Title: Gesta Dei per Francos. English - The Deeds of God Through the Franks
Author: Guibert, Abbot of Nogent-sous-Coucy, 1053-1124?
Language: English
As this book started as an ASCII text book there are no pictures available.


*** Start of this LibraryBlog Digital Book "Gesta Dei per Francos. English - The Deeds of God Through the Franks" ***


The Deeds of God through the Franks
by Guibert of Nogent

Copyright (C)1997  by Robert Levine



The Deeds of God through the Franks
by Guibert of Nogent

translated by Robert Levine


(notes are at the end of chapter 7)



The four-year period (1095-1099) between the call for crusade by Pope
Urban II at the Council of Claremont and the capture of Jerusalem
produced a remarkable amount of historiography, both in Western
Europe and in Asia Minor.  Three accounts by western European
eye-witnesses--an anonymous soldier or priest in Bohemund's army,
Fulker of Chartres, and Raymond of Aguilers--provoked later
twelfth-century Latin writers from various parts of what are now
France, Germany, England, Italy, and the Near East, to take up the
task of providing more accurate, more thorough, more interpretive,
and better written versions of the events.

Very little is known about most of the earliest rewriters; Albert of
Aix, Robert the Monk, and Raoul of Caen are little more than names,
while Baldric of Dole is known to have occupied a significant
ecclesiastical position, and to have composed other literary works.
Guibert of Nogent, on the other hand, is better known than any other
historian of the First Crusade, in spite of the fact that The Deeds
of God Through the Franks, composed in the first decade of the
twelfth century (1106-1109), did not circulate widely in the middle
ages, and no writer of his own time mentions him.  Guibert himself,
in the course of the autobiographical work he composed in the second
decade of the twelfth century (1114-1117), never mentions the Deeds,
and it has never been translated into English.[1]  What measure of
fame he currently has is based mostly on his autobiography, the
Monodiae, or Memoirs, an apparently more personal document, which has
been translated into both French and English.[2]

Although the Memoirs contain a strong historical component--the third
book, in particular, if used with discretion, offers rich material
for a study of the civil disorder that took place in Laon 1112-111--
the first book has attracted the attention of most recent scholars
and critics because it offers more autobiographical elements.
However, Guibert did not include among those elements the exact date
and place of his birth.[3]  Scholarly discussion has narrowed the
possible dates to 1053-1065, although the latest editor of the
Memoirs, Edmonde Labande, categorically chooses 1055. Among the
candidates for his birthplace are Clermont-en-Beauvaisis, Agnetz,
Catenoy, Bourgin, and Autreville, all within a short distance of
Beauvais.  No record of his death, generally assumed to have occurred
by 1125, has survived.

In spite of the lack of exactitude about places and dates, the
Memoirs provide an extensive account of some of the ways religious,
psychological, and spiritual problems combined in the mind of an
aristocratic oblate, who became an aggressive Benedictine monk,
fervently attached to his pious mother, fascinated and horrified by
sexuality, enraged at the extent of contemporary ecclesiastical
corruption, intensely alert to possible heresies, and generally
impatient with all opinions not his own.[4]  The personality that
dominates the Monodiae had already permeated the earlier, historical
text.  As cantankerous as Carlyle, Guibert reveals in the Deeds the
same qualities that Jonathan Kantor detected in the Memoirs:

The tone of the memoirs is consistently condemning and not confiding;
they were written not by one searching for the true faith but by one
determined to condemn the faithless.[5]

Such a tone is clearly reflected in the Deeds, whose very title is
designed to correct the title of the anonymous Gesta Francorum,
generally considered to be the earliest chronicle, and possibly
eye-witness account (in spite of the evidence that a "monkish scribe"
had a hand in producing the text), of the First Crusade.[6]
Throughout his rewriting (for the most part, amplifying) of the Gesta
Francorum, Guibert insists upon the providential nature of the
accomplishment; by replacing the genitive plural of Franks with the
genitive singular of God, Guibert lays the credit and responsibility
for the deeds done--though, not by the French--where they properly
belong.[7]

Guibert also sees to it that his characters explicitly articulate
their awareness of providential responsibility; in Book IV, one of
the major leaders of the Crusade, Bohemund, addresses his men:

Bohemund said: "O finest knights, your frequent victories provide an
explanation for your great boldness.  Thus far you have fought for
the faith against the infidel, and have emerged triumphant from every
danger.  Having already felt the abundant evidence of Christ's
strength should give you pleasure, and should convince you beyond all
doubt that in the most severe battles it is not you, but Christ, who
has fought.

The Gesta Francorum, however, the text that Guibert sets out to
correct, did not neglect the providential aspect of the First Crusade,
although the surviving text contains no prologue making such an
agenda blatantly explicit.  Nevertheless, the anonymous author
provides more than enough characters, direct discourse, and action to
assure every reader that God looked favorably upon the Crusade.  The
warning given to Kherboga by his mother, for example,[8] indicates
that even pagans were aware that God was on the side of the
Christians; the appearance of the divine army,--led by three
long-dead saints,[9] is another example of divine support.  Perhaps
the most vivid example is the series of visits Saint Andrew pays to
Peter Bartholomew,[10] urging him to dig up the Lance that pierced
Christ's side.

Redirecting, or redistributing the credit for victory, then, was not
a radical contribution by Guibert.  A far more noticeable correction,
however, was the result of Guibert's determination to correct the
style of his source:

A version of this same history, but woven out of excessively simple
words, often violating grammatical rules, exists, and it may often
bore the reader with the stale, flat quality of its language.

The result of his attempt to improve the quality of the Gesta's
language, however, is what has distressed some of the modern readers
who have tried to deal with Guibert's strenuously elaborate diction,
[11] itself a part of his general delight, perhaps obsession, with
difficulty.  The utter lack of references to Guibert by his
contemporaries may indicate that earlier readers shared R.B.C.
Huygens' recent judgement that it is marred by an "affected style and
pretentious vocabulary."[12]

Guibert seems to have anticipated such a response; at the beginning
of Book Five of the Gesta he claims to be utterly unconcerned with
his audiences' interests and abilities:

In addition to the spiritual reward this little work of mine may
bring, my purpose in writing is to speak as I would wish someone else,
writing the same story, would speak to me.  For my mind loves what
is somewhat obscure, and detests a raw, unpolished style.  I savor
those things which are able to exercise my mind more than those
things which, too easily understood, are incapable of inscribing
themselves upon a mind always avid for novelty.  In everything that I
have written and am writing, I have driven everyone from my mind,
instead thinking only of what is good for myself, with no concern for
pleasing anyone else.  Beyond worrying about the opinions of others,
calm or unconcerned about my own, I await the blows of whatever words
may fall upon me.[13]

However, anyone who reads the conventionally obsequious opening of
the dedicatory epistle to Bishop Lysiard would have difficulty
accepting the claim that Guibert has no concern for pleasing anyone
else:

Some of my friends have often asked me why I do not sign this little
work with my own name; until now I have refused, out of fear of
sullying pious history with the name of a hateful person.  However,
thinking that the story, splendid in itself, might become even more
splendid if attached to the name of a famous man, I have decided to
attach it to you.  Thus I have placed most pleasing lamp in front of
the work of an obscure author.  For, since your ancient lineage is
accompanied by a knowledge of literature, an unusual serenity and
moral probity, one may justly believe that God in his foresight
wanted the dignity of the bishop's office to honor the gift of such
reverence.  By embracing your name, the little work that follows may
flourish: crude in itself, it may be made agreeable by the love of
the one to whom it is written, and made stronger by the authority of
the office by which you stand above others.

We do not know whether Lysiard shared Guibert's fascination with what
is difficult, but the failure of any other medieval writer to mention
Guibert implies a negative reception in general for the Gesta Dei.

Not every modern reader, however, has been alienated by Guibert's
posture.  Labande expresses some enthusiasm for "la virtuosité du
styliste,"[14] and declares that Guibert's various uses of literary
devices "mériteraient une étude attentive."  Acknowledging the fact
that Guibert's language is somewhat "alambique" and "tarbiscoté,"
Labande had argued in an earlier article, although only on the basis
of the historical material in the Monodiae, that Guibert deserved to
be appreciated as an historian, with some "modern" qualities.[15]
Going even further than Labande, Eitan Burstein admires "la richesse
et l complexité" of Guibert's diction.[16]  One might also point out
that Guibert was not the first to compose a text of an historical
nature in a self-consciously elaborate, difficult style.  A century
earlier Dudo of Saint Quentin had used such a style for his history
of the Normans;[17] Saxo Grammaticus' History of the Danes indicates
that the acrobatic style did not die out with Guibert.[18]

Translating into English the work of a deliberately difficult writer,
whose declared aspiration is to be as hermetic as possible, might
become a quixotic task, if Guibert's passion and energy had been
focused only on providing a performance worthy of Martianus Capella.
[19]  The abbot of Nogent, however, also provides additional material,
excises or corrects stories that he considers inaccurate, or worse,
and, as his corrective title indicates, alters the focus of the
material.  The results of Guibert's efforts certainly provide
unusually rich material for those interested in medieval mentalité.
In addition, since history was a branch of rhetoric during the
middle-ages (i.e., it was a part of literature),[20] those interested
in intertextual aspects of medieval literature will find a treasure
trove, particularly since Guibert eventually sets about correcting
and improving two earlier texts.[21]

A clear example of what Guibert means by improvement occurs in his
amplification of the Crusaders' arrival at Jerusalem.  Where the
Gesta Francorum had provided:

We, however, joyful and exultant, came to the city of Jerusalem...

Guibert composes a veritable cadenza on the arrival:

Finally they reached the place which had provoked so many hardships
for them, which had brought upon them so much thirst and hunger for
such a long time, which had stripped them, kept them sleepless, cold,
and ceaselessly frightened, the most intensely pleasurable place,
which had been the goal of the wretchedness they had undergone, and
which had lured them to seek death and wounds.  To this place, I say,
desired by so many thousands of thousands, which they had greeted
with such sadness and in jubilation, they finally came, to Jerusalem.

Amplifications like this, magnifying the internal, psychological
significance of the events, while simultaneously insisting upon the
religious nature of the expedition, characterize Guibert's response
to the Gest Francorum.  His desire to correct is complicated by the
competitive urges that emerge when he faces the other apparently
eye-witness account of the First Crusade that became available to him,
Fulcher of Chartres' Histori Hierosolymitana.[22]  Where he had
offered gently corrective remarks about the crudeness of the Gest
Francorum, Guibert mounts a vitriolic attack on Fulker's
pretentiousness:

Since this same man produces swollen, foot-and-a-half words, pours
forth the blaring colors of vapid rhetorical schemes,[23] I prefer to
snatch the bare limbs of the deeds themselves, with whatever
sack-cloth of eloquence I have, rather than cover them with learned
weavings.[24]

However, to convince readers of his superiority Guibert knew that
stylistic competence was necessary but not sufficient, particularly
because both Fulker and the author of the Gesta Francorum had
convinced most readers, including Guibert himself, that they were
eye-witnesses of most of the events in their texts.[25]  Guibert then
had to deal with the commonplace assumption passed on by Isidore of
Seville:

Apud veteres enim nemo conscribebat historiam, nisi is qui
interfuisset, et ea quae conscribend essent vidisset.[26]

Among the ancients no one wrote history unless he had been present
and had seen the things he was writing about.

To overcome his apparent disadvantage, Guibert offers defense of his
second-hand perspective several times in the course of his
performance.

In the fifth book, immediately after acknowledging the fascination of
what is difficult, Guibert provides two paragraphs on the
difficulties of determining exactly what happened at Antioch.  These
paragraphs offer another opportunity to watch Guibert rework material
from an earlier text.  The author of the Gesta Francorum had invoked
variation of the topos of humility,[27] just before giving his
account of how Antioch was betrayed by someone inside the city:

I am unable to narrate everything that we did before the city was
captured, because no one who was in these parts, neither cleric nor
laity, could write or narrate entirely what happened.  But I shall
tell a little.[28]

When Guibert takes his turn at the topos, he is clearly determined to
outdo the author of the Gesta Francorum, both stylistically and in
terms of the theory of historiography:

We judge that what happened at the siege of Antioch cannot possibly
be told by anyone, because, among those who were there, no one can be
found who could have observed everything that took place throughout
the city, or who could understand the entire event in a way that
would enable him to represent the sequence of actions as they took
place.

At the beginning of the fourth book of the Gest Dei, Guibert's
defense of his absence is again intertextual, but openly polemic as
well, as he declares the battle between modern Christian writing
(saints lives and John III.32) and ancient pagan authority (Horace,
Ars Poetica 180-181) no contest:

If anyone objects that I did not see, he cannot object on the grounds
that I did not hear, because I believe that, in a way, hearing is
almost as good as seeing.  For although:

Less vividly is the mind stirred by what finds entrance through the
ears than by what is brought before the trusty eyes.[29]

Yet who is unaware that historians and those who wrote the lives of
the saints wrote down not only what they had seen, but also those
things they had drawn from what others had told them?  If the
truthful man, as it is written, reports "what he has seen and heard,"
then his tale may be accepted as true when he describes what he has
not seen, but has been told by reliable speakers.

Guibert then goes on to challenge those who object to do the job
better.

Correcting the Gesta Francorum, castigating Fulker, and challenging
his other contemporaries, however, do not absorb all of Guibert's
competitive urges.  He also attacks both the Graeco-Roman and Jewish
texts upon which he also heavily depends.[30]  His use of moderns to
castigate the ancients begins in Book One:

We wonder at Chaldean pride, Greek bitterness, the sordidness of the
Egyptians, the instability of the Asiatics, as described by Trogus
Pompeius and other fine writers.  We judge that the early Roman
institutions usefully served the common good and the spread of their
power.  And yet, if the essence of these things were laid bare, not
only would the relentless madness of fighting without good reason,
only for the sake of ruling, would obviously deserve reproach.  Let
us look carefully, indeed let us come to our senses about the remains,
I might have said dregs, of this time which we disdain, and we may
find, as that foolish king said,[31] that our little finger is
greater than the backs of our fathers, whom we praise excessively.
If we look carefully at the wars of the pagans and the kingdoms they
traveled through by great military effort, we shall conclude that
none of their strength, their armies, by the grace of God, is
comparable to ours.

Throughout the text Guibert relentlessly insists that the Crusaders
outdo the ancient Jews; in the last book he attempts to strip them of
every accomplishment:

The Lord saves the tents of Judah in the beginning, since He, after
having accomplished miracles for our fathers, also granted glory to
our own times, so that modern men seem to have undergone pain and
suffering greater than that of the Jews of old, who, in the company
of their wives and sons, and with full bellies, were led by angels
who made themselves visible to them.[32]

Partisan outbreaks like this fill the Gesta Dei per Francos, perhaps
more clearly distinguishing it from the earlier accounts of the First
Crusade than Guibert's more elaborate syntax, and self-conscious
diction.

His hatred of poor people also penetrates the text, often to bring
into higher relief the behavior of aristocrats.  In Book Two, for
example, he offers a comic portrayal of poor, ignorant pilgrims:

There you would have seen remarkable, even comical things: poor men,
their cattle pulling two-wheeled carts, armed as though they were
horses, carrying their few possessions together with their small
children in the wagon.  The small childrne, whenever they came upon a
castle or town on the way, asked whether this was the Jerusalem they
were seeking.

In the seventh and last book, Guibert tells the story of the woman
and the goose, again to ridicule the foolishness of the poor:

A poor woman set out on the journey, when a goose, filled with I do
not know what instructions, clearly exceeding the laws of her own
dull nature, followed her.  Lo, rumor, flying on Pegasean wings,
filled the castles and cities with the news that even geese had been
sent by God to liberate Jerusalem.  Not only did they deny that this
wretched woman was leading the goose, but they said that the goose
led her.  At Cambrai they assert that, with people standing on all
sides, the woman walked through the middle of the church to the altar,
and the goose followed behind, in her footsteps, with no one urging
it on.  Soon after, we have learned, the goose died in Lorraine; she
certainly would have gone more directly to Jerusalem if, the day
before she set out, she had made of herself a holiday meal for her
mistress.

Poor people, however, are not merely comic, but dangerous, to
themselves, as Guibert's version of the story of Peter the Hermit
indicates, and to others, as Guibert's version of the death of Peter
Bartholomew emphasizes.[33]

The story of the goose, however, is a comic reflection of a
persistently urgent problem on the First Crusade; Guibert addresses
the problem of famine often, and expresses particularly warm sympathy
towards aristocratic hunger:

How many jaws and throats of noble men were eaten away by the
roughness of this bread.  How terribly were their fine stomachs
revolted by the bitterness of the putrid liquid.  Good God, we think
that they must have suffered so, these men who remembered their high
social position in their native land, where they had been accustomed
to great ease and pleasure, and now could find no hope or solace in
any external comfort, as they burned in the terrible heat.  Here is
what I and I alone think: never had so many noble men exposed their
own bodies to so much suffering for a purely spiritual benefit.

Furthermore, he bends over backwards to defend aristocrats towards
whom other historians of the First Crusade were far less sympathetic.
Guibert's description of the count of Normandy, for example, shows
remarkable moral flexibility:

It would hardly be right to remain silent about Robert, Count of
Normandy, whose bodily indulgences, weakness of will, prodigality
with money, gourmandising, indolence, and lechery were expiated by
the perseverance and heroism that he vigorously displayed in the army
of the Lord.  His inborn compassion was naturally so great that he
did not permit vengeance to be taken against those who had plotted to
betray him and had been sentenced to death, and if something did
happen to them, he wept for their misfortune.  He was bold in battle,
although adeptness at foul trickery, with which we know many men
befouled themselves, should not be praised, unless provoked by
unspeakable acts.  For these and for similar things he should now be
forgiven, since God has punished him in this world, where he now
languishes in jail, deprived of all his honors.

His defense of Stephen of Blois also shows a remarkably complex
tolerance and sensitivity towards aristocratic failure:

At that time, Count Stephen of Blois, formerly man of great
discretion and wisdom, who had been chosen as leader by the entire
army, said that he was suffering from a painful illness, and, before
the army had broken into Antioch, Stephen made his way to a certain
small town, which was called Alexandriola.  When the city had been
captured and was again under siege, and he learned that the Christian
leaders were in dire straits, Stephen, either unable or unwilling,
delayed sending them aid, although they were awaiting his help.  When
he heard that an army of Turks had set up camp before the city walls,
he rode shrewdly to the mountains and observed the amount the enemy
had brought.  When he saw the fields covered with innumerable tents,
in understandably human fashion he retreated, judging that no mortal
power could help those shut up in the city.  A man of the utmost
probity, energetic, pre-eminent in his love of truth, thinking
himself unable to bring help to them, certain that they would die, as
all the evidence indicated, he decided to protect himself, thinking
that he would incur no shame by saving himself for a opportune moment.

Guibert concludes his defense of Stephen's questionable behavior with
a skillful use of counter-attack:

And I certainly think that his flight (if, however, it should be
called a flight, since the count was certainly ill), after which the
dishonorable act was rectified by martyrdom, was superior to the
return of those who, persevering in their pursuit of foul pleasure,
descended into the depths of criminal behavior.  Who could claim that
count Stephen and Hugh the Great, who had always been honorable,
because they had seemed to retreat for this reason, were comparable
to those who had steadfastly behaved badly?

One of the functions of the panegyric he composes for martyred
Crusader is to make Guibert's own rank clear, present, and
significant:

We have heard of many who, captured by the pagans and ordered to deny
the sacraments of faith, preferred to expose their heads to the sword
than to betray the Christian faith in which they had been instructed.
Among them I shall select one, knight and an aristocrat, but more
illustrious for his character than all others of his family or social
class I have ever known.  From the time he was a child I knew him,
and I watched his fine disposition develop.  Moreover, he and I came
from the same region, and his parents held benefices from my parents,
and owed them homage, and we grew up together, and his whole life and
development were an open book to me.

He is a spokesman not only for aristocrats, but for the French, in
spite of his emphasis on per Deum in his title, regularly emphasizing,
throughout his text, the significance and superiority of the French
contribution.  At the end of Book One, Guibert insists that Bohemund,
the major military figure in his history, was really French:

Since his family was from Normandy, a part of France, and since he
had obtained the hand of the daughter of the king of the French, he
might be very well be considered a Frank.

In Book Three, when the Franks win a significant victory, Guibert
insists that the defeated Turks and the victorious Franks have not
merely common but noble ancestors, thereby melding his two political
commitments:

But perhaps someone may object, arguing that the enemy forces were
merely peasants, scum herded together from everywhere.  Certainly the
Franks themselves, who had undergone such great danger, testified
that they could have known of no race comparable to the Turks, either
in liveliness of spirit, or energy in battle.  When the Turks
initiated a battle, our men were almost reduced to despair by the
novelty of their tactics in battle; they were not accustomed to their
speed on horseback, not to their ability to avoid our frontal
assaults.  We had particular difficulty with the fact that they fired
their arrows only when fleeing from the battle.  It was the Turk's
opinion, however, that they shared an ancestry with the Franks, and
that the highest military prowess belonged particularly to the Turks
and Franks, above all other people.

Having praised the West at the expense of the East in the first book,
in the second he praises the French at the expense of the Teutons,
recounting a conversation he recently held with a German ecclesiastic,
to show himself an ardent defender of ethnicity:

Last year while I was speaking with a certain archdeacon of Mainz
about a rebellion of his people, I heard him vilify our king and our
people, merely because the king had given gracious welcome everywhere
in his kingdom to his Highness Pope Paschalis and his princes; he
called them not merely Franks, but, derisively, "Francones."  I said
to him, "If you think them so weak and languid that you can denigrate
a name known and admired as far away as the Indian Ocean, then tell
me upon whom did Pope Urban call for aid against the Turks?  Wasn't
it the French?  Had they not been present, attacking the barbarians
everywhere, pouring their sturdy energy and fearless strength into
the battle, there would have been no help for your Germans, whose
reputation there amounted to nothing."  That is what I said to him.

Guibert then turns to his reader, and provides a more extensive
panegyric for his people, recalling pre-Merovingian accomplishments:

I say truly, and everyone should believe it, that God reserved this
nation for such a task.  For we know certainly that, from the time
that they received the sign of faith that blessed Remigius brought to
them, they succumbed to none of the diseases of false faith from
which other nations have remained uncontaminated either with great
difficulty or not at all.  They are the ones who, while still
laboring under the pagan error, when they triumphed on the
battlefield over the Gauls, who were Christians, did not punish or
kill any of them, because they believed in Christ.  Instead, those
whom Roman severity had punished with sword and fire, French native
generosity covered with gems and amber.  They strove to welcome with
honor not only those who lived within their own borders, but they
also affectionately cared for people who came from Spain, Italy, or
anywhere else, so that love for the martyrs and confessors, whom they
constantly served and honored, made them famous, finally driving them
to the glorious victory at Jerusalem.  Because it has carried the
yoke since the days of its youth, it will sit in isolation,[34] a
nation noble, wise, war-like, generous, brilliant above all kinds of
nations.  Every nation borrows the name as an honorific title; do we
not see the Bretons, the English, the Ligurians call men "Frank" if
they behave well?  But now let us return to the subject.

"Let us return to the subject," like the earlier injunction, "let us
continue in the direction in which we set out," indicates Guibert's
awareness of his tendency to perform "sorties."[35]  At times he
turns from the narrative to deliver a sermon, or to offer a biography
of Mahomet, and, more than once, to lecture on ecclesiastical history.
The apparent looseness of structure which results, a quality Misch
attributed to the Memoirs as well, may be symptom of Guibert's
Shandy-like temperament, or may be evidence that the remarks he made
about his style in an early aside to the reader apply equally well to
his structure:

Please, my reader, knowing without a doubt that I certainly had no
more time for writing than those moments during which I dictated the
words themselves, forgive the stylistic infelicities; I did first
write on writing-tablets to be corrected diligently later, but I
wrote them directly on the parchment, exactly as it is, harshly
barked out.

Such a cavalier attitude towards the finished product was not
characteristic of Guibert,[36] and seems to be in keeping neither
with his declared penchant for difficulty, nor with his declared
intention to raise the level of his style to match the significance
of his subject:

No one should be surprised that I make use of style very much
different from that of the Commentaries on Genesis, or the other
little treatises; for it is proper and permissible to ornament a
history with the crafted elegance of words; however, the mysteries of
sacred eloquence should be treated not with poetic loquacity, but
with ecclesiastical plainness.  Therefore I ask you to accept this
graciously, and to keep it as perpetual monument to your name.

The seriousness of purpose and the apparent looseness of structure
may perhaps be reconciled by considering that the literal level of
events was a less urgent concern for Guibert than the significance of
those events.  In addition, he imagined himself not so much as a
recorder of events, but as a competitor in a rhetorical agon, as the
implied metaphor that he uses in describing his activity as writer,
in hujus stadio operis excurrisse debueram, "racing in a stadium,"
implies.

In fact, in the course of composing his explicitly corrective version
of the First Crusade, Guibert participates in several contests
simultaneously; he "mollifies" the style and corrects the substance
of previous writers on the Crusades; he argues for some miracles and
against others; he utilizes and attempts to transcend both the
Graeco-Roman and the Judaeo part of the Judaeo-Christian past.  As a
rhetorical performance, in both prose and verse, the results are
impressive, since the Gesta Dei per Francos simultaneously reflects
historical reality, and provides some insight into the workings of
the mind of gifted, early twelfth-century French cleric and
aristocrat.



Summary of the Gesta Dei per Francos

Characteristically, Guibert opens the Gesta defensively, justifying
his choice of a modern topic by insisting upon the exceptional nature
of the Crusade, as well as the exceptional nature of the French.  The
entire first book is devoted to a selective history of the Eastern
Church and a denunciation of heresies, concluding with an extensive
invective against Mahomet, compounding sex, excrement, and disease.
[37]  Guibert then moves forward in time, to the generation before
the First Crusade, to describe a complaint about Muslim lust made by
the Greek Emperor to the elder Count Robert of Flanders.  Guibert
also complains about the Greek Emperor's own excessive interest in
erotic motivation for warriors.

Book Two begins with an account that amounts to little more than a
panegyric of Pope Urban II, admired by Guibert at least partially
because he is French.  Guibert then compliments the French for their
long-standing loyalty to the Popes, and for their generally Christian
behavior.[38]  Guibert then proceeds to describe the rise of Peter
the Hermit as leader of the poor people who misguidedly set out on
the Crusade, a group whose lack of control outrages Guibert
throughout the Gesta.[39]  However, he quickly returns to giving an
account of the aristocrats who took the cross, composing panegyrics
for Godfrey, Baldwin, and Eustace of Bouillon, complimenting Godfrey
in particular for his military victories in skirmishes with the Greek
emperor.  The second book ends with a description of some of the
other leaders and their qualities.

In Book Three Guibert introduces Bohemund, describes the siege of
Nicea, the battle of Dorylea, and adds the story about Baldwin's
adoption by the ruler of Edessa (not to be found in the Gesta
Francorum).

In Book Four the Crusaders arrive at Antioch and take up the lengthy
siege.  Guibert again adds material not to be found in the Gesta
Francorum: one story involves the false stigmata of an abbot, another
the martyrdom of a man know personally by Guibert.

In Book Five Guibert describes the taking of Antioch, the capture of
Cassian and his decapitation by Armenians and Syrians, the prediction
of eventual Christian victory by Kherboga's mother, the Crusaders'
themselves besieged in Antioch, the initial resistance to Peter's
vision about the location of the Lance,[40] and the desertion of the
Crusade by Stephen of Blois, whom Guibert defends with his
characteristic loyalty to aristocrats.

Book Six offers the discovery of the Lance, a futile meeting between
Peter the Hermit and Kherboga, the reported appearance of a celestial
army, the Crusaders' defeat of Kherboga, and the lifting of the siege
of Antioch.  In addition, Ademar of Puy dies, the Crusaders attack
Marrah, and Bohemund and Raymond of St. Gilles disagree about to whom
Antioch belongs.  The trial by fire of Peter Bartholomew (not to be
found in the Gesta Francorum) differs significantly and with clear
polemical intentions from the scene in Fulcher; Guibert attributes
the skepticism about the authenticity of the Lance to the death of
Ademar.  The book ends with the martyrdom of Anselm of Ribemont, and
mention of his letters, which Guibert will use later.

Book Seven is more than twice the length of any of the earlier books;
in it the Crusaders reach Tripoli, negotiate successfully with its
king, continue on through Palestine, reach Jerusalem, and begin the
siege.  As part of his extended panegyric of both brothers, Guibert
now inserts the story of Godfrey cutting a man in half and wrestling
with bear (not in the Gesta Francorum), which permits him, by
association, to modulate to the story of Baldwin refusing to be saved
by having a soldier killed and examined for similar wound, instead
agreeing to substitute a bear.  As he approaches the end of his task,
Guibert loosens the structure of his narrative even more, providing a
discussion of Near Eastern ecclesiastical politics, a description of
some of the battles in which the Crusaders consolidated their control
over Palestine, and a cadenza, dense with Biblical quotations and
some allegorical exegesis, on the significance of the Crusade itself.
After providing an anecdote about the way in which children's combat
inspired the soldiers, Guibert provides a brief discussion of the
Tafurs, and describes the betrayal by the emperor that led to the
death of Hugh Magnus.  Next Guibert describes Stephen's disastrous
expedition to Paphligonia, offers conflicting versions of Godfrey's
death, mentions his replacement by Baldwin, and provides a flashback
to Robert of Flanders' visit to Jerusalem twelve years before the
Crusade (at which time, according to Guibert, an astrological
prediction of a later Christian victory had been made).  Guibert now
tells a story about a man who defeated the Devil, then attacks Fulker
of Chartres for his style, for his story about Pirrus betraying
Antioch, and for his rejection of the authenticity of the Lance.



Guibert's Other Works

None of the salacious verse Guibert confesses to have written in his
youth has survived.[41]  Instead, in addition to the Gesta Dei and
the Monodiae, the following writings, entirely on religious topics,
have survived, and have been published in vol 156 of Migne's
Patrologia Latina:

Quo ordine sermo fieri debeat (Migne 21-32 and Huygens 1993 47-63).
Moralium Geneseos libri decem (Migne 32-338).

Tropologiae in prophetas Osee, Amos ac Lamentationes Jeremiae (Migne
337-488).

Tractatus de Incarnatione contra Judaeos (Migne 489-528).

Epistola de buccella Judae data et de veritate dominici Corporis
(Migne 527-538 and Huygens 1993 65-77).

De laude sanctae Mariae liber (Migne 537-578).

De virginitate opusculum (Migne 579-608).

De pignoribus sanctorum libri quatuor (Migne 607-680 and Huygens 1993
79-175).



The Translation

In diction, syntax, word order, and complexity of expression,
Guibert's Latin is more difficult than that of any other Latin
historian of the First Crusade.  I have tried to preserve as much of
the complexity of the syntax as is tolerable in comprehensible
English sentences.  Guibert's penchant for alliteration, rhyming
clausulae, and pithiness must usually be sacrificed.  A
characteristic example of the sonic loss occurs in my attempt to
translate the sardonic description of Arnulf's elevation to patriarch:

...dum vox magis quam vita curatur, ad hoc ut Iherosolimitanus fieret
patriarcha vocatur.  (RHC 4.233)

and since a man's voice is of more concern than the life he has led,
he was called to the patriarchy of Jerusalem.

I have followed the paragraphs of the latest edition, often longer
than those to which twentieth-century readers are accustomed, to
allow readers to check the original more easily.  Passages which
Guibert composed in verse are translated into prose and indented.
Guizot's early nineteenth-century French translation, although at
times erroneous or misleading, was very helpful.



Notes

Annotating Guibert's text in a truly satisfying manner would have
produced a prologomenon to a synoptic history of the First Crusade.
[42]  Instead, I have tried to limit myself to providing: (1)
information necessary to understand and to clarify the translation;
(2) sources for Guibert's Biblical and classical references; (3)
modern names of cities and towns mentioned in the text;[43] (4) the
names of the meters in which Guibert composes the portions of his
text in verse; (5) representative illustrations of the intertextual
nature of the Gesta Dei per Francos.



Acknowledgements

I am grateful to Jessica Weiss for reading through the entire
translation and making useful corrections and suggestions, to Mark
Stansbury for reading through parts of the translation and making
useful corrections and suggestions, and to the staff of The Boston
University Office of Information Technology for help in solving
problems involving word-processing.



Bibliography

Albert of Aix, Historia Hierosolymitana, Recueil des Historiens des
Croisades, Historiens Occidentaux IV, Paris, 1879, pp. 265-713.

Auerbach, Erich, Literary language and its public in late antiquity
and in the Middle Ages, translated by Ralph Mannheim, New York, 1965.

Baldric of Dole, Historia Hierosolymitana, RHC.HO IV. pp. 1-111.

Benton, John, Self and Society in Medieval France, New York, 1970.

Boehm, Laetitia, Studien zur Geschichtschreibung des ersten
Kreuzzuges Guibert von Nogent, Munich, 1954.

Bréhier, Louis (ed. and tr.), Histoire anonyme de l première croisade,
Paris, 1924.

Bull, Marcus, Knightly Piety and the Lay Response to the First
Crusade, Oxford, 1993.

Burstein, Eitan, "Quelques remarques à propos du vocabulaire de
Guibert de Nogent," Cahiers de civilisation médiévale, XXI (1978), pp.
247-263.

Cahen, C., La Syrie du nord, Paris, 1940, pp. 211-218.

Charaud, Jacques, "La conception de l'histoire de Guibert de Nogent,"
Cahiers de civilisation médiévale VIII (1965), pp. 381-395.

Damascus Chronicle, transl.  A.R. Gibbs, London, 1932.

Daniel, Norman, Heroes and Saracens, Edinburgh, 1984.

Duby, Georges, The Three Orders: Feudal Society Imagined, Chicago,
1980 (original, Paris, 1978).

Edbury, Peter, and Rowe, John Gordon, William of Tyre, Cambridge,
1988.

Embricho of Mainz, La vie de Mahomet, ed. Guy Cambier, 1962.

Fulcheri Carnotensis Historia Hierosolymitana, ed. Heinrich
Hagenmayer, Heidelberg, 1913.

Garand, Monique-Cecile and Etcheverry, Francois, "Analyse d'écriture
et macrophotographie; les manuscripts originaux de Guibert de Nogent,
Codices manuscripti I (1975), pp. 112-122.

__, "Le Scriptorium de Guibert de Nogent," Scriptorium XXXI (1977),
pp. 3-29.

Grundmann, Herbert, Geschichtsschreibung im Mittelalters, Goettingen,
1965.

Guenée, Bernard, Histoire et culture historique dans l'occident
mediéval, Paris, 1980.

Guibert de Nogent, Autobiographie, edited and translated by
Edmond-René Labande, Paris, 1981.

Guibert de Nogent, Gesta Dei per Francos, RHC.HO IV, pp. 115-263.

