
the former the cubes, _tesserae_, are on the average a little less
than half an inch square. The patterns are sometimes shown in black on
a white surface, sometimes worked in colors. The finer variety, in
which the pictures appear, is not often extended over a whole room,
but is usually confined to a rectangular section in the middle, coarse
mosaic being used for the rest of the floor.

The windows at the front of the house, as we have seen, were
ordinarily few and small. From the Tufa Period, however, large windows
were often made in the rooms around the peristyle; in the house of the
Faun they range in width from 10 to 23 feet, and are so low that one
sitting inside could look out through them. Upper rooms, also, were
provided with windows of good size, sometimes measuring 2œ by 4 feet;
but the remains are scanty. In later times occasionally a lower window
opening on the street was made almost as large, and was protected by
an iron grating.

Windows were ordinarily closed by means of wooden shutters. Small
panes of glass were found in the openings of the Baths near the Forum;
had the Central Baths been finished, glass would undoubtedly have been
used for the windows of the caldarium. The window of the tepidarium in
the villa of Diomedes was closed by four glass panes set in a wooden
frame (p. 357); in the other houses a narrow pane is occasionally
found, but invariably set in masonry.



The house of the Surgeon (casa del Chirurgo) is the oldest of the
Pompeian houses that retained to the last, with but slight
modifications, its original plan and appearance. It lies at the right
of the Strada Consolare (VI. i. 10), about fifty paces inside the
Herculaneum Gate. The name was suggested by the discovery of several
surgical instruments in one of the rooms.

  [Illustration: Fig. 132.--Plan of the house of the Surgeon.

     1. Fauces.
     5. Atrium.
     7. Tablinum.
     8, 8. Alae.
     9, 10. Dining rooms.
     13. Kitchen, with hearth (_a_).
     14. Posticum.
     16. Colonnade.
     18. Stairway to rooms over the rear of the house.
     19. Room with window opening on the garden.
     20. Garden.]

This house was undoubtedly built before 200 B.C. The façade (Fig. 10)
and the walls of the atrium are of large hewn blocks of Sarno
limestone; other inner walls are of limestone framework (p. 37). The
plan conforms to the simple Italic type, before the addition of the
peristyle; yet it does not illustrate the oldest form of the native
house, for the tablinum (Fig. 132, 7) has already displaced the recess
for the bed opposite the front door. The measurements of the rooms are
according to the Oscan standard (p. 44), the atrium being about 30 by
35 Oscan feet.

We pass directly from the street through the fauces (1) into the
Tuscan atrium (5) at the sides of which are sleeping rooms (6) and
the two alae (8). Back of the tablinum is a colonnade (16) opening on
the garden (20), which originally had a greater length; the room at
the right (19) is a later addition, as also the smaller room at the
other end (21). The roof of the colonnade was carried by square
limestone pillars, one of which has been preserved in its original

The oblong room at the right of the tablinum (10) was once square, as
(9). Both were well adapted for winter dining rooms; in summer, meals
were undoubtedly served in the tablinum. The room at the left of the
entrance (2) was a shop, at least in later times. The corresponding
room on the other side (6') was retained for domestic use.

The shop at the right (3) and the back room (4), as well as the
kitchen with the adjoining rooms at the rear, used as store closets
and quarters for slaves, were a later addition; 22 is a light court,
to which the rain water was conducted from different parts of the
roof. Over these rooms was a second story reached by stairs leading
from the colonnade (18). It may be that this part of the house took
the place of a garden in which previously there was an outside
kitchen; that the ground belonged to the house from the beginning is
clear from the existence of a door between the rooms 6' and 3,
afterwards walled up, and the appearance of the unbroken party wall on
this side.

The rooms about the atrium had no upper floor, and were relatively
high; the doors measured nearly twelve feet in height, and the ceiling
of the tablinum was not far from twenty feet above the floor. In
respect to height, this house was not unlike those of the next period.

In the later years of the city, but before 63, the decoration was
renewed in the fourth style. There are paintings of interest, however,
only in the room at the rear (19), which had a large window opening on
the garden. In one of the panels here we see a man sitting with a
writing tablet in his hand; opposite him are two girls, one sitting,
the other standing; the latter holds a roll of papyrus. This kind of
genre picture is not uncommon; the type is spoken of elsewhere (p.

In another panel, which was transferred to the Naples Museum, a young
woman is represented as painting a herm of Dionysus (Fig. 133); a
Cupid is holding the unfinished picture while she mixes colors on her
palette. Two other maidens are watching the artist with unfeigned
interest. Upon the pillar behind the herm hangs a small painting; in
the vista another herm is seen, together with a vase standing on a

  [Illustration: Fig. 133.--A young woman painting a herm. Wall painting
   from the house of the Surgeon.]

The room contained a third picture which is now almost obliterated.
Perhaps this pleasant apartment was once the boudoir of a favorite
daughter, who busied herself with painting and verse.



The house of Sallust (VI. ii. 4) received its name from an election
notice, painted on the outside, in which Gaius Sallustius was
recommended for a municipal office. It has no peristyle, and its
original plan closely resembled that of the house of the Surgeon. It
was built in the second century B.C.; the architecture is that of the
Tufa Period, and the well preserved decoration of the atrium,
tablinum, alae, and the dining room at the left of the tablinum (Fig.
134, 22) is of the first style. The pilasters at the entrances of the
alae and the tablinum are also unusually well preserved; the house is
among the most important for our knowledge of the period to which it

The rooms on the left side (6-9) were used as a bakery. Those in front
(2-5) were shops; two of them (2, 3), at the time of the destruction
of the city, opened into the fauces (1) and another (5) had two rear
rooms, one of which was entered from a side street.

The rooms at the right (31-36) were private apartments added later and
connected with the rest of the house only by means of the corridor
(29), which with the cell designed for the porter (30) was made over
from one of the side rooms of the atrium.

If we leave these groups of rooms out of consideration, it is easy to
see that the Tuscan atrium and the apartments connected with it--the
tablinum (19), the alae (17), and the rooms at the sides--once formed
a symmetrical whole. At the rear was a garden on two sides (24, 24'),
with a colonnade. A broad window in the rear of the left ala opened
into this colonnade (p. 259), a part of which was afterwards enclosed,
making two small rooms (23, 18). At the end of the latter room a
stairway was built leading to chambers; in the beginning the house had
no second floor.

  [Illustration: Fig. 134.--Plan of the house of Sallust.

     1. Fauces.
     2, 3. Shops opening on the fauces.
     4, 5. Shops.
     6-9. Bakery
       (6. Millroom with three mills (_a_), and stairway to upper floor.
       7. Oven.
       8. Kneading room.)
     9. Kitchen.
     10. Tuscan atrium, with impluvium (11).
     12. Anteroom leading to dining room (13).
     17, 17. Alae.
     19. Tablinum.
     20. Andron, with doors at both ends.
     21. Colonnade opening on the garden (24, 24').
     25. Garden triclinium.
     29-36. Private apartments, added in Roman times to the older dwelling
       (31. Colonnade.
       32. Garden.
       33, 34. Sleeping rooms.
       35. Dining room.
       36. Kitchen.)]

The andron (20), the wardrobe (17') at the side of the right ala, and
the small room back of it (28) were made out of a square room
corresponding in dimensions with that at the other end of the tablinum
(22). The latter was originally entered from the atrium by a door at
_e_, which was closed when the wide door was made at the rear opening
upon the colonnade. At the rear of the tablinum is a broad window.

In the corner of the garden is an open air triclinium (25), over which
vines could be trained; there was a small altar (_l_) near by. At _n_
a jet of water spurted from an opening in the wall upon a small
platform of masonry; the water was perhaps conducted into the
rectangular basin (_k_) opposite, the inside of which was painted
blue. Only the edges of this portion of the garden, which is higher
than the floor of the colonnade, were planted; steps led up to it at
_f_ and _g_. A hearth (_p_) was placed in the colonnade at the left,
for the preparation of the viands served in the triclinium. The room
at the other end of the garden (27) was connected with the street at
the rear by a posticum; back of it was an open space (26) with remains
of masonry (_m_), the purpose of which is not clear.

The large dining room (13) may once have belonged to the bakery; the
anteroom (12) leading to it was made from one of the side rooms of the
atrium. The arrangement recalls that of the dining room of which the
plan is given in Fig. 124.

The appearance of the atrium in its original form may be suggested by
our restoration (Fig. 135). The proportions are monumental. The
treatment of the entrances to the tablinum and the alae, with
pilasters joined by projecting entablatures, the severe and simple
decoration (illustrated in Fig. 261), and the admission of light
through the compluvium increased the apparent height of the room and
gave it an aspect of dignity and reserve. At the rear we catch
glimpses of the vines and shrubs at the edge of the garden; painted
trees and bushes were also seen upon the garden wall.

The series of apartments entered through the room at the right of the
atrium (29) present a marked contrast with the rest of the house. They
are low, the eight-sided, dark-red columns of the colonnade (31), with
their white capitals, being less than ten feet high; and the dark
shades of the decoration, which is in the fourth style upon a black
ground, give a gloomy impression to one coming from the atrium with
its masses of brilliant color.

There was a small fountain in the middle of the little garden (32),
the rear wall of which is covered by a painting representing the fate
of Actaeon, torn to pieces by his own hounds as a penalty for having
seen Diana at the bath. At first the colonnade had a flat roof, with
an open walk above on the three sides; but when the large dining room
(35) was constructed, the flat roof and promenade on this side were
replaced by a sloping roof over the broad entrance to the dining room.
On the outer walls of the two sleeping rooms (33, 34) were two
paintings of similar design, Europa with the bull, Phrixus and Helle
with the ram. The rear inner wall of 34 contained two pairs of lovers,
Paris and Helen in the house of Menelaus, and Ares and Aphrodite. The
room at the corner of the colonnade (36) is the kitchen; the stairway
in it led to the flat roof of the colonnade.

  [Illustration: Fig. 135.--Atrium of the house of Sallust, looking
   through the tablinum and colonnade at the rear into the garden,

This portion of the house probably dates from the latter part of the
Republic; it underwent minor changes in the course of the century
during which it was used. Previously there was in all probability a
garden on this side, into which opened a large window in the rear wall
of the right ala, afterwards closed.

The changes made in the stately house of the pre-Roman time are most
easily explained on the supposition that near the beginning of the
Empire it was turned into a hotel and restaurant. The shop at the left
of the entrance (3) opens upon the atrium as well as on the street;
the principal counter is on the side of the fauces, and near the inner
end is a place for heating a vessel over the fire. Large jars were set
in the counter, and there was a stone table in the middle of the room.
Here edibles and hot drinks were sold to those inside the house as
well as to passers-by. The shop at the right of the entrance was
connected with the fauces, the atrium, and a side room (16). The
number of sleeping rooms had been increased by changes in several of
the earlier apartments, and by the addition of a second floor reached
by the stairway in room 18. The private apartments were for the use of
the proprietor, and were guarded against the intrusion of the guests
of the inn by the porter stationed at the entrance (in 30).

  [Illustration: Fig. 136.--Longitudinal section of the house of
   Sallust, restored.

   At the left, the fauces with the counter of the shop; then the north
   side of the atrium with the entrance of the left ala, the north side
   of the tablinum, with one of the pilasters at the entrance from the
   atrium; lastly, the colonnade at the back and the vine-covered
   triclinium in the corner of the garden.]

This explanation is confirmed by the close connection of the bakery
with the house; and the use of the open-air triclinium is entirely
consistent with it (p. 404). The arrangement of the house after it had
become an inn may be seen in our section (Fig. 136).



The house of the Faun, so named from the statue of a dancing satyr
found in it (Fig. 258), was among the largest and most elegant in
Pompeii. It illustrates for us the type of dwelling that wealthy men
of cultivated tastes living in the third or second century B.C. built
and adorned for themselves. The mosaic pictures found on the floors
(now in the Naples Museum) are the most beautiful that have survived
to modern times.

  [Illustration: Fig. 137.--Plan of the house of the Faun.

     A. Fauces of Tuscan atrium.
     B. Tuscan atrium.
     C, C'. Alae.
     D. Tablinum.
     E, F. Dining rooms.
     G. First peristyle.
     H. Exedra with mosaic of the battle of Alexander.
     I, J. Dining rooms.
     K. Second peristyle.
     L. Large room used a wine-cellar.
     M. Kitchen.
     N. Bedroom.
     _a._ Vestibule.
     _b._ Tetrastyle atrium.
     _c_, _c'._ Alae of tetrastyle atrium.
     _e._ Storeroom.
     _f_, _f'._ Sleeping rooms.
     _o_, _o'._ Bath.
     _q._ Gardener's room.
     _r._ Doorkeeper's room.
     _v._ Broad niche for three statues.
     1-4. Shops.]

The wall decoration, which is of the first style, in the more
important rooms was left unaltered to the last, and is well preserved.
This decoration, however, does not date from the building of the
house. In order to protect the painted surfaces against moisture, the
walls in the beginning were carefully covered with sheets of lead
before they were plastered. Later two doorways were walled up, and
the plastering over the apertures, which was applied directly to the
wall surface without the use of lead sheathing, forms with its
decoration an inseparable part of that found on either side. When the
original decoration was replaced by that which we see on the walls
to-day it is impossible to determine, but the change must have been
made before the first century B.C. A few unimportant rooms are painted
in the second and fourth styles.

An entire block (VI. xii.), measuring approximately 315 by 115 feet,
is given to the house; there are no shops except the four in front
(Fig. 137). The apartments are arranged in four groups: a large Tuscan
atrium, B, with living rooms on three sides; a small tetrastyle
atrium, _b_, with rooms for domestic service around it and extending
on the right side toward the rear of the house; a peristyle, G, the
depth of which equals the width of the large and half that of the
small atrium; and a second peristyle, K, occupying more than a third
of the block. At the rear of the second peristyle is a series of small
rooms (_q-u_) the depth of which varies according to the deviation of
the street at the north end of the insula.

  [Illustration: Fig. 138.--Part of the cornice over the large front

In front of the main entrance we read the word HAVE (more commonly
written _ave_), 'Welcome!' spelled in the sidewalk with bits of green,
yellow, red, and white marble. The street door here, quite
exceptionally, was at the outer end of the vestibule. It consisted of
three leaves (seen in Fig. 139) and opened toward the inside, while
the double door between the vestibule and the fauces (A on the plan)
opened toward the outside; the closed vestibule was not unlike those
of many modern houses. Fragments of the lintel over the outer door,
with its projecting dentil cornice, are preserved in one of the shops
(Fig. 138).

The shops with their upper floors, _pergulae_, were nineteen feet
high. When the shutters were up they presented a monotonous appearance
(Fig. 139), but on sunny days, when the articles offered for sale
were attractively displayed, and buyers and idlers were loitering in
front or leisurely passing from one to the other, shops and street
alike were full of color and animation.

  [Illustration: Fig. 139.--Façade of the house of the Faun, restored.

   At the left, the front of a shop (1 on the plan) with its upper
   floor; then the large front door, two shops, the entrance of
   the smaller atrium and the fourth shop, which, like the second,
   is completely closed by shutters.]

The floor of the fauces, as of many of the other rooms, is rich in
color. It is made of small triangular pieces of marble and slate--red,
yellow, green, white, and black. At the inner end it was marked off
from the floor of the atrium by a stripe of finely executed mosaic,
suggestive of a threshold (Fig. 140), now in the Naples Museum. Two
tragic masks are realistically outlined, appearing in the midst of
fruits, flowers, and garlands, the details of which are worked out
with much skill.

  [Illustration: Fig. 140.--Border of mosaic with tragic masks, fruits,
   flowers, and garlands, at the inner end of the fauces.]

The walls of the fauces are ornamented in an unusual manner. The
ordinary decoration of the first style is carried to the height of
eight feet. Above this on either side projects a tufa shelf about
sixteen inches wide, on which is placed the façade of a diminutive
temple; that on the left is seen in Fig. 141. The front of the cella,
with closed doors, is presented in relief, but the four columns of the
portico stand free. The shelf is supported underneath by a cornice
which rested originally on stucco brackets in the shape of dogs; the
underside is carved to represent a richly ornamented coffered ceiling.

The atrium was a room of imposing dimensions. The length is
approximately 53 feet, the breadth 33; the height, as indicated by the
remains of the walls and the pilasters, was certainly not less than 28
feet. Above was a coffered ceiling. The sombre shade of the floor,
paved with small pieces of dark slate, formed an effective contrast
with the white limestone edge and brilliant inner surface of the
shallow impluvium, covered with pieces of colored marbles similar to
those in the fauces. Still more marked was the contrast in the strong
colors of the walls. Below was a broad surface of black; then a
projecting white dentil cornice, and above this, masses of dark red,
bluish green, and yellow. The decoration, as usual in the first style,
was not carried to the ceiling, but stopped just above the side doors;
the upper part of the wall was left in the white.

As one stepped across the mosaic border at the end of the fauces, a
beautiful vista opened up before the eyes. From the aperture of the
compluvium a diffused light was spread through the atrium brilliant
with its rich coloring. At the rear the lofty entrance of the tablinum
attracted the visitor by its stately dignity. Now the portiĂšres are
drawn aside, and beyond the large window of the tablinum the columns
of the first peristyle are seen (Fig. 141). The shrubs and flowers of
the garden are bright with sunshine, and fragrant odors are wafted
through the house; in the midst a slender fountain jet rises in the
air and falls with a murmur pleasant to the ear. If the vegetation was
not too luxuriant, one might look into the exedra, on the further side
of the colonnade, and even catch glimpses of the trees and bushes in
the garden of the second peristyle.

Of the rooms at the side of the atrium, one (_f'_) was apparently the
family sleeping room; places for two beds were set off by slight
elevations in the floor. This room had been carefully redecorated in
the second style; the room opposite, the decoration of which was
inferior to that of the rest, was perhaps used by the porter

The tablinum (D), like that of the house of Sallust, had a broad
window opening on the colonnade of the peristyle. In the middle of
this room is a rectangular section paved with lozenge-shaped pieces of
black, white, and green stone; the rest of the floor is of white
mosaic. The floor of each ala was ornamented with a mosaic picture. In
that at the left (C) are doves pulling a necklace out of a casket--a
work of slight merit.

  [Illustration: Fig. 141.--Longitudinal section of the house of the
   Faun, showing the large atrium, the first peristyle, and a corner
   of the second peristyle, restored.

     Tuscan atrium with compluvium and impluvium (B)
     Ala (C)
     Tablinum (D)
     First peristyle with colonnade and fountain basin (G)
     Exedra (H)
     Corner of the second peristyle (K)]

The mosaic picture found in the right ala is characterized by delicacy
of execution and harmonious coloring. It is divided into two parts;
above is a cat with a partridge; below, ducks, fishes, and shellfish.
A large window in the rear wall of this ala opens into the small
atrium, not for the admission of light, but for ventilation; in summer
there would be a circulation of air between the two atriums.

Two doors, at the right and the left of the tablinum (seen in Fig.
143), opened into large dining rooms, one (E) nearly square, the other
(F) oblong. Both had large windows on the side of the peristyle, and
the one at the left also a door opening upon the colonnade. The mosaic
pictures in the floors harmonized well with the purpose of the rooms.
In one were fishes of various kinds, and sea monsters; in the other
was the picture--often reproduced--in which the Genius of the autumn
is represented as a vine-crowned boy sitting on a panther and drinking
out of a deep golden bowl.

The colonnade of the first peristyle was of one story (Fig. 141). The
entablature of the well proportioned Ionic columns presented a mixture
of styles often met with in Pompeii, a Doric frieze with a dentil
cornice. The wall surfaces were divided by pilasters and decorated in
the first style. In the middle of the garden the delicately carved
standard of a marble fountain basin may still be seen.

The open front of the broad exedra (H) was adorned with two columns,
and at the rear was a window extending almost from side to side,
opening upon the second peristyle. Between the columns of the entrance
were mosaic pictures of the creatures of the Nile,--hippopotamus,
crocodile, ichneumon, and ibis; and in the room, filling almost the
entire floor, was the most famous of ancient mosaic pictures, the
battle between Alexander and Darius.

This great composition has so often been reproduced that we need not
present it here; as illustrating the style and treatment, however, we
give a small section, in which the face of Alexander appears (Fig.
142). The mosaic is a reproduction of a painting made either in the
lifetime of Alexander, or soon after his death. The battle is perhaps
that of Issus. The left side of the picture is unfortunately only in
part preserved. At the head of the Greek horsemen rides Alexander,
fearless, unhelmeted, leading a charge against the picked guard of
Darius. The long spear of the terrible Macedonian is piercing the side
of a Persian noble, whose horse sinks under him. The driver of
Darius's chariot is putting the lash to the horses, but the fleeing
king turns with an expression of anguish and terror to witness the
death of his courtier, the mounted noblemen about him being
panic-stricken at the resistless onset of the Greeks. The grouping of
the combatants, the characterization of the individual figures, the
skill with which the expressions upon the faces are rendered, and the
delicacy of coloring give this picture a high rank among ancient works
of art. The colors in the mosaic are necessarily more subdued than in
the original painting.

  [Illustration: Fig. 142.--Detail from the mosaic picture representing
   a battle between Alexander and Darius.

   Alexander, having thrown aside his helmet, is leading the charge upon
   the guard of Darius, who is already in flight.]

A corridor (_p_), both ends of which could be closed, led from the
first to the second peristyle. The columns here, of the Doric order,
were of brick, with tufa capitals, the shafts being edged, not fluted.
The entablature rested on a line of timbers, as often in the buildings
of the Tufa Period. In our restoration (Fig. 141) an upper colonnade
of the Ionic order is assumed, extending about the four sides. The
restoration is here possibly at fault; the colonnade may have been in
two stories only on the south side, with twice as many columns above
as below.

On either side of the exedra were two dining rooms (I, J), one open in
its entire breadth upon the second peristyle, the other having a
narrow door with two windows. The fine mosaic picture in I was found
in so damaged a condition that the subject--a lion standing over a
prostrate tiger--could not be made out, until a duplicate was
discovered in 1885.

In the sleeping room on the other side of the corridor (N), which had
been redecorated in the second style, remains of two beds were found.
The room next to it (L) was the largest in this part of the house; at
the time of the eruption it was without decoration and was used as a
wine cellar. A great number of amphorae were found in it, as also in
both peristyles.

One of the small rooms at the rear (_q_) was perhaps occupied by the
gardener; the one next to it (_r_) was the doorkeeper's room. At _v_
is a long, shallow niche, designed for statues. Nearer the corner were
two smaller niches, each of which was ornamented in front with
pilasters and a gable. These were the shrines of the household gods;
in front of them were found two bronze tripods, two bronze lamp
stands, two pairs of iron tongs, a couple of common lamps, and the
remains of a branch of laurel with the bones and eggs of a dove that
had nested in it. A bronze statuette of a Genius was found seemingly
in one of the niches.

The domestic apartments were entered by a front door between the two
shops at the right (Fig. 139). The vestibule, unlike that of the other
entrance, is open to the street, the fauces being narrower and deeper.
The relation of the tetrastyle to the Tuscan atrium is indicated in
our transverse section (Fig. 143). The alae (_c_, _c'_) are here at
the middle of the sides; the one at the left served as a passageway
between the two atriums. The four tufa Corinthian columns, nearly
twenty feet high, are well preserved, as well as the pilasters at the
entrances of the alae. A tablinum was not needed in this part of the
house, and the space which it might have occupied was given to the
andron (_k_) and a sleeping room opening on the first peristyle (_l_).

This part of the house was much damaged by the earthquake of 63, and
there are many traces of repairs, particularly in the upper rooms. The
walls were simply painted in the fourth style. Two money chests stood
on large flat stones in the rear corners of this atrium.

  [Illustration: Fig. 143.--Transverse section of the house of the Faun,
   showing the two atriums with adjoining rooms.

     Sleeping room (f)
     Tuscan atrium (B) with entrance of tablinum (D)
     Left ala (c) of tetrastyle atrium
     Tetrastyle atrium (b)
     Right ala (c')]

In one of the rooms at the front (_e_) there are traces of shelves;
stairs at one side led to the upper rooms at the left of the atrium,
the shape and size of which are indicated in Fig. 143. On the right,
also, there were small chambers over _g_, _h_, and _h'_, on the same
level as the second floor of the shop in front (4), and accessible
only by means of the stairway in this shop; there were no other stairs
in this corner of the house, and these rooms could not have been
connected with chambers over other parts of the atrium, because there
were no upper rooms over the fauces and the right ala (_c'_). Another
stairway in _d_, partly of wood, led to chambers over _i_, _d'_, _n'_,
_n_, _o_, _o'_, and part of the kitchen, M.

Bronze vessels and remains of ivory feet belonging to a bedstead were
found in the double room _h_, _h'_; but it is more likely that this
was used as a storeroom for discarded furniture than that members of
the family slept here.

A long corridor at the end of the first peristyle (_m_) connected the
rooms at the right of the small atrium with the closet (_n_), the bath
(_o_, _o'_), the kitchen (M), and the large bedroom (N) opening on the
second peristyle. The two rooms of the bath, tepidarium and caldarium,
were provided with hollow floors and walls, and were heated from the
kitchen, into which the draft vents (p. 188) opened; in order to make
the smoke less objectionable, the kitchen was built very high, with
several windows.

The kitchen is of unusual size. A niche for the images of the
household gods was placed in the wall at the left, so high up that it
could only have been reached by means of a ladder. The front is shaped
to resemble the façade of a small temple, and in it is a small altar
of terra cotta for the burning of incense.

The first room at the right of the corridor (_n'_) was completely
excavated in 1900, and found to be a stall. In it were brought to
light the skeletons of two cows and of four human beings, an adult and
three children.



The height of the important rooms can be accurately determined in so
few houses of the Tufa Period, that special importance attaches to a
house on the edge of the city north of the Porta Marina (No. 13), in
which not merely the three-quarter columns at the entrance of the
tablinum, but also the pilasters at the corners of the fauces and alae
and part of the Ionic columns of the peristyle are seen in their full
height. The atrium is the best preserved of any in the large pre-Roman
houses, and the height of the ceiling in several of the adjoining
rooms is clearly indicated. The house lies about seventy paces north
of the Strada della Marina, on the last street leading to the right.
It is without a name and is seldom visited.

  [Illustration: Fig. 144.--Plan of the house near the Porta Marina.]

Neither the decoration, renewed in the second style and without
paintings, nor the arrangement of the rooms (Fig. 144) requires
extended comment. There are two atriums, the smaller with the domestic
apartments being at the left and entered directly from the street. The
fauces of the other are of unusual width, being about two fifths of
the width of the atrium. The alae are at the middle of the sides, as
in the house of Epidius Rufus and the smaller atrium of the house of
the Faun. At the sides of the tablinum are large windows opening into
two dining rooms, which are entered from the peristyle.

More than a third of the plot enclosed by the peristyle is taken up by
a deep rectangular basin for fish. At the rear are apparently other
rooms, adjusted to the slope of the ground, which, however, have not
yet been excavated.

It will, perhaps, be easier to appreciate the stately character of the
pre-Roman atriums if we give a few of the dimensions which were used
in making our restoration (Fig. 145).

  [Illustration: Fig. 145.--Longitudinal section of the house near the
   Porta Marina.

     Fish pond]

The atrium is 41 by 29 feet. The tablinum measures 13 feet 9 inches
between the three-quarter columns which stand, in place of the usual
pilasters, at the entrance; it is thus half as wide as the atrium. The
height of the tablinum at the entrance is 18 feet 6 inches; according
to the proportions given by Vitruvius it should be 15 feet 4 inches.

The alae and fauces also exceed the dimensions presented by the Roman
architect, the former being 12⅔ feet wide and 16ÂŒ feet high, while the
height of the broad fauces, 17œ feet, is only a trifle less than that
of the tablinum.

The height of the walls of the atrium is easily determined with the
help of the data before us; and the arrangement of the roof over the
fauces, atrium, tablinum, and colonnade of the peristyle must have
been very similar to that shown in our restoration. The entablature
seen over the entrance of the left ala is restored in accordance with
the architectural forms commonly used in the period when the house was

Both the three-quarter columns and the pilasters present a peculiarity
of construction found also in other houses, but not easy to explain.
The former appear as half-columns on the side of the tablinum, but
present fully three fourths of their breadth on the side of the
atrium. The pilasters at the entrances of the alae and fauces have, on
the inside, a good proportion, the breadth being about one eighth of
the height; but on the outside, toward the atrium, they are much more

A well designed scroll pattern appears in the black and white mosaic
floor of the fauces, which, as often in Pompeian houses, slopes gently
toward the street. The floor of the atrium is made of black mosaic
with pieces of colored marble arranged in rows, and white stripes at
the edges. The base of a shrine for the household gods stands against
the right wall. In the first room at the right was an alcove for a bed
opposite the door; the ceiling of the alcove, in the form of a vault,
was lower than that of the rest of the room.



Among the more interesting of the large houses excavated in the last
decade is the house of the Silver Wedding, which marks the limit of
excavation in the fifth Region (V. ii. _a_ on Plan VI). The main part
was cleared in 1892 (Fig. 8); and in April, 1893, in connection with
the festivities with which the Silver Wedding of the King and Queen of
Italy was celebrated, a special excavation was made in one of the
rooms, in the presence of their Majesties and of their imperial
guests, the Emperor and Empress of Germany. Portions of the house are
still covered, the façade, the inner end of the oecus, and the greater
part of an extensive garden on the left side.

Notwithstanding the extent of the house--the greatest length is not
far from 150 feet, the breadth of the excavated portion 130--and the
number of apartments, the plan is simple (Fig. 146). From the fauces
(_a_) we pass into a tetrastyle atrium (_d_), the largest of its kind
yet discovered, with alae on either side and a high tablinum (_o_).
Back of this is a Rhodian peristyle, at the rear of which is an exedra
(_y_) with sleeping rooms at the right and the left (_x_, _z_).
Opening into the rear of the peristyle on one side is the oecus (4),
on the other a long dining room (_w_).

Another series of apartments lay between the peristyle and the garden
at the right (2), a kitchen (_s_), and a bath (_t-v_). In front of the
garden and extending to the street is a small house (α-Îč) which had
been joined to the larger establishment; it was connected with this by
a small door under the stairs in the corner of the atrium (ÎČ), which
opened into a side room (_e_) of the large atrium.

The essential parts of the house date from the Tufa Period.
Alterations were made from time to time in the course of the two
centuries during which it was occupied, but they were not so extensive
as to obscure the original plan. The most obvious changes were those
affecting the wall decoration.

  [Illustration: Fig. 146.--Plan of the house of the Silver Wedding.

     _a._ Fauces.
     _d._ Tetrastyle atrium.
     _n._ Dining room.
     _o._ Tablinum.
     _p._ Andron.
     _r._ Peristyle.
     _s._ Kitchen.
     _t-v._ Bath.
       (_v._ Apodyterium.
       _u._ Tepidarium.
       _t._ Caldarium.)
     _w._ Summer dining room.
     _x_, _z_. Sleeping rooms.
     _y._ Exedra.
     1. Open-air swimming tank, in a small garden (2).
     3. Corridor leading to another house and to a side street.
     4. Oecus.
     6. Garden, partially excavated.
     7. Open-air triclinium.
     α-Îč. Fauces, atrium, and other rooms of separate dwelling
       connected with the larger house.]

In the small rooms at the right of the atrium are traces of the
decoration of the first style, which was in vogue when the house was
built. Toward the end of the Republic almost the whole interior was
redecorated in the second style, but without paintings. Brilliant
blocks and panels dating from this renovation may still be seen upon
the upper part of the walls of the atrium and on those of the oecus,
the exedra, the two bedrooms next to the exedra, and the front part of
the long apodyterium.

Afterwards a few rooms were done over in the third style, of which
scanty remains are found.

Lastly, after the fourth style had come into vogue, but before 60
A.D.--as shown by an inscription on a column of the peristyle--a large
part of the house was redecorated in the fourth style, including the
tablinum, the andron and the room at the right (_q_), the peristyle,
the long dining room (_w_), and the inner portion of the apodyterium.
The lower part of the walls of the atrium were also painted over, but
with designs and coloring that harmonized well with the decoration of
the second style above. In this house the history of Pompeian wall
decoration can be followed from the century after the Second Punic War
to the middle of the first century of our era, from the time of Cato
the Elder to that of Claudius and Nero. There are few paintings,
however, and they are not of special interest.

In marked contrast with the atriums in the house of the Faun and the
other houses which we have examined, the atrium here had a relatively
large compluvium (Fig. 147); all parts of the room must have been
brilliantly lighted. In summer some kind of protection against the sun
was a necessity. It was probably afforded by hanging curtains between
the columns; on the side of each column, facing the corner of the
atrium, is a bronze ring through which a cord might have been passed
to use in drawing the curtains back and forth. The large compluvium
with its supporting columns suggests the arrangement of the Corinthian

The dimensions of the atrium are monumental. The length is
approximately 54 feet, the breadth 40; and the Corinthian columns of
tufa coated with stucco, are 22Ÿ feet high.

At the rear of the impluvium is a fluted cistern curb of white marble
(seen in Fig. 8). In the impluvium near the edge is the square
pedestal of a fountain figure, which threw a jet into a round marble
basin in front.

The doors of the rooms at the sides of the atrium were originally more
than thirteen feet high; those which we now see are comparatively low.
The height was reduced because a second floor was placed in the rooms,
thus making low chambers, which were reached by three stairways, one
(_g_) at the right of the atrium, the other two (_k_ and _m_) on the
opposite side. The upper rooms were lighted by small windows, part of
which opened into the atrium, others upon the garden on the left side
of the house. These changes were completed before the atrium received
its decoration in the second style. There was no second story over the
alae, the tablinum, or the rooms about the peristyle. In the left ala
was once a large window opening on the garden, but it was afterwards
walled up (p. 259).

The curtain fastenings on the pilasters at the front of the tablinum
have been referred to in another connection (p. 256). The arrangement
of the rooms at the sides is not unlike that in the house of Sallust;
one, _n_, retained its original form; the other was divided up into an
andron (_p_), with a bedroom (_q_) at one side.

The peristyle is remarkably well preserved. We find not only the
columns in their full height, but also, except on the north side,
large portions of the entablature, with its stucco ornamentation
intact, supported on a line of planks placed upon the columns at the
time of excavation; and the decoration of the walls retains much of
its brilliancy of coloring.

  [Illustration: Fig. 147.--Longitudinal section of the house of the
   Silver Wedding.

     Tetrastyle atrium
     Rhodian peristyle
     Entrance to oecus

The colonnade of this peristyle has been mentioned elsewhere as
illustrating the Rhodian form (p. 260). The difference in height
between the colonnade in front and on the other three sides was
accentuated in the decoration. On the walls in front are large red
panels separated by architectural designs on a yellow background; the
walls under the lower part of the colonnade were painted with black
panels, the designs of the narrow intermediate sections being on a
white background. The lower third of the columns in front was yellow;
at the sides and rear, dark red, like that on the lower part of the
high columns in the atrium. Thus a pleasing contrast was made between
the portions of the colonnade designed to receive the sunshine,
particularly in winter, and the shadier parts; and the higher front
served as an intermediate member between the lofty atrium with its
stately tablinum and the lower rear division of the house.

The ornamentation of the architrave retains no trace of the decorative
forms in vogue at the time when it was constructed. The surface,
moulded in stucco, is divided into sections, corresponding with the
capitals and intercolumniations, as in the colonnade of the Stabian
Baths (Fig. 89); in these sections are small figures of birds and
animals and other suitable designs, the effect being heightened by the
use of color.

That the decoration of the peristyle received its present form before
the earthquake is evident from an inscription scratched upon the
plaster of one of the columns on the north side:

     _Nerone Caesare Augusto
     Cosso Lentulo Cossi fil[io] co[n]s[ulibus]
     VIII Idus Febr[u]arias
     Dies Solis, Luna XIIIIX, nun[dinae] Cumis, V nun. Pompeis_,--

'In the consulship of Nero and of Cossus Lentulus the son of Cossus,'
that is 60 A.D. The dates given in the rest of the inscription are
difficult to explain, and the reading of the number after _Luna_ is
uncertain. The memorandum seems to indicate that the eighth day before
the Ides of February in this year was the market day at Cumae, being
Sunday and the sixteenth day after the New Moon; and that the market
day at Pompeii came three days later. The inscription is the earliest
yet found in which a day of the week is named in connection with a

The garden plot enclosed by the peristyle was watered by means of two
jets at the front corners, fed by pipes under the floor. In the middle
was a slight elevation on which were found two crocodiles, a huge
toad, and a frog of a whitish glazed earthenware, apparently made in
Egypt. The figures are about sixteen inches long.

Each of the bedrooms at the rear had an alcove for a bed, the ceiling
being vaulted over the alcove, flat between this and the door; a
distinction between the two parts of the room was made also in the
wall decoration and in the floor, of black and white mosaic. The
frescoing on the walls of the sleeping rooms presents a brilliant
variety of colors; the decoration of the exedra is in yellow. One of
the bedrooms has a small side door (p. 261). In the large dining room
at the right (_w_) the place for the table is indicated by an
ornamental design in the mosaic floor; in the oecus (4) the part of
the room designed for the table and couches is distinguished from the
rest by a difference in the decoration both of the floor and of the

In the oecus, the excavation was made from which the house received
its name. The peristyle had already been cleared, and the volcanic
débris had been, for the most part, removed from the front part of the
oecus, leaving a layer at the bottom about two feet deep. The King and
Queen of Italy, with the Emperor and Empress of Germany and a small
suite, stationed themselves in the corner of the peristyle opposite
the opening of the oecus; when all was ready a line of workmen
proceeded to draw back the loose fragments of pumice stone, exposing
the floor to view. Here nothing was found except the bronze fastenings
of the large doors; but a more fruitful outcome followed a similar
search in a room of a small house adjoining the oecus on the south, in
which several vessels of bronze were brought to light.

The bath is unusually complete for a private house, comprising a long,
narrow apodyterium (_v_), an open-air swimming tank in the garden (1),
a tepidarium (_u_), and a caldarium (_t_). Steps led down into the
swimming tank at the corner nearest the door of the apodyterium, and
also on the side furthest from the house; on the same side a jet fell
into it from a marble standard adorned with a lion's head. If we
imagine a thick growth of shrubs and flowers about the tank, we have
the setting which explains the tasteful decoration of the frigidarium
in the Stabian Baths (p. 191) and in the Baths near the Forum.

The pavement of the apodyterium is especially effective, being
composed of small bits of black, white, dark red, green, and yellow
marble and stone; near the rear wall a place for a couch is left

The caldarium and the side of the tepidarium next to it were provided
with hollow walls; a hollow floor extended under both rooms. In the
left wall of the tepidarium is the bronze mouth of a water pipe;
perhaps in winter a cold bath was taken here rather than in the
swimming tank. In the caldarium the niche for the labrum remains; the
bath basin probably stood opposite the entrance, where it could be
easily heated from the kitchen.

  [Illustration: Fig. 148.--Transverse section of the house of the
   Silver Wedding, as it was before 63.

     Garden with colonnade
     Tetrastyle atrium
     Small atrium]

Above the broad hearth of the kitchen (_s_), which stands against the
wall adjoining the garden, are the vestiges of a painting of the two
Lares; near them a serpent is seen coiled around an altar, on which is
a large pine cone. At the end next the caldarium is a depression in
the floor, for convenience in building a fire to heat the bath rooms.
In the corner is a foundation of masonry to support the vessel, of
lead, in which water was kept for the bath.

The colonnade at the left of the house (6 on the Plan; see Fig. 148),
with its slender eight-sided columns, seems to have been thrown down
by the earthquake of 63, and removed. In the place of four of the
columns an open-air triclinium was made, like that in the house of
Sallust. It is well preserved, and shows an interesting peculiarity of
construction. When the table was not in use, a jet of water would
spring from the foundation of masonry supporting the round top. The
water was conveyed by a lead pipe, and at the rear of the colonnade
one may still see the stopcock by which the flow was regulated.

The stairway at the left of the small atrium (ÎČ) led to rooms over the
front of the house. Over the rooms at the rear, a bedroom (Îł), a
central room (Ύ) taking the place of the tablinum, and a corridor (Δ),
was a dining room, the front of which was supported by columns (p.
275), the stairway being in the corridor; fragments of the tufa
columns are lying on the floor. At the back of the house was originally
only the small sleeping room (ζ) with a simple decoration in the
first style, and a colonnade (η) with Doric columns opening on the
garden (Îș). Later the colonnade was turned into an apartment, and two
rooms were built at the left, a dining room (Ξ) and a bedroom (Îč).

In the front of one of the rooms (λ) is an unusually well
preserved niche for the images of the household gods, ornamented with
stucco reliefs and painted in the last style. On the rear wall stands
Hercules, with the lion's skin hanging from his left arm, his club on
the left shoulder. In his right hand he holds a large bowl above a
round altar; at the left is a hog ready to be offered as a victim.



The house of Epidius Rufus, built, like those previously described, in
the pre-Roman time, presents a pleasing example of a Corinthian
atrium. In one respect it resembles the oldest Pompeian houses, such
as that of the Surgeon; in the place of the peristyle is a garden
extending back from a colonnade at the rear of the tablinum. In a
period when large peristyles were the fashion, a Pompeian of wealth
and taste, whose building lot was ample enough to admit of an
extension of his house toward the rear, contented himself with a
single group of rooms arranged about one central apartment.

The arrangement of rooms is seen at a glance (Fig. 149). The
vestibule, like that of the principal entrance in the house of the
Faun, had a triple door at the end toward the street (shown in Fig.
150), which was no doubt left open in the daytime. Entering, one would
pass into the fauces ordinarily through the small door at the right
(p. 248), the large double doors between the vestibule and the fauces
only being opened for the reception of clients or on special

The front of each ala (7, 13) is adorned with two Ionic columns. At
the corners of the entrances are pilasters, the Corinthian capitals of
which have a striking ornament, a female head, moulded in stucco,
looking out from the midst of the acanthus leaves. The eyes and hair
are painted, and in one instance the features of a bacchante can be

In the right ala is an elaborate house shrine, built like a temple
with a façade supported by columns, raised on a podium five feet high
(Fig. 151). On the front of the podium is a dedicatory inscription to
the Genius of the master (p. 270).

The tablinum originally opened on the atrium in its full width, the
entrance being set off by pilasters at the corners. It was then
higher; when the entrance was changed the height was reduced to about
twelve feet. The sixteen Doric columns about the impluvium, well
preserved for the most part, are only a trifle over fourteen feet

  [Illustration: Fig. 149.--Plan of the house of Epidius Rufus.

     1. Raised sidewalk.
     2. Vestibule, with side door.
     7, 13. Alae: in one (7) a house shrine.
     15. Stairway to rooms over 17, 21.
     17. Sleeping room, with alcove.
     18. Andron.
     19. Tablinum.
     20. Dining room.
     21. Kitchen.
     21 _b_. Hearth.
     22. Colonnade.
     23. Gardener's room.
     24. Vegetable garden.
     25. Flower garden.]

The contrast between this atrium and the lofty halls of the houses of
Sallust and the Faun was indeed marked. Here the atrium had become
more like a court than a hall; yet the impluvium, paved with tufa, was
retained, and we find the same arrangement for the flow of water as in
many houses with Tuscan and tetrastyle atriums. On the edge of the
impluvium at the rear is the pedestal of a fountain figure which threw
a jet into a basin resting on two rectangular standards; the places of
these, as well as the course of the feed pipe, are indicated on the
plan. Behind the pedestal is a round cistern curb; another jet rose in
the middle of the impluvium.

The apartment at the right of the tablinum (20) was a dining room. Of
the smaller rooms about the atrium, three (6, 8, and 12) were sleeping
rooms for members of the family; some of the others were so poorly
decorated as to prompt the suggestion that they were intended for
slaves. That next the stairs (14) was a storeroom; the traces of the
shelving are easily distinguished. Under the stairs was a low room
(16), perhaps used for a similar purpose; the small double room (17)
was also low, and used as a sleeping room.

  [Illustration: Fig. 150.--Façade of the house of Epidius Rufus,

The domestic apartments were reached by the andron (18). In the
kitchen (21) is a broad hearth (_b_); a dim light was furnished by
narrow windows. The little room at the entrance of the kitchen (_a_)
was perhaps a storeroom; the closet, as often, was in the corner of
the kitchen.

At the opposite end of the colonnade is the gardener's room (23). The
main part of the garden (24), as indicated by the arrangement of the
ground, was used for vegetables; the small flower garden at the rear
(25) was on a higher level.

In the house originally there was no second floor. In the Roman
period, apparently near the end of the Republic, a large upper
room--probably a dining room--was built over the kitchen; and there
may have been one or two small storerooms at the head of the stairway
which was built in one of the side rooms of the atrium.

Traces of the first and third decorative styles are found in the
atrium; but the most interesting remains are those of the last style.
The alae and several rooms were redecorated shortly before the
destruction of the city. The dining room (20) contains a series of
paintings illustrating the contest between Apollo and Marsyas; they
are skilfully displayed in a light architectural framework on a white
ground. On the wall at the left (at _a_) Apollo is seen with left foot
advanced, striking with his right hand a large cithara which rests
against his left shoulder. Opposite him (at _b_) is Marsyas, playing
the double flute; on the intervening panels (_d_, _e_) are the Muses,
who are acting as judges in the contest of skill. The painting at _c_
seems to relate to Apollo, but the subject has not been explained. The
choice of subjects such as these may have been influenced by the cult
of the early divinity of the city; but it probably implies a taste for
poetry and music on the part of the proprietor.

  [Illustration: Fig. 151.--Transverse section of the house of Epidius
   Rufus, restored.

     Door of Andron
     Front of Tablinum
     Door of Dining room
     Ala with Shrine]

There were no shops in the front of this house, but in one respect our
restoration of the façade (Fig. 150) can not be taken as indicating
the appearance of such houses in general. Here the front line was set
back several feet from that of the adjoining houses on either side,
and the space thus gained was given to a terrace or ramp about four
feet high, mounted by steps at either end. The elevation of the front
entrance above the sidewalk and the placing of the approaches at the
ends of the ramp gave the house an appearance of seclusion.



In the "Last Days of Pompeii" the house of the Tragic Poet is
presented to us as the home of Glaucus. Though not large, it was among
the most attractive in the city. It received its present form and
decoration not many years before the eruption, apparently after the
earthquake of 63, and well illustrates the arrangements of the
Pompeian house of the last years.

  [Illustration: Fig. 152.--Plan of the house of the Tragic Poet.

     1. Fauces.
     2, 2. Shops.
     3. Atrium.
     4, 4. Stairways to upper floor.
     5. Porter's room.
     6, 6. Sleeping rooms.
     6'. Storeroom.
     7. Ala.
     8. Tablinum.
     9. Andron.
     10. Peristyle.
     11. House shrine.
     12, 14. Sleeping rooms.
     13. Kitchen.
     15. Dining room.
     16. Posticum.]

The house received its name at the time of excavation, in consequence
of a curious misinterpretation of a painting--now in the Naples
Museum--which was found in the tablinum. The subject is the delivery
to Admetus of the oracle which declared that he must die unless some
one should voluntarily meet death in his place. On one side sits
Admetus, with his devoted queen Alcestis; opposite them is the
messenger who is reading the oracle from a roll of papyrus. The
excavators thought that the scene represented a poet reciting his
verses; and since they found, in the floor of the tablinum, a mosaic
picture in which an actor is seen making preparations for the stage,
they concluded that the figure with the papyrus in the wall painting
must be a tragic poet.

  [Illustration: Fig. 153.--View of the house of the Tragic Poet,
   looking from the middle of the atrium through the tablinum toward the
   shrine at the end of the peristyle.

   At the right, the andron. In the foreground, a cistern curb, at the
   rear of the impluvium.]

The plan (Fig. 152) presents slight irregularities; yet in essential
points the arrangement of rooms does not differ materially from that
which we have found in the houses of the pre-Roman time. As our
section (Fig. 154) shows, all the parts of the house are comparatively
low; the ceiling of the atrium and of the large dining room at the
rear (15) were only a few feet higher than the colonnade of the
peristyle. The entrances of the ala--here there is but one--and of the
tablinum are not adorned with pilasters; plain wooden casings were
used instead. The second story rooms are not an afterthought but a
part of the architect's design; the stairways (4) leading to them are
symmetrically placed at the sides of the atrium. There was no upper
floor, however, over the fauces, the atrium, or the tablinum. To a
modern visitor this dwelling would have seemed more homelike and
comfortable than the monumental houses of the earlier time.

The large shops (2) are both connected with the house by doors opening
into the fauces (1). They were doubtless the proprietor's place of
business. In one of them gold ornaments were found, but we should
scarcely be warranted in assuming from this fact that the master of
the house was a goldsmith.

In the floor of the fauces, immediately behind the double front door,
is a dog, attached to a chain, outlined in black and white mosaic,
with the inscription, _cave canem_, 'Beware of the dog!' The picture
was for many years in the Naples Museum. The black and white mosaic is
well preserved in the atrium, the tablinum (Fig. 153), and the dining
room opening on the peristyle, as well as in the fauces.

The purpose of the various rooms is in most cases easy to determine.
The first at the left of the atrium (5) was the room of the porter,
_atriensis_. The three rooms marked 6 were sleeping rooms, as were
also 12 and 14 opening on the peristyle; 6' was a storeroom, 13 the
kitchen. There was a colonnade on three sides of the peristyle;
against the wall at the rear stands the shrine of the household gods
(seen in Fig. 153) in which was found a marble statuette of a satyr
carrying fruits in the fold of a skin hanging in front of him.

The decoration of the large dining room (15) is especially effective.
In the front of the room is a broad door opening into the colonnade of
the peristyle; each of the three sides contains three panels, in the
midst of a light but carefully finished architectural framework. In
the central panels are large paintings: at _r_, a young couple looking
at a nest of Cupids; at _q_, Theseus going on board ship, leaving
behind him the beautiful Ariadne; and at _p_ a composition in which
Artemis is the principal figure. In four of the smaller panels are the
Seasons, represented as graceful female figures hovering in the air;
the others present youthful warriors with helmet, shield, sword, and
spear, all well conceived and executed with much delicacy.

The atrium, unlike most of those at Pompeii, was rich in wall
paintings. Six panels, more than four feet high, presented a series of
scenes from the story of the Trojan war, as told in the "Iliad." These
were united with the decorative framework in such a way as to make a
harmonious and pleasing whole; the main divisions of the right wall of
the atrium, as well as of the fauces and tablinum, are indicated in
Fig. 154.

  [Illustration: Fig. 154.--Longitudinal section of the house of the
   Tragic Poet, restored.

     Large dining room

In arranging the pictures, the decorators had little regard for the
order of events. The subjects were the Nuptials of Zeus and Hera (at
_a_ on the plan); the judgment of Paris (_b_)--though this is
doubtful, as the picture is now entirely obliterated; the delivery of
Briseis to the messenger of Agamemnon (_c_); the departure of Chryseis
(_d_), and seemingly Thetis bringing arms across the sea to Achilles
(_f_). Of the painting at _e_ only a fragment remained, too small to
make it possible to recognize the subject. The fragment at _f_, in
which were seen a Triton, two figures riding on a sea horse, and a
Cupid on a dolphin, is now entirely faded. Half of the painting in
which Chryseis appears was already ruined at the time of excavation;
the other half was transferred to the Naples Museum, together with the
paintings that were best preserved, the Nuptials of Zeus and Hera, and
the sending away of Briseis.

The two pictures last mentioned are among the best known of the
Pompeian paintings, and have often been reproduced. In one (Fig. 273)
we see Zeus sitting at the right, while Hypnos presents to him Hera,
whose left wrist he gently grasps in his right hand as if to draw her
to him. Hera seems half reluctant, and her face, which the artist, in
order to enhance the effect, has directed toward the beholder rather
than toward Zeus, is queenly in its majesty and power. The scene is
located on Mt. Ida. In the background stands a pillar, on which are
three small figures of lions; below at the side are two pipes,
cymbals, and a tambourine, all sacred to the potent divinity of Mt.
Ida, Cybele. Three youths, crowned with garlands, appear in the lower
right hand corner of the picture; they are perhaps the Dactyli, demons
skilled in the working of metals who followed in the train of Cybele.

  [Illustration: Fig. 155.--The sending away of Briseis. Wall painting
   from the house of the Tragic Poet.]

A higher degree of dramatic interest is manifested in the other
painting, which we present in outline (Fig. 155). In the foreground
at the right, Patroclus leads forward the weeping Briseis. In the
middle Achilles, seated, looks toward Patroclus with an expression of
anger, and with an impatient gesture of the right hand directs him to
deliver up the beautiful captive to the messenger of Agamemnon, who
stands at the left waiting to receive her. Behind Achilles is Phoenix,
his faithful companion, who tries to soften his anger with comforting
words. Further back the helmeted heads of warriors are seen, and at
the rear the tent of Achilles.

The scene is well conceived. Yet in both this picture and the one
previously described, the composition seems to lack depth and
perspective. The artist is remarkably skilful in portraying facial
expression, and foreground details; his limitations are apparent in
the handling of groups. We have the feeling that the first designs
were not made freely with brush or pencil, but that the artist was
here translating into painting designs which he found already worked
out in reliefs. The original paintings, of which these are copies,
very likely go back to the fourth century B.C.

Another painting worthy of more than passing mention was found on a
wall of the peristyle (at _o_), and removed to the Naples Museum. The
subject is the sacrifice of Iphigenia, who was to be offered up to
Artemis that a favorable departure from Aulis might be granted to the
Greek fleet assembled for the expedition against Troy (Fig. 156).

At the right stands Calchas, deeply troubled, his sheath in his left
hand, his unsheathed sword in his right, his finger upon his lips. The
hapless maid with arms outstretched in supplication is held by two
men, one of whom is perhaps Ulysses. At the left is Agamemnon, with
face averted and veiled head, overcome with grief. Beside him leans
his sceptre, and on a pillar near by we see an archaic statue of
Artemis with a torch in each hand, a dog on either side. Just as the
girl is to be slain, Artemis appears in the sky at the right, and from
the clouds opposite a nymph emerges bringing a deer, which the goddess
accepts as a substitute.

In this painting, also, though the style is entirely different from
that of the others, we perceive the limitations of the artist in the
treatment of the background. Nevertheless the boldness of the
conception, and the skill manifested in the handling of several of the
figures, seem to point to an original of more than ordinary merit.

  [Illustration: Fig. 156.--The sacrifice of Iphigenia. Wall painting.]

Not far from 400 B.C. the sacrifice of Iphigenia was made the subject
of a painting by Timanthes, in which the maiden was represented as
standing beside the altar. We are told that the artist painted Calchas
sorrowful, Ulysses more sorrowful, Ajax lamenting, and Menelaus in
sorrow so deep that deeper sorrow could not be expressed; finding it
impossible to portray the grief of the father, Agamemnon, Timanthes
represented him with veiled head.

The veiled Agamemnon appears in our painting, and the figure of
Calchas perhaps reflects the conception of Timanthes. For the rest, it
is difficult to establish a relation between the two pictures; even if
we did not know that Iphigenia, in the painting of Timanthes, stood
beside an altar, we could scarcely believe that a great painter would
have represented her thus awkwardly carried. Undoubtedly the Pompeian
painting, or its original, is indebted to the masterpiece of the Greek
artist; but the decorative painter has adapted this to suit his
purpose, omitting the figures, the facial expression of which was most
difficult to reproduce, and at the same time attempting to heighten
the effect by making more prominent the helplessness and terror of the



The house of the Vettii, excavated in the years 1894-1895, bears the
same relation to the other houses built in the Roman period that the
house of the Faun does to those of the earlier time; it is the most
important representative of its class. It was situated in a quiet part
of the city, and was not conspicuous by reason of its size; its
interest for us lies chiefly in its paintings and in the adornment of
the well preserved peristyle.

  [Illustration: Fig. 157.--Exterior of the house of the Vettii,

The relationship between the two owners, Aulus Vettius Restitutus and
Aulus Vettius Conviva (p. 508) is not known. They were perhaps
freedmen, manumitted by the same master; Conviva, as we learn from a
painted inscription, was a member of the Brotherhood of
Augustus,--_Vetti Conviva, Augustal[is]_.

The exterior of the house (Fig. 157) was unpretentious. The main
entrance was on the east side, and there was a side door near the
southeast corner; elsewhere the street walls were unbroken except by
small, square windows, part of which were in low second story rooms.

The vestibule (Fig. 158, _a_), as in the house of Epidius Rufus (p.
248), was connected with the fauces (_b_) by a large double door and
also by a small door at the right. The atrium (_c_) is without a
tablinum; at the rear it opens directly on the peristyle. One of the
alae (_h_) at the time of the eruption was used as a wardrobe. At the
sides of the atrium were two money chests; the one at the right is
seen in Fig. 159.

  [Illustration: Fig. 158.--Plan of the house of the Vettii.

     _a._ Vestibule.
     _b._ Fauces.
     _c._ Atrium.
     _h_, _i_. Alae.
     _l._ Colonnade of the peristyle.
     _m._ Garden.
     _n_, _p_. Dining rooms.
     _q._ Room with the Cupids and Psyches.
     _s._ Small peristyle.
     _t._ Dining room.
     _u._ Bedroom.
     _v._ Side atrium.
     _w._ Kitchen.
     _x'._ Cook's room.
     _Îł._ Corridor leading to side (ÎČ, ÎŽ) and posticum.]

Opening on the peristyle are three large apartments (_n_, _p_, _q_),
and two smaller rooms (_o_, _r_). A door at the right leads into a
small side peristyle (_s_, shown in Fig. 160), with a quiet dining
room (_t_) and bedroom (_u_).

The domestic apartments were near the front of the house. At the right
of the principal atrium is a small side atrium (_v_) without a
separate street entrance. Grouped about it were rooms for the slaves
and the kitchen (_w_) with a large hearth (Fig. 125). Beyond the
kitchen is a room for the cook (_x'_). At the rear of the small
atrium is the niche for the household gods (Fig. 127).

The corridor at the left of the principal atrium (Îł) led to
an unimportant room (ÎČ) with a door opening on a side street.
In this corridor there was a stairway to the second story, which
extended over this corner of the house (above _e_, _f_, _h_, _n_, _o_,
ÎČ, ÎŽ). Along the front also were low chambers, over the
fauces and the small rooms on either side (_d_, _k_), and over the
rooms adjoining the small atrium (_x_, _y_, _z_).

In the accompanying sections two restorations of the interior are
given. In the first (Fig. 159) we are looking toward the right side of
the atrium and the inner end of the peristyle; the depth of the
peristyle more than equals that of the atrium, together with the
vestibule and fauces. The difference in height between the atrium and
the peristyle, as in the house of the Tragic Poet, is much less than
in the houses built in the pre-Roman period; and the corners of the
alae were protected by simple wooden casings, altogether unlike the
stately pilasters of the olden time.

The transverse section (Fig. 160) presents the long side of the
peristyle next to the atrium, with the side of the small peristyle at
the north end. The extent of the house is greater measured across the
two peristyles (along the line C-D on the plan) than from front to
rear. Of the three entrances from the atrium into the peristyle, that
in the middle is broader and higher than the other two, which are not
much wider than ordinary doors; the arrangement of the openings is
similar to that in houses having a tablinum open toward the peristyle
with an andron on one side, and on the other a room with a door
corresponding with the door of the andron.

The columns of the peristyle are well preserved (Fig. 161). They are
white, with ornate capitals moulded in stucco and painted with a
variety of colors. Part of the entablature also remains; the
architrave is ornamented with an acanthus arabesque in white stucco
relief on a yellow background.

The roof of the greater part of the colonnade has been restored, and
the garden has been planted with shrubs in accordance with the
arrangement indicated by the appearance of the ground at the time of
excavation. Nowhere else in Pompeii will the visitor so easily gain an
impression of the aspect presented by a peristyle in ancient times.
The main part of the house was searched for objects of value after the
eruption, but the garden was left undisturbed, and we see in it to-day
the fountain basins, statuettes, and other sculptures placed there by
the proprietor.

  [Illustration: Fig. 159.--Longitudinal section of the house of the
   Vettii, restored.

     Colonnade (_l_)
     Large Room (_q_)
     Garden with fountains and sculptures (_m_)
     Colonnade (_l_)
     Ala (_i_)
     Money chest
     Door of side atrium
     Fauces (_b_)
     Vestibule (_a_)]

  [Illustration: Fig. 160.--Transverse section of the house of the
   Vettii, restored, showing the two peristyles.

     Small peristyle (_s_)
     End of small dining room
     End of dining room (_p_)
     Window in right ala (_i_)
     Openings into the atrium
     Large peristyle
     End of dining room (_n_)
     Door of room (_o_)

In each corner of the colonnade is a round fountain basin (indicated
on the plan), at each side an oblong basin, all of marble. Jets fell
into them from statuettes standing on pedestals beside the columns;
there were two figures for each side basin, one each for those at the
corners. The two statuettes at the inner end of the colonnade (Fig.
162) are of bronze; they represent a boy with a duck, from the bill of
which the water spurted. The rest are of marble, and not of special
interest. Among them are a Bacchus and two satyrs. The water pipes
were so well preserved that it has been found possible to place them
in repair, and they are now ready for use. There were also two
fountains in the garden.

  [Illustration: Fig. 161.--Base, capital, and section of the
   entablature from the colonnade of the peristyle.]

Near the middle of the garden is a round, marble table. Three others
stand under the colonnade, one of which, at the right near the inner
end, is particularly elegant. The three feet are carved to represent
lions' claws; the heads above are well executed, and there are traces
of yellow color on the manes. On two pillars in the garden are double
busts, the subjects of which are taken from the bacchic cycle. One
represents Bacchus and a bacchante (Fig. 257), the other Bacchus and
Ariadne; there are traces of painting on the hair, beard, and eyes.

The wall paintings of this house are the most remarkable yet
discovered at Pompeii. Although the decoration of which they form a
part is throughout of the fourth style, they fall into two groups, an
earlier and a later, distinguished by differences in composition and
handling that are easily perceived.

  [Illustration: Fig. 162.--Peristyle of the house of the Vettii,
   looking south from the colonnade at the north end.]

The earlier paintings are found in the atrium (_c_), the alae (_h_,
_i_), and the large room at the end of the peristyle (_q_). At the time
when they were painted the left ala (_h_) was connected with the room
behind it (_n_) by a door, and had a large window opening on the
peristyle like that in the other ala (seen in Fig. 160). Afterwards
both window and door were walled up and the ala was turned into a
wardrobe. After this change had been made, as the remains of the
masonry show, the earthquake of 63 threw down a part of the wall
between the ala and the peristyle. The earlier paintings, then, must
have been placed upon the walls before the year 63, in the reign of
Claudius or the earlier part of the reign of Nero.

The later pictures are on the walls of the fauces (_b_), the large
apartment at the left of the atrium (_e_), the colonnade of the
peristyle (_l_), the two dining rooms opening on the peristyle (_n_,
_p_), and the small peristyle (_s_) with the adjoining rooms (_t_,
_u_); to the same class belongs also the painting of the Genius with
the Lares in the side atrium (_v_), which, aside from this, contains
no pictures. The remaining rooms present nothing of interest.

The paintings of the first group are characterized by refinement in
the choice of subjects, fertility in the composition, firmness of
touch in the drawing, and exquisite finish in even the smallest
details. The colors used are simple and harmonious, violent contrasts
being avoided. A number of these pictures show the hand of a true
artist, whose work has been found in no other house, and the system of
decoration is the most effective of its kind in Pompeii.

The decoration of the walls painted after the earthquake is not unlike
that found in other houses upon walls of the fourth style. The designs
are sketchy and without painstaking in the handling of details; the
lines are coarse, the colors sometimes crude. The pictures in the
panels are by different painters, some of whom were not without skill,
yet none far above the average. One of the decorators had a fondness
for representing mythological death scenes, manifesting a taste little
short of barbarous.

The contrast between the earlier and the later decoration is so marked
that it seems impossible to explain except on the assumption of a
change of owners. We may well believe that about the middle of the
first century this was the home of a family of culture and standing,
who secured for the decoration of it the best artist that could be
obtained, bringing him perhaps from Rome or from a Greek city. But
within a score of years afterwards the house passed into the hands of
the Vettii, freedmen, perhaps, whose taste in matters of art was far
inferior to that of the former occupants, and a number of rooms were




The excellent preservation of a large part of both the earlier and the
later decoration gives the house the appearance of an art gallery. To
describe fully and interpret all the paintings would require a small
volume. The limitations of space make it possible to present here only
the more important; we commence with those in the large room at the
right of the peristyle, which are the most interesting of the entire

This apartment (_q_) may have been used either as a dining room or as
a sitting room. The scheme of decoration is indicated in Fig. 163,
which presents the division of the end wall; the side walls had five
large panels instead of three.

  [Illustration: Fig. 163.--Scheme of wall division in the large room
   opening on the peristyle.]

The ground of the base is black. The stripe separating the base from
the main part of the wall is red, except the small sections (4, 4),
which have a black ground; the vertical stripes between the panels are
black, and the same color forms the background of the border above.
The ground of the panels is cinnabar red. The painting in the central
panel (1) has not been preserved; in those at the sides (2) are
floating figures. The upper division of the wall (6) is filled with an
architectural framework upon a white background, against which many
figures, skilfully disposed, stand out with unusual distinctness.

The floating figures in the side panels differ from those found
elsewhere in the choice of subjects. Here instead of satyrs and
bacchantes we find gods and heroes. In one panel is Poseidon with a
female figure, perhaps Amymone; in another, Apollo with Daphne.
Bacchus and Ariadne also appear, and Perseus with Andromeda.

The figures in the upper part of the wall at the end of the room
belong to the bacchic cycle,--Silenus, satyrs, and bacchantes. Of
those at the sides, one, near the right-hand corner, represents a poet
with a roll of papyrus against his chin, the open manuscript case,
_scrinium_, at his feet; opposite him sits a maiden clothed in white,
drinking in his words. A comic mask on the left wall seems to suggest
a writer of comedy, and the scene reminds one of the letter of Glycera
to Menander, in Alciphron: "What is Athens without Menander, what
Menander without Glycera? Without me, who make ready your masks, who
lay out your costume, and then stand behind the scenes pressing my
finger tips into the palms of my hands till the applause breaks forth.
Then all a-trembling I breathe again, and enfold you, godlike poet, in
my arms."

The figures in which we are specially interested, however, are not
those in the upper or middle division of the wall, but those in the
black stripes (3), nine and ten inches wide, under the panels, in the
narrow sections (4) and in the corresponding sections of the base.

  [Illustration: Fig. 164.--Psyches gathering flowers. Wall painting
   in the house of the Vettii.]

In each of the sections at the bottom is a standing figure. In those
of the end wall (5) are a satyr and a bacchante; in the two nearest
the middle of each side wall are Amazons, in the rest female figures
with implements of sacrifice. The Amazons, armed with battle-axe and
shield, are full of life; they are distinguished by the colors of
their mantles and their Phrygian caps.

In the narrow sections on the end walls (4), and all but four of the
others, were Psyches gathering flowers. Only a part of the scenes are
preserved; in each are three figures, grouped with a pleasing variety
and rendered with singular delicacy of touch. In one, the Psyches are
sprightly children (Fig. 164); in another, young girls; and in a third
we see a lady sitting at ease and plucking the flowers close at hand,
while two maids gather the blossoms beyond her reach.

The two narrow sections nearest the middle panel of each side wall
contained mythological scenes, of which three are preserved. The
subjects are taken from the cycle of myths relating to Apollo and
Artemis. In one of the pictures both the divinities appear. Apollo
has just slain the Python, which lies coiled about the Omphalos, the
sacred symbol of the god as the giver of oracles at Delphi. His bow
and quiver are hanging upon a column in the background, and he moves
forward with vigorous step singing the Paean with an accompaniment
upon the cithara. At the right, Artemis, with a quiver and long
hunting spear, leans upon a pillar looking at her brother. Nearer the
Omphalos are a priest and a female attendant, with a bull intended for
sacrifice; the relation of these to the rest of the scene is not clear
(Plate VIII.).

The companion picture takes us to a sanctuary dedicated to Artemis. At
the left a gilt bronze image of the goddess, in hunting costume,
stands upon a pillar, to the side of which a bow, quiver, and boar's
head are fastened. On one side of the round altar in the middle is a
white hind, sacred to the goddess; on the other, moving toward it with
a sword in the uplifted right hand, is a kingly figure, the face
turned with a wild and threatening look toward a frightened attendant;
another attendant, back of the hind, seems not yet to have noticed the
sacrilegious intruder. The composition is full of dramatic power; the
subject can be none other than the slaying of the hind of Artemis by
the impious Agamemnon (Plate VIII.).

The third of these small paintings presents a scene not infrequently
met with on Pompeian walls, Orestes and Pylades at Tauris in the
presence of King Thoas, and of Iphigenia, who is now a priestess of
Artemis. The conception is akin to that of the painting in the house
of the Citharist (Fig. 182), but the picture is partially obliterated.

The long stripe below the panels is preserved in more than half its
length, on the end wall (3), on that at the right, and on the short
sections of the front wall; there is also a fragment on the left side.
It contains a series of charming pictures representing Cupids and
Psyches. Some of the little creatures are engaged in sports, others
are celebrating a festival, while others still are busying themselves
with the manifold work of everyday life. The execution is less careful
than in the small mythological pictures; yet the figures are so full
of life, their movements are so purposeful, and their bearing so
suggestive that we seem to catch the expression of the tiny faces.
The Cupids and Psyches, whether playing the part of children or of men
and women in elegant attire, whether garland makers or vinedressers or
smiths, are always Cupids and Psyches still; we instinctively
recognize them as such, not by reason of outward attributes so much as
by their bearing. Prosaic daily toil has nowhere been more happily

  [Illustration: Fig. 165.--Cupids making and selling oil. Wall painting
   in the house of the Vettii.]

The Cupids at the left of the entrance are playing with a duck. One
holds the duck under his arm ready to let it go; the other stretches
out his hands to catch it as it tries to escape. The group on the
other side are throwing at a wooden mark. One is setting up the
target. Two are making ready to throw, one of them being mounted on
the back of a companion; the successful contestant in such games was
called "the king," the loser, "the ass," because he had to carry the
others upon his back. A fifth stands ruefully beside the target,
awaiting his turn to carry the victor.

Among the most attractive groups are those of the flower dealers, at
the end of the right wall near the entrance. First we see the gardener
leading to market a goat laden with roses; his little son trudges
along behind the animal, carrying a basket of roses suspended from a
stick on the left shoulder. Next is the dealer, who stands behind a
broad marble table covered with garlands; he is handing two to a youth
who already has several, while a Psyche near by is placing the
garlands in a basket. Beyond these, workmen are making garlands, which
hang in profusion from a wooden frame. At the extreme left is a lady
asking the price. One of the workmen holds up two fingers, signifying
two asses. The price of a wreath is given in a graffito as three asses
(p. 497).

  [Illustration: Fig. 166.--Oil press. From a wall painting found at

In the following scene Cupids appear as makers and sellers of oil
(Fig. 165). At the right is the oil press. It stands upon a square
stone, the upper surface of which contains a semicircular incision to
catch the oil and carry it to a round vessel standing in front. The
two sides, each with a broad vertical opening, are securely fastened
by a crosspiece at the top. The ends of four horizontal boards are
fitted to the openings, in which they move up and down. The olives are
placed under the lowest board; in the spaces between the others, and
between the upper board and the crosspiece, thick wooden wedges are
driven. As the workmen drive in the wedges with heavy mallets, the
pressure upon the olives is increased, and the oil is forced out. The
arrangement may be more plainly seen in Fig. 166, from a wall painting
at Herculaneum, in which a similar press appears.

At the left of the press is a large kettle resting on a tripod. The
oil is being stirred as it is heated; a similar kettle appears in the
scene in a shop presented in the other part of the picture. Further on
are two figures beside a deep vessel, but the process represented is
not clear.

  [Illustration: Fig. 167.--Cupids as goldsmiths. Wall painting in the
   house of the Vettii.]

The rest of the picture relates to the selling of oil. In the
background is a cupboard, with a statuette--possibly an Aphrodite--on
the upper shelf. In front is an open chest resting on four legs. Both
the cupboard and the box contain bottles and jars of various shapes
and sizes for holding oil; a Cupid has just taken one up. On the top
of the chest is a roll of papyrus with a pair of scales; oil was sold
by weight. A memorandum on the wall of an adjoining house reads:
_XIII. K. Fe. oli. p. DCCCXXXX_,--'January 20, 840 pounds of oil.'

The central figure of the group at the left is the lady who has come
to make a purchase. A cushioned seat has been placed for her, with a
footstool; the maid stands motionless behind, a large fan resting on
the right shoulder. The proprietor holds in his right hand a spoon
containing a sample which he has just taken from the jar under his
arm; the lady seems to be testing the quality on the back of her
wrist. The article sold is doubtless the fine perfumed oil, not the
common variety.

Hardly less animated are the scenes in which Cupids take the place of
goldsmiths (Fig. 167). At the right is the furnace, adorned with the
head of Hephaestus, the patron divinity of workers in metals. In front
is a Cupid with a blowpipe and pincers. Behind it another is working
with a graver's tool upon a large gold vessel. The pose, suggesting at
the same time exertion and perfect steadiness, is rendered with
remarkable skill.

Next is a figure at a small anvil; then the counter for the sale of
jewellery, which is displayed in three open drawers. Behind the case
containing the drawers a large and a smaller pair of scales are seen.

The first two figures in the other half of the picture represent a
lady purchaser, seated, and the proprietor, who weighs out an object
with a small pair of scales. The left hands of both point to the
balance; they are deeply interested in the weighing. Lastly, we see
two figures at an anvil. Nothing could be more natural than the pose
of the one at the left, holding the metal upon the anvil for his
companion to strike, yet drawing back as far as possible in order to
avoid the sparks.

The processes of the fullery also are illustrated,--treading the
clothes in vats, carding, inspection of the cloth to see if the work
is properly done, and folding the finished garments for delivery to
the owners.

Three of the pictures--two on the end wall and one on the left
side--relate to wine.

The first is a vintage scene (Fig. 168), of which only a part is
distinct. At the left is a Cupid gathering grapes, from vines trained
to run from tree to tree. The press is worked on a different principle
from the one shown in Fig. 165. Here two Cupids are turning a windlass
by means of long levers. The windlass is connected by a pulley with a
press beam above; as the end of this is gradually lowered, the
pressure upon the grapes underneath is increased.

  [Illustration: Fig. 168.--Vintage scene: Cupids gathering and pressing
   grapes. Wall painting in the house of the Vettii.]

The triumph of Bacchus is presented in another picture, which is
fortunately in a better state of preservation. At the head of the
procession is a bacchante, riding on a panther. Bacchus sits in a
four-wheeled chariot drawn by goats; the coachman is a satyr. Behind
the triumphal car is Pan, dancing and playing the double flute; last
comes a vine-crowned Cupid, dancing, with a large mixing bowl upon his
shoulder. The skill shown in the pose of the dancing figures is
especially noteworthy; they stand lightly erect, seeming not to feel
their weight or the exertion of rapid movement.

In the last of this series, upon the left wall, Cupids appear as wine
dealers; the part of the picture that has been preserved is shown in
Fig. 169. The rustic bearing of the seller, at the left, is in
pleasing contrast with the free and graceful carriage of the well-bred
buyer, to whom he is handing a sample of the wine in a cup. At the
right two servants are drawing another sample from an amphora; one
tips the amphora so cautiously that the other, who is holding the
bowl, presses the neck gently with his left hand in order to make the
slender stream flow faster.

Rapidity of movement reaches a climax in the middle picture of the
right wall, which represents the games of the Circus. The scene is
laid in the country; each goal is marked by three trees. Antelopes
take the place of horses, and the groups are conceived with wonderful
realism. The tiny, fluttering garments of the drivers display the
colors of the four parties,--green, red, white, and blue.

  [Illustration: Fig. 169. Cupids as dealers in wine. Wall painting in
   the house of the Vettii.]

Two of the pictures on the end wall are so damaged that it is not easy
to make out the details. One of them, like that just described,
presents a purely Roman subject--the festival of Vesta (Fig. 170).
Cupids and Psyches are reclining at ease about a serving table in the
shape of a deep platter with two handles, on which drinking vessels
are seen; in the background are two asses, sacred to Vesta (p. 98).
Some, at least, of the Cupid pictures could not have been taken from
Greek originals.

In the atrium also there was a black stripe containing Cupids similar
to those already described, but the figures are not so well preserved.
The most interesting scene represents a sacrifice to Fortuna. Cupids
appear also riding and driving. Some are mounted on goats and engaged
in a contest. One stands on a crab, guiding the ungainly creature with
reins and plying the whip; another is similarly mounted on a lobster.
A few are in chariots, the chariot in one case being drawn by two

In each division of the wall of the atrium near the bottom is the
half-length figure of a child, painted on a dark red ground. The
children are busied with vessels of all kinds, apparently intended for
sacrifice. The seriousness of their task, the importance which they
attach to their helpfulness, is finely expressed in the faces, which
are individualized in the manner of a true artist.

  [Illustration: Fig. 170.--Cupids celebrating the festival of Vesta.
   Wall painting in the house of the Vettii.]

We may dismiss the later paintings of the house with few words. In the
fauces (_b_) are small monochrome panels containing a pair of deer, a
cock fight, vases, and a wallet with a herald's staff, attributes of
Mercury, who perhaps had a place among the Penates of the house.

In the room at the left of the atrium (_e_) is a painting of
Cyparissus, the youth beloved of Apollo, with his wounded deer on the
ground near him; in another part of the room is the wrestling match
between Pan and Eros. Among the figures seen in the architectural
framework of the upper division of the wall is Zeus, sitting on his
throne, represented as a youth, unbearded; Leda with the swan also
appears, and Danaë holding out her robe to catch the golden rain.

The direction of the owner's tastes is perhaps indicated by a painting
in the peristyle, at the middle of the wall under the colonnade at the
left. It contains a portrait, probably of an author; near by is a
manuscript case with rolls of papyrus.


The paintings in the two dining rooms opening on the peristyle, _n_
and _p_, are in a better state of preservation than those of any other
part of the house. In the first room, _n_, the simple and restful
decoration surrounding the large pictures is in striking contrast with
the pictures themselves, one of which is placed at the middle of each
of the three walls. Here we see the infant Hercules strangling the
serpents, there Pentheus and the Maenads about to tear him in pieces;
the subject of the third painting is the punishment of Dirce, the
treatment being not unlike that of the sculptured Farnese group in the
Naples Museum.

The decorative effect of the other room, _p_, is more harmonious. The
divisions of the wall space, the relation of the three principal
paintings to the decorative design, and the distribution of ornament
are indicated in our illustration (Plate IX); but no reproduction can
do justice to the richness of the coloring.

The painting in the middle panel at the right brings before us Bacchus
with his train as they come upon the sleeping Ariadne. On the left
wall opposite is Daedalus, pointing out the wooden cow that he has
made to Pasiphae, who hands to him a golden arm band. The subject of
the third picture is here met with for the first time at Pompeii--the
punishment of Ixion.

The tragedy of the scene (Fig. 171) is plainly suggested, but not
forced upon the beholder; we see, at the left, only half of the ever
revolving wheel to which the wretched victim is bound. The other
figures are more prominent and, with one exception, convey no
suggestion of pain or sympathy in either pose or expression of face.
Nearest the wheel is Hephaestus, who has just fastened Ixion upon it;
his pincers, hammer, and anvil are lying upon the ground in the
corner. In front of him is Hermes, who, in obedience to the command of
Zeus, brought the offender to the place of punishment.

A sad-faced female figure with veiled head sits in the foreground--a
personification of the spirit of one who has died, a shade introduced
to indicate that the place of punishment is the Underworld. The left
hand is involuntarily raised with the shock that the thought of the
victim's suffering brings; the face has been thought by some to
resemble that often given to the Madonna.

  [Illustration: Fig. 171.--The punishment of Ixion. Wall painting in
   the house of the Vettii.]

The two figures at the right of the picture are of the upper world,
not directly connected with the main action, yet well conceived and
skilfully introduced. Nearer the foreground Hera sits enthroned, her
sceptre in her left hand; behind her stands Iris, faithful messenger,
who points out to her the well deserved fate of him who dared to offer
an affront to the queen of heaven.



In the houses described in the preceding chapters the distribution of
the rooms is characterized by a certain regularity, which makes it
possible to indicate the arrangements by reference to an ideal or
normal plan. A wide departure, however, is occasionally noted; and by
way of illustration three houses of unusual plan will be briefly
presented here, first a house without an atrium, then one having an
atrium but no compluvium, and, lastly, a large establishment built on
terraces at different levels.


  [Illustration: Fig. 172.--The House of Acceptus and Euhodia.

     _a._ Colonnade.
     _b._ Garden.
     _c._ Kitchen.
     _d._ Bedroom.
     _f._ Dining room.
     _g._ Garden.
     _i._ Bedroom with places for two beds.]

Sometimes a few rooms of a large house were cut off from the atrium
and used as a separate dwelling; the original plan in such cases is
easily determined. The number of houses built without an atrium in the
beginning is exceedingly small. Among the pleasantest was the modest
dwelling of Acceptus and Euhodia, on the south side of the double
Insula in the eighth Region (VIII. v.-vi. 39); the names are taken
from a couple of election notices painted on the front, in which they
appear together.

From the street one passed directly under a colonnade (Fig. 172, _a_)
in two stories, facing a small garden (_b_), from which it was
separated by a low wall. At one end of the garden was an open-air
triclinium (_k_), which still remains. The rest of the plot, used as a
flower garden, was profusely ornamented; five heads of herms, a frog
and other objects of marble were found in it, besides a couple of
alabaster basins and five statuettes of Egyptian divinities made of
glazed pottery. In the corner of the colonnade, between the garden and
the entrance, is a small hearth, conveniently placed for serving the
open-air triclinium; in the opposite corner at the left the excavators
found the remains of a cupboard, together with vessels of bronze,
glass, and clay. At the further end of the colonnade one passed into
another small garden (_g_).

  [Illustration: Fig. 173.--Longitudinal section of the house of
   Acceptus and Euhodia, restored.]

A bedroom (_d_) opened on the colonnade near the entrance. A corridor
(_e_) led to the kitchen (_c_) behind it. Beyond the corridor is the
dining room (_f_). Another sleeping room (_i_) with places for two
beds is entered through a kind of anteroom (_h_) at the rear of the

The rooms of the second story corresponded closely with those
underneath, and were entered from the second story of the colonnade;
the stairs, partly of wood, started in the kitchen. The appearance of
the house as one looked from the garden at the right toward the
colonnade may be inferred from our restoration, which gives a
longitudinal section (Fig. 173); the letters under the section refer
to the rooms as they are indicated in the plan.

The house was decorated in the fourth style. On the south wall of the
kitchen there is a painting of Fortuna, with the usual attributes, a
cornucopia and a rudder resting on a ball. The Genius and the Lares
nowhere appear, and as a lotus blossom is painted on the forehead of
the goddess, who is thus conceived of as a form of Isis, we may
suppose that Acceptus and his wife were adherents of the Egyptian
cult. Besides the statuettes of Egyptian divinities there was found in
the garden the foot of a marble table with a Greek inscription "of
Serapion," an Egyptian name. Acceptus and Euhodia may have come from
Alexandria and thence have introduced into Pompeii this type of house,
so unlike the native form. The Latin name of Acceptus does not stand
in the way of this explanation, for he was probably a freedman, who in
Egypt may have had a Roman master.


  [Illustration: Fig. 174.--Plan of a house without a compluvium (V. v.

     _a._ Shop.
     _b._ Fauces.
     _e._ Atrium.
     _f._ Light court.
     _k._ Dining room.
     1. Hearth.
     2. Cistern curb.]

The accompanying plan (Fig. 174) shows the arrangement of a small
house on the north side of Nola Street in the fifth Region (V. v. 2).
The problem of lighting the atrium (_e_), the roof of which sloped
toward the back, was met in a simple way.

At the rear a light court (_f_) was constructed, which furnished light
and air by means of broad windows, not only to the atrium, but also to
the adjoining room _g_ and indirectly to the dining room _k_, which
had a window opening on _g_.

This arrangement, however, is in part the result of later changes.
Originally the room marked _g_ belonged to the court, _f_, and the
house consisted of two parts, separated by a narrow area. The kitchen
was then in the low room (_i_) above which was a correspondingly low
chamber, the height of the two rooms being only equal to that of the
dining room (_k_). In later times, however, the hearth was moved to
the corner of the atrium (1), the smoke being let out through a small
window in the wall. A stairway, partly of wood, led to the upper rooms
at the front of the house. Along the street ran a stone bench,
protected by a roof projecting over it.

  [Illustration: Fig. 175.--Transverse section of the house without a

   At the left, light court (_f_), with stairs (_h_) leading to an upper
   room over _i_. At the right, room _g_, with the window opening into
   the dining room _k_.]

The water from the roofs fell into the light court _f_, and was
collected in a cistern. We give a transverse section across _f_ and
_g_ (Fig. 175), showing the arrangement of the roofs, doors, and
window at the rear.

On the wall of _g_ is scratched the inscription, _Fures foras, frugi
intro_,--'Let thieves keep out, let honest folk come in!'


A good example of a house extended over terraces at different levels
may be seen on the edge of the hill west of the Forum Triangulare
(VIII. ii. 39), that of the Emperor Joseph II, casa dell' Imperatore
Giuseppe II. The name was given in commemoration of a visit of this
emperor to Pompeii, in 1769, when a special excavation in his honor
was made in a part of the house.

The uppermost of the three terraces on which the house is built (Fig.
176, 1) is at the level of the street (Vico della Regina, Plan VI),
the lowest (3) in part occupies the place of the old city wall; the
middle terrace is adjusted to the intervening slope. The arrangement
of the stairways between the terraces and the distribution of the
rooms may be more easily understood from an inspection of the plan in
connection with the key below than from description.

There was a second story over a part of the rooms on the upper
terrace, as indicated by the stairways at _e_ and _n_ and in the
corner of _u_, but the extent of it is not easy to determine. The
traces of the upper rooms of the middle terrace, however, are clearly
seen, and their arrangement is indicated on the plan (4); the height
of Ξ and Îș, which were in one story, was equal to that of the smaller
rooms with the chambers above.

  [Illustration: Fig. 176.--Plan of the house of the Emperor Joseph II.

     1. Upper terrace at the level of the street.
        _a._ Fauces.
        _b._ Atrium.
        _c._ House chapel.
        _g_, _h._ Alae, with a wardrobe (_i_) at the rear of _h_.
        _u._ Room with two stairways, leading up to second floor and
          down to middle terrace.
        _w._ Middle room opening on a colonnade (_y_) which faces the
          rear of the terrace (_z_).
        _x_, _v._ Dining rooms, opening on the colonnade.

     2. Middle terrace.
        α. Corridor, entered from stairway in _u_ above.
        ÎČ. Corridor.
        Îł, ÎŽ. Low vaulted rooms.
        Δ. Stairway leading to lower terrace.
        η. Middle room.
        Ξ. Dining room, with a window opening on the terrace at the rear.
        Îș. Small dining room.
        Îč, λ, ζ. Sleeping rooms.

     3. Lower terrace.
        1. Corridor leading down from the foot of the stairway in Δ.
        3, 4. Bakery.
        6-8. Bath. (6. Tepidarium. 7. Caldarium. 8. Frigidarium.)

     4. Upper rooms of the middle terrace.

        I. Excavated room used as a cellar.
        II, III. Rooms over Îč, λ.
        VI. Room over ζ, connected with V (over γ, Ύ) by a gallery over
          the stairway Δ, and with η by a ladder or stairway.]

The front of the house, the large Tuscan atrium with the adjoining
rooms, dates from the Tufa Period; the atrium was originally one of
the most richly decorated at Pompeii. The rooms back of the atrium
opening toward the rear, and those of the middle and lower terraces,
are a later addition, built after the city wall at this point had
been removed, perhaps not long before the end of the Republic; traces
of the second style of decoration are found in one of the lowest
rooms, the tepidarium of the bath. Remains of the first style are
found in the fauces, but the greater part of the house is decorated in
the last style.

One of the small rooms (_c_) opening on the atrium, originally a
bedroom, was in later times turned into a house chapel. In the right
wall is a small niche, on the back of which a Genius of the ordinary
type is painted. Near him and also offering a libation is a female
figure with the attributes of Juno, a diadem, and a sceptre. The two
figures represent the Genii of the master and mistress of the house
(p. 270). Under the niche, and at the sides are iron nails, driven
into the plaster to hold wreaths and garlands.

  [Illustration: Fig. 177.--Corner of bake room in the lowest story of
   the house of the Emperor Joseph II, at the time of excavation.]

On either side of the broad middle room (_w_) is a dining room (_v_,
_x_), connected with it by two large windows. All three rooms open
upon the colonnade (_y_), and this again opens out upon a terrace

The principal room of the middle story (2. η, under _z_) takes the
place of an atrium; it is lighted by a door and two windows opening
upon a terrace (ÎŒ). Connected with it are two dining rooms (Ξ, Îș),
considerably higher than the other apartments of this story, and three
sleeping rooms (Îč, λ, ζ). A dark corridor (ÎČ) separated these rooms
from the solid earth at the rear, and furnished access, by means of
ladders, to two low upper rooms (over Îč and λ; see 4. II, III),
perhaps used as storerooms. From ÎČ one could also reach, in the same
way, an oblong chamber excavated in the earth (I), designed originally
as a cistern, but used as a cellar at the time of the eruption. Of the
remaining upper rooms one (IV) was built on the solid ground at the
side of the stairway leading from the upper floor (α); the other two
(V, over γ, Ύ and VI, over ζ) were connected by a gallery or bridge
over the stairway leading to the lower floor (Δ); this gallery could
be reached also by a ladder or wooden stairway in the large middle
room (η). The outermost room (VI) was perhaps a washroom; there is a
rectangular basin in one corner.

The lower floor was given up to a bath (_frigidarium_, 8;
_tepidarium_, 6; _caldarium_, 7) and to a bakery (3, 4).

In the vaulted ceiling of the frigidarium (8) and one of the rooms of
the bakery (3) is a round hole for ventilation, opening upon the
terrace above through a kind of chimney. The hollow walls of the
caldarium (7) are carried to the crown of the vault, at the middle of
which is a similar opening for the vent. The places of the three
openings in the floor of the terrace are seen in the plan (2, Ό).

At one end of the larger room of the bakery (3) is the oven; at the
other two rectangular basins of masonry. In the corner near the basins
was found the skeleton of a man who at the time of the eruption had
taken refuge in this room and probably died of hunger. The appearance
of the room at the time of excavation is shown in a sketch published
by Mazois (Fig. 177).

The door near the corner, seen in the illustration, led outside the
city. The proprietor of the house perhaps had a special permit
enabling him to leave or enter the city at any time without
surveillance; none of the other houses along the edge of the city have
a private entrance of this kind.



The houses accorded a detailed description in the previous chapters
are few in comparison with the number of those worthy of special
study. He alone who has wandered day after day among the ruins,
returning again and again to explore the parts of the city which are
rarely seen by the hasty visitor, can realize what a wealth of
interesting material lies behind the barren walls lining the streets
on either side.

The location of the houses mentioned incidentally is given in Plan VI,
at the end of the volume. Such are, the house of Caecilius Jucundus,
on Stabian Street (V. i. 26), the tablinum of which contains one of
the most beautiful specimens of wall decoration yet discovered, in the
third style; the house of Lucretius, on the same street (IX. iii. 5),
with a little garden behind the tablinum adorned with quaint
sculptures; the house of the Hunt on Nola Street (VII. iv. 48), so
named from the large hunting scene on the wall at the rear of the
garden; and further down on Nola Street (IX. vii. 6) the extensive
house with three atriums and a large peristyle, excavated in 1879,
eighteen centuries after the destruction of the city, and hence called
the house of the Centenary, casa del Centenario.

In the same block with the house of the Hunt, opposite that of the
Faun, is the house of the Sculptured Capitals, casa dei Capitelli
Figurati (VII. iv. 57). It received its name from the figures carved
in the tufa capitals of the pilasters at the entrance, one of which is
shown in Fig. 178; the stucco with which the surface was coated has
now fallen off. Such figures are not infrequently met with in pilaster
capitals of the Tufa Period, the subjects being always taken, as here,
from the bacchic cycle; the satyr at the left is well rendered. The
plan of the house is simple, like that of other houses of moderate
size dating from the pre-Roman time.

Near the west end of Nola Street is the house of Pansa, which occupies
the whole of the sixth Insula of Region VI. Although of approximately
the same size as the house of the Faun, and built in the same period,
it contained fewer large rooms; its proportions were less impressive,
its finish less elegant. The walls present many evidences of repairs
and alterations, but of the wall decoration nothing remains.

  [Illustration: Fig. 178.--Capital of pilaster at the entrance of the
   house of the Sculptured Capitals.]

The plan (Fig. 179) is of interest on account of its regularity. It
well illustrates the extent to which, at Pompeii, rooms not required
for household purposes were utilized as shops and small separate
dwellings, which were rented to tenants, and doubtless formed an
important source of income.

The vestibule and fauces have been mentioned previously (p. 249). The
living rooms are grouped about a single atrium (2) and a large
peristyle (9). A colonnade at the rear of the house faces the garden,
which, as indicated by the appearance of the ground at the time of
excavation, was used for vegetables. Opening on the colonnade is the
gardener's room (_a_).

In the front were shops, one of which (35) was connected with the
house and served as the proprietor's place of business; another (33)
was used as a salesroom for the bakery, which occupied the rooms
numbered 28-34. On the same side of the house were three small
two-story dwellings, one of which (22-23) contained windows opening
into an adjoining room (12) of the house and into the peristyle; it
was doubtless occupied by some one connected with the household. The
dwellings on the other street (A, B, C) were larger. Fiorelli thought
that this Insula belonged to Alleius Nigidius Maius (p. 489); the name
of Pansa was given to it from an election notice painted on the

  [Illustration: Fig. 179.--Plan of the house of Pansa.

     1. Fauces.
     2. Atrium.
     4, 4. Alae.
     5. Tablinum.
     6. Andron.
     9. Peristyle.
     10. Passage leading to posticum.
     13. Dining room.
     15. Oecus.
     19. Kitchen.
     20. Room for a wagon.
     21. Colonnade opening on the garden.
     22-23. Small dwelling with second story, connected with the house.
     24-25, 26-27. Two small separate dwellings.
     28-34. Bakery. (29. Mill room, 30. Oven.)
     35, 37-40. Shops.
     41. Shop with back rooms.
     42. Room with bake oven.
     A, B, C. Separate dwellings.]

There is a remarkable group of houses near the north end of Mercury
Street. The first in importance is the house of Castor and Pollux (VI.
ix. 6), which is so named from the figures of the Dioscuri, holding
their horses by the bridle, painted on the walls of the principal
fauces. Between the two atriums, one of which is of the Corinthian
type, lies a large peristyle; and behind the Corinthian atrium is a
garden with a colonnade in front. The decoration of the house is
especially effective; that of the larger tablinum was by one of the
best artists who worked at Pompeii. The paintings in the two central
panels of this room are often mentioned; on the right wall, the
recognition of Achilles among the daughters of Lycomedes; on the left,
the quarrel between Achilles and Agamemnon. The representation of
Venus Pompeiana shown in Fig. 4 is from the peristyle.

Beyond the house of Castor and Pollux is that of the Centaur (VI. ix.
3), which received its name from a painting in which Hercules,
Deianira, and Nessus appear; the end of a bedroom in this house is
shown in Fig. 122. The rest of the insula belongs to the large house
of Meleager, named from a picture representing Meleager and Atalanta.
The walls contained numerous mythological pictures, part of which were
transferred to the Naples Museum; those left on the walls have
suffered from exposure to the weather.

The house of Apollo also (VI. vii. 23), on the opposite side of the
street, is noteworthy on account of its decoration, in the last style;
the god appears in a series of paintings. Two houses in the next
insula, on the south, have in their gardens fountain niches veneered
with bright mosaics, the casa della Fontana Grande (VI. viii. 22) and
the casa della Fontana Piccola (VI. viii. 23).

  [Illustration: Fig. 180.--Section showing a part of the peristyle of
   the house of the Anchor, restored.]

At the middle of the tenth Insula, in the same Region, is the house of
the Anchor (VI. x. 7), so called from an anchor outlined in the black
and white mosaic of the fauces. The peristyle here presents an
interesting peculiarity of construction. The level of the street at
the rear of the house was below that of Mercury Street. Instead of
filling up the lot so as to raise the garden to the height of the
front part, the builder constructed a kind of basement under the
colonnade of the peristyle, the floor of which was thus adjusted to
the level of the floors in the front rooms; the garden and the floor
of the basement were on the same level as the street at the rear. The
colonnade was higher on the north than on the other three sides (Fig.
180). The effect of the whole was far from unpleasing. Whether the
projections seen in the niches below, at the level of the garden, are
pedestals or small altars cannot be determined. The niches at the
front end were made larger, and were three in number. In the middle
niche was a diminutive temple; the other two had the form of an apse,
and contained fountain figures.

  [Illustration: Fig. 181.--Plan of the house of the Citharist.

     6. West atrium with connecting rooms, entered from Stabian Street.
     17, 32. Peristyles belonging with the west atrium.
     40, 41. Bath--tepidarium and caldarium.
     42. Kitchen.
     47. North atrium, entered from the continuation of Abbondanza Street.
     56. Peristyle belonging with the north atrium.]

Houses were sometimes enlarged at the expense of neighboring
dwellings, which, in some cases, were destroyed to the foundations, in
others remodelled or incorporated with slight change. An example is
the house of the Citharist, which fills the greater part of the fourth
Insula in Region I, on the east side of Stabian Street. A bronze
statue of Apollo playing the cithara, found in the middle peristyle
(Fig. 181, 17), gave its name to the house. It is apparently a
faithful copy of a Greek masterpiece at Sparta, and is now in the
Naples Museum. The house is sometimes referred to as that of Popidius

  [Illustration: Fig. 182.--Orestes and Pylades before King Thoas.
   Wall painting from the house of the Citharist.]

There are two atriums (6, 47) and three peristyles (17, 32, 56). A
large part of the house, the west atrium (6), with the connecting
rooms and the two peristyles, 17 and 32, was built in the Tufa Period,
in the place of several older houses. The rooms east of the two
peristyles, and the north atrium (47) and peristyle (56), with the
adjoining rooms, were added in Roman times, probably near the end of
the Republic; the house was afterwards decorated in the second style.
Remains of the third and fourth styles also are found in some parts of
the house. The better apartments are grouped about the peristyles; the
rooms about the atriums were turned over to the slaves or used for
domestic purposes.

In the large room (35) opening on the south peristyle were two
paintings of unusual merit, both of which were transferred to the
Naples Museum. The subject of one was the finding of the deserted
Ariadne by Bacchus; in the other Orestes and Pylades appear as
captives before Thoas, the king of Tauris (Fig. 182).

At the right of the picture sits Thoas, looking at the captives, his
sword lying across his knees, his hands resting upon the end of his
sceptre. Behind him stands a guard with a long spear in the right
hand. Another guard with two spears stands behind Orestes and Pylades,
whose hands are bound. Orestes, upon whose head is a wreath of laurel,
looks downward, an expression of sadness and resignation upon his
finely chiselled features. Pylades is not without anxiety, but is
alert and hopeful. Between the two groups is an altar on which incense
is burning. In the background Iphigenia is seen moving slowly forward;
the head is entirely obliterated. It is unfortunate that the painting
is so badly preserved. The faces of the two youths are individualized
with remarkable skill, and the picture here used as the centre of a
decorative framework of the fourth style is evidently a copy of a

On the south side of Abbondanza Street, opposite the Stabian Baths, is
the house of Cornelius Rufus (VIII. iv. 15), a view of the interior of
which has already been given. The name of the proprietor is known from
the dedication on the herm (seen in Fig. 121), _C. Cornelio Rufo_; the
carved table supports behind the impluvium are among the finest yet

In the same block is the house of Marcus Holconius (VIII. iv. 4), a
good example of a house completely restored and decorated after the
earthquake of 63. The right ala was fitted up with shelves, on which
at the time of the eruption were kitchen vessels of bronze, iron, and
terra cotta. The colonnade about the peristyle was in two stories.
From the columns at the front six jets of water, at a height of about
four feet, fell forward into the gutter; and there was an equal number
at the rear. There was also a little fountain in the exedra at the
rear of the peristyle.



Two classes of villas were distinguished by the Romans,--the country
seat, _villa pseudourbana_, and the farmhouse, _villa rustica_. The
former was a city house, adapted to rural conditions; the arrangements
of the latter were determined by the requirements of farm life.

The country seats manifested a greater diversity of plan than the city
residences. They were relatively larger, containing spacious
colonnades and gardens; as the proprietor was unrestricted in regard
to space, not being confined to the limits of a lot, fuller
opportunity was afforded for the display of individual taste in the
arrangement of rooms. We can understand from the letters of Pliny the
Younger, describing his two villas at Laurentum and Tifernum Tiberinum
(now CittĂ  di Castello), and from the remains of the villa of Hadrian
at Tivoli, how far individuality might assert itself in the planning
and building of a country home.

The main entrance of a country seat, according to Vitruvius, should
lead directly to a peristyle; one or more atriums might be placed
further back. The living rooms would be grouped about the central
spaces in the way that would best suit the configuration of the ground
and meet the wishes of the owner. In farmhouses there would naturally
be a court near the entrance; and the hearth, as we have seen, down to
the latest times, was placed in the room that corresponded with the
atrium of the city house. In most parts of Italy a large farmhouse
would contain appliances for making wine and oil.

The arrangement of the two types of country house in the vicinity of
Pompeii may be briefly illustrated by reference to an example of each,
the villa of Diomedes and the farmhouse recently excavated at

  [Illustration: Fig. 183.--Plan of the villa of Diomedes.

     1. Steps.
     3. Peristyle.
     8. Tablinum.
     10. Exedra.
     12. Dining room.
     14. Sleeping room, with anteroom (13).
     15. Passage leading to a garden at the level of the street.
     17. Small court, with hearth (Δ) and swimming tank (ζ).
     18. Storeroom.
     19-21. Bath.
       (19. Apodyterium.
       20. Tepidarium.
       21. Caldarium.)
     22. Kitchen.
     26. Colonnade, facing a terrace (28) over the front rooms of
       the lower part.
     _e_, _f_, _g_, _h_. Colonnade enclosing a large garden.
     _i_, _k_, _l_, _m_. Rooms.
     _r._ Fish pond.
     _s._ Arbor.]

The location of the villa of Diomedes, beyond the last group of tombs
at the left of the road leading from the Herculaneum Gate, is
indicated in Plan V. An extensive establishment similar in character,
the so-called villa of Cicero, lies nearer the Gate on the same side
of the road; on the right there is a third villa, of which only a
small part has been uncovered. The three seem to have belonged to a
series of country seats situated on the ridge that extends back from
Pompeii in the direction of Vesuvius. The villa of Diomedes, excavated
in 1771-74, received its name from the tomb of Marcus Arrius Diomedes,
facing the entrance, on the opposite side of the Street of Tombs (Plan
V, 42).

The front of the villa forms a sharp angle with the street. The
orientation of the building was determined by an abrupt descent in the
ground, which runs across the middle and divides it into two parts.
The front part, the rooms of which are numbered on the plan (Fig.
183), is a few feet above the level of the street at the entrance. The
rear portion, as may be seen from our section (Fig. 184), is
considerably lower; on the plan the rooms of this portion are
designated by letters. From traces of the second style of decoration
found in two of the rooms, and from the character of the masonry, we
infer that the villa was built in Roman times, but before the reign of

In front of the door was a narrow porch (Fig. 184). The door opened
directly into the peristyle (3 on the plan), in the middle of which
was a garden. At the left is a small triangular court (17) containing
a swimming tank (ζ) and a hearth (Δ) on which a kettle and several
pots were found; the Romans partook of warm refreshments after a bath.
The wall back of the swimming tank was in part decorated with a garden
scene, not unlike those in the frigidariums of the two older public
baths. Over the tank was a roof supported by two columns, and on the
other two sides of the court there was a low but well proportioned

The arrangements of the bath were unusually complete, comprising an
apodyterium (19), a tepidarium (20), and a caldarium (21), from which
the tepidarium was warmed by means of an opening in the wall; the
caldarium had a hollow floor and walls, and was heated from the
kitchen (22). In the tepidarium were found four panes of glass about
10œ inches square, together with the remains of the wooden frame in
which they were set. The caldarium, like those of the public baths,
had a bath basin and a semicircular niche for the labrum.