Guizot, F., Collection des mémoires rélatifs à l'histoire de France,
Paris, 1823-35, v. 9.

Hagenmeyer, Heinrich, Chronologie de la première croisade, Hildesheim,
1898-1901.

__, (ed.) Epistulae et chartae ad historiam primi belli sacri
spectantes, Innsbruck, 1901.

Huygens, R.B.C., Guibert de Nogent: Quo Ordine Sermo Fieri Debeat; De
Bucella Iudae Data et De Veritate Dominic Corporis; De Sanctis et
Eorum Pigneribus, Turnholt, 1993.

__, La tradition manuscrite de Guibert de Nogent, The Hague, 1991.

__, (ed.), Guillaume de Tyre Chronique, Turnholt, 1986, I and II.

Knoch, Peter, Studien zur Albert von Aachen, Stuttgart, 1966.

Labande, Edmond-Rene, "L'Art de Guibert de Nogent," in Mèlanges E.
Perroy, Paris, 1973, pp. 608-625.

Levine, Robert, "Satiric Vulgarity in Guibert de Nogent's Gesta Dei
per Francos," Rhetorica 7 (1989), pp. 261-273.

Mayer, Hans Eberhard (tr.  John Gillingham), The Crusades, Oxford,
1988.

Misch, Georg, Geschichte der Autobiographie, vol. 3, part two, first
half, Frankfurt, 1959, pp. 108-162.

Monod, Bernard, "De la méthode historique chez Guibert de Nogent,"
Revue historique 84 (1904), pp. 51-70.

Morris, C., "Policy and Visions: The Case of the Holy Lance at
Antioch," in J.B. Gillingham and J.C. Holt (eds.), War and Government
in the Middle Ages, Cambridge, 1984.

Partner, Nancy, Serious Entertainment, Chicago, 1977.

Peeters, P., "Un témoignage autographe sur le siège d'Antioche etc.,"
in Miscellanea historica Alberti de Meyer, 2 vols., Louvain, 1946; I.
373-390.

Pickering, F.P. Augustinus oder Boethius, Berlin, 1967.

Porges, W., "The Clergy, the Poor, and the Non-Combatants on the
First Crusade," Speculum 21 (1946), pp. 1-20.

Raoul of Caen, Gesta Tancredi, RHC.HO III, pp. 588-716.

Riley-Smith, Jonathan The First Crusade and the Idea of Crusading,
Philadelphia, 1986.

Robert the Monk, Hierosolomytana expeditio, RHC.HO, III, pp. 717-802.

Rogers, R., Latin Siege Warfare in the Twelfth Century, Oxford, 1992.

Schreiner, Klaus, "Discrimen veri ac falsi," Archive fur
Kulturgeschicht XLVIII (1966), pp. 1-51.

Setton, Kenneth M., and Baldwin, M.W., A History of the Crusades,
Madison, 1969, vol.  I.

Smalley, Beryl, Historians in the Middle Ages, London, 1974.

Ward, John O., "Some Principles of Rhetorical Historiography in the
12th Century," in Classical Rhetoric and Medieval Historiography,
edited by Ernest Breisach, Kalamazoo, 1985.



The letter of Guibert to Lysiard

Some of my friends have often asked me why I do not sign this little
work with my own name; until now I have refused, out of fear of
sullying a pious history with the name of hateful person.  However,
thinking that the story, splendid in itself, might become even more
splendid if attached to the name of a famous man, I have finally
decided to attach it to you.  Thus I have placed a most pleasing lamp
in front of the work of an obscure author.  For, since your ancient
lineage is accompanied by a knowledge of literature, as well an
unusual serenity and moral probity, one may justly believe that God
in his foresight wanted the dignity of the bishop's office to honor
the gift of such reverence.  By embracing your name, the little work
that follows may flourish: crude in itself, it may be made agreeable
by the love of the one to whom it is written, and made stronger by
the authority of the office by which you stand above others.
Certainly there were bishops, and others, who have heard something
about this book and about some of my other writings; leaving them
aside, my greatest wish was to reach you.  In reading this you should
consider that, if I occasionally have deviated from common
grammatical practice, I have done it to correct the vices, the style
that slithers along the ground, of the earlier history.  I see
villages, cities, towns, fervently studying grammar, for which reason
I tried, to the best of my abilities, not to deviate from the ancient
historians.  Finally, consider that while taking care of my household
duties, listening to the many cases brought to my attention, I burned
with the desire to write, and, even more, to pass the story along;
and while I was compelled outwardly to listen to various problems,
presented with biting urgency, inwardly I was steadily compelled to
persist in what I had begun.  No one should be surprised that I make
use of a style very much different from that of the Commentaries on
Genesis or the other little treatises; for it is proper and
permissible to ornament history with the crafted elegance of words;
however, the mysteries of sacred eloquence should be treated not with
poetic loquacity, but with ecclesiastical plainess.  Therefore I ask
you to accept this graciously, and to keep it as a perpetual monument
to your name.



Preface to the book of the deeds of God by means of the Franks

In trying to compose the present small work, I have placed my faith
not in my literary knowledge, of which I have very little, but rather
in the spiritual authority of the history events themselves, for I
have always been certain that it was brought to completion only by
the power of God alone, and through those men whom he willed.
Likewise, the story undoubtedly was written down by whatever men,
even if uneducated, God willed.  I am unable to doubt that He who
guided their steps through so many difficulties, who removed the many
military obstacles that lay before them, will implant within me, in
whatever manner he pleases, the truth about what happened, nor will
he deny to me the ability to choose the correct and fitting words.  A
version of this same history, but woven out of excessively simple
words, often violating grammatical rules, exists, and it may often
bore the reader with the stale, flat quality of its language.  It
works well enough for the less learned, who are not interested in the
quality of the diction, but only in the novelty of the story, nor is
it the case that the author should have spoken in a way that they do
not understand.  Those, moreover, who think that honesty nourishes
eloquence, when they see that the words have been chosen less
carefully than the narrative demands, and that the story is told
briefly where the elaborate variety of mollifying[44] eloquence was
appropriate, when they see the narration proceed bare-footed, then,
as the poet says, they will either sleep or laugh.[45]  They hate a
badly performed speech, which they judge should have been recited in
a much different way.  The style of writers should fit the status of
the events: martial deeds should be told with harsh words; what
pertains to divine matters must be brought along at more controlled
pace.  In the course of this work, if my ability is equal to the task,
I should perform in both modes, so that haughty Gradivus[46] may
find that his lofty crimes have been represented in matching words,
and, when piety is the subject, gravity is never violated by
excessive cleverness.[47]  Even if I have been unable to follow these
standards, nevertheless I have learned to admire or praise for the
most part what is done well by someone else.  Therefore I confess
that I, with shameless temerity, but out of love of faith, have run
the risk of being criticized by judges whom I do not know because,
when they find that I have taken up this project with a vow to
correct a previous work, they may value the second less than the
first.  Since we see a passion for grammar everywhere, and we know
that the discipline, because of the number of scholars that now exist,
is now open to the worst students, it would be horrid thing not to
write, even if we write only as we are able, and not as we should,
about this glory of our time, or even to leave the story hidden in
the scabbiness of artless speech.  I have seen what God has done in
these times--miracles greater than any he has ever performed--and now
I see a gem of this kind lying in the lowest dust.  Impatient with
such contemptuous treatment, I have taken care, with whatever
eloquence I have, to clean what was given over to neglect more
preciously than any gold.  I have not boldly done this entirely on my
own initiative, but I have faithfully promised others, who were eager
for this to be done.  Some asked that I write in prose; but most
asked that it be done in meter, since they knew that I had, in my
youth, performed more elementary exercises in verse than I should
have.  Older and more responsible, however, I thought that it should
not be done with words designed to be applauded, or with the clatter
of verse; but I thought, if I may dare to say this, that it deserved
being told with greater dignity than all the histories of Jewish
warfare, if God would grant someone the ability to do this.  I do not
deny that I set my mind to writing after the capture of Jerusalem,
when those who had taken part in the expedition began to return; but
because I did not want to be importunate, I put the task off.
However, because, with the permission (I do not know if it is in
accordance with the will) of God, the chance to carry out my wishes
came about, I have gone forward with what I had desired piously,
perhaps only to be laughed at by everyone, yet I shall transcend the
laughter of some, as long as I may occupy myself with the daily
growth of my creation, no matter what objections others may bark.  If
anyone does laugh, let him not blame man who has done what he was
able to do, whose intentions were sound; may he not instantly
cauterize the fault in my writings, but if he utterly despises them,
let him lay aside the war of words, rewrite what was badly done, and
offer his own examples of correct writing.  Furthermore, if anyone
accuses me of writing obscurely, let him fear inflicting on himself
the stigma of weak intellect, since I know for certain that no one
trained in letters can raise a question about whatever I may have
said in the following book.

In proceeding to offer a model to correct (or perhaps to corrupt) the
history, I have first attempted to consider the motives and needs
that brought about this expedition, as I have heard them, and then,
having shown how it came about, to relate the events themselves.  I
learned the story, related with great veracity, from the previous
author whom I follow, and from those who were present on the
expedition.  I have often compared the book's version of events with
what was said by those who saw what happened with their own eyes, and
beyond a doubt I have seen that neither testimony was discordant with
the other.  Whatever I have added, I have learned from eye-witnesses,
or have found out for myself.  If anything described is false, no
clever critic may rightly accuse me of lying, I say, since he cannot
argue, as God is my witness, that I have spoken out of a desire to
deceive.  How can it be surprising if we make errors, when we are
describing things done in a foreign land, when we are clearly unable
not only to express in words our own thoughts and actions, but even
to collect them in the silence of our own minds?  What can I say then
about intentions, which are so hidden most of the time that they can
scarcely be discerned by the acuity of the inner man?  Therefore we
should not be severely attacked if we stumble unknowingly in our
words; but relentless blame should be brought to bear when falsity is
willfully woven into the text, in an attempt to deceive, or out of a
desire to disguise something.  Furthermore, the names of men,
provinces, and cities presented me with considerable difficulties; I
knew some of the familiar ones were written down incorrectly by this
author, and I do not doubt that in recording foreign, and therefore
less known, names, errors were also made.  For example, we inveigh
every day against the Turks, and we call Khorasan[48] by its new name;
when the old word has been forgotten and has almost disappeared, no
use of ancient sources, even if they were available, has been made: I
have chosen to use no word unless it were in common use.  Had I used
Parthians instead of Turks, as some have suggested, Caucasus and not
Khorasan, in the pursuit of authenticity, I might have been
misunderstood and laid myself open to the attacks of those who argue
about the proper names of provinces.  In particular, since I have
observed that in our lands provinces have been given new names, we
should assume that the same changes take place in foreign lands.  For
if what was once called Neustria is now called Normandy, and what was
once called Austrasia is now, because of a turn of events, called
Lotharingia, why should one not believe that the same thing happened
in the East?  As some say, Egyptian Memphis is now called Babylon.
Instead of using different names, thereby becoming obscure or
participating in polemics, I have preferred to make use of the common
word.  I was in doubt for a long time about the name of the bishop of
Puy, and learned it just before finishing this work, for it was not
in the text from which I was working.  Please, my reader, knowing
without a doubt that I certainly had no more time for writing than
those moments during which I dictated the words themselves, forgive
the stylistic infelicities; I did not first write on wax tablets to
be corrected diligently later, by I wrote them directly on the
parchment, exactly as it is, harshly barked out.  I inscribed a name
that lacks arrogance, and brings honor to our people: The Deeds of
God through the Franks.  Here ends the preface to the history which
is called the Deeds of God through the Franks, written by the
reverend Dom Guibert, abbot of the monastery of Saint Mary at Nogent,
which is located near Coucy, in the district of Laon.--



BOOK ONE

Sometimes but not always incorrectly, certain mortals have developed
the foul habit of praising previous times and attacking what modern
men do.  Indeed the ancients should be praised for the way in which
they balanced good fortune with restraint, as well as for the way in
which thoughtfulness controlled their use of energy.  However, no
discerning individual could prefer in any way the temporal prosperity
of the ancients to any of the strengths of our own day.  Although
pure strength was pre-eminent among the ancients, yet among us,
though the end of time has come upon us, the gifts of nature have not
entirely rotted away.  Things done in early times may rightly be
praised because done for the first time, but far more justly are
those things worth celebrating which are usefully done by
uncultivated men in world slipping into old age.  We admire foreign
nations famous for military strength; we admire Philip for his
merciless slaughter and victories everywhere, never without
relentless shedding of blood.  We commend with resounding rhetoric
the fury of Alexander, who emerged from the Macedonian forge to
destroy the entire East.  We measure the magnitude of the troops of
Xerxes at Thermopylae, and of Darius against Alexander, with the
terrible killing of infinite numbers of nations.  We wonder at
Chaldean pride, Greek bitterness, the sordidness of the Egyptians,
the instability of the Asiatics, as described by Trogus-Pompeius[49]
and other fine writers.  We judge that the early Roman institutions
usefully served the common good and the spread of their power.
And yet, if the essence of these things were laid bare, not only
would their bravery be considered praiseworthy by wise men, but
the relentless madness of fighting without good reason, only for the
sake of ruling, would obviously deserve reproach.  Let us look
carefully, indeed let us come to our senses about the remains, I
might have said dregs, of this time which we disdain, and we may find,
as that foolish king said,[50] that our little finger is greater
than the backs of our fathers, whom we praise excessively.  If we
look carefully at the wars of the pagans and the kingdoms they
traveled through by great military effort, we shall conclude that
none of their strength, none of their armies, by the grace of God, is
comparable in any way to ours.  Although we have heard that God was
worshipped among the Jews, we know that Jesus Christ, as he once was
among the ancients, today exists and prevails by clear proofs among
the moderns.  Kings, leaders, rulers and consuls, have collected vast
armies from everywhere, and from among the so-called powerful of
nations everywhere, have amassed hordes of people to fight.  They,
however, come together here out of fear of men.  What shall I say of
those who, without master, without a leader, compelled only by God,
have traveled not only beyond the borders of their native province,
beyond even their own kingdom, but through the vast number of
intervening nations and languages, from the distant borders of the
Britannic Ocean, to set up their tents in the center of the earth?
We are speaking about the recent and incomparable victory of the
expedition to Jerusalem, whose glory for those who are not totally
foolish is such that our times may rejoice in a fame that no previous
times have ever merited.  Our men were not driven to this
accomplishment by desire for empty fame, or for money, or to widen
our borders--motives which drove almost all others who take up or
have taken up arms.  About these the poet correctly says:

Quis furor, o cives, quae tanta licentia ferri,

Gentibus invisis proprium praebere cruorem?  (Lucan 1.8,9)

What madness was this, my countrymen, what fierce orgy of slaughter...
to give to hated nations the spectacle of Roman bloodshed?[51]

and:

Bella geri placuit, nullos habitura triumphos.

It was decided to wage wars that could win no triumphs.[52]

If they were taking up the cause of protecting liberty or defending
the republic, they would be able to offer morally acceptable excuse
for fighting.  Indeed, in the case of an invasion of barbarians or
pagans, no knight could rightly be prevented from taking up arms.
And if these conditions were not the case, then simply to protect
Holy Church they waged the most legitimate war.  But since this pious
purpose is not in the minds of everyone, and instead the desire for
material acquisitions pervades everyone's hearts, God ordained holy
wars in our time, so that the knightly order and the erring mob, who,
like their ancient pagan models, were engaged in mutual slaughter,
might find new way of earning salvation.  Thus, without having chosen
(as is customary) a monastic life, without any religious committment,
they were compelled to give up this world; free to continue their
customary pursuits, nevertheless they earned some measure of God's
grace by their own efforts.  Therefore, we have seen nations,
inspired by God, shut the doors of their hearts towards all kinds of
needs and feelings, taking up exile beyond the Latin world, beyond
the known limits of the entire world, in order to destroy the enemies
of the name of Christ, with an eagerness greater than we have seen
anyone show in hurrying to the the banquet table, or in celebrating a
holiday.[53]  The most splendid honors, the castles and towns over
which they held power, meant nothing to them; the most beautiful
women were treated as though they were worthless dirt; pledges of
domestic love,[54] once more precious than any gem, were scorned.
What no mortal could have compelled them to do by force, or persuade
them to do by rhetoric, they were carried forward to do by the sudden
insistence of their transformed minds.  No priest in church had to
urge people to this task, but one man urged another, both by speech
and by example, proclaiming his determination, both at home and in
the streets, to go on the expedition.  Every man showed the same
fervor; the chance to go on the trip appealed both to those who had
little property, and to those whose vast possessions or stored-up
treasures permitted them to take the richest provisions for the
journey.  You would have seen Solomon's words clearly put into action,
"the locusts have no king, yet they march together in bands."[55]
This locust made no leap of good works, as long as he lay in the
frozen torpor of deep sin, but when the heat of the sun of justice
shone, he leaped forward in the flight of a double (or natural)[56]
movement, abandoning his paternal home and family, changing his
behaviour to take on a sacred purpose.  The locust had no king,
because each faithful soul had no leader but God alone; certain that
He is his companion in arms, he has no doubt that God goes before him.
He rejoices to have undertaken the journey by the promptings of
God's will, who will be his solace in tribulation.  But what is it
that drives a whole community unless it is that simplicity and unity
which compels the hearts of so many people to desire one and the same
thing?  Although the call from the apostolic see was directed only to
the French nation, as though it were special, what nation under
Christian law did not send forth throngs to that place?  In the
belief that they owed the same allegiance to God as did the French,
they strove strenuously, to the full extent of their powers, to share
the danger with the Franks.  There you would have seen the military
formations of Scots, savage in their own country, but elsewhere
unwarlike, their knees bare, with their shaggy cloaks, provisions
hanging from their shoulders, having slipped out of their boggy
borders, offering as aid and testimony to their faith and loyalty,
their arms, numerically ridiculous in comparison with ours.  As God
is my witness I swear that I heard that some barbarian people from I
don't know what land were driven to our harbor, and their language
was so incomprehensible that, when it failed them, they made the sign
of the cross with their fingers; by these gestures they showed what
they could not indicate with words, that because of their faith they
set out on the journey.  But perhaps I shall treat these matters at
greater length when I have more room.  Now we are concerned with the
state of the church of Jerusalem, or the Eastern church, as it was
then.

In the time of the faithful Helen, the mother of the ruler
Constantine, throughout the regions known for the traces of the
Lord's sufferings, churches and priests worthy of these churches were
established by this same Augusta.[57]  From church history we learn
that, for a long time after the death of those just mentioned, these
institutions endured while the Roman Empire continued.  However, the
faith of Easterners, which has never been stable, but has always been
variable and unsteady, searching for novelty, always exceeding the
bounds of true belief, finally deserted the authority of the early
fathers.  Apparently, these men, because of the purity of the air and
the sky in which they are born, as a result of which their bodies are
lighter and their intellect consequently more agile, customarily
abuse the brilliance of their intelligence with many useless
commentaries.  Refusing to submit to the authority of their elders or
peers, "they searched out evil, and searching they succumbed."[58]
Out of this came heresies and ominous kinds of different plagues.
Such a baneful and inextricable labyrinth of these illnesses existed
that the most desolate land anywhere could not offer worse vipers and
nettles.  Read through the catalogues of all heresies; consider the
books of the ancients against heretics; I would be surprised if, with
the exception of the East and Africa, any books about heretics could
be found in the Roman world.  I read somewhere that Pelagius, unless
I am mistaken, was a British heretic; but I believe that no one has
ever been able to compose an account of the mistaken people, or their
errors.  The Eastern regions were lands cursed on earth in the work
of its teachers,[59] bringing forth thorns and prickly weeds for
those working it.  Out of Alexandria came Arius,[60] out of Persia
Manes.[61]  The madness of one of them tore and bloodied the mantle
of holy Church, which had until then no spot or wrinkle,[62] with
such persistence that the persecution of Datian[63] seemed shorter in
time, and more narrowly confined in space.  Not only Greece, but,
afterwards, Spain, Illyria, and Africa succumbed to it.  The fictions
of the other, although ridiculous, nevertheless deceived the sharpest
minds far and wide with its trickery.  What should I say about the
Eunomians, the Eutychians, the Nestorians, how can I represent the
thousands of hideous groups whose frenzy against us was so relentless,
and against whom victory was so difficult, that the heresies seemed
to be beheaded not with swords but with sticks?  If we examine the
early histories of the beginnings of their kingdoms, and if we
chatter about the ridiculous nature of their kings, we must wonder at
the sudden overthrowing and replacing of rulers brought about by
Asiatic instability.  Anyone who wants to learn about their
inconstancy may look at the Antiochi and Demetrii, whirling and
alternating in and out of power; the man flourishing in power today
may be driven tomorrow not merely from power, but from his native
land, exiled by the fickleness of the peoples whom he had ruled.
Their foolishness, both in secular behavior and in religious belief,
has thrived until this day, so that neither in the preparation of the
Eucharist, nor in the location of the Apostolic see do they have
anything in common with us.  But if making the sacrament out of
leavened bread is defended with the apparently reasonable argument
that using yeast is not harmful when it is done in good faith, and
that the Lord had put an end to the old ways by eating lamb with
unleavened bread, and celebrating the sacrament of his own body with
the same bread, because there was no other bread, and he could not
fulfill the law at that time in any other way, to them the use of
unleavened bread, necessary at the time, did not seem a central part
of the mystery, just as the dipping of the mouthful[64] was an
indication not of the carrying out of the sacrament but of Judas'
betrayal.  If, I say, these things and others also can be proposed as
either true or false, then what will they say about the Holy Spirit,
those who impiously argue, in accordance with the vestiges of the
Arian heresy, that He is less than the Father and the Son, and who
disagree, both in thought and in many of their actions, with the
ancient laws of the fathers, and with the holy ritual of the Western
Church, they have added this increment to their damnation: they claim
that God limps, having inflicted upon him an inequality of his own
nature.  For if one is baptized according to the teaching of the Son
of God, "in the name of the Son and the Holy Spirit," it is for this
reason, that the three are one God; arguing that any of the three is
less than the other is to argue that he is not God.  Therefore the
herd of such bulls among the cows of the people now shuts out those
who have proved themselves worth their weight in silver, since some
of our countrymen, stirred by the debate with the Greeks, have
published splendid books on the office of the Holy Spirit.  However,
since God places stumbling-block before those who sin voluntarily,
their land has spewed forth its own inhabitants, since they were
first deprived of the awareness of true belief, and rightly and
justly they have been dispossessed of all earthly possessions.  For
since they fell away from faith in the Trinity, like those who fall
in the mud and get muddier, little by little they have come to the
final degradation of having taken paganism upon themselves; as the
punishment for their sin proceeded, foreigners attacked them, and
they lost the soil of their native land.  Even those who managed to
remain in their native land must pay tribute to foreigners.  The most
splendidly noble cities, Antioch, Jerusalem, and Nicea,[65] and the
provinces, Syria, Palestine, and Greece, the seed-beds of the new
grace, have lost their internal strength at the roots, while the
aborted[66] Italians, French, and English, have flourished.  I am
silent about the fact that so many abuses have become customary in
those worthless churches, that in many of these regions no one is
made a priest unless he has chosen a wife, so that the apostle's
statement that a man who is to be chosen should have only one wife be
observed.  That this statement does not concern a man who has and
uses a wife, but does concern man who had a wife and sent her away,
is confirmed by the authority of the Western church.  I am also
silent about the fact that, against Latin custom, people of the
Christian faith, regardless of whether they are men or women, are
bought and sold like brute animals.  To add to the cruelty, they are
sent far from their native country to be sold as slaves to pagans.
Finally, worse than all these, it appears that imperial law among
them generally sanctions young girls (a freedom permitted everywhere
as though to be just) being taken to become prostitutes.  An example:
if a man has three or four daughters, one of them is put in a house
of prostitution; some part of the smelly lucre derived from the
suffering of these unhappy women goes to the wretched emperor's
treasury, while part goes to support the woman who earned it in such
a base way.  Hear how the clamor ascends mightily to the ears of the
Lord of Hosts.[67]  Moreover, the priests who are in charge of
celebrating the divine sacraments prepare the Lord's body after they
have eaten, as I have heard, and offer it to be eaten by anyone who
is fasting.  While they wander in these and similar paths of evil,
and while they "follow their own devices,"[68] God has set up over
them a new law-giver, "so that the people may know that they are
mortal."[69]  And since they, more wanton than the beasts of the
field, have knowingly transgressed the limits set by their fathers,
they have become objects of opprobrium.  But just let me tell
something about the authority upon which the nations of the East rely
when they decide to abandon the Christian religion to return to
paganism.

According to popular opinion, there was a man, whose name, if I have
it right, was Mathomus, who led them away from belief in the Son and
in the Holy Spirit.  He taught them to acknowledge only the person of
the Father as the single, creating God, and he said that Jesus was
entirely human.  To sum up his teachings, having decreed circumcision,
he gave them free rein for every kind of shameful behavior.  I do
not think that this profane man lived a very long time ago, since I
find that none of the church doctors has written against his
licentiousness.  Since I have learned nothing about his behavior and
life from writings, no one should be surprised if I am willing to
tell what I have heard told in public by some skillful speakers.  To
discuss whether these things are true or false is useless, since we
are considering here only the nature of this new teacher, whose
reputation for great crimes continues to spread.  One may safely
speak ill of a man whose malignity transcends and surpasses whatever
evil can be said of him.

An Alexandrian patriarch died, I'm not sure when, and the leaderless
church was divided, as usual, into various factions; the more eagerly
each argued for the person whom he favored, the more strongly he
argued against the person whom he opposed.  The choice of the
majority was a hermit who lived nearby.  Some of the more discerning
men often visited him, to find out what he was really like, and from
these conversations they discovered that he disagreed with them about
the Catholic faith.  When they found this out, they immediately
abandoned the choice they had made, and, with the greatest regret,
set about condemning it.  Scorned, torn apart by bitter grief, since
he had been unable to reach what he had striven for, like Arius, he
began to think carefully how to take vengeance by spreading the
poison of false belief, to undermine Catholic teaching everywhere.
Such men, whose whole aim in life is to be praised, are mortally
wounded, and bellow unbearably, whenever they feel that their
standing in the community is diminished in any way.  Seeing his
opportunity with the hermit, the Ancient Enemy approached the wretch
with these words, "If," he said, "you want certain solace for having
been rejected, and you want power far greater than that of a
patriarch, look very carefully at that young man who was with those
who came to you lately--I shall recollect for you his clothing, his
face, his physical appearance, his name--fill his vigorous, receptive
mind with the teaching that lies near to your heart.  Pursue this man,
who will listen faithfully to your teachings and propagate them far
and wide."  Encouraged by the utterance, the hermit searched among
the groups that visited him for the identifying signs of the young
man.  Recognizing him, he greeted him affectionately, then imbued him
with the poison with which he himself was rotting.  And because he
was a poor man, and a poor man has less authority than a rich one, he
proceeded to procure wealth for himself by this method: a certain
very rich woman had recently become a widow; the filthy hermit sent a
messenger to bring her to him, and he advised her to marry again.
When she told him that there was no one appropriate for her to marry,
he said that he had found for her a prophet who was appropriate, and
that, if she consented to marry him, she would live in perfect
happiness.  He persisted steadily in his blandishments, promising
that the prophet would provide for her both in this life and in the
next, and he kindled her feminine emotions to love a man she did not
know.  Seduced, then, by the hope of knowing everything that was and
everything that might be, she was married to her seer, and the
formerly wretched Mahomet, surrounded by brilliant riches, was lifted,
perhaps to his own great stupefaction, to unhoped-for power.  And
since the vessel of a single bed frequently received their sexual
exchanges, the famous prophet contracted the disease of epilepsy,
which we call, in ordinary language, falling sickness; he often
suffered terribly while the terrified prophetess watched his eyes
turning upward, his face twisting, his lips foaming, his teeth
grinding.  Frightened by this unexpected turn of events, she hurried
to the hermit, accusing him of the misfortune which was happening to
her.  Disturbed and bitter in her heart, she said that she would
prefer to die rather than to endure an execrable marriage to a madman.
She attacked the hermit with countless kinds of complaints about
the bad advice he had given her.  But he, who was supplied with
incomparable cleverness, said, "you are foolish for ascribing harm to
what is a source of light and glory.  Don't you know, blind woman,
that whenever God glides into the minds of the prophets, the whole
bodily frame is shaken, because the weakness of the flesh can
scarcely bear the visitation of divine majesty?  Pull yourself
together, now, and do not be afraid of these unusual visions; look
upon the blessed convulsions of the holy man with gratitude,
especially since spiritual power teaches him at those moments about
the things it will help you to know and to do in the future."  Her
womanly flightiness was taken in by these words, and what she had
formerly thought foul and despicable now seemed to her not only
tolerable, but sacred and remrkable.  Meanwhile the man was being
filled with profane teaching drawn by the devil's piping through the
heretical hermit.  When the hermit, like a herald, went everywhere
before him, Mahomet was believed by everyone to be a prophet.  When
far and wide, in the opinion of everyone, his growing reputation
shone, and he saw that people in the surrounding as well as in
distant lands were inclining towards his teachings, after consulting
with his teacher, he wrote a law, in which he loosened the reins of
every vice for his followers, in order to attract more of them.  By
doing this he gathered a huge mob of people, and the better to
deceive their uncertain minds with the pretext of religion, he
ordered them to fast for three days, and to offer earnest prayers for
God to grant a law.  He also gives them a sign, because, should it
please God to give them law, he will grant it in an unusual manner,
from an unexpected hand.  Meanwhile, he had a cow, whom he himself
had trained to follow him, so that whenever she heard his voice or
saw him, almost no force could prevent her from rushing to him with
unbearable eagerness.  He tied the book he had written to the horns
of the animal, and hid her in the tent in which he himself lived.  On
the third day he climbed a high platform above all the people he had
called together, and began to declaim to the people in a booming
voice.  When, as I just said, the sound of his words reached the
cow's ears, she immediately ran from the tent, which was nearby, and,
with the book fastened on her horns, made her way eagerly through the
middle of the assembled people to the feet of the speaker, as though
to congratulate him.  Everyone was amazed, and the book was quickly
removed and read to the breathless people, who happily accepted the
licence permitted by its foul law.  What more?  The miracle of the
offered book was greeted with applause over and over again.  As
though sent from the sky, the new license for random copulation was
propagated everywhere, and the more the supply of permitted filth
increased, the more the grace of a God who permitted more lenient
times, without any mention of turpitude, was preached.  All of
Christian morality was condemned by a thousand reproofs, and whatever
examples of goodness and strength the Gospel offered were called
cruel and harsh.  But what the cow had delivered was considered
universal liberty, the only one recommended by God.  Neither the
antiquity of Moses nor the more recent Catholic teachings had any
authority.  Everything which had existed before the law, under the
law, under grace, was marked as implacably wrong.  If I may make
inappropriate use of what the Psalmist sings, "God did not treat
other nations in this fashion, and he never showed his judgements to
any other people."[70]  The greater opportunity to fulfil lust, and,
going beyond the appetites of beasts, by resorting to multiple whores,
was cloaked by the excuse of procreating children.  However, while
the flow of nature was unrestrained in these normal acts, at the same
time they engaged in abnormal acts, which we should not even name,
and which were unknown even to the animals.  At the time, the
obscurity of this nefarious sect first covered the name of Christ,
but now it has wiped out his name from the furthest corners of the
entire East, from Africa, Egypt, Ethiopia, Libya, and even the more
remote coasts of Spain--a country near us.  But now to describe how
this marvelous law-giver made his exit from our midst.  Since he
often fell into sudden epileptic fit, with which we have already said
he struggled, it happened once, while he was walking alone, that a
fit came upon him and he fell down on the spot; while he was writhing
in this agony, he was found by some pigs, who proceeded to devour him,
so that nothing could be found of him except his heels.  While the
true Stoics, that is, the worshipers of Christ, killed Epicurus, lo,
the greatest law-giver tried to revive the pig, in fact he did revive
it, and, himself a pig, lay exposed to be eaten by pigs, so that the
master of filth appropriately died a filthy death.  He left his heels
fittingly, since he had wretchedly fixed the traces of false belief
and foulness in wretchedly deceived souls.  We shall make an epitaph
for his heels in four lines of the poet:

Aere perennius,

Regalique situ pyramidum altius:

(I have built a monument) more lasting than brass, taller that the
royal site of the Pyramids...

So that the fine man, happier than any pig, might say with the poet:

Non omnis moriar, multaque pars mei

Vitabit Libitiam.

I shall not die entirely, a great part of me shall avoid Hell.

That is:

Manditur ore suum, qui porcum vixerat, hujus

Membra beata cluunt, podice fusa suum.

Quum talos ori, tum quod sus fudit odori,

Digno qui celebrat cultor honore ferat.

He who has lived by the pig is chewed to death by the pig and the
limbs which were called blessed have become pigs' excrement.  May
those who wish to honor him carry to their mouths his heels, which
the pig has poured forth in stench.

What if there is some truth in what the Manicheans say about
purification, that in every food something of God is present and that
part of God is purified by chewing and digesting, and the purified
part is turned into angels, who are said to depart from us in
belching and flatulence: how many angels may be believe were produced
by the flesh eaten by these pigs and by the great farts they let go?
But, laying aside the comic remarks intended to mock his followers,
my point is that they did not think that he was God, but a just man
and leader, through whom divine laws might be transmitted.  They
imagined that he had been taken up into heaven, with only his heels
left as a monument for his faithful adherents, who visit them with
great veneration, and condemn eating pork, because pigs consumed
their lord with their bites.

After the pagan heresy had grown strong over a long time, and for
many generations, the people whom we have mentioned above invaded
Palestine, Jerusalem, and the Holy Sepulchre, and captured Armenia,
Syria, and the part of Greece that extends almost to the sea which is
called the Arm of Saint George.  Among all the Eastern kingdoms, the
Babylonian empire was from ancient times the most powerful, and ruled
over many kingdoms.  However, the kingdom of the Parthians, whom we,
because of changes in the language, call the Turks, is pre-eminent in
military matters, in horsemanship, and in courage, although it is a
very small country.  And so the Babylonian emperor occupied the areas
we just mentioned with a large army, but in the course of time he
lost them, as the Turks grew in number, and the Assyrians were
defeated.  More energetic, and in command of an astute boldness, they
were attacking the empire of Constantinople and seemed about to
besiege the city, when the emperor of the Greeks, frightened by their
frequent and relentless incursions, sent a letter to France, written
to the elder Robert, count of Flanders,[71] offering him reasons that
might urge him to defend endangered Greece.  He did not approach him
because he thought that Robert, although extremely wealthy, and
capable of raising a large force, could alone supply enough troops
for the task, but because he realized that if a man of such power
went on such a journey, he would attract many of our people, if only
for the sake of a new experience, to support him.  This count was
truly as wise in military matters as he was perspicacious and
discriminating in literary matters.  He had once before gone to
Jerusalem, for the sake of prayer, and, happening to pass through
Constantinople on the way, had spoken with the emperor; as result, on
the basis of the great feeling of trust he had developed for him, the
emperor was impelled to call upon him for aid.  Since inserting the
letter itself in this little work would produce a tedious effect, I
have preferred to offer some of what was said, but clothed in my own
words.

He complained that, "after Christianity was driven out, the churches
which the pagans held had been turned into stables for horses, mules,
and other animals.  It was also true that they had set up in them
temples, which they called Mahomeries, and they carried out all kinds
of filthy activity in them, so that they had become not cathedrals,
but brothels and theaters.  Moreover, there would be no purpose to my
mentioning the slaughter of Catholics, since the faithful who died
received in exchange eternal life, while those who survived led lives
wretchedly bound by the yoke of slavery, harsher, I believe, than
what those who died endured.  They took virgins and made them public
prostitutes, since they were never deterred by shame or feeling for
marital fidelity.  Mothers were violated in the presence of their
daughters, raped over and over again by different men, while their
daughters were compelled, not only to watch, but to sing obscene
songs and to dance.  Then they changed places, and the suffering,
which is painful and shameful to speak of, was inflicted upon the
daughters, while the filthy activity was adorned by the obscene songs
of the unfortunate mothers.  Finally reverence for all that was
called Christian was handed over to the brothel.  When the female sex
was not spared (an action which might be excused since it is at least
in accord with nature), they became worse than animals, breaking all
human laws by turning on men.  Their lust overflowed to the point
that the execrable and profoundly intolerable crime of sodomy, which
they committed against men of middle or low station, they also
committed against a certain bishop, killing him.  How can this urgent
lust, worse than any insanity anywhere, which perpetually flees
wisdom and modesty, and is enkindled more powerfully the more it is
quenched, control itself among human beings, whom it befouls with
couplings unheard of among beasts, actions to which Christians may
not give name.  And although, according to their own judgment, these
wretches may have many women, that is not enough, but they must stain
their dignity at the hog-trough of such filth by using men also.  It
is not surprising that God could not tolerate their ripe wantoness,
and turned it into grief, and the earth, in its ancient way, cast out
the excrement of such destructive inhabitants."  Therefore, after he
had expressed his great fears about the siege of Constantinople,
which would follow the crossing of the Arm of Saint George by his
enemies, he added, among other remarks, the following: "This great
city is most deserving of every kind of help if for no other reason
than to prevent the six apostles whose bodies are buried here from
being burned by unbelievers, or buried in the swirling sea."  And
certainly nothing is more true.  For that city, not only superior for
its monuments of the saints, but also famed for the merit and renown
of its founder, and particularly for the divine revelation which
transformed it from a very old little town into a miraculous city and
a second Rome, is worth of having the whole world come together to
help it, if that were possible.  Then, after speaking of the apostles,
the emperor said that they had the head of John the Baptist, which
(although it was not true) seemed to be covered with hair and skin,
as though alive today.  Now if this were true, one would have to
investigate the head of John the Baptist that is glorified by the
monks at Angers.  Now we are certain that two John the Baptists did
not exist, nor did the one man have two heads, which would be impious
to say.  In this matter, one should consider the frequent but not
deadly error, which particularly assails the churches of France,
regarding the bodies of saints: two different places claim to have
the same martyr or confessor, but a single entity cannot occupy two
spaces simultaneously.  This mistaken contention arises from the fact
that saints are not permitted to enjoy the peace of the permanent
burial they deserve.  And I do not doubt that their bodies are
covered with silver and gold out of motives lower than piety; open
and extremely foul avarice drives them to collect money by displaying
bones and dragging around wagons.  These things would stop if, as in
the case of the Lord Jesus, their limbs were shut up in locked tombs.

However, setting these things aside, let us go on.  The emperor added
that if neither the prevention of such evil, nor the love of the
aforementioned saints inspired them to perform this task, then at
least greed for gold and silver, of which there was a plentiful
supply in his region, might entice them.  Finally he offered an
argument that has no power over men with self-control, saying that
they would be drawn by the pleasure of seeing the most beautiful
women, as though the beauty of Greek women were so great that they
would be preferred to the women of Gaul, and for this reason alone,
the Frankish army would march to Thrace.  While this foul tyrant was
offering this argument, he should have kept in mind that for this
very reason the most powerful adversity had descended upon him and
his people; in well-known proclamation, he had issued an order
throughout the land that families with several daughters give one of
them up to prostitution, and place in his own treasury money gained
from the disgusting experience.  In addition, he had issued another
edict, ordering families with several sons to have one castrated,
thus rendering their bodies, deprived of virility, weak and
effeminate, no longer fit for military service.  Even worse, they
were cut off from producing progeny for the future, who might have
been looked for as aid against their enemies.  Therefore he who had
brought destruction upon himself was now compelled to seek help from
foreigners.  In addition, one should note that this emperor had
received the purple not by legitimate succession, but because he had
been one of the officers of the palace, under the ruler whose name,
unless I am mistaken, was Michael, who had put him in charge of the
larger group of Western soldiers, whose natural probity made them the
best of the emperor's men, and the emperor's bodyguard.  Gathering
boldness from the men he commanded, he undertook a coup against his
own prince.  Invading the city of Constantinople, he captured his
ruler, cruelly deprived him of his eyes, and placed him under close
guard in a certain town.  Then he usurped imperial power entirely
without legal right.  Compelled by necessity, as we said above, he
sought the Franks.  But after he saw such remarkable leaders
assembled, distinguished both for their impeccable conduct and
military ability, he envied the size of the forces, but envied their
wisdom even more.  When they successfully completed what they had set
out to do, his envy of the ability of our men grew even greater;
after the victory at Jerusalem, the emperor feared that they might
turn their victorious arms against him, especially since they had
learned that, among the nations in that area, he was their most
powerful rival.  We also heard, however, before the beginning of the
journey had been announced, that the emperor's mother, a sorceress,
had predicted that a man of Frankish origin would take his empire and
his life from him.  Judging by events, Bohemund tried to fulfill this
oracle, attacking the emperor with such force, and compelling him so
often to flee from battle, that a large part of the provinces fell
into his hands.  Since his family was from Normandy, a part of France,
and since he had obtained the hand of the daughter of the king of
the Franks, he might be very well be considered a Frank.

HERE ENDS THE FIRST BOOK OF THE DEEDS OF GOD AS PERFORMED BY THE
FRENCH.



BOOK TWO

Pope Urban, whose name was Odo before becoming Pope, was descended
from a noble French family[73] from the area and parish of Rheims,
and they say, unless the report is in error, that he was the first
French Pope.  A cleric, he was made a monk of Cluny, after the abbot
of glorious memory who aided Hugo;[74] not long afterwards he was
made prior, and then, because of his abilities, he was appointed
bishop of the city of Ostia, by order of Pope Gregory VII; finally,
he was elected supreme pontiff of the Apostolic See.  His greatness
of spirit was made manifest when he urged that the journey be
undertaken, because when he first showed how it was to be done the
whole world was astonished.  His death, resplendent in miracles,
attests to the state of his mind.  According to what the bishop who
succeeded him at Osti wrote,[75] many signs were seen after he was
dead and buried; a certain young man stood at his tomb, and swore by
his own limbs that no sign had ever been given or might be given by
the merit of Urban, who was called Odo.  Before he could move a step,
he was struck dumb, and paralyzed on one side; he died the next day,
offering testimony to the power of Urban.  This great man, although
honored with great gifts, and even with prayers, by Alexius, prince
of the Greeks, was driven much more by the danger to all of
Christendom, which was diminished daily by pagan incursions (for he
heard that Spain was steadily being torn apart by Saracen invasions),
decided to make a journey to France, to recruit the people of his
country.  It was, to be sure, the ancient custom for pontiffs of the
apostolic see, if they had been harmed by neighboring people, always
to seek help from the French: the Pontiffs Stephen and Zacharias, in
the time of Pepin and Charles,[76] took refuge with them; Pepin made
an expedition to Ticinum to restore to the church its patrimony, and
to place Stephen back on his throne.[77]  Charles compelled king
Desiderius,[78] by the mere threat of combat, to return what he had
seized by force.  More respectful and humble than other nations
toward blessed Peter and pontifical decrees, the French, unlike other
peoples, have been unwilling to behave insolently against God.  For
many years we have seen the Germans, particularly the entire kingdom
of Lotharingia, struggling with barbaric obstinacy against the
commands of Saint Peter and of his pontiffs.[79]  In their striving,
they prefer to remain under a daily, or even eternal excommunication
rather than submit.  Last year while I was arguing with a certain
archdeacon of Mainz about a rebellion of his people, I heard him
vilify our king and our people, merely because the king had given a
gracious welcome everywhere in his kingdom to his Highness Pope
Paschal and his princes; he called them not merely Franks, but,
derisively, "Francones."[80]  I said to him, "If you think them so
weak and languid that you can denigrate a name known and admired as
far away as the Indian Ocean, then tell me upon whom did Pope Urban
call for aid against the Turks?  Wasn't it the French?  Had they not
been present, attacking the barbarians everywhere, pouring their
sturdy energy and fearless strength into the battle, there would have
been no help for your Germans, whose reputation there amounted to
nothing."  That is what I said to him.  I say truly, and everyone
should believe it, that God reserved this nation for such a great
task.  For we know certainly that, from the time that they received
the sign of faith that blessed Remigius brought to them until the
present time, they succumbed to none of the diseases of false faith
from which other nations have remained uncontaminated either with
great difficulty or not at all.  They are the ones who, while still
laboring under the pagan error, when they triumphed on the
battlefield over the Gauls, who were Christians, did not punish or
kill any of them, because they believed in Christ.  Instead, those
whom Roman severity had punished with sword and fire, native French
generosity encased in gold and silver, covered with gems and amber.
They strove to welcome with honor not only those who lived within
their own borders, but they also affectionately cared for people who
came from Spain, Italy, or anywhere else, so that love for the
martyrs and confessors, whom they constantly served and honored, made
them famous, finally driving them to the glorious victory at
Jerusalem.  Because it has carried the yoke since the days of its
youth, it will sit in isolation,[81] a nation noble, wise, war-like,
generous, brilliant above all kinds of nations.  Every nation borrows
the name as an honorific title; do we not see the Bretons, the
English, the Ligurians call men "Frank" if they behave well?  But now
let us return to the subject.

When the Pope crossed our borders, he was greeted with such great joy
by crowds in the cities, towns, and villages, because no one alive
could remember when the bishop of the apostolic see had come to these
lands.  The year of the incarnate Word 1097 was hastening to its end,
[82] when the bishop hastily convoked a council, choosing a city in
Auvergne, famous for the most learned of all bishops, Sidonius,
although its name has now been changed to Clermont.  The council was
even more crowded because of the great desire to see the face and to
hear the words of such an excellent, rarely seen person.  In addition
to the multitudes of bishops and abbots, whom some, by counting their
staves, estimated at approximately 400, learned men from all of
France and the dependent territories flowed to that place.  One could
see there how he presided over them with serene gravity, with a
dignified presence, and, if I may use the words of Sidonius, with
what peppery eloquence[83] the most learned Pope answered whatever
objections were raised.  It was noted with what gentleness the most
brilliant man listened gently to the most vehemently argued speeches,
and how little he valued the social position of people, judging them
only by God's laws.

Then Philip, king of the French, who was in the thirty-seventh year
of his reign, having put aside his own wife, whose name was Berta,
and having carried off Bertrada, the wife of the count of Anjou, was
excommunicated by the Pope, who spurned both the attempts by
important people to intercede for the king, and the offers of
innumerable gifts.  Nor was he afraid that he was now within the
borders of the kingdom of France.  In this council, just as he had
planned before leaving Rome and seeking out the French for this
reason, he gave a fine speech to those who were in attendance.  Among
other things, which were said to exceed the memories of the listeners,
he spoke about this project.  His eloquence was reinforced by his
literary knowledge; the richness of his speech in Latin seemed no
less than that of any lawyer nimble in his native language.  Nor did
the crowd of disputants blunt the skill of the speaker.  Surrounded
by praiseworthy teachers, apparently buried by clouds of cases being
pressed upon him, he was judged to have overcome, by his own literary
brilliance, the flood of oratory and to have overwhelmed the
cleverness of every speech.  Therefore his meaning, and not his exact
words, follow: "If, among the churches scattered through the whole
world, some deserve more reverence than others because they are
associated with certain people and places, then, because of certain
persons, I say, greater privileges are granted to apostolic sees; in
the case of places, some privilege is granted to royal cities, as is
the case with the city of Constantinople.  We are grateful for having
received from this most powerful church the grace of redemption and
the origin of all Christianity.  If what was said by the Lord remains
true, namely that "salvation is from the Jews," and it remains true
that the Lord of the Sabbath has left his seed for us, lest we become
like those of Sodom and Gomorrha, and that Christ is our seed, in
whom lies salvation and blessing for all people, then the earth and
the city in which he lived and suffered is called holy by the
testimony of Scripture.  If this land is the inheritance of God, and
his holy temple, even before the Lord walked and suffered there, as
the sacred and prophetic pages tell us, then what additional sanctity
and reverence did it gain then, when the God of majesty took flesh
upon Himself there, was fed, grew up, and moving in his bodily
strength walked here and there in the land?  To abbreviate a matter
that could be spun out at much greater length, this is the place
where the blood of the Son of God, holier than heaven and earth, was
spilled, where the body, at whose death the elements trembled, rested
in its tomb.  What sort of veneration might we think it deserves?  If,
soon after our Lord's death, while the city was still in the
possession of the Jews, the Evangelist called it sacred, when he said,
"Many bodies of the saints that have been asleep here have awoken,
and come to the holy city, and they been seen by many."[84], and it
was said by the prophet Isaiah, "His tomb will be glorious,"[85],
since this very sanctity, once granted by God the sanctifier himself,
cannot be overcome by any evil whatsoever, and the glory of his tomb
in the same way remains undiminished, then, O my dearly beloved
brothers, you must exert yourselves, with all your strength, and with
God leading you and fighting for you, to cleanse the holiness of the
city and the glory of the tomb, which has been polluted by the thick
crowd of pagans, if you truly aspire to the author of that holiness
and glory, and if you love the traces that he has left on earth.  If
the Maccabees once deserved the highest praise for piety because they
fought for their rituals and their temple, then you too, O soldiers
of Christ, deserve such praise, for taking up arms to defend the
freedom of your country.  If you think you must seek with such effort
the thresholds of the apostles and of others, then why do you
hesitate to go see and to snatch up the cross, the blood, and to
devote your precious souls to rescuing them?  Until now you have
waged wrongful wars, often hurling insane spears at each other,
driven only by greed and pride, for which you have deserved only
eternal death and damnation.  Now we propose for you battles which
offer the gift of glorious martyrdom, for which you will earn present
and future praise.  If Christ had not died and been buried in
Jerusalem, had not lived there at all, if all these things had not
taken place, surely this fact alone should be enough to drive you to
come to the aid of the land and the city: that the law came from Zion
and the word of God from Jerusalem.  If all Christian preaching flows
from the fountain of Jerusalem, then let the rivulets, wherever they
flow over the face of the earth, flow into the hearts of the Catholic
multitude, so that they may heed of what they owe to this overflowing
fountain.  If "rivers return to the place whence they flow, so that
they may continue to flow,"[86] according to the saying of Solomon,
it should seem glorious to you if you are able to purify the place
whence you received the cleansing of baptism and the proof of faith.
And you should also consider with the utmost care whether God is
working through your efforts to restore the church that is the mother
of churches; he might wish to restore the faith in some of the
eastern lands, in spite of the nearness of the time of the Antichrist.
For it is clear that the Antichrist makes war neither against Jews,
nor against pagans, but, according to the etymology of his name, he
will move against Christians.  And if the Antichrist comes upon no
Christian there, as today there is scarcely any, there will be no one
to resist him, or any whom he might justly move among.  According to
Daniel and Jerome his interpreter, his tent will be fixed on the
Mount of Olives, and he will certainly take his seat, as the Apostle
teaches, in Jerusalem, "in the temple of God, as though he were God,
"[87] and, according to the prophet, he will undoubtedly kill three
kings pre-eminent for their faith in Christ, that is, the kings of
Egypt, of Africa, and of Ethiopia.  This cannot happen at all, unless
Christianity is established where paganism now rules.  Therefore if
you are eager to carry out pious battles, and since you have accepted
the seedbed of the knowledge of God from Jerusalem, then you may
restore the grace that was borrowed there.  Thus through you the name
of Catholicism will be propagated, and it will defeat the perfidy of
the Antichrist and of the Antichristians.  Who can doubt that God,
who surpasses every hope by means of his overflowing strength, may so
destroy the reeds of paganism with your spark that he may gather
Egypt, Africa and Ethiopia, which no longer share our belief, into
the rules of his law, and "sinful man, the son of perdition,"[88]
will find others resisting him?  See how the Gospel cries out that
"Jerusalem will be trodden down by the Gentiles, until the time of
the nations will be fulfilled."[89]"The time of nations" may be
understood in two ways: either that they ruled at will over the
Christians, and for their own pleasures have wallowed in the troughs
of every kind of filth, and in all of these things have found no
obstruction (for "to have one's time" means that everything goes
according to one's wishes, as in "My time has not yet come, but your
time is always ready,"[90] and one customarily says to voluptuaries,
"You have your time;") or else the "time of nations" means the
multitudes of nations who, before Israel is saved, will join the
faith.  These times, dearest brothers, perhaps will now be fulfilled,
when, with the aid of God, the power of the pagans will be pushed
back by you, and, with the end of the world already near, even if the
nations do not turn to the Lord, because, as the Apostle says, "there
must be a falling away from faith."[91]  Nevertheless, first,
according to the prophecies, it is necessary, before the coming of
the Antichrist in those parts, either through you or through whomever
God wills, that the empire of Christianity be renewed, so that the
leader of all evil, who will have his throne there, may find some
nourishment of faith against which he may fight.  Consider, then,
that Almighty providence may have destined you for the task of
rescuing Jerusalem from such abasement.  I ask you to think how your
hearts can conceive of the joy of seeing the holy city revived by
your efforts, and the oracles, the divine prophecies fulfilled in our
own times.  Remember that the voice of the Lord himself said to the
church, "I shall lead your seed from the East, and I shall gather you
from the West."[92]  The Lord has led our seed from the East, in that
he brought forth for us in double manner[93] out of the Eastern land
the early progeny of the Church.  But out of the West he assembled us,
for through those who last began the proof of faith, that is the
Westerners, (we think that, God willing, this will come about through
your deeds), Jerusalem's losses will be restored.  If the words of
Scripture and our own admonitions do not move your souls, then at
least let the great suffering of those who wish to visit the holy
places touch you.  Think of the pilgrims who travel the Mediterranean;
if they are wealthy, to what tributes, to what violence are they
subjected; at almost every mile they are compelled to pay taxes and
tributes; at the gates of the city, at the entrances of churches and
temples, they must pay ransoms.  Each time they move from one place
to another they are faced with another charge, compelled to pay
ransom, and the governors of the Gentiles commonly coerce with blows
those who are slow to give gifts.  What shall we say about those who
have taken up the journey, trusting in their naked poverty, who seem
to have nothing more than their bodies to lose?  The money that they
did not have was forced from them by intolerable tortures; the skin
of their bones was probed, cut, and stripped, in search of anything
that they might have sewed within.  The brutality of these evil-doers
was so great that, suspecting that the wretches had swallowed gold
and silver, they gave them purgatives to drink, so that they would
either vomit or burst their insides.  Even more unspeakable, they cut
their bellies open with swords, opening their inner organs, revealing
with a hideous slashing whatever nature holds secret.  Remember, I
beg you, the thousands who died deplorably, and, for the sake of the
holy places, whence the beginnings of piety came to you, take action.
Have unshakable faith that Christ will be the standard-bearer and
inseparable advance guard before you who are sent to His wars."

The superb man delivered this speech, and by the power of the blessed
Peter absolved everyone who vowed to go, confirming this with an
apostolic benediction, and establishing a sign of this honorable
promise.  He ordered that something like a soldier's belt, or rather
that for those about to fight for the Lord, something bearing the
sign of the Lord's passion, the figure of a Cross, be sewn onto the
tunics and cloaks of those who were going.  If anyone, after
accepting this symbol, and after having made the public promise, then
went back on his good intentions, either out of weak regretfulness,
or out of domestic affection, such a person, according to the Pope's
decree, would be considered everywhere an outlaw, unless he came to
his senses and fulfilled the obligation which he had foully laid
aside.  He also cursed with a horrible anathema all those who might
dare to harm the wives, sons, and possessions of those who took up
God's journey for all of the next three years.

Finally, he entrusted the leadership of the expedition to the most
praiseworthy of men, the bishop of the city of Puy (whose name, I
regret, I have never discovered or heard).  He granted him the power
to teach the Christian people as his representative, wherever they
went, and therefore, in the manner of the apostles, he laid hands
upon him and gave him his blessing as well.  How wisely he carried
out his commission the results of this wonderful effort demonstrate.

And so, when the council held at Clermont at the octave of blessed
Martin in the month of November was over, the great news spread
through all parts of France, and whoever heard the news of the
Pontiff's decree urged his neighbors and family to undertake the
proposed "path of God" (for this was it epithet).  The courtly
nobility were already burning with desire, and the middle-level
knights were bursting to set out, when lo the poor also were aflame
with desire, without any consideration for the scarcity of their
resources, and without worrying about suitably disposing of their
homes, vineyards, and fields.  Instead, each sold his assets at a
price much lower than he would have received if he had been shut up
in a painful prison and needed to pay an immediate ransom.  At this
time there was a general famine, with great poverty even among the
very wealthy, since when even though there were enough things, here
and there, for sale for some people, they had nothing or scarcely
anything with which those things could be bought.  Masses of poor
people learned to feed often on the roots of wild plants, since they
were compelled by the scarcity of bread to search everywhere for some
possible substitute.  The misery that everyone was crying out about
was clearly threatening to the powerful people as they watched, and,
while each man, considering the anguish of the starving mob to be of
little importance, became fastidiously parsimonious, fearing that he
might squander the wealth for which he had worked hard by spending
money too easily.  The thirsty hearts of the avaricious, who rejoiced
that the times smiled upon their brutal rates of interest, thought of
the bushels of grain they had stored through the fertile years, and
calculated how much their sale would add to their accumulating
mountains of money.  Thus, while some suffer terribly, and others
swiftly go about their business, Christ, "breaking the ships of
Tarshish with a powerful wind,"[94] resounded in everyone's ears, and
he "who freed those who were in adamantine chains" broke[95] the
shackles of those desperate men whose hearts were ensnared by greed.
Although, as I just said, hard times reduced everyone's wealth,
nevertheless, when the hard times provoked everyone to spontaneous
exile, the wealth of many men came out into the open, and what had
seemed expensive when no one was moved, was sold at a cheap price,
now that everyone one was eager for the journey.  As many men were
rushing to depart (I shall illustrate the sudden and unexpected drop
in prices with one example of those things that were sold), seven
sheep brought an unheard-of price of five cents.  The lack of grain
became surfeit, and each tried to get whatever money he could scrape
together by any means; each seemed to be offering whatever he had,
not at the seller's, but at the buyer's price, lest he be late in
setting out on the path of God.  It was a miraculous sight: everyone
bought high and sold low; whatever could be used on the journey was
expensive, since they were in a hurry; they sold cheaply whatever
items of value they had piled up; what neither prison nor torture
could have wrung from them just a short time before they now sold for
a few paltry coins.  Nor is it less absurd that many of those who had
no desire to go, who laughed one day at the frantic selling done by
the others, declaring that they were going on a miserable journey,
and would return even more miserable, were suddenly caught up the
next day, and abandoned all their good for a few small coins, and set
out with those at whom they had laughed.

Who can tell of the boys, the old men, who were stirred to go to war?
Who can count the virgins and the weak, trembling old men?  Everyone
sang of battle, but did not say that they would fight.  Offering
their necks to the sword, they promised martyrdom.  "You young men,"
they said, "will draw swords with your hands, but may we be permitted
to earn this by supporting Christ."[96]

Indeed they seemed to have a desire to emulate God, "but not
according to knowledge,"[97] but God, who customarily turns many vain
undertakings to a pious end, prepared salvation for their simple
souls, because of their good intentions.  There you would have seen
remarkable, even comical things; poor people, for example, tied their
cattle to two-wheel carts, armed as though they were horses, carrying
their few possessions, together with their small children, in the
wagon.  The little children, whenever they came upon a castle or a
city, asked whether this was the Jerusalem to which they were going.

At that time, before people set out on the journey, there was a great
disturbance, with fierce fighting, throughout the entire kingdom of
the Franks.  Everywhere people spoke of rampant thievery, highway
robbery; endless fires burned everywhere.  Battles broke out for no
discernible reason, except uncontrollable greed.  To sum up briefly,
whatever met the eye of greedy men, no matter to whom it belonged,
instantly became their prey.  Therefore the change of heart they soon
underwent was remarkable and scarcely believable because of the
heedless state of their souls, as they all begged the bishops and
priests to give the sign prescribed by the above-mentioned Pope, that
is, the crosses.  As the force of powerful winds can be restrained by
the gentle rain, so all of the feuds of each against the other were
put to rest by the aspiration imbedded undoubtedly by Christ Himself.

While the leaders, who needed to spend large sums of money for their
great retinues, were preparing like careful administrators, the
common people, poor in resources but copious in number, attached
themselves to a certain Peter the Hermit, and they obeyed him as
though he were the leader, as long as the matter remained within our
own borders.  If I am not mistaken, he was born in Amiens, and, it is
said, led a solitary life in the habit of a monk in I do not know
what part of upper Gaul, then moved on, I don't know why, and we saw
him wander through cities and towns, spreading his teaching,
surrounded by so many people, given so many gifts, and acclaimed for
such great piety, that I don't ever remember anyone equally honored.
He was very generous to the poor with the gifts he was given, making
prostitutes morally acceptable for husbands, together with generous
gifts, and, with remarkable authority, restoring peace and treaties
where there had been discord before.  Whatever he did or said seemed
like something almost divine.  Even the hairs of his mule were torn
out as though they were relics, which we report not as truth, but as
a novelty loved by the common people.  Outdoors he wore a woolen
tunic, which reached to his ankles, and above it a hood; he wore a
cloak to cover his upper body, and a bit of his arms, but his feet
were bare.  He drank wine and ate fish, but scarcely ever ate bread.
This man, partly because of his reputation, partly because of his
preaching, had assembled a very large army, and decided to set out
through the land of the Hungarians.  The restless common people
discovered that this area produced unusually abundant food, and they
went wild with excess in response to the gentleness of the
inhabitants.  When they saw the grain that had been piled up for
several years, as is the custom in that land, like towers in the
fields, which we are accustomed to call "metas"[98] in every-day
language, and although supplies of various meats and other foods were
abundant in this land, not content with the natives' decency, in a
kind of remarkable madness, these intruders began to crush them.
While the Hungarians, as Christians to Christians, had generously
offered everything for sale, our men willfully and wantonly ignored
their hospitality and generosity, arbitrarily waging war against them,
assuming that they would not resist, but would remain entirely
peaceful.  In an accursed rage they burned the public granaries we
spoke of, raped virgins, dishonored many marriage beds by carrying
off many women, and tore out or burned the beards of their hosts.
None of them now thought of buying what he needed, but instead each
man strove for what he could get by theft and murder, boasting with
amazing impudence that he would easily do the same against the Turks.
On their way they came to a castle that they could not avoid passing
through.  It was sited so that the path allowed no divergence to the
right or left.  With their usual insolence they moved to besiege it,
but when they had almost captured it, suddenly, for a reason that is
no concern of mine, they were overwhelmed; some died by sword, others
were drowned in the river, others, without any money, in
abject poverty, deeply ashamed, returned to France.  And because this
place was called Moisson, and when they returned they said that they
had been as far as Moisson, they were greeted with great laughter
everywhere.[99]

When he was unable to restrain this undisciplined crowd of common
people, who were like prisoners and slaves, Peter, together with a
group of Germans and the dregs of our own people, whose foresight had
enable them to escape, reached the city of Constantinople on the
calends of August (July 30).  But a large army of Italians, Ligurians,
Langobards, together with men from parts of countries beyond the
Alps, had preceded him, and had decided to wait for his army and the
armies of the other Frankish leaders, because they did not think that
they had a large enough army to go beyond the province of the Greeks
and attack the Turks.  By order of the emperor they had been granted
permission to buy everything they wanted, and to conduct business in
the city, but, on the advice of this prince, they were forbidden to
cross the Arm of Saint George, which was the sea that provided border
with the Turks, because he said that it was sure destruction for so
few men to go up against so many.  But they were not held back by the
decency of the people of the province, nor were they mollified by the
emperor's affability, but they behaved very insolently, wrecking
palaces, burning public buildings, tearing the roofs of churches that
were covered with lead, and then offering to sell the lead back to
the Greeks.  Disturbed by such foul arrogance, the emperor instructed
them to delay their crossing of the waters of the Arm no longer.
Once they had made the crossing, they continued to behave as they had
on the other side; those who had taken a vow to fight against the
pagans fought against men of our own faith, destroying churches
everywhere, and stealing the possessions of Christians.  Since they
were not subject to the severity of a king, who might correct their
errors with judicial strength, nor did they reflect soberly upon
divine law, which might have restrained the instability of their
minds, they fell to sudden death, because death comes to meet the
undisciplined, and the man who cannot control himself does not last
long.

When they finally reached Nicomedia,[100] the Italians, Lombards, and
Germans, unable to bear the pride of the Franks, separated from them.
For the Franks, as their name indicates,[101] were famous for their
great energy, but, in large groups, unless they are restrained by a
firm hand, they are fiercer than they should be.  And so the people
from beyond the Alps, having separated, as we just said, from the
Franks, chose as their leader a certain Rainald, and entered the
province which is called Romania.[102]  Four days march from
Nicomedia, they came upon a castle which its builder had been pleased
to call Exorogorgum,[103] and which, since it had been abandoned by
its inhabitants, lay open to the troops, who immediately rushed in.
The inhabitants had fled out of fear of the invaders; desperate to
save themselves, they gave no thought to carrying with them their
goods, of which they had a considerable amount.  Thus the troops
found an abundance of food there, and they ate their full.  When the
Turks discovered that the Christians had occupied the castle, they
laid siege to it with great force.  In front of the entrance to the
city was a well, and below it, not far from the city walls, another
well, where their leader Rainald cleverly set an ambush, to keep an
eye on the Turks.  Soon the Turks who were being watched advanced
towards the city, and on the day on which the memory of the blessed
Michael was celebrated,[104] the duke and his retainers were attacked,
and many of those who lay in ambush were killed, while others were
forced to return in disgrace within the battlements.  The surrounding
Turks attacked so relentlessly that the Crusaders were prevented from
drawing water.  They became so thirsty that they drew blood from
their horses and asses, and were compelled to drink the blood.  Some,
by dipping their belts and rags into a cistern, and squeezing the
liquid into their mouths, seemed to find some relief.  Others,
horrible though it is to say, drank their own urine,[105] while
others dug a hole and placed themselves in the hole they had dug,
covering their parched breasts with the recently dug up earth, in the
belief that they might relieve their burning insides with a bit of
moisture.  The bishops and priests who were present, and were
themselves suffering in the same way, seeing that the dangers were
hideous and human help unavailable, offered consolation, continuing
to promise heavenly rewards.  For eight days their suffering
continued.  While they all seemed to be subject to the same misery,
they did not all hope for God's mercy in the same way; those who had
been the leaders plotted treacherously to save themselves.  Rainald,
who lead them in prosperity, secretly and foully concluded a pact
with the Turks, promising to betray to them all the soldiers he
commanded.  And so he marched out as though about to battle them, but
while pretending to lead them in this way, he and many of his own men
fled to the Turks, and he remained with them from then on; the others
were captured.  Some of the prisoners were challenged about their
faith, and ordered to renounce Christ, but they proclaimed Christ
with steady heart and voice, and were decapitated.

And now Christ will have new honors, like those he had long ago,
ornamenting our age with new martyrs.  How fragrant are the laurels
on the brows of those who prepare to offer their throats to the swift
blade!  I shall call them happy who endure those few moments: their
firm faith has brought them eternal life.  Now the least of us need
despair no longer, having dared what can scarcely be imitated.[106]

The Turks divided up among themselves some of the captives, whose
lives they had spared, or rather reserved for a more painful death,
and submitted them to dismal servitude at the hands of cruel masters.
Some were exposed in public, like targets, and were pierced by
arrows; others were given away as gifts, while others were sold
outright.  Those to whom they were given took them back to their own
homes, bringing some of them to the region called Khorasan, and
others to the city of Antioch, where they would endure wretched
slavery under the worst masters imaginable.

They underwent a torture much longer than that endured by those whose
heads were severed swiftly by the sword.  A cruel master drives them,
subjecting them to painful labor; everywhere the pious man serves the
ungrateful man.  The conscientious worker is flogged; the faithful
man, who performs eagerly and competently, is punished.  What he sees,
what he hears, what he does during the day, because he resists doing
evil, becomes foul torture.  I have no doubt that their suffering was
more excruciating than three days of torture on the rack.[107]

These were the first martyrs God made in the nearly desperate state
of our modern times.

Meanwhile Peter, about whom we spoke earlier, often troubled by the
folly of his retinue, disturbed by frequent losses, finally gave the
reins of leadership over to well-born man, a powerful warrior from
beyond the Seine, whose name was Walter,[108] in the hope that those
whom he had been unable to control by warnings might at least be
restrained by military authority.  Walter hurried, together with his
insane army, to reach Civitot,[109] a city that is said to be located
above Nicaea.[110]  When the Turks, who were keeping track of our
movements, found out, they hurried to Civitot, eager to act out their
great ill will.  Half-way there, they met up with the above-mentioned
Walter and his group, and they killed him and a great many of his men.
Peter, called the Hermit, unable to restrain the insanity of the
men he had gathered together, was afraid of being caught up in their
undisciplined, improvident folly, and wisely retreated to
Constantinople.  The Turks attacked them without warning, and,
finding some of them asleep, and others not only without weapons, but
unclothed as well, immediately killed them all.  Among them they
found a certain priest performing mass, and they killed him in the
very act of completing the sacrament; while he was sacrificing to God,
they sacrificed him at the same altar.