A small oven stands on one end of the hearth in the kitchen, and a
stone table is built against the wall on the long side. The room in
the corner (23) was used as a reservoir for water, which was brought
into it by means of a feed pipe and thence distributed through smaller
pipes leading to the bath rooms and other parts of the house.

At the left of the peristyle is a passage (15) leading to a garden
which has not yet been excavated. The only apartment of special
interest in this portion of the house is the semicircular sleeping
room (14) built out into the garden. It faced the south, and had three
large windows; it was separated from the rest of the house by an
anteroom, _procoeton_ (13), at one end of which is a small division
(ÎČ) designed for the bed of an attendant. In the semicircular
room are an alcove for a bed (Îł) and a stationary wash bowl
of masonry (ÎŽ). The plan is similar to that of a bedroom in
Pliny's villa at Laurentum. Another sleeping room (9) was provided
with both a large and a small door (p. 261).

  [Illustration: Fig. 184.--Longitudinal section of the villa of
   Diomedes, restored.

     Promenade on the roof of the colonnade
     Colonnade facing the terrace
     Right arm of colonnade (_g_, _h_)
     Front of colonnade (_d_)
     Room under the terrace (_i_)

The large room (8) at the rear of the peristyle may be loosely called
a tablinum; it could be closed at the rear. Back of the tablinum was
originally a colonnade (26), which was later turned into a corridor,
with rooms at either end; the original form is assumed in our
restoration. Beyond the colonnade was a broad terrace (28) extending
to the edge of the garden. It commanded a magnificent view of Stabiae,
the coast in the direction of Sorrento, and the Bay. Connected with it
was an unroofed promenade over the colonnade (_e_, _f_, _g_, _h_)
surrounding the large garden below. A rectangular room (27, indicated
on the plan but not in the restoration) was afterwards built on the

Members of the family could pass into the lower portion of the villa
by means of a stairway, at _b_; the slaves could use a long corridor
(_a_), which was more directly connected with the domestic apartments.
The flat roof of the quadrangular colonnade (_e_, _f_, _g_, _h_) was carried
on the outside by a wall, on the inside by square pillars (Fig. 184).
The rooms (_i_, _k_) opening into the front of the colonnade were
vaulted, and the decoration, in the last style, is well preserved; the
ceiling of the corner rooms (_l_, _m_) is flat, and the decoration of
one of them (_l_) is noteworthy; green and red stars are painted on a
white ground. In the narrow space between _i_ and _c_ a cistern was
built, from which water could be drawn by means of a faucet in front.

At the opposite corners of the colonnade were two airy garden rooms
(_n_, _o_). Outside of the left arm (_e_, _f_) was a broad walk (_u_),
at the upper end of which were steps leading to the garden above.

The garden enclosed by the colonnade was planted with trees, charred
remains of which were found at the time of excavation. In the middle
was a fish pond (_r_), in which was a fountain. Back of it was a
platform, over which vines were trained on a framework supported by
six columns, making a pleasant arbor in which meals were doubtless
often served.

The door at the rear of the garden led into the fields. Near it were
found the skeletons of two men. One of them had a large key, doubtless
the key of this door; he wore a gold ring on his finger, and was
carrying a considerable sum of money--ten gold and eighty-eight silver
coins. He was probably the master of the house who had started out,
accompanied by a single slave, in order to find means of escape.

The floor of the three sides of the colonnade was a few feet higher
than that of the front. Underneath was a wine cellar, lighted by small
windows in the wall on the side of the garden; it contained a large
number of amphorae.

At the time of the eruption many members of the family took refuge in
the cellar. Here were found the skeletons of eighteen adults and two
children: at the time of excavation the impressions of their bodies,
and in some instances traces of the clothing, could be seen in the
hardened ashes. Among the women was one adorned with two necklaces and
two arm bands, besides four gold rings and two of silver. The victims
were suffocated by the damp ashes that drifted in through the small
windows. According to the report of the excavations, fourteen
skeletons of men were found in other parts of the house, together with
the skeletons of a dog and a goat.


     A. COURT.

        1, 5. Cistern curbs.
        2. Wash basin of masonry.
        3. Lead reservoir from which water was conducted to the
           reservoir in the kitchen supplying the bath.
        4. Steps leading to the reservoir.

     B. KITCHEN.

        1. Hearth.
        2. Reservoir containing water for the bath.
        3. Stairway to rooms over the bath.
        4. Entrance to cellar under the inner end of the first wine
           press, in which were the fastenings of the standard of
           the press beam.

     C-F. BATH.

        C. Furnace room.
        D. Apodyterium.
        E. Tepidarium.
        F. Caldarium.

     H. STABLE.

     J. TOOL ROOM.




     O. BAKERY.

        1. Mill.
        2. Oven.


        1, 1. Foundations of the presses.
        2, 2, 2. Receptacles for the grape juice, _dolia_.
        3. Cistern for the product of the second pressing, _lacus_.
        4. Holes for the standards of the press beams.
        5, 5. Holes for the posts at the ends of the two windlasses
           used in raising and lowering the press beams.
        6. Pit affording access to the framework by which the windlass
           posts were tied down.


        1. Round vats, _dolia_.


        1. Channel for the fresh grape juice coming from P.
        2. Fermentation vats, _dolia_.
        3. Lead kettle over a fireplace.
        4. Cistern curb.

     S. BARN, _nubilarium_ (?).

     T. THRESHING FLOOR, _area_.



        WINE PRESS; see B. 4.



        1. Foundation of the press.
        2. Hole for the standard of the press beam.
        3. Entrance to cellar with appliances for securing the press
        4. Holes for the windlass posts.
        5. Hole affording access to the fastenings of the windlass
        6. Receptacle for the oil, _gemellar_.





Less than two miles north of Pompeii, near the village of Boscoreale,
a farmhouse was excavated in 1893-94 on the property of Vincenzo de
Prisco. In the last century similar buildings were brought to light in
the vicinity of Castellammare, but they were covered up again.
Especial importance attaches to this villa rustica, both on account of
the extreme rarity of examples of the type and because of the
character of the remains, which makes it possible to determine the
arrangements with certainty.

The living rooms, the stable, and the rooms used for the making of
wine and oil were all under one roof. The size of the building is not
so great as might have been assumed from the variety of purposes which
it served; the enclosed area, exclusive of the threshing floor,
measures about 130 by 82 feet. The plan (Plan IV) is regular, the
principal entrance being near the middle of the southwest side.

The entrance was wide enough for carts and wagons, which were kept in
the court (_A_). Along three sides of the court ran a colonnade, over
which at the front were upper rooms; the roof on the left side and the
rear rested on columns connected by a parapet. Under the colonnade at
the further corner is a cistern curb (1), on one side of which is a
large wash basin of masonry (2); on the other is a pillar supporting a
small reservoir of lead (3). The reservoir, reached by means of steps
(4), was filled from the cistern.

In a Roman farmhouse the kitchen was the large, central room (p. 253).
Vitruvius recommends that it be placed on the warmest side of the
court; and in our villa rustica it lies at the north corner (_B_)
where, in winter, it would receive the full benefit of the sunshine.
The hearth (1), on which remains of fire were found, stands in the
middle of the room; in the wall at the rear is a niche, ornamented to
resemble the façade of a diminutive temple, in which were placed the
images of the household gods.

A large door in the right wall of the kitchen opened into the stable
(_H_). Near it was a stairway (3) leading to upper rooms; in the
corner was a pit (4) affording access to a small cellar in which the
standard of the press beam in the adjoining room (_P_, 4) was made
fast. In the opposite corner was a reservoir of lead (2) standing on a
foundation of masonry; it received water from the reservoir in the
court (_A_, 3) and supplied the bath. On the same side of the room is
the entrance to the bath and to the closet (_G_).

  [Illustration: Fig. 185.--Hot water tank and reservoir for supplying
   the bath in the villa rustica at Boscoreale.]

The arrangements of this bath are in a better state of preservation
than those of any other Roman bath yet discovered; the tank and
reservoir with the connecting pipes may now be seen at Pompeii in the
little Museum near the Forum fitted up for the exhibition of the
objects found in this villa. The bath rooms comprised an apodyterium
(_D_), a tepidarium (_E_), and a caldarium (_F_) with a bath basin at
one end and a labrum in a semicircular recess at the other. The bath
was heated from a small furnace room (_C_). Over the hot air flue
leading from the furnace into the hollow space under the floor of the
caldarium was a water heater in the form of a half cylinder similar to
the one found in the Stabian Baths (p. 194). The tepidarium, as well
as the caldarium, had a hollow floor and walls.

Over the furnace stood a round lead tank, the lower part of which was
encased in masonry; the pipes connecting it with the reservoir in the
corner of the kitchen and with the bath rooms were found in place,
and are shown in Fig. 185. The middle pipe supplied the tank with cold
water; the flow could be regulated by means of a stopcock. The lower
pipe started from the reservoir, but before reaching the tank was
divided, the left arm leading into the tank, the other into the bath
basin. As there were stopcocks in the main pipe and in the arm
entering the tank, by adjusting these the bath basin could be supplied
with either hot or cold water through a single pipe. The upper pipe
was divided in the same way, one arm leading to the labrum. In the
public baths there was a separate tank for lukewarm water; here a
moderate temperature was obtained by mixing hot and cold water.

At the bottom of the tank (seen at the right) is a short bibcock used
when the water was drawn off. On the side of the reservoir we see the
end of the feed pipe leading from the reservoir in the court; at the
right is a supply pipe which conducted to the stable (_H_) water not
needed for the bath.

On the same side of the court is a tool room (_J_), in which were
found remains of tools; several sickles were hanging on the walls.
Next are two sleeping rooms (_K_, _L_); a passage between them leads
to the bakery, with a single mill (1) and oven (2). In the corner is a
dining room (_N_) in which the remains of three couches were found; it
was separated from the court by an anteroom (_M_).

Over the colonnade on the front side of the court was a sleeping room
with a large room adjoining, perhaps the bedroom of the overseer,
_villicus_, which, according to Varro should be near the entrance.

The oblong room at the northeast side of the court contained
appliances for making wine. At each end was a large press with a
raised floor (_forum_, 1). The presses were operated on the same
principle as that previously described (p. 336, Fig. 168).

At the rear of each press was a strong standard (_arbor_, 4), to which
the inner end of the press beam (_prelum_) was attached. In front
stood two posts (_stipites_, 5-5), to which were fitted the ends of a
horizontal windlass. By means of a pulley and a rope passed around the
windlass, the outer end of the press beam could be raised or lowered.
When it was lowered in order to increase the pressure on the grapes,
both standard and windlass posts would be pulled out of the ground
unless firmly braced. Under the rear of each press was a small cellar,
in which was placed a framework for holding the standard in place. One
was entered from a pit in the corner of the kitchen (_B_, 4), the
other from a similar depression in a small separate room (_W_); at 6
was a pit for fastening the windlass posts.

The grape juice ran into round vats (2, 2) sunk in the ground. In
front of the first press are two, in front of the second only one; a
cistern of which the curb (3) is indicated on the plan, here takes the
place of the other vat. The cistern could be filled also from the
first press by means of a lead pipe under the floor. The round vats
were for the pure juice of the first pressing. Into the other was
conducted the product of the second pressing; the remains of the
grapes, after the juice had ceased to flow, were drenched with water
and again subjected to pressure.

In Pliny's "Natural History" (XIV. xxi. 136) we read that in Campania
the best wine underwent fermentation in the open air, exposed to sun,
rain, and wind. This villa supplies an interesting confirmation of the
statement; the round fermentation vats fill a large court (_R_), the
walls of which are pierced with openings in order to give readier
access to the wind. Along one side runs a channel of masonry about
three feet above the ground (1), protected by a narrow roof; thence
the grape juice was distributed through lead pipes to the vats. During
the vintage season, the inner end of the channel was connected with
the press room by means of a temporary pipe or channel entering the
wall above the cistern (_P_, 3).

The surface of this court is higher than that of the rest of the
building; instead of excavating in order to set the large earthen vats
in the ground, the proprietor filled in with earth around them. In one
corner is a lead kettle (3) with a place for building a fire
underneath; perhaps wine was heated in it. The vats in the court seem
not to have been used exclusively for wine. In one were found remains
of wheat, in another of millet. Other vats stood in the passageway on
the side of the court (_Q_, 1).

Three of the small rooms toward the rear were sleeping rooms (_V-V_).
In another (_X_) was found a hand mill. At the end of the passageway
was a double room containing the appliances for making oil, a press
(in _Y_) and a crusher (in _Z_). The press was like the wine press
described above, only much smaller, with a raised floor (1), a
standard for the press beam (2), a pit for bracing the standard of the
press beam (3), two posts at the ends of the windlass (4, 4), a pit
from which a crosspiece connecting these posts could be reached, and a
vat (6) at one side for receiving the oil. This vat, for some reason
not understood, was divided into two parts by a partition in the

  [Illustration: Fig. 186.--Olive crusher.]

The olive crusher, _trapetum_, now in the Museum at Pompeii mentioned
above, is shown in the accompanying illustration (Fig. 186). It was
designed to separate the pulp of the olives from the stones, which
were thought to impair the flavor of the oil. It consists of a deep
circular basin of lava, so hollowed out as to leave in the centre a
strong standard of the stone, _miliarium_. In the top of this standard
was set an iron pin, on which was fitted a revolving wooden crosspiece
(shown in Fig. 186, restored). This carried two wheels of lava, having
the shape of half a lens, which travelled in the basin. The wheels
were carefully balanced so that they would not press against the side
of the basin and crush the stones of the olives.

In the long room _S_ remains of bean straw and parts of a wagon were
found. South of it is the threshing floor (_T_), the surface of which
is raised above the ground and covered with Signia pavement. The water
that fell upon the threshing floor was conducted to a small open
cistern (_U_).

For at least a part of the year the proprietor of the villa probably
lived in it. So elaborate a bath would not have been built for the use
of slaves; and in the second story was a modest but comfortable series
of apartments (over _V_, _W_, _X_, and part of _Q_), apparently
designed for the master's use, as was also the dining room (_N_) with
_K_ and _L_.

  [Illustration: Fig. 187.--Silver patera with a representation of the
   city of Alexandria in high relief. From the Boscoreale treasure.]

In a place where such a find would least have been anticipated--the
cistern in the room of the wine presses--was made a remarkable
discovery of treasure. Here a man had taken refuge, and with his
skeleton were found about a thousand gold coins, four gold bracelets,
ear-rings, a gold chain, and the beautiful collection of silver ware
(p. 380) afterwards presented by Baron Rothschild to the Louvre.



Much less large furniture has been found at Pompeii than is ordinarily
supposed. In not a single sleeping room has a bed been preserved; and
in only one of all the dining rooms have sufficient remains of the
dining couches been found to make it possible to reconstruct them.
Beds, couches, chairs, and tables were ordinarily of wood, which
crumbled away, leaving slight traces. Reference has been made
elsewhere to the marble tables standing in the atrium, and
occasionally in other parts of the house. Tables of bronze are
infrequently met with, while bronze chairs are almost as rare as
bronze couches.

  [Illustration: Fig. 188.--Dining couch with bronze mountings, the
   wooden frame being restored.]

Wood was not a suitable material for many classes of smaller articles,
and these, made of bronze, clay, glass, or stone, are found in great
numbers. Such are the lamps, the bronze lamp stands, the kitchen
utensils, the table furnishings, and the toilet articles of bronze,
ivory, or bone.

  [Illustration: Fig. 189.--Round marble table.]

The wooden frame and end board of one of the dining couches just
mentioned was completely charred, but the form was clearly indicated,
and the woodwork has been restored (Fig. 188). The couch is now in the
Naples Museum, as are also the other articles of furniture illustrated
in this chapter.

The half figures on the front of the end board, shown more plainly in
the detail at the left of the illustration, were cast; the rest of the
mounting was _repoussé_ work. The bronze on the side toward the table
was inlaid with silver. The end boards were placed at the head of the
upper couch and the foot of the lower one (p. 263); the middle couch
did not have a raised end. The mattress rested on straps stretched
across the frame. The dining room in which the couches were found
adjoins the tablinum of a house in the seventh Region (VII. ii. 18).

  [Illustration: Fig. 190.--Carved table leg, found in the second
   peristyle of the house of the Faun.]

The carved marble supports of a gartibulum are shown in Fig. 121; a
complete table of a plainer type is seen in Plate VII. An example of a
round marble table, found in 1827 in a house near the Forum, is
presented in Fig. 189. The three legs are carved to represent those of
lions, a lion's head being placed at the top of each. A table of
similar design was found in the peristyle of the house of the Vettii,
with traces of yellow color on the manes of the lions (p. 326).

Among the best examples of ornamental carving is the marble table leg
in the form of a sphinx, found in the second peristyle of the house of
the Faun (Fig. 190). Effective also is the bold carving of the
gartibulum in the north atrium of the house of Siricus (VII. i. 25).

Small tables or stands of bronze supported by three slender legs were
called tripods. The top was flat, but not infrequently surrounded by a
deep rim, making a convenient receptacle for light objects. The rim of
the example shown in Fig. 191 is ornamented with festoons and
bucrania, while the upper parts of the legs are modelled to represent
winged sphinxes. This stand was not found in the temple of Isis, as is
often stated, but probably in Herculaneum.

  [Illustration: Fig. 191.--Bronze stand with an ornamented rim around
   the top.]

The bisellium, the 'seat of double width,' was a chair of simple
design without a back, used in the Theatre and Amphitheatre by members
of the city council and others upon whom the "honor of the bisellium"
had been conferred. The remains of one with bronze mountings have been
restored. The restoration, however, does not seem to be correct in all
particulars, and instead of presenting it we may refer the reader to
the somewhat conventional bisellium carved on the tomb of Calventius
Quietus (Fig. 242).

  [Illustration: Fig. 192.--Lamps of the simplest form, with one

The lamps are found in a great variety of forms. The essential parts
are the body, containing the oil, which was poured in through an
opening in the top, and the nozzle with a hole for the wick (Fig.
192). Hand lamps were usually provided with a handle, hanging lamps
with projections containing holes through which the chains could be

The opening for the admission of oil was often closed by an ornamental
cover (Figs. 195, 196). In front of it, near the base of the nozzle,
was frequently a much smaller orifice through which a large needle
could be inserted to pick up the wick when it had burned out and sunk
back into the oil, and air could be admitted when the cover was

  [Illustration: Fig. 193.--Lamps with two nozzles. At the left, a
   hanging lamp; at the right, a hand lamp.]

The material of the lamps was clay or bronze. The bronze lamps were
more costly and ordinarily more freely ornamented. Those of clay were
left unglazed, or covered with a red glazing like that of the Arretian
ware; lamps with a greenish glaze are occasionally found.

  [Illustration: Fig. 194.--Lamps with more than two nozzles.]

The light furnished by the wicks was dim and smoky. A more brilliant
light was obtained by increasing the number of nozzles. Lamps with
two nozzles are often found. These were sometimes placed at one end,
the handle being at the other; sometimes in the case of hanging lamps,
at opposite ends, as in the example shown in Fig. 193.

Lamps with several nozzles are not infrequently met with. The shape is
often circular, as in two of the examples presented in Fig. 194, one
of which had six wicks, the other twelve. Sometimes a more ornamental
form was adopted. Lamps having the shape of a boat are not uncommon;
the one represented in Fig. 194 was provided with nozzles for fourteen

  [Illustration: Fig. 195.--Bronze lamps with ornamental covers attached
   to a chain.]

The hanging lamps were sometimes made with a single nozzle, as the
curious one having the shape of a mask shown in Fig. 197, at the left;
sometimes with two nozzles (Fig. 193). Bronze hanging lamps with three
arms, each of which contained a place for a wick, are occasionally
found; an example is given in Fig. 197, at the right. Still more
elaborate are those with a large number of nozzles, as the one
represented in the same illustration, which had nine wicks.

  [Illustration: Fig. 196.--Bronze lamps with covers ornamented with

The name of the maker is often stamped upon the bottom of the lamp,
sometimes in the nominative case, as PULCHER, in the example given in
Fig. 192, more often in the genitive and in an abbreviated form.

The variety displayed in the ornamentation of lamps was as great as
that manifested in the forms. Ornament was applied to all parts,--the
body, the handle, the cover, and even the nozzle. The covers of the
two bronze lamps shown in Fig. 196 are adorned with figures. On one is
a Cupid struggling with a goose. The chain attached to the right hand
of the figure on the other is fastened to a hooked needle for pulling
out the wick.

  [Illustration: Fig. 197.--Three hanging lamps. The one at the left and
   the middle one are presented in two views.]

The object of which we give a representation in Fig. 198, often
erroneously classed as a lamp, is a nursing bottle, _biberon_. The
material is clay, and the figure of a gladiator is stamped on it,
symbolizing the hope that the infant will develop strength and vigor.
On some bottles of this kind the figure of a thriving child is seen,
on others a mother suckling a child.

  [Illustration: Fig. 198.--A nursing bottle.]

Three kinds of supports for lamps may be distinguished according to
their size: lamp standards, which stood on the floor and ranged in
height from 2œ to 5 feet; lamp holders, not far from 20 inches high,
which were placed on tables; and small lamp stands, also used on the
table. The general term _candelabrum_ was originally applied to candle
holders containing several candles (_candelae_). Such candle holders
have been found in Etruscan graves, but the candelabra met with at
Pompeii were all designed to carry lamps.

The lamp standards, of bronze, are often of graceful proportions and
ornamented in good taste. The feet are modelled to represent the claws
(Fig. 199) or hoofs of animals. The slender shaft rises sometimes
directly from the union of the three legs at the centre, sometimes
from a round, ornamented disk resting on the legs. Above the shaft is
usually an ornamental form, a sphinx, as in our illustration, a head,
or a vase-like capital sustaining the round flat top on which the lamp
rested. Occasionally the shaft is replaced by a conventional plant

Adjustable standards also occur; the upper part slides up and down in
the hollow shaft of the lower part, so that the height can be changed
at will.

The bronze lamp holders were sometimes designed to support a single
lamp (Fig. 200). Frequently the main part divides into two branches,
each of which sustains a small round disk for a lamp; often the arms
or branches were designed to carry hanging lamps. The example shown in
Fig. 201 is from the villa of Diomedes.

In the lamp holders conventional plant forms are more frequently met
with than in the standards. The trunk of a tree with spreading
branches is especially common (Fig. 202).

  [Illustration: Fig. 199.--Lamp standard, of bronze.]

The lamp stands, which resemble diminutive bronze tables, are found in
a pleasing variety of form and ornament. The top is sometimes a round
disk resting on a single leg supported by three feet; sometimes, as in
the example presented in Fig. 203, the legs are carried to the top,
and the intervening spaces are utilized for ornamentation. The lamp
seen in this illustration is the same as that shown more clearly in
Fig. 196, at the right.

  [Illustration: Fig. 200.--Lamp holder for a hand lamp.]

  [Illustration: Fig. 201.--Lamp holder for hanging lamps.]

  [Illustration: Fig. 202.--Lamp holder in the form of a tree trunk.]

  [Illustration: Fig. 203.--Lamp stand, of bronze.]

Kitchen utensils of bronze and red earthenware have been found in
great quantity; table furnishings more rarely. A group of typical
examples is presented in Fig. 204. The forms are so similar to those
of the utensils found in modern households that few words of
explanation are needed.

  [Illustration: Fig. 204.--Bronze utensils.

     _a._ Kettle mounted on a tripod ready to be placed on the fire.
     _b_, _g_, _h_, _l._ Cooking pots.
     _c_, _d._ Pails.
     _e._ Ladle.
     _f._ Dipper.
     _i_, _t._ Baking pans for small cakes.
     _k._ Pitcher.
     _m._ Kitchen spoon.
     _n_, _v._ Table spoons.
     _o_, _p._ Frying pans.
     _s._ Pastry mould.
     _q_, _u._ Wine ladles.
     _r._ Two-handled pan.]

The pastry mould (_s_) is of good size and neatly finished, and must
have left a clear impression. Besides the two types of table spoons
illustrated here (_n_, _v_) a third is represented by examples found at
Pompeii, the _cochlear_, which had a bowl at one end and ran out into
a point at the other. The point was used in picking shellfish out of
their shells, the bowl in eating eggs.

The two long ladles were used in dipping wine out of the mixing bowl
into the cups. The ancients ordinarily drank their wine mingled with
water; for mixing the liquids they used a large bowl of earthenware or
metal, which was often richly ornamented. The mixing bowl presented in
Fig. 205 was found in a house on Abbondanza Street, near the entrance
of the building of Eumachia. It is in part inlaid with silver, and
nearly twenty-two inches high.

  [Illustration: Fig. 205.--Mixing bowl, of bronze in part inlaid with

Hot water was often preferred for mixing with wine, and small heaters
of ornamental design were sometimes used upon the table. The ancient
name for these utensils is _authepsa_, 'self-cooker'; the
appropriateness of it is apparent from an example found at Pompeii, in
which the coals of fire were entirely concealed from view.

  [Illustration: Fig. 206.--Water heater for the table, view and

This heater (Fig. 206) has the form of an urn. In the middle is a
tube, the bottom of which is closed by a diminutive grate; the
arrangement is shown in the section at the right. In this tube the
coals were placed, and when the water in the urn was hot, it could be
drawn off by means of a faucet at the side. Back of the faucet is a
small vertical vent tube.

  [Illustration: Fig. 207.--Water heater in the form of a brazier.]

  [Illustration: Fig. 208.--Water heater in the form of a brazier
   representing a diminutive fortress.]

  [Illustration: Fig. 210.--Combs.]

  [Illustration: Fig. 209.--Appliances for the bath.]

In some cases the appearance of a heater was more suggestive of its
purpose. One (Fig. 207) has the form of an ordinary brazier, the water
being heated in the hollow space about the fire pan. In another
instance (Fig. 208) the brazier is ornamented with towers and
battlements like those of a diminutive fortress; the faucet can be
seen in our illustration, on the left side.

An interesting group of toilet appliances for the bath was found in
the Baths north of the Forum (Fig. 209). Hanging from a ring were an
unguent flask, four scrapers (_strigiles_), and a shallow saucer with
a handle in which the unguent was poured out when it was to be
applied. One of the scrapers is repeated in a side view at the right,
and both side and front views of the unguent saucer are given.

Small articles of toilet are discovered in a good state of
preservation. The forms in most cases do not differ greatly from those
to which we are accustomed.

The fine comb seen in Fig. 210 _a_ is of bone; the two coarse combs
(Fig. 210 _b_ and Fig. 214 _d_) are of bronze.

  [Illustration: Fig. 211.--Hairpins. Underneath, two small ivory toilet

  [Illustration: Fig. 212.--Glass box for cosmetics.]

  [Illustration: Fig. 213.--Hand mirrors.]

  [Illustration: Fig. 214.--Group of toilet articles.

     _a._ Standing mirror.
     _b._ Ear cleaner.
     _c._ Ivory box for cosmetics.
     _d._ Bronze comb.]

The ends of the hairpins were often ornamented with figures. The
specimens shown in Fig. 211 are of ivory. The designs in which female
figures appear are in keeping with the use, but the ornamentation for
the most part seems excessive.

The toilet boxes, of glass or ivory, were used for a variety of
purposes. Of those presented in our illustrations, one (Fig. 211, at
the right) probably contained perfumed oil. The round glass box (Fig.
212) was used for cosmetics, as was also the ivory box seen in Fig.
214, the outside of which is carved in low relief.

The mirrors were of metal, highly polished. The one seen in Fig. 214
was designed to stand upon a dressing case; the other three (Fig. 213)
are hand mirrors. The frame of the rectangular mirror is modern;
whether or not this had a handle is not clear.

  [Illustration: Fig. 215.--Gold arm band.]

Jewellery of gold and silver and other small objects wrought in the
precious metals have now and then been found. A characteristic example
of the jewellery is the large gold arm band in the form of a serpent,
with eyes of rubies, found in the house of the Faun (Fig. 215). It
weighs twenty-two ounces; to judge from the size, it must have been
intended for the upper arm.

Much more important, from the aesthetic point of view, are the cups
and other articles of silver designed for table use. As these do not
differ essentially from objects of the same class found elsewhere, we
should not be warranted in entering upon an extended discussion of
them here; a few examples must suffice.

  [Illustration: Fig. 216.--Silver cups.]

Of the three cups with _repoussé_ reliefs shown in Fig. 216, one
(_a_) has a simple but effective decoration of leaves. Another (_c_)
presents the apotheosis of Homer; the bard is being carried to heaven
by an eagle, while on either side (detail in _b_) sits an allegorical
figure--the Iliad with helmet, shield, and spear, and the Odyssey with
a sailor's cap and a steering paddle. On the third (_d_, detail in
Fig. 216 _e_) we see a male and a female Centaur, with Bacchic
emblems, conversing with Cupids posed gracefully on their backs. This
last is one of a pair found in 1835.

  [Illustration: Fig. 216.--Detail of cup with Centaurs.]

The Boscoreale treasure contained a hundred and three specimens of
silver ware, undoubtedly the collection of an amateur.

Of the purely decorative pieces the finest is the shallow bowl
(_phiala_, _patera_) 8⅞ inches in diameter, with an allegorical
representation of the city of Alexandria, in high relief (Fig. 187).
The city is personified as a female divinity--alert, powerful,
majestic. Upon her head are the spoils of an elephant; the trunk and
tusks project above, while the huge ears, hanging down behind, are
skilfully adjusted to the outline of the goddess's neck.

In the fold of her chiton, held by the right hand, and in the
cornucopia resting on the left arm, are fruits of Egypt, among which
grapes and pomegranates are easily distinguished. A representation of
Helios appears in low relief upon the upper part of the cornucopia;
below is the eagle, emblem of the Ptolemies. A lion is mounted on the
right shoulder of the goddess; in her right hand she holds an asp,
sacred to Isis, with head uplifted as in the representation described
by Apuleius (Met. XI. 4); facing the asp is a female panther.

Around the group in low relief are the attributes (not all
distinguishable in our illustration) of various divinities--the bow
and quiver of Artemis, the club of Hercules, the sistrum of Isis, the
forceps of Vulcan, the serpent of Aesculapius entwined around a staff,
the sword of Mars in a scabbard, and the lyre of Apollo. A dolphin in
the midst of waves (under the right hand) symbolizes the maritime
relations of the city.

The central medallion (_emblema_) was made separately and attached to
the bottom of the patera. Between it and the outer edge of the bowl is
a band of pleasing ornament, composed of sprays of myrtle and laurel.
The surface of the medallion was all gilded except the undraped
portions of the goddess. The ears of the goddess were pierced for
ear-rings, which were not found. The date of the patera can not be
determined; it is perhaps as old as the reign of Augustus.

Among the cups, sixteen in number, two are especially noteworthy. They
are four inches high, and form a pair; they are ornamented with
skeletons in high relief, so grouped that each cup presents four
scenes satirizing human life and its interpretation in poetry and

Two scenes from one of the cups are shown in Fig. 217. At the left the
Stoic Zeno appears, standing stiffly with his philosopher's staff in
his left hand, his wallet hanging from his neck; with right hand
extended he points the index finger in indignation and scorn at
Epicurus, who, paying no heed to him, is taking a piece of a huge cake
lying on the top of a small round table. Beside Epicurus an eager pig
with snout and left foreleg uplifted is demanding a share. Over the
cake is the inscription: τ᜞ Ï„áœłÎ»ÎżÏ‚ áŒĄÎŽÎżÎœáœ”, 'the end of life is
pleasure.' The letters of the inscription, as of the names of the
philosophers, are too small to be shown distinctly in our

No names are given with the figures in the other scene; a kind of
genre picture is presented. The skeleton in the middle is placing a
wreath of flowers upon his head. The one at the right holds in one
hand a skull which he examines contemplatively--we are reminded of
Hamlet in the scene with the gravedigger; in the other hand (not seen
in the illustration) is a wreath of flowers. The third of the
principal figures holds in his right hand a bag exceedingly heavy, as
indicated by the adjustment of the bones of the right arm and leg;
over the bag is the word φΞáœčÎœÎżÎč, 'envyings.' The object in the left
hand is so light that its weight is not felt; it is a butterfly, held
by the wings, and above it is inscribed ψ᜻χÎčÎżÎœ, a diminutive of ψυχ᜔,
'soul'; we shall later find another instance of the representation of
a disembodied soul as a butterfly (p. 398). It was perhaps the design
of the artist to represent the figure as holding the bag behind him
while presenting the butterfly to the one who is putting on the

  [Illustration: Fig. 217.--Silver cup with skeleton groups.
   From the Boscoreale treasure.]

On either side of the middle figure are two others less than half as
large. One, under the butterfly, is playing the lyre; over his head is
the word Ï„áœłÏÏˆÎčς, 'pleasure.' The second is clapping his hands, and
above him is a Greek inscription which gives the thought of the whole
design: 'So long as you live take your full share' of life, 'for the
morrow is uncertain.'

Both cups had evidently long been in use; there are still some traces
of gilding, which, however, seems not to have been applied to the
skeletons. While the explanatory inscriptions are in Greek, a Latin
name, Gavia, is inscribed on the under side of the second cup, in the
same kind of letters as the record of weight (p. 508). The Gavii were
a family of some prominence at Pompeii; we are perhaps warranted in
concluding that the cups were made by a Greek for this Pompeian lady,
and that afterward they came into the possession of another lady,
Maxima, who formed the collection.





In antiquity there was no such distinction between trades and
professions as exists to-day. In the Early Empire all activity outside
the field of public service, civil and military, or the management of
estates, was considered beneath the dignity of a Roman; the practice
of law, which had received its impulse largely from the obligation of
patrons to protect their clients, was included among public duties.
The ordinary work of life was left mainly to slaves and freedmen. Not
only the trades, as we understand the term, but architecture and
engineering,--in antiquity two branches of one occupation,--the
practice of medicine, and teaching, were looked upon as menial. A
Roman of literary or practical bent might manifest an interest in such
vocations, but it was considered hardly respectable actively to engage
in them.

This attitude of mind, especially toward the higher occupations, is
only explicable in the light of the social conditions then existing.
Men who kept slaves of every degree of intelligence and training, and
were at all times accustomed to command, were not disposed to hold
themselves in readiness to do another's bidding, excepting in the
service of the State alone; and work committed to slaves and freedmen
naturally came to be considered unworthy the employment of a
gentleman. The freemen of the same craft were often united in guilds
or corporations, for the administration of certain matters of mutual
interest; but nothing is known in regard to the activities of such
organizations at Pompeii.

In a city as large as Pompeii, all the occupations corresponding to
the needs of daily life must have been represented. The remains of the
appliances and products of labor are of the most varied character,
sometimes far from satisfactory, raising more difficulties than they
solve; yet often revealing at a glance the ancient methods of work,
and casting light upon the economic background of Greek and Roman
culture. The excavations have brought before us three sources of
information, inscriptions, paintings, and the remains of buildings or
rooms used as workshops.

The inscriptions refer to more than a score of occupations; from
farming to innkeeping, and from hairdressing to goldworking. Most of
them are election notices, in which the members of a craft unite, or
are exhorted to unite, in recommending a certain candidate for a
municipal office. These are painted in red letters on the walls along
the streets, and are much alike, though some are fuller than others.
The simplest form contains only three words, as _Trebium aed.
tonsores_,--'The barbers recommend Trebius for the office of aedile.'
The more elaborate recommendations may be illustrated by the
following: _Verum aed. o. v. f._ (for _aedilem, oro vos, facite_),
_unguentari, facite, rog[o]_,--'Do make Verus aedile, perfumers, elect
him, I beg of you.' The whole craft of goldsmiths favored the election
of Pansa: _C. Cuspium Pansam aed. aurifices universi rog[ant]_,--'All
the goldsmiths recommend Gaius Cuspius Pansa for the aedileship.'

The recommendations of the fruit sellers are particularly conspicuous.
On one occasion they joined with a prominent individual in the support
of a ticket: _M. Holconium Priscum II vir. i. d. pomari universi cum
Helvio Vestale rog._,--'All the fruit sellers, together with Helvius
Vestalis, urge the election of M. Holconius Priscus as duumvir with
judiciary authority.' There may have been some special reason why the
fruiterers wished to keep in favor with the city authorities, and so
took an active part in the elections; the dealers in garlic (_aliari_)
also had a candidate.

Among the representatives of other employments that joined in the
support of candidates were the dyers (_offectores_), cloak-cutters
(_sagarii_), pack-carriers (_saccarii_), mule-drivers (_muliones_),
and fishermen (_piscicapi_). The inscription in which reference is
made to the gig-drivers is mentioned elsewhere (p. 243).

The paintings in which we see work going on are numerous. By far the
most pleasing are those in which the workmen are Cupids, busying
themselves with the affairs of men. Several pictures of this kind have
already been described (pp. 97, 332-337); but we ought to add to those
mentioned two scenes from Herculaneum, often reproduced, in which
Cupids are represented as carpenters and as shoemakers.

Among the more important paintings in which the figures of men appear
are those which picture the life of an inn and those that present the
processes of cleaning cloth; both groups are reserved for later
discussion. In a house in the ninth Region (IX. v. 9) a stuccoer is
pictured at work putting the finishing touches on a wall with a
smoothing tool, and in the house of the Surgeon an artist is seen
painting a herm (Fig. 133).

In only a few instances are the remains of workshops sufficiently
characteristic to indicate their purpose. Among the most impressive,
to the visitor at Pompeii, are the ruins of the bakeries, with their
large millstones (Fig. 218). Equally important, also, are the remains
of the fulleries, and of a large tannery, which, as well as those of
the inns and winerooms, will be discussed in separate chapters.

A few out of the hundreds of shops opening on the streets contain
remains of the articles exposed for sale. The discovery of charred
nuts, fruits, and loaves of bread in the market stalls north of the
Macellum has already been noted (p. 96). We know the use of other
shops from the remains of paints found in them. The arrangements of
such places of business were discussed in connection with those of the
Pompeian house.

Several establishments which contain large lead kettles set in
masonry, with a place for a fire underneath, have been identified as
dyehouses. In the case of one on Stabian Street (VII. ii. 11), the
identification seems complete. Nine such kettles stood in the
peristyle, which has a direct connection with the street; in a closet
were numerous bottles, part of which contained coloring materials.
There was formerly a painting on the wall of the entrance,
representing a man carrying on a pole an object which had the
appearance of a garment fresh from the dye.

  [Illustration: Fig. 218.--Ruins of a bakery, with millstones.]

On the opposite side of the street is the election notice: _Postumium
Proculum aed. offectores rog[ant]_,--'The dyers request the election
of Postumius Proculus as aedile.' The house on which this inscription
is painted (IX. iii. 2) contained three kettles similar to those
already mentioned; the dyers of both establishments may have united in
supporting the candidacy of Proculus.

A potter's workshop, with two ovens, is located outside the
Herculaneum Gate, where the streets divide opposite the villa of
Diomedes (Plan V, 29-30). The ovens, which are not large, have an
upper division, in which were placed the vessels to be baked, and a
firebox underneath, the floor above being pierced with holes to let
the heat through. The vault of one of the ovens was constructed of
parallel rows of jars fitted into one another.

There was a shoemaker's shop on the northwest corner of Insula VII. i
opening upon two streets. It is connected with the entrance hall of
the adjoining house (No. 40), and near the middle is a small stone
table. The identification rests upon the discovery here of certain
tools, particularly leather-cutters' knives with a crescent-shaped
blade; there was also an inscription on the wall, making record of
some repairing done 'July 14, with a sharp-cornered knife (_scalpro
angulato_) and an awl.' Apparently the porter of the house
(_ostiarius_) was at the same time a cobbler, as frequently in Italy

On the same wall is another scribbling: _M. Nonius Campanus mil. coh.
VIIII pr. > Caesi_,--'Marcus Nonius Campanus, a soldier of the ninth
praetorian cohort, of the century led by Caesius.' The name of the
centurion, M. Caesius Blandus, is scratched twice on the columns of
the peristyle in the same house. Captain and private may have come
from Rome in the escort of an emperor. Perhaps the centurion was
quartered in this house; the soldier, waiting to have his shoes
mended, scratched his name upon the wall.

The better houses were so freely adorned with statuettes and other
ornaments of marble that there must have been marble-workers in the
city. The workshop of one was found, in 1798, on Stabian Street, near
the Large Theatre. It contained various pieces of carving, as herms,
table feet, and table tops; there was also an unfinished mortar,
together with a slab of marble partly sawed, the saw being left in the

Signs of shops are not often seen in Pompeii, but two or three may be
mentioned. In the wall of a shop-front in the block containing the
Baths north of the Forum, there is a terra cotta plaque with a goat in
relief, to indicate the place of a milk dealer; and not far away we
find a sign of a wineshop, a tufa relief of two men carrying between
them an amphora hung from a pole supported on their shoulders.

Not all such reliefs, however, are signs of shops. Near the Porta
Marina (at the northwest corner of Insula VII. xv), a tufa block may
be seen near the top of the wall, showing a mason's tools in relief;
above it is the inscription, _Diogenes structor_, 'Diogenes the
mason.' This is not a sign--the inscription can hardly be read from
below; it is, moreover, on the outside of a garden wall, with no
house or shop entrance near it. It is rather a workman's signature;
Diogenes had built the wall, and wished to leave a record of his

       *       *       *       *       *

In antiquity the miller and the baker were one person. We rarely find
in Pompeii--and then only in private houses--an oven without mills
under the same roof. There were many bakeries in the city. The portion
already excavated contains more than twenty, each of them with three
or four mills; bread was furnished, therefore, by a number of small
bakeries rather than by a few large establishments.

  [Illustration: Fig. 219.--Plan of a bakery.

     8. Atrium.
     15. Mill room.
     16. Stable.
     17. Oven.
     18. Kneading room.
     19. Storeroom.]

The appearance of a bakery to-day, with its mills and its large oven,
may be seen in Fig. 218. The arrangements can more easily be
explained, however, from the plan of another establishment, one of the
largest, in the third Insula of Region VI. (Fig. 219). Entering from
the street through the fauces, we find ourselves in an atrium of
simple form (8) with rooms on either side; the tablinum (14) is here
merely an entrance to the mill room (15). In the corner of the atrium
is a stairway leading to a second story, which was particularly needed
here, because the living rooms at the rear were required for the
bakery; the floor of the second story was supported by brick pillars
at the corners of the impluvium, joined by flat arches.

The four mills (_b_), were turned by animals; the floor around them is
paved with basalt flags like those used for the streets. In the same
room, at _d_, were the remains of a low table; at _c_ there is a
cistern curb, with a large earthen vessel for holding water on either
side, while the wall above was ornamented with a painting representing
Vesta, the patron goddess of bakers, between the two Lares. On one
side of the oven (17) is the kneading room (18), on the other the
storeroom (19). The room at the left (16) is the stall for the donkeys
that turned the mills.

  [Illustration: Fig. 220.--A Pompeian mill, without its framework.]

The mills of Pompeii, with slight variations, are all of one type; if
there were watermills on the Sarno, no trace of them has been found.
The millstones are of lava (p. 15). The lower stone, _meta_, has the
shape of a cone resting on the end of a cylinder, but the cylindrical
part is in most cases partially concealed by a thick hoop of masonry,
the top of which was formed into a trough to receive the flour, and
was covered with sheet lead (Fig. 220). A square hole, five or six
inches across, was cut in the top of the cone, in which was inserted a
wooden standard; this supported a vertical iron pivot on which the
frame of the upper millstone turned.

  [Illustration: Fig. 221.--Section of a mill, restored.]

The shape of the upper millstone, _catillus_, may best be seen in Fig.
221. It was like a double funnel, the lower cavity being fitted to the
cone of the lower millstone, while that in the upper part answered the
purpose of a hopper. The two cavities were connected at the centre by
an opening similar to that of an hourglass, which left room for the
standard and allowed the grain to run down slowly, when the _catillus_
was turned, to be ground between the two stones. The flour ran out at
the base of the cone and fell into the trough, ready to be sifted and
made into bread.

The upper millstone was nicely balanced over the lower, the surface of
which it touched but lightly; it could not have rested on the under
stone with full weight, for in that case the strength of a draft
animal would not have sufficed to move it. The stones could be set for
finer or coarser grinding by changing the length of the standard.

The arrangement for turning the mill was simple. In shaping the upper
millstone, strong shoulders were left in the narrowest part (Fig.
220), on opposite sides. In these square sockets were cut, in which
the ends of shafts were inserted and firmly fastened by round bolts
passing through the shoulders (Fig. 221). The shafts were tied to the
ends of the crossbeam above by curved vertical pieces of wood, or by
straps of iron, which were let into grooves in the stone and so made
firm. The crosspiece above, which turned on the pivot in the end of
the standard, was sometimes of iron, sometimes of wood with an iron
socket fitting the pivot. The framework must necessarily have been
exceedingly strong. One of the mills at Pompeii (IX. iii. 10) has
lately been set up with new woodwork, and grinds very well.

  [Illustration: Fig. 222.--A mill in operation.  Relief in the Vatican

The smaller mills were turned by slaves, the larger by draft animals.
Men pushed on the projecting shafts, but animals wore a collar which
was attached by a chain or rope to the end of the crosspiece at the
top. The links of the chain running to the crossbeam are distinctly
shown in a relief in the Vatican Museum (Fig. 222), in which a horse
is represented turning a mill. Blinders are over the eyes of the
horse, which seems also to be checked up in order to prevent eating. A
square hopper rests on the crossbeam, and the miller is bringing a
measure of wheat to pour into it. On a shelf in the corner of the room
is a lamp.

  [Illustration: Fig. 223.--Section of bake oven.]

The ovens were not unlike those still in use in many parts of Europe.
They were shaped like a low beehive, generally with some kind of a
flue in front to make the fire burn inside while they were being
heated. The oven in the bakery described above, however, has a special
device for saving as much heat as possible (Fig. 223); it is entirely
enclosed in a smoke chamber (_b_), with two openings above (_d_) for
the draft. Fires were kindled in such ovens with wood or charcoal; the
latter was probably used here. When the proper temperature for baking
had been reached, the ashes were raked out (in Fig. 223, _e_ is an
ashpit), the loaves of bread shoved in, and the mouth closed to retain
the heat. A receptacle for water stands in front of our oven (_f_), a
convenience for moistening the surface of the loaves while baking. The
front of the oven (at _c_) was connected with the rooms on either
side, as may be more clearly seen by referring to Fig. 219. In the
kneading room (18), where were found remains of a large table and
shelves, the loaves were made ready, and could be passed through one
opening to the front of the oven; the hot loaves could be conveniently
passed through the other opening into the storeroom (19).

  [Illustration: Fig. 224.--Kneading machine, plan and section.]

In many establishments a machine was used for kneading; the best
example is in a bakery on the north side of Insula xiv in Region VI.
Such kneading machines are seen also in ancient representations of the
baker's trade, as in the reliefs of the tomb of Eurysaces, near the
Porta Maggiore at Rome.

The dough was placed in a round pan of lava a foot and a half or two
feet in diameter. In this a vertical shaft revolved, to the lower part
of which two or three wooden arms were attached (three in Fig. 224);
the one at the bottom was strengthened by an iron crosspiece on the
under side, the projecting centre of which turned in a socket below.
The side of the pan was pierced in two or three places for the
insertion of wooden teeth, so placed as not to interfere with the
revolution of the arms. As the shaft was turned, the dough was pushed
forward by the arms and held back by the teeth, being thus thoroughly
kneaded. Modern kneading machines are constructed on the same
principle, but have two sets of teeth on horizontal cylinders
revolving toward each other.



The work of the ancient fuller was twofold, to make ready for use the
cloth fresh from the loom, and to cleanse garments that had been worn.
As the garments used by the Romans were mainly of wool, and needed
skilful manipulation to retain their size and shape, they were
ordinarily sent out of the house to be cleansed; in consequence the
trade of the fuller was relatively important. In the part of Pompeii
thus far excavated we find two large fulleries and one smaller
establishment that can be identified with certainty; and there were
doubtless many laundries, with less ample facilities, the purpose of
which is not clearly indicated by the remains. The following account
of the processes employed relates exclusively to woollen fabrics.

At the time of the destruction of Pompeii, soap, a Gallic invention,
was only beginning to come into use; the commonest substitute was
fuller's earth, _creta fullonia_, a kind of alkaline marl. For raising
the nap, teasel does not seem to have been used, as with us, but a
species of thorn (_spina fullonia_) the spines of which were mounted
in a carding tool resembling a brush (_aena_); the skin of a hedgehog
also was sometimes utilized for this purpose.

The fulling of new cloth involved seven or eight distinct
processes,--washing with fuller's earth, or other cleansing agents, to
remove the oily matter; beating and stretching, to make the surface
even; washing and drying a second time, for cleaning and shrinking;
combing with a carding tool to raise the nap, brushing in order to
make it ready for clipping, and shearing to reduce the nap to proper
length; then, particularly in the case of the white woollens so
commonly used, bleaching with sulphur fumes; and finally, smoothing in
a large press. The process of cleaning soiled garments was more

A series of paintings in the largest of the fulleries, on the west
side of Mercury Street, picture several of these processes with great
clearness. They were on a large pillar at the front end of the
peristyle, from which they were removed to the Museum at Naples; they
supplement admirably the scenes of the Cupids' fullery in the house of
the Vettii, mentioned in a previous chapter (p. 335).

  [Illustration: Fig. 225.--Scene in a fullery: treading vats.]

In the first picture (Fig. 225), the clothes are being washed. They
are in four round treading vats, which stand in niches formed by a low
wall. One of the workmen is still treading his allotment, steadying
himself by resting his arms on the walls of the niche at both sides;
the other three have finished treading and are standing on the bottom
of their tubs, rinsing the garments before wringing them out.

  [Illustration: Fig. 226.--Scene in a fullery: inspection of cloth;
   carding; bleaching frame.]

The next scene (Fig. 226) is threefold. In the foreground at the left
sits a richly dressed lady, to whom a girl brings a garment that has
been cleaned; that the woman is not one of those employed in the
fullery is evident from her elaborate headdress, necklace, and
bracelets. In the background a workman dressed in a tunic is carding a
large piece of cloth. Near by another workman carries on his shoulders
a bleaching frame, over which garments were spread to receive the
fumes of the sulphur; he holds in his left hand the pot in which the
brimstone was burned. An owl, symbol of Minerva, who was worshipped by
fullers as their patron divinity, sits upon the frame; and the man
underneath has on his head a wreath of leaves from the olive tree,
which was sacred to the same goddess.

In the third picture a young man hands a garment to a girl; at the
right a woman is cleaning a carding tool. The fourth (Fig. 227) gives
an excellent representation of a fuller's press, worked by two upright
screws; it is so much like our modern presses as to need no
explanation. The festoons with which it is adorned are of olive

  [Illustration: Fig. 227.--A fuller's press.]

With these pictures before us, it will be easy to understand the plan
of the fullery on the west side of Stabian Street, opposite the house
of Caecilius Jucundus (Fig. 228). It was excavated in 1875. The
building was not originally designed for a fuller's establishment, but
for a private house, and part of the rooms were retained for domestic
use, as the well preserved kitchen (_d_), and some of the other rooms
opening off from the atrium (_b_). The furniture of the atrium--a
table in front of the impluvium, with a pedestal for a fountain
figure, and a marble basin to receive the jet--is like that of the
house the interior of which is shown in Plate VII.

The fuller's appliances are found in the shop next to the entrance
(21), and in the peristyle (_q_). In the former are the foundations
of three treading vats, and on the opposite side an oblong depression
in which the press was placed. The peristyle contains three large
basins of masonry for soaking and rinsing the clothes. A jet of water
fell into the one next the rear wall (3), from which it ran into the
other two through holes in the sides. Along the wall is a raised walk
(4) on a level with the top of the basins, into which the workmen
descended by means of steps. At the ends of this walk are places for
seven treading vats, five in one group, two in the other. The wall
above is decorated with a long sketchy painting, in which the fullers
are seen engaged in the celebration of a festival,--doubtless the
Quinquatrus, the feast of Minerva; the celebration is followed by a
scene before a magistrate, resulting from a fight engaged in by the
celebrants. A mass of fuller's earth was found in the passage at _m_.