What better host can be offered to God than the flesh of him who
becomes a victim for his God.  What prayer did he utter from the
depths of his heart when the trumpets of battle sounded?  The victors
tore them to pieces, the clangor of arms resounded, and the wretched
band of fugitives howled.  The fine priest embraced the altar,
holding the sacred host closely, "Good Jesus," he said,"you are here
as my protection.  Since I am holding you, let the hope of flight
disappear.  I shall enter into an eternal pact with you.  I am killed,
and you, God, shall carry out the sacred things we have begun."[111]

Those who were able to escape fled to the city of Civetot.  The
depths of the sea received some, who, unable to escape, preferred to
choose their death rather than have it thrust upon them.  Others
sought out the mountains and hid among the rocks, while others hid in
the woods.  After they had captured or taken vengeance on those they
found outside, the Turks quickly attacked those who were hiding
inside the castle and they set up a siege, bringing wood to start
fire.  They lit fires for those who were being besieged, thinking
that the fire would burn those inside the castle.  However, in
accordance with God's judgment, the whole force of the fire fell upon
the Turks, and burned some of them, while none of it reached our men.
They continued to attack, however, and the town was captured.  Those
whom they found alive they tied up and then, as had been done to the
others before them, they were sent to the various provinces from
which the enemy had come, to endure perpetual exile.  These things
happened in the month of October.  When the treacherous Emperor was
informed of the disaster that had befallen the faithful, the wretch
was elated with joy, and ordered that the remaining troops be given
permission to cross the Arm of Saint George, and to retreat to the
nearer parts of Greece.  When he saw them return to the territory
over which he had power, he forced them to sell their arms to him.
Such was the end of the group under the command of Peter the Hermit.
We have followed this story without interrupting it so that we might
show that Peter's group in no way helped the others, but in fact
added to the audacity of the Turks.  And now we shall return to the
men we have passed over, who followed the same path that Peter did,
but in a far more restrained and fortunate way.

Duke Godfrey, the son of count Eustace of Boulogne, had two brothers:
Baldwin, who ruled Edessa, and succeeded his brother as king of
Jerusalem, and who still rules there; and Eustace, who rules in the
county he inherited from his father.  They had a powerful father, who
was competent in worldly affairs, and their mother was, if I am not
mistaken, a learned Lotharingian aristocrat, but most remarkable for
her innate serenity and great devotion to God.  The joys she received
from such exemplary sons were due, we believe, to her profound
religious belief.  Godfrey, about whom we are now speaking, had
received a duchy in Lotharingia as his maternal heritage.  All three,
in no way inferior to their mother in honesty, flourished in great
military deeds, as well as in the restraint of their behavior.  The
glorious woman used to say, when she marveled at the result of the
journey and the success of her sons, that she had heard from the
mouth of her son the duke a prediction of the outcome long before the
beginning of the expedition.  For he said that he wanted to go to
Jerusalem not as a simple pilgrim, as others had done, but forcefully,
with a large army, if he could raise one.  In accordance with this
divinely inspired intuition, fortune later smiled on his project.
The three brothers, heedless of the great honors they already had,
set out on the journey.  But even as Godfrey was wiser than his other
brothers, so he was equipped with a larger army.  He was joined by
Baldwin, Count of Mons, son of Robert, the paternal uncle of the
young count of Flanders.  With the splendid knightly ceremony and
spectacle, the band of powerful young men entered the land of the
Hungarians, in possession of what Peter was unable to obtain: control
over his army.  Two days before Christmas, the first of the French
leaders to arrive, they reached the city of Constantinople, but their
lodgings were outside the city.  The treacherous emperor, frightened
when he heard that the brilliant duke had arrived, offered formal,
but grudging signs of respect, and offered him permission to dwell in
front of the walls, in a suburb of the city.  And so, after accepting
the emperor's offer, the duke and each of his men sent their own
squires to get straw and whatever was necessary for their horses from
wherever they could.  While they were thinking that they could go
safely and securely wherever they wished, the foul prince secretly
ordered the men around him to kill, without making any distinctions,
all of the men who were carrying out the duke's instructions,
wherever they found them.  When Baldwin, the duke's brother, found
out about this, he set an ambush; when he discovered the
Turcopolitans violently attacking his own men, he forcefully attacked
them, as was right.  And with God's favor he won such a victory that
he captured sixty of them; he killed some of them and handed others
over to his brother the duke.  When news of this event reached the
impious emperor, he was filled with self-reproach.  Made more
cautious by this event, the duke left the suburb of the city where he
had been staying, and set up camp outside of its borders.  However,
as evening approached, the emperor, unable to put aside his anger,
hastily collected an army and began hostilities against the duke and
his men.  Forcefully accepting the challenge, the duke defeated them
and drove them in flight back into the city, killing seven men.
After this fortunate turn of events, the duke returned to his
encampment, and remained there for five days, while he and the
emperor negotiated a treaty.  The frightened emperor asked that the
duke cross the Arm of Saint George, promising in return that he would
order to be brought to them supplies of whatever kinds of food were
to be found in Constantinople and that he would give alms to their
poor.  And this was done.

Since we have spoken about the duke and his journey up to this point,
I must return to the leaders of central France; I shall give a brief
sketch of who they were, by what roads they traveled, and what the
outcome of their efforts was.  The Bishop of Puy, a man to be admired
for his life, knowledge, teaching, and wisdom in military affairs,
together with a large group of his countrymen, chose to set out
through the land of the Slavs.  Earlier I expressed my regret at not
knowing his name, and for being unable to learn it from the history
of which I seem to be the interpreter; finally, however, through
those who knew him on that expedition, and who were familiar with him,
I learned that this precious man's name was Aimarus.

Among the rest of the leaders, it seems to me that Hugh the Great,
the brother of Philip the king of the Franks, must be dealt with
first.  Although others were wealthier or more powerful, he was
second to none in birth or in the probity of his behavior.  He was
most justly celebrated for being forceful in arms, serenely secure in
his noble birth, and, even more important, humble towards every
sacred order, forthright and restrained.  Certain leaders attached
themselves to him, thinking that they would make him king if it
happened that, after the Gentiles were driven out, the occupation of
the land came about as a result of battle.

After him came Count Stephen, a man endowed with such power that,
according to report, he controlled as many castles as the year has
days.  His generosity was unexcelled, his presence very pleasing, his
performance in council sober, steady, and thoughtfully mature; he so
excelled in his activities as a knight, that the entire holy army
chose him as their chief magistrate and general for the duration of
the battle against the Turks.  His wife was the wisest of women, the
daughter of King William the elder, who had conquered the kingdoms of
the English and the Scots.  If we wish to praise her wisdom,
generosity, bountifulness, and opulence, I fear lest, by praising his
wife, we cast shadow on the magnificent man, which he has earned now
that he has been deprived of her.  Robert the younger, son of Robert
the elder, to whom the emperor had sent a letter, with great
eagerness took charge of building up their forces; he gave up the
county of Flanders, which he had ruled with great military skill, to
become a fellow soldier on the journey with those who had chosen to
become exiles for Christ.  The rest of the present history will
indicate how steadily he carried out what he had begun.  Leaving
behind their superb wives and their fine sons, they put aside
whatever they felt great affection for, choosing instead exile.  I
say nothing about their honors and possessions, which are outside our
concerns.  But what surprises us most is the way in which loving
husbands and wives, attached even more closely to each other by the
bond of children, could be separated, when there was no present
danger to either.

It would hardly be right to remain silent about Robert, Count of
Normandy, whose bodily indulgences, weakness of will, prodigality
with money, gourmandising, indolence, and lechery were expiated by
the perseverance and heroism that he vigorously displayed in the army
of the Lord.  His inborn compassion was naturally so great that he
did not permit vengeance to be taken against those who had plotted to
betray him and had been sentenced to death, and if something did
happen to them, he wept for their misfortune.  He was bold in battle,
although adeptness at foul trickery, with which we know many men
befouled themselves, should not be praised, unless provoked by
unspeakable acts.  For these and for similar things he should now be
forgiven, since God has punished him in this world, where he now
languishes in jail, deprived of all his honors.

Each of the illustrious leaders was followed on the journey by many
lesser princes, whom we shall not list at this point, because it
might seem to be distracting, and we shall perhaps have better reason
for naming them in the course of the narration.  Who can
count the masters of one, two, three, or four castles?  There were so
many that the siege of Troy could scarcely have brought so many
together.  At the time that this expedition was being undertaken by
the magnates of the kingdom, and a meeting was being held by them
with Hugh the Great, with Philip the king present, at Paris, in the
month of February, on the eleventh day of the month, a lunar eclipse
took place just before midnight.  Little by little the moon turned to
the color of blood, until it had turned completely and hideously
blood red, but at dawn an unusually bright splendor shone around the
circle of the moon.  Soon afterward stars seemed to fall from the
skies, like a heavy rain.  This was so like a portent that many
churches considered it to be one, and they instituted public prayers
to avert the punishment that it might signify, and they wrote down
the time of the event.

Soon after, in the month of August, on the eighth day, just before
sunset, the part around the center of the moon turned black, and many
people saw this happen.  It should be said that, although the moon
normally undergoes eclipses when full, nevertheless some of these
changes of colors are manifestations of portents, and are customarily
recorded in the pontifical books and in the deeds of kings.  Other
things were also seen, most of which we shall pass over.

Raymond, Count of Saint Gilles is placed last, not because he is of
no worth, but to complete the list.  Because he lived at the furthest
edge of France, he has offered us less information about his
activities; but he ennobles the telling of this history, from the
beginning to the end, with the model of his great virtue and
constancy.  Having left behind his own son to rule his land, he
brought with him his present wife and the only son he had had with
her.  Raymond was older than the other leaders, but his army was in
no way inferior, except perhapsfor the Provencal habit of talking too
much.  When this large force of powerful knights, having traveled
over the road which we customarily take to Rome, arrived in Apulia,
they had contracted a great many illnesses, and many died, because of
the great heat of the summer, the foul air, and the strange food.  To
cross the sea they gathered at different ports:

many went to Brundisi, pathless Hydrus (Otrante) received others,
while the fishy waters of Bari welcomed others.[112]

Hugh the Great did not wait for his men and the knights of the
princes who were his allies, but hastily and unwisely went to the
port of Bari, and after a fortunate sea-journey, arrived at
Dyrrachium.[113]  He should have considered that at the prospect of
so many men, such great numbers of knights and foot soldiers, all of
Greece, as one might say, trembled to its very foundations.  And
although other leaders had greater repute among us than he,
nevertheless, among foreigners, and particularly among the Greeks,
who are the laziest of men, his unbounded fame as the brother of the
king of France preceded him.  Therefore, when the leader appointed by
the emperor to govern that place saw such well-known man without a
large retinue about him, he seized the opportunity to make something
out of his isolation.  He took the man and ordered him to be
conducted carefully and respectfully to Constantinople, with one
purpose in mind: that he might promise the frightened prince that he
would not harm his life or honor.  Thus what happened to this famous
man weakened the courage of the great leaders who came after him, for
the cleverness of the treacherous prince compelled the others, either
by force, or in secret, or by imprecations, to do what he had done.
But now the end of this book has come.



Book Three



When the vast army drawn from nearly all the Western lands approached
Apulia, word of the arrival of that multitude reached Bohemund, son
of Robert who was called Guiscard, a man of remarkable greatness.  At
that time he was engaged in besieging Amalfi.  After the messenger
had made his way through the crowd of people, he told Bohemund the
reasons for the journey: they were hastening to free Jerusalem, the
Lord's tomb, and the sacred places which were being abused there,
from the power of the Gentiles.  He also told him of the kind of
people, of how many fine men, as I might say, left their honorable
positions and were striving with unheard-of eagerness to join this
expedition.  He asked if they were carrying arms, packs, what
insignia of this new pilgrimage they were wearing, and finally, what
war-cries they called out in battle.  He replied that the Franks were
carrying their usual arms, and that they had sewn the sign of the
cross on their shoulders or elsewhere, out of any material or rag
they had at hand; they had renounced individual battle-cries as
arrogant, and instead they all humbly and faithfully shouted in
battle, "God wishes it."  His heart was deeply stirred by these words,
and, inspired by God, he was stung by conscience; he ordered that
his most precious mantle be brought to him, and he had it cut up into
little crosses; he put one on himself, and gave out the other crosses
to be worn by those of his men who subscribed to the cause to which
he had dedicated himself.  The knights who had followed him to this
siege also experienced a sudden change of heart, and set out on the
same journey that their leader had chosen.  Such a crowd of knights
made this choice at that moment that Bohemund's brother, count Roger
of Sicily, grieved deeply that he was robbed of nearly all of his
retainers at this siege.

But I should say a few words about Bohemund's parentage, and about
the steps by which he proceeded to this position of honor.  Robert,
whose surname we have given as Guiscard, was from Normandy, and was
born to a family of no great distinction.  He went from there to
Apulia, but whether he left his native land voluntarily or was driven
from it I don't know.  There, by some means or other, he earned
horses and arms to become a knight.  He assembled, from various
places, a group of thieves to help him in his endeavours, took over
certain castles, with the aid of disgraceful treachery, occupied some
other castles after wearing them down with frequent attacks, laid
sieges to wealthy cities, and compelled them to surrender.  To finish
in a few words, this "new man" extended his power, conquering at will
to such an extent that the verses on his epitaph read, "he drove him
out whom the Ligurians, Rome, and Lake Leman recognized as king,
"[114]that is, Henry Augustus, a man favored by fortune with
innumerable, almost continual victories.

Parthia, Arabia, the phalanx of Macedonians did not protect Alexis,
[115]

the prince of the Greeks, who has often been our concern.  Having
defeated him often, Robert, they say, would have worn the crown in
the city of Constantinople in a few days, had draught of poison not
suddenly snatched his life from him.  Anyone who wishes today may see
the power of his son Bohemund who, obliterating the low origin of his
family, married the daughter of Philip, king of France, and tried to
take by violence the empire of the above mentioned king Alexis.
While his brother Roger returned to Sicily, unhappy that he had lost
so many men of all ranks, that it seemed that the whole people was
about to go off to Jerusalem, Bohemund collected the troops and
supplies that were necessary for such an expedition, embarked with
his army, and with a favoring wind easily reached the Bulgarian shore.
His retinue was filled with many wise knights and great princes,
among whom was Tancred, who was, if I am not mistaken, the son of a
certain marquis and Bohemund's sister.  Tancred's brother, whose name
was William, had set out before him with Hugh the Great.  In addition
there was Richard of the First City,[116] a remarkably good-looking
man, whom we saw perform the office of delegate to the king of the
Franks, to ask for the hand of Constantia as wife for Bohemund.  Then,
when he and his men entered the land of Bulgaria, they found a great
supply of every kind of food.  When they arrived in the valley of
Andropolitanus,[117] they remained there waiting for the rest of the
fleet to finish the journey.  When everyone had arrived, the leaders
met, and Bohemund told his plan to his men, ordering everyone alike
who was about to pass through territory inhabited by Christians to
behave peacefully, to do no harm, and not to depopulate the land of
those whose rights they had come to protect; they should take, as
peacefully as possible, and after having paid for it, only the food
that they needed.  They went forward, and as they passed from city to
city, from field to field, from camp to camp, they found abundant
trade everywhere, until they arrived in the province called Castoria,
and there they solemnly celebrated Christmas, remaining for several
days.  They asked the people of the province for permission to trade,
but they refused to grant permission, fearing that our men, whom they
considered warriors, not pilgims, wanted to destroy their land and
crush them.  Angered, their restraint now turned to fury, and they
seized horses, cows, asses, and whatever else was useful.  Then they
left Castoria and entered Pelagonia, where they came upon a fortified
town of heretics, which they attacked on every side, compelling them
to surrender.  They then burned it to the ground, together with its
inhabitants.  From there they went to the river called the Baudarus.
[118]  Bohemund moved forward with part of his knights and left the
rest in the hands of a certain one of his counts.  When the emperor's
army, which was not far off, learned of this, it attacked the count,
who was now without the aid of Bohemund, who had gone on ahead of him,
and the count's men were thrown into confusion by the attack of the
enemy.  When brave Tancred heard of this, he swiftly turned back,
leaped into the river mentioned above, and swam back to those who
were being attacked.  He then assembled the nearly two thousand men
who swam behind him, found the enemy, who were fighting fiercely
against his own men, and attacked them with equal fierceness, quickly
overcoming them.  Many of them were captured and brought before
Bohemund in chains.  To them the prince said, "Why do you pursue my
people, the people of Christ?  I am not trying to overthrow your
emperor."  They replied, "We do nothing by our own deliberation.  We
are soldiers who earn money by carrying out the orders of the emperor;
whatever he tells us to do we do."  When the splendid man heard this,
he let them go, without punishment and without ransom.  This battle
took place on the fourth day of the week, which among Christians is
called the beginning of the fast[119]

The emperor Alexis, when he heard of Bohemund's exemplary action,
then sent for the councilor upon whom he most relied, and told him to
lead the magnanimous duke, together with his army, through his own
land, and into his own presence at Constantinople.  While the army
was passing through all the towns and cities of the empire, an
imperial edict commanded all the inhabitants of these regions to see
to it that Bohemund and his men had a supply of everything that could
be bought.  However, although the army was allowed to proceed through
the provinces, none of Bohemund's men were permitted to enter the
walls of any city.  The knights were about to invade a certain fort
that seemed abundant with supplies, but the illustrious man forbade
it, partly out of respect for the laws of the land, partly to avoid
offending the emperor, or rather, he did not want to break the pact
he had just made with him through intermediaries.  Angry at their
foolish attempt, and particularly at Tancred, he forbade them to go
on.  This happened in the evening.  The next morning the inhabitants
of the fort came out, bearing the banners of the Cross before them,
demonstrating their humility and religious belief to Bohemund.  He
greeted them affably and courteously, thanked them, and sent the
contented people back to the town.  Then they reached a city called
Serra, where they pitched their tents, and successfully traded in the
marketplace.  Here Bohemund was reconciled with his two courtly
prefects.  In keeping with the recent treaty and with the law of the
land, he ordered that everything which had been taken from the
inhabitants be restored to them.  Then they proceeded to the
outskirts of city called Rusa,[120] where a crowd of Greeks, both
aristocrats and commoners, rushed to greet the noble man, offering
all kinds of merchandise.  They made camp there three days before the
feast of the Lord.  Bohemund then left his retinue behind and set out
for Constantinople, together with a few of his knights, to confer
with the emperor.  In the meanwhile Tancred was in charge of the army,
and when he saw that food was difficult to purchase with empty
purses, he decided to leave the major routes and move along the less
frequented ones, where a greater supply of necessary items for
everyone might be found.  Therefore he lead them from the public way,
out of consideration for the poor, and entered a valley abundantly
supplied with different kinds of food.  There the people piously
celebrated Easter (April 5, 1097).  When Alexis heard that Bohemund
was coming to meet with him, he ordered that he be given the most
respectful welcome, and that he be given quarters just outside the
city wall.[121]  When he arrived, he was invited to speak with the
emperor; he went and was received in secret.

Meanwhile Duke Godfrey, together with his brother Baldwin and the
count of Saint-Gilles, each leading a strong group of men, reached
the outskirts of Constantinople.  The perfidious Alexis, who once was
thought to be eager for support against the Turks, gnashed his teeth
in the bitterness of his anger, and pondered on a means to bring
about the total destruction of the large army that was, as he thought,
about to attack him.  But God, whose force drove this pious army,
watched over them so well that no occasion presented itself for the
scoundrel to harm them; furthermore, cut off from all possibility of
doing harm, the wretch was stricken with great fear.  The people of
Constantinople were disturbed at the sight of so many battalions
assembling, and they held a meeting to determine what to do.  Fearful
that the city would be crushed by the great number of men who were
arriving, and that the provinces would be taken over and devastated,
they decided, after considering several alternatives, that their
tyrant should demand an oath from the Franks that they would never
harm him or his people.  When our leaders learned of this, they
showed great contempt and scorn.  They understood clearly that if the
initial army happened to deviate from this pact, it would be
necessary for such a large army, stripped of all resources by poverty,
to wage war against the perfidious prince, contrary to the oaths
they had taken.  "And certainly," they said, "Even if no fear of what
might happen in the future weighed upon us, the fact that we had been
compelled by the puny Greeks, laziest of all people, to swear an oath
would be to our eternal shame.  We cannot doubt that they would say
that we, willy-nilly, had submitted to their rule."  The emperor came
to mighty Bohemund about this matter, and was ready to entice him
whom he greatly feared with gifts, for Bohemund had often defeated
him in battle; Alexis concentrated particularly on Bohemund, because
he regarded him as his greatest rival.  Therefore he offered him land
the other side of Antioch, whose length would take fifteen days to
cross, and whose width would take no less than eight days to cross.
The great man's firmness was broken by this offer, and what Hugh the
Great had promised, compelled by necessity and the enticement of
money, Bohemund agreed to swear to on condition that if Alexis
reneged on what he had agreed to, he himself would not have to carry
out what he had sworn to.  If anyone asks why he and the others
relaxed their firmness by swearing oaths to the tyrant, he should
understand that the leaders were helping their fellow soldiers in God
out of necessity, for they would have been in dire poverty if they
had been denied their pay.  Alexis swore oaths also, stating, "that
he would come with them, at the head of his own army, aid them on
land and on the sea, and he would order that food be brought from
everywhere for them to purchase; if they suffered any losses, he
would indemnify them fully; finally, he would not wish or allow
anyone on this expedition, to the extent that he had the ability, to
be harassed, harmed, or killed."

The Count of Saint-Gilles had established camp in the outskirts of
Byzantium before the entire army had arrived, and the tyrant sent a
messenger to ask the count to do what the others had done, that is,
offer him homage.  The cleverness of the insolent tyrant demanded
this, but the wisdom of the glorious count set about devising a way
to take vengeance against the envy of the scoundrel.  But the leaders,
that is, Godfrey, Hugh the Great, and Robert of Flanders, and the
others, said that they would never take up arms against someone who
was considered to be a Christian.  Bohemund added that if Raymond
waged war against the Emperor, and thereby broke the oath he had
given the Emperor, he himself would take the emperor's part.  And so
the count, after consulting with his closest advisors, swore to
protect the life and honor of the impious Alexis, and that he would
not for his own sake or to aid others work to destroy him.  When they
considered the clause about hommage, he said that he would rather
undergo mortal danger than submit to such a proposition.  Meanwhile
Bohemund's army drew near to the towers of Constantinople.  Having
learned what oaths the emperor had exacted, Tancred, together with
the men he was leading (almost the entire forces of Bohemund),
quickly crossed the Arm of Saint George.  The army of the Count of
Saint-Gilles had scattered, setting up its tents at the edge of the
city.  Bohemund remained with the Emperor, so that he might more
easily supervise the carrying out of the imperial edict which ordered
the people beyond Nicaea to bring food from everywhere to his army.
Duke Godfrey had gone ahead, together with Tancred, to Nicomedia, a
city founded by Nicomedes, who, according to a poem, won a battle
against Caesar, but did not triumph.[122]  Each of them remained
there with his troops for three days.  The duke, considering that the
roads were filled with obstacles, and that an army as large as theirs
could not make its way along them, since the road that Peter the
Hermit's men had used could not accommodate so many men, sent three
thousand men ahead of him, with axes and hoes to widen the roads and
make them passable as far as Nicea.  The road was incredibly
difficult, filled with sharp stones, and moving over steep mountains.
Those who were in the lead widened the road by cutting up the rocks,
and they placed crosses of iron and wood on tall stakes, so that our
men, when they saw these signs aloft, would not wander from the road.
Finally they came to Nicea, the central city of Armenia, and the
chief city of Bythinia, famous for the synod of 318 fathers, but even
more famous for the declaration of Omousion, and the condemnation of
Arius.  The next day was the sixth of May, and they pitched their
camps in the area around the city, on the third day after they had
left Nicomedia.  Before the army of Bohemund arrived, they say that
there was such shortage of bread that one loaf of bread cost twenty
or thirty pennies.  But when Bohemund appeared, he brought great
quantity of food by land and by sea, and suddenly plentiful supply of
everything necessary flowed.

On the day of the Ascension of Our Lord, they began to attack the
city from all sides, to draw up machines, to erect ladders, prepare
fire-bombs, and to fire at the ramparts of the walls and towers with
their crossbows.[123]  The siege of the city was undertaken with such
sharp fervor that within two days they had undermined the walls.  The
Turks, who held the city, sent messengers to other cities, asking for
them to bring help, and to enter without fear by the southern gate,
since that part was not under siege, and presented no obstacle to
those wishing to bring help.  On that very day, however, the sabbath
after the Ascension of Our Lord, the entrance of that gate was being
guarded by the Count of Saint-Gilles and the Bishop of Puy.  An event
occurred there that was truly noteworthy.  This same noble count,
faithful to God, strong and competent in arms, surrounded by a no
less competent army, found in front of him enemy reinforcements
hurrying towards the town.  Relying in his spirit upon divine
assistance, he attacked and conquered the Turks, compelling them to
flee, and slicing most of them to pieces.  Hideously defeated, the
Turks went about finding new forces with which they enthusiastically
decided to go to battle again, carrying ropes with which they
proposed to tie up our men and bring them back to Khorasan.
Encouraged by this empty hope, they began, in single file and step by
step, to descend from the top of the mountain that towered over the
city.  They were welcomed with pleasure by our men, as was fitting,
and they left their severed heads as proof of our victory.  After the
Turks fled, our catapults and slings fired the severed heads into the
city to terrify the Gentiles.  However, the bishop of Puy of blessed
memory and Count Raymond of Saint-Gilles, pressing forward to weaken
the city, attacked a tower near their own camp by digging tunnels to
undermine its foundations.  After the miners were in place to carry
this out, they were given protection by men with bows and crossbows,
by men swinging balearic ropes, and by others defending the sappers.
Thus the tower was undermined to the depths of its foundation, while
the collapsing wall was held only with beams and poles; when the base
of the foundation had been entirely demolished, they set fire to the
beams:

When cloudy night brought quiet to both sides, the weakened tower
fell in ruins, but because night is less appropriate for fighting,
the Franks stopped, refusing to harm the Turks at night.[124]

The Turks, however, worried about their safety, very wisely got up,
and, in the same place, rebuilt the wall so quickly and of such
strength that the next day our men could find no way of doing them
any harm.  Meanwhile, two men arrived, the most celebrated for deeds
of arms and the wealthiest counts, whom we have already mentioned,
accompanied by many knights, whose arrival filled the whole army of
the Lord with joy: Robert, Count of Normandy, and Count Stephen of
Chartres.

Thus Bohemund besieged the city from the front, Tancred from the side,
Duke Godfrey from a third position, the count of Flanders from a
fourth, the count of Normandy from fifth, and the count of
Saint-Gilles and the bishop of Puy from a sixth.  They set about
besieging it, so that none of the besieged could get in or out.
There one could see gathered the flower of the armed force, or the
wisdom, the nobility, of the fame of all of France, dressed in the
breastplates and helmets of knights; those who were skilled at
counting the number of people in an army thought that there were
about 100,000 men.  I do not think that anyone could count the whole
crowd of foot-soldiers, or of those who attended knights.  The latter
group not only performed the tasks that servants and slaves normally
perform for soldiers, but they took part in the siege, and in the
battles themselves, like lions, with bravery like that of their
betters, as though they were accustomed to wielding now arms, now
tools of any sort, whether for war, or for any other task necessary.

No speech will be able to tell how much the integrity of those
powerful warriors shone forth at that time.  No land on earth will
ever see soldiers of such nobility fighting together.  If you wish, I
shall relate the story of every kingdom, speak of battles done
everywhere; none of these will be able to equal either the nobility
or the force of these men.  They left their paternal lands, abandoned
conjugal bonds, their children were unattractive to them, remaining
at home was punishment for them; in every knight the desire for
martyrdom burns.  When the mob is carried away by the promise of
bloodshed, who can find anyone who is unmoved?  Everyone is
lion-hearted, pleased to see the walls of Nicea surrounded.  The
field shone with the reins of horses, and the shape and sound of
their trappings gives pleasure to everyone.  Their armor burns more
brightly once it has drunk the sun's rays.  Their helmets, shields
with yellow bronze, and belts blaze.  You would have seen them, like
a storm, beating the walls down with their battering rams.  The
Frankish spears penetrated their hard limbs, and their sharp swords
broke many of their bones.  The wooden tower strove to drive the
Turks from the lofty walls.  The battle rages hand-to-hand, and
spears were hurled on both sides; hardly any of them missed.
Unexpected death laid some men low.  Heavenly glory then made our men
strong; they exposed their bodies to what was fated.  They rejoiced
in seeking rewards through death.  Every weary man became bold and
aggressive, driven by hope for a better life.  The crimes of souls
greedy of praise are far distant.  Every man believed that, if war
granted him a breath of fame, Christ was the one who gave it.  No one
who performed noble act took credit for it.  We will not be able to
compare the Scythian triumphs over Darius with these, nor could the
great, manly efforts of Cyrus be known, which Tomyris had finished
off with a bag of gore.[125]  You would have mourned the outcome,
good Pyrrus, looking upon Tarentum; you babble uselessly of taking on
new wars with elephants.  Once, twice, three times Hanibal's men cut
down the Quirites like wheat, but they were at last defeated and left
the city.  Although under Caesar there was ten-year fight without
loss, let it be clear that the sojourn in the fields of Gaul was
harmful.  The task took very little time, and was entirely successful.
Since God was involved, everything turned out well in the end.
Those who died as martyrs had a glorious fate, and those who did not
judged that the suffering mitigated their sins.[126]

Part of the city was bordered by a long, broad, stagnant lake, upon
which the enemy was seen launching boats, freely going in and out,
carrying wood and fodder and other necessary items.  Our leaders held
a meeting about this activity, and they agreed to send a delegation
to the prince of Constantinople, to urge him to send as many ships as
possible to the city of Civitot, where there was a port, and to
collect a great number of bulls to carry the ships over the
mountains and through the forests until they reached the
above-mentioned lake.  The plan was discussed and carried out quickly,
urged on by the prince; those who are called the Turkopoles, that is,
the knights of his court, were sent on the expedition.  When the
boats were brought, in accordance with the emperor's orders, they
remained still on the day that they were brought.  That night,
however, they put the boats on the lake, and the Turkopoles, very
well equipped with weapons, got into them.  In the morning the fleet
assembled, and proceeded slowly towards the city, as though they were
bringing tribute.  The Turks, who were amazed at the sight of the
ships, could not decide whether they were their own, or the emperor's.
After they understood that what they were seeing was an enemy force,
they grew weak with a fear of death, but the more they groaned and
wept the more our own men were pleased and gave thanks to the Lord.
This misfortune severely enfeebled the enemy, who now lost faith in
themselves and their allies, and sent legation to the emperor,
offering to surrender the city, if he could get permission from the
Franks for them to leave with their wives, sons, and adequate
provisions.  The tyrant graciously favored their request, and not
only granted it without punishing them, but, to bind them even closer
to himself, brought them to Constantinople.  He had one principal
object in doing this: in case of a disagreement with the Franks, he
would advantageously have men with whom to oppose them.  The siege
had lasted seven weeks and three days, and many of our men received
the gift of martyrdom in that place.  It is undoubtedly true that
those who went to their death in defense of the true faith certainly
may be numbered among those who are with God; having paid with their
blood, they have earned celestial rewards.  Those who died of
starvation are certainly their equals, and a great number died there
in that way.  For if, according to the Prophet, speaking historically,
"it was better for those killed by the sword than for those killed
by hunger,"[127] since the latter undoubtedly were tortured to death
by daily pain, they will not, it is right to believe, be deprived of
the more noble crown of martyrdom.

After the city had surrendered, and the Turks had been brought to
Constantinople, the tyrannical prince was extremely pleased to have
regained the city, and he gave our leaders countless gifts; he also
made substantial charitable contributions to all the poorest people.
As a result, those who were neither powerful nor poor, whom his
generosity had overlooked, grew envious and hostile towards the
leaders.  And, in a way, it was not unjust.  They had fought the
battles; they were the ones who had carried out the entire siege,
hauled the engines of war, fired the catapults; to conclude briefly,
I say that they carried, "the burden and heat of the day."[128]  On
the day that they left the captured city they reached a bridge in
whose vicinity they remained for two days.  On the third day, at the
first feeble glimmerings of dawn, they arose, moved about blindly in
what little light there was, and went down two separate roads,
forming two groups.  For two days they marched in two separate
divisions.  One contained Bohemund, Robert of Normandy, and Tancred,
together with a large contingent of knights; the Count of
Saint-Gilles, Duke Godfrey, the bishop of Puy, Hugh the Great, and
the count of Flanders were leading the other group through pathless
territory.  On the third day, an innumerable, terrible, and nearly
overwhelming mass of Turks suddenly rushed upon Bohemund and his men.
You would have seen them speaking melodramatically about the fear
that they expected our men, frightened at their unexpected attack, to
feel as they shouted their war-like battle-cry in the horrible tones
of their language.  Under attack by an immense force, the
extraordinary man was not frightened into acting unwisely, but
immediately ordered everyone to halt, unroll the tents, and establish
camp quickly.  Before his orders had been carried out, he addressed
his own knights: "If you keep in mind the expedition that you joined,
having considered why it was necessary, then go forward; attack them
like men, defend your honor and your life, and you, foot soldiers,
pitch the tents carefully."  When he had finished, the Turks attacked
suddenly and swiftly, hurling javelins, and fighting in their usual
fashion by fleeing as they fired arrows into the breasts of their
pursuers.  Aware of what they had promised, mindful of their vaunted
strength, the Franks clearly understood that they were numerically
overmatched, but they fought with energetic bravery against their
furious enemies.  The count of Normandy, properly mindful of his
father's military valor and noble ancestry, performed mighty deeds of
arms, fighting off the enemy, and offering a fine example of
resistance to our momentarily frightened army.  God was also present,
so that the women who had accompanied them stood by their men,
constantly bringing water to refresh the knights.  Indeed, their
encouragement and advice did more to make the men more tireless and
inventive than the water did to refresh them.  But when Bohemund
became troubled by the extreme inequality of the contest, he sent a
messenger to those who had gone off separately, Raymond the Count of
Saint-Gilles, Duke Godfrey, Hugh the Great, the bishop of Puy, and
others of their retinues, telling them to come very quickly, because
battle was imminent.  Thus they say:

If they would like to see the beginnings of battle with the Turks,
what they want is now here: come quickly.[129]

And so Godfrey, worthy of the title of duke, a model warrior,
accompanied by Hugh the Great, who took after his father in military
ardor, courageous as befitted one descended from kings, like a
leopard, I might say, together with his retinue, raced to the battle
as eagerly as to feast.  Then the Bishop of Puy,

strengthened the army not only with his shining arms, but with his
counsel and sacred prayers; if they had been hesitant, he ignited the
army.[130]

Then the Count of Saint-Gilles, older and wiser with experience and
very reliable in council, surrounded by his Provencal soldiers, burst
forth.  When our men saw the enemy army face-to-face, they wondered
where in the world such an infinite number of people had come from.
Turks, Arabs, and Saracens stood out among the others, both in number
and in nobility; there was a smaller number of auxiliaries and people
from less illustrious nations.  There you would have seen the heights
of the mountains and the slopes of the hills grow dense with this
profane mass, and all the plains were covered with countless throngs.
And so our leaders exhorted their men, "If you have devoted to God
the army in which you now serve, if you have given up your countries,
homes, wives, children, and your bodies, and if these bodies have
only survived to be offered for the glories of martyrdom, how, I ask,
can you be terrified at this sight?  The wisdom of one of you,
derived from faith in God, is more powerful than the superstitions of
this entire heap of rabble.  If death is to be your lot, the heavenly
kingdom and a joyful death await you; if you remain alive, and
persevere in your faith, certain victory awaits you, and after
victory, glory, and after glory, greater courage, and then great
opulence from the enemy's treasures.  Whatever happens, you will be
secure, you have nothing to fear; no delay or doubt should stand in
your way.  Therefore surrender your minds and bodies to the faith of
the Lord of the Cross, and take up arms against this pile of husks,
these little creatures who are hardly men at all."  Then they drew up
their battle lines in an orderly fashion, with great-hearted Bohemund
on the left flank, together with the count of Normandy, valiant
knight, Tancred, and Richard who was called "of the first city."  The
Bishop of Puy, however, moving through the mountains from enemy
territory, was surrounding the Turks; count Raymond rode on the left
flank.  On the right flank, Duke Godfrey, Robert of Flanders, Hugh
the Great, and the other warriors, powerful because they took up
their positions on behalf of Christ.  Oh good God, who knows men's
thoughts, how many tears were shed for you during these preparations!
How much pious remorse and how many pious confessions rose up out of
the minds of all of these men!  Who could judge adequately how much
sensitivity was in the hearts of all these men whose hopes were
placed only in You?  O Christ, with what grief did holiness and
sinfulness cry out to you.  They wept, and called upon pious Christ
with their pious sighs, when, lo, all the soldiers crossed themselves;
I do not say that they were as brave as lions, but, what is more
fitting, brave as martyrs, bearing the banners against the enemy
throng.

The Arabs, Persians, and ferocious Turks soon fled; the savage people
showed their backs to the Christians.  It was a rout, and the
wretched army ran in all directions; the Arabs ran like rabbits.
Prodigious was the slaughter of the fleeing army; we hardly had
enough swords to do all the killing.  Swords became dull with cutting
so many limbs; they cut men down the way reapers cut wheat with
scythe.  Here they cut a head, here a nose, here throat, here a pair
of ears; a belly is sliced open; everyone in their path dies.  Hands
become stupefied, arms grow stiff with gore.  No one resists them and
remains alive; lassitude overcomes the infidels.  Their breasts
blindly receive the baneful assault.[131]

The number of enemy defeated is said to have been 460,000, not
counting the Arabs, whose number was too great to be counted.[132]
At first, indeed, crying out in despair of their lives,

they ran in fear to their tents,[133]

where they seized what they could with their hands and fled.  For a
whole day our men pursued them very closely, piling up the spoils
they took from the fleeing enemy; and so, after drawing considerable
amounts of blood, they took comfort in the copious sums of money, in
the precious garments, and in the herds of cattle which they took
from the fleeing men.  From the third until the ninth hour the
destruction, or rather Arabian slaughter, of this battle raged.  Two
leaders of distinguished name, Geoffrey of Mont Scabieuse, and
William, brother of Tancred, and many others whose names are
entrusted to the notice of God alone, died there.  Here we can
clearly see the signs of Christian power; and if we marvel at the
inequality of a battle between so few men and so many, we must
attribute the results entirely to the aid of Christ.  For if in the
ancient text it is said of the Jews who had not yet separated from
God, "one will pursue thousand, and two will put to flight ten
thousand,"[134] then it seems to me no less true of this victory,
since human understanding cannot hope to fathom how so many men could
be defeated by so few.  But perhaps someone may object, arguing that
the enemy forces were merely peasants, scum herded together from
everywhere.  Certainly the Franks themselves, who had undergone such
great danger, testified that they could have known of no race
comparable to the Turks, either in the liveliness of spirit, or
energy in battle.  When the Turks initiated a battle, our men were
almost reduced to despair by the novelty of their tactics in battle;
they were not accustomed to their speed on horseback, nor to their
ability to avoid our frontal assaults.  We had particular difficulty
with the fact that they fired their arrows only when fleeing from the
battle.  It was the Turk's opinion, however, that they shared an
ancestry with the Franks, and that the highest military prowess
belonged particularly to the Turks and Franks, above all other people.

While they were being defeated in this manner, and were fleeing day
and night from the face of the Franks, the prince who ruled Nicaea,
[135] frightened out of his mind, after the siege had ended, happened
to meet a group of ten thousand Arabs, who said to him, "O least of
men, why are you fleeing in miserable fright?"  He replied, "I
thought that I had destroyed and killed every last Frank, and I
thought that I would deliver them to eternal captivity; I assumed
that I would conquer them as they moved forward in small groups, and
I would bind them and lead them away to distant lands.  But a large
army appeared, and the fields and mountains were covered with great
numbers of them, and they seemed to occupy every inch of our entire
land."  The capture which he mentioned referred to the army of Peter
the Hermit, and the multitude that followed to those who lately had
subjugated Nicaea.  "There, when we had seen an army of so many
people, with divisions growing like wheat, against whom we judged
correctly that we stood no chance of defending ourselves (for there
was no safe place), we thought it best to escape imminent death by
fleeing swiftly.  Although we are now at some distance, nevertheless
we are shaken by the terrible memory of those men whom we saw, and
the momentary encounter has left us frightened of their ferocity.  If
you have any faith in my report of what happened, you will retreat
from this place because, if their forces find you here, you will
undoubtedly pay for your folly many times over."  They decided that
what they heard was credible, quickly reversed direction,[136] and
scattered all over Romania.

Meanwhile our men were intent on pursuing the fleeing Turks, who,
when they passed through cities and forts, boastfully proclaimed that
they had conquered the Franks, thus deluding the inhabitants of the
lands through which they traveled with lying words.  "We have
defeated the Christian armies," they said, "and deprived them of all
desire for combat.  Therefore let us into your cities, and welcome
gratefully those who go to such lengths to protect you."  Then they
entered the cities, stripped the churches of their ornaments, carried
off the wealth of public buildings, and set about carrying off gold
and silver, various kinds of animals, and whatever else might be of
use to them.  For this purpose, they abducted the sons of Christians
as slaves, and consigned to the flames other things that were less
useful, constantly in fear of our coming up behind them.  Afterward,
in searching for the infidels through pathless solitudes, our men
entered a deserted, pathless, waterless land, from which the pitiful
men emerged scarcely alive.  They suffered from hunger and thirst;
nothing edible could be found, but the cruel deprivation seemed
sometimes to be relieved by rubbing their hands with the spikes.[137]
Certainly many noble knights died there, and the desert, to which
they were unaccustomed, took the lives of many horses.  The feeble
succumbed to the relentless hardship.  The great lack of horses and
carts compelled them to use cattle, goats, rams, and what is more
amazing, dogs, to carry whatever supplies were appropriate to their
size.  From there they moved on to a province rich in what they
needed, and they reached the city of Iconia,[138]famous for its
tolerance of Paul and his writings.  Meanwhile, the inhabitants of
this province urged our men to provide themselves with supplies, and
to bring water in bags with them, because they would not be able to
find any water on the entire next day's journey.  They did so, and
moved on until they reached the bank of a river, where they rested
for two days.  And so those who made up the vanguard reached Trachias,
[139] where a large Turkish phalanx had assembled for the sole
purpose of finding a way to trouble the army of Christ.  When our men
came upon them, they attacked them with their usual boldness.  The
enemy swiftly took flight, like an arrow launched from a cross-bow.
[140]

Thus our men, now that the gate was open, entered the city and they
remained there for four days.  There Tancred, Bohemund's nephew, and
Baldwin, Duke Godfrey's brother, left the encampment of the army, not
out of a desire to avoid fighting, but because of the ardor of their
spirits, and they entered a certain valley, which they call in that
language Bothrentot.  And so Tancred, uncomfortable with partner,
separated from the duke's brother, and, together with his men,
attacked Tarsus, renowned for the precious birth of the special
apostle[141].  Turks from the city rushed out to battle our men as
they approached, but, as they were about to join battle, they sought
refuge in the city from which they had come.  Tancred gave rein to
his horse in pursuit of the enemy, and set up his camp in position
that blockaded the gate of the city.  Baldwin soon arrived to besiege
the city, set up camp on the other side, and asked Tancred if he and
his army might share in the taking of the city.  Tancred angrily
refused, since he wanted control of the city and the trophies of
victory for himself alone.  And so night fell, and the crowd of Turks,
uncomfortable with the siege, and well aware of the strength and
persistent nature of the besieger, fled in haste.  When they had been
forced out, those who remained in the city, the Gentiles of that land,
which is to say those who were Christians, came out to our men
during the night, and cried out, "Franks, hurry, enter the city,
since the alien race has fled, so great was their fear of your
strength."  At dawn, the leaders surrendered the city, and when they
learned that there was a fight about who should control the city,
they said, "We choose to rule over us the man whom we saw yesterday
battling so fiercely with the Turks."  Baldwin instantly urged
Tancred that they enter the city together, so that each might set
about taking the spoils with all his might.  Tancred wisely replied,
"Our plan was to fight the Turks, not to rob Christians, particularly
since they have voluntarily chosen me, and do not want anyone else."
Although he had said this, Tancred took into account the fact that
Baldwin's army was larger and better supplied, and yielded to him,
willingly or unwillingly, for the moment.  During his retreat two
very fine cities, Athena[142] and Manustra,[143] yielded themselves
to him, together with many castles.

Since no chance to talk about Baldwin may offer itself later on, I
wish to insert a few details about how well things turned out for him.
Near Edessa, a city in Mesopotamia, as we understand from reports
of people who have been there, a certain man became leader[144] and
ruled over the Christian province as a duke, protecting it from the
incursions of Gentiles not by arms, but by paying protection money.
Worn out with age and illness, with a wife as old as he, and without
children, when he heard that the Franks were at the borders of
Mesopotamia, he very much wanted to find someone from among the
Frankish nobility to adopt, who, in exchange, would defend with arms
and strength the land that he had defended only with money.  One of
the knights of his household, aware of his desire, happened to be
speaking with Baldwin.  When he aroused the hope of obtaining the
dukedom if he permitted himself to be adopted by the above mentioned
old man, the count believed him and, accompanied by the knight, he
went to Edessa.  Welcomed even more warmly than he had hoped, he was
adopted as a son by both.  The method of adoption, in accordance with
the customs of this nation, is said to have been like this: the old
man directs him to strip himself naked and put on linen inner garment,
which we call a chemise, and he embraces him, and confirms the
entire transaction with kiss; both the old man and the old woman do
this.  When this was finished, the citizens perceived that the old
man had been stripped of the high honor, and they made a secret pact
immediately to besiege the court in which he and Baldwin were staying.
They remembered whatever harmful things the old man had done to
them.  And so during the siege, when his newly adopted son wanted to
fight back with Frankish boldness, the old man, admirably faithful,
prevented him, saying that he knew for certain that he could by no
means be delivered from the hands of the mob, while Baldwin would be
in great danger if he took up his defense.  Thus after many
imprecations he persuaded him not to fight back, and when tearful
Baldwin said that he would prefer to die with him, the old man pushed
him away, and pleaded with the besiegers to kill him if they wished,
but to spare the new prince.  And they did in fact kill him, but in
the meantime Baldwin, with great effort, managed to hold on to the
power he had gained by adoption and, mindful of the recent treachery,
brought in Frankish knights and servants for his own protection,
little later, at Christmas, another conspiracy was formed, to kill
the new duke on that holy day.  The attempt did not remain hidden
from Baldwin, who told the members of his retinue who were Franks to
appear in church wearing their cuirasses and helmets, as though
prepared for battle; foot-soldiers were to bring their lances, swords,
and battle-axes, and to move about everywhere in their gear.  When
this had been done, the inhabitants of the city understood that the
ruler had been alerted, and he himself proceeded to the church with a
large contingent of armed men, participated in the divine service,
yet said nothing that day.  But the next day he called the citizens
of Edessa together and charged them with treason, compelled them by
law to confess, and did not permit them to deny what they had
proposed to do.  And so, after the leaders of the entire city had
been convicted, some had their feet cut off, some their hands, others
their ears and noses, others their tongues and lips, and all of them
were castrated and sent into exile in various distant places.
Finally, when no one remained who might incite the crowd against him,
Baldwin experienced the rewards and happiness of such a dukedom.
Thereafter he led a prosperous and rich life, ruled several cities,
among which Seleucia[145] stood out as the best known since antiquity.
After the death of his brother Godfrey, who had ruled at Jerusalem,
Baldwin moved from this dukedom to that of Jerusalem, but from this
he derived no increase in earthly felicity, but only more blessed
labor in the service of God--that is, continual battle against the
Gentiles.

The Third Book of the Deeds of God by the Franks Ends.



BOOK FOUR

I think that no one can justifiably ridicule me for undertaking this
task.  For although I did not go to Jerusalem, and to this day am
unacquainted with many of the people and places, I think that these
conditions in no way hinder the general usefulness of what I do, if
the things which I have written or shall have written have been taken
from men whose testimony is endowed with truth.  If anyone objects
that I did not see, he cannot object on the grounds that I did not
hear, because I believe that, in a way, hearing is almost as good as
seeing.  For although, "What has been thrust into the ears stirs the
mind more slowly than those things which have appeared before
reliable eyes,"[146] nevertheless, who doubts those historians who
wrote the lives of the saints, who wrote down not only what they saw
with their own eyes, but what they drunk up from what others have
understood and told them?  For if the narrator is reliable and, as
one reads, "testifies to what he saw and heard,"[147] then stories
told by those who speak the truth about events no one has seen are
clearly acceptable as true.  If there is anyone who objects, and who
despises this undertaking, he has the option, if he wishes, of
offering corrections.  Whoever is displeased with what we have done
may write his own version.

Thus the Lord's army, led by Raymond, Count of Saint-Gilles, Bohemund,
Godfrey, and many others, entered Armenia, rejoicing at the
possibility of Turkish attacks.  On their way they took a fort which
was difficult to approach, so that any attempt to attack it seemed
futile.  A pagan of that district, a certain Symeon, well known for
having Christian surname, asked our leaders for control of that area,
so that he could guard it against Turkish attacks.  They did not
refuse the favor he requested, and he remained there, intending to
guard the land.  Then our men moved on and reached Cappadocian
Caesarea.[148]After they left the province of Caesarea, they reached
a very lovely, wealthy city,[149] which the Turkish army had been
besieging for three weeks before the arrival of our army.  But their
siege produced no results.  When our men approached, the citizens
voluntarily surrendered the city.  A certain knight called Peter of
the Alps asked that the leaders grant him the right to protect the
region in the name of the emperor of the Greeks and of our own
leaders.  His request was willingly granted, since the meritorious
fidelity of the petitioner was well known.  As the day then drew to a
close, Bohemund heard that a large but insignificant group of the
enemies who had earlier besieged this city was moving ahead of our
men.  And so, taking with him only his immediate retinue, he set out
in pursuit, but did not find those whom he sought.  Now the army
reached a town called Coxon,[150] where they found great abundance of
useful supplies.  The inhabitants of this place happily opened their
gates to our men, and for three days fed them properly and well.

After the count of Saint-Gilles heard that the Turks, who usually
supplied the garrison for the city of Antioch, had left the
stronghold, he sent part of his army ahead to take possession of the
city and to maintain control of it.  He chose four men from among the
leaders of his army, of whom three had the same name, that is, Peter,
and the fourth was called William of Montpellier, a man well know
among us for his feats of arms, and he gave them 500 knights to lead.
And so, not far from the above-mentioned city, they entered valley
and in that valley found a fort, and there they heard that the Turks,
with a large army, were in control of the city of Antioch, and in
addition they learned that the Turks were making great preparations
of men and arms, to defend themselves against the French, in case
they attacked.  Therefore one of those Peters we named above, whose
surname had been derived from a place called Roaix, separating
himself from his companions, entered a valley of a town named Rugia,
[151] where he found Turks and Saracens, with whom he fought.  After
killing many of them, he pursued the others.  The Armenians took
notice of this and, pleased with the man's bravery, and impressed by
his unusual boldness against the Turks, surrendered voluntarily to
his command.  Quickly thereafter he was given control of a city named
Rusa[152] when its inhabitants capitulated, and several other forts
surrendered to him.  The rest of the army departed from Coxon, the
city we mentioned, and marched through high mountains along
incredibly rocky paths so narrow that no one could pass the man in
front of him, but each man had to proceed one step at a time,
stepping carefully, in single file.  A deep gulley lay beneath the
narrow, rough path, so that if a horse happened to push up against
another horse, he would fall to instant death.  There you would have
seen armed men, who, having just been converted by the hardship and
starvation of the journey from knights into foot-soldiers, were
suffering wretchedly, smashing their fists, tearing their hair,
begging for the relief of death, selling their shields, helmets, and
all of their arms, regardless of their true worth, for three or four,
perhaps five cents.  When they could find no buyer, they threw their
shields and other fine equipment into the gulley, to disencumber
their weakened, endangered bodies.  When they finally emerged from
these rocks and precipices, after unbearable suffering, they entered
a town called Marasim,[153] whose inhabitants came forth joyfully to
meet them, bring abundant supplies to sell to the soldiers.  The rich
earth replenished the exhausted men, until the presence of their
leader Bohemund, who was following those who were waiting for him
there, was restored to them.

Finally they arrived in the plains where the renowned city of Antioch
was situated, whose particular glories, beyond those by means of
which she flourished in this world, are those which grew out of her
Christian fame.  Pharphar was the name of the river on which she was
located.  When our men had reached a place near the bridge over that
river, some of them, who had been assigned the task of forming the
vanguard of the army, met up with a large force of Turks, who were
well supplied with provisions, and were hurrying to bring aid to the
besieged.  When our men saw them, they charged with Frankish ferocity,
and almost instantly defeated them and scattered them in all
directions.  Like charging rams, they tore them to pieces, and the
Turks threw away the arms that only moments before had been able to
inspire terror.  The mass of foot-soldiers fled through their own
lines, in their haste and confusion wounding and crushing their own
allies.  The madness of pride now felt humiliation, and the man who
anticipated taking pleasure in heaping up destruction upon us was now
happy if he could get himself out alive, even though dishonored.
Those who had come to bring aid to the besieged were turned into
instant, filthy piles of cadavers.  The Almighty mercifully converted
what they had brought to aid the besieged into gifts for the
besiegers.  Thus after they had been destroyed, like grain crushed by
hail, great quantities of grain and wine fell into our hands, and the
foot-soldiers acquired the valuable horses, camels, mules, and asses
that remained.  And so our men built camps on the shore of the
above-mentioned river.  Bohemund, together with 4000 of his best men,
undertook blockade of the city's gate, and remained on guard all that
night to prevent anyone from getting in or out.  The next day, the
twelfth calends of November,[154] the fourth day of the week, in the
middle of the day, the army arrived, set up camp, and began a
blockade of three of the city's gates; the fourth gate was left free,
since it was inaccessible to the besiegers because of the great
height of the surrounding mountains, and the narrowness of its paths.
However, not only the inhabitants, but the Turks themselves who were
inside the city were so frightened by us that none of them came out
to fight us.  No one put up any resistance, but instead they behaved
as though we had come to the market, and this pretence of peace
continued, as though a truce had been declared, for fifteen days.
The city was surrounded by signs that augured well for beginning this
siege; fresh abundance of everything necessary to sustain life was
vividly present; I am surprised that at that time the crusaders found
abundant grapes hanging on the vines everywhere, wheat shut up not in
granaries, but in ditches and underground pits.  The trees had plenty
of apples, and whatever made their lives more comfortable was
supplied by an extremely fertile soil.  The Armenians and the Syrians,
who formed the entire population of the city (except for the Turks,
who, as I mentioned earlier, were not permanent residents), since
they inhabited the city itself, and were titular Christians, visited
us in great numbers, and told them whatever they had learned among us.
They enticed the Franks with their deceptive, repeated lies, and,
whispering in their ears, using the most flattering terms, they
claimed that they shunned the Turks, although they did not allow
their own wives to go beyond the city limits; when they left the
Franks, and were back in the city, they reported to the Turks
whatever news they had been able to gather about the weaknesses of
the Christian side.  Thus, informed by the Syrians about our plans,
the Turks from time to time rushed out from the city to sneak up upon
our men and attack them as they were searching for food, and they
covered over the most used paths and made unexpected attacks upon
them as they sought the mountains and the sea, never permitting them
to rest from ambush or open attack.  Not far off was a fort named
Harenc[155] in which they had placed a garrison of the fiercest
Turkish warriors, who made frequent raids upon the Franks when they
were unprepared.  Our leaders, unwilling to suffer such affronts,
sent a large force of cavalry and infantry to find out where those
who were doing so much harm to their men were concealing themselves.
When they found their hiding place, they at first attacked them, but
then, cleverly simulating flight, they permitted themselves to be
brought to a position where they knew that Bohemund was waiting in
ambush.  At that point, two of our men died in pursuit of the Turks.
Coming out of his hiding-place, Bohemund fell upon the enemy, leading
the group who appeared to have turned their backs, delivering the
punishment they deserved by attacking the Turks with all his forces.
He killed many of them, made others prisoners, and brought those he
had captured back to the gate of the city, where, to terrify the
citizens who were watching, he ordered that they be decapitated.
Some of the citizens, however, climbed to the top of this gate and
wore out our men by discharging so many arrows that a cloud of
missiles flowed in the midst of Bohemund's camp, and one woman died
when struck by one of the arrows.  Finally the leaders consulted with
each other, and decided to set up a fort at the top of a mountain
which they called Malregard, and which, as a formidable stronghold,
might serve to drive away the Turks.  Thus the fort was being
constructed, and there you would have seen the greatest princes
laboring at carrying rocks.  There no poor man might complain that he
had to endure hardships inflicted upon him by the power of great men,
since those who were in charge would permit themselves no rest in
bringing the work to completion.  For they knew by the instinct of
pious nature, even if they had not read it, what Marius, according to
Sallust, said, "If you behave gently, but rule the army firmly, you
will be a master, not an general."[156]  And when the fort was built,
the leaders took turns guarding it.  Christmas was near, and the
grain and other food for the body began to diminish severely, and
throughout the army everything that was for sale was expensive.
There was no energy to go even a moderate distance to seek food;
within the territory held by those who called themselves Christians
almost nothing to eat could be found; no one could go into the
Saracen region without large military force.  Therefore, compelled by
hunger, the leaders held a meeting to discuss how to deal with the
danger of such a large group of men starving unless something were
done for them.  Finally they decided to send part of the army to
search everywhere for supplies, while the others maintained the siege
they had undertaken.  Bohemund then said, "If, O powerful soldiers,
it seems prudent to you, I, with the support of the army of the count
of Flanders, shall devote myself to the effort of procuring food."
The offer was accepted gratefully by the younger men, since they were
worn out by greater thirst and more urgent need for food.  The day
after the Lord's Nativity, which was the second day of the week, had
been celebrated, with what emotion and energy they could muster, the
two princes just mentioned, together with 20,000 foot-soldiers and
cavalry, set out as swiftly and as energetically as they could to
attack the Saracen provinces.  Meanwhile the Turks, Arabs, Saracens,
and other Gentiles, who had assembled from Jerusalem, Damascus, Aleph,
[157] and other places, with one purpose in mind, to bring aid,
hastened to Antioch in large numbers.  They had heard that the
Christians were coming into their own lands, to gather food and other
supplies; as dusk fell, they moved in formation towards the place
where they had learned our men were, with an eagerness that would
soon be turned to grief.  They divided themselves into two lines of
battle, setting the first in front of us, and moving to position the
other behind us.  But the count of Flanders, trusting in divine power,
with the sign of the Cross fixed to his heart and body, relying
confidently on the excellent count Bohemund, attacked the enemy with
the courage to be expected of such men.  The battle began, but from
the first moment of contact, the enemy turned in flight.  The battle
turned into victory, and many a sharp spear shattered in the bodies
of those who had turned their backs to flee.  The enemy's shields
were battered by long ashwood lances that were struck with such force
that they dwindled into slivers.  No helmet prevented a head struck
by the edges of the Crusaders' swords from being wounded; and they
found the stitching of their so-called impenetrable cuirasses too
fragile.  Armor protected no part of the body; whatever the
barbarians thought firm was weak; whatever the Franks touched
shattered.  The field was covered with innumerable corpses, and the
thick pile of dead men disturbed the evenness of the grassy field.
Everywhere the earth, sprinkled with the hateful blood of Gentiles,
grew dark.  Those who survived the carnage we inflicted saved their
lives by their speed afoot, and were pleased to unburden themselves
of their spoils, not out of generosity towards us, but to increase
their speed.  Our state of mind changed utterly: fear changed into
courage, battle into victory, mourning into joy, hunger into plenty.
He who was naked now had clothing, those who were on foot now had
chariots, the poor man had money, the man who had been cast out now
danced with gratitude and joy.  While these things were going on, the
fact that Bohemund and the count of Flanders were not present at the
siege was not hidden from the Turks who were in control of Antioch.
Made more confident by their absence, they came out, though
cautiously, to challenge us in battle more often, trying to find out
where the besiegers were weakest.  Finally, seeing day, the third day
of the week, that seemed apt for trying their courage, they made a
sudden assault, and killed many of our foot-soldiers and knights, who
were caught unaware.  The magnificent bishop of Puy lost a mainstay
of his court, the man who was his standard-bearer, who was among
those who perished.  Had not the the river upon whose banks their
camp was pitched separated them, the carnage among the Christians
would have been very great.  Meanwhile, Bohemund was on his way back,
having pillaged the Saracen provinces; he was traveling through the
mountainous area in which Tancred was staying, thinking that there he
might be able to find something to help the men besieging Antioch.
Although some of our men had carried off whatever they could see,
many found nothing at all, and returned empty-handed, that is,
without anything that could be eaten.  Bohemund, however, never
without a plan, when he saw them wandering about unsuccessfully,
spoke these words, "If you are looking for material with which to
sustain life, if you want to provide adequately for the bodily needs
dictated by hunger, then while you search for food do not risk your
lives.  Stop scurrying through the pathless mountains, since you know
that your enemies are preparing hidden traps for you in these
horrible, desolate places.  Let the army move forward united, for
each is made stronger by the presence of the other, so that if one
part is attacked violently, the other may offer assistance.  For even
as a sheep, if it escapes from the shepherd's grasp, is exposed to
the wolf's jaws, so the knight, if he wanders forth alone from the
tents of his companions, invariably becomes a plaything for
plunderers.  Therefore remain together with each other and with your
men, and rather eat very little food than feed upon rare delicacies
in permanent captivity.  To go out and come back together, to take
pleasure in being together, to do nothing rash, these are the things
that sensible men do; anyone who wanders away wishes to die."  He
spoke, and returned to his companions, without enriching the
besiegers in no way by his return.  But the clever Armenians and
Syrians, when they saw that the army's food was running out, and
there was nothing left to buy, traveled about among all the places
that they knew, bought grain, and brought it back to the army that
was suffering from a lack of supplies.  They sold the grain at
inordinate prices, so that the amount of grain a single ass could
carry brought eight of their besants, which they called "purpled,"
approximately 120 sous.  Clearly those who could not possibly pay
such a price were in great danger of succumbing to a terrible crisis
of hunger.  And if the leaders were already becoming hard pressed to
pay such price, what could he do who, for all his previous wealth,
was now all but a pauper?

Great torture had come upon them lack of food was crushing them; the
madness of hunger laid low the highest by exhausting their strength.
Bread was far off, and they had neither the meat of cattle nor of pig:
the hands of the indigent had torn up the grass far and wide.
Whatever food they had finally had disappeared.  Their limbs were
weak, and they had lost heart.  The skin of those who had nothing to
eat was stretched with dreadful swelling.  Without nourishment their
strength ebbed, and they died.  A brief torment delivered those who
were killed in battle, but those who were hungry were tortured at
length; therefore protracted death brought them a greater reward.
Clearly angelic bread fed those who rejoiced in the finest reward for
their sufferings, the more they bore the burden of agonies.  Others
fought, struggling to endure various misfortunes, and scarcely
anything went in their favor; they preferred unhappiness to joy.  Now
they struggled to follow Christ, bearing a double cross, rejoicing
that they had surpassed His commands, who had imposed upon them only
one cross.  Hideous hunger gnawed at their weak hearts, and their
dried-up stomachs cracked open; suffering racked their bowels, and
destroyed their thinking.  Disease ate away at their minds, already
attacked by the ferocity of battle, and both day and troubling night
threatened slaughter.  Their minds were sharp although their strength
was slight; their illness refreshed the energy of the soul, and they
did not fear to go forth to shed blood.[158]

Meanwhile, William, who was called the Carpenter, not because he was
a craftsman in wood, but because he prevailed in battle like a
carpenter, by cutting men down, and who was from beyond the Seine,
powerful in words, but less so in action, magni nominis umbra, "the
shade of a great name,"[159] a man who set out to do things too great
for him, but finished nothing, who when he set out for Jerusalem took
from his poor neighbors the little that they had to provide himself
shamefully with provisions for the journey, this man, I say,
unwilling to suffer hunger, while he could see others much needier
than he remaining faithful, silently fled.  His reputation in war was
for boasting only, and not for deeds done.  In Spain, when a Frankish
expedition took place against pagans who had come from Africa, he,
whose boldness was entirely confined to words, retreated like wretch,
leaving countless men stranded by his flight.  This probably took
place by the will of God, so that divine judgment may show that those
men whom public repute has made famous are worse than everyone else,
and less capable of bearing difficulties.  Nor is this evident in his
case alone, but it is very clearly the case among others, whose names
I shall pass over, that those whose reputation for martial ferocity
among us had been pre-eminent became weaker than rabbits when they
took their place in the Lord's army.  The more their conduct deviated
from the true path, the more contemptible it should be held.  While
they were here in France, fighting unjustly, making beggars with
their criminal looting, they clearly should have been afraid that
their souls would undergo certain damnation; but there, where they
had every chance of eternal life, their sinful cowardice was evident.

Then, like the stars that, according to the Apocalypse (VI.13; VIII.
10; IX.1) were seen to fall from the sky, Peter, the celebrated
Hermit about whom we spoke previously, also foolishly fled.

Why do you follow this plan, Peter?  Why do you forget the meaning of
your name?  If Peter is originally "stone," which designates
something solid, what do you mean by thinking of flight?  Stone
cannot easily be moved.  Stay your steps and recollect your old
hermitage, your earlier fasting.  You should have joined your bones
to your skin,[160] you should have stretched your stomach with the
least roots, fed it with the grass eaten by cattle.  Why do you
remember immoderate eating?  That is not the monastic rule, nor what
you learned from the woman who gave you birth; or let your own
teachings drive you.  Even as you compelled people to go on this
journey, and have made them into paupers, so you should go before
them, carrying out the commandments that you have taught them.  Once
he abstained from grain, eating only fish and wine.  For a monk, more
pious food would be leeks, cress, turnips, cardamum, nuts, filberts,
barley, lentils, and herbs, without fish or wine, but with crumbs of
bread.[161]

And so the refugees from the pious siege and from the holy suffering
were pursued by Tancred, a man steady in the pursuit of Christ's
business, who followed and caught them; and, as was right, heaping
abuse on them, he brought them back.  He placed no faith in their
promises to return until each had sworn on his faith to return to the
sacred army and to submit to whatever judgment the leaders might make
about their desertion.  Therefore William, willing or unwilling, was
compelled to return, and he was brought to the court of the
magnificent Bohemund, outside of which he remained awake all night.
The next day, at dawn's early light, he was led into the presence of
this fine prince.  To Peter, covered with the shame he had earned for
himself, the leader said, "Although the name of the Frankish race,
stands forth with regal majesty everywhere, and although France, the
mother of virtue and resolve in accordance with God's will has sent
forth men who until now have been the most morally unblemished, she
bore you, you, useless babbler and most impure of all men, to her own
disgrace and infamy, as though you were some kind of monster.  O good
Father of all things, what kind of Carpenter did we have, who, like
construction worker with a pick axe, hacked away, with lances and
swords, at the backs of the Gentiles?  See how the craftsman has worn
out a thousand swords with the strength of his blows, and
single-handedly slain the pagan people while we merely rested.  Where
is that haughty firmness, that quickness with words that was
nourished at the Loire and at the Seine, which has resulted in so
little action, but in so much steady, thundering speech?  Alone, he
had been able to aid the laboring moon,[162] yet, foully sluggish, he
has done nothing useful whatever.  Certainly it is in accord with
your great strength that the man who had betrayed the people of the
Lord in Spain exert himself in Syria to achieve the full measure of
honor.  Let it be so.  Certainly it suits you to do nothing else; in
this way you will receive the most generous reward for behavior that
has been so wretched."  Now his derisory speech began to make the
Franks who were standing there feel shame, and with difficulty they
restrained the angry man from speaking.  Tempering his severity, the
illustrious man spared the wretch, and was content to exact from him
the oath to continue the journey to Jerusalem, whether prosperity or
penury attended them.  And William promised that Tancred, who had
prevented him from escaping, would henceforth be his friend, if he
decided to behave in a manly fashion.  After these words were spoken,
they came to mutual agreement.  A short time later, that remarkable
Carpenter, who, when he was out of harm's way, once threatened to be
executioner to the Turks, forgot his oath, and that profligate of
fidelity did not hesitate to flee furtively again.  However, let no
one be surprised that the army, although pious, had suffered such
want, since it is clear that, with the great crimes they had
committed, they struggled against receiving the divine gifts which
would have been theirs had they behaved properly.  Such need
afflicted them, and they were so horribly overcome by lack of food,
that if any of our men happened to move any distance from the army,
anyone else from the army who found him alone would kill him, even
for the slightest gain.  Such utter devastation raged among our men
that scarcely thousand horses could be found in so great an army;
everyone was in beastly agony from a lack of food, which did not
prevent, but rather inspired some men to criminal actions.  Tortured
by divine punishment, many of them were brought to remember their
true selves by repenting; despairing of their own strength, they were
driven by hope for something better to rely on God alone, the only
true support in such tribulation.  Under these circumstances they
learned increasingly that the more they watched their supplies
diminish and their strength ebb away, the more they were taught to
submit with appropriate humility to God, for whom they believed all
things possible.