  [Illustration: Fig. 228.--Plan of a fullery.]

From the receipts found in the house of Caecilius Jucundus, it appears
that this thrifty Pompeian, in the years 56-60 A.D., rented a fullery
belonging to the city. In view of the nearness of this establishment
to his house, it seems likely that he was in charge of the business
here. At the time of the eruption, however, the enterprise was in the
hands of Marcus Vesonius Primus, who lived in the house next door (No.
20), where a portrait herm, dedicated to him by his cashier
(_arcarius_), stands in the atrium; the house is often called the
house of Orpheus, from the large painting on the rear wall of the

To judge from the election notices painted on the front of the fullery
and on the houses at either side, Primus must have taken an active
interest in local politics. He was an ardent partisan, as witness this
inscription: _Cn. Helvium aed. d. r. p._ (for _aedilem, dignum re
publica_) _Vesonius Primus rogat_,--'Vesonius Primus urges the
election of Gnaeus Helvius as aedile, a man worthy of public office.'
The endorsement of Gavius Rufus is even stronger: _C. Gavium Rufum II
vir. o. v. f. utilem r. p. (duumvirum, oro vos, facite, utilem rei
publicae) Vesonius Primus rogat_,--'Vesonius Primus requests the
election of Gaius Gavius Rufus as duumvir, a man serviceable to public
interests; do elect him, I beg of you.'

In one of the shorter recommendations, Primus names his occupation:
_L. Ceium Secundum II v. i. d. Primus fullo ro[gat]_,--'Primus the
fuller asks the election of Lucius Ceius Secundus as duumvir with
judiciary authority.' On one occasion he united with his employees in
favoring a candidate for the aedileship: _Cn. Helvium Sabinum aed.
Primus cum suis fac[it]_,--'Primus and his household are working for
the election of Gnaeus Helvius Sabinus as aedile.'

The fullery on Mercury Street, like that just described, had been made
over from a private house, built in the pre-Roman period. Among other
changes, the columns of the large peristyle were replaced by massive
pillars of masonry supporting a gallery above for the drying of
clothes. At the rear are four square basins, the two larger of which
are more than seven feet across; the water passed from one to the
other as in the basins of Primus's fullery. In the corner near the
last basin are six rectangular niches for treading vats, separated by
a low wall, the purpose of which is clear from Fig. 225. There is a
vaulted room at the right of the peristyle, with a cistern curb, a
large basin of masonry, and a stone table. Here a substance was found
which the excavators supposed to be soap, but which was doubtless
fuller's earth, like that found in the establishment on Stabian

       *       *       *       *       *

There were naturally fewer tanners than fullers; and so far only one
tannery has been discovered. That is a large establishment, however,
filling almost an entire block near the Stabian Gate (Ins. I. v),
excavated in 1873. Like the two larger fulleries, it occupied a
building designed for a house. The appliances of the craft are found
in only a small part of the structure; they relate to two
processes,--the preparation of the fluids used for tanning, and the
manipulation of the hides.

The mixture for the tan vats was prepared in a tank under a colonnade
opening on the garden. It could be drawn off through two holes in the
side into a smaller basin below, or conducted by means of a gutter
running along the wall to three large earthen vessels.

  [Illustration: Fig. 229.--Plan of the vat room of the tannery.]

The vats, fifteen in number, are in a room formerly used as an atrium
(Fig. 229). They are about 5 feet in diameter, and from 4 to about 5œ
feet deep; they were built of masonry, and plastered; two holes were
made in the side of each to serve as a convenience in climbing in and
out. Between adjacent pairs of pits was an oblong basin about twenty
inches deep, lined with wood. On either side of this was a large
earthen jar, sunk in the earth; a small, round hole between the basin
and each jar seems to mark the place of a pipe tile, connected with
the former at the bottom. The large pits were for ordinary tanning;
the oblong basins were probably used in making fine leather (_aluta_),
a process in which alum was the principal agent, the chemicals being
placed in the jars on either side, and supplied to the basins through
the pipe tiles.

In the same building four tools were found, similar to those used by
tanners at the present time. One was a knife, of bronze, with a
charred wooden handle on the back of the blade; two were scraping
irons, with a handle on each end; and there was another iron tool with
a crescent-shaped blade.

The garden on which the colonnade opened contains an open-air
triclinium. The table was ornamented with a mosaic top, now in the
Naples Museum, with a characteristic design (Fig. 230). The principal
motive is a skull; below is a butterfly on the rim of a wheel, symbols
of the fluttering of the disembodied soul and of the flight of time.
On the right and on the left are the spoils that short-lived man
leaves behind him,--here a wanderer's staff, a wallet, and a beggar's
tattered robe; there, a sceptre, with a mantle of royal purple. Over
all is a level, with the plumb line hanging straight, symbolic of
Fate, that sooner or later equalizes the lots of all mankind. The
thought of the tanner, or of the earlier proprietor of the house, is
easy to divine: _Mors aurem vellens, Vivite, ait, venio_,

     'Death plucks my ear, and says,
       "Live!" for I come.'

  [Illustration: Fig. 230.--Mosaic top of the table in the garden of the



Wineshops, _cauponae_, were numerous in Pompeii, and the remains are
easily identified. Like the Italian _osterie_, they were at the same
time eating houses, but the arrangements for drinking were the more
conspicuous, and give character to the ruins. The Roman inn,
_hospitium_, or simply _caupona_, was a wineshop with accommodations
for the night, provision being also made in most cases for the care of
animals. Keepers of inns, _caupones_, are frequently mentioned in
Pompeian inscriptions, sometimes in election notices, more often in

Several inns have been identified from signs and from scribblings on
the walls within. At the entrance of one (west side of Ins. IX. vii)
is painted _Hospitium Hygini Firmi_, 'Inn of Hyginius Firmus.' The
front of the 'Elephant Inn' (west side of Ins. VII. i) was ornamented
with the painting of an elephant in the coils of a serpent, defended
by a pygmy. The name of the proprietor is perhaps given at the side:
_Sittius restituit elephantu[m]_, 'Sittius restored the elephant,'
referring no doubt to the repainting of the sign. Evidently the owner,
whether Sittius or some one else, was anxious to rent the premises;
below the elephant is the painted notice: _Hospitium hic
locatur--triclinium cum tribus lectis_,--'Inn to let. Triclinium with
three couches.' The rest of the inscription is illegible.

The plan of another inn in the same region (west side of VII. xii)
well illustrates the arrangements of these hostelries (Fig. 231). The
main room (_a_), which probably served as a dining room, is entered
directly from the street. At one side is the kitchen (_h_); six
sleeping rooms (_b-g_) open upon the other sides. But the landlord did
not provide merely for the entertainment of guests from out of town;
he endeavored to attract local patronage also, by means of a wineshop
(_n_), which opened upon the street and had a separate dining room
(_o_). A short passage (_i_) led from the main room to the stalls
(_k_), in front of which was a watering trough. The vehicles were
probably crowded into the recess at _m_, or the front of _a_. The two
side rooms (_l_ and _p_) were closets.

  [Illustration: Fig. 231.--Plan of an inn.]

The walls of several of the rooms contain records of the sojourn of
guests. C. Valerius Venustus, 'a pretorian of the first cohort,
enrolled in the century of Rufus,' scratched his name on the wall of
_c_, to which also an affectionate husband confided his loneliness:
'Here slept Vibius Restitutus all by himself, his heart filled with
longings for his Urbana.' Four players, one of them a Martial, passed
a night together in the same apartment. In the next room (_d_) a
patriotic citizen of Puteoli left a greeting for his native town:
'Well be it ever with Puteoli, colony of Nero, of the Claudian line;
C. Julius Speratus wrote this.' This city, as we learn from Tacitus,
received permission from Nero to call itself Colonia Claudia
Neronensis. Lucifer and Primigenius, two friends, spent a night in
room _f_, Lucceius Albanus of Abellinum (Avellino) in _g_.

The arrangement of rooms here is so unlike that of an ordinary house
that the building must have been designed at the beginning for a
tavern. Sometimes a dwelling was turned into an inn, as in the case of
the house of Sallust, which, as we have seen, in the last years of the
city must in part at least have been used as a hostelry.

Inns near the gates had a paved entrance for wagons, interrupting the
sidewalk. A good example is the inn of Hermes, in the first block on
the right as one came into the city by the Stabian Gate (Fig. 232). On
either side of the broad entrance (_a_), are winerooms (_b_, _d_).
Behind the stairway at the right, which leads from the street to the
second story, is a hearth with a water heater. On the wall at the left
was formerly a painting with the two Lares and the Genius offering
sacrifice; below was the figure of a man pouring wine from an amphora
into an earthen hogshead (_dolium_), and beside it was written
_Hermes_, apparently the name of the proprietor. The wagons stood in
the large room at the rear (_f_), with which the narrow stable (_k_)
is connected; in one corner is a watering trough of masonry. On the
ground floor were only three sleeping rooms (_e_, _g_, and _h_), but
there were upper rooms at the rear, reached by a flight of stairs in
_f_; these were probably not connected with the upper rooms of the
front part, which (over _a_, _b_, _c_, _d_, _e_), having a street
entrance, may have been rented separately.

  [Illustration: Fig. 232.--Plan of the inn of Hermes.]

The Pompeian inns were doubtless fair representatives of their class
in the different Roman cities. Those of Rome must have been numerous,
but are rarely mentioned, and innkeepers are generally referred to in
terms of disrespect. The ordinary charges seem to have been low, and
the accommodations were of a corresponding character. Owing to the
universal custom of furnishing private entertainment to all with whom
there existed any ground of hospitality, places of public
entertainment tended to become the resorts of the vicious.

  [Illustration: Fig. 233.--Plan of a wineshop.]

       *       *       *       *       *

The wineshop of which the plan is here given (Fig. 233) is on the east
side of Mercury Street, at the northwest corner of Ins. VI. x. It was
designed not only for the accommodation of guests who would go inside
to partake of refreshments, but also for the sale of drinks over the
counter to those who might stop a moment in passing. This is evident
from the arrangement of the main room (_a_), which has a long counter
in front, with a series of small marble shelves arranged like stairs
on one end of it, for the display of cups and glasses; on the other is
a place for heating a vessel over a fire. Large jars are set in the
counter, in which liquids and eatables could be kept. In the corner of
the room, at the right as one enters, a hearth is placed. In view of
the provision for heating water, we are safe in calling this a
_thermopolium_, a wineshop which made a specialty of furnishing hot
drinks. The passage at the rear of the hearth (_c_) is connected with
a small room (_d_) and also with the adjoining house, which may have
been the residence of the proprietor, or may have been used for

  [Illustration: Fig. 234.--Scene in a wineshop. Wall painting.]

The long room with an entrance from the side street (_b_, now walled
up) was intended for the use of those who preferred to eat and drink
at their leisure. The walls are decorated with a series of paintings
presenting realistic scenes from the life of such places. We see the
guests eating, drinking, and playing with dice. Some are standing,
others sitting on stools; it is the kind of public house that Martial
calls a 'stool-ridden cookshop,' in which couches were not provided,
but only seats without backs (Mart. Ep. V. lxx. 3).

In one of the scenes (Fig. 234) four men are drinking, about a round
table, while a boy waits on them; two of the figures have pointed
hoods like those seen to-day in Sicily and some parts of Italy.
Strings of sausage, hams, and other eatables hang from a pole
suspended under the ceiling.

  [Illustration: Fig. 235.--Delivery of wine. Wall painting.]

Some of the figures in the pictures are accompanied by inscriptions.
Thus by the side of a guest for whom a waiter is pouring out a glass
of wine is written: _Da fridam pusillum_, 'Add cold water--just a
little.' In a similar connection we read, _Adde calicem Setinum_,
'Another cup of Setian!' The Setian wine came from a town in Latium at
the foot of the hills bordering the Pontine Marshes, now Sezze; we
infer that our wineshop sold not merely the products of neighboring
vineyards, but choice brands from other regions as well. Wines from
the locality were probably brought to town in amphorae; the delivery
of a consignment from a distance is shown in a separate scene (Fig.
235), in which amphorae are being filled from a large skin on a wagon;
the team of mules is meanwhile resting, unharnessed, the yoke hanging
on the end of the pole.

The pictures present the life of a tavern from the point of view of
the landlord; but occasionally we have a suggestion of the other side,
as in the following couplet, the faulty spelling of which we can
forgive on account of its pithiness: _Talia te fallant utinam
me[n]dacia, copo, Tu ve[n]des acuam et bibes ipse merum_,--

     'Landlord, may your lies malign
       Bring destruction on your head!
     You yourself drink unmixed wine,
       Water sell your guests instead.'

The wineshop in which this graffito is found (I. ii. 24) is larger
than that on Mercury Street, and has several dining rooms. Connected
with it is a garden with a triclinium, once shaded by vines, which
calls to mind the invitation of the barmaid in the Copa:--

     'Here a garden you will find,
       Cool retreat, with cups and roses,
     Lute and pipe, for mirth designed,
       Bower that mask of reeds encloses.

     'Come, weary traveller, lie and rest
       'Neath the shade of vines o'er-spreading.
     Wreath of roses freshly pressed
       On your head its fragrance shedding.'

All the pictures found in Pompeian wineshops bear out the inference,
based upon numerous allusions in classical writers, that such places
everywhere were in the main frequented by the lower classes; among the
adjectives applied to taverns by the poets are 'dirty,' 'smoky,' and
'black.' They were haunted by gamblers and criminals, and the life was
notoriously immoral.

  [Illustration: PLAN V.--THE STREET OF TOMBS.]



     16-23. TOMBS--GROUP III.

       16. Unfinished tomb.
       17. Tomb of Umbricius Scaurus.
       18. Round tomb.
       19. Sepulchral enclosure.
       20. Tomb of Calventius Quietus.
       21. Sepulchral enclosure of Istacidius Helenus.
       22. Tomb of Naevoleia Tyche.
       23. Triclinium Funebre.


     1-4 _a_. TOMBS--GROUP I.

       1. Sepulchral niche of Cerrinius Restitutus.
       2. Sepulchral bench of A. Veius.
       3. Tomb of M. Porcius.
       4. Sepulchral bench of Mamia.
       4 _a_. Tomb of the Istacidii.


     C. BAY ROAD.


     33-43. TOMBS--GROUP IV.

       33. Unfinished tomb.
       34. Tomb with the marble door.
       35. Unfinished tomb.
       36. Sepulchral enclosure with small pyramids.
       37. Tomb of Luccius Libella.
       38. Tomb of Ceius Labeo.
       39. Tomb without a name.
       40. Sepulchral niche of Salvius.
       41. Sepulchral niche of Velasius Gratus.
       42. Tomb of M. Arrius Diomedes.
       43. Tomb of Arria.

     31-32. SAMNITE GRAVES.

     10-30. VILLA.

       10, 11, 13, 14. Shops.
       12. Garden belonging to Tombs 8 and 9.
       15. Street entrance of Inn.
       16-28. Rooms belonging to the Inn.
       29-30. Potter's establishment.

     1-9. TOMBS--GROUP II.

       1. Tomb without a name.
       2. Sepulchral enclosure of Terentius Felix.
       3, 4. Tombs without names.
       5. Sepulchral enclosure.
       6. Garland tomb.
       7. Sepulchral enclosure.
       8. Tomb of the Blue Glass Vase.
       9. Sepulchral niche.


     B. CITY WALL.







The tombs of Pompeii, like those of Rome, were placed in close array
along the sides of the roads that led from the city gates. Only a few
have been uncovered; how many still lie concealed under the mantle of
volcanic débris that rests upon the plain, no one has yet ventured to
conjecture. The tombstone of a magistrate of one of the suburbs was
found at Scafati, a mile and a half east of the ancient town; and
others have been brought to light on the east, south, and west sides.
The most interesting and best known tombs are those of the Street of
Tombs, in front of the Herculaneum Gate; but important remains have
been found also near the Stabian and Nocera gates, and burial places
of a humbler sort lie along the city wall near the Nola Gate.

Most of the tombs thus far excavated belong to the Early Empire,
having been built between the reign of Augustus and 79 A.D. Two or
three date from the end of the Republic; and a small corner of an
Oscan cemetery has been uncovered on the northwest side of the city.
Remains of skeletons were found only in the Oscan graves; the Roman
burial places were all arranged with reference to the practice of
cremation, the ashes being deposited in urns.

The tombs present so great a variety of form and construction that it
is impossible to classify them in a summary way, or to dismiss them
with the presentation of two or three typical examples. The character
of the monument varied not merely according to the taste and means,
but also according to the point of view or religious feeling of the
builder. Some deemed it more fitting that the ashes of the dead should
be covered over with earth; others preferred to place them in a
conspicuous tomb that would please the eye and impress the imagination
of the beholder. To many the matter of paramount importance seemed to
be the provision for the worship of the dead, the arrangement of the
tomb so that offerings could easily be made to the ashes. Others still
desired to have the sepulchre convenient for the living, who at times
would gather there, and tarry near the resting place of the departed.
And there were not a few who attempted, in the construction of a
monument, to accomplish at the same time several of these ends. The
architectural designs were suggested by the form of an altar, a
temple, a niche, a commemorative arch, or a semicircular bench,

On account of this diversity of aim and of type, it will be most
convenient to study the tombs in topographical groups, commencing with
those at the northwest corner of the city.

       *       *       *       *       *

The highway that passes under the Herculaneum Gate runs almost
directly west, descending with a gentle grade. Above it on the north
side is the ridge formed by the stream of lava on the end of which the
city lay; here, before the eruption, were sightly villas. Below, to
the south, was the sea, not so far away as now, over the shimmering
surface of which the traveller, as he rode along, could catch charming
glimpses of the heights above Sorrento and of Capri. A short distance
from the gate on the left, a branch road, which for convenience we may
call the Bay Road, led directly to the sea. Another branch, on the
right, followed the direction of the city wall; further from the gate
on the same side, a third, which may be designated as the Vesuvius
Road, ran off from the highway in the direction of the mountain. The
highway itself, so far as excavated, has been named the Street of

The tombs that have been uncovered here are distributed in four
groups. The first, on the left side, extends from the gate to the Bay
Road; it comprises Nos. 1-4a on Plan V. The second, on the right
(Nos. 1-9), includes the tombs between the gate and the beginning of
the Vesuvius Road. The third group, on the left, lies between the
ruins of the villa to which the name of Cicero has been attached and
the villa of Diomedes; the tombs are numbered on the plan 16-23. The
monuments of the fourth group occupy the tongue of ground at the right
between the highway and the Vesuvius Road (33-43). The outer parts of
the two villas by which the continuity of the series of tombs on both
sides is interrupted, appear to have been used as inns; along the
street in front of each there was a colonnade supported by pillars,
behind which were small rooms opening toward the street.

At the further end of the villa on the right (10-29) is the potter's
workshop (29-30), mentioned in a previous chapter (p. 386). Beyond
this are the Oscan graves (31-32), several of which have been
explored. In them were found rough stone coffins, made of slabs and
fragments of limestone, containing remains of skeletons together with
small painted vases, of the sort manufactured in Campania in the third
and second centuries B.C. Two coins were found, in separate graves,
with Oscan legends that have not yet been deciphered; apparently they
were from Nola. The burial places lie close together, and evidently
belong to a cemetery for people of humble station; there are no
headstones to mark the graves. This is the only place at Pompeii in
which painted vases have been found.

A narrow strip of land on each side of the road belonged to the city,
and burial lots therein were granted by the municipal council to
citizens who had rendered public service. Others, however, might
obtain lots by purchase; private ownership may be assumed unless the
gift of the city is indicated in the inscription. The location of
several tombs--1, 3, 4, 6 on the right, 3 on the left--shows that the
direction of the street near the gate was changed after sepulchral
monuments had begun to be erected.

An interesting inscription referring to the municipal ownership of
land was found at the further corner of the Bay Road: _Ex auctoritate
imp. Caesaris Vespasiani Aug. loca publica a privatis possessa T.
Suedius Clemens tribunus causis cognitis et mensuris factis rei
publicae Pompeianorum restituit_,--'By virtue of authority conferred
upon him by the Emperor Vespasian Caesar Augustus, Titus Suedius
Clemens, tribune, having investigated the facts and taken
measurements, restored to the city of Pompeii plots of ground
belonging to it which were in the possession of private individuals.'

To judge from the location of the inscription, the land which the
military tribune sent as commissioner by Vespasian gave back to the
city, must have been at the sides of the Bay Road. A marble statue of
a man dressed in a toga and holding a scroll in his hand, was found
near by. It was probably a portrait of Suedius Clemens, and may have
stood in a niche in the villa of Cicero.

There is an implied reference to the Bay Road also in another
inscription which was found out of its proper place, in the court of
the adjoining inn: THERMAE · M · CRASSI · FRVGI · AQVA · MARINA ·
ET · BALN · AQVA · DVLCI · IANVÁRIVS · L--'Bathing establishment of
Marcus Crassus Frugi. Warm sea baths and freshwater baths.
(Superintendent) the freedman Januarius.' We learn from Pliny the
Elder that M. Licinius Crassus Frugi, who was consul in 64 A.D., and
was afterwards (in 68) put to death by Nero, owned a hot spring which
gushed up out of the sea. This spring, then, was at Pompeii, and was
utilized for baths. The inscription is at the same time an
advertisement and a sign directing people down the Bay Road to the
bath house.

A general view of the Street of Tombs is given in Plate X. It is taken
from the high ground beyond the fourth group, as one looks toward the
Herculaneum Gate. The rugged mass of Monte Sant' Angelo looms up in
the distance; at the right the trees skirting the edge of the
excavations form an effective background. The beauty of the
surroundings, especially on a summer morning, the associations of the
street, its deserted appearance, and the unbroken, oppressive
stillness give rise to mingled feelings of pleasure and sadness in the

We commence our survey with the first group of tombs at the left as
one passes out from the Herculaneum Gate. Close by the gate is the
tomb of Cerrinius Restitutus (1 on the plan, left side). It is simply
a low vaulted niche, having seats at the sides. Against the rear wall
stood a marble tombstone, with a place for a carved portrait; in front
of it was a small altar under which doubtless was placed the urn
containing the ashes. Both altar and tombstone (now in the Naples
Museum) have the inscription: _M. Cerrinius Restitutus, Augustalis,
loc. d. d. d._ (for _locus datus decurionum decreto_),--'Marcus
Cerrinius Restitutus, member of the brotherhood of Augustus. Place of
burial granted by vote of the city council.' The tomb here was
designed as a structure to which relatives might repair on anniversary
days in order to make offerings to the dead.

  [Illustration: Fig. 236.--Sepulchral benches of Veius and Mamia; tombs
   of Porcius and the Istacidii.]

The remains of the other tombs in the first group are shown in the
accompanying illustration (Fig. 236). We notice first two large
semicircular benches. That at the left (2 on the plan) marks the
resting-place of Veius. It is of tufa, and nearly twenty feet wide at
the front. The ends are modelled to represent winged lion's paws, the
carving of which is full of vigor and may be compared with that of the
lion's paws in the Small Theatre (Fig. 70). The statue that once stood
at the rear, on a high pedestal, has disappeared, but the inscription
remains: _A. Veio M. f. II vir. i. d. iter. quinq. trib. milit. ab
populo ex d. d._,--'To the memory of Aulus Veius, son of Marcus, twice
duumvir with judiciary authority, quinquennial duumvir, military
tribune by the choice of the people. (Erected) by order of the city
council.' The city not only gave a burial place, but built the tomb
as well. The cinerary urn was probably placed in the earth in the
narrow unwalled space behind the bench.

This monument was intended at the same time to do honor to the dead
and render service to the living. Here, on feast days of the dead,
relatives could gather and partake of a commemorative meal; but at all
times the inviting seat and conspicuous statue served to maintain that
friendly relation with the living, the desire for which so often finds
expression in Roman epitaphs. The portrait and inscription made it
seem as if Veius himself offered a friendly greeting to those that
passed by, and was greeted by them in turn as they looked upon his
face and read his name.

The other bench (4) was evidently built by the heirs of a priestess,
Mamia, upon a lot given by the city. The inscription appears in large
letters on the back of the seat: _Mamiae P. f. sacerdoti publicae;
locus sepultur[ae] datus decurionum decreto_,--'To the memory of
Mamia, daughter of Publius Mamius, priestess of the city. Place of
burial granted by order of the municipal council.' In this instance,
also, the cinerary urn was probably buried in the earth behind the
bench. A certain delicacy in the modelling of the lion's paws seems to
indicate for this monument a somewhat later date than that of the
monument to Veius,--possibly the end of the reign of Augustus, or the
reign of Tiberius. The date of erection is not given in the case of
any Pompeian tomb.

Between the two benches we see a lava base and the core of a
superstructure; they belong to the tomb of Marcus Porcius. The name is
known from a boundary inscription which appears on two small blocks of
lava at the corners of the lot in front: _M. Porci M. f. ex dec.
decret. in frontem ped. xxv, in agrum ped. xxv_,--'(Lot) of Marcus
Porcius son of Marcus, granted by order of the city council;
twenty-five feet front, twenty-five feet deep.'

This Porcius may have been one of the builders of the Small Theatre
and the Amphitheatre, or a son of that Porcius, whose name appears on
the altar of the temple of Apollo. The tomb was in the form of an
altar; the terminal volutes at the top, of travertine, have been
preserved. The sides were of tufa blocks, which may have been carried
off for building purposes after the tomb was damaged by the earthquake
of 63. The interior was made hollow to save expense; there was no
sepulchral chamber, the ashes being placed in the earth under the
monument. This tomb is the oldest of the group.

  [Illustration: Fig. 237.--The tomb of the Istacidii, restored.]

The conspicuous monument of the   (4_a_) stands behind the
tombs of Mamia and Porcius, at the left of the Bay Road. It is raised
upon a narrow terrace, enclosed by a balustrade of masonry, and has
the appearance of a temple, with half-columns at the sides. The
remains of the lower story alone are seen in Fig. 236; above this was
a circular structure formed by columns supporting a roof, under which
were placed statues of members of the family (Fig. 237). The lower
story contains a sepulchral chamber, entered by a door at the rear; in
the middle of the chamber is a massive pillar reaching to the vaulted
ceiling. The decoration of the room is simple, of the third style. On
one side is a large niche, for two urns, those of the head of the
family and his wife; the other three sides contain ten smaller niches.

The principal inscription of the tomb has not been found, but a number
of names are preserved on the commemorative stones set up in the plot
of ground about it. These stones are of a peculiar type, met with
elsewhere only at Capua and Sorrento; we shall call them bust stones.
The outline resembles that of a human head and neck terminating below
in a pillar, but the front was left smooth, and an inscription was cut
or painted on the bust. Difference of sex was indicated by the
treatment of the hair; an example maybe seen in Fig. 240. The bust
stones of men are generally larger than those of women; those of
children are still smaller, the size perhaps varying with the age.

The bust stones here may refer to those whose ashes were deposited in
urns in the tomb, or to others whose urns were buried in the plot of
ground in which it stands. From them we learn that the head of the
family was Numerius Istacidius, and that he had a daughter, Istacidia
Rufilla, who was a priestess. Representatives of two other families,
the Melissaei and the Buccii, are named on similar stones found in a
plot connected with that of the Istacidii at the rear. The three
families were perhaps closely connected by intermarriage. The bust
stone of one of the Melissaei, Gnaeus Melissaeus Aper, duumvir in 3-4
A.D., stood in the same enclosure with those of the Istacidii.

Only one of the nine tombs in the second group (2) bears a name. In
the case of two (3 and 4) the superstructure has completely
disappeared, leaving only the lava bases in place. Another (5) has not
been excavated; the front of the burial lot has been cleared, but the
monument, lying further back, is still covered.

The first tomb lies in the angle between the highway and the branch
road along the wall, which was evidently laid out after the monument
was erected. It has the form of an altar, and must have resembled in
appearance the tomb of Porcius on the opposite side of the street.
Here, however, there is a sepulchral chamber in the base, entered by a
low, narrow passage, which was closed until 1887 by a block of stone.
In corners of this chamber two cinerary urns, in lead cases, were
found covered with earth and with the remains of a funeral pyre--bits
of wood and iron nails used in building the pyre, together with pieces
of a richly carved ivory casket and broken perfume vials of terra
cotta. Among the fragments of bone in each urn was a coin of Augustus.
Though the ashes of the dead were here placed in a burial vault, it
was nevertheless considered important to cover them with earth. It was
not thought necessary, however, to leave the vault accessible for the
performance of sacred rites in honor of the dead; the entrance,
securely closed, was only to be unsealed for the admission of new

The next tomb (2) is of an entirely different type from any of those
previously described. It is an unroofed enclosure, entered by a door
at one end. As we learn from the inscription, it was built in honor of
Terentius Felix by his widow, the city furnishing the burial lot and a
contribution of two thousand sesterces (about $90) toward the expense:
_T. Terentio T. f. Men. Felici maiĂłri aedil[i]; huic publice locus
datus et [=HS] ∞ ∞. Fabia Probi f. Sabina uxor_,--'To the memory of
Titus Terentius Felix the Elder, son of Titus, of the tribe Menenia,
aedile. The place of burial was given by the city, with two thousand
sesterces. His wife, Fabia Sabina, daughter of Fabius Probus (built
this monument).' Pompeians who were Roman citizens were enrolled in
the tribe Menenia.

The cinerary urn of Felix was of glass. It was protected by a lead
case and placed in an earthen jar, which was buried in the earth under
a small altar or table of masonry against the wall on the left as one
enters. Here also was a tombstone, with the inscription, 'To the elder
Terentius'; he probably left a son with the same name. In the urn, or
near it, were found two coins, one of Augustus, the other of Claudius,
deposited to pay the fare of Charon. The right side of the enclosure
was set off by a low wall; here several urns belonging to other
members of the household were buried. Shells of oysters and other
shellfish were found in the main room, remains of a banquet in honor
of the dead; the libations were poured upon the earth above the urns.
The plan of this tomb closely resembles that of the enclosure in front
of the Doric temple in the Forum Triangulare (p. 139).

  [Illustration: Fig. 238.--View of the Street of Tombs.

   At the left, the Bay Road and remains of the so-called villa of
   Cicero; at the right, Garland tomb, foundation of the tomb of the Blue
   Glass Vase, and semicircular niche.]

Of the remaining tombs of the second group, two are prominent, and may
readily be distinguished in the accompanying illustration (Fig. 238),
the so-called Garland tomb (6 on the plan), and the roofed
semicircular niche at the end (9). The Garland tomb has the shape of a
temple, with pilasters instead of columns, between which hang festoons
of leaves and flowers. It is solid; the cinerary urn was probably
placed underneath. The form of the second story cannot be determined.
The material is tufa, coated with white stucco, and the monument is
one of the oldest in the series, dating from the end of the Republic.

Adjoining the Garland tomb is a simple sepulchral enclosure (7) with
an entrance from the street. Between this and the roofed niche we see
in Fig. 238 the limestone base of a tomb, like those seen in Plate X,
at the right; the altar-shaped superstructure has disappeared (8).
This is called the tomb of the Blue Glass Vase. The base contains a
sepulchral chamber, entered by a door at the rear. Here three urns,
two of glass and one of terra cotta, were found, standing in niches.
On the floor were several statuettes, a couple of small figures of
animals, and a mask with a Phrygian cap,--all of terra cotta.

In beauty of material, harmony of design, and skill of workmanship,
one of the glass urns, which gave the name to the tomb and is now
preserved in the Naples Museum, ranks with the finest examples of its
class in the world. Among specimens of ancient glass it stands second
only to the famous Portland vase in the British Museum, which was
found in a tomb near Rome. The urn has the form of an amphora; the
support seen at the bottom (Fig. 239) is modern. It is decorated with
reliefs cut in a layer of pure white on a background of dark blue.
Near the bottom is a narrow band, showing goats and sheep in pasture.
Resting on this are two bacchic masks, on opposite sides of the vase;
vines laden with clusters rise in graceful arabesques above the masks,
dividing the body of the vase into two fields, which present scenes
from the vintage.

One of these scenes is reproduced in Fig. 239. The vintage is
interpreted as a festival of Bacchus. Above is a festoon of fruits and
flowers. At the sides are two boys on elevated seats, one playing the
double flute, the other holding a Pan's pipe in his hands, ready to
take his turn; the grapes are gathered and pressed to an accompaniment
of Bacchic airs, the two players following each other with alternate
strains. A third boy, treading the grapes in a round vat, shakes the
thyrsus in honor of the Wine-god, while a companion empties in fresh
bunches. The scene is full of action; no reproduction can do justice
to the delicacy and finish of the original.

  [Illustration: Fig. 239.--Glass vase with vintage scene, found in the
   tomb of the Blue Glass Vase.]

A bench of masonry runs along the inner wall of the semicircular niche
(9), which is covered by a roof in the form of a half dome and opens
upon the street as do the large unroofed monuments of Veius and Mamia.
A blank marble tablet was placed in the gable; the builder of the
monument, who was doubtless living at the time of the eruption,
preferred to leave it to his heirs to add the memorial inscription,
but the disaster interfered with the fulfilment of his wishes. It was
probably intended to bury the cinerary urn either in the floor of the
niche or in the ground at the rear. The effect of the double series of
pilasters at the corners, placed one upon the other without an
intervening entablature, and of the fantastic stucco decoration of the
gable, is not unpleasing, although the designs are far from classical;
the tiles shown in the illustration are modern. The inner wall is
painted in red and black panels; the vaulted ceiling, from which the
stucco has now fallen, was moulded to represent a shell.

Both the niche and the tomb of the Blue Glass Vase seem to have
belonged to the adjoining villa. The stucco decoration of the villa in
its main features is identical with that of the niche; and the plot of
ground behind the tombs is connected by a gateway with a garden of the
villa (12 on the plan), which was too richly adorned to have been
intended for the use of the occupants of the inn. In the middle of the
garden was a pavilion supported by four mosaic columns (now in the
Naples Museum), similar to that in the garden of the villa of
Diomedes, and to others belonging to city houses. A mosaic fountain
niche was made in the rear wall facing the entrance from the street,
and in two corners were short columns on which were placed small
figures,--on one a boy with a hare, in marble, on the other a frog of
glazed terra cotta.

Nevertheless, the garden seems to possess a distinctly sepulchral
character. Besides the entrances from the tombs and from the street,
there was a third, which led into a court of the villa, with which the
peristyle and living rooms were connected by a passageway; in the
corner of the court nearest the garden, and facing the entrance from
the street (15), was an elaborate domestic shrine, dedicated, as shown
by the symbolical decoration, to Apollo, Bacchus, Hercules, and
Mercury. The relation of the garden with the living rooms of the villa
was only indirect; and we conclude that it was intended for gatherings
and sacred rites in honor of the dead. Relatives could partake of the
sepulchral banquet under the pavilion.

The tombs of the third group, as may be seen from Plate X, form a
stately series. The prevailing type is that which was in vogue at the
time of the destruction of the city--a high base, with marble steps at
the top leading up to a massive superstructure in the form of an
altar, faced with marble. The burial plot was enclosed by a low wall.
In the base of the tomb was a sepulchral chamber, entered by a door in
the rear or at one side; it was now the custom for relatives to enter
the burial vault when they wished to pour libations on the ashes.

The first of the series (16 on the plan, seen in Plate X next to the
cypress) was unfinished at the time of the eruption. Part of the
marble veneering had not yet been added, the walls of the sepulchral
chamber were in the rough, and there were no urns in the five niches
designed for their reception. In the burial plot surrounding the tomb,
however, a marble bust stone was found (Fig. 240) with the
inscription, _Iunoni Tyches Iuliae Augustae Vener[iae]_,--'To the
Genius of Tyche, slave of Julia Augusta,--of the cult of Venus.'

  [Illustration: Fig. 240.--Bust Stone of Tyche, slave of Julia

The reference is plainly to a female slave of Livia, the wife of
Augustus; how her ashes came to be deposited here it is not worth
while, in default of information, to conjecture. In sepulchral
inscriptions of women _Iunoni_ sometimes takes the place of _genio_ in
men's epitaphs. Tyche was seemingly a member of a sisterhood for the
worship of Venus, to which, as to the organization of the 'Servants of
Mercury and Maia,' and of the 'Servants of Fortuna Augusta,' slaves
were admitted.

The tomb of Umbricius Scaurus (17) is conspicuous by reason of its
size and noteworthy on account of its decoration. The inscription on
the front of the altar-shaped superstructure gives interesting details
in regard to the man the memory of whom is here perpetuated: _A.
Umbricio A. f. Men. Scauro, II vir i. d.; huic decuriones locum
monum[ento] et [=HS] ∞ ∞ in funere et statuam equestr[em in f]oro
ponendam censuerunt. Scaurus pater filio_,--'To the memory of Aulus
Umbricius Scaurus son of Aulus, of the tribe Menenia, duumvir with
judiciary authority. The city council voted the place for a monument
to this man and two thousand sesterces toward the cost of the funeral;
they voted also that an equestrian statue in his honor should be set
up in the Forum. Scaurus the father to the memory of his son.'

Why these honors were conferred upon Scaurus, who probably became a
duumvir early in life and died soon after his term of office, is not
clear. The upper part of the base of the tomb in front was adorned
with stucco reliefs--now for the most part gone--in which gladiatorial
combats and a venatio were depicted; but a painted inscription along
the edge of one of the scenes indicates that the show thus
commemorated was given by another man, _N. Fistius Ampliatus; Munere
[N. Fis]ti Ampliati die summo_. Perhaps the last two words mean that
'on the last day' the younger Scaurus, a relative or friend of
Ampliatus, shared the cost of the exhibition under some such
arrangement as that between Lucretius Valens and his son (p. 222). If
this be the correct explanation, it is evident that Scaurus could have
given no shows in the Amphitheatre during his duumvirate, else the
father would have taken pains to mention the fact in the inscription.
His term of office may have come after the year 59, when such
exhibitions were prohibited at Pompeii for ten years (p. 220).

The gladiatorial scenes, if space permitted, would merit a detailed
presentation--they are so full of human interest. Two gladiators are
fighting on horseback, the rest on foot. The vanquished with uplifted
thumbs are mutely begging for mercy. The plea of some of them is
heeded by the populace; in other groups we see the victor preparing to
give the death thrust. Beside each gladiator was painted his name,
school, and number of previous combats, as in a programme; and letters
were added to give the result of this fight. One combatant, who was
beaten and yet by the vote of the audience permitted to live, died on
the sand from his wounds. We see him resting on one knee, faint from
loss of blood; the letter M beside his name, for _missus_, is
followed by the death sign Θ, the first letter of the Greek
word for death, Î˜Î‘ÎÎ‘Î€ÎŸÎŁ.

The animals shown in the venatio are mainly wild boars and bears, but
we recognize also a lion and a bull. Lions were doubtless much more
rarely seen in such exhibitions at Pompeii than at Rome.

As more attention came to be given to the outward appearance of tombs,
less was bestowed upon the adornment of the sepulchral chamber. So in
the tomb of Scaurus the burial vault is low, cramped, and with plain
white walls. A massive pillar, as in the tomb of the Istacidii,
supports the vaulted ceiling. It is pierced by two openings, forming
four niches, two on each side. Three of these, when the tomb was
opened, were closed by panes of glass, and there were traces of a
curtain that hung over the one opposite the entrance. There were
fourteen other niches in the walls at the sides.

No name is associated with the third tomb (18 on the plan) which, as
shown by Plate X, is simply a large cylinder of masonry, the top of
which probably had the shape of a truncated cone; the material is
brick, with a facing of white stucco lined off to give the appearance
of blocks of marble. The base is square; the enclosing wall is adorned
with miniature towers. The structure illustrates in its simplest form
the type of the massive tomb, or mausoleum, found at Rome; we are at
once reminded of the imposing monument of Caecilia Metella on the
Appian Way, and of Hadrian's Mausoleum in the city.

A blank tablet was placed by the builder on the front of the enclosing
wall to receive an inscription after his death. The heirs, however,
preferred to put the memorial on the tomb itself, where the place of
an inscription is plainly seen, the slab itself having disappeared.
The sepulchral chamber is in the superstructure; it was decorated with
simple designs in the fourth style on a white ground. There were only
three niches, perhaps for father, mother, and child; the urns were let
into the bottoms of the niches, as often in the Roman columbaria.

One of the miniature towers on the enclosing wall is ornamented with a
relief presenting a singular design; a woman in mourning habit is
laying a fillet on a skeleton reclining on a heap of stones (Fig.
241). The scene may be interpreted as symbolizing the grief of a
mother for a dead son.


There is only a simple bust stone in the burial lot (19) beyond the
round monument. Next comes the beautiful tomb of Calventius Quietus
(20), which may be seen in Plate X, as well as the tomb of Naevoleia
Tyche (22; further to the right). Between these two is a walled
enclosure (21) without a door, in which are three bust stones. The
largest stone bears the name N. Istacidius Helenus; in front of one of
the others a small jar was set to receive offerings for the dead. On
the front of the enclosing wall is a tablet on which the names of N.
Istacidius Januarius and of Mesonia Satulla appear with that of
Helenus; they were all freedmen of the Istacidii (p. 412).

The monuments of Quietus and of Tyche are the finest examples of the
altar type at Pompeii. Both are ornamented in good taste, but the
carvings of the former are more delicate, while the motives of the
latter are more elaborate. Quietus was a man of some prominence, as we
see from the epitaph: _C. Calventio Quieto Augustali; huic ob
munificent[iam] decurionum decreto et populi conse[n]su bisellii honor
datus est_,--'To the memory of Gaius Calventius Quietus, member of the
Brotherhood of Augustus. On account of his generosity the honor of a
seat of double width was conferred upon him by the vote of the city
council and the approval of the people.'

  [Illustration: Fig. 241.--Relief, symbolic of grief for the dead.]

At the Theatre and the Amphitheatre, Quietus had the privilege of
sitting on a bisellium, as if he were a member of the city council.
Below the inscription is a representation of the 'seat of double
width,' shown in Fig. 242. The square footstool at the middle implies
that the seat was intended for a single person. The ends of the tomb
were ornamented with finely carved reliefs of the civic crown, which
was made of oak leaves and awarded to those who had saved the life of
a Roman citizen (Fig. 243). As the inscription does not record any
deed of valor, it may be that the crown is used here merely as a
decorative device.

  [Illustration: Fig. 242.--Front of the tomb of Calventius Quietus,
   with bisellium.]

Though the monument of Quietus was built in the last years of the
city, when such structures were generally provided with sepulchral
chambers, it has no burial vault, and the enclosing wall is without a
door. It is perhaps a cenotaph, a monument erected in honor of a man
whose remains were interred elsewhere; it is also possible that
Quietus had no relatives who wished to have an accessible sepulchral
chamber in order to make libations to his ashes, and that for this
reason the monument was made solid, the urn being buried in the earth
underneath. The small turrets on the enclosing wall were adorned with
reliefs; among them Oedipus solving the riddle of the Sphinx, and
Theseus after the slaughter of the Minotaur. The suggestion is
obvious: he who is commemorated here had solved the riddle of
existence, had found an exit from the labyrinth of life.

Around the front and sides of the tomb of Naevoleia Tyche runs a
border of acanthus arabesques, forming panels in which reliefs are
placed. The border in front is interrupted at the middle of the upper
side by the portrait of Tyche; the lower half of the panel is devoted
to a ceremonial scene in which offerings appear to be made to the
dead, while in the upper half, under the portrait, we read the
inscription: _Naevoleia L. lib[erta] Tyche sibi et C. Munatio Fausto
Aug[ustali] et pagano, cui decuriones consensu populi bisellium ob
merita eius decreverunt. Hoc monimentum Naevoleia Tyche libertis suis
libertabusq[ue] et C. Munati Fausti viva fecit_,--'Naevoleia Tyche,
freedwoman of Lucius Naevoleius, for herself and for Gaius Munatius
Faustus, member of the Brotherhood of Augustus and suburban official,
to whom on account of his distinguished services the city council,
with the approval of the people, granted a seat of double width. This
monument Naevoleia Tyche built in her lifetime also for the freedmen
and freedwomen of herself and of Gaius Munatius Faustus,' who was
seemingly her husband.

  [Illustration: Fig. 243.--End of the tomb of Naevoleia Tyche, with
   relief of a ship entering port; beyond, end of the tomb of Calventius
   Quietus, with the civic crown.]

The bisellium of Faustus is shown in one of the end panels; in the
other we see a ship sailing into port (Fig. 243). The carving of the
relief is bold, though crude; we see the sailors furling the sail, as
the vessel glides into still water. The scene is symbolical of
death,--the entrance of the soul after the storms of life into a haven
of rest. The thought is expressed by Cicero with deep feeling in his
essay on Old Age: 'As for myself, I find the ripening of life truly
agreeable; the nearer I come to the time of death, the more I feel
like one who begins to see land and knows that sometime he will enter
the harbor after the long voyage.'

The sepulchral chamber of this tomb has a large niche opposite the
entrance; the urn standing in it apparently contained the cinerary
remains of two persons, Tyche and Faustus. Other urns were found in
the smaller niches in the walls and on the bench of masonry along the
sides. Three were of glass, protected by lead cases; one of them is
shown in Fig. 244. They contained ashes and fragments of bone, with
remains of a liquid mixture, which was shown by chemical analysis to
have consisted of water, wine, and oil. Lamps were found on the bench,
one for each urn, and there were others in a corner; they were used on
anniversary days to light the chamber.

  [Illustration: Fig. 244.--Cinerary urn in lead case.]

The last monument consists of a walled enclosure, with a table and
couches of masonry like those often found in the gardens of private
houses (Fig. 245). In front of the table is a small round altar for
libations. This was a place for banquets in honor of the dead,
_triclinium funebre_; a tomb designed to serve the convenience of the
living, like the niche of Cerrinius Restitutus and the benches of
Veius and Mamia. The walls were painted in the last style.

Over the entrance in front we read: _Cn. Vibrio Q. f. Fal. Saturnino
Callistus lib._,--'To the memory of Gnaeus Vibrius Saturninus son of
Quintus, of the tribe Falerna; erected by his freedman Callistus.' As
Saturninus did not belong to the tribe Menenia, he was very likely not
a native of Pompeii. His ashes were probably placed in an urn and
buried in the earth between the altar and the entrance.

There is every reason to suppose that the series of tombs on the south
side of the highway is continued beyond the villa of Diomedes; but it
has not yet been found possible to carry the excavations further in
that direction.

The tombs of the fourth group present no new types of design or
construction. Several of them are of interest, however, on account of
peculiarities of arrangement. At the time of the eruption two of the
monuments (33, 35) were in process of building; it is impossible to
tell what form they were to have. A third (36) had been commenced on a
large scale, but apparently the money of the heirs gave out, and
little pyramids were set up at the corners of the walled enclosure,
the urns being buried in the earth.

  [Illustration: Fig. 245.--Sepulchral enclosure with triclinium

Two of the monuments were erected for children (40, 41). They stand
near together on the high ground in the angle formed by the Vesuvius
Road. They are small vaulted niches, ornamented with reliefs in white
stucco, most of which has fallen off. The urn in each was placed in
the earth under the bottom of the niche, with a small pipe tile
leading to the surface, through which libations could be poured down
upon it. A tablet is set in the sustaining wall at the side of the
street below the larger niche (41), with the simple inscription, _N.
Velasio Grato, vix[it] ann. XII_,--'To the memory of Numerius Velasius
Gratus, who lived twelve years.' The inscription belonging to the
other niche was even more simple, giving no first name: _Salvius puer
vixit annis VI_,--'The boy Salvius lived six years.'

One tomb (34) is noteworthy on account of its door. This has the
appearance of a double door, but it is made of a single slab of
marble, and swings, like an ordinary Roman door, by means of pivots
which are fitted into sockets in the threshold and lintel. It was also
provided with a lock. The exterior of the tomb was unfinished; the
reticulate masonry still lacked its facing of more costly material.
The sepulchral chamber, however, contained several cinerary urns; one
of them, of alabaster, was in a large niche facing the entrance, and a
gold seal ring, with the figure of a deer in an intaglio, was found in
it among the ashes and fragments of bone. There were also several
lamps, a small altar of terra cotta, and a few glass perfume vials.
Two amphorae, of the sort used for wine, stood against the sides of
the chamber; such were sometimes utilized as repositories for ashes.

One of the volutes of the well preserved limestone tomb of M. Alleius
Luccius Libella (37) is seen in Plate X. The monument has the shape of
an altar, and is apparently solid. It was erected by the widow, Alleia
Decimilla, priestess of Ceres, in memory of her husband, who was
duumvir in 26 A.D., and of a son of the same name, who was a member of
the city council and died in his eighteenth year. The burial plot was
given by the city. As no opening was left in the monument, Decimilla
evidently planned to have her ashes deposited in another tomb, perhaps
that of her father's family.

The remaining four tombs are of the same type; the idea is that of a
temple, the columnar construction being suggested not by projecting
half-columns, as in the tomb of the Istacidii, but by more or less
prominent pilasters at the corners and on the sides. Two of the tombs
(38 and 39) stand where the tongue of land between the highway and the
Vesuvius Road begins to descend to the level of the pavement.

The remains of the tomb of Ceius Labeo (38) are shown in Plate X (in
the foreground, at the left). The appearance of this monument was
somewhat like that of the Istacidii; there was a second story, the
roof of which was supported entirely by columns; between these,
statues of members of the family were placed, of both men and women,
some of marble, others of tufa coated with stucco. The base was
ornamented with stucco reliefs, which have almost entirely
disappeared; above, in front, were two portrait medallions.

The large sepulchral chamber can be seen in the plate. The floor was
more than six feet below the surface of the ground. A vaulted niche in
the rear wall was connected with the outside by means of a small
opening at the top, through which libations could be poured or
offerings dropped upon the urn below. In the vicinity of the monument
was found the inscription: _L. Ceio L. f. Men. Labeoni iter[um] d. v.
i. d. quinq[uennali] Menomachus l[ibertus]_,--'To the memory of Lucius
Ceius Labeo son of Lucius, of the tribe Menenia, twice duumvir with
judiciary authority, also quinquennial duumvir; erected by his
freedman, Menomachus.'

There were bust stones in the plot belonging to this monument, and
also about the adjoining tomb (39); the names of those whose ashes
were deposited under the stones, in part, at least, seem to have been
painted upon the base of Labeo's tomb, but they were illegible at the
time of excavation. The adjoining tomb (39) is without a name, but was
built after that erected in honor of Labeo.

The tombs at the end of the fourth group (42, 43) belong to one
household. In the sustaining wall along the highway a sepulchral
tablet of tufa is seen with the inscription: _Arriae M. f. Diomedes
l[ibertus] sibi suis_,--'Diomedes, a freedman, for Arria, daughter of
Marcus Arrius, for himself and for his family.' On the elevation
directly above is his tomb, the end of which is seen in Plate X (in
the foreground). It bears the inscription: _M. Arrius Ↄ. l. Diomedes
sibi suis memoriae, magister pag[i] Aug[usti] Felic[is]
suburb[ani]_,--'Marcus Arrius Diomedes, freedman of Arria, magistrate
of the suburb Pagus Augustus Felix, in memory of himself and his

The abbreviation Ↄ. l. takes the place of _Gaiae libertus_, 'freedman
of Gaia,' the letter C, which stands for Gaius, being reversed; Gaia
is used, as in legal formulas, to show that the person referred to is
a woman. The slave Diomedes, after receiving his freedom, was entitled
to the use of the family name, and was known as Marcus Arrius
Diomedes. His mistress, as Roman ladies generally, was called not by a
first name, but by the feminine form of the family name, Arria, which
was as plainly suggested to a Roman reading the name Arrius followed
by the symbol as if it had been written in full.

On the front of the tomb we observe in stucco relief two bundles of
rods, _fasces_, with axes, having reference to the official position
of Diomedes as a magistrate of a suburb. The axes are quite out of
place. Suburban officers did not have the 'power of life and death';
the lictors of such magistrates carried bundles of rods without axes.
The vain display of authority reminds one of the pompous petty
official held up to ridicule by Horace in his Journey to Brundisium;
it suggests also the rods and axes painted on the posts at the
entrance of the dining room of Trimalchio, in Petronius's novel. The
tomb was constructed without a burial vault, but there were two bust
stones near by with names of freedmen of Diomedes.

The monument to Arria (43) lies further back; it fronts on the
Vesuvius Road. Diomedes found a way to reconcile happily his own love
of display with his duty to his former mistress; he built a larger
monument for her, but chose for his own the more conspicuous position.
The small sepulchral chamber of Arria's tomb contained nothing of
interest and is now walled up.



No part of the highway leading from the Nola Gate has yet been
excavated. In the year 1854, however, excavations were made for a
short distance along the city wall near this gate, and thirty-six
cinerary urns were found buried in the earth. In or near them were
perfume vials of terra cotta with a few of glass. Here in the
pomerium, the strip of land along the outside of the walls, which was
left vacant for religious as well as practical reasons, the poor were
permitted to bury the ashes of their dead without cost. In some cases
the place of the urn was indicated by a bust stone; often the spot was
kept in memory merely by cutting upon the outside of the city wall the
name of the person whose ashes rested here.

There was another cemetery of the poor a short distance southwest of
the Amphitheatre, south of the modern highway. It lay along a road
which branched off from the highway leading to Stabiae and ran east in
the direction of Nocera. Sepulchral remains were found here in
1755-57, and again in 1893-94, when further explorations were made.
They consist of cinerary urns, buried in the earth, with small glass
perfume vials in or near them, and a bust stone to mark the spot. A
few of the stones are of marble and bear a name; the great majority
are roughly carved out of blocks of lava, and if a name was painted on
the front it has disappeared.

Of special significance, in connection with these burial places, is
the arrangement for making offerings to the dead. In order that
libations might be poured directly upon the cinerary urns, these were
connected with the surface of the ground by means of tubes. In one
instance a lead pipe ran from above into an opening made for it in the
top of the lead case inclosing an urn. More often the connection was
made by means of round tiles; in the case of one urn, three tiles were
joined together, making a tube five feet long. The upper end of the
libation tube did not project from the ground, but was placed just
below the surface and covered with a flat stone; over this was a thin
layer of earth, which the relatives would remove on the feast days of
the dead. Pagan antiquity was never able to dissociate the spirit of
the dead from the place of interment; the worship of ancestors was in
no small degree the product of local associations.

In the vicinity of these remains is a sepulchral monument of modest
dimensions, which, as we learn from the tablet over the entrance, was
erected by Marcus Petasius Dasius in memory of his two sons, Severus
and Communis, and of a freedwoman named Vitalis. There was no floor in
the burial chamber; the urns were placed in the earth and marked by
bust stones, among which was one set up for Dasius himself, with the
initials M. P. D.

The Stabian Road has been excavated for but a short distance near the
gate. The only monuments completely cleared are two large,
semicircular benches, like those of Veius and Mamia (p. 409). At the
rear of each is a small sepulchral enclosure in which the urns were
buried. The memorial tablet belonging to the monument nearest the gate
has disappeared, but two boundary stones at the corners of the lot
bear the inscription: _M. Tullio M. f. ex d[ecurionum]
d[ecreto]_,--'To Marcus Tullius son of Marcus, in accordance with a
vote of the city council.' The Tullius named was perhaps the builder
of the temple of Fortuna Augusta (p. 132).

The inscription of the second bench, like that of Mamia, is cut in
large letters on the back of the seat: _M. Alleio Q. f. Men. Minio, II
v. i. d.; locus sepulturae publice datus ex d. d._,--'To the memory of
Marcus Alleius Minius son of Marcus, of the tribe Menenia, duumvir
with judiciary authority. The place of burial was given in the name of
the city by vote of the municipal council.'

A third bench, close to the second, lies under a modern house and has
not been uncovered. Further from the gate a rectangular seat, probably
belonging to the same series of monuments, was discovered in 1854, it
was built in memory of a certain Clovatius, duumvir, as shown by a
fragment of an inscription that came to light at the same time. From
still another tomb are reliefs with gladiatorial combats, now in the
Naples Museum.

With the exception of those near the Herculaneum Gate, the most
important tombs yet discovered at Pompeii are in a group beyond the
Amphitheatre, excavated in 1886-87. They are six in number, and lie
close together on both sides of a road which ran east from the Nocera
Gate, bending slightly to the north (Fig. 246). This road was not in
use in the last years of the city; the stones of the pavement and
sidewalk had been removed. The monuments, however, were large and
stately, erected by people of means, and the ruins are characteristic
and impressive. The tombs were built of common materials, stucco being
used on exposed surfaces instead of marble. The simplicity of
construction, and the shapes of the letters in the election notices
and other inscriptions painted on them, suggest a relatively early
date, which is confirmed by the age of the coins found in the urns;
the monuments belong to the early decades of the Empire.

  [Illustration: Fig. 246.--Plan of the tombs east of the Amphitheatre.]

The first tomb at the right (No. 1 on the plan) was built in the form
of a commemorative arch, with pilasters at the corners. Above was a
low cylinder surmounted by a truncated cone, on which stood a terminal
member in the shape of a pine cone, found near by. The cinerary urn
was buried in the earth below an opening in the floor of the passage
under the arch (shown in the plan). No name appears in connection with
this monument.

  [Illustration: Fig. 247.--View of two tombs east of the Amphitheatre.
   That at the left is No. 3 on the plan; the next is No. 4.]

Another monument of the arch type, that of Mancius Diogenes, is seen
on the opposite side of the street (5; Fig. 248). The structure is
shallow, the vaulted opening low. On the top of the arch were three
niches, in which stood three travertine statues; two of these, both of
women, have been preserved, and are of indifferent workmanship. A
marble tablet was placed in front, over the vault, with the
inscription, _P. Mancio P. l[iberto] Diogeni ex testamento arbitratu
Manciae P. l[ibertae] Dorinis_,--'To the memory of Publius Mancius
Diogenes, freedman of Publius Mancius; (the monument was erected) in
accordance with the terms of his will, under the direction of Mancia
Doris, freedwoman of Publius Mancius.'

There is a curious ambiguity in this inscription; we cannot tell
whether Doris, seemingly the wife of Diogenes, was manumitted by the
Publius Mancius who gave him his freedom, or by Diogenes himself after
he had gained his freedom and was entitled to use the name Publius
Mancius. Four bust stones stood in front of the tomb and two at the
rear, arranged as indicated on the plan; those in front are seen in
our illustration.

The tomb at the left of that just described (4; Fig. 247) is of
interest as showing the result of an attempt to blend the arch type
with that of the temple. A passage roofed with a flat vault runs
through the middle of the first story. The second story had the
appearance of a diminutive temple with four Corinthian columns in
front. The niche representing the cella was of the full width of the
tomb, and occupied two thirds of the depth; the other third was given
to the portico. Four statues of tufa coated with stucco that were
found here probably stood under the portico or in the intercolumniations,
where they would best be seen from below; three were statues of men,
the fourth of a woman.

The arrangement of the five bust stones in the vaulted passage is
indicated on the plan. The three nearest the street entrance bear the
name of a freedman, _L. Caesius L. l. Logus_,--'Lucius Caesius Logus,
freedman of Lucius Caesius,' and of Titia Vesbina and Titia Optata,
both evidently freedwomen manumitted by a lady named Titia. We are
probably safe in assuming that the two inmost stones, without names,
are those of Caesius and Titia, husband and wife, who gave Logus,
Vesbina, and Optata their freedom, and built the monument. It was not
necessary to place the names of the builders upon the commemorative
stones, because they were doubtless given in the memorial tablet in
front, which has disappeared. Coins of Augustus and Tiberius were
found in the urns.

One tomb (2) has the form of a niche, resembling those of the two
children near the end of the Street of Tombs (p. 425), but larger and
more costly than they. The corners are embellished with three-quarter
columns, which have Doric flutings and composite capitals. On the
walls at the entrance we see, modelled in stucco, doorposts with
double doors swung back. Two marble bust stones, the places of which
are indicated on the plan, show where the urns of the two most
important members of the family, Apuleius and his wife Veia, were
buried; their names doubtless appeared in an inscription on the front
of the monument. In one of the urns was found a coin of Tiberius of
the year 10 A.D. The other was enclosed in a lead case, and a lead
libation tube was extended from the ashes through both covers to the

The names of Apuleius and Veia are obtained from two other bust
stones, in front of the niche. One reads, _Festae Apulei f[iliae]
vix[it] ann[os] XVII_,--'To the memory of Festa, daughter of Apuleius,
who lived seventeen years.' The other has simply _[C]onviva Veiaes vix.
an. XX_,--'Conviva, slave of Veia, lived twenty years.' An as of the
time of the Republic was found in the urn of Conviva; and a square
tile, the upper end of which was closed by a piece of marble, served
as a libation tube for the urn of Festa.

  [Illustration: Fig. 248.--Two other tombs east of the Amphitheatre.
   Nos. 5, 6 on the plan.]

The two remaining tombs are of the temple type, one (3; Fig. 247)
having pilasters at the corners, the other half-columns at the corners
and on the sides (6). The first has a vaulted sepulchral chamber,
entered from the rear. On the inside of the wall next the street are
three low niches, the top of which is nearly on a level with the
sidewalk; each of them contained an urn. Directly over the inner
niches, in the outside of the wall and opening toward the street, are
three other niches, shown in the illustration, in the bottom of which
were libation tubes leading to the urns below. Relatives could thus
pour their offerings of wine or oil upon the urns without entering the
sepulchral chamber. Lava bust stones were placed against the back of
the outer niches. The hair on one of them is treated in a manner to
indicate that a woman is represented. The entrance of the tomb was
closed by a large block of lava. On account of the arrangement for
offering libations from the outside, it was not necessary to make the
burial vault easy of access.

The entrance to the other tomb (6; Fig. 248) was in front, and closed
by a door of limestone. It led, not to a sepulchral chamber, but to a
stairway by which one ascended to the second story. Here statues were
placed, but the exact form of the upper part cannot be determined. The
finding of five tufa capitals suggests that the second story may have
been a columnar structure, like that of the tomb of the Istacidii;
when the excavations are carried further east enough other fragments
will perhaps be found to make a complete restoration possible. One of
the statues is of a man holding a roll of papyrus in his hand, with a
round manuscript case, _scrinium_, at his feet.

Among the inscriptions painted on these tombs were two, relating to
gladiatorial combats, which have already been mentioned (p. 221). One
of the election notices, oddly enough, refers to a candidate for an
office in Nuceria: _L. Munatium Caeserninum Nuceriae II vir. quinq. v.
b. o. v. f._ (for _duumvirum quinquennalem, virum bonum, oro vos,
facite_),--'Make Lucius Caeserninus quinquennial duumvir of Nuceria, I
beg of you, he's a good man.' As long as the relations of the
Pompeians and Nucerians were friendly, the highway between the two
towns was doubtless much travelled by the citizens of both places.

If the visitor pauses to think of the religious feeling which the
ancients manifested generally in relation to their burial places, it
gives somewhat of a shock to see notices even of a semi-public
character painted in bright red letters upon tombs. All such
inscriptions, however, are surpassed in ludicrous incongruity with the
purpose of the monument by the following advertisement regarding a
stray horse: _Equa siquei aberavit cum semuncis honerata a. d. VII
Kal. Septembres_ (corrected into _Decembres_), _convenito Q. Deciu[m]
Q. l. Hilarum ... L. l. ... chionem, citra pontem Sarni fundo
Mamiano_,--'If anybody lost a mare with a small pack-saddle, November
25, let him come and see Quintus Decius Hilarus, freedman of Quintus
Decius, or ... (the name is illegible), freedman of Lucius, on the
estate of the Mamii, this side of the bridge over the Sarno.' The two
freedmen were very likely in partnership, working a farm belonging to
the family, one representative of which we have already met, Mamia the
priestess (p. 410).

A more serious desecration of burial places, after offerings to the
dead ceased to be made by relatives, or a family became extinct, was
probably not uncommon. Different families had different gods, and
those of one household were quite independent of those of another.
Ordinarily a man had no reason to fear or respect the gods of his
neighbor; notwithstanding the associations of worship connected with
tombs, the general feeling toward them was very different from that
manifested toward temples, where local divinities or the great gods
were worshipped. The most stringent regulations of the emperors could
not prevent the ransacking of the tombs about Rome for objects of
value, and the removal of their materials of construction for building
purposes. The superstructure of two of the monuments near the
Herculaneum Gate had disappeared apparently before the destruction of
the city, and of the tomb of Porcius only the core remained.





In the preceding pages the principal buildings of Pompeii have been
described, and reference has been made to many works of art. We shall
now offer a few observations of a more general nature in regard to the
remains of architecture, sculpture, and painting.

The different periods in the architectural history of the city have
been defined in a previous chapter. The most significant of these,
from every point of view, is that which we have called the Tufa
Period, which corresponds roughly with the second century B.C. Its
importance is chiefly due to the fact that it records for us a phase
of architectural development, a style, of which only slight traces are
found elsewhere,--in the East. It is the last offshoot of untrammelled
Hellenistic art in the field of construction; the architecture of the
following period was still derived from Hellenistic sources, but was
dominated by Roman conceptions, and received from Rome the impulse
that determined the direction of its development. The remains of the
Tufa Period at Pompeii furnish materials for a missing chapter in the
history of architecture.

As we have seen, the stone preferred in this period for all purposes
was the gray tufa. Where used for columns, pilasters, and
entablatures, it was covered with stucco; in plain walls it appeared
in its natural color. Unfortunately, the covering of stucco is
preserved in only a few cases; the best example is presented by an
Ionic capital in the first peristyle of the house of the Faun. The
stucco was generally white, but color was sometimes employed, as in
the Corinthian columns and pilasters of the exedra in the same house,
which are painted a deep wine red.

No other period of Pompeian art shows in an equal degree the impress
of a single characteristic and self-consistent style, alike in public
buildings, temples, and private houses, in the interior decoration as
well as in the treatment of exteriors. The wall decoration of the
first style is simply the adaptation of tufa construction to
decorative use. The motives are identical. The forms are the same, but
these naturally appear in a freer handling upon interior walls, the
effect being heightened by the use or imitation of slabs of marble of
various colors.

This style throughout gives the impression of roominess and largeness.
It is monumental, especially when viewed in contrast with the later
architecture of Pompeii. No building erected after the city became a
Roman colony can be compared, for ample dimensions and spatial
effects, with the Basilica. In the same class are the temples of
Jupiter and Apollo, with the impressive two-storied colonnades
enclosing the areas on which they stand; the contrast with the later
temples, as those of Fortuna Augusta and Vespasian, is striking. All
the more important houses of this period are monumental in design and
proportions, with imposing entrances, large and lofty atriums, and
high doors opening upon the atrium; the shops in front also were high,
and in two stories.

In point of detail, the architecture of the Tufa Period reveals less
of strength and symmetry than its stately proportions and modest
material would lead us to expect. The ornamentation is a debased
descendant of the Greek. It is characterized by superficial elegance,
together with an apparent striving after simplicity and an
ill-concealed poverty of form and color. Though the ornamental forms
still manifest fine Greek feeling, they lack delicacy of modelling and
vigor of expression. They are taken from Greek religious architecture,
but all appreciation of the three orders as distinct types, each
suited for a different environment, has disappeared. In consequence,
we often find a mixture of the orders, a blending of Doric, Ionic, and
Corinthian elements; and still more frequently do we meet with a
marked departure from the original proportions.

Thus in the court of the temple of Apollo and in the first peristyle
of the house of the Faun we see Ionic columns supporting a Doric
entablature; in the house of the Black Wall, Doric columns with an
Ionic entablature. The Doric architrave, contrary to rule, appears
divided into two stripes, not only in the colonnade of the Forum,
where the stripes represent a difference of material, but also in the
house of the Faun, where the architrave is represented as composed of
single blocks reaching from column to column (p. 51). In the Palaestra
(p. 165), and in many private houses, the Doric column was lengthened,
in a way quite out of harmony with the original conception, in order
to make it conform to the prevailing desire for height and slender
proportions. The shaft nowhere appears with the pronounced entasis and
strong diminution characteristic of the type, and the capital has lost
the breadth and graceful outline of the Greek Doric.

  [Illustration: Fig. 249.--Four-faced Ionic capital. Portico of the
   Forum Triangulare.]

  [Illustration: Fig. 250.--Capital of pilaster. Casa del duca

The Ionic columns in the cella of the temple of Jupiter (p. 65) are of
the Greek type, with volutes on two sides; elsewhere we find only the
so-called Roman Ionic, with four volutes, a type that appears in
several well defined and pleasing examples. One of these, a capital
from the portico at the entrance of the Forum Triangulare, is shown in
Fig. 249. The deep incisions of the egg-and-dart pattern, which give
the egg almost the appearance of a little ball, is characteristic; it
is found only at Pompeii, and there not after the Tufa Period. A still
freer handling of the Ionic is seen in the capital of a pilaster in
the casa del duca d'Aumale (Fig. 250).

The Corinthian capital appears in the usual forms, but the projecting
parts are shallow, on account of the lack of resisting qualities in
the stone. The best examples are the capitals of the columns and
pilasters of the exedra in the house of the Faun. The workmanship here
is fine, the realistic treatment of the acanthus leaves being
especially noteworthy. An interesting series of variations from the
normal type is seen in the capitals of the pilasters at house
entrances; we have already met with a striking example of this series,
ornamented with projecting busts of human figures (Fig. 178). The
design is often so fantastic that the essential character of the
Corinthian capital seems entirely lost sight of.

  [Illustration: Fig. 251.--Altar in the court of the temple of Zeus

The entablatures of the temples built in the Tufa Period, as of those
erected in later times, have all perished. The entablatures of the
colonnades, however, are at least in part well preserved in a number
of instances, and are of two types, the Doric, characterized by the
use of triglyphs, and the Ionic, distinguished by the dentils of the

Both types are found also in the wall decoration, the first rarely,
the second very frequently. On the altar of the temple of Zeus
Milichius, which is of tufa coated with stucco, the Doric entablature
appears in association with the characteristic decoration of the first
style, the imitation of large blocks of marble; on the top are
terminal volutes of Ionic origin, as generally upon Roman altars and
altar-shaped tombs (Fig. 251). On walls decorated in the first style,
however, only Ionic entablatures are seen,--sometimes even twice upon
the same wall, as in the example shown in Fig. 122. From this we infer
that in the temple construction of the Tufa Period, the simple and
elegant Ionic entablature was the prevailing type.

Notwithstanding its free adaption of Greek forms, the Tufa Period
availed itself very sparingly of polychrome decoration for
architectural members. The stucco of the Ionic capital in the house of
the Faun is white; white likewise are most of the capitals of
pilasters found in the houses, and also the numerous Ionic cornices on
the walls.

There are, nevertheless, scanty traces of the application of color. In
the wall decoration of the house of Sallust we find a Doric frieze
with the metopes painted red. The frieze under the Ionic cornices on
the walls also is usually made prominent with color,--red, yellow, or
blue; and a red frieze is seen in the peristyle of the house of the
Black Wall, above the pilasters of the garden wall. The lower stripe
of the painted architrave in the house of the Faun, already referred
to, is yellow.

It seems probable that in some cases color was applied to the
projecting figures of the peculiar capitals used in houses; at the
time of excavation, traces of coloring were distinctly seen upon those
belonging to the alae of the house of Epidius Rufus (p. 309). The
exposed capitals at the entrances (Fig. 178), if originally painted,
would naturally have lost all traces of the coloring before the
destruction of the city, unless it were from time to time renewed.
Notwithstanding these exceptions, we must conclude that the stucco
coating upon public buildings and temples was generally white, in the
case of capitals and cornices as well as of the shafts of columns and
outside walls; colors were used to a limited extent, upon friezes and
perhaps other parts of entablatures.

The architectural remains of the half century immediately succeeding
the Tufa Period, between the founding of the Roman colony at Pompeii
and the establishment of the Empire, present nothing specially
characteristic outside of the peculiarities of construction mentioned
in Chap. 6.

In the earlier years of the Empire, the Pompeians, as Roman subjects
everywhere, commenced to build temples and colonnades of marble. The
style, which was distinctively Roman, can be studied to better
advantage elsewhere; the remains at Pompeii are relatively
unimportant, and the chief points of interest have been mentioned in
connection with our study of individual buildings.

  [Illustration: Fig. 252.--Capitals of columns, showing variations from
   typical forms.

     A. Ornate Doric, from the house of Sallust.
     B. Modified Corinthian.
     C. Fantastic Corinthian.]

The stylistic development of Roman architecture in the next
period,--the gradual transition from the simplicity of the Augustan
Age to the more elaborate ornamentation of the Flavian Era,--is marked
by two opposing tendencies, one conservative, holding to the
traditions of marble construction, the other reactionary. The latter
tendency manifests itself so strongly at Pompeii that it merits
special comment.

First in the East, it appears, men wearied of seeing the ornamental
forms of the Greek religious architecture repeated over and over again
in every kind of building, and attempted to break away from them
entirely. The reaction reached Italy in the earlier years of the
Empire, and began to exert an influence upon ornamental forms,
especially of domestic architecture, at the time when the third style
of wall decoration was coming into vogue.

At Pompeii, this revolt from tradition affected not only the
ornamentation of private houses, but also that of public buildings, as
the Stabian Baths, and even of temples, as those of Apollo and Isis,
rebuilt after the earthquake of the year 63. Greek forms were
replaced by fantastic designs of every sort, worked in stucco. The
capitals of columns and pilasters retained a semblance of Doric and
Corinthian types, but were adorned with motives from many sources; the
variety of form and treatment can best be appreciated by inspecting
the examples shown in our illustrations (Figs. 242, 253, 254).

  [Illustration: Fig. 253.--Capital of pilaster, modified Corinthian

  [Illustration: Fig. 254.--Capitals of pilasters, showing free
   adaptations of the Corinthian type.]

The entablatures no longer retained the ancient division of
architrave, frieze, and cornice, but were made to represent a single
broad stripe, sometimes, however, with a projecting cornice; this
stripe was ornamented with stucco reliefs, and was frequently painted
in bright colors. Sometimes the decorative theme is taken from a vine,
as in the entablature of the portico in front of the temple of Isis
(Fig. 80) and that of the peristyle of the house of the Vettii (Fig.
161). In some cases the stripe is divided into vertical sections; the
broad sections correspond with the intercolumniations, the narrow ones
with the spaces above the columns; and the ornamental design is varied
accordingly, as in the palaestra of the Stabian Baths (p. 198), the
court of the temple of Apollo (Fig. 31), and the peristyle of the
house of the Silver Wedding. In many instances the background is
white, frequently part of the details of ornament as well; but colors
were freely used, particularly red, blue, and yellow, in all parts of
the entablature.

The lower third of the columns also was painted a bright red or
yellow--a treatment that would have been abhorrent to the taste of
the Tufa Period. The desire for variety and brilliancy of color
increased, and was more pronounced in the years immediately preceding
the eruption than at any previous time.

Consistently with this change in the standard of taste in regard to
details, the Pompeians no longer had pleasure in the ample dimensions
of the olden time. Houses were not now built with high rooms, great
doorways, and lofty columns as in the Tufa Period. The rooms were
smaller and lower, and also, we may add, more homelike. But curiously
enough, the columns were often made thick as well as short, doubtless
in order to afford more space for the display of color on the capitals
and the lower part of the shaft.

Roman public and religious architecture in most cities still adhered
to the forms of marble construction, a suggestion of which we find in
the white walls of the temple of Isis; but the lower third of the
columns in the colonnade about this temple was painted red, and the
entablature was no doubt ornamented with colored designs, as was that
of the temple of Apollo. The best preserved example of this last phase
of Pompeian architectural ornamentation is in the semicircular vaulted
niche at the right of the Street of Tombs.

Thus we see accomplished at Pompeii, in less than two centuries, a
complete revolution in matters of taste, so far as relates to
architecture. An entirely new feeling has been developed. The beauty
of contour and of symmetrical proportion found in the Greek
architecture had no charm for the Pompeian of the later time; its
place had been usurped by a different form of beauty, that produced by
the use of a variety of brilliant colors in association with forms
that were intricate, and often grotesque.




The open squares and public buildings of Pompeii were peopled with
statues. The visitor who walked about the Forum in the years
immediately preceding the eruption, saw on all sides the forms of the
men of past generations who had rendered service to the city, as well
as those of men of his own time.

Besides the five colossal images of emperors and members of the
imperial families, places were provided in the Forum for between
seventy and eighty life size equestrian statues; and behind each of
these was room for a standing figure. Whether all the places were
occupied cannot now be determined, but from the sepulchral inscription
of Umbricius Scaurus (p. 418) it is clear that as late as the time of
Claudius or Nero, there was yet room for another equestrian figure.
Statues were placed also in the Forum Triangulare and occasionally at
the sides of the streets.

In the portico of the Macellum were twenty-five statues; the sanctuary
of the City Lares contained eight, while the portico of the Eumachia
building furnished places for twenty-one. But only one of the hundreds
of statues erected in honor of worthy citizens has been preserved,
that of Holconius Rufus, the rebuilder of the Large Theatre; the
figure was dressed in the uniform of a military tribune, and stood on
Abbondanza Street near the Stabian Baths. With this should be classed
the portrait statues in the temple of Fortuna (p. 131), and those of
Octavia (Fig. 38), Marcellus (Fig. 39), and Eumachia.

The statue of Eumachia is an interesting example of the ordinary
portrait sculpture of the Early Empire (Fig. 255). The pose is by no
means ungraceful, the treatment of the drapery is modest and
effective. The tranquil and thoughtful face is somewhat idealized,
and without offensive emphasis of details. The statue is not a
masterpiece; nevertheless, it gives us a pleasant impression of the
lady whose generosity placed the fullers under obligation, and affords
an insight into the artistic resources of the city.

A number of portrait statues belonging to sepulchral monuments were
found when the tombs east of the Amphitheatre were excavated (Chap.
51). Most of them are of tufa covered with stucco; the rest are of
fine-grained limestone. From the aesthetic point of view they are

  [Illustration: Fig. 255.--Statue of the priestess Eumachia.]

Sculptured portraits of a different type were set up in private
houses. Relatives, freedmen, and even slaves sometimes placed at the
rear of the atrium, near the entrance of the tablinum, a herm of the
master of the house. At each side of the square pillar supporting the
bust, there was usually an arm-like projection (seen on the herm of
Cornelius Rufus, Fig. 121), on which garlands were hung upon birthdays
and other anniversary occasions. Both the herm of Rufus and that of
Vesonius Primus previously mentioned (p. 396) are of marble; the head
belonging to the herm of Sorex (p. 176) is of bronze.

The most striking of the portrait herms is that of Lucius Caecilius
Jucundus (Fig. 256), which was set up in duplicate, for the sake of
symmetrical arrangement, in the atrium of his house on Stabian Street.
The pillar is of marble; the dedication reads _Genio L[ucii] nostri
Felix l[ibertus]_,--'Felix, freedman, to the Genius of our Lucius.'

  [Illustration: Fig. 256.--Portrait herm of Caecilius Jucundus.]

The bust, of bronze, is modelled with realistic vigor. There is no
attempt to soften the prominent and almost repulsive features by
idealization. We see the Pompeian auctioneer just as he was, a shrewd,
alert, energetic man, with somewhat of a taste for art, and more for
the good things of life,--a man who would bear watching in a financial

Houses were adorned also with heads and busts of famous men of the
past,--poets, philosophers, and statesmen. An extensive collection of
historical portraits was discovered at Herculaneum, but Pompeii thus
far has not yielded many examples. In a room in one of the houses was
found a group of three marble heads, about one half life size,
representing Epicurus, Demosthenes, and apparently the Alexandrian
poet Callimachus, whose works were particularly valued in the time of
the Early Empire. The identification of the third head is not certain,
but whether Callimachus or some other poet is intended, the group
reveals the direction of the owner's literary tastes; he was
interested in philosophy, oratory, and poetry.

Two portrait busts of distinguished men, which evidently belong
together, were found in another house, laid one side. In the Naples
Museum they bore the names of the Younger Brutus and Pompey, but both
identifications are erroneous; the features in neither case agree with
the representations upon coins. The faces, as shown by the physiognomy
and the treatment of the hair, are those of Romans of the end of the
Republic or the beginning of the Empire. Recently a new identification
has been proposed which has much in its favor. It rests chiefly upon
the resemblance of one of the busts to the mosaic portrait of Virgil,
discovered in 1896 at Susa, in Africa. The full, round face of the
other agrees very well with what we know of the appearance of Horace.
It may be that we have here a pair of poets, the two most prominent of
the Augustan Age.

Frequently the gardens of the peristyles, as those of the houses of
the Vettii and of Lucretius, were profusely adorned with sculptures of
all kinds. We find in them statuettes, herms, small figures of
animals, and diminutive groups. Figures derived from the myths of the
bacchic cycle, Bacchus, Silenus, satyrs, and bacchantes, are
particularly common. The artistic value is slight; among the best
examples is the double bust, with Bacchus on one side and a bacchante
on the other, found in the garden of the house of the Vettii (Fig.

  [Illustration: Fig. 257.--Double bust, Bacchus and bacchante. Garden
   of the house of the Vettii.]

Characteristic among these sculptures are the figures designed for the
adornment of fountains; a number of them are exhibited in the Museum
at Naples. Bacchic figures are met with most frequently. A good
example is the marble Silenus in the garden of the house of
Lucretius; the water spurts from the opening in the wineskin which the
old man carries. The design of the small bronze satyr in the peristyle
of the house of the Centenary is more pleasing; an opening in the
wineskin, held under the left arm, cast a jet against the outstretched
right hand in such a way that the water was thrown back upon the
satyr's body.

Fountains were adorned also with genre groups and animal forms. We
have already noticed the two bronze groups in the peristyle of the
house of the Vettii, each representing a boy holding a duck, from the
bill of which sprang a jet of water (Fig. 162). The largest collection
of animal forms was about the basin in the middle peristyle of the
house of the Citharist; it comprised two dogs, a boar, a lion, a deer,
and a snake, each throwing a jet into the basin below. The fountain
jets, however, were not in all cases so closely related to the
ornamental pieces. A number of those in the house of the Vettii sprang
from lead pipes near the figures. The familiar bronze statue of the
seated fisherman, in the Naples Museum, belonged to a fountain, in
which the jet was thrown forward, not from the figure, but from the
mouth of a mask projecting from the stump on which the fisherman sits.

Of the statues of divinities set up for worship in the temples, there
are unfortunately but few remains. The most important fragment is the
head of Jupiter, discussed in a previous chapter (Fig. 22). Three
wretched terra cotta statues of the gods of the Capitol were found, as
we have seen, in the temple of Zeus Milichius; and mention has been
made also of the herms and other specimens of sculpture in the courts
of the temples of Apollo and Isis, and in the palaestra. More numerous
than any other class of sculptures, however, are the small bronze
images of tutelary divinities preserved in the domestic shrines. These
are of interest rather from the light which they shed on the practices
of domestic worship than from their excellence as works of art, and it
seems unnecessary to add anything here to what has already been said
in regard to them in the chapter dealing with the arrangements of the
Pompeian house. But occasionally there were large domestic shrines, in
which statues of merit were placed; among these are two worthy of

In the corner of a garden belonging to a house in the first Region (I.
ii. 17) is a shrine faced with white marble, in which was a small
marble statue of Aphrodite, partly supported by a figure commonly
identified as Hope, _Spes_. The carving is in no way remarkable, but
the statue is of interest on account of the well preserved coloring
applied to the eyes, hair, and dress. The group is now in the Naples

A more important example, from the aesthetic point of view, is the
statue of Artemis, of one half life size, shown in Plate XI. It was
found in a house near the Amphitheatre which was excavated in 1760 and
covered up again. It is a careful copy, made in the time of Augustus,
of a Greek masterpiece produced in the period of the Persian Wars. The
original was probably the Artemis Laphria mentioned by Pausanias. This
was a work of Menaechmus and Soedas, two sculptors of Naupactus.
Previous to the battle of Actium it stood in a sanctuary in Calydon,
whence it was removed by Augustus, who presented it to the colony
founded by him at Patras.

The goddess appears in this statue as a huntress, moving forward with
a firm but light step; the bow in the left hand has disappeared. The
copyist was remarkably successful in impressing upon his work the
gracious and pleasing character of the original; the later archaic
Greek art, in spite of its conventions, is full of human feeling. The
copy preserved also the coloring of the model; but the tinting of the
Roman colorist was probably less delicate than that of the Greek
limner who added the polychrome decoration to the marble original. The
hair was yellow. The pupils of the eyes were brown, the eyelashes and
eyebrows black. The rosettes of the diadem were yellow, and the border
of the outer garment was richly variegated in tints of yellow, rose
color, and white. Traces of rose-colored stripes are visible also
about the openings of the sleeves, on the edge of the mantle at the
neck, and on the border of the chiton.

Besides the bronze statues of Apollo and Artemis already mentioned
(pp. 88, 352), four others of those found at Pompeii are worthy of
more than passing notice,--the dancing satyr from which the house of
the Faun received its name, the small Silenus used as a standard for
a vase, the so-called Narcissus and the Ephebus found in 1900.

  [Illustration: Fig. 258.--Dancing Faun. Bronze statuette, now in the
   Naples Museum.]

The dancing satyr is shown in Fig. 258. It was found lying on the
floor of the atrium in the house of the Faun, but the pedestal could
not be identified. The figure is instinct with rhythmic motion. Every
muscle of the satyr's sinewy frame is in tension as he moves forward
in the dance, snapping his fingers to keep time; the pose is a marvel
of skill. The unhuman character of the half-brute is indicated by the
horns projecting from the forehead, and the pointed ears. The face,
marked by low cunning, offers no suggestion of lofty thought or moral
sense. We have here the personification of unalloyed physical
enjoyment. The satyr, unvexed by any care or qualm of conscience, is
intoxicated with the joy of free movement, and dances on and on,
unwearied, with perfect ease and grace.

Muscular tension is skilfully indicated in the Silenus, who stands
holding above his head with his left hand a round frame, in which, as
shown by the fragments, a vase of colored glass was standing at the
time of the eruption. The head, crowned with ivy, leans forward and to
the right, and the right hand is moved away from the body in the
effort to balance the weight supported by the left. The frame is
awkwardly designed to represent a snake. The thick-set figure of
Silenus is about sixteen inches high. This bronze was discovered in
1864, in the house of Popidius Priscus (VII. ii. 20).

  [Illustration: Fig. 259.--Listening Dionysus, wrongly identified as
   Narcissus. Bronze statuette in the Naples Museum.]

The third of the bronzes mentioned is also a statuette, about two feet
high (Fig. 259). It was found in 1863 in a house of the seventh Region
(VII. xii. 21). The figure is that of a youth of remarkable beauty.
The face wears an expression of childlike innocence and pleasure. The
head leans forward in the attitude of listening; the index finger of
the right hand is extended, and the graceful pose is that of one who
catches the almost inaudible sound of a distant voice.

The name Narcissus, given to the figure by Fiorelli immediately upon
its discovery, is surely wrong; that unhappy youth did not reciprocate
the love of the nymph Echo, and could not have been imagined with so
cheerful a face. The figure has also been called Pan, from a myth in
which Pan and Echo appear together; but the characteristic attributes
are lacking, and the rough god of the shepherds would not have been
represented in so lithe and graceful a form.

This beautiful youth, with an ivy crown upon his head and elaborate
coverings for the feet, and with the skin of a doe hanging over his
shoulder, is none other than Dionysus himself. The mirthful god of the
vine is not playing with his panther--the base is too small to have
been designed for two figures, and the attitude of listening is not
consistent with this interpretation. The youthful divinity has fixed
his attention upon some distant sound,--the cries of the bacchantes
upon some mountain height, or the laughter of naiads in a shady glen.

Of unusual interest is the bronze statue of an ephebus, discovered in
November, 1900, outside the city on the north side, about a hundred
paces from the Vesuvius Gate; it was laid away in an upper room of a
house presenting nothing else worthy of note. It is apparently a Greek
original, and is of three-quarters life size (Fig. 260).

The statue represents a youth about fourteen years of age, of slender
but well-developed form, and finely chiselled features. Advancing with
firm but graceful step, he rests the right foot, and is bringing the
left foot forward. In his right hand, extended, he carried some
object--a branch, it may be, or a crown, which was to be laid upon an
altar; the eye naturally follows the movement of the hand.

Especially effective is the rhythmic movement of the body. The right
thigh, sustained by the resting foot, is carried slightly forward; the
chest on the left side swings back, while in consequence of the
extension of the right hand the shoulders remain horizontal.
Notwithstanding the felicity of the pose, it must be confessed that
the modelling as a whole is somewhat lacking in vigor, the treatment
of details being superficial.

  [Illustration: Fig. 260.--Bronze youth. Naples Museum.]

In Greece, before it was carried off to Italy, the figure may have
been set up as a votive offering in some sanctuary, or have stood in a
gymnasium. From indications on the under side of the feet it is clear
that the statue, after the manner in vogue in Greece, was mounted on a
stone pedestal, being joined to the pedestal with melted lead; the
round bronze base found with it is of Italian origin. Probably when it
was being transported from Greece the eyes, of marble, became loose in
their sockets and fell down into the hollow interior of the statue;
they were replaced by glass eyes. The breaking of the right arm, which
was severed when found, made possible the recovery of the original
eyes, which have now again been set in place.

Insensible to the charm of the figure when seen as the sculptor
designed it, the Pompeian owner, deciding to turn it to practical use,
converted it into a lampholder. In the right hand was placed a short
bar of bronze, to either end of which was fastened a small ornament
with a projecting arm, for a hanging lamp; the whole statue was then
coated with silver. However barbarous the taste that prompted the
transformation, the decorative effect of the silvered statue with its
lighted lamps must have been far from unpleasant.

Regarding the place of the statue in relation to the development of
Greek sculpture, it is yet too early to speak.

Had the ruins of Pompeii not been systematically searched, after the
disaster, for works of art and other objects of value, they would have
yielded a far richer store of sculptures. But while the specimens
recovered add little to our knowledge of types, they give a new
insight into the application of the sculptor's art in antiquity to the
beautifying of the surroundings of everyday life.



The inner walls of houses and public buildings at Pompeii were
plastered, and usually decorated with colors; only storerooms,
kitchens, and apartments designed for the use of slaves were left in
the white. Outer walls were as a rule plastered, except when built of
hewn stone, a kind of construction not employed after the Tufa Period.
Stucco was occasionally used on façades of ashlar work where special
ornamentation seemed to be needed, as at the entrance of the house of
the Faun; and in later times, now and then, a front with reticulate or
brick facing was left unplastered. Previous to the time of Augustus
the stucco coating of outer walls ordinarily remained uncolored.
Afterwards color was employed, but only to a limited extent, as in the
addition of a dark base to a wall the rest of which remained white.

The painting upon Pompeian walls, as shown by the painstaking
investigations of Otto Donner, was fresco, that is, executed in water
colors upon the moist stucco of a freshly plastered surface. The
method of preparing the wall was less elaborate than that recommended
by Vitruvius, who advises the use of seven coats of plaster, first a
rough coat, then three of sand mortar and three of stucco made with
powdered marble, each coat being finer than the one preceding. In the
better rooms, however, we find upon the walls at least one, often
several, layers of sand mortar, and one or more coats of marble
stucco; the entire thickness of the plastering varies from two to
three inches. In unfinished or neglected rooms walls are sometimes
found with a single coat of sand mortar. Occasionally powdered brick
was used in the stucco as a substitute for marble dust.

Plastering so thick as that ordinarily used must have remained moist
for a considerable length of time, much longer than the plastering of
our day; yet it could not have retained its moisture long enough to
complete the painting of an entire wall as one piece. Walls which are
elaborately decorated sometimes show traces of a seam, where a moist
section was laid on next to one that had already become partially dry.
When the decorative design included pictures, usually the divisions
and borders and other decorative elements were finished rapidly while
the surface was moist; then a square or round hole was cut where a
picture was to be inserted, and filled with fresh stucco, on which the
picture was painted. In this way a carefully executed painting could
be set in a wall already dry.

In the last years of the city pictures were sometimes painted on the
dry surface of a wall that had previously received its decorative
framework; some of the figures seen in the middle of the large panels
furnish examples of this method of work. A size of some kind must have
been used in such cases, but chemical analysis thus far has failed to
determine its nature. The distemper painting was much less durable
than the fresco, the colors of which became fixed with the hardening
of the wall.

Sometimes, as in the house of Lucretius, the place of paintings upon
stucco was taken by paintings upon wood, the wooden panels being let
into the wall. As these panels were thin and lacked durability, we may
perhaps believe that the paintings which they contained were of
inferior quality.

The artistic value of Pompeian painting varies from the routine work
of indifferent decorators to pictures of genuine merit, such as those
found in the house of the Tragic Poet, the house of the Vettii, and
the house of Castor and Pollux. Viewed as a whole, the wall decoration
has a peculiar interest for us; it not only richly illustrates the
application of painting by the ancients to decorative uses, but also
affords a striking example of the evolution of decorative designs from
simple architectural motives to intricate patterns, in which the
scheme of coloring is hardly less complicated than that of the
ornamental forms.

       *       *       *       *       *

The four styles of wall decoration were briefly characterized in the
Introduction, in connection with our survey of the periods of
construction. It now remains to illustrate these by typical examples
and to trace their inner connection. We are here concerned only with
the decorative designs, or ornamental framework of the walls; the
paintings, which formed the centre of interest in the later styles,
are reserved for consideration in a separate chapter.

The development of ancient wall decoration came comparatively late,
after the art of painting, in the hands of the Greek masters, had
reached and passed its climax. Yet we know almost nothing in regard to
the earlier stages. Apparently the system which we find at Pompeii
originated in the period following the death of Alexander the Great,
and received its impulse of development from the contact of Greece
with the Orient. But whatever the origin, from the time to which the
earliest specimens at Pompeii belong--the second century B.C.--to the
destruction of the city, we can trace an uninterrupted development,
which, nevertheless, comes to an end in the latter part of the first
century A.D.

The decline is characterized by increasing poverty of design, with
feeble imitation of past styles. Just as it is setting in, however,
extant examples become rare. Some specimens of the wall decoration of
later times, as of the period of the Antonines and the reign of
Septimius Severus, are preserved, but they are isolated and not
sufficient in number to enable us to follow the stages of the decline.
Thus it happens that the only period in the history of ancient wall
decoration in regard to which we have the materials for a full and
satisfactory study, is the period exemplified in the remains at
Pompeii, the chronological sequence of which extends over two

The oldest houses, those belonging to the Period of the Limestone
Atriums (p. 39), have preserved no traces of wall decoration beyond
the limited application of white stucco.

The remains of the decoration of the Tufa Period are fairly abundant,
and are well preserved on account of the excellent quality of the
stucco to which the colors were applied. They belong to the first or
Incrustation Style. A good example has already been given, the end
wall of a bedroom in the house of the Centaur (Fig. 122); we present
here, for more detailed examination, the left wall of the atrium in
the house of Sallust (Fig. 261).

Notwithstanding the lack of color in our illustration, the divisions
of the wall are plainly seen--a dado, painted yellow; a relatively low
middle division, the upper edge of which is set off by a projecting
cornice; and an upper part reaching from the first cornice, which
appears in three sections on account of the doors, to the second. The
surface of the main part of the wall is moulded in stucco to represent
slabs or blocks with bevelled edges, which are painted in imitation of
different kinds of marble. Above the high double doors opening into
rooms connected with the atrium, frames of lattice-work for the
admission of air and light have been assumed in our restoration.

The dado in the Incrustation Style is generally treated as a separate
member; in rare instances the imitation of marble blocks is extended
to the floor. It has a smooth surface and is painted a bright color,
usually yellow; there is no suggestion of the practice of later times,
which gave a darker color to the base than to the rest of the wall.
This independent handling is undoubtedly to be explained as a survival
from a previous decorative system, in which the lower part of the
wall, as at Tiryns, was protected by a baseboard; the conventional
yellow color with which it is painted, as in the case of the lower
stripe of the Doric architrave in the house of the Faun (p. 51), is a
reminiscence of the use of wood. The upper edge of the dado was
ordinarily distinguished by a smooth, narrow projecting band or

The blocks moulded in slight relief upon the main part of the wall are
of different sizes. In our illustration we see first a series of three
large slabs, which are painted black. Above these are three narrow
blocks of magenta. The rest present a considerable variety of size and
color, until we reach those just under the cornice, which again are
all of the same shade, magenta.

The cornice in this style is always of the Ionic type, with dentils.
In many cases, as that of the bedroom in the house of the Centaur, it
serves as an upper border for the decoration, the wall above being
unpainted. Sometimes, however, the imitation of marble is carried
above the cornice, the wall surface being divided to represent
smoothly joined blocks without bevelled edges, or painted in plain
masses of color separated by a narrow white stripe, as in the atrium
of the house of Sallust. Above these brilliant panels we see in Fig.
261 a second cornice of simple design; the wall between this cornice
and the ceiling was left without decoration.

  [Illustration: Fig. 261.--Wall decoration in the atrium of the house
   of Sallust. First or Incrustation Style.]

This system made no provision for paintings; their place was taken in
the general scheme of decoration by elaborate mosaic pictures upon the
floor. The taste of the age evidently preferred representations in
mosaic; otherwise the painting of pictures upon the walls, which was
brought to so high a degree of perfection by Polygnotus and his
contemporaries, would not have been abandoned.

The Incrustation Style, as exemplified at Pompeii, is in a secondary
stage; it must have been worked out originally in genuine materials,
at a time when walls were actually veneered, to a certain height, with
slabs of various kinds of marble, cut and arranged to represent ashlar
work; above the cornice marking the upper edge of the veneering, the
surface was left in the white. The use of different varieties of
marble points to an active commercial intercourse between the
countries about the Mediterranean Sea, such as first became possible
after the conquests of Alexander. So characteristic a style, requiring
the use of costly materials, could only have been developed in an
important centre of wealth and culture.

  [Illustration: Fig. 262.--Distribution of colors in the section of
   wall represented in Fig. 261.]

In view of all the circumstances, we are probably safe in concluding
that the Incrustation Style originated in Alexandria, in the third
century B.C. From Alexandria it spread to other cities of the East and
West, stucco being used in imitation of marble, where marble could not
be procured; scanty remains similar to those at Pompeii, and of
approximately the same period--the second century B.C.--have been
found at Pergamon, on the island of Delos, and lately in Priene. This
style represents for us the wall decoration of the Hellenistic age. It
is characterized by the same poverty of form and obvious striving
after simplicity which we have noticed in the architecture of the Tufa
Period. The projecting cornice above the body of the wall is always of
the same type; yet the second century B.C. enjoyed a rich heritage of
architectural forms, and lack of variety in this and other details of
ornamentation was due, not to dearth of materials, but to the
prevailing taste.

The earliest known example of the decoration of the second or
Architectural Style, is on the walls of the Small Theatre, which was
built soon after 80 B.C. The style remained in vogue till the middle
of the reign of Augustus; it may be loosely characterized as the wall
decoration of the first century B.C. It shows an interesting
development from simpler to richer and more complex forms. The more
elaborate and finished designs are not so well exemplified at Pompeii
as in Rome, where two beautiful series have been found, both dating
from the earlier part of the reign of Augustus. One series is in the
so-called house of Livia or Germanicus on the Palatine. The other was
found in a house on the right bank of the Tiber, excavated in 1878;
the paintings were removed to the new Museo delle Terme. The specimen
shown in Plate XII, however, is from a Pompeian wall; the room in
which it was found opens off from the peristyle of a house in the
fifth Region (V. i. 18).

The oldest walls of the second style closely resemble those of the
first, with this characteristic difference: the imitation of marble
veneering is no longer produced with the aid of relief; color alone is
employed, upon a plane surface, as in the cella of the temple of
Jupiter (Fig. 20). The earlier division of the wall into three parts
is retained, but the painted cornice, no longer restricted to the
dentil type, appears in a variety of forms. The base also is treated
with greater freedom. Frequently it is painted in strong projection,
as if the rest of the wall above it were further from the eye, while
upon the shelf thus formed are painted columns reaching to the ceiling
and seemingly in front of the main part of the wall; such columns and
pillars, with Corinthian capitals, are seen in Plate XII, at the right
and the left.


Thus the designs of this style at first comprised only simple
elements, a wall made up of painted blocks or panels with a dado
painted in projection supporting columns that seemed to carry an
architrave on which the ceiling rested; there is an excellent example
in the house of the Labyrinth, on the walls of a room at the rear of
the garden. But the designs gradually became more complex, partly
through the differentiation of the simple elements, partly through the
introduction of new motives, until a complete architectural system
was developed. This system differs from that of the fourth style,
which is also architectural, in that it adheres in the main to actual
or possible structural forms, while those of the fourth style are
fantastic in their proportions and arrangement.

In this process of development two clearly defined tendencies become
manifest, one affecting the treatment of the upper division of the
wall, the other the elaboration of a characteristic motive which now
first appears, a framework for the principal painting; for
architectural designs are well adapted for the display of pictures,
and wall paintings now begin to have a prominent place in Pompeian

The upper division tends more and more to be represented as an open
space, behind the plane of projection in which the main part appears.
Thus in Plate XII we see on either side a silver vase with fruits and
vine leaves, standing on the cornice of the main wall, in the open.
Often the upper space is painted blue, as if one caught a glimpse of
the sky above the wall; sometimes the outline of a wall further beyond
is seen, or columns in the rear connected with those in front by a
decorative framework; and not infrequently small architectural
designs, in perspective, rest upon the cornice where the vases are
shown in our plate. But in all the designs of this style, complex as
well as simple, the threefold division of the wall carried over from
the first style is retained; very often the distinction between the
base, main wall, and upper portion is emphasized by painting them so
that they seem to be in three planes of projection.

The ornamental framework for the painting, consistently with the
architectural character of the decoration as a whole, is generally
conceived as a pavilion projecting from the wall; so in Plate XII,
where we see two columns sustaining a roof, upon the front of which
winged figures stand, each with a hand extended upward to the
entablature of the large pillars at the sides. The design of the
pavilion is suggested by that of a shrine, such a shrine as the one in
the apse of the sanctuary of the City Lares (Fig. 41).

This conception is here borne out by the subject of the painting,
which represents a statue of Dionysus resting, ivy-crowned, with a
thyrsus in his left hand; the right hand is thrown gracefully over the
head, and at the feet of the god the lifelike figure of a panther is
seen. The round high pedestal supporting the group is in the open, and
the background affords a charming vista among the trees.

This framing of the principal painting led further to the division of
the body of the wall vertically into three sections, a broad central
section, included within the outline of the pavilion, and two panels,
one at each side. The arrangement is well illustrated in our plate,
the side panels of which are adorned with painted statues of
tastefully draped figures, one of them holding a lyre. The later
styles of decoration retained this symmetrical division of the wall
space, which made prominent the picture of greatest interest without
detracting from the finish of the decorative setting; but in the
fourth style it is often obscured by the intricacy of the designs.

The third style came into vogue during the reign of Augustus, and was
prevalent until about 50 A.D.; we shall call it the Ornate Style, from
its free use of ornament. It was developed out of the second style in
the same way that the second style was developed out of the first; but
the transition was not accomplished at Pompeii, which, like the
provincial cities of our day, received its fashions from the great

The characteristics of the Ornate Style, as regards both the main
design and the ornamentation, may easily be perceived from the example
presented in Fig. 263, especially if this is viewed in contrast with
the specimen of the preceding style shown in Plate XII. The
architectural design has now lost all semblance of real construction.
Columns, entablatures, and other members are treated conventionally,
as subordinate parts of a decorative scheme; they are, with few
exceptions, reduced to narrow bands or stripes of color dividing the
surface of the wall. The elaborate border of the central painting
suggests a pavilion, yet the projecting base, which in the second
style gave this design its significance, is lacking. Hardly less
noteworthy is the treatment of the upper portion of the wall. Fanciful
architectural forms and various ornaments stand out against a white
background, suggestive of the open sky; yet in our example, as often
in this style, there is no organic connection between the decoration
of the main part of the wall and that of the ceiling.