Moreover, one of the delegates of the tyrannical emperor, whose name,
unless I am mistaken, was Tetigus, and who was present at this siege,
was a man heavy with age; his nose had been cut on some occasion or
other, and for this reason he had a golden nose.  A skilled liar,
compelled by fear of the Turks as well as driven by the danger of
starvation, he addressed the leaders: "Necessity compels your
excellency, O finest of leaders, to recognize how hard pressed we are
by internal suffering, and how much we are goaded on by external
fears.  Since battle threatens us outwardly, while hunger insistently
gnaws at us inwardly, there seems to be no refuge for us anywhere, no
solace that would permit us to catch our breath.  If in your wisdom
it seems appropriate, grant me permission to go back to Byzantium,
and I shall see to it that grain, wine, wheat, meat, cereal, cheese,
and various other necessary items be brought here by a large fleet.
I shall also see to it that constant commercial traffic in these
items will be established by imperial decree.  By land, all of Greece
will send to you horses and whatever other animals and supplies may
be useful.  The emperor himself, who has not known of your great need
until now, as soon as he hears of your distress, will provide aid to
you in your great need.  And I myself swear to carry out faithfully
what I have promised; and when I have finished these tasks I shall
certainly not be afraid to present myself here again to undertake the
labors of this siege.  If you fear that I am leaving your camp
because of hunger, lo, my tents and my men shall remain here with you.
Although I am leaving them for a while, I shall not be able finally
to value them lightly."  He spoke, and charmed the ears of the
leaders with his smooth, elaborate speech.  Then he left, not at all
fearing what punishment his perjury might incur.  Having fabricated a
complete lie, he never afterwards gave thought to what he had
promised.

The presence and strength of the enemy began to constrain us so
greatly that none of our men presumed to leave his tents or the
encampment for any business whatever.  In addition, within the camp,
famine, like a madness, plagued them.  For if, as they say, "nothing
does more harm than hunger wrung from the unwilling," what suffering
do you think they endured, to what crosses were they constantly
condemned, without a single, even false, consoling hope, as they laid
siege each day to the impenetrable walls?  The ordinary people, eaten
away by poverty, wandered through various provinces; driven by the
lack of food, some began to wander towards Cyprus, others to Romania,
while others made their way to the mountains.  But the frequent
forays of the Turks had closed off the road to the sea.  In short,
there was no exit for our men.

When Bohemund heard that a very large army of Turks was approaching
the Crusaders' camp, he called the other leaders together and said,
"Since the very small part of our army that remains seems
insufficient and too weak to fight single battle, nor can it be split
into two parts to carry on two battles, we should consider, if we are
going to fight the attacking Turks with whatever kind of army we can
muster, which soldiers to leave to continue the siege of the city,
and which to defend our tents.  Therefore, if it seems reasonable to
you, let us assign the best part of the finest infantrymen to guard
the besieged city; in our judgment, the strongest knights should be
put up against the madness of the Turks."  He spoke, and none of the
leaders spoke against his plan.

The enemy army now set up camp near the fort called Areg, which was
close to the city, across the river Pharphar.  The day was ending,
and Bohemund, having summoned the entire army, came out of the camp
and quickly set up camp between the river and the lake next to it.
In the morning he swiftly instructed sentinels to determine the size
of the Turkish forces, as well as what they were doing and where they
were located, and then to report to him as quickly as possible.  They
had advanced a short distance and begun to search out the enemy,
whose advance could be clearly heard, when they saw an infinite
number of soldiers, divided into legions of two battalions, appear
before them.  They were followed by very large group of foot-soldiers.
As soon as they saw them the sentinels returned: "The enemy," they
said, "is at hand; see to it that they find you strong and prepared."
Then, to stir up his brothers in Christ and fellow-soldiers,
Bohemund said, "O finest knights, your frequent victories provide an
explanation for your great boldness.  Thus far you have fought for
the faith against the infidel, and have emerged triumphant from every
danger.  Having already felt the abundant evidence of Christ's
strength should give you pleasure, and should convince you beyond all
doubt that in the most severe battles it is not you, but Christ, who
has fought.  In the face of any attack, what desperate folly can
enter the mind of you who have thus far, with God's assistance,
escaped harm greater than any men have ever encountered, and who have
achieved triumphs impossible for mere human beings?  I ask only that
you place your trust in your own experience, so that at last no human
force may now resist us.  Fortify your minds, proceed carefully, and
strive mightily to emulate Christ, who carries your banners, as he
usually does, and call upon him."  They responded by shouting that
they would behave faithfully, energetically, and prudently, and they
entrusted to him, because he was the most experienced in battle, the
task of dividing up the army; Bohemund ordered each leader to collect
his liege men and to draw them up into individual battle lines.  Six
lines were drawn up, as he had directed, each to attack the enemy in
separate formations, and five of them cautiously marched forward.
Bohemund followed behind with his own group, to offer help if needed.
Drawn up in this manner, closely packed and filled with courage, our
troops went forth to fight, each man encouraging the other by his
close presence, so that no one, to the extent that it depended upon
each individual, would allow the conflict to falter.

Swiftly the enemy came forth with curved spears; as their courage
grew warm, they pricked their horses with their spurs, and the air
was shaken with wild clamor on both sides.  The battle-lines clashed,
the Turks threw their javelins, the Franks thrust their weapons
through the breasts of their enemies.  Swords grew dull from striking
blows, the collision of steel made a splitting noise.  The swift
right hand, thirsting for the filthy blood, inflicted sword wounds.
Like a line of flying crows, like a countless flock of thrushes, thus
the arrows blocked the celestial light, crowding and darkening the
air with the hail of spears.  Arms resounded, horses were caught up
in the charge, bronze echoed.  They grieved for the losses and
rejoiced in the successes, making for wild discord.[163]

When the entire force of the army behind the vanguard poured into the
hideous strife, the sharpness of our men began to grow dull under the
fierce assault of the enemy; as their numbers grew, our men began to
lose some of their previous ardor.  When Bohemund, who was waiting in
the rear with reinforcements, saw this, he gnashed his teeth in rage.
He sent for his constable, Robert, the son of Girardus, and gave him
the following directions, "Go, and make use of the courage which you
should now show, and which is right for such a great task; keep in
mind the purpose of this effort, and understand that our motive is to
aid all of Christianity by redeeming Jerusalem for God and liberating
his tomb.  It is clear to you that to carry out this task divine
rather than human aid is necessary.  Go then, and offer your bravery
for the suffering Christ, and do not let such an opportunity find you
slow to act, for God may be preparing to give you great glory."
Inflamed by these words, relying on God with his whole soul,

He sprung forward, and tore at the thick crowd of enemies with his
sword, holding aloft the standards of the duke, which inspired such
awe that wherever they appeared the spirits of our men were uplifted,
and he raged like a lioness who, bereft of her cubs, kills anyone in
her way.  The sword carved a path, cut through the dense battalions,
smashing everyone who got in the way, pointing the way for the
soldiers who followed.[164]

When our men saw that the familiar standard of Bohemund was not
faltering in the least, and the constable was raging with such
eagerness against the Turks, they all took heart and attacked with
such force that flight was the only protection the enemy could hope
for.  Our men fell upon the fleeing Turks, who were running at great
speed, helter-skelter, and we did not cease cutting them down and
decapitating their bodies all the way to the narrow bridges of the
Pharphar, After such slaughter, the Turks entered the fort of Areg,
which I mentioned above, looted it entirely, set it afire, and then
fled, never to return to it.  However, the perfidious Armenians and
Syrians, who had awaited the outcome of the battle without taking
sides, so that they could join the side to whom victory was granted,
when they saw the Turks vanquished, moved forward and blocked the
roads, killing the Turks as they tried to go by.  The painful
indigence of our men was somewhat alleviated with what was taken from
the conquered enemy; horses and money provided relief, and even more
so, our growing triumphs vitiated the Turkish reputation for
fierceness.  After the victory, they cut off the heads of one hundred
of those who had fallen in battle, and hung them before the walls of
Antioch for the besieged Turks to look at.  It is, of course, the
custom of the Gentiles to keep the decapitated heads and to display
them as a sign of victory.  While these things were going on, the
Babylonian emperor sent ambassadors to the leaders of our army,
congratulating them for what they had done to the Turks; in addition,
he promised, although falsely, that he would become Christian, if our
people would grant and restore to him what the Turks had taken from
his kingdom.  We had said earlier that the Babylonian empire was far
more powerful than the other eastern kingdoms, but that the Turks,
more ferocious in arms and in spirits, had usurped much of their
territory.  Those who had remained to maintain the siege of the city
had fought bitterly with the inhabitants, not merely at one point,
but at every gate of the city.  This triumph occurred on the fifth
day before the Ides of February,[165] the day before the beginning of
the fast.  It was right that on the day before Christians were to
fast they grew fat on what they most desired, the blood of their evil
enemies.  The Franks, in their fervent victory celebrations, thanked
God for granting them so many of their prayers, and went back to
their camps, loaded with booty.  The Turks, on the other hand,
ashamed to be seen, would have made their way, if they could, through
secret passages, back to their native lands.

Then the leaders of the army, considering the many humiliations they
were suffering from the attacks of the besieged people, held a
meeting and decided, to prevent the chance of any diminution of their
forces, to build, at the gate of the city, where the pagan temple was
located, a fort by means of which they could restrain, to some extent,
the enemy's forays.  All the junior officers assented to this plan.
Then the count of Saint-Gilles was the first to speak: "I shall
provide for and protect the fort; you must help build it only."
Bohemund said, "If it please you, I promise to go with this count who
has offered his services, to the Gate of Saint Simeon, where we shall
both supervise those who do the work.  Let the others continue the
siege, and prevent the enemy from getting out of the city."  And so
the Count and Bohemund then proceeded to the Gate, as they had
proposed.  Those who had remained to build the castle began to work,
but the Turks made a sudden, violent attack on the beginnings of the
structure.  With their sudden attack they compelled our men to flee,
killing many of them, bringing a day of grief to the Franks.  The
next day the Turks learned that some of our leaders had left the
siege and gone to the Gate of Saint Simeon.  They prepared a large
force and quickly moved to encounter those who were returning from
the Gate.  When they saw the count and Bohemund, together with a
large military force, coming towards them, they began to shout and
utter hideous noises.  They surrounded our men on all sides,
inflicting terrible wounds on them, hurling spears, firing arrows,
and savagely killing them.  Their attack was so severe that our men
scarcely were able to escape into the nearby mountains, or wherever
else escape seemed possible.  Those who were, in manner of speaking,
swifter than winged horses, escaped; anyone whom the swift pagans
found slower, however, died.  In this disaster, as it was considered,
a thousand of our men perished; those who were found, because of
their proven faith, to be acceptable, received glorious rewards after
death for their sufferings.  For those who needed to expiate their
sins, the outpouring of blood alone was the most potent way to purge
their guilt.  In great anguish because of such a misfortune, and
separated from his companions because he had taken a shorter road,
Bohemund, with a few of his knights, whom he found banded together,
returned to the siege.  Driven to distraction by the death of so many
of their own men, sobbing bitterly, crying out to Christ, they moved
out against those who had inflicted such pain upon them, and reached
the field of battle.  Confident because of their recent victory, the
cohorts of the enemy stood firm, expecting to perform exactly as they
boasted they had performed against Bohemund and the count.  Against
these proponents of evil the loving God in his mercy arranged proper
remedy for his suffering people.  Therefore these famous men, moved
by grief and compassion for their dead brothers, with the sign of the
Lord's cross fixed on their foreheads and in their hearts, hurled
themselves with all their strength against the enemy.  As soon as
they saw this, the enemy fled towards the Pharphar river, intending
to cross the strait.  In their hasty flight the mass of men was
jammed together in the attempt to cross, and as the wedge of knights
and infantry piled up in a very small space, struggling to pass each
other, men knocked each other down.  Our men watched all this very
carefully, and when the crowd of fugitives seemed to thicken, a fall
was more effective than a wound.  If any man fell into the water and
tried to get out either by hanging on to the columns of the bridge,
or by swimming to dry land, our men located on the shore forced him
back into the water to drown.  The signs of carnage were so great
that the Pharphar seemed to flow with blood, not with water.  The
sounds made there by the vanquished and the victors, by the dying and
by those who were forcing them to die, were so terrible that the
highest vault of the heavens seemed to resound with their shrieks.
The air became clouded with arrows and other kinds of missiles, and
the brightness of the solar globe was covered by a shower of flying
spears.  The women of the city who were Christian stood on the
ramparts of the wall, feeding upon the sight; as they watched the
Turks perish and submit to calamity they groaned openly, but then
turned their faces away and secretly applauded the fortunate course
events had taken for the Franks.  The Armenians and Syrians, although
they were Christian, were compelled to fire arrows at us; some even
did so willingly.  Twelve of the principal enemy leaders, called
"satraps" in the Chaldean language, and "emirs" in the barbaric
tongue, fell in battle on this occasion, as well as many others,
amounting to perhaps 1500 of the wealthiest and most important people,
upon whom the entire defense of the city rested.  Those who survived
the carnage no longer hurled their customary insults at our men;
their boisterous, scurrilous chattering ceased.  On that day their
daily joy was turned into grief.

Then oncoming night separated the enemies; strength and arms dropped
from their agitated minds.[166]

This victory for us resulted in an apparent dimunition of their
strength and force, and their derisory remarks entirely ceased.
Moreover, the short supply of many things whose lack pressed our men
was amply replenished, thanks to God's benevolence.  At daylight the
next day, some of the Turks came forth from the city to collect the
bodies of their dead; they found some, but others had disappeared,
carried off in the bed of the river.  They buried those they found in
the temple called the Mahometry, on the other side of the Pharphar,
near the gate of Antioch.  In these tombs they buried cloaks, gold
besants, bows and arrows, and many other utensils that I shall
refrain from describing.  When they heard about these funeral
ceremonies, our men armed themselves and entered the cemetery, broke
open the tombs, took out the bodies, heaped them up and dropped them
into deep pit.  Then they decapitated them and had the heads brought
to their own tents, in order to calculate accurately the number they
had killed, with the exception of the bodies that the ambassadors of
the Babylonian emperor transported on the backs of four horses, as
evidence of the victory won over the Turks.  When the Turks saw this,
they suffered more bitterly from the uncovering of the bodies than
from the killings themselves.  Now they did not restrain their grief
with a few modest tears, but, putting aside all shame, they screamed
in public agony.  Three days later they began building the fort
mentioned above, with the very stones they had taken from the tombs
of the Gentiles that they had broken open.  When the fort was
finished, the besieged town began to suffer exceedingly, and their
discomfort became even greater.  Our own men were now free to go
where they wished, and even the mountain paths, which previously had
been treacherous, were now favorable for searching for food.  With
all the roads shut off to the Turks, one section near where the fort
and the temple next to the fort were located, seemed to offer the
possibility of entering and leaving the river.  If we properly
equipped this fort, which belonged to us, none of the enemy could
have hoped to have found a way out.  A meeting was held, and the
leaders decided that they would choose one of our men to guard the
fort, to fortify it carefully, and to defend it faithfully, so that
the pagans might be kept from wandering through the mountains and
fields, and might be cut off from entering or leaving the city.  When
they were looking for someone fit for such task, Tancred, who earned
and still deserves the title of wise young man in the Lord's wars,
unable to restrain himself, broke in at this point, saying:, "If I
were to know what future advantages for me might result from the
present hard task, then I might undertake, carefully and with the aid
of my retinue, to strengthen this fort, and I shall try to block our
enemies from moving along the roads they are accustomed to use."
Pleased with his generous offer, the leaders immediately promised to
give him 400 silver marks.  Displeased with the offer, which seemed
not to match the magnitude of the task, Tancred nevertheless agreed;
and so, lest he be considered cowardly if he refused, he gathered his
knights and clients quickly and resolutely, took charge of the fort,
and cut the enemy off from the possibility of getting out through the
city's gates.  By this means he inflicted upon them the greatest
scarcity of food for their horses, as well as a great dearth of wood
and other necessary items.  This outstanding man chose to remain
there resolutely, cutting off all traffic, and he set about
surrounding the city and setting up a vigilant blockade.  On the very
day on which he entered the fort, a large group of Armenians and
Syrians came through the mountains, bringing supplies of all sorts to
the besieged city.  This superb knight, to ensure that the task he
had begun would have positive outcome, intercepted them, compelled by
God more than by his own boldness, and seized a great amount of grain,
wine, oil, and other no less necessary supplies.  The good man could
no longer complain, that while he was carrying out such a holy task
God was forgetful of him, but he had learned, for the first time,
from this remarkable good fortune that he would never again lack
bodily necessities, and that he would not lack eternal reward from
God, after His earthly assistance.  The Turks were entirely prevented
from leaving the city or moving around outside the walls, but were
compelled to make do with what they could find within the city walls,
until Antioch was under siege.

In the course of this siege the strength of Christian law flourished
greatly, and, if anyone was convicted of a crime, he submitted to the
severe judgment of the leaders of the army.  Moreover, sexual crimes
were punished with particular severity, and this was just.  Those who
were surrounded by atrocious deprivations, who seemed to be exposed
to the swords of the enemy every day, if God were not protecting them,
should not have been at the mercy of lustful thoughts.  And how
could pleasure enter where the fear of death was ceaselessly present?
So it happened that merely speaking of a prostitute or of a brothel
was considered intolerable, and they feared dying beneath the swords
of the pagans if they committed such a crime.  If any of the
unmarried women was found to be pregnant, she and her pimp were
submitted to hideous punishments.  A certain monk of the most
prestigious monastery, who had fled from the cloister to go on the
expedition to Jerusalem, moved not by piety but by whim, was caught
with a certain woman, and convicted, if I am not mistaken, by a trial
by fire.  Then they were stripped naked and led, by order of the
bishop of Puy and others, through all the nearby camps, and beaten in
the cruellest fashion with whips, to the terror of the onlookers.

The above-mentioned bishop of Puy assiduously exhorted men to be more
patient in their sufferings and more careful about their vices; he
let no Sunday or holiday go by without preaching the authority of
holy writ through every corner of the camp.  He enjoined every priest,
bishop, abbot, and cleric whom he met and who seemed educated, to do
the same.

It seems to me worthwhile, since the word "abbot" has made its way
into my work, to tell about a certain abbot who, when this journey
was first proposed among our people, finding himself without
sufficient funds for the pilgrimage, cut into his forehead by I know
not what means the sign of the cross, which ordinarily was made out
of some kind of material and affixed to clothing.  It did not look as
though it had been painted on, but as though it had been inflicted,
like stigmata received in battle.  After he had done this, to make
the trick look authentic, he claimed that an angel had appeared to
him in a vision and placed it there.  His hopes were not disappointed;
when the restless crowd, always avid for novelty, heard this story,
the man was innundated with gifts, both from people in and from
people outside of his own region.  Such a trick, however, could not
be hidden from the eyes of those who looked at him carefully, because
a slimy liquid seemed very clearly to ooze from the forcefully
inscribed lines that formed the cross itself.  Finally he set out on
the crusade, was present at the siege of Antioch, displayed what he
had fabricated, although others had seen through it for some time,
and did not hide his intention to gain money.  He behaved well there,
and was very useful in instructing the Lord's army.  He wished to
emulate God, but he did not do this the way a wise man would.  He was
so outstanding that after the capture of Jerusalem he was made abbot
of the church of the blessed Mary in the vale of Josaphat,[167] and
later was made archbishop of Caesarea, metropolis of Palestine.  It
is an indubitable fact that had the solace of the divine Word not
been administered with great frequency to them, their patient
perseverance would never have survived the hunger and hardships of
war.  Therefore we may say that those among them who were circumspect
in their lives and endowed with wisdom were not less but more
valuable than those who fought the enemy in hand-to-hand combat.  He
who provides encouragement that strengthens a wavering mind certainly
is greater than the person to whom his exhortation provides strength,
especially when the advisers and the advisees share the same
suffering.

What shall I say finally about those who, on this same expedition,
were sanctified in various places by becoming martyrs?  They were not
only priests, learned men, but warriors, and ordinary people, who had
had no hope of confession, but were called to this glorious fate.  We
have heard of many who, captured by the pagans and ordered to deny
the sacraments of faith, preferred to expose their heads to the sword
than to betray the Christian faith in which they had once been
instructed.  Among them I shall select one, a knight and an
aristocrat, but more illustrious for his character than all others of
his family or social class I have ever known.  From the time he was a
child I knew him, and I watched his fine disposition develop.
Moreover, he and I came from the same region, and his parents held
benefices from my parents, and owed them homage, and we grew up
together, and his whole life and development were an open book to me.
Although he was already an outstanding knight, he was a singularly
expert warrior, but entirely free from sexual vice.  He was
well-known at the court of Alexis, the emperor of Constantinople, for
he often traveled in his service.  To consider his manner of living:
although he had been blessed with wealth by fortune, he was
considered to be unusually generous in giving alms; he attended
divine services so regularly that he seemed to lead a life more like
that of a bishop than a knight.  When I recall his steadfast prayer,
his pious words, and his generosity in giving gifts, I am extremely
pleased with his holy purpose, but also with my own good fortune in
having known him.  I witnessed him perform acts that entitled him to
nothing less than a martyr's death.  I certainly take pride, as all
those who were able to know him may take pride, in having known him,
since I do not presume to say that I was his friend.  Whoever saw him
knew without a doubt that he had seen martyr.  Captured by the pagans,
who demanded that he renounce the Christian faith, he asked these
unbelievers to delay until the sixth day of the week.  They readily
agreed, thinking that his stubbornness would be altered, and when the
day arrived, and the Gentiles in their madness pressed him to agree
to their demand, he is reported to have said, "If you think that I
have put off the sword hanging above my head because I wanted to
enjoy a few more days alive, and not because I wanted to die on the
day on which my Lord Jesus Christ was crucified, then it is fitting
that I give evidence of how a Christian mind thinks.  Get up, then,
and kill me for the example that you want, so that I may restore my
soul to him for whom I die, who on this day gave his own life for
mankind."  Having said this, he stretched his neck out to the sword
that hung over him, and when his head was cut off, he was carried to
God, whose death he had longed to imitate.  His name was Matthew, as
his name indicates, "given to God."



BOOK FIVE

In addition to the spiritual reward this little work of mine may
bring, my purpose in writing is to speak as I would wish someone else,
writing the same story, would speak to me.  For my mind loves what
is somewhat obscure, and detests a raw, unpolished style.  I savor
those things which are able to exercise my mind more than those
things which, too easily understood, are incapable of inscribing
themselves upon mind always avid for novelty.  In everything that I
have written and am writing, I have driven everyone from my mind,
instead thinking only of what is good for myself, with no concern for
pleasing anyone else.  Beyond worrying about the opinions of others,
calm or unconcerned about my own, I await the blows of whatever words
may fall upon me.  And so let us take up what we have begun, and
calmly bear the judgements that men bark at us.

We do not think it possible for anyone to tell what happened at the
siege of Antioch, because, among those who were there, no one can be
found who could have seen everything that happened everywhere in the
city, or who could have understood it entirely in the order in which
it happened.  Since we have already briefly touched upon the
privations and misfortunes of war that they suffered, it now seems
proper to pass on to how they managed to end the siege, and what the
fruits of such labor were.

One of the Turkish leaders in the city was called Pyrrus; having
become familiar with Bohemund by some means or other, he began
communicating with him by frequent messengers, and they often
informed each other about what was happening on both sides.  As their
friendship grew, kindled by their steady conversations, little by
little Bohemund began to propose that the city, over which the Turk
had significant power, be surrendered to the Christians, and that he
accept Christianity.  He promised him, if he did these two things,
that he would receive greater wealth, along with greater honor than
he had ever had.  After these offers had been made not once, but many
times, attracted by the reward, he consented, and wrote a letter like
this, "I am in charge of three towers: I shall hand them over to you;
at whatever hour you please, or whatever time is convenient, I shall
gladly permit either you or whomever you wish to enter them."  Hope
now began to lift Bohemund's spirit greatly, and while he waited to
enter the city, his handsome face shone with inward pleasure.
Fearing that, at the moment the city was being betrayed, one of our
leaders might seize control of the whole city for himself he cleverly
called the leaders of the army together.

"It is no secret," he said, "O excellent peers, what starvation, what
cold, what harsh vigils you have had to endure while besieging this
city; clearly a deadly weariness, for which there is no known remedy,
has descended equally on all of our people, the highest, the lowest,
and those in between.  I ask you to hold a meeting among yourselves,
to consider whether you will give power over this city to one of us,
if he is able to obtain its surrender.  It seems to me right, if
someone, whether by force, or in secret, or by bribery, manages to
gain entrance, that everyone categorically agree to grant him rule
over the city."  The attitude of the leaders was very much at odds
with Bohemund's; with angry frowns they said, "It is not right that,
after the work and the fear have been shared by all, and undertaken
without seeking the honor of reward, and when danger has hung in an
equal balance over all, that rule over the city, struggled for so
long and through so much pain, by so many great men, should be
granted to any one man.  For who does not think it just, that, since
the struggle raged for everyone, the rest and his own share after the
victory rightly belongs to everyone."  Unhappy with these
developments, weighing in his troubled mind what he had heard,
Bohemund left.  Suddenly, news came to the leaders that an
innumerable army, formed from among the barbarous nations that were
their enemies, was forming to come to the aid of Antioch.  After a
swift change of mind, they called a meeting, and said to each other,
"Should Bohemund take the city by some trick, we might permit him to
possess it, with this one condition: if the emperor supplies the help
he has promised us, and carries out with matching generosity what he
has offered and sworn to give us, we must ourselves hand over the
city to the emperor's jurisdiction.  Should he fail us, the entire
city will be given over to Bohemund, as he requested."  When he found
out what they had said, the splendid man was reassured, and repeated
his imprecations to Pyrrus every day, seducing him with promises and
praise.  "Lo," he said, "fine Pyrrus, you see that opportunity smiles
in the working out of these matters.  Therefore, I say, do not delay,
lest you lose what we have labored together for, because it is
discovered, God forbid, by someone."  Pleased with Bohemund's message,
Pyrrus promised that his efforts would in no way be delayed.  And,
lest the effect of the daily delay create anxiety in the noble man,
Pyrrus secretly sent his own son to Bohemund, informing him that he
faithfully looked forward to the surrender of the city.  "Tomorrow,"
he said, "at the first light, collect the entire force of the Franks
army, with horns blowing, and order them to proceed some distance
from the encampment, as though they were going to make one of their
usual raids on Saracen territory; but then bring them back
immediately through the mountains on the right.  I shall wait inside
the city for your return, ready to admit immediately into the towers
which seem to be under my control those whom you choose to send.
Bohemund eagerly hastened to carry out the plan he had heard;
summoning one of his retainers, he ordered him to carry out the
office of herald, circulating throughout the Franks' camp, telling
them to prepare themselves with the greatest care, as though they
were proceeding into the land of the Saracens.  Without delay, the
wisdom of the servant carried out the command of the leader directly,
nor did the men of France refuse to comply.  At last Bohemund told
the joy in his heart to duke Godfrey, to the count of Flanders, to
the count of Saint-Gilles, and to the bishop of Puy; trusting the
promises of Pyrrus, he said that Antioch would be surrendered to him
that night.  Therefore, when the army was drawn up in the order we
have described, the knights were ordered to march through the plain;
the band of foot-soldiers marched through the mountains.  Throughout
the night they marched, and before dawn offered its first rays, they
stood before the towers over which the blessed traitor vigilantly
stood watch.

When Bohemund got down from his horse, he spoke to the Franks with a
tone of unusual authority, "Go forward, and breathe free of the
anxiety which you have long endured; climb the ladder built for you;
let me detain you no longer--seize the city you have been hoping for
so long.  Long under subjection to the Turks, it will now surrender,
God willing, to your custody."  The Franks reached the ladder, which
was attached and very firmly tied to the walls of the city, offering
a way to ascend to the sixty men who, when they reached the towers,
were given authority over them.  However, because so few Franks had
climbed up, Pyrrus, waiting, and anxious, not for our men but for
himself, as became very clear later, feared that the outcome of the
betrayal he had undertaken would lead to his own destruction, and he
cried out brusquely in Greek to those near him, "We have too few
Franks."  With these words he eagerly called upon Bohemund to proceed
quickly, before the inhabitants knew that the Franks were assembling.
But certain Lombard servant, understanding that Pyrrus was
complaining about the absence of Bohemund, hastened as quickly as he
could to the man who was being sought, "Why," he said, "are you
behaving so foolishly?  Why do you carry out such an arduous task so
slowly?  See how we now have obtained control of three towers; why do
you watch the doubtful outcome of this affair from a distance?  Wake
up, move your forces, place yourself in the midst of the action."
Very swiftly now he hastened with his men to the ladder, and he
revived the hopes both of the good traitor and of those who had
already climbed the wall.  Immediately those who already occupied
Pyrrus' towers, waiting for the Franks to assemble from all sides,
began to shout with great joy, "God wishes it!"  Those who were
standing before the walls, about to climb up, shouted the same thing
with all their might.  With great competitiveness each tried to climb
the wall first; once up the ladder, they took over the towers, and
others, as quickly as possible.  Whoever stood in their way was
put to death; among those who died was Pyrrus' brother.  Meanwhile a
ladder broke, and the great crowd of our men below, and those who had
preceded them, were sorely troubled; those on the top of the wall
feared that they were cut off from aid, and those at the bottom
feared that those who had climbed up could not receive support.  But
great effort quickly made a way.  There was a hidden gate to their
left; it was not remarkable that it could not be seen at night; even
during the day it was hardly ever seen, since it was located in a
place where there was little traffic.  By tapping the wall, however,
impelled by urgent need, they found it; immediately they ran up to it,
and opened it by breaking the hinges and locks, making an entry for
the Franks, who rushed in.

You would have heard the whole city shaken with terrible roar.  While
some rejoiced in the completion of such a task, others wept at the
unlooked-for destruction of their prospects.  Neither the victors nor
the vanquished showed any moderation or self-control.  Bohemund
ordered his standard, easily recognized by the Turks, to be placed on
top of a certain mountain, in full view of the citadel, which was
still resisting, to make the city aware of his presence.  Wailing and
shrieking filled the city; while throngs pressed through the narrow
streets, the brutal, bloody shouts of the victors, eager to kill,
resounded.  As they recalled the sufferings they had endured during
the siege, they thought that the blows that they were giving could
not match the starvations, more bitter than death, that they had
suffered.  The same punishment inflicted upon the hordes of pagans
was justly meted out to the treacherous Armenians and Syrians, who,
with the aid of the Turks, had eagerly and diligently pursued the
destruction of our men, and our men were, in turn, unwilling to spare
them painful punishment.  And yet I say that they would have spared
many of them, had they known how to make a distinction between the
natives pagans and those of our own faith.  In the confusion of the
moment and of the action (it was night, and eagerness to capture the
town and impatience with delay incited everyone), perhaps nothing
permitted distinguishing foreigners by their clothing or beards.  A
terrible neglect covered the thinness of the weary cheeks of our men,
who, continually prepared for battle, worn out by continual traveling,
had stopped shaving their beards in the Franks' manner.  The bishop
of Puy noticed this, and to prevent mutual slaughter in case they
confronted each other in battle, (each thinking the other a Turk
because of the beard), ordered them to shave often, and to hang on
their necks crosses made of silver or of some other material, so that
no one, mistaken for a foreigner, would be struck down by a comrade.
In the morning, those who had remained in the tents heard the tumult
in the city, and came out.  They saw Bohemund's standard fixed on the
lofty mountain, in front of the walls of the citadel, which had not
yet been captured.  They quickly ran towards the gates of the city
and broke in, cut down the Turks and Saracens whom they found there,
while those, however, who had fled into the citadel, escaped death.
Some of the Turks, having learned that the Franks had taken control
of the city, escaped through other gates of the city.  Within the
city, however, no one was spared because of sex; young children were
killed, and, since those weak with age were not spared, there can be
no doubt about the ferocity with which those who were young enough to
be fit for battle were killed.

Meanwhile, fearing capture by the Frankish forces, and wishing to
purchase his life by running away, Cassian, who was in charge of the
city of Antioch, together with several of his leaders, took refuge
not far from Antioch, in an area occupied by Tancred.  Exhausting
their horses by the speed of their flight, unable to proceed any
further, they turned aside and stopped at a small house.  When the
inhabitants of the mountains, Armenians and Syrians, found their
greatest enemy hidden, at the mercy of fortune, in a poor hut, they
recognized him at once, decapitated him, and brought the severed head
as a gift to Bohemund, expecting that they would obtain their freedom
from him in exchange for the unusual gift.  His baldric and the
scabbard of the sword they took from him were estimated to be worth
60 besants.  These events occurred on Thursday, the fifth of June.
Then you would have seen the city overflowing with bodies and with
intolerable stench.  Markets, public places, the porches and
vestibules of homes, which once were adorned with beautifully
polished marble surfaces, were now completely stained with gore.
Infinite numbers of corpses heaped up everywhere, a horrible
spectacle, and the savagery of the foul air, horribly infected both
the eyes and the ears.  The narrow streets were strewn with deep
piles of stinking bodies, and since there was no way to carry off so
many dead, and there was no escape from the smells, the constant
sight and stink made men used to the horror.  Thus habit led to
audacity, and no one feared to walk down the streets filled with
bodies.

Therefore Kherboga, the mayor of the palace or rather the leader of
the troops of the king of the Persians, whom they were accustomed to
call Sogdianus,[168] the name of previous king of the Persians (as
the Romans are accustomed to call their leaders Caesars), while he
was still within the kingdom of Persia, in the province called
Khorasan (some say that this land derives its name by corruption from
the name of the land around the Caucasus), was summoned by frequent
messengers from Cassianus, the ruler of the city of Antioch, to bring
help to him in his beleaguered position.  Cassianus promised that, if
he drove off the Franks, he would either turn over to him the
liberated city, or provide him with a gift equal to his great labor.
When the general, enticed by this promise, had put together a huge
army, and had asked for and received permission to kill the
Christians from the chief pontiff of their heresy (for even they have
their Pope, in the likeness of ours), he quickly set off to relieve
the siege of Antioch.  The prefect of Jerusalem (whom they call in
their barbaric language "emir") also immediately increased the
invading forces with his own army, which was, in turn, augmented by
the considerable forces of the king of Damascus.  The pagans
recruited by the infidel prince, in addition to the Turks, Saracens,
Arabs, and Persians (who are already familiar to historians), bore
new names: they were the Publicans, the Kurds, the Azimites, and the
Agulani, together with innumerable others, who were by no means human,
but monsters.  Three thousand of those who were called Agulani were
said to be present, and they were afraid neither of swords, lances,
arrows, nor any kind of arms, because they and their horses were
covered with armor everywhere.  In battles the only weapons they used
were their swords.  Kherboga therefore, with the great arrogance of
the pagans, strove to drive the Franks from Antioch.  As the prince
approached the city, the son of the dead Cassian, Sensadolus by name,
met him, and, with great sadness, said to him, "Since your strength
is widely renowned, and the victories of you and your people are
everywhere judged to be incomparable, certainly my hope for your aid
will not be disappointed, O most victorious of men.  No one denies
the worth of your judgements; because of the brilliance of your deeds,
your power is worshipped everywhere; therefore I need not be ashamed
of lamenting my misfortune in your presence.  I know for certain that
I am not begging in vain for the things for which I ask.  Your
excellency remembers that you received ambassadors from my father
when Antioch was being besieged, and that, while you were deciding to
come to his aid, you heard that the city had been captured by the
Franks.  Now my father is dead, and I am besieged in the citadel of
the city, undoubtedly awaiting the same fate that overtook my father.
If they have invaded Antioch, and have done the same to many cities
and towns of Armenia and Syria, they undoubtedly intend to do the
same thing to you and to others of our race.  May your excellency
carry out with all your force what you have undertaken against these
vicious men, so that the usurpations intended by these most wretched
of men may be thwarted.  For me, in this crisis, you remain the last
hope."  In response to these laments, Kherbog replied, "If you want
my help in these present dangers, turn over to me the city which you
are defending and for which you are pleading, and after I have put my
men in charge of the citadel, then you will find out what I shall do
on your behalf."  Sensadolus replied, "If you kill the Franks for me,
and bring me their severed heads, I shall let you into the city; then
I shall swear allegiance to you and as your liege rule the citadel."
Corboran said to him, "You will not behave like that towards me, but
will hand over the city immediately."  What more?  The demand of the
infidel ruler prevailed, and the young man, surrendered control of
the citadel to him who wrested it from him, but who would not long
enjoy his power.