Every part of the framework of the third style is profusely
ornamented. The ornamental system is seen to have a certain affinity
with that of Egypt, and Egyptian figures occasionally appear; whence
we infer that it was developed in Alexandria. Early in the reign of
Augustus, in consequence of the relations with Egypt following the
battle of Actium, a new impulse may well have been given to the
introduction into Italy of Alexandrian art.

The specimen of the third style shown in Fig. 263 is from the
beautiful decoration of the house of Spurius Mesor, portions of which
are well preserved. The base of our specimen consists of two parts, a
lower border and a broad stripe of black divided into sections of
different shapes and sizes by lines of light color. In the small
sections ornaments are seen painted in delicate shades, two of them
being faces.

The large painting presents a mythological scene, but the subject is
not clear. The priestess seems to be performing a ceremony of
expiation in order to free from the taint of some crime the young man
who, with a wreath on his head and a sword, pointed downward, in his
right hand, bends over the hind just slain as a sacrifice. The colors
are subdued and effective; the painting from the technical point of
view is among the best found at Pompeii.

Around the painting are narrow black stripes separated by white lines;
in the broader stripe underneath, between the columns, are two light
blue birds upon a dull red ground. The small squares in the flat
cornice above are of many colors, shades of green, pink, and brown
predominating. The broad panels on either side of the painting are of
the color often called Pompeian red; they have an ornamented border,
and a small winged figure in the centre. The stripe below these shows
vases and other ornaments on an orange-yellow ground; that above,
interrupted by the cornice over the painting, is black, with various
ornaments, as baskets of fruit, sistrums, and geese, painted in
neutral colors. Among the ornaments of the upper part of the wall,
festoons of leaves, vines, vases, parrots, and griffins can be
distinguished, painted in light shades of brown, blue, green, and

  [Illustration: Fig. 263.--Specimen of wall decoration. Third or Ornate
   Style. From the house of Spurius Mesor.]

The effect of the Ornate Style, with its symmetrical forms and variety
of detail, is pleasing; but the free use of neutral tones gives the
walls a somewhat cold and formal appearance when we bring into
contrast the warm coloring of the next period.

The fourth or Intricate Style first appears about the middle of the
first century A.D. It started, as did the third, with the symmetrical
division of the wall developed in the second style; it differs from
the third in that it always retained a sense of architectural form.
The columns are often fluted, as in a specimen in the Naples Museum
(Fig. 264). The entablatures and coffered ceilings, light and airy as
they often seem, have nevertheless a suggestion of reality; we know
that architectural forms are presented, and not mere stripes of color.
Yet the difference between the fourth and the second style is no less
apparent. In the latter the architectural designs are not inconsistent
with real construction; in the former the imagination of the designer
had free scope, producing patterns so fantastic and intricate that the
fundamental idea at the basis of the wall divisions seems entirely
lost sight of at times.

The preference for architectural forms was carried so far that between
the large panels of black, red, or yellow, vertical sections of wall
were left which were filled with airy structures on a white
background; the parts represented as nearest the beholder were painted
yellow, those further back were adorned with all the colors of the
rainbow, thus forming a kind of color perspective (Fig. 265). The
designs of the main part were extended into the upper division, and
frequently the whole wall appears as an intricate scaffolding,
partially concealed by the large panels; these sometimes have the
appearance of tapestries hanging suspended from the scaffolding, and
are so treated, as in the case of the curtains shown in Plate XIII.
The fundamental conception of the decorative system is lost when the
background of the upper part and of the airy scaffoldings is no longer
left white, but painted the same color as the rest of the wall, so
that the effect of distance and perspective is obscured. Occasionally,
also, the architectural framework of the upper portion of the wall has
no connection with that of the main part.

The ornaments of the fourth style were taken largely from the domain
of plastic art. Groups of statuary as well as single figures appear
either upon projecting portions of the architectural framework, as in
Fig. 264, or in the background. They are frequently painted yellow,
suggesting the gilding applied to ancient statues, particularly those
of bronze, and present a striking contrast to the masses of strong
color in the large panels and the brilliant shades of the
architectural designs. They are in harmony with the taste of the
period, which, as we have seen, manifested a fondness for
ornamentation in stucco relief, the effect of which was heightened by
the free use of color.

  [Illustration: Fig. 264.--Specimen of wall decoration. Fourth style.]

The large panels contained paintings of various sizes, sometimes
copies of masterpieces, more often a simple floating figure or a
Cupid; groups are also found, as Cupid and Pysche, or a satyr with a
bacchante. The appearance of a picture worked in tapestry is given by
a border just inside the framework of the panel, as often in the
decoration of the fourth style.

The fourth style cannot have been derived from the third. It is
organically related with the second, out of which it was developed by
laying stress on precisely that element, the architectural, the
suppression of which gave rise to the third style of decoration. The
most reasonable explanation of the relations of the four styles,
briefly stated, is this:--

The Incrustation Style, a direct offshoot of Hellenistic art, was
prevalent in eastern cities, where it was naturally followed by the
Architectural Style; this may have been developed at one centre or, in
different phases, at different centres contemporaneously.

  [Illustration: Fig. 265.--Specimen of wall decoration. Fourth style.

   In the middle panel, mythological scene in which Hercules is the
   principal figure; in each of the panels, a satyr and a bacchante.]

At some prominent centre, probably Alexandria, the Architectural Style
passed over into the Ornate Style, which was introduced into Italy in
the reign of Augustus and remained in vogue till the middle of the
first century A.D.

Meanwhile, at some other centre of culture, possibly Antioch, the
Architectural Style, by an equally natural course of development, had
passed over into the Intricate Style, which was first brought to
Pompeii about 50 A.D. and remained in fashion till the destruction of
the city.

The earthquake of the year 63 threw down some buildings and made
necessary the thorough-going repair of many others. Between that year
and 79, more walls were freshly decorated, probably, than in any
previous period of equal length in the history of the city. For this
reason, examples of decoration in the Intricate Style are much more
numerous than might have been expected from the length of time that it
was in vogue; they give the prevailing cast to the remains of painting
in the ruins, and this style is ordinarily thought of when Pompeian
wall decoration is referred to. The complex designs and brilliant
colors form a decorative scheme which is often most effective,
although the system of the third style reveals a finer and more
correct taste.

If no remains of the two earlier styles had survived to modern times,
the antecedents and relations of the other two could not possibly be
understood. But with the first two in mind, we are able to see clearly
how the most complex forms of the later decoration may be reduced, in
last analysis, to simple elements. Even in the example of the
Intricate Style given in Plate XIII, we find a suggestion of the
threefold division of the wall into base, main part, and upper part,
which was so prominent in the Incrustation Style; and also an
elaborate structural form at the middle of the wall recalling the
pavilion framework of the second style, with a symmetrical arrangement
of the architectural designs on either side, suggesting the panels at
the sides of the principal painting.

The slabs of colored marble in the Incrustation Style are represented
by panels for pictures or ornamental forms of all shapes and sizes;
and the architectural designs, so simple at the beginning, have by
almost imperceptible changes and additions become decorative patterns
so varied and intricate that taken by themselves they give no hint of
their origin.




The hanging of pictures upon the walls seems not to have been in vogue
at Pompeii during the period to which the remains belong. The system
of decoration left no room for framed paintings, and no traces of any
such have been discovered. The paintings which have been preserved at
Pompeii, not merely the small groups and single figures introduced to
enliven the design, but the large compositions as well, all formed a
part of the wall decoration.

The number is relatively large. In the catalogue by Helbig, published
in 1868, there are nearly two thousand entries, including a few
paintings from Herculaneum and other Campanian sites. The supplement
compiled by Sogliano in 1879 records more than eight hundred pictures
brought to light in the preceding decade. We are probably safe in
estimating the whole number of Pompeian paintings still in existence,
or known from description, as about thirty-five hundred.

In all this wealth of examples, however, it is not possible to find
any evidence of a progressive development either in composition or in
technique. There are indeed slight differences, mainly in regard to
technical handling and color scheme, which distinguish the paintings
found in the decoration of the third style from those of the other two
styles in which paintings appear; but, on the other hand, the
distinction between those of the second and those of the fourth style
is much less marked.

The period from 80 B.C. to 79 A.D. was as little creative in the field
of painting as in that of sculpture. No new types appear, no
improvements are worked out; the painter, as the sculptor, was an
eclectic, who drew upon the creations of the past as suited his fancy,
and contented himself with copying or imitating. In the adaptation of
paintings to decorative use the artist reproduced either entire
compositions or single motives which seemed to answer his purpose. The
general preference was for paintings of the Hellenistic age, after the
death of Alexander; yet examples of earlier styles are occasionally
found, as the Sacrifice of Iphigenia (Fig. 156) and the dramatic scene
in which Orestes and Pylades appear before King Thoas (Fig. 182).

New discoveries and the progress of research will sometime, perhaps,
make it possible to present a general survey of the Pompeian paintings
from the historical and critical point of view. No such comprehensive
treatment is yet possible, however, and we must content ourselves with
offering a few observations in regard to the distribution of the
paintings among the different decorative styles and the classes of
subjects represented.

The Incrustation Style, as previously remarked, left no place for
paintings upon the walls. Nevertheless, in isolated cases, we find a
simple pictorial representation upon the surface of one of the blocks
painted in imitation of marble, as if the veins of the stone had run
into a shape suggestive of an object, as a vase or a bird; in one
instance, curiously enough, a wrestling match is outlined, between
Hercules and Antaeus. In the Tufa Period the desire for paintings was
satisfied by the mosaic pictures upon the floor.

The earlier walls of the second style in this respect resemble those
of the first; the examples in the house of the Labyrinth have no
paintings. The later walls, however, are rich in pictures, but those
of Pompeii are not so abundantly adorned as those in Rome (p. 462).
The elaborate painting shown in the pavilion frame in Plate XII is
exceptional among the Pompeian remains of this style.

The great majority of the paintings are found upon walls of the third
and fourth styles. On the older walls of the third style, as we have
seen, the principal painting appears in a frame, the design of which
is taken from that of the conventional pavilion of the second style.
In later examples the close relation between the picture and the frame
is no longer maintained; the frame simply encloses a large panel of
uniform color, in the middle of which a relatively small picture is
seen. This arrangement was carried over into the fourth style, but the
conception of a pavilion frame is entirely lost sight of; the painting
is in the middle of a large panel of brilliant color, around which the
architectural framework is extended. A Pompeian room well decorated in
either of the later styles contained four of these prominent
paintings, in case there was no door at the middle of one of the
sides; if a door interfered, there were only three.

Paintings were also placed in the divisions of the wall at the right
and the left of the central panel. In Plate XII we noticed a single
figure on either side of the pavilion, but such additions are rare in
the second style. In the third style the side panels are uniformly
adorned with paintings. In Fig. 263 the small figure in the middle of
the panel at the left is a Cupid; frequently a flying swan is seen, or
a landscape lightly sketched in monochrome on the ground of the panel.
Sometimes the painting is set off by a separate frame; if this is
round, a bust is usually represented. Groups of two figures were
preferred for the side panels of the fourth style, the favorite
subject being a satyr and a bacchante, as in Fig. 265; these sometimes
appear as busts, but are more often represented as floating figures.

Characteristic of the fourth style, in respect to the distribution of
paintings, is the use of single figures and simple compositions to add
life to the fantastic architectural designs in the upper part of the
wall and in the divisions between the large panels. Here we may see
satyrs and bacchantes, young girls and solemn-visaged men with
implements of sacrifice; the figures appear in great variety of type
and subject. Sometimes groups are broken up, and the elements of a
mythological scene, as that of Admetus and Alcestis, are distributed
as single figures in the architectural framework.

At the time of the eruption the fondness for pictorial representations
was increasing, and they were being introduced into every part of the
decoration, including the frieze of the main part of the wall, the use
of which in this way commenced in the time of the third style (Fig.
263), and the stripe below, between the main part of the wall and the
base (Fig. 265); how elaborate this intermediate decoration might
become we have already seen in the case of the house of the Vettii.

Frequently in the fourth style the lower part of the architectural
framework separating two large panels appears to be closed, as in
Plate XIII, by a narrow panel, above which a painting is seen. The
pictures found in these places often represent still life. Seafights
are also a favorite subject; such may be seen in the temple of Isis,
the Macellum, and one of the rooms in the house of the Vettii.
Generally on the walls of the fourth style, wherever there is
available space, we find small pictures in great variety, the most
common being landscapes, simply painted, with the use of few colors.

It is by no means easy to make a satisfactory classification of
Pompeian paintings according to subject. Nevertheless, with a few
exceptions, they may be roughly grouped in four general classes,
mythological paintings, genre paintings, landscapes, and still life.
Most of the large and important pictures belong to the first class.
The mythological paintings will therefore be discussed at somewhat
greater length; the other three classes will require only a brief

  [Illustration: Fig. 266.--A fruit piece, Xenion.]

The still-life paintings represent all kinds of meat, fish, fowl, and
fruits. According to Vitruvius, this kind of picture was called
Xenion. The reason given for the name recalls a curious custom of
ancient Greece. When a guest, _xenos_, was received into a Greek home,
says this writer, he was invited to sit at the table for one day.
After that provisions were furnished to him uncooked, and he prepared
his own meals. A portion of unprepared victuals thus came to be called
_xenion_, 'the stranger's portion,' and the name was afterwards
transferred to pictures in which such provisions appear. A fruit
piece, now in the Naples Museum, is shown in Fig. 266.

Landscapes are numerous and of all sizes. Occasionally a garden wall
of the fourth style is covered with a single large painting, in which
villas, gardens, roads, and harbors are realistically presented. Such
pictures are of Italian origin; the name of the artist who first
painted them is probably Sextus Tadius, but the reading of the passage
in which the name occurs (Plin. N. H. XXXV. x. 116) is uncertain.

Common to the third and fourth styles are garden scenes, in which,
behind a light barrier, the plants of a garden appear, with birds,
statues, and fountains. The finest extant example is in the villa of
Livia, at Prima Porta, near Rome.

  [Illustration: Fig. 267.--A landscape painting.]

Large landscapes sometimes have a place in the principal panels of the
walls. These are all of Hellenistic origin, and are found almost
without exception in the decoration of the third style. They generally
represent a quiet nook of woodland, with high cliffs; in the
foreground is a shrine--perhaps more than one--with figures of men
sacrificing or coming to offer worship.

The great majority of the landscapes, however, are introduced into
various parts of the decoration outside of the large panels, and are
quite small. In them we see little shrines or villas by the seaside; a
river with a bridge on which a traveller appears crossing the stream;
or buildings on an island or peninsula in the edge of a body of water,
as in Fig. 267. Often they are simply light sketches; now and then
one of these small landscapes is painted in a peculiar tint, as if the
scene were represented by moonlight.

  [Illustration: Fig. 268.--Group of women, one of whom is sounding two
   stringed instruments.]

The genre paintings are of special importance on account of the light
they shed on the life and customs of the ancients. A number have
already been described or illustrated in the chapter on the house of
the Vettii, and in the part devoted to the trades and occupations. To
these we should add the picture of an artist in the house of the
Surgeon (Fig. 128), and the scenes from the life of the Forum (Figs.
16, 17).

Here belong also the groups in which figures are seen with a roll of
papyrus or a writing tablet, suggestive of literary pursuits, and
figures with musical instruments. A group of musicians is shown in
Fig. 268, in which are four women, one of whom is tuning a couple of
stringed instruments to sound in unison.

In the same class are included two small painted busts not
infrequently met with, that of a girl with a writing tablet in her
left hand holding the end of a stylus against her lips, as if
pondering what to write, and that of a young man with one end of a
roll of papyrus, in which he has been reading, under his chin. A
Pompeian baker, Publius Paquius Proculus, brought these two ideal
busts into one painting, substituting for the faces of the youth and
maiden those of himself and his wife (Fig. 269). The portraits are
realistic, but the faces are not unattractive; that of Proculus seems
more kindly and ingenuous than the face of Caecilius Jucundus (Fig.

  [Illustration: Fig. 269.--Paquius Proculus and his wife.]

Two ideal painted busts have recently been found, each of a youth with
a roll of papyrus. Their chief interest lies in the fact that each
roll is provided with a narrow tag or label, of the sort that the
Romans called _index_, on which the names _Plato_ and _Homerus_ can be
plainly read. The two types of face well correspond with the trend of
taste suggested by the titles: the delicate features and upturned gaze
of the one indicate a poetic temperament; the other has a high
forehead and an air of meditation, appropriate for a student of

The mythological paintings rarely present rapid movement. To the few
exceptions belong the two familiar pictures placed opposite each other
in the tablinum of the house of Castor and Pollux, Achilles among the
daughters of Lycomedes on the island of Scyros, and the quarrel
between Achilles and Agamemnon. Only part of the latter painting is
preserved, but both are strong compositions, and are repeated on other

Scenes of combat, the interest of which lies in the display of
physical force, are still more infrequently met with, and seem out of
harmony with the prevailing taste. Two pictures from Herculaneum
represent Hercules putting forth his strength; in one he is struggling
with the Nemean lion, in the other carrying the Erymanthian boar. The
few paintings of this kind at Pompeii are badly preserved. In two of
them Meleager appears, engaged in combat with the boar; in another we
see Achilles before the walls of Troy with drawn sword in one hand,
with the other grasping by the hair Troilus, an effeminate Trojan
youth, attired in Oriental fashion, who mounted on his horse is vainly
trying to escape; a fourth represents a combat between a heavy-armed
warrior and an Amazon. But such paintings are the more conspicuous by
reason of their rarity, and those that have thus far been discovered
are all found upon walls of the third style.

A much larger number of mythological compositions represent a moment
of dramatic interest, the artist relying for his effect upon the
bearing and facial expression of the persons appearing in the scene.
The interest is purely psychological, and several of the pictures that
have been preserved give us an exceedingly favorable idea of the
ability of ancient painters to express emotion, especially when we
remember that these paintings are merely decorative copies of
masterpieces the originals of which in most cases had probably never
been seen by the workmen who painted the copies on the walls.

Among the more familiar examples is the face of Orestes in the
painting found in the house of the Citharist (Fig. 182), and that of
Io, watched by Argus, in the Macellum. Emotion is expressed with even
greater skill in the face of Io in a painting of the temple of Isis.
The goddess welcomes the wanderer to Egypt after her long season of
suffering; the traces of the suffering are clearly seen, yet are
illumined by the ineffable and serene joy of final deliverance.

One of the most beautiful specimens of ancient painting is a fragment,
badly preserved, in the tablinum of the house of Caecilius Jucundus.
The composition probably represented Priam turning back toward Troy
with the body of Hector, which he had just ransomed. In the fragment,
shown in Fig. 270, we see the aged Hecuba, together with a daughter or
maidservant, looking with unutterable anguish from an upper window
down upon the scene. The gray-haired queen, whose features still
retain much of their youthful beauty, gazes upon the dust-stained body
of her son with grief too deep for tears.

  [Illustration: Fig. 270.--Hecuba with a younger companion looking from
   an upper window as Priam brings back the body of Hector.]

In the majority of paintings the subjects of which are taken from
myths the characters are represented either in a relation of rest, not
suggestive of intense emotion, or in a lasting situation of dramatic
interest, which is devoid of momentary excitement and does not suggest
the display of evanescent feeling. The situation is sometimes
cheerful, sometimes calculated to arouse sympathy; if the characters
were not mythological, the scenes might pass for those of everyday
life. Thus we see Narcissus looking at the reflection of his face in
a clear spring in the forest; Polyphemus, on the seashore, receiving
from the hands of a Cupid a letter sent by Galatea; and Apollo playing
on the lyre for Admetus, while the herd grazes around him.

To the same series of cheerful or idyllic pictures belong the Selene
hovering over the sleeping Endymion; Paris and Oenone on Mt. Ida,
Paris cutting the name of his sweetheart in the bark of a tree; and
Perseus with Andromeda looking at the reflection of the head of Medusa
in a pool. With these we may class also the representations of Bacchus
as he moves along with his rollicking band and suddenly comes upon the
sleeping Ariadne; and Hercules with Omphale, sometimes sitting in
woman's attire beside her and spinning, sometimes staggering in his
cups or lying drunk upon the ground while she stands or sits near him.

Examples of a pathetic situation are equally abundant. We find
Aphrodite caring for the wounded Adonis, and Cyparissus grieving over
the dead stag. The pathos of the scene, however, is not always so
obviously suggested. The familiar painting of Europa represents the
maiden playfully sitting upon the bull, which one of her girlish
companions is caressing. The situation, from one point of view, is
idyllic, yet it brings to mind the unhappy fate of the girl, borne far
away from home over the sea to a distant land, and the effect is
heightened by giving her a wonderfully beautiful form.

Not infrequently a similar result is produced by placing figures of
incongruous type in sharp contrast; so in the oft-repeated composition
in which the beautiful Thetis in elegant attire sits in the workshop
of Hephaestus, looking at the shield which the rough and grimy smith
is finishing for Achilles. In another composition Pasiphaë is seen in
the shop of Daedalus, who points out the wooden cow; and a similar
idea of contrast must have been present in the mind of the artist who
painted Danaë after she had been cast ashore in a chest on the island
of Seriphus, sitting on the beach with little Perseus in her lap,
while two fishermen standing near make inquiry concerning her strange

The symmetrical arrangement of the paintings in a Pompeian room can
hardly have failed to influence the choice of compositions for the
principal panels, especially in cases in which mythological scenes
were to be represented. Sometimes, though not so frequently as might
have been expected, pictures were grouped according to subject. We
have already noticed the relation of two paintings, in the house of
Castor and Pollux, in which Achilles is the principal figure. The
first of these, Achilles among the daughters of Lycomedes, is found in
a room of another house in a group of three; one of the companion
pieces represents Thetis in the smithy of Hephaestus looking at the
weapons which are being made for Achilles, while in the other she is
seen riding over the sea on a Triton, bringing them to her son. There
is another group of three pictures related by subject in a room in the
house of the Vettii; they belong to the Theban cycle, and represent
the infant Hercules strangling the serpents, the death of Pentheus,
and the binding of Dirce.

Similarity of scene and of treatment influenced the selection of
paintings for a room much more often than unity of subject. A good
illustration is the pair of pictures several times found together, one
of which represents Polyphemus on the beach receiving from a Cupid a
letter written by Galatea; in the other Aphrodite is seen on the
seashore fishing, with Cupids all about her. The suggestion of Love is
common to both paintings, but the juxtaposition of the two as
counterparts is due to the similarity of scene. Opposite the picture
of Europa referred to above, is a Pan playing on his pipe, with nymphs
around him; the two pictures, which appear in a room of the third
style, from the decorative point of view form an effective pair.

A sleeping room of the same style--though in respect to grouping no
difference between the styles is apparent--offers an interesting
example of a double group. The four principal paintings form two
pairs. In one pair we see, on one side, Hercules in the garden of the
Hesperides approaching an altar around which three maidens are
standing; on the other, a shrine of Artemis in a forest with three
worshippers drawing near, one of whom brings a garland. The two
pictures harmonize in the character of the scenery and in the
arrangement of the figures.

The effectiveness of the other pair as a decorative counterpart can be
seen in our illustrations; the subject of one of the paintings is the
fate of the pipes which Athena cast aside (Fig. 271), and of the other
the fall of Icarus (Fig. 272).

In the first of the two pictures we have one of the few extant
examples of a kind of painting associated with the name of
Philostratus, in which different scenes representing the successive
stages of an action are united in one composition.

In the foreground at the left sits Athena, with her shield on the
ground beside her, playing the double pipe; a nymph in front rising
from the surface of a stream holds up a mirror in which the goddess
may see her face reflected as she plays.

The next two scenes lie just across the brook. At the foot of the
cliff sits the divinity of the country, Phrygia, in which the story of
Marsyas is localized. Above, at the left, we see the satyr with a
shepherd's crook in his left hand blowing a Pan's pipe; he has not yet
espied the pipes thrown away by Athena.

  [Illustration: Fig. 271.--Athena's pipes and the fate of Marsyas.]

At the right he appears again, near the tree, having found the pipes
discarded by the goddess and picked them up. Lastly, in the middle of
the background, we see him playing the pipes in the presence of the
Muses, who are serving as judges in the contest of skill between the
satyr and Apollo.

The final scene with the flaying of Marsyas, which was sometimes
represented in sculpture, and appears also in several Pompeian
paintings, is here omitted.

The inner connection of the other picture is not so clear. It is
perhaps a confused form of a composition in which Icarus, lying on the
ground after his fall, was the central figure; the local divinities
and natives of the region were looking upon the body of the hapless
youth with pity; while Daedalus, hovering in the air above, was trying
to find the spot where he had fallen.

Our artist, however, thinking to heighten the effect, represented
Icarus as plunging headlong through the air, with the result shown in
the illustration; neither Daedalus nor the figures in the foreground
seem yet to have become aware of the catastrophe.

  [Illustration: Fig. 272.--The fall of Icarus.]

We can in no way more appropriately bring to a close our brief survey
of the Pompeian paintings than by presenting a reproduction of the
scene in which Zeus and Hera appear on Mt. Ida (Fig. 273). This
painting has been sufficiently discussed in another connection (pp.
316-317); though preserved in a damaged condition, it clearly
represents an original of no slight merit.

  [Illustration: Fig. 273.--Zeus and Hera on Mt. Ida. Wall painting from
   the house of the Tragic Poet.]





The inscriptions discovered at Pompeii number more than six thousand.
They cover a wide field, ranging from commemorative tablets put up at
public expense to the scribblings of idlers upon the plastered walls.
It would be an exaggeration to say that they contribute to our
knowledge of antiquity much that is new; their value lies rather in
the insight which they give into the life of the city and its people.

In one respect the evidence derived from inscriptions, though often of
the most fragmentary character, is especially satisfactory. We feel
that we are handling original documents, without the intervention of
that succession of copyists which stands between the author of a Greek
or Roman masterpiece and the modern reader. The shapes of the letters
and the spelling are just as they were left by the stonecutter or the
scribbler; the various handwritings can still be as plainly
distinguished on the charred tablets of Caecilius Jucundus as though
the signatures were witnessed only yesterday. Through the inscriptions
we are brought into contact with the personality of the Pompeians as
in no other way.

The inscriptions may be classified either according to the subject
matter or according to the form in which they appear, whether cut in
stone, or painted, or scratched upon a smooth surface with a stylus.
No detailed classification need be given here; it will be sufficient
for our purposes to discuss the main divisions briefly under four
heads,--monumental inscriptions and public notices, graffiti, and
inscriptions relating to business affairs.

       *       *       *       *       *

Monumental inscriptions include those which are cut in hard material
and are intended to be read by all who see them. They are found at
Pompeii chiefly in or upon public buildings, on pedestals of statues
and on sepulchral monuments. They are characterized by extreme
brevity. A few are in the Oscan language, the rest are in Latin. The
more important examples have been presented in the preceding pages in
connection with the monuments to which they belong. A list of them is
given in the Index under "Inscriptions."

The public notices are painted upon the walls along the sides of the
streets, ordinarily in a bright red color; a few are in black. The
most important are the election notices, in which a candidate is
recommended for a public office. These are about sixteen hundred in
number, and the names of more than a hundred different candidates
appear in them.

The election notices fall into two classes, distinguished both by the
style of writing and by the manner of expression,--earlier, from the
time of the Republic, and later, belonging to the Imperial period. The
shapes of the letters in those of the former class are irregular, and
bear the mark of an unpractised hand. The later notices, on the
contrary, have a more finished appearance; they are executed in a kind
of calligraphic style that suggests the employment of skilled clerks
who made the painting of electoral recommendations a part of their
business. We have already met with the name of one painter of notices
who signed his work, Aemilius Celer (p. 223). His house has been
discovered, near the northeast corner of the ninth Region; it was
identified by means of an inscription painted on the outside:
_Aemilius Celer hic habitat_,--'Aemilius Celer lives here.'

The language of the earlier recommendations is of the simplest. We
find the name of the candidate with no suggestion of praise excepting
occasionally the letters _v. b._, for _virum bonum_, 'good man.' The
name of the office is given in an abbreviated form, but that of the
person who makes the recommendation nowhere appears. In one example
the elements of the common formula _o. v. f._, for _oro vos, facite_,
are given almost in full: _M. Marium aed. faci., oro vos_,--'Make
Marcus Marius aedile, I beg of you.' The following notice appears on
Stabian Street in letters nearly 8 inches high: P · FVR · II · V · \B
· O · \F, that is _Publium Furium duumvirum, virum bonum, oro vos,
facite_,--'Make Publius Furius duumvir, I beg of you; he's a good

Some of the later election notices are almost equally brief,
presenting merely the name of the candidate, the office for which he
is recommended, and the formula _o. v. f._, as in this instance:
_Herennium Celsum aed[ilem] o. v. f._,--'Make Herennius Celsus aedile,
I beg of you.' Occasionally even the formula is omitted, and we have
simply the name of the candidate and of the office, both invariably in
the accusative case, as _Casellium aed._, which appears in several
places, and _M. Holconium Priscum II. vir. i. d._

More frequently the recommendation includes a reference to the good
qualities of the candidate. Sometimes he is simply styled 'a good
man,' as in the earlier notices; but the most common formula in this
connection is _d. r. p._, for _dignum re publica_, 'worthy of public
office.' In some instances the characterization is more definite. More
than one candidate is affirmed to be 'an upright young man' (_iuvenem
probum_), or 'a youth of singular modesty' (_verecundissimum
iuvenem_). In regard to one aspirant for office we are informed that
'he will be the watch-dog of the treasury'--_hic aerarium

The names of those who make the recommendations often appear in the
later notices. Now and then individuals assume the responsibility, as
Vesonius Primus (p. 396), and Acceptus and Euhodia (p. 341), who were
undoubtedly owners of the property on which the notices appear. Thus
the candidate's neighbors are sometimes represented as favoring his
election, as in the case of Claudius Verus: _Ti. Claudium Verum II.
vir. vicini rogant_,--'His neighbors request the election of Tiberius
Claudius Verus as duumvir.' Electoral recommendations are painted on
all sides of the house of Verus--the extensive establishment in the
ninth Region known as the house of the Centenary.

The class of election notices in which we find the members of a craft
united in the support of a candidate has been sufficiently illustrated
in another connection (p. 384). To these we may add a recommendation
found on a wall facing the temple of Isis: _Cn. Helvium Sabinum aed.
Isiaci universi rog[ant]_,--'The worshippers of Isis, as a body,
request the election of Gnaeus Helvius Sabinus as aedile.' A suburb
also might have a candidate, as in the following instance: _M. Epidium
Sabinum aed. Campanienses rog._,--'The inhabitants of the Pagus
Campanus ask for the election of Marcus Epidius Sabinus as aedile.'

Sometimes all those who are engaged in an occupation are urged to
support a candidate. 'Innkeepers, make Sallustius Capito aedile,' we
read in one notice. In others, various classes of citizens having a
common bond, as the ballplayers, and the dealers in perfumes, are
exhorted to work for the election of a candidate presumably favorable
to their interests. In one instance there is a direct appeal to an
individual, involving a pledge of future support: _Sabinum aed[ilem],
Procule, fac, et ille te faciet_,--'Proculus, make Sabinus aedile, and
he will do as much for you.'

In view of the deep interest in the municipal elections, revealed by
these notices, it is not surprising to find that the support of a
candidate by a man of unusual prominence was extensively advertised.
In three different parts of the city the attention of voters was
directed to the fact that Suedius Clemens, the commissioner sent by
Vespasian to decide the ownership of certain plots of ground (p. 407),
favored the election of Epidius Sabinus as duumvir. One of the notices
reads: _M. Epidium Sabinum II. vir. iur. dic. o. v. f., dignum
iuvenem, Suedius Clemens sanctissimus iudex facit vicinis
rogantibus_,--'At the request of the neighbors, Suedius Clemens, most
upright judge, is working for the election of Marcus Epidius Sabinus,
a worthy young man, as duumvir with judiciary authority. He begs of
you to elect this candidate.'

So public a method of pressing a candidacy put a formidable weapon
into the hands of the candidate's enemies, and the form of a
recommendation was sometimes used against an office seeker with
telling effect. _Vatiam aed. furunculi rog._,--'The sneak thieves
request the election of Vatia as aedile,' we find conspicuously
painted on a wall on Augustales Street. According to other notices
near by, 'The whole company of late drinkers' (_seribibi universi_)
and 'all the people who are asleep' (_dormientes universi_) favored
the candidacy of the same unhappy Vatia. The last notice which we
shall present in this connection may have been painted on the order of
the girl who appears in it: _Claudium II. vir. animula facit_,--'His
little sweetheart is working for the election of Claudius as duumvir.'
The reference is probably to the Tiberius Claudius Verus mentioned

The other kinds of public notices are represented by relatively few
examples. Of special interest are the announcements of gladiatorial
combats, which were discussed in a previous chapter (p. 221). Next in
importance are perhaps the advertisements of buildings to rent. One of
these, relating to the Elephant Inn, has already been mentioned (p.
400). We present here two others, which have to do with large
properties. The first, which has now disappeared, was painted on a
wall in the sixth Region, at the south end of the third Insula. It
reads as follows:--

     NIGIDI MAI SER[vum].

'To rent, from the first day of next July, shops with the floors over
them, fine upper chambers, and a house, in the Arrius Pollio block
owned by Gnaeus Alleius Nigidius Maius. Prospective lessees may apply
to Primus, slave of Gnaeus Alleius Nigidius Maius.'

The word _equestria_, translated 'fine,' is used colloquially with
_cenacula_, in the sense 'fit for a knight.' The Insula named after
Arrius Pollio was thought by Fiorelli to be the so-called house of
Pansa, across the street from the block on which the advertisement was
found. The identification may be correct, but a notice painted in so
prominent a place might refer to a block in any part of the city.

The following inscription was found in the last century near the
Amphitheatre, on a wall of the extensive establishment named from it
the villa of Julia Felix:--

     S. Q. D. L. E. N. C.

'To let, for the space of five years, from the thirteenth day of next
August to the thirteenth day of the sixth August thereafter, the Venus
bath, fitted up for the best people, shops, rooms over shops, and
second story apartments in the property owned by Julia Felix, daughter
of Spurius.'

The bath may have received its name from Venus Pompeiana. The word
_nongentum_ is difficult to understand. The interpretation given is
based upon a passage of Pliny the Elder, from which we understand that
in colloquial language the knights were known as 'the nine hundred.' A
bath 'of the nine hundred' would then be one designed to attract the
patronage of the best people. The seven letters at the end of the
inscription have not yet been satisfactorily explained.

Advertisements of articles lost or found are also met with. A notice
in regard to a stray horse, painted on one of the tombs east of the
Amphitheatre, is given on p. 436. On the east side of Insula VIII.
v.-vi. we read:--

     DABIT · VND ...

'A copper pot has been taken from this shop. Whoever brings it back
will receive 65 sesterces. If any one shall hand over the thief' ...
(the rest of the inscription is illegible).



The graffiti form the largest division of the Pompeian inscriptions,
comprising about three thousand examples, or one half of the entire
number; the name is Italian, being derived from a verb meaning 'to
scratch.' Writing upon walls was a prevalent habit in antiquity, as
shown by the remains of graffiti at Rome and other places besides
Pompeii, a habit which may be accounted for in part by the use of the
sharp-pointed stylus with wax tablets; the temptation to use such an
instrument upon the polished stucco was much greater than in the case
of pens and lead pencils upon the less carefully finished wall
surfaces of our time. Pillars or sections of wall are covered with
scratches of all kinds,--names, catchwords of favorite lines from the
poets, amatory couplets, and rough sketches, such as a ship, or the
profile of a face. The skit, occasionally found on walls to-day,

     'Fools' names, like their faces,
     Are always seen in public places,'

has its counterpart in the couplet preserved as a graffito both at
Pompeii and at Rome: _Admiror, paries, te non cecidisse ruinis, Qui
tot scriptorum taedia sustineas_,--

     'Truly 'tis wonderful, Wall, that you have not fallen in ruins,
     Forced without murmur to bear the taint of so many hands.'

Of a similar vein is a Greek line scratched upon a wall on the
Palatine hill in Rome: 'Many persons have here written many things; I
alone refrained from writing.'

Taken as a whole, the graffiti are less fertile for our knowledge of
Pompeian life than might have been expected. The people with whom we
should most eagerly desire to come into direct contact, the cultivated
men and women of the ancient city, were not accustomed to scratch
their names upon stucco or to confide their reflections and
experiences to the surface of a wall. Some of the graffiti, to judge
from the height at which we find them above the floor, were
undoubtedly made by the hands of boys and girls; for the rest, we may
assume that the writers were as little representative of the best
elements of society as are the tourists who scratch or carve their
names upon ancient monuments to-day. Nevertheless, we gain from these
scribblings a lively idea of individual tastes, passions, and

A few graffiti have reference to events, as the siege of Sulla, in 89
B.C. (p. 240). The most interesting historical examples are those
which relate to the conflict between the Pompeians and the Nucerians,
in the year 59 A.D. (p. 220). An ardent Pompeian wrote: _Nucerinis
infelicia_,--'Down with the Nucerians!' From a scribbling by a
partisan of the other side it appears that the inhabitants of Puteoli
sympathized with the Nucerians, while those of Pithecusae--the island
of Ischia--favored the Pompeians: _Puteolanis feliciter, omnibus
Nucherinis felicia, et uncu[m] Pompeianis [et] Pitecusanis_,--'Hurrah
for the Puteolaneans, good luck to all Nucerians; a hook for the
Pompeians and Pithecusans.' The hook referred to in this connection
was that used by executioners and the attendants of the Amphitheatre
in dragging off the dead. Another Pompeian wrote: _Campani, victoria
una cum Nucerinis peristis_,--'Campanians, you were conquered by the
same victory with the Nucerians.' The Campani were not the inhabitants
of Campania, but of the suburb called Pagus Campanus.

Two inscriptions, attesting the presence of members of the Praetorian
Guard in Pompeii, have been previously mentioned (pp. 387, 401).
Another praetorian left his name in a house of the eighth Region
(VIII. iii. 21): _Sex. Decimius Rufus milis coh[ortis] V
pr[aetorianae] Ↄ Martialis_,--'Sextus Decimius Rufus, a soldier of the
fifth praetorian cohort, of the century led by Martialis.' To the same
division of the army probably belonged a centurion of the first rank,
Q. Spurennius Priscus, whose name was found in a house of the first
Region (I. iii. 3). The first, fifth, and ninth praetorian cohorts,
mentioned in the graffiti, may have come to Pompeii with different
emperors, or on different occasions with the same emperor; it is
unlikely that the three were united to form a single escort.

Graffiti are sometimes useful for the identification of buildings; so
in the case of the Basilica and of several inns. The dated examples
throw some light on the age of the stucco on which they are found.
They are for the most part late, and afford little help in determining
the time of commencement of the various decorative styles; but in
several cases they indicate a later limit clearly. In this way we
learn that the decoration of the Basilica, in the first style, was
finished before October 3, 78 B.C.--how long before we cannot tell;
and that in 37 B.C. the plastering of the Small Theatre was already on
the walls, decorated in the second style. The gladiatorial graffito in
the house of the Centenary (p. 226) proves that the decoration of the
room in which it is found--a late example of the second style--was
finished before November, A.D. 15. A dated inscription of the reign of
Nero is given in the chapter on the house of the Silver Wedding (p.

Several hundred graffiti present merely the name of the scribbler,
sometimes with the addition _hic fuit_,--'was here,' or simply _hic_;
as, _Paris hic fuit_, _Sabinus hic_.

A large number contain a greeting, perhaps in some cases intended for
the eye of the person mentioned, as _Aemilius Fortunato fratri
salutem_,--'Aemilius greets his brother Fortunatus.' In this as in
other examples it is interesting to note that one brother is
designated by the gens name, the other by the cognomen. Sometimes the
greeting is the reverse of cordial, as in this instance: _Samius
Cornelio, suspendere_,--'Samius to Cornelius: go hang yourself.'
Hardly less naĂŻve is the message to a friend who has died: _Pyrrhus
Chio conlegae sal[utem]: moleste fero, quod audivi te mortuom;
itaq[ue] vale_,--'Pyrrhus to his chum Chius: I'm sorry to hear that
you are dead; and so, Good-by.'

The most prominent theme of the graffiti is love, which is constantly
reappearing, in prose scribblings and in snatches of verse. The verse
form is usually the elegiac distich. Some of the lines are taken from
the poets; others were made up for the occasion, and not a few verses
were finished in prose, as if the would-be versifier found original
composition more difficult than he had anticipated.

Several distichs extol the power of love, as the following, which,
taken from some unknown poet, is found in several places: _Quisquis
amat, valeat, pereat qui nescit amare; Bis tanto pereat quisquis amare

     'Good health be with you, lovers all;
       Who knows not how to love, be cursed;
     But oh may double ruin fall
       On him who sets out love to worst!'

A similar thought finds expression in a single line, perhaps also a
quotation: _Nemo est bellus nisi qui amavit mulierem_,--'He who has
never been in love can be no gentleman.'

Not all the Pompeians, however, viewed the matter so seriously. To the
first line of the couplet just quoted a scribbler of a cynical turn in
one instance joined a parody, to the effect that those who are in love
may well avoid the use of hot baths, on the principle that 'the burnt
child dreads the fire,'--_Nam nemo flammas ustus amare potest._

The uselessness of interference with the course of love is also made
prominent. In this distich, apparently from some poet, the scribbler
seems to have made a slight change to meet a specific case,
substituting _obiurgat_ for _custodit_ or some similar word: _Alliget
hic auras, si quis obiurgat amantes, Et vetat assiduas currere fontis

     'Whoever has a mind
       To hinder lovers' way,
     Let him go zephyrs bind
       Or running waters stay.'

Ancient lovers nevertheless had their fears, and the following
couplet, which is no doubt borrowed from a poet, appears also, in a
slightly different form, on a wall in Rome: _Si quis forte meam cupiet
violare puellam, Illum in desertis montibus urat Amor_,--

     'If any man shall seek
       My girl from me to turn,
     On far-off mountains bleak
       May Love the scoundrel burn.'

Of extant elegiac poets Ovid, Propertius, and Tibullus are quoted or
paraphrased. Among the quotations is the familiar couplet of
Propertius: _Nunc est ira recens, nunc est discedere tempus; Si dolor
afuerit, crede, redibit amor_,--

     'Now is it time to depart,
       Now anger freshly burns;
     When one ceases to feel the smart,
       Believe me, love returns.'

If it was written by a lover after a quarrel, reconciliation was not
far off. Another discouraged suitor perhaps consoled himself by
writing on the wall of the Basilica this distich from Ovid's "Art of
Love," the form of which differs slightly from that given in the
manuscripts: _Quid pote tam durum saxso aut quid mollius unda? Dura
tamen molli saxsa cavantur aqua_,--

     'What is so hard as rock, or what can be softer than water?
       Hard rocks nevertheless by water are worn away.'

Amatory inscriptions often have the form of a message or greeting to a
loved one, as in this example: _Victoria, vale, et ubique es, suaviter
sternutes_,--'Health to you, Victoria, and wherever you are may you
sneeze sweetly,' that is, may good luck follow you. Often the greeting
is more ardent, as that to Cestilia: _Cestilia, regina Pompeianorum,
anima dulcis, vale_,--'Cestilia, queen of the Pompeians, sweet soul,
greeting to you.'

Sometimes the lover avoided writing the lady's name: _Pupa quae bella
es, tibi me misit qui tuus est; vale_,--'Maiden who are so beautiful,
he who is yours sent me to you; good-by.' Now and then we find an
inscription of this class that leaves an unfavorable impression. The
following is repeated several times on the outside of a house in the
first Region: _Serenae sodales sal[utem]_,--'Greeting to Serena, from
her companions!'

Spurned lovers also confided their woes to graffiti, sometimes adding
an appeal to the obdurate one, as in this wretched couplet, which can
scarcely have been taken from a poet; the play upon words in the last
clause was apparently intentional: _Si quid amor valeat nostei, sei te
hominem scis, Commiseresce mihi, da veniam ut veniam_,--

     'If you a man would be,--
       If you know what love can do,--
     Have pity, and suffer me
       With welcome to come to you.'

It was probably a lover in straits who scratched on the wall a line of
the Aeneid (IX. 404) as a prayer to Venus: _Tu, dea, tu praesens
nostro succurre labori_,--

     'Thou, goddess, with thy present help
               Our sore distress relieve.'

Another unsuccessful suitor found the lines of a single poet
inadequate to express his feelings, and joined together a couplet from
Ovid (Am. I. viii. 77-78) and one from Propertius (IV. v. 47-48) in
order to voice his complaint against a miserly mistress who barred her
door upon all except wealthy lovers. But the climax is reached in four
lines of irregular verse in which the rejected lover proposes to vent
his anger on the goddess of love herself: 'All lovers, come! I purpose
to break the ribs of Venus and to smash the small of her back with
clubs; if she can bore a hole in my tender breast, why can I not break
her head with a cudgel?' From the psychological point of view the
complete identification of the goddess with a statue representing her
is noteworthy.

Occasionally a pair of lovers left on a wall a record of a meeting;
thus, _Romula hic cum Staphylo moratur_,--'Romula tarried here with
Staphylus.' Staphylus, however, was apparently a flirt; in the house
of Caecilius Jucundus a similar meeting with another maiden is
recorded on a column of the peristyle: _Staphilus hic cum Quieta_. But
Staphylus does not seem to have gained the confidence of the fair sex
to the extent that another Pompeian gallant did, of whom we find it
written: _Restitutus multas decepit saepe puellas_,--'Restitutus has
many times deceived many girls.'

The names of husband and wife are sometimes joined together, as in a
room of a house in the ninth Region: _L. Clodius Varus, Pelagia
coniunx_; there is a similar example in a house ruined by the
earthquake of the year 63, _[Ba]lbus et Fortunata, duo coiuges_.

We find a pleasing instance of marital affection in a graffito in
which a lonely wife sends a greeting to an absent husband and other
relatives: _Hirtia Psacas C. Hostilio Conopi coniugi suo manuductori
et clementi monitori et Diodot[a]e sorori et Fortunato fratri et
Celeri suis salutem semper ubique plurimam, et Primigeniae suae
salutem_,--'Hirtia Psacas at all times and in all places sends
heartiest greeting to Gaius Hostilius Conops, her husband and guide
and gentle adviser, and to her sister Diodota, her brother Fortunatus
and her Celer; and she sends a greeting to her Primigenia, too.' The
names of both husband and wife are Greek, _psacas_ signifying
'dewdrop,' and _conops_ 'gnat.'

Many happenings are chronicled on the walls; and there are memoranda
of every description. The programmes of gladiatorial combats have
already been mentioned (p. 223). One man records the result of a trip
to Nuceria, where he won at the gaming table--without cheating, he
takes pains to add--a sum amounting to $130: _Vici Nuceriae in alia_
(for _alea_) [*] _DCCCLVS, fide bona_,--'At Nuceria, I won 855.5
denarii by gaming, fair play.'

Another Pompeian counted the steps as he walked up and down the
colonnade at the side of his garden (in the house VII. ii. 41) for
exercise; he recorded 640 paces for ten turns back and forth.

In the peristyle of a house in the first Region the advent of young
pigs, or of puppies, is noted: _XV K[alendas] Nov[embres] Puteolana
peperit mascl[os] III, femel[as] II_,--'On October 17 Puteolana had a
litter consisting of 3 males and 2 females.'

The inscriptions relating to business transactions are reserved for
another chapter. We may notice here, however, that memoranda of
accounts were sometimes scratched on walls, usually containing only
the figures indicating measure or price, as in the shops on the south
side of the Macellum. The following is from a bakery in the first
Region (I. iii. 27): _Oleum, l[ibra], a[ssibus] IV; palea a. V; faenum
a. XVI; diaria a. V; furfure a. VI; viria I a. III; oleum a.
VI_,--'Oil, a pound, 4 asses; straw, 5 asses; hay, 16 asses; a day's
wages, 5 asses; bran, 6 asses; one wreath for the neck, 3 asses; oil,
6 asses.' The value of the as varied; in the Early Empire it was
nearly equivalent to 1œ pence, or 3 cents.

Children scratched upon walls the alphabet that they were learning.
The frequent quotations from Virgil, generally incomplete, are
likewise an echo of lessons at school, where this author was carefully
studied; we find very often the beginnings of lines at the opening of
a book, as _Arma virumque cano_, or _Conticuere omnes_. The first word
of the poem of Lucretius, _Aeneadum_, also occurs several times.

Occasionally gnomic quotations are found, in most cases, perhaps, from
writers of comedy. Among them is the well-known maxim, _Minimum malum
fit contemnendo maxumum_,--'The smallest evil, if neglected, will
reach the greatest proportions.' A proverb more concrete in its form
of statement is the following: _Moram si quaeres, sparge milium et
collige_,--'If you want to waste your time, scatter millet and pick it
up again.'



The most important inscriptions relating to business transactions are
the receipts, discovered in 1875, which formed a part of the private
accounts of L. Caecilius Jucundus (p. 447). They were written on wax
tablets, which were carefully packed in a wooden box. The box, which
was in the second story of the house, crumbled to pieces when the
volcanic dust about it was removed; but many of the tablets, 154 in
number, still retained their shape and were taken to the Naples
Museum. The wood of the tablets had turned to charcoal, but the
writing has been for the most part deciphered. One receipt dates from
15 A.D., another from the year 27; the rest belong to the decade
immediately preceding the earthquake, 52-62 A.D. The documents are of
the greatest interest as casting light on the business methods of

Most of the tablets are triptychs. The three leaves were tied at the
back so as to open like the leaves of a book, making six pages (Fig.
274). The average height is about 5 inches, the width varies from 2 to
4 inches. Pages 1 and 6 served as covers, being left smooth and
without writing. Pages 2, 3, and 5 were hollowed out, leaving a
polished surface with a raised rim around it. On this surface a thin
layer of wax was spread, in which the letters were made with a stylus;
the writing could be easily read because the wood, which was of a
light color, showed through wherever a scratch was made in the wax

Two pages facing each other, 2 and 3, were devoted to the receipt.
Page 4, as shown in Fig. 275, was not hollowed out but was divided
into two parts by a broad, flat groove running across the middle. When
the document was ready to be sealed, the first two leaves were brought
together and tied by a thread which passed around the middle, the
ends meeting in the groove on page 4. In this groove at convenient
distances melted wax was then dropped, on which the witnesses,
ordinarily seven in number, impressed their seals. The names of the
witnesses were written with pen and ink in a line with the seals,
parallel with the sides of the page, sometimes at the right, as in
Fig. 275, sometimes divided, the first name and the gens name being at
the left of the seal, the cognomen at the right.

  [Illustration: Fig. 274.--Tablet with three leaves, opened so as to
   show the receipt and part of the memorandum on page 5, restored.]

This arrangement made it impossible to consult the receipt without
cutting the thread or disturbing the seals of the witnesses. To meet
the difficulty a memorandum, which was practically a duplicate
receipt, was placed on page 5; this could be read at any time.

The difference in form between the receipt, on pages 2 and 3, and the
memorandum will be plain from the examples. The receipt, with few
exceptions, is simply a record of an oral acknowledgment in the
presence of witnesses that a sum of money was received, _accepti
latio_. In nearly all the tablets this acknowledgment and the names of
the witnesses, on page 4, are in the same handwriting, which must have
been either that of Jucundus himself or of his secretary. It did not
matter who wrote the receipt; in case of a dispute the seals of the
witnesses would alone be sufficient to prove its genuineness. The
memorandum, however, was ordinarily in a different hand, either that
of the person who gave the receipt, or of some one authorized to write
for him. As it was not under the seals of witnesses, the handwriting
might become a matter of importance if any question should arise in
regard to the document.

  [Illustration: Fig. 275.--Tablet, restored, with the two leaves
   containing the receipt tied and sealed, and with the signatures of the
   witnesses at the right of the seals.]

The entire tablet, with its receipt, memorandum, and names and seals
of witnesses was called _perscriptio_, 'entry of account.' This word
appears ordinarily on the edge of the tablet, with the name of the
person who gave the receipt in the genitive case.

Nearly all the tablets record transactions connected with auction
sales, the person whose effects were thus disposed of giving Jucundus
a receipt in full for the proceeds of the sale less a commission,
_mercede minus_. A few contain receipts for rent which Jucundus paid
for the use of property belonging to the city--a fullery (p. 394), the
rent of which altogether amounted to 1652 sesterces, about $75; a
pasture, for the use of which he paid 2675 sesterces, about $130; and
a piece of arable land, _fundus_, on which he paid 6000 sesterces,
about $300, in rents.

We present an example of both classes of receipts. The first, which we
may call Tablet A, was given by a lady, Umbricia Januaria, for the
proceeds of an auction sale; it is dated December 12, A.D. 56. The
other, Tablet B, is the receipt for the rent of public pasture land
and belongs to the year 59 A.D.



_Perscriptio Umbriciae Januariae_, 'Entry of account of Umbricia

RECEIPT. Pages 2 and 3

_HS n. CC|ↃↃ ∞ XXXVIIII, quae pecunia in stipulatum L. Caecili
Iucundi venit ob auctionem Umbriciae Ianuariae mercede minus persoluta
habere se dixit Umbricia Ianuaria ab L. Caecilio Iucundo._

_Act[um] Pompeis pr[idie] id[us] Dec[embres] L. Duvio, P. Clodio cos._

'Umbricia Januaria declared that she had received from L. Caecilius
Jucundus 11,039 sesterces, which sum came into the hands of L.
Caecilius Jucundus by agreement as the proceeds of an auction sale for
Umbricia Januaria, the commission due him having been deducted.

'Done at Pompeii on the twelfth day of December, in the consulship of
Lucius Duvius and Publius Clodius.'


The seals of the witnesses, nine in number, appear in the groove at
the middle of the page. The names are in the genitive case, as if
dependent on _sigillum_, 'seal.'

     _Q. Appulei Severi._
     _M. Lucreti Leri._
     _Ti. Iuli Abascanti._
     _M. Iuli Crescentis._
     _M. Terenti Primi._
     _M. Epidi Hymenaei._
     _Q. Grani Lesbi._
     _T. Vesoni Le...._
     _D. Volci Thalli._

'Seal of Quintus Appuleius Severus, Marcus Lucretius Lerus, Tiberius
Julius Abascantus, M. Julius Crescens, M. Terentius Primus, M. Epidius
Hymenaeus, Q. Granius Lesbus, Titus Vesonius Le..., D. Volcius


_L. Duvio Avito, P. Clodio Thrasea cos., pr. id. Decembr. D. Volcius
Thallus scripsi rogatu Umbriciae Ianuariae eam accepisse ab L.
Caecilio Iucundo HS n. [=XI] xxxix ex auctione eius mercede minus ex
interrogatione facta tabellarum [signatarum]. Act. Pompeis._

'On December 12, in the consulship of Lucius Duvius Avitus and Publius
Clodius Thrasea, I, Decimus Volcius Thallus, having examined the
tablets put under seal, at the request of Umbricia Januaria declared
in writing that she had received from L. Caecilius Jucundus 11,039
sesterces as the proceeds of an auction sale after deducting his
commission. Done at Pompeii.'

Tablet A gives the ordinary form of the receipt and the memorandum.
There are occasional variations. A few tablets have only two leaves
and four pages. In such cases, the leaves are tied and sealed in the
same way as the first two of the triptych, but only half of the fourth
page is left for the signatures of the witnesses; the memorandum is
written on the other half with pen and ink, and so appears on the
outside of the tablet.

In two of the older tablets, dated 27 and 54 A.D., the memorandum, as
the receipt, is a record of an oral acknowledgment; it may be that
this was the proper legal form in use to the end of the reign of
Claudius. In a few of the later examples, as Tablet B, the receipt as
well as the memorandum has the form of a voucher in the handwriting of
the person who receives the money, or his agent.


RECEIPT. Pages 2 and 3

_L. Veranio Hupsaeo, L. Albucio Iusto duumviris iure dic[undo] XIIII
K[alendas] Iulias Privatus coloniae Pompeian[orum] ser[vus] scripsi me
accepisse ab L. Caecilio Iucundo sestertios mille sescentos
septuaginta quinque nummos, et accepi ante hanc diem, quae dies fuit
VIII idus Iunias, sester[tios] mille nummos, ob vectigal publicum
pasqua_ [for _pasquorum_].

_Act[um] Pom[peis] Cn. Fonteio C. Vipstano cos._

'On June 18, in the duumvirate of L. Veranius Hypsaeus and L. Albucius
Justus, I, Privatus, slave of the colony of Pompeii, declared in
writing that I had received from L. Caecilius Jucundus 1675 sesterces,
and previous to this day, on June 6, I received 1000 sesterces, as
rent for the public pasture.

'Done at Pompeii in the consulship of Gnaeus Fonteius and Gaius


In the groove in the middle of the page are four seals. As the receipt
was given for the city, the witnesses were the two duumvirs and the
slave Privatus, who received the money. The name of Privatus appears
twice with seal, under that of each duumvir. In antiquity
municipalities, as well as individuals, owned slaves.

     _L. Verani Hypsaei_

     _Privati, c. c. V. C. ser._ (for _colonorum coloniae Veneriae
     Corneliae servi_)

     _L. Albuci Iusti_

     _Privati, c. c. V. C. se._

     _Chirographum Privati c. c. V. C. ser._

'Seal of Lucius Veranius Hypsaeus; Privatus, slave of the citizens of
the colony of Pompeii; L. Albucius Iustus; Privatus, slave of the
citizens of the colony of Pompeii.

'Autograph of Privatus, slave of the citizens of the colony of


_L. Veranio Hupsaeo L. Albucio Iusto d[uumviris] i[ure] d[icundo] XIV
K. Iul. Privatus c. c. V. C. ser. scripsi me accepisse ab L. Caecilio
Iucundo HS ∞ DCLXXV et accepi ante hanc diem VIII idus Iunias HS ∞
nummos ob vectigal publicum pasquorum._

_Act. Pom. C. Fonteio C. Vips. cos._

The language of the memorandum is so nearly identical with that of the
receipt that it is unnecessary to add a translation.

       *       *       *       *       *

A considerable number of the amphorae found at Pompeii bear
inscriptions, generally written with a pen in black ink, but sometimes
painted with a brush in red or white. Most of them contained wine. The
percentage of Greek inscriptions is large, an evidence of the strength
of the Greek population in the region about the city.

The wine underwent fermentation in large round vats of baked clay,
_dolia_, which stood in the wine cellar of the villa, _cella vinaria_,
or in a court (p. 364); from these the amphorae were filled. The vats
containing the common wines were ordinarily emptied before the next
vintage, when they were needed for the new wine, but the better sorts
were allowed to remain in the dolia for a longer time. The wine of one
Pompeian amphora was left in the vat till after the harvest of the
second year: _C. Pomponio C. Anicio cos., ex fund[o] Badiano,
diff[usum] id. Aug., bimum_,--'Consulship of Gaius Pomponius and Gaius
Anicius. From the Badian estate. Poured (into amphorae) August 13. Two
years old.' In what year Pomponius and Anicius were consuls we do not

The earliest amphora of which the date is certain was filled in 25
A.D.: _[Cosso Len]tulo M. Asinio cos. fund._ The place from which it
came, however, is not so easily determined, since _fund._ may refer to
the town of Fundi, or stand for _fundus_, 'estate,' the name that
followed having been obliterated. The names of two such estates were
lately recovered from amphorae in the house of the Vettii, _fundus
Satrianus_ and _fundus Asinianus_.

In addition to the product of Italian vineyards the Pompeians used
also imported wines from the coast of Asia Minor and the islands near
by. One dealer, M. Fabius Euporus, kept wine from Cnidus, _Cnidium_.
Wine from the island of Cos is frequently mentioned, as in this
inscription: _Coum vet[us] P. Appulei Bassi_,--'Old Coan of Publius
Appuleius Bassus.'

Different kinds of wine were sometimes designated by characteristic
names. A certain Greek, M. Pomponius Teupon, produced a brand which he
called 'Frenzy Wine' (Λ᜻ττÎčÎżÏ‚), as if so strong that it would make the
drinker frantic. Another Greek, Timarchus, named one of his wines
'White Drink,' ΛΔυÎșÎżÏ…Îœáœ±ÏÎčÎżÎœ.

An amphora in the house of the Vettii was labelled _Gustaticium_,
'Breakfast Drink'; it no doubt contained _mulsum_, a kind of mead made
by mixing honey with wine, which the ancients drank with the first
meal of the day. The word _mulsum_ occurs on another amphora
discovered previously.

Fruits and other edibles of all kinds were kept in amphorae. On one
was written: _Oliva alba dulce_ (for _olivae albae dulces_) _P. C.
E._,--'White sweet olives of P. C. E.'; the name cannot be determined
from the initials. On other amphorae the words for bean meal
(_lomentum_), honey, and lentils appear, the last being designated by
the Greek word.

A large number of small jars contained the fish sauces,--_garum_,
_liquamen_, and _muria_,--of which the ancients were so fond;
reference has already been made to Umbricius Scaurus (p. 15), who
seems to have had several establishments for the making of the sauces,
conducted by slaves, freedmen, and perhaps by members of his family.

The best quality of _garum_, which was probably a thick preparation, a
kind of fish jelly, was designated by the letters _g. f._, for
_garum--flos_, 'garum blossom,' as in the following inscription:
_g[arum]--f[los] scombr[i] Scauri ab Eutyche Scauri_,--'Scaurus's
tunny jelly, blossom brand, put up by Eutyches, slave of Scaurus.' We
frequently find _liquamen optimum_, 'best liquamen.'

The _muria_ was apparently a fish pickle, certain parts of the fish,
or certain varieties, being preserved in brine. According to Pliny the
Elder some fish sauces were prepared in a special way, to be used by
the Jews on fast days; two of these, as already noted, appear in the
inscriptions upon Pompeian jars, _garum castum_ and _muria casta_ (p.

In these inscriptions upon jars of various sizes the name of the
proprietor is sometimes given, in the genitive case, as _M. Caesi
Celeris_,--'Of M. Caesius Celer.' The name of the man to whom the
consignment is made is put in the dative, as _Albucio Celso_.

The name of the consignor sometimes follows that of the consignee, as
_liquamen optimum A. Virnio Modesto ab Agathopode_,--'Best liquamen,
for Aulus Virnius Modestus, from Agathopus.'

An inscription similar to that just mentioned, on an amphora found in
the house of Caecilius Jucundus, illustrates the extent to which
family pride might assert itself in the naming of children: _Caecilio
Iucundo ab Sexsto Metello_,--'To Caecilius Jucundus from Sextus
Metellus.' The sender and the recipient were both sons of Lucius
Caecilius Jucundus. According to common usage, one of the sons would
have received the name Lucius Caecilius Jucundus, after the father;
while the other would have been called Lucius Caecilius, with a
cognomen derived perhaps from the name of the mother. But the
prosperous Pompeian wished to suggest a relationship with the
distinguished family of the Caecilii Metelli, so he named one son
Sextus Caecilius Jucundus Metellus, and the other Quintus Caecilius
Jucundus, the name Quintus being common in the family of the Caecilii
Metelli. The names of the two sons are found together in an election
notice: _Q. S. Caecili Iucundi_,--'Quintus and Sextus Caecilius

Besides the names of the makers, inscriptions relating to weight and
ownership are found on the cups and other objects of the Boscoreale
treasure. Thus on the under side of the Alexandria patera (Fig. 187, and
p. 380) we find the following record, the letters of which are outlined
with points: _Phi[ala] et emb[lema] p[endentia] p[ondo libras] II,
uncias X, scrupula VI. Phi[ala] p[endens] p[ondo libras] II, uncias II,
semunciam; emb[lema] p[endens] p[ondo] uncias VII, semunciam_, 'The bowl
and the relief medallion' together 'weigh 2 pounds, 10 ounces, and 6
scruples. The bowl weighs 2 pounds, 2œ ounces; the relief medallion
weighs 7œ ounces.' In giving the items separately no account was taken
of the scruples. Reckoning the Roman pound as 327.453 grammes, the
weight of the patera with its relief was 934.608 grammes, or 2.504 Troy
pounds. This differs from the present weight by less than a gramme.

Occasionally a name in the genitive case is found with the record of
weight, written with the same kind of letters; in such cases it is
probably safe to assume that the name is that of the original owner.
On the under side of one of the pair of cups ornamented with skeletons
(Fig. 217) is the inscription: GAVIAE P·II·S[E]IIII; a later hand,
writing with a fine point, added VAS II in the space after GAVIAE, as
if to supply an obvious omission, so that the inscription in full
would read, _Gaviae. Vas[a] II [pendentia] p[ondo libras] II, uncias
VIII, [scrupula] IV_, 'The property of Gavia. The two cups weigh 2
pounds, 8 ounces, and 4 scruples' (2.351 Troy pounds).

In some instances the name of a later owner has been scratched on the
surface with a pointed tool. The name of a woman, Maxima, written in
full or in abbreviation, appears on forty-five of the pieces in the
Louvre. We may safely accept the conclusion of De Villefosse, that she
is probably the one who made the collection, obtaining her specimens
from different sources, and that to her the Boscoreale treasure
belonged at the time of the eruption.

Besides the seals which were used in signing documents the Romans had
stamps, _signacula_, which they impressed upon various articles as a
means of identification or as an advertisement. Impressions of such
stamps are found upon bricks and other objects of clay, and in one or
two instances upon loaves of bread. Several charred loaves in the
Naples Museum have the stamp: _[C]eleris Q. Grani Veri ser._,--'(Made
by) Celer, slave of Quintus Granius Verus.'

The names upon stamps appear regularly in the genitive case, as _N.
Popidi Prisci_, spelled backward on the stamp, so that the letters
appear in the right order in the impression. Since the time of
Fiorelli many houses have been named from the stamps found in them; in
the house of the Vettii, for example, two stamps were found with the
names of Aulus Vettius Restitutus and Aulus Vettius Conviva.




The ideals of a nation--the true index of its culture--find expression
alike in its laws, its literature, its art, and the environment of
daily life. They are a common heritage, which one generation passes on
to another with its own increment of change, and their influence
extends as far as that of the people whose spirit is manifested in
them. Thus it happens that the conditions of culture found in a single
city, unless that city, as Athens, had an independent development as a
state, are not isolated but are determined in the main by general
movements and tendencies, and are reproduced, with local differences,
in all places having the same racial and political connections. The
local element was more pronounced and more characteristic in ancient
than in modern cities; yet, unless the surroundings were exceptionably
favorable, we should not be warranted in expecting to find in a small
city an isolated development of special significance in art or taste.
Pompeii forms no exception to the rule.

The situation of Pompeii was unfavorable to the growth of an
indigenous culture. Founded by Samnites, a primitive folk, it lay in
the overlapping edges of two great zones of influence, Greek and
Roman. It was a small town, which never rose to the dignity even of a
provincial capital. It was a seaport, which through marine traffic
kept in touch with other cities, especially those of the East, from
which fashions of art, religion, and life travelled easily westward.
The political institutions of the Pompeians were at first those which
they shared in common with the Samnite and Oscan cities of the
mountains and the Campanian plain, later those imposed upon them by
the forceful and levelling administration of Rome. The literature
which they read, as we learn from quotations scratched upon the walls,
consisted of the Greek and Roman writers of their own or previous
periods; not a single line of an Oscan drama or poem has been found.
Their art was a reproduction of designs and masterpieces produced
elsewhere,--at first under Hellenistic, later under Roman
influence,--on a scale commensurate with the limited resources of the
place. Finally the countless appliances of everyday life, from the
fixed furniture of the atrium to articles of toilet, were not rare and
costly objects such as were seen in the wealthy homes of Rome or
Alexandria, but those of the commoner sort everywhere in use. Any one
of fifty cities might have been overwhelmed in the place of Pompeii,
and the results, so far as our knowledge of the ancient culture in its
larger aspects is concerned, would not have been essentially

The representative rather than exceptional character of the remains at
Pompeii makes them either of less or of greater value, according as we
look at them from different points of view. If we are seeking for the
most perfect examples of ancient art, for masterpieces of the famous
artists, we do not find them. Many of the Pompeian paintings appeal to
modern taste; yet it would be as unfair to judge of the merits of
ancient painting from the specimens which are worked into the
decorative designs of Pompeian walls as it would be to base an
estimate of the value of modern art upon chromos and wall papers. For
the noblest creations of ancient art in any field we must look not to
provincial towns, but to the great centres of population and of
political administration, where genius found encouragement,
inspiration, and adequate means. No large city, fortunately for its
inhabitants, was visited by such a disaster as that which befell the
Campanian town; and the wealth of artistic types at Pompeii bears
witness to the universality of art in the Greco-Roman world.

Since these remains are so broadly typical, they are invaluable for
the interpretation of the civilization of which they formed a part.
They shed light on countless passages of Greek and Roman writers.
Literature, however, ordinarily records only that which is exceptional
or striking, while here we find the surroundings of life as a whole,
the humblest details being presented to the eye.

Pompeii, as no other source outside the pages of classical authors,
helps us to understand the ancient man.



_Physical geography of Campania, Vesuvius_: NISSEN, Italische
Landeskunde, vol. I (Berlin, 1883), pp. 263-272; PHILLIPS, Vesuvius
(Oxford, 1869); G. VOM RATH, Der Vesuv (Berlin, 1873); PALMIERI, Il
Vesuvio e la sua storia (Milan, 1880); JUDD, Volcanoes (International
Scientific Series, New York, 1831); LOBLEY, Mount Vesuvius--A
Descriptive, Historical, and Geological Account of the Volcano and its
Surroundings (London, 1889); RUGGIERO, Della eruzione del Vesuvio
nell' anno LXXIX, in the commemorative volume published under the
title Pompei e la regione sotterrata dal Vesuvio nell' anno LXXIX
(Naples, 1879), pp. 15-32.

_Pompeii as a seaport_ [p. 3]: Strab. Geog. V. IV. 8 (p. 247).

_The seacoast and the Sarno in antiquity_ [p. 4]: RUGGIERO, op. cit.,
pp. 5-14; MAU, Dell' antico lido del mare, Bull. dell' Inst., 1880, pp.
89-92; F. VON DUHN, Der Hafen von Pompei, Rhein. Mus., vol. 36 (1881),
pp. 127-130, 632-634; MAU, Der Hafen von Pompeji, Rhein. Mus., vol. 36.
pp. 326-328, and vol. 37 (1882), pp. 319-320.


_The founding of Pompeii_ [p. 8]: the question of the origin of the
city is closely connected with that of the system of streets, for
which see references to Chap. V, p. 517.

_Origin of the name_ [p. 8]: cf. F. VON DUHN, Verhandlung der 34ten
Philologen-Versammlung (1880), p. 154; for pompe = quinque, cf. BUCK,
Der Vocalismus der Oskischen Sprache (Leipzig, 1892), pp. 118-119. The
derivation of Pompeii from Ï€ÎżÎŒÏ€áœ” (Ï€áœłÎŒÏ€Î”ÎčÎœ) is assumed by NISSEN,
Pompejanische Studien (Leipzig, 1877), p. 580; cf. also SOGLIANO,
Rendiconto della Accademia di Archeologia, Nuova Serie, Naples, vol.
15 (1901), p. 115.

_The expedition of P. Cornelius_ [p. 9]: Liv. IX. XXXVIII. 2-3.

_The siege of Sulla_ [p. 10]: Appian. Bel. Civ., I. V. 39, VI. 50;
Oros. V. XVIII. 22; Vell. Pater. II. XVI. 2.

_The Pompeians and P. Sulla_ [p. 10]: Cic. Pro P. Sulla, XXI.

_Excavations near the Sarno canal_ [p. 10]: Not. d. scavi, 1880, pp.
494-498; 1881, pp. 25-29, 64-66. For other evidence relating to the
suburbs, see NISSEN, Pompejanische Studien, p. 379; MAU, Röm. Mitth.,
vol. 4 (1889), pp. 299-300, 344.

_Inscriptions_ [p. 11]--_referring to the Salinenses_: C. I. L. IV.
1611; Not. d. scavi, 1884, p. 51. _Referring to the Campanienses_: C.
I. L. IV. 470, 480, 1216, 1293 [quoted p. 492], 2353 [p. 219].

_Venus Pompeiana_ [p. 12]: Museo Borb., vol. 8, pl. 34; HELBIG,
WandgemĂ€lde der vom Vesuv verschĂŒtteten StĂ€dte Campaniens (Leipzig,
1868), no. 295; WISSOWA, De Veneris simulacris Romanis (Breslau,
1882), pp. 15-21; cf. also ROSSBACH, Vier Pompejanischen Wandbilder,
Jahrb. des Inst. vol. 8 (1893), pp. 57-59 (no. 4).

_Name of the Roman colony_ [p. 12]: known from inscriptions, as that
of Holconius Rufus and Egnatius Postumus [p. 85], and the tablets of
Caecilius Jucundus, as 3340, CXLIII. in C. I. L. IV. Suppl. 1; with
the latter we may compare the abbreviation after the name of Privatus
[p. 504].

_Civic administration_ [p. 12]: MARQUARDT, Römische Staatsverwaltung,
vol. 1 (Edit. 2, Leipzig, 1881), pp. 132-215: C. I. L. X. pp. 90-93,
IV. pp. 249-255; WILLEMS, Les élections municipales à Pompéi (Paris,
1886), and review of this book by MAU, Röm. Mitth., vol. 4 (1889), pp.

_Duumvirates of Caligula_ [p. 14]: C. I. L. X. 901, 902, 904.

_Lex Petronia_ [p. 14]: C. I. L. X. 858 [cf. p. 219]; MARQUARDT, op.
cit. vol. 1, p. 170.

_Inscriptions referring to priests_ [p. 14]: augurs, C. I. L. X. 806,
820, 822; pontifices, C. I. L. X. 788, 789, 791, 851, 859; of Mars, C.
I. L. IV. 879; of Ceres, C. I. L. X. 812, 1036, 1074; of Ceres and
Venus, Not. d. scavi, 1890, p. 91, and Ephem. Epigr. VIII. p. 86;
divinity not mentioned, C. I. L. X. 810-813, 816, 950, 998-999; of
Augustus, C. I. L. X. 798, 830, 837-840, 943-948, IV. 1180 (?); of
Julia Augusta, C. I. L. X. 961 (?); of Fortuna Augusta, C. I. L. X.
824-828; of Mercury and Maia, C. I. L. X. 884-923; of Nero, C. I. L.
IV. 1185 [quoted on p. 222].

_Officials of the Pagus Augustus Felix_ [p. 14]: C. I. L. X. 814, 853,
924, 944, 1027, 1028, 1030, 1042, 1055, 1074; Röm. Mitth., vol. 4
(1889), p. 344.

_Pompeian wine_ [p. 14]: Plin. N. H. XIV. II. 35, III. 38, VI. 70;
Columella, De re rust. III. II. 27. For the forms of the amphorae, see
the plate at the end of C. I. L. IV. following the map; for the
inscriptions, C. I. L. IV. pp. 171-188 and Suppl. 2.

_Pompeian cabbage and onions_ [p. 15]: Plin. N. H. XIX. VIII. 140;
Columella, De re rust. X. 135, XII. X. 1.

_Volcanic products_ [p. 15]: pumice stone, Vitr. II. VI. 2; oil mills,
Cato, De agri cultura, XXII. 3, 4, CXXXV. 2.

_Cicero's Pompeianum_ [p. 16]: Cic. Acad. pr. II. III. 9, XXV. 80; ad
Att. I. XX. 1, V. II. 1, X. XV. 1, XVI. 4, XIII. VIII; ad Fam. VII.
III. 1, IV, XII. XX; ad Quint. fr. II. XIV. 1; Plut. Cic. VIII. See
also SCHMIDT, Cicero's Villen--Das Pompeianum, Neue JahrbĂŒcher fĂŒr das
Klassische Altertum, vol. 3 (1899), pp. 489-497, and the review by
MAU, Röm. Mitth. vol. 15 (1900), pp. 129-130.

_Death of Claudius's Drusus at Pompeii_ [p. 16]: Suet. Div. Claud.

_Inscriptions_ [p. 16]: C. I. L. X. 874, 875; for the Greek
inscriptions discovered at Pompeii, cf. C. I. L. IV, Index, p. 264;
KAIBEL, Inscriptiones Graecae Siciliae et Italiae, pp. 188-189;
DILTHEY, Dipinti Pompeiani accompagnati d' epigrammi greci, Ann. dell'
Inst. vol. 48 (1876), pp. 294-314.

_Population of Pompeii_ [p. 16]: FIORELLI, Gli Scavi di Pompei dal
1861 al 1872, App. 3, pp. 12-14; NISSEN, Pomp. Studien, pp. 374-379.

_Evidence regarding the existence of a Jewish colony at Pompeii_ [pp.
17-18]--_inscriptions cited_: C. I. L. IV, 1507, 2569, 2609, 2611, IV.
Suppl. 4976, 5244. _Painting with the judgment of Solomon_: LUMBROSO,
Sul dipinto pompeiano in cui si Ăš ravvisato il giudizio di Salomone,
Memorie della Acc. dei Lincei, Serie 3, vol. II (1883), pp. 303-305;
SAMTER, ArchÀologischer Anzeiger, Beiblatt zum Jahr. des Inst., vol.
13 (1898), pp. 49-50. _Supposed Christian inscription and the
literature relating to it_: DE ROSSI, Una memoria dei Cristiani in
Pompei, Bulletino di Archeologia Cristiana, vol. 2 (1864), pp. 69-72,
and Dei Giudei Libertini e dei Cristiani in Pompei, ibid. pp. 92-93;
C. I. L. IV. 679, and Suppl. p. 461.


The particulars of the eruption are treated at length in the works on
Vesuvius cited in the note to Chap. I.

_Vesuvius before the eruption_ [p. 19]: Strabo, V. VIII. (p. 247);
Diod. Sic. IV. XXI. 5; Vitr. II. VI. 2, 3; Mart. Epigr. IV. XLIV;
PALMIERI, Del Vesuvio dei tempi di Spartaco e di Strabone e del
precipuo cangiamento avvenuto nell' anno 79 dell' era volgare, Pompei
e la regione sotterrate dal Vesuvio nell' anno LXXIX, pp. 91-94; see
also LOBLEY, Mount Vesuvius, pp. 95-98 and pl. 8. _Representation of
Vesuvius in a Pompeian wall painting_ (discovered in 1879): Not. d.
scavi, 1879, p. 285; reproduction, Not. d. scavi, 1880, pl. VII., with
a geological analysis by Palmieri, pp. 233-234; reproduced also by DE
MARCHI, Il culto privato di Roma antica, vol. 1 (Milan, 1896), pl. 5
(p. 100).

_The earthquake of 63 A.D._ [p. 19]: Tac. Ann. XV. XXII (erroneously
assigned to 62); Sen. N. Q. VI. I. 1-15, XXVI. 5, XXVII. 1; cf. also
the dedicatory inscription of the temple of Isis [p. 170].

_Date of the eruption_ [p. 19]: MAU, Del mese e del giorno dell'
eruzione, Bull. dell' Inst. 1880, pp. 92-96; Not. d. scavi, 1889, pp.
407-410; Röm. Mitth., vol. 5 (1890), pp. 282-283.

_Ancient sources of our knowledge of the eruption_ [pp. 19-20]: Plin.
Ep. VI. XVI, XX; Dio Cass. LXVI. XXI-XXIII; incidental references, M.
Aurel. Anton. IV. XLVIII; Euseb. Chron. ad an. Abr. 2095; Plut. De
sera numinis vindicta, XXII. p. 566 E, De Pythiae oraculis, IX. p. 398
E; Tertullian, Apologet. XL, De pallio, II.

_Covering of Herculaneum_ [p. 21]; RUGGIERO, Della eruzione del
Vesuvio nell' anno LXXIX (see note to Chap. I.), pp. 21-22.

_Excavations at Stabiae_ [p. 21]: see note to Chap. IV.

_Commission sent by Titus_ [p. 23]: Suet. Div. Tit. 8.


_Excavations at Pompeii_: FIORELLI, Pompeianarum antiquitatum historia
(3 vols., Naples, 1860-1864); FIORELLI, Gli scavi di Pompei dal 1861
al 1872 (Naples, 1873); C. I. L. X. pp. 93-94. _Periodical reports of
the excavations_: Bullettino Archeologico Napolitano pubblicato da
AVELLINO (vols. 1-6, Naples, 1842-1848). Bullettino Archeologico
Napolitano, Nuova Serie, edited by GARRUCCI and MINERVINI (vols. 1-8,
Naples, 1853-1863); Bullettino Archeologico Italiano, edited by
MINERVINI (1861-1862); Giornale degli scavi di Pompei pubblicato da
GIUSEPPE FIORELLI (Naples, 1861-1865, incomplete); Giornale degli
scavi di Pompei, Nuova Serie, pubblicata dagli alunni della Scuola
archeologica (vols. 1-4, Naples, 1868-1879); since 1876, in the
Notizie degli scavi di antichitĂ . The reports on the excavations by
Professor Mau were published in the Bullettino dell' Instituto from
1873 to 1885; since 1885 they have appeared in the Römische

_Excavations at Herculaneum_: RUGGIERO, Storia degli scavi di Ercolano
(Naples, 1885).

_Excavations at Stabiae_: RUGGIERO, Degli scavi di Stabia dal MDCCXLIX
al MDCCLXXXII (Naples, 1881).

_Inscriptions discovered by Fontana_ [p. 25]: C. I. L. X. 928, 952.

_Time required to complete the excavations_ [p. 29]: FIORELLI, Gli
scavi di Pompei dal 1861 al 1872, App. p. 10.


_The system of streets_ [p. 32]: NISSEN, Das Templum (Berlin, 1869),
pp. 63-81; NISSEN, Pomp. Studien, pp. 572-593; FIORELLI, Gli scavi di
Pompei dal 1861 al 1872, App. pp. 10-12; VON BEZOLD, Osservazioni
sulla limitazione di Pompei, Bull. dell' Inst. 1880, pp. 151-159; MAU,
Osservazioni sulla rete stradale di Pompei, Bull. dell' Inst. 1881,
pp. 108-112.

_The regions and insulae_ [p. 34]: FIORELLI, Sulle regioni Pompeiane e
della loro antica distribuzione (Naples, 1858); FIORELLI, Descrizione
di Pompei (Naples, 1875), pp. 24-25; for the names given to houses,
FIORELLI, Gli scavi di Pompei dal 1861 al 1872, App. pp. 18-20.
_Meaning of the word =Insula=_: RICHTER, Insula, Hermes, vol. 20 (1885),
pp. 91-100.


_Materials, construction, periods, systems of measurement_: NISSEN,
Pomp. Studien, pp. 1-97; FIORELLI, Gli scavi di Pompei dal 1861 al
1872, pp. 78-86; RUGGIERO, Delia eruzione del Vesuvio nell' anno LXXIX
(see note to Chap. I), pp. 5-8; MAU, Pompejanische BeitrÀge (Berlin,
1879), pp. 1-41, and Röm. Mitth., vol. 4 (1889), pp. 294-298.

_Mason's marks_: C. I. L. IV. pp. 166-167; RICHTER, Ueber antike
Steinmetz-zeichen (Berlin, 1883), pp. 13-22, summarized by MAU, Röm.
Mitth., vol. 4 (1899), pp. 292-294; MAU, Segni di scarpellino di
Pompei, Röm. Mitth., vol. 10 (1895), pp. 47-51. MARRIOTT, Facts about
Pompeii (London, 1895), pp. 62-85, reviewed by Mau, Röm. Mitth., vol.
10 (1895), pp. 222-224. A complete collection of mason's marks will
appear in C. I. L. IV. suppl. 2.


_Excavation_ (1813-1818), _plan, remains_: FIORELLI, Pomp. ant. hist.,
vol. 1, pt. 3, pp. 135-212, vol. 3, pp. 1-17; GELL, Pompeiana (Edit.
2, 2 vols., London, 1832), vol. 1, pp. 27-38; MAZOIS, Les ruines de
Pompéi (four parts, cited as vols.; vols. 1 and 2, 1824; vols. 3 and
4, continued by GAU, 1828-1829; Paris), vol. 3, pp. 28-36, plates
13bis, 14; NISSEN, Pomp. Studien, pp. 313-319, 344-374.

_Inscriptions relating to the Forum or found in it_: C. I. L. X.
787-794, IV. pp. 4, 41, 125-127; inscription of A. Clodius Flaccus [p.
57], X. 1074.

_Statues of the Forum_ [pp. 46-48]: MAU, Die Statuen des Forums von
Pompeji, Röm. Mitth., vol. 11 (1896), pp. 150-156.

_History of the colonnade_ [p. 50]: MAU, Il portico del Foro di
Pompei, Röm. Mitth., vol. 6 (1891), pp. 168-176.

_Paintings illustrating the life of the Forum_ [p. 55]: Le pitture
antiche di Ercolano e contorni (5 vols., Naples, 1757-1779), pp. 213,
221, 227; HELBIG, WandgemÀlde, nos. 1489-1500; particularly JAHN,
Ueber Darstellungen des Handwerks und Handelsverkehrs auf antiken
WandgemÀlden, Abhandlungen der sÀchsischen Gesellschaft der
Wissenschaften, philologisch.-hist. Classe, vol. 5 (1870), pp. 263-318
and pl. 1-3; reproduced also by BAUMEISTER, DenkmÀler des klassischen
Altertums (3 vols., Munich, 1884-1888), vol. III. Fig. 1653;
SCHREIBER, Atlas of Classical Antiquities (trans. by Anderson; London,
1895), pl. 87, 88, 89.

_Shape of a typical forum contrasted with that of the agora_ [p. 57]:
Vitr. V. I. 1-3.

_Admission fee_, [p. 57]: FRIEDLAENDER in MARQUARDT, Röm.
Staatsverwaltung (Edit. 2), vol. 3, pp. 492-493.

_Slaves not permitted to witness the games_ [p. 58]: Cic. De harus.
resp. XII. 26.


_Of the Capitolium in Roman colonies generally_: KUHFELDT, De
capitoliis imperii Romani (Berlin, 1882); CASTAN, Les capitaux
provinciaux du monde romain (Besançon, 1886); DE ROSSI and GATTI, I
campidogli nelle colonie e nelle altre cittĂ  del mondo romano, Bull.
com., vol. 15 (1887), pp. 66-68; WISSOWA, Capitolium (2),
Pauly-Wissowa Real-EncyclopÀdie, vol. 3, pp. 1538-1540.

_The temple of Jupiter_ (excavated in 1816-1818, 1820): FIORELLI,
Pomp. ant. hist., vol. 1, pt. 3, pp. 185-200, vol. 2, pp. 16-17, vol.
3, p. 13; MAZOIS, Les ruines de Pompéi, vol. 3, pp. 48-50, pl. 30-36;
NISSEN, Pomp. Studien, pp. 320-327; MAU, Pomp. BeitrÀge, pp. 200-209;
WEICHARDT, Pompeji vor der Zerstörung (Leipzig, 1897), pp. 61-78.

_Variation of the plan from the Etruscan, union of Greek and
Etruscan elements_ [p. 63]: cf. Vitr. IV. VII. 1, VIII. 5.

_Relief in the house of Caecilius Jucundus_ [p. 64]: MAU, Röm. Mitth.,
vol. 15 (1900), pp. 115-116.

_Decoration of the cella_ [p. 65]: MAU, Geschichte der decorativen
Wandmalerei in Pompeji (Berlin, 1882), pp. 61-62, 248.

_Inscriptions found in the cella_ [p. 66]: C. I. L. X. 796-797.

_The Capitolium and the temple of Zeus Milichius_ [p. 66]: MAU, Röm.
Mitth., vol. 11 (1896), pp. 141-149.

_Temples of Jupiter, Juno, and Minerva in Etruscan and Roman cities_
[p. 66]: Serv. Com. in Verg. ad Aen. I. 422; Vitr. I. VII. 1.

_Capitals of the Ionic columns of the cella, and of the Corinthian
columns of the portico_ [pp. 63-67]: MAZOIS, Les ruines de Pompéi,
vol. 3, pl. 35. The shape of the acanthus leaves is not that
characteristic of the pre-Roman period. It is therefore most probable
that the temple was built, or at any rate was completed, in the early
years of the colony.

_The vaults in the podium_ [p. 67]: Not. d. scavi, 1900, pp. 341-344.


_Excavation_ (1813-1816): FIORELLI, Pomp. ant. hist., vol. 1, pt. 2,
p. 86, pt. 3, pp. 111-179 passim; vol. 2, p. 13.

_Inscriptions_: C. I. L. X. 805-807, IV. pp. 113-125.

_Decoration_: MAU, Geschichte der dec. Wandmalerei, pp. 11-17.

_Reconstruction_: MAU, Röm. Mitth., vol. 3 (1888), pp. 14-46, vol. 6
(1891), pp. 67-71, vol. 8 (1893), pp. 166-171; cf. also WOLTERS, Das
Chalcidicum der Pompejanischen Basilica, Röm. Mitth., vol. 3 (1888),
pp. 47-60. Equal height of main room and corridor was first assumed by
MAZOIS (Les ruines de Pompéi, vol. 3, pls. 17, 18), afterward by MAU
(Pomp. BeitrÀge, pp. 156-199). A clerestory was added by CANINA
(Architettura Antica, vol. 3, pl. 93), and by LANGE (Haus und Halle,
Leipzig, 1885, pp. 351-372). SCHOENE (NISSEN, Pomp. Studien, pp.
198-201) assumes an equal height for the large columns and the
half-columns, with a gallery above the corridor.

_The Basilica Porcia_ [p. 70]: HUELSEN, Röm. Mitth., vol. 8 (1893),
pp. 84, 91. _Other references on the Roman basilicas_: HUELSEN,
Nomenclator topographicus (KIEPERT and HUELSEN, Formae urbis Romae
antiquae, Berlin, 1896), pp. 13-14.

_The Basilica at Fano_ [p. 71]: Vitr. V. I. 6-10; PRESTEL, Des M.
Vitruvius Pollio, Basilica zu Fanum Fortunae (Strassburg, 1900).
_Reconstruction_: VIOLLET-LE-DUC, Entretiens sur l'architecture (2
vols. Paris, 1863, 1872), vol. 1, pp. 150-157, and Atlas, pl. 8-10;
translation of vol. 1 by VAN BRUNT (under the title Discourses on
Architecture, Boston, 1873), pp. 144-149 and pls. 8-10.

_Literature relating to the origin of the Christian basilica_: DEHIO
and VON BEZOLD, Die kirchliche Baukunst des Abendlandes, vol. 1
(Stuttgart, 1892), pp. 62-63, and LOWRIE, Monuments of the Early
Church (New York, 1901), pp. 420-421; cf. also HOLTZINGER, Die
altchristliche und byzantinische Baukunst (Stuttgart, 1899; in Durm's
Handbuch der Architektur), pp. 19-25; KRAUS, RealencyclopÀdie der
christl. AlterthĂŒmer (2 vols., Freiburg, 1882-1886), vol. I. under
=Basilica=; LANGE, Haus und Halle (Leipzig, 1885), pp. 270-326; F.
WITTING, Die AnfÀnge christlicher Architektur (Strassburg, 1902).


_Excavation_ (1817-1818), _remains, restoration_: FIORELLI, Pomp. ant.
hist., vol. 1, pt. 3, pp. 191, 203-210, vol. 2, pp. 9, 69, vol. 3, pp.
9-16; GELL, Pompeiana (Edit. 3, by GELL and GANDY, London, 1852), pl.
53-54; MAZOIS, Les ruines de Pompéi, vol. 4, pls. 16-23; NISSEN,
Pomp. Studien, pp. 213-232; MAU, Pomp. BeitrÀge, pp. 93-116;
OVERBECK-MAU, Pompeji (Pompeji in seinen GebĂ€uden, AlterthĂŒmern und
Kunstwerken dargestellt von JOHANNES OVERBECK; vierte im Vereine mit
AUGUST MAU durchgearbeitete und vermehrte Auflage, Leipzig, 1884), pp.
96-104 and 636-637 (Anm. 41-45); IVANOFF, Architektonische Studien,
Heft 2 (Berlin, 1895), pl. 1-3; WEICHARDT, Pompeji vor der Zerstörung,
pp. 35-52.

_Inscriptions relating to the temple_--_Oscan_ [p. 80]: MAU, Bull.
dell' Inst, 1882, pp. 189-190, 203, 205-207; BUECHELER, Rhein. Mus.,
vol. 37 (1882), p. 643; ZVETAIEFF, Inscriptiones Italiae inferioris
dialecticae (Moscow, 1886), p. 55 (no. 156 _a_); VON PLANTA, Grammatik
der Oskisch-Umbrischen Dialekte (2 vols.; Strassburg, 1892, 1897),
vol. 2, p. 500; CONWAY, Italic Dialects (2 vols., London, 1897), vol.
1. p. 65. _Latin_ [pp. 85-86]: C. I. L. X. 787, 800-804.

_Paintings_ [pp. 84, 87]: HELBIG, WandgemÀlde, nos. 266, 395, 1306,
1324, 1325, 1544, and NachtrÀge, pp. 461-462.

_Statues found in the court_ [p. 87]--_Venus_: Museo Borb., vol. 14,
pl. 23. _Artemis and Apollo_: Museo Borb., vol. 8, pl. 59, 60. _Herm
in the Naples Museum formerly thought to be Maia_: PATRONI, La pretesa
Maia, erma del Museo Nazionale di Napoli, Röm. Mitth., vol. 15 (1900),
pp. 131-132.

_The cult of Mercury and Maia_ [p. 89]: cf. SAMTER, Altare di Mercurio
e Maia, Röm. Mitth., vol. 8 (1893), pp. 222-225.

_Augustus as Mercury_ [p. 90]: KIESSLING, Zu Hor. Od. I. 2, in
Philologische Untersuchungen (herausgegeben von A. KIESSLING und U.
VON WILAMOWITZ-MOELLENDORFF, Berlin), Heft 2 (1881), p. 92.
_Inscriptions referring to the cult of Mercury and Maia, afterward of
Augustus, at Pompeii_: C. I. L. X. pp. 109-113. _Dendereh inscription_
(found with a wall painting showing the portrait of an emperor):
DUEMICHEN, Baugeschichte des Denderah Tempels (Berlin, 1877), p. 16
and pl. 9; KRALL, Wiener Studien, vol. 5 (1883), p. 315, note.


_The table of standard measures_ [p. 92]: MANCINI, La mensa ponderaria
di Pompei esistente nel Museo Nazionale di Napoli, Giornale degli
scavi di Pompei, Nuova Serie, vol. 2 (1871), pp. 144-161; NISSEN,
Pomp. Studien, pp. 71-74; CONWAY, The Italic Dialects, vol. 1, pp.
67-68, vol. 2, pp. 521-523; ZVETAIEFF, Sylloge inscriptionum Oscarum,
pl. 13; C. I. L. X. 793.

_Measurements of the cavities by_ MR. BIDDER: The Academy, April 15,
1895, p. 319.

_Other tables of standard measures_ [p. 93]: at Minturnae, C. I. L. X.
6017; at Tivoli, Not. d. scavi, 1883, pp. 85-86, 172, and LANCIANI,
Pagan and Christian Rome (Boston, 1892), pp. 40-41; at Selinus, Not. d
Scavi. 1884, p. 321; BREGENZ, Mitth. der Oesterr. Centralcommission,
Neue Folge, vol. 8, p. 99; in Greek lands, TARBELL, A "Mensa
Ponderaria" from Assos; American Journal of ArchĂŠology, vol. 7 (1891),
pp. 440-443, and n. 1 (the Assos table is now in the Boston Museum of
Fine Arts); BACON, Investigations at Assos, Pt. 1 (1902), pp. 71, 73.


_Excavation_ (in 1821-1822), _identification, reconstruction_:
FIORELLI, Pomp. ant. hist., vol. 2, pp. 38-56, vol. 3, pp. 31-32;
GELL, Pompeiana (Edit. of 1832), vol. 1, pp. 46-68; MAZOIS, Les ruines
de Pompéi, vol. 3, pp. 59-67, pl. 42-46; NISSEN, Pomp. Studien, pp.
275-286; OVERBECK-MAU, Pompeji, pp. 120-128; Not. d. scavi, 1898, pp.

_Other macella_ [p. 94] _in Rome_: HUELSEN, Nomenclator top. (see note
to Chap. IX), p. 44. _At Puteoli_: GERVASIO, Sopra alcune iscrizioni
riguardanti il Macello nell' antica Pozzuoli (Naples, 1852); published
also in Memorie della regale Accademia ercolanese di archeologia, vol.
6 (1853), pp. 265-283.

_The tholus_ [p. 94]: Varro, apud Non., p. 448. The coin of Nero
referred to is described by ECKHEL, Doctrina numorum veterum (Edit. 2,
8 vols., Vienna, 1792-1828), vol. 6, p. 273, and figured by COHEN,
Description historique des monnaies frappées sous l'empire romain,
vol. 1 (Edit. 2, Paris, 1880), p. 288; and DONALDSON, Architectura
Numismatica, no. LXXII.

_Paintings in the Macellum at Pompeii_ [pp. 96-98]: HELBIG,
WandgemÀlde, see Topogr. Index, p. 476, under Pantheon.

_Cupids as bakers and as makers of wreaths_ [p. 98]: Museo Borb., vol.
4, pl. 47, and vol. 6, pl. 51; ROUX, Herculanum et Pompéi (text by
BARRÉ; 8 vols., Paris, 1840), vol. 2, pl. 83, 84; HELBIG, WandgemĂ€lde,
nos. 777, 800; JAHN, Abhandlungen der Königl. sÀchsichen Gesellschaft
der Wissenschaften, philolog-hist. Classe, vol. 5 (1870), pp. 315-318
and pl. 6.

_Statues found in the imperial chapel_ [p. 98]: MAU, Statua di
Marcello nipote di Augusto, Atti della reale Accademia di Napoli, vol.
15 (1891), pp. 133-151; HELBIG, Osservazioni sopra i ritratti di
Fulvia e di Ottavia, Mon. dei Lincei, vol. 1 (1890), pp. 573-590. Both
these articles are summarized by MAU, Röm. Mitth., vol. 6 (1891), p.
268, and vol. 7 (1892), pp. 169-171. The statues were published with
the names of Livia and Drusus, son of Tiberius, in the Museo Borb.,
vol. 3, pl. 37, 38; the right hand of Octavia is restored.

_Destruction wrought by the earthquake of 63_ [p. 101]: this matter
will be discussed in an early number of the Römische Mittheilungen.


_Excavation_ (1817), _remains_: FIORELLI, Pomp. ant. hist., vol. 1,
pt. 3, p. 196; MAZOIS, Les ruines de Pompéi, vol. 3, pp. 50-51, pl.
37; NISSEN, Pomp. Studien, pp. 303-306.

_Identification and restoration_: MAU, Der StÀdtische Larentempel in
Pompeji, Röm. Mitth., vol. 11 (1896), pp. 285-301.


_Excavation_ (in 1817), _remains, identification, restoration_:
FIORELLI, Pomp. ant. hist., vol. 1, pt. 3, p. 198; MAZOIS, Les ruines
de Pompéi, vol. 4, pp. 33-36, pl. 12-15; GARRUCCI, L'Augusteum, la
curia degli Augustales, il Chalcidicum, l'aedes Fortunae Augustae,
Bullettino archeologico Napolitano, Nuova Serie, vol. 2 (1854), pp.
4-6, published also in his Questioni Pompeiane (Naples, 1853), pp.
74-79; NISSEN, Pomp. Studien, pp. 270-275; MAU, Osservazioni sul
creduto tempio del Genio di Augusto in Pompei, Atti della reale
Accademia di Napoli, vol. 16 (1894), pp. 181-188; WEICHARDT, Pompeji
vor der Zerstörung, pp. 95-101. For the restoration given in Fig. 46,
see MAU, Der Tempel des Vespasian in Pompeii, Röm. Mitth., vol. 15
(1900), pp. 133-138.


_Excavation_ (1814-1818): FIORELLI, Pomp. ant. hist., vol. 1, pt. 3,
pp. 154-158, 195, 198, 210-213, vol. 2, pp. 7-19, vol. 3, pp. 6, 13,
16, 23.

_Remains, identification, restoration_: BECHI, Del calcidico e della
cripta di Eumachia scavati nel Foro di Pompeji l'anno 1820 (Naples,
1820); GELL, Pompeiana (Edit. of 1832), vol. 1, pp. 13-26; MAZOIS, Les
ruines di Pompéi, vol. 3, pp. 42-47, pl. 22-27; NISSEN, Pomp. Studien,
pp. 287-303. For the restorations given in the text, see MAU,
Osservazioni sull' edifizio di Eumachia in Pompei, Röm. Mitth., vol. 7
(1892), pp. 113-143.

_Inscriptions_ [pp. 111, 112]: C. I. L. X. 808-815.

_Decoration_ [p. 111]: MAZOIS, Les ruines de Pompéi, vol. 3, pp.
45-46, pl. 26, 27; MAU, Geschichte der dec. Wandmalerei, pp. 334-335,
410, and pl. 10; HELBIG, WandgemÀlde, no. 1094 _c_.


_Remains, identification_: MAZOIS, Les ruines de Pompéi, vol. 3, pp.
58-59; NISSEN, Pomp. Studien, pp. 185-193; OVERBECK-MAU, Pompeji, pp.


_Excavation_ (1814), _remains, identification_: FIORELLI, Pomp. ant.
hist., vol. 1, pt. 3, pp. 154-159, vol. 2, p. 160; MAZOIS, Les ruines
de Pompéi, vol. 3, p. 52, pl. 38; NISSEN, Pomp. Studien, pp. 306-311;
OVERBECK-MAU, Pompeji, pp. 139-142.


_Excavation, remains, identification_: Not. d. scavi, 1899, pp. 17-23,
1900, pp. 27-30. In these reports the temple is assigned to the
worship of Augustus, the history of the building also being
misunderstood. For a justification of the interpretation of the
remains given in the text, see MAU, Der Tempel der Venus Pompeiana.
Röm. Mitth., vol. 15 (1900), pp. 270-308 and pl. 7-8.


_Excavation_ (1823-1824): FIORELLI, Pomp. ant. hist., vol. 2, pp.
84-85, 91, 95-98.

_Remains, restoration_: MAZOIS, Les ruines de Pompéi, vol. 4, pp.
45-48, pl. 24-26; GELL, Pompeiana (Edit. of 1832), vol. 1, pp. 69-82;
NISSEN, Pomp. Studien, pp. 178-184; MAU, Der Tempel der Fortuna
Augusta in Pompeji, Röm. Mitth., vol. 11 (1896), pp. 269-284;
WEICHARDT, Pompeji vor der Zerstörung, pp. 85-93.

_Inscriptions_ [pp. 130, 132]: C. I. L. X. 820-828.


_Excavation of the Forum and the temple_ (1767-1797): FIORELLI, Pomp.
ant. hist., vol. 1, pt. 1, pp. 211, 276, 285, 286, 297, 307, 308, pt.
2, pp. 63-65.

_Remains of the temple, restoration_: MAZOIS, Les ruines de Pompéi,
vol. 3, pp. 17-22, pl. 8-10. Especially attractive are the sketches
and restorations given by WEICHARDT, Pompeji vor der Zerstörung, pp.
17-33, pl. 1, 2 (reproduced in our pl. 3), and 3. The best description
of the remains of the temple is given by KOLDEWEY and PUCHSTEIN, Die
griechischen Tempel in Unteritalien und Sicilien (Berlin, 1899), pp.
45-49 and pl. 5; their conclusions are criticised by MAU, Röm. Mitth.,
vol. 15 (1900), pp. 126-128. See also VON DUHN and JACOBI, Der
griechische Tempel in Pompeji (Heidelberg, 1890); SOGLIANO, Il tempio
nel Foro triangolare di Pompei, Mon. dei Lincei, vol. 1 (1890), pp.
189-200; both these contributions are reviewed by MAU, Röm. Mitth.,
vol. 6 (1891), pp. 258-267.

_The colonnade contained ninety-five Doric columns_ [p. 135]: there
were in addition two half-columns at the south end; Plan III in this
respect is inexact. The number of columns is often given as one

_Inscriptions of the sundial and the pedestal_ [p. 136]: C. I. L. X.
831, 832.