On the third day after the Franks had broken into Antioch, the
vanguard of the Turks had appeared before the walls of the city,
while the rest of their vast army set up their tents at the Pharfar
bridge.  First they attacked the tower closest to the bridge, and
after they had captured it with very great effort, they killed
everyone they found within in it, sparing only the commander of the
tower, whom our men found, after a later battle against them, chained
in irons.  The next day the army hurried towards the city, chose a
spot between two rivers for their tents, and remained there for two
days.  After capturing the fort whose commander, as I said, was put
in chains, Kherboga summoned one of his officers, whom he knew to be
wise and trustworthy, and gave him the following orders, " Go and
defend the fort for me, with the fidelity that you owe me, and which
I expect of you."  He replied, "I shall have difficulty carrying out
your command in this matter, but I shall carry it out on the
condition that, if the Franks are victorious, you permit me to
surrender the citadel to the victors."  Kherboga replied, "I trust
your discretion and your faithfulness in this matter, and shall
firmly support whatever you choose to do."  After the fort had been
provisioned, the ill-fated prince returned to his camp, where some of
his Turks, having stripped a poor foot-soldier of his arms, brought
them to Kherboga to make sport of us.  The sword was filthy with rust,
the bow was black as soot, the dull lance was covered with the smoke
of many years.  Joking, they said to him, "Here are the weapons with
which the Frankish army will defeat us."  Smiling, Kherboga said to
them, "Will they depopulate the East with with these shining,
powerful arms?  Will the far reaches of the Caucasus submit to these
men?  Will the unarmed Franks be able to take away from us the lands
which the Amazons once held, and which our ancestors once claimed?"
He spoke, called scribe, and said, "Write as quickly as possible the
same letters on different pieces of parchment, so that they may be
sent throughout the provinces of Persia, to our Pope, to the lord and
king of our Persians, to the governors and to our military peers in
the different areas."  This is the tenor of what he wrote:

To the magnificent lord and king of the Persians, to the blessed Pope,
and to all of those sworn to fight a holy war against the Christians,
Kherboga, prince of his army, wishes health and victory.  Fathers
and lords, I am grateful that the supreme divinity continually
provides us with good fortune, and offers us victory everywhere over
the enemies of the people.  We are sending you three weapons which we
have taken from the Franks, so that you may see what with what
equipment those who wish to drive us from our country fight.  I would
like you to know that I am besieging the Franks, who intend to
destroy us, in the very city, Antioch, which they have just captured.
I am in possession of the lofty citadel in the heart of the city.
Since I can either put to death those who are shut up there, or place
them in abject captivity, I do not want you meanwhile to be tortured
with worry out of concern for us, but I want you to know that we are
completely in control.  Therefore give yourselves up to pleasures: in
greater security than that to which you are accustomed, eat the
finest foods; lie with multitudes of wives and concubines to
propagate the race, so that the increasing number of sons may oppose
the Christians, whose number now grows.  I swear by the high
Thunderer, that I, protected by the blessed Mahomet, will not appear
before the eyes of your majesty until I have subdued the royal city,
that is, Antioch, as well as neighboring Syria, the Greeks and the
Epirites, whom they call the Bulgars, and I have conquered the
Apulians and Calabrians as an additional ornament to your glory.
Farewell.

Kherboga's mother, who lived in the city of Aleppo, came to him at
this time, and sadly offered him counsel: "I would like to know
whether what is said of you is true."  Her son replied, "What is
that?"  She said, "They say that you are going to fight the Franks."
He replied, "Absolutely true."  She said, "Son, best of men, I dare
to appeal to your native nobility not to fight them, lest you mar
your reputation.  Since the brilliance of your arms gleams as far as
the furthest reaches of the Indian Ocean, and remote Thule resounds
with your praise, why would you soil your weapons with the blood of
poor men, whom it does not pay to attack, and from whose defeat you
can gain no glory?  Since you can compel distant kings to tremble,
why harm wretched foreigners?  My son, I say that you rightly despise
them as individuals, but you should know for a fact that the
authority of the Christian religion is superior.  Therefore I beg you
not to attempt something that you will later regret having undertaken."
When he heard what she had to say, he looked at her with anger in
his eyes and said, "Why do you weave these old wives' tales?  You are
raving, I suggest, insanely pouring forth words without understanding.
All the men in their army do not amount even to the number of noble
leaders from the cities who are fighting under my command.  And do
you, in your insanity, think that Christian presumption will obscure
my power?"  She said, "Oh most dearly beloved son, I place little
value on the names of the people about whom we are speaking, but
I beg you not to shun their leader, Christ.  Perhaps they themselves
do not have the power to fight you, but victory is certain for their
God, if he wishes to prevail.  He customarily defends his own men,
though they be weak and ignorant, purely for his own glory, and
watches over and protects them, whose shepherd, or rather redeemer,
he says he is.  Do you think that he who has looked after the empires
of his faith, who has thus far granted them victory over us, is
incapable at this very moment of easily overturning our efforts?  For
it was said to him by the Father, as though to a God about to rise
again from the dead, 'Arise God, and judge the earth, for you will
inherit it among the nations of men.'[169] Therefore, if he judges
the earth, he sees and sets apart some from the mass doomed to
destruction, while others he condemns, and he takes as his
inheritance not all nations, but only a portion of the whole.  May
your foresight hear, my son, how severely he punishes those whom he
permits to be ignorant of him.  The prophet David says, 'Pour forth
thy wrath against the nations that have not known thee, and against
the kingdoms that have not cried out thy name.'[170]  You do not
condemn these Franks because they are strangers and you are gentiles;
you do not reject them because their arms are humble or because they
are impoverished; but rather you hate in them the name of Christ.
Certainly He who is despised in them will fight for them, if
necessary, with overflowing anger.  If he has promised them with
prophetic mouth that 'the name of God will be praised from east to
west,'[171] for he is said to be exalted not over the Jews, but over
all nations, and by the mouth of God himself it was said that the
people who had not been his people were now his people, and those who
had not been loved were now loved,[172] and what had been among the
Jews was transferred to all nations by the grace of adoption, and
among the rest of them the face of the God of the Jews was provided,
then who except a madman would dare attack the sons of God?  I
predict that if you fight them, you will bring upon yourself great
discomfort and shame.  You will undergo certain military defeat,
enrich the Christians with booty taken from you, and you yourself
will run off in ignominious flight.  Even if death does not wait for
you in this battle, you may be certain that your life will end within
a year.  Their God does not take immediate vengeance when a crime is
done, but defers the punishment until the crime itself has come to
full fruition.  For this reason, my son, I fear that you may be
increasing the horror of your death by delaying it."  Stunned by his
mother's miraculous eloquence, pale and weakened by the announcement
of his impending death, Kherboga replied, "And you, I would like to
know how you came by this knowledge, how you have discovered that the
Christian people will use its strength against us, that they are
about to triumph in battle over us, that they will despoil us,
and that I shall die a sudden death within the year."  She said, "Son,
we know that nearly one hundred years have gone by since it was
discovered in certain secret books of a pagan sect that the Christian
people would rise up against us in battle and subjugate us entirely,
setting up their kingdom where we now exercise dominion, so that
pagans would be subject to those of the true faith.  But our
knowledge was not clear in this respect: we did not know whether it
would come about now or after a long time.  I then diligently studied
astronomy, examining innumerable possibilities, until, checking them
against each other, I learned that we would inevitably be conquered
by Christian men.  For this reason I grieve for you with all my heart,
because I have no doubt that I shall soon be deprived of you."  And
he replied, "mother, I would like you to explain some things about
which I am uncertain."  She said, "ask, so that you will not be in
doubt.  Whatever I know you will know immediately."  He said, "Tell
me whether Bohemund and Tancred should be considered gods or men, and
tell me whether they will bring victory in battle to the Franks."
She replied, "Son, Bohemund and Tancred are like us, subject to
mortality, but because they fight for their faith, they have merited
glorious renown, for God helps them.  They declare that God is the
Father, whose son, made into a human being, they worship in the same
manner, and they believe that both are the same in the unity of the
holy Spirit."  He replied, "Since you testify, O mother, that they
are not Gods, but merely human beings like us, no more doubt remains,
and we may try our strength in battle."

Therefore, understanding that her son, intent on fighting with the
Franks, was unwilling to heed her advice, the mother collected
whatever supplies she could gather and, spurned by her son, retired
to the above-mentioned city of Aleppo.  And so, three days later,
Kherboga took up arms, and a large group of Turks approached the city
with him on the side where the fort they had recently captured and
fortified was located.  Our men, however, judging that they could
resist them, set up lines of defense against them, but the number of
Turks was so great that our men did not have the force or boldness to
resist.  Therefore they were compelled to retreat into the city, but,
as they were entering the gate in crowded flight, the entrance proved
too narrow, and many were crushed to death.  It was the fifth day of
the week, and some outside the city were attacking the gate, while
others continued to battle the inhabitants inside the city until
evening.

But because Christ knew once and knows now whom he has chosen, some
men who, so to speak, were not of the kind by means of whom salvation
would come to Israel,[173] when they saw that they were surrounded by
the Turkish army,

and that the day's battle was scarcely ended when night came, they
grew fearful and panic-stricken, aware only of their imminent death.
Petrified, each saw his own life hanging before him, and in their
frightened minds the men saw Turks already before them, about to
strike them with deadly spears.  Each lost faith in his own ability
to fight, and therefore turned his mind to flight.  Those who gave up
hope in God made a filthy descent into the foul sewers, a worthy
place for those who were giving such a bad example to the troops.
The crawling cowards made their way to the sea, with the skin from
their hands and feet torn away, and their bones stripped of flesh by
the sharp rocks.  Like Paul the doctor, who escaped from Damascus by
means of a wall,[174] they showed that the sewers were fitting for
them.[175]

Among those who retreated were a certain William of Normandy, nobly
born, and his brother Alberic, sent to school early, who became a
cleric, and then, out of passion for fighting, dropped away from the
church and foully, like an apostate, became a knight.  I would name
the towns from which they came, were I not constrained by my close
friendship with some members of their family to limit my remarks,
thereby protecting them from shame.  A certain Guido Trossellus, well
known for his power and influence in cities across the Seine, and who
was considered remarkable by the whole race of Franks, was the
standard-bearer for the escape.  There were other deserters from the
holy army also, who, when they came back to their native land, were
held in contempt and denounced as infamous everywhere.  Some of them
we do not know; others we know very well, but we prefer not to
humiliate them.

They came to the port which is called the gate of Saint Simeon, where
they found boats and sailors, and they asked the sailors, "Why are
you waiting here, unhappy men?  You should know that all those to
whom you customarily bring food are about to die, for the city and
those within it are besieged by an army of Turks, and we scarcely
escaped from their onslaught with our naked bodies."  Stung by the
dire news, they hesitated, stunned for a long time, and then placed
all their hope in flight.

They got into the ships and sought the depths of the sea.[176]

Almost immediately afterwards, as their prows began to move through
the waves, the Turks arrived, killed everyone they found there,
burned the ships they found riding at anchor, and despoiled the
bodies of those whom they had killed.  After those base men, fleeing
from divine assistance, had escaped through the foul places we have
mentioned, those who had chosen to remain were no longer able to
withstand the enemies' weapons or onslaughts.  Therefore they built a
wall between themselves and their enemies, which they patrolled night
and day.  The suffering of our men was so great there that they were
compelled to eat the foulest food, the flesh of horses and donkeys.

One day, when the leaders of the army were standing before the
citadel they were besieging, and were gravely worried about the
misery they were suffering, a priest presented himself before them,
and said, "Leaders and elders, I shall relate a vision of your
excellence which, if you give it credence, may offer you some
consolation, as I hope.  While I was asleep one night in the church
of the blessed mother of God, the Lord Jesus Christ, together with
his most blessed mother and the blessed leader of the apostles, Peter,
appeared standing before me and said, 'Do you know who I am?' 'Not
at all,' I said.  He spoke, and lo in a cloud above his head a cross
appeared, like those one sees in paintings.  Again questioning me,
the image of the Savior repeated, 'Now do you know whom you see?' I
said, 'O lord, I can recognize your identity only because I see above
your neck the figure of the cross, which customarily represents your
image wherever it is painted.' He said, 'you are not wrong.  I am he.
' Aware of how much we have suffered, I threw myself immediately at
his feet and urgently begged him to relieve the suffering of those
who were fighting for our faith.  'I have seen what you have endured,
' he said, 'and I shall not now hesitate to bring you help.  At my
instigation you vowed to undertake this expedition; you have captured
the city of Nicea with my support; under my leadership you have won
many victories; having brought you this far, I have grieved for the
sufferings you endured in besieging the city of Antioch, and which
you are suffering even now within the city itself.  However, after I
raised you up with so much help and with so many victories, and I
granted you victory in the city, preserving you safe and unharmed,
you have behaved badly towards Christians, and have entered into
filthy relations with pagan women; you have raised a foul clamor to
heaven.' At this point the Virgin of unconquerable piety, always the
intercessor with God for the human race, and Peter, the heavenly
gatekeeper, and the patron bishop of Antioch, threw themselves at the
feet of the most merciful Lord, praying and asking that He grant
relief to his people.  The miraculous Peter himself said, 'Your
majesty remembers with what shameful things the pagans desecrated my
home in this city, insulting your divinity by filling your shrines
with disgraceful actions and with murder.  Since you at last showed
pity and expelled them, bringing joy to the heavenly kingdom, will
you now relent and permit their pride to regain its former position
against you yourself?' Moved by these words, God said to me, 'Go and
tell my people to return with all their hearts to me, and I shall
eagerly restore myself to them; within five days I shall provide the
greatest help.  Let them recite litanies, and let each man sing this
response from *Ecclesiastes*: Our enemies have joined against me,
and they rejoice in their strength; destroy their strength, O Lord,
and scatter them (add here the verse)."[177]  The priest then added,
"If you have any doubt about what I have said, I shall submit, in the
name of truth, to whatever trial you wish, gladly undergoing trial by
fire or by being thrown from a cliff.  If I am harmed in the test,
you may add to my injuries the worst punishment you can imagine."
The bishop of Puy, always attentive to church law, ordered the bible
and the Cross brought forward, so that the reliability of his words
might be tested by oath.

When this had been done, the leaders, after consultation, mutually
pledged that neither death nor life would compel them to abandon the
defense they had undertaken, no matter how difficult the
circumstances.  Therefore first Bohemund, then the count of Saint
Gilles, Hugh the Great, Robert of Normandy, duke Godfrey, and the
count of Flanders, swore with equal vigor that they would never
abandon the undertaking.  But Tancred swore on this condition, that
as long as he could rely on the support of forty knights he would not
only refuse to retreat from the siege under which they presently
labored, but he would not turn from the path to Jerusalem, unless
death intervened.  The news of these transactions fortified the
hearts of the multitude.

Before Antioch was captured, a vision of the apostle Andrew appeared
to one of the soldiers, whose name was Peter, and the vision said,
"What are you doing?"  Stunned, he did not reply, but asked who he
was.  He revealed that he was the apostle Andrew.  "You should know,
my son, that when the army of the Franks enters the city which God
will open for them, you will go to the church of the blessed Peter,
my brother and fellow apostle, and there in a certain place you will
find the lance with which it is said the side of our Savior Jesus
Christ was pierced."  Saying no more, he departed.  Peter wanted no
one to know about the vision, nor did he think that it was anything
more than one of those deceptive dreams to which we are all regularly
subjected.  But during his conversation with the apostle he had the
presence of mind to ask him, "Lord, if I tell to our people what you
have told me to do, what reliable evidence can I offer to overcome
their doubts and to convince them to believe me?"  In response, the
glorious apostle took him and carried him in spirit to the basilica
of his blessed brother, to the place in which the lance rested.
After the city had been captured, when the people of God were
subjected to the tribulations which we have described, the same
memorable apostle who had undertaken to preserve in every way the
elaborate beauty of the home of his famous brother again appeared to
the man Peter, and said, "Why have you delayed carrying out my
command?  Since you see your people undergoing terrible hardships,
attacked by the Turks, about to fall into the depths of despair, you
should tell them what you learned from me, since they certainly
should know that wherever they bear this same lance, they will have
certain victory."  After this second warning from the apostle, Peter
began to relate to our people what he had seen in the vision.
However, the people rejected his words, thinking them false, since
they were surrounded on all sides by misfortunes, and could in no way
conceive of any hope for their conditon.  Firmly relying on the
authority of what the apostle had said, Peter insisted that the
apostle had appeared to him and had said to him twice in a vision,
"Hurry, do not delay telling the imperilled army of God, as quickly
as possible, to set aside their fears and cling to their firm belief
in God, who will help them.  Within five days the Lord will reveal
things that will joyfully relieve their hearts.  If they go into
battle carrying this sign before them, their opposition will quickly
be defeated and will submit to them."  Peter's steady persuasiveness
began to have an effect, and the Christians began to urge each other
to have some hope, and they began to feel some relief.  They said,
"We should not be so stupid as to believe that God, who has thus far
given us so many victories, would now permit us, besieged while
defending the true faith, having placed our trust in Him, with our
souls eagerly groaning for him, to be cut down by Turkish swords.
Instead, we should certainly believe that, after our long suffering,
He will shine the light of pity on us, and will cast fear of Himself
upon the peoples who have not sought Him out."

Then the Turks who were guarding the citadel made sudden attack on
our men, trapping three of our knights at fortification facing the
citadel.  Then the pagans stormed out of the citadel against our men
with such force that they were unable to resist.  Two of the men
under attack were wounded and escaped, while the third continued to
defend himself vigorously against the enemy, killing two of them on
the top of the ramparts, having broken the shafts of their spears,
while the Turks themselves had shattered three spears in their hands.
The name of this knight was Hugh, nicknamed "the Madman," and he was
one of the servants of certain Godfrey of Mount-Scabieuse.

Famed Bohemund, however, scarcely able to persuade some men to attack
the citadel (for of those who hid in their homes, some suffered from
lack of bread, while others were frightened by the ferocity and
number of the pagans), driven by great anger, ordered that the part
of the city around the palace of the now dead Cassian be burned.
When they saw what was happening, they fled the conflagration, some
towards the citadel, some towards the gate guarded by the count of
Saint-Gilles, and some towards Godfrey; each fled towards the people
to whom he most closely connected.  Soon the suffering was increased
by a very powerful storm, and the power of the wind was such that
almost no one could walk upright.  Meanwhile, when Bohemund saw that
the city would be entirely destroyed by the conflagration, he was
seized with anxiety about the fate of the church of blessed Peter and
of the Holy Mother, and other churches as well.  From the third hour
until midnight the raging flames turned two thousand churches and
homes into dust.  In the middle of the night, the force of the raging
fire abated.

Meanwhile those in the citadel cruelly attacked our men, who turned
back into the city, worn out by hunger; they struck our men with
steady effort, and by day and by night the two sides were separated
only by the length of their swords and spears.  When our men saw that
they were caught in a non-stop battle, and had no opportunity at all
to eat or drink, even if they had had a great supply of food, they
built a wall out of cement and stone, and quickly surrounded it with
many machines, so that they would have a feeling of greater security.
In the citadel, a group of Turks remained who would, almost
continually, come out to harass our men in battle, while other Turks
remained in the field, facing the fortification.  On the following
night, a kind of fire appeared in the western sky, falling between
the enemy camps.  To both sides the sight of the falling fire seemed
miraculous.  In the morning, the Turks left the place in which the
celestial fire had fallen as quickly as possible, and set themselves
up in front of the gate that Bohemund was guarding.  The portent
which had appeared clearly before them announced the destruction that
was obviously approaching them, had they understood it.  The
inhabitants of the citadel, who made frequent, relentless sorties
against our army, their bows always stretched, inflicted wounds and
death upon our men.  The Turks who surrounded the city outside, and
who occupied all the territory near the walls, vigilantly blocked
every entrance to the city, so that the Christians were unable to
leave or to enter, except at night, and even then only secretly.  The
enemy had assembled here in such great numbers and with such wealth,
that everywhere one looked there were only men and tents, expensive
furnishings, the brilliance of variegated costumes, flocks of cattle
and sheep to be eaten, and women dressed as though they were, so to
speak, temples.  To add to this list of luxury, young women came with
quivers full of arrows, looking like a new form of the ancient Diana;
they seemed to have been brought here not to fight, but rather to
reproduce.  When the battle was over, those who were present asserted
that new-born babies, born by women brought for this purpose on the
expedition, were found thrown into the grass by these women, who, in
their urgent flight from the Franks, could not endure the burden, and,
more concerned for themselves than for the babies, heartlessly cast
them away.

In the way in which we have described, then, with Turks everywhere
preventing our men from getting out, and therefore unable to procure
provisions from outside, the dangers of famine took hold of nearly
the entire army, and the extraordinary lack of food particularly
weakened the courage of the poor people.  Since the Franks, at the
time that they were besieging Antioch, had prevented the inhabitants
from increasing their dwindling supply of food, when they captured
the city they found very little to eat.  After they had used up
everything they could find, a mere piece of bread cost a bezant.  The
scarcity of produce and of spices resulted in great hardship, and
many died, their bellies bloated with starvation.  About wine I shall
say nothing, since no one had any at all, and he who had nothing to
eat would certainly drink fruit juice.  Since there was no proper
meat to eat, no one finally refused to eat the flesh of horses, and
the small amount of donkey meat, sought for throughout the
marketplaces and purchased at exorbitant prices, was a bitter
resource for many crusaders.  A chicken sold for fifteen sous, an egg
for two sous, and a nut for penny.  If many men assemble in a place
where food is scarce, everything becomes expensive.  They ate a
mixture of figs, thistles, and grape leaves; fruit could no longer be
found on the trees; out of the leaves they made a substitute for
vegetables.  Wealthy men ate the flesh of horses, camels, cows, and
deer, but the poor prepared the dried skins of these animals, cut
them into slices, boiled them and then ate them.

Among the ancient stories of besieged cities, where might we find
people who, exiles from their native land, enduring such suffering,
were able to persevere as steadfastly as these men?  Even the
ten-year siege of Troy was often interrupted by mutually beneficial
truces, during which men might recover their strength, and the earth
and the sea might offer them sustenance.  And even if any besieged men
had suffered similar dangers, certainly they suffered to preserve
their own freedom, and the defense of one's own life and country is
considered more important than all other things.  The crusaders,
however, were driven from their native soil by no desire for personal
gain, but by the intention of working for God.  To deliver the church
from harm, they endured the hardships of famine, rough sleeping
places, long watches during the night, cold, rain, and the torment of
ceaseless fear, which exceeded that endured by anyone whose
sufferings have ever been recorded.  What must be recognized as even
more of a miracle is the fact that these men, at home in their own
native lands, could scarcely endure setting up their tents as part of
the king's army for three days, even when they were not forced to
venture beyond the borders of their own regions.  In my opinion, none
of those who risked such danger could remember all of the anxieties
of mind and agonies of body they had been compelled to endure.  For
twenty-six straight days this punishment continued.

At that time, Count Stephen of Blois, formerly a man of great
discretion and wisdom, who had been chosen as leader by the entire
army, said that he was suffering from painful illness, and, before
the army had broken into Antioch, Stephen made his way to a certain
small town, which was called Alexandriola.[178]  When the city had
been captured and was again under siege, and he learned that the
Christian leaders were in dire straits, Stephen, either unable or
unwilling, delayed sending them aid, although they were awaiting his
help.  When he heard that an army of Turks had set up camp before the
city walls, he rode shrewdly to the mountains and observed the amount
the enemy had brought.  When he saw the fields covered with
innumerable tents, in understandably human fashion he retreated,
judging that no mortal power could help those shut up in the city.  A
man of the utmost probity, energetic, pre-eminent in his love of
truth, thinking himself unable to bring help to them, certain that
they would die, as all the evidence indicated, he decided to protect
himself, thinking that he would incur no shame by saving himself for
a opportune moment.  And I certainly think that his flight (if,
however, it should be called a flight, since the count was certainly
ill), after which the dishonorable act was rectified by martyrdom,
was superior to the return of those who, persevering in their pursuit
of foul pleasure, descended into the depths of criminal behavior.
Who could claim that count Stephen and Hugh the Great, who had always
been honorable, because they had seemed to retreat for this reason,
were comparable to those who had steadfastly behaved badly?  The
results of the action for which they are blamed were so splendid,
that surely one might praise them for what they did, while the
behavior of the others embarrasses all good men.  Let us look
carefully at those who take pride in having been present at the
capture of Jerusalem; we shall see that none permitted himself to be
second to anyone else in committing crimes, betrayals, and perjuries.
These two, however, were known for the nobility of their previous
and subsequent behavior.  The others, because they had seen Jerusalem
and the Holy Sepulchre, thought that they could safely commit any
crime, offering their own example as a reproach to holy men who had
retreated, without considering how much they themselves should be
blamed for the many stinking crimes they had committed.  But laying
these matters aside, let us continue in the direction in which we set
out.

When he left Alexandriola, his own town, the count went to the town
called Philomena.[179]  The capture of Antioch had been made known to
the tyrannical emperor, who had quickly set out in that direction
with many troops, thinking that he would undoubtedly be given the
town by the Franks.  When he had met the greedy emperor, who asked
him about the condition of the Christian army and of the betrayed
town, the count told him that the town had been captured, but he also
told him that the citadel was held by the Turks.  "Alas," he said, "a
second siege destroys the joy of winning the city, for those who had
at first besieged the Turks are now, in a wretched reversal,
surrounded by Turks.  I do not know what happened between them after
I left."  This is what the count said in secret to the prince.  When
the emperor heard this, he became discouraged, and summoned
Bohemund's brother Guido, a man conspicuous for his martial spirit,
together with some others, and described the situation to them,
although he exaggerated what the count had told him.  "What do you
think should be done?  The Franks are surrounded by a terrible
Turkish siege, and perhaps have already fallen before their swords,
or have been led away to different regions under the yoke of
perpetual slavery.  Since we do not have the ability or occasion to
provide them with aid, particularly since, if we went forward, we
would have to fear being killed by the Turks we might encounter, we
should turn back, if this is in accord with your judgement."  Having
said this, the traitor was undoubtedly pleased with himself, because
he had heard that those whom he hated no less than the Turks had been
killed.

But Guido, having heard of the danger in which his brother and the
Franks found themselves, together with the entire Norman household,
began to howl with grief, launching complaints self-righteously even
against God himself; they said, "All powerful God, whose judgement
never errs, who never permits the unjust to triumph over the just,
why have you betrayed those who, out of love for you, have given
themselves over to daily torment and death, who have left their
relatives, wives, sons, the greatest honors, their native land, and
why have you exposed them, without the aid of your protection, to be
cut down by the swords of abominable men?  If it becomes known that
you have permitted profane hands to deliver them to a horrible death,
whom will you find willing to obey your commands, since everyone will
judge you unable to defend your own people?  But so be it.  It may be
that you want them to die for you, and that you you will crown them
with glory and honor, yet even if you bestow land one hundred fold on
these people, you will have brought about eternal shame among nations
for the people of your own faith.  You have plunged the entire
Christian world into the depths of despair and incredulity, and you
have provoked the worst men to display relentless aggression against
your people.  From this day forth no man will expect anything great
from you, since those who believed themselves dearer to you than all
other mortals have been subjected to such an unworthy fate.
Therefore, O most gracious one, from now on why should they call upon
you, when your own people will expect such a death?"  Thus they
expressed their terrible grief and desperate anguish, so that for
several days none of the astonished bishops, abbots, clerics or
laymen in the entire army led by the tyrant dared to call upon God.
Guido, remembering his love for his noble brother, going over in his
mind the splendid qualities of the man, expressed his inmost anguish
with many a groan.

Ready to retreat, the emperor, fearing that, with the Frankish
bulwark broken, the Turks might now more freely move against him,
gave orders to his troops, "Go," he said, "and promulgate an imperial
edict throughout this region.  Lay waste the Bulgar's land, so that,
when the Turks attack to depopulate our lands, they will find no
useful supplies."  Willingly or not, the Christians who had been
eager to rejoin us were compelled to return with the emperor.  The
knights hastened to carry out the tyrant's orders, while the
conscripted foot-soldiers followed the army.  In their attempt to
follow the swift cavalry, they fell into inextricable problems
because of their weakness.  Therefore, wearied by the effort, they
continually dropped away, falling in their tracks, worn out by
exhaustion.  When the tyrant returned to the city of Constantinople,
the troops returned, by way of Greece, to the lands from which they
had come.  Let this book end here.



BOOK SIX

When we read in the authentic histories of the holy Fathers about the
wars waged under God's direction, and when we see that such things
were accomplished by inconsequential people of such little faith (we
do not place in this class the blessed Joshua, David, Samuel, but we
are speaking of the despicable vanity of the Jewish people, with the
exception of those whose radiance is now celebrated by the church of
God), then we might think, if reason did not intervene, that such
wretched men, serving God for their bellies only, were more pleasing
to God than those whose whole spirit was devoted to him.  For them,
whose only virtue perhaps was that they were not idolaters,
everything went well; they were frequently victorious, and had an
abundance of everything.  But for these Christians, victories came
about only with great difficulty, at great cost; they had little
wealth, and they lived in continual and great need, leading the lives
not of knights but of piously impoverished monks.  All of this is
explained, however, by the grace of reason, when we recall that "God
torments with whips every child whom he loves,"[180] and to those
whom he deprives of the things of this world out of the rigor of his
teaching, he gives spiritual gifts, out of the affection of his sweet
love.

Therefore, after Peter had told what the blessed Andrew had revealed
in a dream to him about the Lord's lance, the Christian people were
filled with joy, and, in anticipation of the marvelous event, emerged
out of the depths of despair.  Lead by this man,[181] everyone rushed
to the designated place, and a hole was dug beside the altar of the
Lord in the church of the blessed Peter.  After thirteen men had dug
up the earth from dawn to dusk, Peter himself found the Lance.  What
they saw before them corresponded in every way with the dream-vision
which had been reported to them; they all began to rejoice, and their
boldness against the enemy matched their joy.  They bore off the
lance with great exultation, and from that day forth they confidently
went about planning to wage war.  Then the leaders of the Christian
army met in council, considered together what action was needed, and
decided that the wisest thing to do before fighting was to meet first
with the Turks, to urge them not to occupy Christian territory, not
to drive the servants of Christ out of their lands, and not to kill
them, but instead to remain within their own territories, content
with their own lands.  Peter the Hermit, who had helped to initiate
the undertaking, was summoned, together with a man named Herluin, an
interpreter proficient in both languages, and they were both sent to
the pagan prince, with instructions about what to say.  When they
reached the tent of the pagan, and stood in the terrible presence of
the diabolical man, they delivered a speech like this: "You should
understand that our leaders are shocked to find that you have
profanely and wickedly undertaken to usurp a land firmly and freely
possessed since ancient times by Christians.  Since you have
undoubtedly learned by our relentless victories against you that
Christ's power has not declined, and you have found that your forces
have little power against Christ, our leaders think that you, having
been beaten so many times, will in no way dare to resume the madness
of war against God.  Therefore we unanimously judge that, in your
wisdom, you have come here for no other reason than to learn the
teaching of our faith from the Christian bishops who have come with
us.  For we are absolutely certain that you will hardly be able to
ensure your safety if you try to wage war against the Catholic belief.
Therefore, aware of your ignorance, we ask that you desist from
this presumption, for we know that God gave the blessed apostle Peter
authority over the city, and he who was its first bishop intends to
restore the worship of God, which he was the first to bring here,
using us, sinners that we are, as his instruments.  Our princes, in
their extreme generosity, will permit you to carry off everything
which you have brought here, nor, if you retreat peacefully, will any
of us do you any harm whatever."

But Kherboga was deeply stung by the words of Peter, and when the
arrogant Turks who accompanied him raged when they heard these things,
he said: "We shall demonstrate that we have every right to the land
which you say has belonged to your Christianity since ancient times,
particularly since we took it, by means of our remarkable strength,
from a nation scarcely better than women.  Moreover, we think that
you are mad to come from the ends of the earth, threatening with all
your might to drive us from our homes, when you have insufficient
supplies, too few arms, and too few men.  Not only do we refuse to
accept the name of Christians, but we spit upon it in disgust.  To
respond briefly to the message you have brought: return, you who form
this delegation, to your leaders swiftly and tell them that if they
are willing to become like us and renounce the Christ upon whom you
seem to rely, we shall give them not only this land, but land of
greater wealth and size.  After granting them castles and cities, we
shall allow none of them to remain foot-soldiers, but shall make them
all knights; and, when we have shared the same ceremonial rites, each
side will rejoice in mutual and close friendship.  But if they shall
decide not to accept this proposal, they will undoubtedly die
horribly, or endure the exile of eternal imprisonment, as slaves to
us and to our descendants."  He spoke, and the delegation quickly
returned and told the leaders of the Christian army everything that
had taken place.

The army was still in dire straits, suffering, on the one hand, from
extreme hunger, and, on the other hand, tormented by fear of the
pagans who surrounded them.  Finally, placing their faith in divine
assistance, they observed a three-day fast, instituted by the
splendid bishop of Puy.  In every church they poured forth suppliant
litanies, purifying themselves by sincere confession of sins; when
the bishop had granted them absolution, they faithfully took
communion of the body and blood of the Lord.  Each gave alms
according to his ability, and all prayed that divine offerings might
be made for them.  Finally, having derived some comfort from these
activities, they prepared to fight, drawing up six lines of battle
inside the city.

The first line of battle, which would bear the brunt of the Turkish
attack, was led by Hugh, who truly was, as his cognomen indicated,
great; he and his men were supported by the entire contingent of
Franks, led by the count of Flanders.  I have heard about this royal
man that, before the battle began, his quartermaster paid a
remarkable amount of money for a camel's foot, since he was unable to
find anything better for him to eat at that point.  The unusual
quality of this food had so weakened this man of God that he was
scarcely able to remain on his horse, and when someone suggested that
he not go into battle, but remain with those besieging the citadel,
he quickly replied, "No!  I certainly shall go; I only hope that I
find a blessed death there with those who are to die today!"