_Number of columns in the temple front uneven_ [p. 137]: the steps are
too broad for one intercolumniation, and must have been designed for
two, as indicated in Fig. 62.

_Human bones found in the enclosure_ [p. 139]: ROMANELLI, Viaggio a
Pompei (1811), p. 104 (Edit. 2, 1817, p. 182), "Vi furono trovati
molti avanzi di cadaveri sepolti." Excavations made here at the
suggestion of Professor Mau brought to light few traces of bones.

_Oscan inscription_ [p. 139]: ZVETAIEFF, Sylloge inscriptionum Oscarum
(Leipzig, 1868), no. 69 and pl. 13; VON PLANTA, Grammatik der
Oskisch-Umbrischen Inschriften, vol. 2, p. 501; CONWAY, Italic
Dialects, vol. 1, p. 63.

_Oscan inscription_ [p. 140]: see references below, pp. 530-531.


_Excavation of the two theatres and the court behind the Large
Theatre_ (July, 1764, to March, 1765; and December, 1791, to
February, 1796): FIORELLI, Pomp. ant. hist., vol. 1, pt. 1, pp.
158-165, pt. 2, pp. 46-63. For the Small Theatre, see also vol. 1, pt.
2, pp. 69, 75.

_Paintings at Pompeii relating to the stage_: HELBIG, WandgemÀlde,
nos. 1464-1476; SOGLIANO, Le pitture murali Campane, nos. 740-752;
MAASS, Affreschi scenici di Pompeii, Ann. dell' Inst., vol. 53 (1881),
pp. 109-159, and Mon. dell' Inst., vol. 11, pl. 30-32.

_Remains of the Large Theatre_: MAZOIS, Les ruines de Pompéi, vol. 4,
pp. 55-70, pl. 27-34; FIORELLI, Descrizione di Pompei, pp. 352-357;
NISSEN, Pomp. Studien, pp. 232-253; OVERBECK-MAU, Pompeji, pp.

_The tribunals_ [p. 145]: it is evident from the language of Suetonius
(Div. Aug. 44, solis virginibus Vestalibus locum in theatro separatim
et contra praetoris tribunal dedit) that opposite the place set aside
for the praetor, which was called tribunal, there was another likewise
reserved. In our theatre the two platforms mentioned correspond
exactly with this arrangement, and there is no other part of the
structure to which the word _tribunalia_, in the inscription of the
Holconii (p. 148), could properly be applied. We are safe therefore in
calling the platforms tribunals.

_Wall painting, showing theatre police seated in niches in front of
the stage_ [p. 146]: found in the casa della fontana grande; described
by HELBIG, WandgemÀlde, no. 1468; figured in Museo Borb., vol. 4, pl.
18, and in WIESELER, TheatergebĂ€ude und DenkmĂ€ler des BĂŒhnenwesens bei
den Griechen und Römern (Göttingen, 1851), pl. 11, 2. A similar figure
sitting in a shallow niche has been found on a wall in the eighth
region (VIII. II. 23); see Röm. Mitth., vol. 3 (1888), p. 202, no. 12.
On the need of police to keep order in Roman theatres, see the
references given by MARQUARDT, Röm. Staatsverwaltung, vol. 3 (Edit.
2), pp. 541-542; but cf. KÖRTING, Geschichte des griechischen und
römischen Theaters (Paderborn, 1897), p. 367.

_Place of stage machinery_ [p. 147]: Pollux, Onomast. IV. 128.

_Inscriptions relating to Actius Anicetus_ [p. 148]: inscription found
at Puteoli, C. I. L. X. 1946; graffiti, C. I. L. IV. 2155, and Index,
p. 233, under =Actius= and =Anicetus=; C. I. L. IV. Suppl. 5395.

_Assemblies in the theatre_ [p. 148]: at Tarentum (282 B.C.), App. De
rebus Samnit. VII. II; Dio Cass. Frag. XXIX. 5; at Pergamus, Plut.
Sulla, 11. Cf. Muller, BĂŒhnenalterthĂŒmer, pp. 73-75.

_Inscriptions found in the theatre_ [pp. 148-150]: monumental, C. I.
L. X. 833-843; painted inscriptions and graffiti, C. I. L. IV. pp. 63,

_The stage and the orchestra in the Greek and the Roman theatre_ [p.
150]: Vitr. V. VI-VIII.

_The problem of the stage in the Greek theatre_ [p. 151]: DOERPFELD
and REISCH, Das griechische Theater, BeitrÀge zur Geschichte des
Dionysos-Theaters in Athen und anderer griechischer Theater (Athens
and Leipzig, 1896), particularly pp. 341-365; DOERPFELD, Das
griechische Theater Vitruvs, Athen. Mitth., vol. 22 (1897), pp.
439-462; vol. 23 (1898), pp. 326-356. A convenient summary of
Doerpfeld's conclusions and of the literature of the subject to 1898
is given by FRAZER, Pausanias's Description of Greece, vol. 3, pp.
254-255, and vol. 5, pp. 582-584.

_The stage of the Large Theatre at Pompeii_ [p. 152]: PUCHSTEIN and
KOLDEWEY, Berliner Philologische Wochenschrift, 1896, pp. 477-478;
ArchÀologischer Anzeiger, Beiblatt zum Jahrb. des Inst., 1896, pp. 30,
40; PUCHSTEIN, Die griechische BĂŒhne (Berlin, 1901), pp. 75-77.


_Excavation, remains_: see references to Chap. XXI.

_Decoration_ (second style): MAU, Geschichte der dec. Wandmalerei, pp.

_Inscriptions_: C. I. L. X. 844, 845. _Theft of the bronze letters of
the inscription of Oculatius Verus_ [p. 156]: FIORELLI, Pomp. ant.
hist., vol. 1, pt. 3, pp. 231, 277; ZANGEMEISTER, Sopra l' iscrizione
del teatro piccolo di Pompei, Bull. dell' Inst., 1866, pp. 30-31.

_Gaius Quinctius Valgus_ [p. 153]: Cic. De lege agraria, III; C. I. L.
IX. 1140, X. 5282 (cf. BUECHELER, Carmina Latina epigraphica, vol. 1,
Leipzig, 1895, no. 12); DESSAU, C. Quinctius Valgus, Der Erbauer des
Amphitheaters zu Pompeii, Hermes, vol. 18 (1883), pp. 620-622.

_The narrow doors at the rear of the stage designed to give access to
the tribunalia_ [p. 156]: KELSEY, The Stage Entrances of the Small
Theatre at Pompeii, American Journal of ArchĂŠology, series 2, vol. 4
(1900), p. 150, also vol. 6 (1902).


_Excavation_ (October 25, 1766, to April 7, 1769, and December 10,
1791, to February 20, 1794): FIORELLI, Pomp. ant. hist., vol. 1, pt.
1, pp. 195-228, pt. 2, pp. 46-48, 51, 52, 54, 151-153, pt. 3, p. 273.

_Remains, identification, restoration_: MAZOIS, Les ruines de Pompéi,
vol. 3, pp. 12-15, pl. 2-6; GELL, Pompeiana (Edit. of 1852), p. 184;
GARRUCCI, Il Ludus Gladiatorius, ovvero Convitti dei Gladiatori, in
his Questioni Pompeiane (Naples, 1853), pp. 1-8; NISSEN, Pomp.
Studien, pp. 253-262. The suggestion has lately been made that the
colonnade may have been designed as the Gymnasium of pre-Roman Pompeii
(PETERSEN, Ueber die sogen. Gladiatorenkaserne in Pompeji, Röm.
Mitth., vol. 14 (1899), pp. 103-104).

_Graffiti_: C. I. L. IV. pp. 157-159.

_Exhibitions of gladiators_ [p. 161]: C. I. L. X. 1074, and references
to Chap. XXX.

_Paintings_ [pp. 161-162]: HELBIG, WandegemÀlde, nos. 322, 1512.


_Excavation_ (April 13 to August 31, 1797): FIORELLI, Pomp. ant.
hist., vol. 1, pt. 2, pp. 66-68.

_Remains, identification_: MAZOIS, vol. 3, pp. 25-26, pl. 11, 12;
NISSEN, Pomp. Studien, pp. 158-170; MAU, Der Fundort des Neapler
Doryphoros, Strena Helbigiana (Leipzig, 1900), pp. 184-187.

_Measurements, showing conformity to the Oscan standard_ [p. 165]:
MAU, Pomp. BeitrÀge, pp. 21-23.

_Oscan inscription_ [p. 165]: ZVETAIEFF, Sylloge inscriptionum
Oscarum, no. 63, pl. 11; VON PLANTA, Grammatik der Oskisch-Umbrischen
Dialekte, vol. 2, p. 499; CONWAY, Italic Dialects, vol. 1, no. 42.

_Doryphorus_ [p. 166]: reproduction on a larger scale, BRUNN and
BRUCKMANN, DenkmÀler griechischer und römischer Sculptur, no. 273.


_The worship of Isis outside of Egypt_: LAFAYE, Histoire du culte des
divinités d'Alexandrie, Sérapis, Isis, Harpocrate et Anubis, hors de
l'Égypte, depuis les origines jusqu'Ă  la naissance de l'Ă©cole
néo-Platonicienne (Paris, 1883); for the literature relating to the
worship of Isis in Italy, see ROSCHER, AusfĂŒhrliches Lexikon der
griechischen und römischen Mythologie, vol. 2, pt. 1, pp. 398-412.

_Excavation of the temple_ (December 22, 1764, to September 27, 1766):
FIORELLI, Pomp. ant. hist., vol. 1, pt. 1, pp. 164-194.

_Inscriptions relating to the temple_: PIRANESI (see below), pl.
70-72; C. I. L. X. 846-851. _Inscription found at Puteoli_ [p. 169]:
C. I. L. I. 577, X. 1781; WIEGAND, Die puteolanische Bauinschrift
sachlich erlĂ€utert, JahrbĂŒcher fĂŒr classische Philologie,
Supplementband 20 (1894), pp. 659-778. An interesting graffito
relating to the worship of Isis was found in the house of the Silver
Wedding in 1892; see Röm. Mitth., vol. 8 (1893), p. 57, no. 7 (cf.
also DE ROSSI, Roma sotterranea, vol. 2, pp. 14-15).

_Remains, restoration_: SOGLIANO, Aedis Isidis Pompeiana, not yet
published [see Preface, p. vi.]; PIRANESI, Antiquités de Pompéi
(designs made about 1788), vol. 2 (= vol. 26 of Opera, in 27 vols.),
pl. 59-72; MAZOIS, Les ruines de Pompéi, vol. 4, p. 24, pl. 7-11;
NICCOLINI, Le case ed i monumenti di Pompei (Naples, 1854-1895), vol.
1, pt. 3, end (12 pl.); NISSEN, Pomp. Studien, pp. 170-175, 346-349;
MAU, Pomp. BeitrÀge, p. 23; WEICHARDT, Pompeji vor der Zerstörung, pp.

_Statues_--_Bacchus_ [p. 170]: Museo Borb., vol. 9, pl. 11: ROUX,
Herculanum et Pompéi, vol. 6, pl. 21. _Isis_ [p. 176]: Museo Borb.,
vol. 14, pl. 35. _Herm of Sorex_ [p. 176], PIRANESI, Antiquités de
Pompéi, vol. 2. pl. 72. _The statue of Venus has disappeared_:
OVERBECK-MAU, Pompeji, note 208, p. 649.

_Paintings_ [pp. 172 _et seq._]: HELBIG, WandgemÀlde, nos. 1-6, 135,
138, 391 _b_, 962, 1013, 1096-99, 1103, 1271, 1292, 1571, 1576-1577.
_Paintings from Herculaneum_ [p. 178]: ROUX, Herculanum et Pompéi,
vol. 2, pl. 68, 69; HELBIG, WandgemÀlde, nos. 1111, 1112.

_A left hand carried in procession in honor of Isis_ [p. 173]: Apul.
Metam. XI. X.

_Service described by Apuleius_ [p. 176]: Metam. XI. XX. While the
people were praying the priest made a circuit of the altars, which
were evidently, as at Pompeii, distributed about the temple in the

_Perseus rescuing Andromeda_ [p. 179]: that the male figure is
intended to represent Perseus and not Hermes is certain from the
description of the figure when first excavated--"alla cinta tiene una
testa alata" (FIORELLI, Pomp. ant. hist., vol. 1, pt. 1, p. 171). All
trace of the Medusa head has now disappeared.

_Initiation into the mysteries of Isis_ [p. 182]: Apul. Metam. XI.


_Excavation_ (September 27 to October 18, 1766; March 15-22 and June
14, 1798): FIORELLI, Pomp. ant. hist., vol. 1, pt. 1, pp. 194-195, pt.
2, pp. 70-71.

_Remains, identification, restoration_: MAZOIS, Les ruines de Pompéi,
vol. 4, p. 22, pl. 4-6; NISSEN, Pomp. Studien, pp. 175-177, 535-536;
MAU, Pomp. BeitrÀge, pp. 13-15, 227-232; MAU, Geschichte der dec.
Wandmalerei, pp. 60-61; MAU, Das Capitolium und der Tempel des Zeus
Meilichios in Pompeji, Röm. Mitth., vol. 11 (1896), pp. 141-149. An
impossible restoration is given by WEICHARDT, Pompeji vor der
Zerstörung, pp. 116-123.

_Two statues and a bust of terra cotta_ [p. 184]: VON ROHDEN, Die
Terracotten von Pompeji (Stuttgart, 1880), pp. 42-43, pl. 29.

_Oscan inscription_ [p. 184]: ZVETAIEFF, Sylloge inscriptionum
Oscarum, no. 62, pl. 10; VON PLANTA, Grammatik der Oskisch-Umbrischen
Dialekte, vol. 2, p. 499; CONWAY, Italic Dialects, vol. 1, pp. 58-59;
NISSEN, Pomp. Studien, pp. 531-536.


_Roman baths in general_: MARQUARDT, Privatleben der Römer, Edit. 2,
pt. 1, pp. 269-297; MAU, article BĂ€der in the Pauly-Wissowa
RealencyclopÀdie, vol. 2, pt. 2, pp. 2743-2758; NISSEN, Pomp. Studien,
pp. 152-155.

_Baths in Pompeii_--_in the second Insula of Region VIII_: MAU, Röm.
Mitth., vol. 3 (1888), pp. 194-205, vol. 5 (1890), pp. 130-141, vol.
10 (1895), pp. 218-219. _In the so-called villa of Julia Felix_:
CHAMBALU, Die wiederverschĂŒttete Besitzung der Julia Felix beim
Amphitheater in Pompeji, Festschrift zur 43ten Versammlung
deutscher Philologen und SchulmÀnner dargeboten von den höheren
Lehranstalten Kölns (Cologne, 1895), and the review of this pamphlet
by MAU, Röm. Mitth., vol. 10 (1895), pp. 225-227. For the baths of M.
Crassus Frugi, see above, p. 408; for the baths in private houses at
Pompeii, MAU, Pomp. BeitrÀge, pp. 149-151, and above, pp. 267, 306-307
(both in the house of the Silver Wedding), 346, 357, 362-363.

_Excavation of the Stabian Baths_ (1854-1857; the official reports are
meagre): FIORELLI, Pomp. ant. hist., vol. 2, pp. 589-658; cf. also
MINERVINI, Notizie de' piĂč recenti scavi di Pompei, Bull. Archeologico
Napolitano, Nuova Serie, vols. 2-6 (1853-1858).

_Remains_: MICHAELIS, Die neuen BÀder in Pompeji, ArchÀologische
Zeitung, vol. 17 (1859), pp. 17-32, 37-46; FINATI, Relazione degli
scavi di Pompei, Museo Borb., vol. 16 (15 pp. text and pl. A-B);
NICCOLINI, Le case ed i monumenti di Pompei, vol. 1, pt. 3 (12 pp., 8
pls.); NISSEN, Pomp. Studien, pp. 140-158; MAU, Pomp. BeitrÀge, pp.
117-151; OVERBECK-MAU, Pompeji, pp. 215-233; MAU, Geschichte der dec.
Wandmalerei, p. 60.

_Paintings_: HELBIG, WandgemÀlde, nos. 30 (p. 11), 44, 416, 432, 1016,
1057, 1260 _b_, 1545; see below, pl. XIII.

_Origin of the balneae pensiles_ [p. 187]: Valer. Max. IX. I. 1; Plin.
N. H. IX. LIV. 168.

_The anteroom of the men's baths_ [p. 190]: in the front part of this
was once a shallow basin, undoubtedly for preliminary cleaning before
one entered the frigidarium; cf. p. 197.

_Bath basin in the men's tepidarium_ [p. 192]: cf. KUSZINSKY, Aquincum
(Budapest, 1889), p. 62.

_The poet declaiming in the bath_ [p. 192]: Petr. Sat. XCI.; Hor. Sat.
I. IV. 74-76; and cf. Mayor's note to Juvenal I., 17 and III., 9.

_Pulvinus_ [p. 193], _testudo alvei_ [p. 194]: Vitr. V. X. _Testudo
alvei_: MAU, Fulcra lectorum--testudines alveorum, Nachrichten von der
Königl. Gesellschaft der Wissenschaften zu Göttingen, 1896, pp. 76-82;
VON DUHN and JACOBI, Der griechische Tempel in Pompeji, pp. 33-35 and
pl. 9.

_Inscriptions_--_Vulius and Aninius_ [p. 195]: C. I. L. X. 829.
_Vaccula_ [p. 197]: C. I. L. IV. Suppl. 1, no. 3340, VI. _Atinius_ [p.
200]: ZVETAIEFF, Sylloge inscriptionum Oscarum, no. 66, pl. 13; VON
PLANTA, Grammatik der Oskisch-Umbrischen Dialekte, vol. 2, p. 500;
CONWAY, Italic Dialects, vol. 1, p. 61.

_Destrictarium_ [p. 195]: all the rooms at the left of the palaestra
are of later date than the inscription; the present destrictarium
probably takes the place of an earlier one.

_Improvement of the arrangements for heating_ [p. 196]: the hollow
walls of the caldarium are made with hollow tiles, while in the
tepidarium tegulae mammatae are used; for a fuller discussion of the
successive changes, see MAU, Pomp. BeitrÀge, pp. 131-141.

_The brazier of Vaccula_ [p. 197]: FIORELLI, Pomp. ant. hist., vol. 2,
pp. 649-650.

_Hermes in the gymnasium at Phigalia_ [p. 200]: Paus. VIII. XXXIX. 4
(6); cf. also IV. XXXII. 1.


_Excavation_ [1824-1825]: FIORELLI, Pomp. ant. hist., vol. 2, pp. 106,
107-116, 118, 121-125, 128, vol. 3, p. 15.

_Remains_: BECHI, Terme Pompeiane, Museo Borb., vol. 2, pl. 49-52
(text, 31 pp.); BRULLOFF, Thermes di Pompéi (Paris, 1829), 10 large
pls.; GELL, Pompeiana (Edit. of 1832), vol. 1, pp. 83-141, vol. 2, pp.
80-94; MAZOIS, Les ruines de Pompéi, vol. 3, pp. 67-77, pl. 47-50;
ZAHN, Neuentdeckte WandgemÀlde in Pompeji (Stuttgart, 1828), pl. 2-5;
ZAHN, Die schönsten Ornamente und merkwĂŒrdigsten GemĂ€lde aus Pompeji,
Herkulanum und Stabiae, nebst einigen Grundrissen und Ansichten (3
parts, here cited as volumes, 302 pls. in 30 Heften, Berlin,
1827-1859), vol. 1, pl. 10, 46, 76, 94; NISSEN, Pomp. Studien, pp.
128-135; MAU, Pomp. BeitrÀge, pp. 218-227.

_Inscriptions of the builders_ [p. 203], _of Vaccula_ [p. 205], _of
Aper and Rufus_ [p. 206]: C. I. L. X. 817-819.


_Excavation_ (1876-1878), _remains_: MAU, Bull. dell' Inst., 1877, pp.
214-223, 1878, pp. 251-254. _Laconicum_: MAU, Pomp. BeitrÀge, pp.


_Of amphitheatres in general, and gladiatorial sports_: FRIEDLAENDER,
Darstellungen aus der Sittengeschichte Roms in der Zeit von August bis
zum Ausgang der Antonine, Edit. 6 (3 parts, here cited as volumes,
Leipzig, 1888-1890), vol. 2, pp. 358-435, Edit. 7, vol. 2, pp. 45-66;
briefer statement by FRIEDLAENDER in Marquardt's Staatsverwaltung,
Edit. 2, vol. 3, pp. 554-565; MEIER, De gladiatura Romana quaestiones
selectae (Bonn, 1881).

_Gladiatorial combats in Campania and in Rome_ [pp. 212-213]: Strabo,
V. IV. 12 (p. 250, C); Valer. Max. II. IV. 7; Liv. Epit. XVI. and
XXIII. XXX. 15. For the games following Caesar's triumph, see Suet.
Div. Iul., XXXIX. App. Bel. Civ. II. XV. 102 and Dio. Cas. XLIII. 22.

_Excavation of the Amphitheatre_ (1748, 1813-1816): FIORELLI, Pomp.
ant. hist., vol. 1, pt. 1, pp. 5-6, pt. 3, pp. 114 et seq., 185, 189.

_Remains_: MAZOIS, Les ruines de Pompéi, vol. 4, pp. 77-86, pl. 43-47;
FIORELLI, Descrizione di Pompéi, pp. 69-74; NISSEN, Pomp. Studien, pp.

_Paintings_ [pp. 213, 214], HELBIG, WandgemÀlde, nos. 1514, 1515,
1519; cf. also nos. 1512-1513, 1516-1518, and SOGLIANO, Le pitture
murali Campane, nos. 665-668.

_Inscriptions relating to the building, or found on it_ [pp. 212, 218,
219]: C. I. L. X. 852-859; painted inscriptions and graffiti, C. I. L.
IV. pp. 7, 64-66, 159.

_Inscriptions relating to the games_ [pp. 221 et
seq.]--_announcements_: C. I. L. IV. 1177-1204, Suppl. 3881-3884.
_Programme_ [p. 223]: C. I. L. IV. 2508. _Custos, ostiarius ab
amphitheatro_ [p. 225]: C. I. L. VI. 6226, 6228. _Inscription of
Salvius Capito_ [p. 225]: C. I. L. IX. 465, 466 (cf. also C. I. L. X.
4920). _Names of gladiators, with their records_ [pp. 225-226]: C. I.
L. IV., see Index, under gladiatores, p. 255. _Graffiti in the house
on Nola Street_ [p. 226]: C. I. L. IV. Suppl. 4277-4393; and Röm.
Mitth., vol. 5 (1890), pp. 25-39, 64-65, vol. 7 (1892), p. 23.

_Combat between the Pompeians and the Nucerians_ [pp. 220, 221]: Tac.
Ann. XIV. XVII. _Painting_ (Fig. 101; found Ins. I. III. 23), DE
PETRA, L' Anfiteatro pompeiano rappresentato in un antico dipinto,
giornale degli scavi di Pompei, Nuova Serie, vol. 1 (1869), pp.
185-187, pl. 8; MATZ, Bull. dell' Inst., 1869, pp. 240-241; SOGLIANO,
Le pitture murali Campane, no. 604. _Inscriptions_ [see p. 492]: C. I.
L. IV. 1293 (with caricature, figured Museo Borb., vol. 6, pl. C),
1329, 2183.


_The streets_ [pp. 227-229]: MAZOIS, Les ruines de Pompéi, vol. I, pp.
25-26, pl. 2, 3, 14, 15, 35, 37, vol. 2, pp. 35-39, pl. 2-8; NISSEN,
Pomp. Studien, pp. 516-572. _Inscriptions on the pavement_ [p. 228],
C. I. L. X. 870, 871.

_The water system_ [pp. 230-233]: MAZOIS, Les ruines de Pompéi, vol.
3, p. 27, pl. 13; MURANO, Pompei--donde venivano le acque potabili ai
castelli acquarii (Naples, 1894); review of Murano's treatise by MAU,
Röm. Mitth., vol. 10 (1895), pp. 216-218. _Age of the aqueduct
supplying Pompeii_: MAU, Röm. Mitth., vol. 10 (1895) pp. 49-51.
_Recent investigation of the system of sewers_: Not. d. scavi, 1900,
pp. 587-599. _Water towers of Constantinople_ [p. 232]: VON HAMMER,
Geschichte des Osmanischen Reichs (10 vols., Pest, 1827-1835), vol. 7,
pp. 422, 598-599; cf. also PARDOE, Beauties of the Bosphorus (London,
1839), pp. 24-25.

_Wayside shrines_ [pp. 233-236]: MAZOIS, Les ruines de Pompéi, vol. 2,
pl. 6; GELL, Pompeiana (Edit. of 1852), pp. 97-98; OVERBECK-MAU,
Pompeji, pp. 242-244. _Paintings of divinities on the outside of houses_
[p. 236]: HELBIG, WandgemÀlde, nos. 7-28; SOGLIANO, Le pitture murali
Campane, nos. 1-4; serpents, HELBIG, nos. 29, 30; SOGLIANO, nos. 5-8.
_Painting of the twelve gods_; GERHARD, Intorno la pittura Pompeiana
rappresentante i dodici dei, Ann. dell' Inst., vol. 22 (1850), pp.
206-214. _Inscription_ [p. 236]: C. I. L. IV. 813; cf. Pers. Sat. I. 113.


_Excavation of walls, gates, towers_: FIORELLI, Pomp. ant. hist., vol.
1, pt. 1, pp. 154, 234-236, pt. 3, pp. 64-69, 76, 84-88, 96-97,
111-124, 131, 143-151, 160, 168-170, vol. 2, pp. 1, 501-506, 530,

_Remains_: MAZOIS, Les ruines de Pompéi, vol. 1, pp. 33-37, 52-53, pl.
10-13, 35-37; GELL, Pompeiana (Edit. of 1852), pp. 87-96, 98; NISSEN,
Pomp. Studien, pp. 457-516; MAU, Pomp. BeitrÀge, pp. 211-215, 235-252;
MAU, Geschichte der dec. Wandmalerei, pp. 57-59.

_Oscan inscriptions_ [p. 240]: ZVETAIEFF, Sylloge inscriptionum
Oscarum, nos. 80-83, pl. 14 (nos. 7, 8), pl. 15, pl. 16 (no. 4); VON
PLANTA, Grammatik der Oskisch-Umbrischen Dialekte, vol. 2, p. 503;
CONWAY, Italic Dialects, vol. 1, pp. 69-71; DEGERING, Ueber die
militÀrischen Wegweiser in Pompeji, Röm. Mitth., vol. 13 (1898), pp.
124-146; MAU, Die Oskischen Wegweiserinschriften in Pompeji, Röm.
Mitth., vol. 14 (1899), pp. 105-113.

_The Stabian Gate_ [p. 242]: MINERVINI, Strada e porta Stabiana, Bull.
Arch. Napolitano, Nuova Serie, vol. 1 (1853), pp. 186-187 and pl. 8,
fig. 10; FIORELLI, Gli scavi di Pompei dal 1861 al 1872, pp. 78-79,
pl. 14, fig. 2.

_Minerva as patron divinity of city gates_ [p. 242]: that is,
according to Greek usage, an indication of the strength of Greek
influence at Pompeii. Among the Romans the divinity of city gates was
Juno. Cf. Serv. Com. in Verg. ad Aen. II, 610.

_Inscription of Flaccus and Firmus_ [p. 242]: C. I. L. X. 1064.


_Of the Pompeian and the Roman house_: MAZOIS, Essai sur les
habitations des anciens romains, in Les ruines de Pompéi, vol. 2, pp.
3-34 (3 pls.); MAZOIS, Le palais de Scaurus (Paris, 1819; Edit. 3,
revised by Varcollier, 1861); GELL, Pompeiana (Edit. of 1852), pp.
99-141; ZUMPT, Ueber die bauliche Einrichtung des römischen Wohnhauses
(Berlin, 1844; Edit. 2, 1852); NISSEN, Pomp. Studien, pp. 593-668;
VIOLLET-LE-DUC, Histoire de l'habitation humaine (Paris, 1875), and
English translation under the title, The Habitations of Man in all
Ages (Boston, 1876), Chap. 18; LANGE, Haus und Halle, Studien zur
Geschichte des antiken Wohnhauses und der Basilica (Leipzig, 1885),
especially pp. 50-59, 244-269; GUHL and KONER, Das Leben der Griechen
und Römer (Edit. 6, Berlin, 1893), pp. 558-580, and English
translation from the third German edition, Life of the Greeks and
Romans (London, 1877), §§ 75, 76; MARQUARDT, Das Privatleben der Römer
(Edit. 2, Leipzig, 1886), pp. 213-250; MIDDLETON, article =Domus= in
Smith's Dictionary of Greek and Roman Antiquities, vol. 1 (Edit. 3,
London, 1890), particularly pp. 684-687; MONCEAUX, =Domus= in Daremberg
and Saglio's Dictionnaire des antiquités grecques et romaines, vol. 2,
pt. 1, especially pp. 349-362. For remains of houses and villas in
Britain, cf., e.g., WRIGHT, The Celt, the Roman, and the Saxon (Edit.
4, London, 1885), passim; SCARTH, Roman Britain (London, 1883), Chap.
18; and the special articles in Archaeologia (London, 1770 +).

_Inscriptions in Pompeian houses, including those in mosaic floors_:
C. I. L. X. 860-869, 872-875, 877-882.

_Fauces_, or _prothyron_ [p. 248]: Vitr. VI. IV. 6; GREENOUGH, The
Fauces of the Roman House, Harvard Studies in Classical Philology,
vol. 1 (1890), pp. 1-12.

_Stone thresholds_ [p. 249]: IVANOFF, Varie specie di soglie in Pompei
ed indagine sul vero sito della fauce, Ann. dell' Inst., vol. 31
(1859), pp. 82-108, pl. D-F; and Mon. dell' Inst., vol. 6, pl. 28.

_Dangers of the streets of Rome at night_ [p. 250]: Juv. Sat. III.

_Kinds of atriums_ [p. 250], _dimensions_ [p. 252]: Vitr. VI. III.,

_Waterspouts of the compluvium_ [p. 251]: VON ROHDEN, Die Terracotten
von Pompeji, pl. 1-9.

_Gartibulum_ [p. 254]: Var. de Ling. Lat. V. 125; NISSEN, Pomp.
Studien, p. 641.

_Tablinum_ [pp. 255-258]: Vitr. VI. IV (III), 5-6; Var. ap. Non. p.
83; _Nissen_, Pomp. Studien, pp. 643-644.

_Alae_ [p. 258]: Vitr. VI. IV (III), 4, 6.

_Peristyle_ [p. 260]: Vitr. VI. IV (III), 7; NISSEN, Pomp. Studien,
pp. 645-668; BIE, Zur Geschichte des Hausperistyls, Jahrb. des. Inst.,
vol. 6 (1891), pp. 1-9.

_Triclinium_ [p. 262]: Vitr. VI. V. I. _Trimalchio's dining rooms_
(_cenationes_): Petr. Sat. LXXVII.

_Lares, Genius, and Penates in house paintings_ [p. 268]: HELBIG,
WandgemÀlde, nos. 31-95; SOGLIANO, Le pitture murali Campane, nos.
9-46, 63-71. _Serpents_: ibid., nos. 47-62; see also DE MARCHI, Il
culto privato di Roma antica, vol. 1 (Milan, 1896), pp. 27-144;
JORDAN, De Larum imaginibus atque cultu, Ann. dell' Inst., vol. 34
(1862), pp. 300-339; REIFFERSCHEID, De larum picturis Pompeianis, Ann.
dell' Inst., vol. 35 (1863), pp. 121-134; JORDAN, De Genii et Eponae
picturis Pompeianis nuper detectis, Ann. dell' Inst., vol. 44 (1872),
pp. 19-47, and pl. B, C; WISSOWA, Die Ueberlieferung ĂŒber die
römischen Penaten, Hermes, vol. 22 (1887), pp. 29-57.

_Genius of a woman as Juno_ [p. 270]: MAU, Röm. Mitth., vol. 2 (1887),
p. 114. _Jupiter and Venus_: HELBIG, WandgemÀlde, no. 67. _Two genii_
(Ins. IX. viii. 13): MAU, Röm. Mitth., vol. 5 (1890), pp. 244-245.

_Shop fronts_ [p. 276]: cf. MIDDLETON, Remains of Ancient Rome (2
vols., London, 1892), vol. 1, pp. 192-194.

_Pergula_ [p. 277]: MAU, Sul significato della parola pergula nell'
architettura antica, Röm. Mitth., vol. 2 (1887), pp. 214-220. _Natus
in pergula_: Petr. Sat. LXXIV.


_Excavation_ (1770): FIORELLI, Pomp. ant. hist., vol. 1, pt. 1, pp.
245-246, 248, 253 et seq. (p. 254, discovery of the instruments from
which the house takes its name).

_Plan, construction, restoration_: PIRANESI, Antiquités de Pompéi,
vol. 1, pl. 14-21; MAZOIS, Les ruines de Pompéi, vol. 2, p. 51, and
pl. 13 (plan); FIORELLI, Gli scavi di Pompei dal 1861 al 1872, pp. 79,
83; NISSEN, Pomp. Studien, pp. 402-412; MAU, Pomp. BeitrÀge, 37-41,
49-51 (proof that the measurements of the house conform to the Oscan
standard); OVERBECK-MAU, Pompeji, pp. 279-281; GREENOUGH, Harvard
Studies in Classical Philology, vol. 1 (1890), pp. 10-11 (plan showing
conformity of the chief measurements to the proportions recommended by

_Mural paintings_: HELBIG, WandgemÀlde, nos. 1427 _b_, 1443, 1459, and
pp. CVIII-CIX with note 4 on p. CXXV; cf. also MAU, Geschichte der
dec. Wandmalerei, p. 66. For the woman painting, see JAHN,
Abhandlungen der Königl. sÀchsischen Gesellschaft der Wissenschaften,
philologisch-hist. Classe, vol. 5, pp. 298-305, and pl. 5.


_Excavation_ (1806-1809): FIORELLI, Pomp. ant. hist., vol. 1, pt. 2,

_Plan, restoration_: MAZOIS, Les ruines de Pompéi, vol. 2, pp. 75-79,
pl. 35-39; NISSEN, Pomp. Studien, pp. 652-654; OVERBECK-MAU, Pompeji,
pp. 300-307.

_Decoration_: above, pp. 459-460; MAU, Geschichte der dec.
Wandmalerei, pp. 17-33, 112-114, 416-417, pl. 2; HELBIG, WandgemÀlde,
nos. 51, 124, 249 _b_, 319, 373, 429, 465, 493, 746, 751, 900, 1055,
1255, 1311 (cf. Topogr. Index, p. 467). In the Naples Museum are good
copies of the paintings that are in the garden and near the open-air


_Excavation_ (1830-1832): FIORELLI, Pomp. ant. hist., vol. 2, pp.
240-255, vol. 3, pp. 113-118; Not. d. scavi, 1900, p. 31.

_Plan, construction_: FIORELLI, Descrizione di Pompei, pp. 152-159;
NISSEN, Pomp. Studien, pp. 655-658; OVERBECK-MAU, Pompeji, pp.

_Wall decoration_: MAU, Geschichte der dec. Wandmalerei, pp. 33-57,
110-111, 122-123, 140, 162, 263-264, pl. 2; NICCOLINI, Le case ed i
monumenti di Pompei, vol. 1.

_Mosaics_: Museo Borb., vol. 7, pl. 62, vol. 8, pl. 36-45, vol. 9, pl.
55, vol. 14, pl. 14; ROUX, Herculanum et Pompéi, vol. 5, 6th series,
pl. 20-29, 32; SCHREIBER, Atlas of Classical Antiquities (Eng. trans.,
London, 1895), pl. 63 (fish mosaic, with identification of species in
the accompanying text); MARX, Il cosidetto Akratos nella casa del
Fauno, Röm. Mitth., vol. 7 (1892), pp. 26-31.


_Decoration_: MAU, Geschichte der dec. Wandmalerei, pp. 96, 281.


_Excavation_ (1892-1893), _plan, decoration_: MAU, Röm. Mitth., vol. 8
(1893), pp. 14-61; cf. also Not. d. scavi, 1892.

_Dated inscription_ [p. 305]: C. I. L. I. (Edit. 2), p. 342; cf. also
Röm. Mitth., vol. 8, pp. 30-31.


_Excavation_ (1866), _plan_: FIORELLI, Gli scavi di Pompei dal 1861 al
1872, pp. 62-63; OVERBECK-MAU, Pompeji, pp. 297-300.

_Decoration, paintings_: MAU, Geschichte der dec. Wandmalerei, pp.
98-100; HELBIG, WandgemÀlde, nos. 59 _b_, 231, 863 _b_, 870 _b_, 874
_b_, 885 _b_, 892 _b_, 967 _b_.


_Excavation_ (1824-1825), _plan, decoration_: FIORELLI, Pomp. ant.
hist., vol. 2, pp. 116-135; GELL, Pompeiana (Edit. of 1832), vol. 1,
pp. 142-178; NICCOLINI, le case ed i monumenti di Pompei, vol. 1;
OVERBECK-MAU, Pompeji, pp. 285-289.

_Paintings_: HELBIG, WandgemÀlde, see p. LXXXVI. and Topogr. Index
under =Casa del poeta=, p. 471; also HELBIG, Le nozze di Giove e di
Giunone, Ann. dell' Inst., vol. 36 (1864), pp. 270-282.

_The Iphigenia of Timanthes_ [p. 319]; Cic. Orator, XXII. 74; Plin. N.
H. XXXV. X. 73; Quint. Inst. orat. II. XIII. 12, 13; Valer. Max. VIII.
XI. ext. 6, with the comment of LESSING in the Laokoon, chap. 2, and
the references given by BLÜMNER, Lessing's Laokoon (Berlin, 1876), pp.
36-37; cf. also BAUMEISTER, DenkmÀler des klassischen Altertums (3
vols., Munich, 1884-1888), vol. 1, pp. 754-757, and JEX-BLAKE and
SELLERS, The Elder Pliny's Chapters on the History of Art (London,
1896), pp. 116-117, note 2.


_Excavation_ (1894-1895), _plan, restoration, decoration, paintings_:
MAU, Röm. Mitth., vol. 11 (1896), pp. 3-97; SOGLIANO, Mon. dei Lincei,
vol. 8 (1898), pp. 233-416; HERRLICH, ArchÀologischer Anzeiger, 1896,
pp. 206-207; MAU, Amoren als Oelfabrikanten, Röm. Mitth., vol. 15
(1900), pp. 138-141; MAU, Amoren als Goldschmiede, Röm, Mitth., vol.
16 (1901), pp. 109-116.


_House of Acceptus and Euhodia_ (excavated in 1882) [p. 341]: MAU,
Bull. dell' Inst. 1884, pp. 126-132.

_House without a compluvium_ (excavated between 1890 and 1895) [p.
343]: MAU, Röm. Mitth., vol. 10 (1895), pp. 148-155. _Fures foras,
frugi intro_ [p. 346]: paraphrase of the saying, Petr. Sat. LII.,
_aquam foras, vinum intro_.

_House of the Emperor Joseph II._ (excavated in 1767-1769, filled up,
and again excavated in 1885-1886) [p. 344]: FIORELLI, Pomp. ant.
hist., vol. 1, pt. 1, pp. 208-211, 227-234; MAZOIS, Les ruines de
Pompéi, vol. 2, pp. 73-74, pl. 32-34; MAU, Röm. Mitth., vol. 2 (1887),
pp. 110-138.


_House of Caecilius Jucundus_ (excavated in 1875): MAU, Bull, dell'
Inst., 1876, pp. 149-151, 160-168, 223-234; MAU, Geschichte der dec.
Wandmalerei, pp. 65, 414-415, 446, 450, pl. 13, 14, 18; SOGLIANO, Le
pitture murali Campane, nos. 133, 138, 158, 176, 192, 207, 214, 233,
236, 251, 291, 413, 448, 449, 477, 514, 531, 561, 579, 582, 583, 589,
594, 607, 640, 651, 659, 669, 670, 674, 675, 676, 677, 693, 700, 708,
809, 815, 816.

_House of Lucretius_ (excavated in 1847): FIORELLI, Pomp. ant. hist.,
vol. 2, pp. 453, 459-473; MINERVINI, in NICCOLINI, Le case ed i
monumenti di Pompei, vol. 1; Museo Borb., vol. 14, pl. A, B;
OVERBECK-MAU, Pompeji, pp. 314-320; HELBIG, WandgemÀlde, see Topogr.
Index, p. 482.

_House of the Hunt_ (excavated in 1834): FIORELLI, Pomp. ant. hist.,
vol. 3, pp. 286-288; OVERBECK-MAU, Pompeji, pp. 277-279; HELBIG,
WandgemÀlde, see Topogr. Index, p. 473, under =Casa della caccia
antica=; MAU, Geschichte der dec. Wandmalerei, p. 454.

_House of the Centenary_ (excavated in 1879-1880): MAU, Bull, dell'
Inst., 1881, pp. 113-128, 169-175, 221-238; 1882, pp. 23-32, 47-53,
87-91, 104-116, 137-148; OVERBECK-MAU, Pompeji, pp. 353-359; MAU,
Geschichte der dec. Wandmalerei, pp. 287, 314, 321, 368, 382-385,
443-444, 449, 452, 455; SOGLIANO, Le pitture murali Campane, nos. 530,
585, 596, 628.

_House of the Sculptured Capitals_ (excavated in 1831-1833): AVELLINO,
Descrizione di una casa pompeiana con capitelli figurati all'
ingresso, dissotterrata negli anni 1831, 1832 e 1833 (Naples, 1837),
also in Mem. dell' Acc. Ercolanese, vol. 6 (1837); NICCOLINI, le case
ed i monumenti di Pompei, vol. 1; FIORELLI, Descrizione di Pompei, pp.
225-227; MARQUARDT, Röm. Privatleben (Edit. 2), pp. 224 ff.; MAU,
Geschichte der dec. Wandmalerei, pp. 94, 374-379, 388, 430-431;
HELBIG, WandgemÀlde, see Topogr. Index, p. 473.

_House of Pansa_ (excavated in 1813-1827): FIORELLI, Pomp. ant. hist.,
vol. 1, pt. 3, pp. 116-161, vol. 2, pp. 195-197; MAZOIS, Les ruines de
Pompéi, vol. 2, p. 82, pl. 42-45; FIORELLI, Descrizione di Pompei, pp.
102-106; OVERBECK-MAU, Pompeji, pp. 325-329; NISSEN, Pomp. Studien,
pp. 658-659; MAU, Geschichte der dec. Wandmalerei, pp. 72-73; HELBIG,
WandgemÀlde, nos. 53, 115, 1014.

_House of Castor and Pollux_ (also known as house of the Dioscuri, and
casa del Questore; excavated in 1828-1829): FIORELLI, Pomp. ant.
hist., vol. 2, pp. 205-221; NICCOLINI, op. cit., vol. 1; OVERBECK-MAU,
Pompeji, pp. 334-342; Museo Borb., vol. 5 (see Relazione degli scavi
di Pompei, at the end of the vol.; 26 pp. text, with plan; cf. also
pl. 32, 33); MAU, Geschichte der dec. Wandmalerei, pp. 258, 372-373,
402, 420-421, 446, 455; HELBIG, WandgemÀlde, pp. LXXXV-LXXXVI and
Topogr. Index, p. 469.

_House of the Centaur_ (excavated in 1828-1829): FIORELLI, Pomp. ant.
hist., vol. 2, pp. 217-224; OVERBECK-MAU, Pompeji, pp. 330-334; MAU,
Geschichte der dec. Wandmalerei, pp. 75-78; HELBIG, WandgemÀlde, see
Topogr. Index, p. 469, under =Casa del Centauro=. For the large mosaic
found in this house, known under the title "Force conquered by Love,"
see Museo Borb., vol. 7, pl. 61; ROUX, Herculanum et Pompéi, vol. 5,
series 6, pl. 30.

_House of Meleager_ (excavated in 1829-1830): FIORELLI, Pomp. ant.
hist., vol. 2, pp. 224-240; OVERBECK-MAU, Pompeji, pp. 307-314;
NISSEN, Pomp. Studien, pp. 426-427; MAU, Geschichte der dec.
Wandmalerei, pp. 74, 373-374, 446, 453; HELBIG, WandgemÀlde, pp.
LXXXVII-LXXXVIII and Topogr. Index, p. 468.

_House of Apollo_ (excavated in 1829-1830): FIORELLI, Pomp. ant.
hist., vol. 2, pp. 235-236; NISSEN, Pomp. Studien, pp. 427-428; MAU,
Geschichte der dec. Wandmalerei, p. 454; HELBIG, WandgemÀlde, see
Topogr. Index p. 467.

_Houses with mosaic fountains_ (excavated in 1826-1827): FIORELLI,
Pomp. ant. hist., vol. 2, pp. 174-202; Descrizione di Pompei, pp.
125-126; NICCOLINI, op. cit., vol. 1; HELBIG, WandgemÀlde, p. LXXXVIII
and Topogr. Index, p. 470, X.

_House of the Anchor_ (excavated in 1830): FIORELLI, Pomp. ant. hist.,
vol. 2, pp. 237-239; Descrizione di Pompei, pp. 142-143; MAU,
Geschichte der dec. Wandmalerei, pp. 79-80, 258-259, 302, 396-397,
399, 422; HELBIG, WandgemÀlde, nos. 174, 334, 495, 564, 1220.

_House of the Citharist_ (excavation begun in 1853, completed in
1868): FIORELLI, Gli scavi di Pompei dal 1861 al 1872, pp. 65-69;
FIORELLI, Descrizione di Pompei, pp. 61-65; OVERBECK-MAU, Pompeji, pp.
359-366; MAU, Geschichte der dec. Wandmalerei, pp. 64, 251-252, 315,
316, 318, 326, 335-336, 343, 367, 389, 397, 411-413, 446. _Paintings_:
HELBIG, WandgemÀlde, see Topogr. Index, pp. 482-483; Orestes and
Pylades, HELBIG, Oreste e Pilade in Tauride su dipinto Pompeiano, Ann.
dell' Inst., vol. 37 (1865), pp. 330-346, and Mon. dell' Inst., vol.
8, pl. 22. _Statue of Apollo_ [p. 352]: often reproduced, as by
OVERBECK, Atlas der griechischen Kunstmythologie, pl. 20, no. 26; Mon.
dell' Inst., vol. 8, pl. 13; REINACH, RĂ©pertoire de la statuaire
grecque et romaine, vol. 2 (Paris, 1897), p. 97, no. 8; BRUNN and
BRUCKMANN, DenkmÀler griechischer und römischer Sculptur, no. 302. See
KEKULÉ, Statua Pompeiana di Apolline, Ann. dell' Inst., vol. 37
(1865), pp. 55-71; WOLTERS, Eine Spartanische Apollostatue, Jahrb. des
Inst., vol. 11 (1896), pp. 1-10; FURTWAENGLER, Meisterwerke der
griechischen Plastik (Leipzig, 1893), pp. 79, 80, and English
translation by Eugénie Sellers, Masterpieces of Greek Sculpture
(London, 1895), p. 52; COLLIGNON, Histoire de la sculpture grecque,
vol. 2 (Paris, 1897), pp. 665-666.

_House of Cornelius Rufus_ (excavated in 1861): FIORELLI, Giornale
degli scavi, vol. 1 (1861); FIORELLI, Descrizione di Pompei, pp.
340-342; MAU, Geschichte der dec. Wandmalerei, p. 97; OVERBECK-MAU,
Pompeji, pp. 537-538.

_House of Marcus Holconius_ (excavated in 1861): Bull. Arch. Italiano,
vol. 1 (1861-1862), pp. 18-143; FIORELLI, Giornale degli scavi, vol. 1
(1861), pp. 13 _et seq._; FIORELLI, Descrizione di Pompei, pp.
332-337; OVERBECK-MAU, Pompeji, pp. 290-297.


_Of Roman villas in general_: CASTELL, The Villas of the Ancients
Illustrated (London, 1728); FRIEDLAENDER, Sittengeschichte Roms, Edit.
5, vol. 2, pp. 85-93, 170-193, vol. 3, pp. 89-100, Edit. 7, pp.
201-210; SCHMIDT, Cicero's Villen. Neue JahrbĂŒcher fĂŒr das klas.
Altertum, vol. 3 (1899). pp. 328-355, 466-497, particularly pp.
328-333; WINNEFELD, Tusci und Laurentum des jĂŒngeren Plinius, Jahrb.
des Inst., vol. 6 (1892), pp. 201-217; WINNEFELD, Die Villa des
Hadrian bei Tivoli (Jahrb. des Inst., ErgÀnzungsheft III, Berlin,
1895); WINNEFELD, Römische Villen der Kaiserzeit, Preussische
JahrbĂŒcher, vol. 57 (1898), pp. 457 _et seq._

_Villas in the region about Baiae_: BELOCH, Campanien (Edit. 2,
Berlin, 1883), pp. 201-202, 269-274.

_Villas about Rome_: NIBBY, Dintorni di Roma (Edit. 2, 3 vols., Rome,
1848-1849), vol. 3, pp. 31-41, 203, 647-737; DE ROSSI, Il Tuscolo, le
ville Tusculane e le loro antiche memorie cristiane, Bull. di
Archeologia cristiana, 1872, especially pp. 87-121; LANCIANI, Le ville
Tusculane (with map, tav. 20-21), Bull. com., 1884, pp. 172-217;
LANCIANI, La villa Castrimeniese di Q. Voconio Pollione, ibid., pp.
141-171; GROSSI-GONDI, Di una villa dei Quintilii nel Tusculano, Bull.
com., 1898, pp. 313-338; LANCIANI, The Destruction of Ancient Rome
(New York, 1899), pp. 101-105; GROSSI-GONDI, La villa dei Quintilii e
la villa di Mondragone (Rome, 1901).

_Villa of the Laberii at Uthina_ (south of Tunis): GAUCKLER, Le
domaine des Laberii à Uthina, Monuments et Mémoires publiées par
l'Académie des Inscriptions et Belles-lettres, vol. 3 (Fondation Piot,
Paris, 1897), pp. 177-229; SCHULTEN, review of Gauckler's monograph,
Göttingsche gelehrte Anzeigen, 1898, pp. 475-481, and briefer report
(with plan) in ArchÀologischer Anzeiger, Beiblatt zum Jahrb. des
Inst., 1898, pp. 113-115.

_Villas in Britain_: References to Chap. XXXIII, and MORGAN, Roman
British Mosaic Pavements (London, 1886).

_The Villa of Diomedes_ (excavated in 1771-1774): FIORELLI, Pomp. ant.
hist., vol. 1, pt. 1, pp. 249-278; MAZOIS, Les ruines de Pompéi, p.
89, pl. 47-53; IVANOFF, Architektonische Studien, Heft. 2 (mit
Elaeuterungen von August Mau, Berlin, 1895), pl. 4-6; OVERBECK-MAU,
Pompeji, pp. 369-376; MAU, Pomp. BeitrÀge, p. 151; HELBIG,
WandgemÀlde, see Topogr. Index, p. 483.

_Bedroom in Pliny's villa_ [p. 358]: Plin. Ep. II. XVII. 23.


_Excavation, plan, remains_: MAU, Röm. Mitth., vol. 9 (1894), pp.
349-358, vol. 11 (1896), pp. 131-140; PASQUI, La villa pompeiana della
Pisanella presso Boscoreale, Mon. dei Lincei, vol. 7 (1897), pp.
397-554. For the collection of silverware, see references on p. 538.
Part of the objects of bronze found in the villa are in Berlin; see
PERNICE, Bronzen aus Boscoreale, ArchÀologischer Anzeiger, Beiblatt
zum Jahrb. des Inst., vol. 15 (1900), pp. 177-181. Others are in the
Field Columbian Museum, Chicago; see TARBELL, American Journal of
Archaeology, vol. 3 (1899), Second Series, p. 584.

_Sleeping room of the overseer near the entrance_ [p. 363]: Varro,
R.R. I, xiii, 2.

_Small open cistern_ [p. 366]: As the establishment was not connected
with an aqueduct, rain water was ca