The noble duke Godfrey and his men formed the second line.  Count
Robert of Normandy and his men made up the third line, and the fourth
was led by the splendid bishop of Puy, carrying with him the recently
found Lance of the Savior.  This line was composed of the bishop's
men and those of Raymond, count of Saint-Gilles, who remained within
the city, blockading the citadel, so that the inhabitants might not
escape.  Tancred and his men made up the fifth line, and Bohemund
with his army made up the sixth.

Bishops, priests, clerics, monks, dressed in their ecclesiastical
garb, marched forward, holding their crosses before them, eager to
aid the soldiers with their tearful prayers, themselves awaiting the
gift of martyrdom, if they should happen to be cut down.  Others
looked out from the ramparts of the walls, to watch the outcome of
the battle, holding the sign of the Lord's cross in their hands,
faithfully making the sign of the cross over the army as it marched
forth.  In the order I have given, they marched out the gate in front
of the temple which our people call the Mahometry, walking so slowly
that even a weak old woman would not have asked for a slower pace.
God Almighty, with what heartfelt groans were you invoked; while
their frail, frightened bodies were being overcome by long hunger,
how rapidly did the grief of their wretched hearts reach your ears, O
most high one!  With what anguish were their minds still lingering in
their racked bodies!  When weakness was compelling them to despair of
victory, God alone remained steadfast in the minds of all in their
suffering for You.  Their hearts were shattered by long anguish;
desiccated by famine, their eyes were too dry to weep; since the
exterior man was almost without material substance, spiritual desires
struggled violently.  Good God, what could you have denied to such
devotion when you saw them, or rather made them burn in such agony?
When I consider how they maintained a military fierceness on their
faces, while their inmost hearts were preparing to undergo martyrdom,
I seriously think that no army ever equalled their constancy.  Indeed
I truly should have said that they raised a shout to heaven; but then
I say that they, who performed not with physical strength but with
unusual daring of soul, made the sacred trumpets sound.

Meanwhile Kherboga saw them leaving the city, moving slowly; he
laughed at the small size of the group, and said, "Let them leave,
the better that they may, when they have fled from battle, be shut
out of the city."  But when the entire army had passed through the
gates, and Kherbog noticed that the Frankish forces were mighty in
order and in number, then, at last, he trembled.  As he made
preparations to flee, he immediately ordered the master of his palace
to let it be known throughout the army, as soon as he saw flames
coming from the nearest tents, that the French troops had won the
victory.  Meanwhile Kherboga began to retreat, little by little,
heading for the mountains, while our men were pursuing him
relentlessly.  Then the Turks, uselessly clever, split their forces
into two parts, one of which moved along the shore of the sea, while
the other waited in place for the Franks to reach them, thinking that
in this manner they might surround our men.  When our men perceived
this, they turned audaciously towards the Turkish troops, separating
themselves from their fellows; because of this excessive boldness,
they were the only group of our army that suffered a loss, with only
a few knights and scarcely any foot-soldiers escaping alive.  The
instigator of this foray, together with some others, was Clairambaut
of Vandeuil, who, although reputable in his own lands, did nothing
useful in the East.  Meanwhile, to face the Turks at the edge of the
sea, a seventh group was formed out of the two armies led by duke
Godfrey and the count of Normandy, and a certain count Renaud was
placed in charge.  That day the battle was very bitter, and many of
our men were slaughtered by the arrows of the enemy.  The cavalry of
the enemy extended from the river Pharphar to the mountains, length
of two miles.  Squadrons of pagans attacked from both sides, and
struck with arrows and javelins the group of Franks whom our men had
placed in the vanguard as the strongest and most likely to resist the
Turkish attacks.  In charge of them was magnificent Hugh, regal in
mind, no less brave than his ancestors, who proudly called out to his
men, "Endure, and wait courageously for the second and third
discharge of missiles, because they will then flee more quickly than
speech."

And lo, innumerable forces began to come down from the mountains, and
their horses and standards shone brightly; our men, however, were
stunned even more now, fearing that these men were bringing
reinforcements for the Turks, until they discovered that this was aid,
now visible, sent by Christ.  After the battle, they thought that
these glorious leaders were, in particular, the martyrs George,
Mercurius, and Demetrius.  These things were seen by many of our men,
and when they told what they had seen to others, their words were
taken in good faith as true.[182]  And if celestial help appeared
long ago to the Maccabees fighting for circumcision and the meat of
swine, how much more did those who poured out their blood for Christ,
purifying the churches and propagating the faith, deserve such help.
Therefore, when the first line of the enemy at the shore were driven
back by our men, unable to bear our attack, they set fire to the
grass, thereby giving the agreed-upon signal to retreat to those who
were guarding the tents during the battle.  In response to the signal,
they snatched anything of any value, and fled.  But the Franks, when
they saw where the pagans greater forces were, raced to their tents.
Duke Godfrey, the count of Normandy, and Hugh the Great joined forces
to attack those who were riding along the shore.  These three,
together with their men, with the image of the son of God crucified
for their sake before their eyes, eagerly plunged into the thick of
the melee.  When our men saw this, they too drove forward vigorously.
The enemy, screaming like madmen, rushed to meet them.  For it was
their custom when they entered battle to make constant, terrible
noise with the metal shafts they used as spears, as well as with
cymbals and with their own horrifying voices, so that horses and men
could scarcely check their terror of such sound.  But their efforts
were entirely in vain; our men immediately overcame the enemy; once
the battle had been joined, they subdued the enemy in the first
attack, encouraging those who had for a long time been considering
flight to carry out their plan.  And even so, our men pursued them
through the middle of their encampment.  They were not carried away
by the desire for the booty lying about, but instead preferred to
feed only on the blood of the enemies of Christ, pursuing them to the
bridge over the Pharphar, and to the fortress of Tancred.  The
glorious spoils covered the ground of the enemy encampment; the tents,
though filled with gold, silver, and many kinds of equipment, stood
there abandoned; herds of sheep, cows, goats, horses, mules, asses
were spread about everywhere; there also was a great supply of wheat,
wine, and grain.  But, when the Syrian and Armenian colonists, who
were scattered throughout the region, learned that the Franks had won
an unexpected victory, they rushed into the mountains to face the
fleeing Turks, killing those whom they found.  Our own men, joyfully
shouting praises to Christ for his help, entered the city with the
honor of a heavenly victory.  The Turk in charge of the citadel,
however, seeing the leader of his own army fleeing with our men in
hot pursuit, became frightened.  Judging that he could no longer
defend the citadel, he immediately asked for the standard of one of
our leaders.  The count of Saint-Gilles, who was close to the spot
where the request was made, quickly ordered that his own standard be
offered to the man who made the request, who promptly affixed it to
the tower.  But the Lombards, striving to obtain the favor of their
leader Bohemund (for they relied upon hjis favor), cried out to the
man in charge of the citadel, "This is not Bohemund's standard."  He
asked to whom did it belong, and when he was told that it belonged to
the count of Saint Gilles, he took it down and gave it back to the
count.  Having asked for and received Bohemund's standard, he also
accepted the promise that those who were with him might, if any
wished to accept our religion, remain with Bohemund.  Those who did
not, might freely leave.  With this agreement, the citadel was
surrendered to Bohemund, who then chose men to guard it.  After a few
days, the man who surrendered the citadel received baptism, together
with the other pagans who decided to take communion in the name of
Christ.  Those who chose to remain pagan were free to do so, and they
were brought by Bohemund himself to Saracen territory.

On August 28, on the eve of their passion, Peter and Paul waged this
battle, out of compassion for their wretched city, unable to tolerate
the expulsion of the new citizens, who had driven out the pagans who
had contaminated the holy temple of God.  And it was right that they
took pity on the city which they had both instructed by their
preaching.  In the churches stables for horses had been set up, and
in part of the great basilica of saint Peter they had erected house
of their Mahomet.  While the defeated enemy was retreating in
different directions, the mountains and the vallies, the fields and
the forests, the roads and pathless places overflowed with the dead
and the dying, and with innumerable wounded men.  The objects of
God's sudden compassion, however, were relieved of the pain of daily
hunger; where an egg might have cost two sous, one might now come
away with a whole cow for less than twelve cents.  To sum up briefly,
where hunger had raged like a disease, there was now so much meat and
other food that great abundance seemed everywhere to pour in a sudden
eruption from the earth, and God seemed to have opened the cataracts
of heaven.[183]  There were so many tents that, after all of our
people had plundered one, they were so wealthy and sated with the
weight of their booty, that almost no one wanted to take any more.
If a poor man took something that he wanted, no wealthier man tried
to take it from him by force, but each permitted the other to take
what he wanted without fight.

Then our leaders, duke Godfrey, the count of Saint-Gilles, Bohemund,
the count of Normandy and Robert of Flanders, and all the others,
consulted with each other, and sent Hugh the Great and Baldwin, the
count of Mons, together with some others of great repute, to the
emperor, so that he might receive Antioch from them, according to
their agreement.  They departed, but afterwards were slow to return
to those who had sent them.  For, in a certain place, the Turks
attacked them; those who had horses nearby escaped; those who were
not close enough to their horses were carried away as captives, or
were slain by the sword.  We are not at all certain yet about the
unfortunate fate that befell the count of Mons.  According to some
people, this provided Hugh the Great with a reason to delay his
return; although capable in other matters, he showed himself less
concerned in obtaining those things which are thought to be fitting
for such a great man.  A man highly fastidious about honor, he was
afraid of being less well off among men to whom he was superior or in
no way way inferior, but who were either more tenacious or more eager
to acquire things.  However, no one should complain about the return
of a man who later died with the deserved repute of a martyr and fine
soldier.

Finally, a short time later, they began again to consider how to get
to Jerusalem, a task for which they had suffered so much, and how the
people who so greatly wanted to arrive might be governed until they
got there.  The leaders took into consideration the fact that there
would be very little water during the heat of summer, and therefore
decided that the journey would be put off until the calends of
November.  Meanwhile, after everyone had agreed to this plan, the
nobles of the army visited the various cities and towns they had
captured, and sent heralds among the conquered people, to tell them
that if anyone of them were in need, he could join them and receive
remuneration for his services.  Among them was a knight,
exceptionally skilled with weapons, among the leading followers of
the count of Saint-Gilles, named Raymond Pelet, to whom many knights
and foot-soldiers had affiliated themselves.  His generosity and
energy had attracted many men, and he set out with a large army into
Saracen territory, and the first place they reached was fortress
called Talamina.  The inhabitants, since they were Syrians,
immediately surrendered to him.  After staying in this town eight
days, he heard that not far away there was town filled with a large
group of Saracens.  He quickly launched an assault to enter the town;
God led the penetration, and the town was captured.  Those
inhabitants who agreed to become Christian were spared; those who
refused were killed.  Having finished this business, they gave thanks
to God and returned to Talamina.  On the third day they again went
out, this time to attack a village called Marrah, a fine city, well
fortified, where people of many different nations had assembled.
Close to the previously mentioned fortress, it attracted the refuse
of Saracens and Turks from nearby towns and cities, especially from
Aleph.  A force of pagans ready to fight approached our men, who
judged themselves able to fight in the usual manner, but who were
quickly deceived by the pagan's trickery.  The enemy, advancing in
great numbers, did great harm to our men.  All that day each side in
turn advanced and retreated.  Our men suffered from the intense heat,
and, their insides parched with unusual thirst, weary and unable to
find relief, they decided to pitch their tents near the city.  When
the inhabitants understood that our men were faltering somewhat (it
was the Syrians who first began to talk of flight more seriously),
they became more aggressive in response to their enemies' fears, and
no longer were afraid to attack.  Struck down in this attack, many of
our men piously delivered their souls to God; they died on the fifth
of July.  The remaining Franks returned to Talamina, remaining there
with their leader Raymond for several days.  Those who had remained
at Antioch enjoyed peace and prosperity.

For reasons hidden from us, God confounded their rest with a cloud.
He who had led them, and piously nourished both their internal and
external needs, a man admired by God and by the world, Adhemar,
bishop of Puy, fell ill; the Omnipotent in his generous compassion
permitted him to wipe away the sweat of his pious labor in a
sabbatical of eternal rest.  He died on the holy day of
Saint-Peter-in-Chains,[184] and he had earned absolution by him to
whom the keys to the Kingdom and the powers of absolution belonged,
and it was fitting that Peter greet him at the gates of the celestial
realm.  A great sadness and bitter grief arose throughout the entire
army of Christ; when each person, of whatever rank, sex, and age,
recalled how many benefits he had received from this most
compassionate of men, and understood that the bishop was past help,
he grieved inconsolably.  At his funeral the princes themselves let
out heartfelt groans fit for the death of the entire army.  Before he
was even buried, such offerings of money were made at the litter on
which his corpse was carried by the people over whom he had ruled
like a father, that I think no one had ever made such offerings in
such a short time at the altars of any nations.  These offerings were
immediately distributed to the poor, for the benefit of his soul.
While he was alive, he showed great care for the souls of the poor,
always teaching the rich to love the needy, to help them in their
need, insisting that they were the guardians of the poor.  He said:
"He will be judged mercilessly who has shown no mercy.  If you do not
show compassion for your inferiors, who are also by nature your
brothers, and if you do not share with them equally those things that
were created by God for you and them, which are now unfairly seized
from them by you, you will undoubtedly shut the gate of divine mercy
for yourselves.  Give them, I say, out of gratitude for these things,
some of your goods, certain that even as they cannot survive in this
world without you, so you cannot live eternally without them."  Of
these and similar matters the remarkable man often reminded them.

Then Raymond, count of Saint Gilles, enter the territory of the
Saracens, and led his army to a city called Albara, which he attacked
and quickly captured, putting to death all the Saracen men and women
he found there.  Once in control of the city, he filled it with
Christian colonists, and, on the advice of wise men, ordered that a
bishop be ordained for the city, who would gradually teach the
natives Christian doctrine, and who would carry out in their temples,
once they had been purified, the services of devotion, and the
mysteries of rebirth.  They chose a man of an appropriate age, who
was known for his learning, and they brought him to Antioch to be
ordained.  After he had been ordained a bishop, he did not neglect to
carry out the journey to Jerusalem, but he assigned the task of
guarding the city to someone who volunteered for the task, and set
out with the others, brave man, with little income, he who remained
behind set out to protect the citadel with the few people he could
afford to hire.  Because there were very few Saracens in the city,
those pagans who remained submitted to his authority, and in exchange
for their lives gave him part of their earned income.

Antioch was now flourishing with prosperity, and the holiday of All
Saints was approaching, at the end of which the expedition was
scheduled to begin again.  Mindful of this, the leaders assembled at
Antioch, and began to consult with each other about how they might
best expedite the journey for which they had come.  Before the army
of the Lord made a move, Bohemund brought up the matter of turning
the city over to him, according to the agreement which had been made.
But the count of Saint Gilles refused to assent, since he respected
the oath he had given to the emperor.  The bishops, who acted as
intermediaries between them, met frequently in the church of the
blessed Peter.  Bohemund said that after the city had been betrayed
by Pyrrus, parts of the city had been granted to him generously by
the leaders themselves.  The count of Saint Gilles replied that he
had given an oath to restore the city to the ruler of Constantinople,
unless their agreement was broken by the emperor, and that all this
was done on the advice of Bohemund.  Meanwhile, the bishops, who were
trying to bring the disagreement to an end, summoned duke Godfrey,
the counts of Flanders and Normandy, and other leaders, listened to
what each had to say, and then met separately to sift the arguments
and to come to a correct decision.  However, after having heard the
arguments, they remained undecided, and when they returned to the
assembled leaders, afraid to alienate such men, they postponed making
a decision.  When the count saw that this was done deliberately, he
said: "To prevent the present disagreement from generating discord
among those faithful to Christ, and thereby delaying the day on which
the tomb of the Savior will be set free, and to prevent us from being
tainted with the charge of greed, I agree to the decision of my peers,
the princes now present, as long as it does not contradict what you
know, brothers and leaders, I unwillingly promised to the prince of
Constantinople."  Bohemund immediately agreed to the count's proposal,
and they put aside their quarrel, placed their right hands in the
hands of the bishops as a sign of good faith, and swore solemnly that
the army of God in no way would be disturbed by their disagreements.
After consulting with the others, Bohemund then fortified his
fortress with men and food from the mountains.  The count of Saint
Gilles also consulted with his men, and fortified at great expense
the palace of Cassian, which the pagans called the Emir, as well as
the tower which guarded the gate of the bridge which led to the port
of Saint Simon.

The city of Antioch is incomparably beautiful, second to none in the
majesty of its buildings; it is pleasantly situated, with an
unequalled climate, and with fertile vines and rich fields.  To the
east it is surrounded by four high mountains; to the west its walls
are washed by a river renowned in the Bible,[185] the Pharphar, whose
waves are dense with fish.  At the top of one of the mountains
remarkable, impregnable fortification stands; below it stands the
city itself, filled with past glory and fiercely proud of the noble
monuments of its ancient splendor, with 360 churches within its
confines.  The pontiff of the city, by right of apostolic succession
honored with the title of patriarch, was in charge of 153 bishops.
The city was surrounded by a double wall, one of which was of normal
height, the other, however, remarkably broad and high, built out of
massive stones, surrounded by four hundred and fifty towers.  They
say that it was rebuilt from that ancient Antioch in testimony of
whose power many monuments have survived, and that such lofty
citadels and such a variety of buildings were erected by the efforts
of 50 subject kings and their subjects.[186]  This is false, since
Pompeius Trogus correctly said that it was founded by king Seleucus,
who named it after his father, and it was built up by him and by the
kings who succeeded him, even as he founded Laodicea, named after his
mother, and Seleucia, which he named after himself.  All sorts of
siege engines were of no avail against this city, and had Pyrrus not
betrayed it to the besiegers, or rather had God not aided those whom
he wished, French bravery would have endured famine and other
suffering in vain.  Our men had besieged the city for eight months
and one day.  Then they were themselves besieged for three weeks by
an uncountable horde of pagans; after they finally defeated them, the
Christians remained there five months and eight days, until the
people were urged by their leaders again to take up the journey to
Jerusalem.

But because it seems to me that I shall not have another chance to
report what happened to the Pyrrus whom I mentioned earlier, I should
do it now.  Having received the sacraments, he accepted Christianity,
taking, as his baptismal name, Bohemund.  He helped us out at the
siege of Jerusalem, and, when it was captured, returned to Antioch.
There he sent out a messenger to announce that any Christian in the
city or in the vicinity of the city might come with him to a far-off
land, where he had considerable land, and he offered to make everyone
rich.  He inspired a large group of people with this hope, and he is
said to have led this deceived group off to what he called his own
land.  When he had reached his own encampments, he betrayed some of
the knights who had accompanied him by killing them, and he exiled
others.  Had word of the betrayal not reached the others, who were
lodged outside of the encampment because of their great numbers, and
who therefore managed to hide or to escape wretchedly, the freedom of
all of them would have perished by the sword or in slavery.  There
Pyrrus deserted Christianity and returned to the filth of his old
lechery and paganism.  Nor was this unfitting, for the name Pyrrus in
Greek is Rufus[187] in Latin, and the mark of treachery is branded on
red-haired people; he is shown by no means to have been deprived of
his lineage.

Towards the end of November, Count Raymond of Saint-Gilles moved his
army out of Antioch; after passing the cities of Rugia and Albara, on
the fourth day, which was the last day of November, he reached the
city of Marrah.[188]  A large group of Saracens, Turks, and Arabs had
come together in that city, and the count prepared to attack with all
his forces on the day after he arrived.  Bohemund and his army
quickly followed the count, and set up his camp next to him on a
Sunday.  The next day they attacked the walls so vigorously that
their ladders clung to the walls, and they stepped on the walls
themselves as they went up.  The inhabitants resisted with such
energy that nothing could be gained by our men that day.  Then the
count of Saint-Gilles, seeing that his men were toiling in vain,
ordered that a very tall, strong wooden fort be built, placed on four
wheels, with room at at the top for a large group of soldiers.  This
armed group then moved the war-machine with great force against the
walls of the city, near one of the towers.  In response, the
inhabitants quickly built a ballistic machine, with which they tried
to bombard our fort with huge stones, threatening to destroy both our
machine and men.  They also hurled Greek fire at the machine, trying
to set the scaffolding afire, but God thwarted their plan.  The
machine stood high over the city wall, and, in the midst of the clash,
the sound of trumpets ringing stirred the combatants.  Meanwhile,
some of our soldiers who were in the upper part of the machine,
including William of Montpellier and some others, were hurling huge
stones against those who were defending the walls.  As a result, many
shields were pierced, and the shields and their owners, both now
useless, fell from the wall.  Others, with iron hooks at the tips of
their spears, tried to hook the Saracen defenders on the walls, to
pull them off.  The battle went back and forth, and was hardly over
by evening.  In the rear, priests, clerics, and monks, dressed in
sacred attire, each according to his rank, earnestly prayed that God
intervene by reducing the strength of the pagans, and by increasing
the strength of those who fought for the true faith.  On the other
side of the siege machine, other knights were climbing ladders that
had been set in place, while the wildly energetic pagans tried to
push them off the walls.  A certain Goufier, impatient with their
resistance, was the first to climb the wall, together with a very
small group of men.  The inhabitants fiercely attacked these brave
men, with spears and arrows, and some of them became frightened at
this resistance, and jumped from the wall.  Those who remained stood
up to the enemies' missiles, spurning flight, returning blow for blow,
while those who remained below continued to mine the wall.  Soon the
inhabitants saw that they were doomed by the mining of the wall, and,
intent only on the safety of flight, climbed back down into the city.
This happened on a Sunday, while the sun was already setting in the
West, when December had reached its eleventh day.  Bohemund quickly
sent an interpreter to the Saracen leaders, offering to conduct them,
together with their own knights, children, and wives, and with all
the goods and supplies they could gather, to a palace near the gate
of the city, promising to protect their lives, and to defend their
people and possessions.  Having taken the city in this manner, they
took possession of everything they found in the caves and in the
homes.  When night had ended and daylight began to appear, a crowd of
our people raced through the city, killing every pagan they found.
No gate of the city, no matter how small, was without a pile of dead
Saracens, and the narrow streets were impassable, because pagan
bodies obstructed the public ways.  Bohemund himself attacked those
whom he had commanded to shut themselves up in the palace mentioned
before, and took what they had from them.  Some he killed, others he
ordered brought to Antioch and sold.  The Franks remained there for a
whole month and four days, and the people suffered from great hunger.
Some of our men, entirely without resources, finding nothing in
nearby areas to satisfy their needs, desecrated the bellies of dead
Saracens, daring to probe their internal organs, because they had
heard that pagans in serious danger would try to preserve their gold
and silver by eating them.  Others, they say, cut pieces of flesh
from the corpses, cooked them and ate them, but this was done rarely
and in secret, so that no one could be sure whether they actually did
this.

Meanwhile, Bohemund had not forgotten the quarrel that had taken
place between him and the count of Saint-Gilles, but returned angrily
to Antioch when the count refused to yield to him.  The count quickly
sent men to Duke Godfrey, to the count of Flanders, to the count of
Normandy, and to Bohemund, summoning them to a conference in Rugia (a
city I mentioned above).  They hurried to the meeting to arrange for
an agreement, so that the journey to Jerusalem might be delayed no
longer.  Angry and proud, Bohemund resisted reconciliation unless the
count agreed to what Bohemund wanted, granting him the part of
Antioch over which he had control.  The count, however, was adamant,
insisting that he had given his word to the emperor.  Therefore,
divided against each other by bitterness of mind, the man from
Saint-Gilles, Bohemund, and the duke returned to Antioch.  The count
of Saint-Gilles, however, placed his knights in charge of the palace
and castle that looked down upon the gate at the bridge, and went off
to Marrah, which he had recently captured.  However, the count was
not entirely unreasonable; considering that everyone would suffer
because of his obstinacy, which would delay the liberation of the
Tomb of the Lord, the noble man went barefooted out of Marrah on the
thirteenth of January, and reached Capharda,[189] where he stayed
three days.  There he was joined by the count of Normandy, who gave
up his resistance.

The king of Caesarea had often sent ambassadors to the count of
Saint-Gilles, to persuade him to enter into a pact with him,
promising that he would offer aid to the Christians everywhere in his
kingdom, permitting them to purchase food, clothing, horses, and
whatever else they needed.  Pleased with this offer, our men chose to
set up their tents near the city, where the Pharphar river flowed
near the city walls.  But the king of the city, not overjoyed at the
prospect of such an army so close to him, took the move badly, and
forbade them to purchase supplies unless they quickly moved further
away.  The next day he sent two of his people together with our own
men, to show them a passage of shallows across the river, and to lead
them to where they might capture some booty.  Our men were led to a
valley below the encampment, where they found many animals, and they
took about five thousand of them; they also found abundant wheat and
other supplies, so that God's cavalry was ready again for action.
The fort was also surrendered to the count, giving him a considerable
amount of gold as well as horses.  They also promised that they would
not harm our men.  After remaining there five days, our men left, and
reached another fort which was held by Arabs.  When they had set up
their tents, the leader of the town came out and made an agreement
with the count.  After hastily packing their tents, the Christians
moved on to a beautiful, prosperous town called Kephalia,[190]
situated in a valley.  When the inhabitants heard that the Franks
were coming, they fled from the city, leaving homes filled with food,
and gardens overflowing with produce; all that was in their minds was
to save their lives.  Our men left this city after three days; they
climbed tall, jaggedly rocky mountains, then descended into a valley
no less fertile than the valley in which Kephali was situated, where
they stayed for fifteen days, rejoicing in the abundance, and resting.
The Franks then found out that there was a nearby fort, to which
many pagans had come.  Our men quickly laid siege to it, and were
about to win the town, when the inhabitants offered a plentiful
supply of cattle to them, together with some flattering words,
tricking them into delaying the siege for a while.  The next morning,
our men moved their tents closer to the city, preparing to undertake
the siege.  When the pagans perceived what was happening, they fled
quickly, leaving the town deserted.  The Christian army entered, and
found plentiful supplies of grain, wine, wheat, oil, and other useful
items.  They celebrated the holiday of the Purification of the
Blessed Mary there, and received the delegates sent by the king of
the city of Camela, who promised to give the count horses, gold and
silver, and to do no harm to the Christians, but to show them
appropriate respect.  The king of Tripoli[191] asked the count if he
wished to enter into an agreement with him, in exchange for ten
horses, four mules, and a large amount of gold.  The count said that
he would not consider a peaceful settlement with him, unless the king
became Christian.  Then they left the fertile valley, which I
mentioned above, and reached a place well fortified by nature, high
on a rock, called Archas, on the thirteenth of February, on the
second day of the week.  They set up their tents near the fortress,
which was filled with an innumerable multitude of pagans, Turks,
Saracens, and Arabs, whose numbers increased the original strength of
the locations.  At this point, fourteen knights from the Christian
army fighting at Tripoli, which was near to this fortress, happened
to come along, for no other reason, I think, than to find food.  The
fourteen of them came upon nearly sixty Turks, who were accompanied
by others, leading more than fifteen hundred men and animals whom
they had captured.  Those who were carrying out the Lord's promise
that two would make ten thousand flee before them, and one would make
a thousand flee, called to their pious minds the sign of the cross
and, with the aid of God, attacked them with unbelievable bravery,
killing six men and capturing as many horses.  From the retinue of
the count of Saint-Gilles, Raymond, to whom we have given the
additional name of Pelet, who deserves to be mentioned often in this
little book, man remarkable for sternness as well as for eagerness in
battle, together with another man whose surname I do not know, who
performed the duties of a vicount,[192] sought out the city of
Tortosa.  At their first attack, which they launched with great
ferocity, they terrified the inhabitants.  Like a swarm of flies, a
remarkably large crowd of pagans flocked to the fort.  The following
night, our men set up their tents at one end of the city, and lit
many beacon fires, giving the impression that the entire Frankish
army was there.  Desperately afraid, the pagans judged that they
could not protect their lives with their shields, and decided that
the only way to escape death was to flee on foot.  During the night
they slipped away silently, leaving the city filled with wealthy
treasure, and empty of inhabitants.  Thus they piously fulfilled
Scripture, which says that, "Skin for skin, yea, all that a man hath
he will give for his life."[193]  This city, situated on the sea, has
a fine port in one of its suburbs.  The next day our men prepared to
attack the city in full strength, but when they assembled to fight,
they found that the city was empty.  After entering, they remained
there only until they set off to besiege the city of Archas, which I
mentioned above.  However, there was another city nearby, which was
called Maraclea.  He who was in charge of it, whom they called the
emir, immediately prepared to enter into an agreement, and soon
accepted our men and their banners in the city.

Meanwhile duke Godfrey, Bohemund and the count of Flanders had
reached Laodicia.[194]  But Bohemund, impatient at being separated
from his beloved Antioch, left his companions and returned to her.
With equal desire, the others set out to besiege a city called Gibel.
[195]  Rumor reached count Raymond of Saint-Gilles that a huge force
of pagans had assembled to wage war against him.  He quickly called
all the leaders of his army together, and asked them what should be
done.  The group replied that there was nothing to be done in these
circumstances, except to call for help from their companions on the
Lord's journey.  He accepted and quickly carried out this plan.  When
the leaders, that is duke Godfrey and Robert of Flanders, found out
that their companions were in trouble, they made an agreement with
the ruler of the city of Gibel, who gave them magnificent gifts of
horses and gold, and they gave up the siege of the city, and went off
to bring help to the count.  Their expectation of waging war was
disappointed, however, and they all decided to go back to the siege
of the fort at Archas.  They gave themselves to the project
energetically, and a short time later undertook an expedition against
the inhabitants of Tripoli, whom they found ready for battle, with an
army of Turks, Saracens, and Arabs lined up in front of the walls of
the city.  Our men attacked them vigorously and compelled them to
take refuge in flight.  The result was not merely a carnage of the
nobles of the city, but wholesale slaughter, to the point that the
waves of the river that ran through the city were died red with their
blood, and the sewers were stained with this foulness.  From that
point on a day of no commerce[196] arose in the minds of the pagans,
and the hearts of those who survived were so riddled with fear that
none of them, for any reason whatsover, dared to go beyond the walls
of the city.  On the next day, our men went beyond the valley of Sem,
an area which had been reached by those mentioned above on the third
day after the capture of Kephalia.  They found that it was rich in
supplies, and stayed there fifteen days.  They happily returned with
what they had found there: cows, asses, sheep, with many other kinds
of animals, including three thousand camels.  They continued to lay
siege to the fort of Archas for three months less one day, and
celebrated Easter there on April 10. While they were engaged in the
siege, the fleet which usually brought them provisions reached a
nearby port, bringing a large amount of grain, wine, meat, cheese,
barley, and oil, which provided the Lord's army with abundant
supplies.  Although they had to suffer no privation in this place, it
seems to me foolish to have undertaken for such a long time such a
useless task for such a trivial result.

After the death of the noble bishop of Puy, who had managed, by a
combination of love for his flock and discipline, to bind them
together in harmony and unity, arguments and rude, arrogant behavior
began to arise among the leaders; in particular, the middle and lower
ranks began to behave badly, so that one might have thought that the
Old Testament statement, "There was no longer a king in Israel, but
each man did what seemed right in his own eyes,"[197] was being
fulfilled.  The bishops and others who remained, after the death of
that glorious man who had been assigned the office of father and
leader, did not have the same concern for them, particularly because
they knew that that had not been granted the same powers that had
been given to the bishop of Puy.  Therefore, since they had no single
ruler, and every man thought himself the equal of every other man,
justice diminished among them, and the will of the mob often
prevailed.  Therefore it happened that, after the discovery of the
Lance, which the late bishop had accepted devoutly, a shameful and
faithless rumor began to circulate; some said that the discovery had
been staged, and that he had exhibited not the Lord's Lance, but
merely lance.  Many people from the lower ranks began to grumble, and,
by relentlessly lying, they corrupted those who had believed truly
and had venerated the lance.  They demanded proof of the discovery;
they asked that the discoverer be tested by divine judgment.  The man
was compelled to pledge his word to those who were in doubt; he was
compelled to offer what they forced from him, merely to deal with
their lack of faith.  Two pyres were constructed, in accordance with
his orders, scarcely a cubit apart; many of the people, avid for
novelty, heaped up a mass of kindling material, and when they had
crowded together on both sides of the fire, only a narrow path
remained between the flames.  He then delivered a pitiful prayer, as
was fitting, to merciful God, who is the Truth, without whose
permission he knew he could do nothing about the situation, and
walked briskly across the dark path of the flames, and then returned
by the same path.  A large crowd of western soldiers, in their
war-gear, was present at this spectacle, awaiting, with different
expectations, the outcome of this unusually daring undertaking.  When
he had returned, as I said, a huge crowd welcomed him as he came
forth from the flames, and when they saw that he had escaped from the
fire safe and sound, they snatched at his body and at his clothes, as
though they were relics, and in the tumult of tearing and pushing,
they killed him.  Having barely escaped from the flames with his life,
frightened by the danger from which he would not have escaped
without God's help, trapped by people clutching at him from all sides,
exhausted by the terror he had undergone, he could hardly have
avoided being suffocated.  When the man died, the common people,
unreliable and fickle in their judgement, were disturbed by an even
worse form of confusion, arguing about the outcome of the trial by
fire.  Some said that he had come out of the flames burned, others
that he had escaped unharmed, and they reproached those who had
killed him for no reason.  However, whatever popular opinion may have
been, we know that the glorious bishop embraced the sacred Lance with
veneration, to the point that, in accordance with his directions, the
body of the bishop was buried in the place where the Lance was found.
So much for this matter.

While our men were unsuccessfully engaged in the lengthy siege of the
citadel of Archas, set atop a high mountain, and the army had pitched
their tents in a distant valley, Anselm of Ribemont, a rich and
powerful lord, exceedingly generous and remarkably capable at leading
an army, saw how difficult the siege had become, and, without delay,
advised our men to use machines for launching stones.  They had
already begun to undermine a lofty tower, digging a long tunnel which
they shored up with planks and posts; they dug and scraped steadily
every day with great energy, and women and the wives of the nobles,
even on holidays, in flowing robes or tunics, carried off the
material that had been dug up.  When those inside the citadel
discovered what our men were trying to do, they put up great
resistance to those carrying out the digging, doing them great harm.
When he saw that undermining the tower could not be accomplished,
Anselm undertook the task of urging our men to use the ballistic
machines.  When the machines were set in place, and had fired many
stones at the tower, the besieged put in place similar machine at the
same spot.  After it had been set in place, the machine hurled
massive rocks down, doing great damage to the entire Frankish army;
Anselm himself was the first, or among the first, to be struck down.
He, who had always behaved faithfully and steadfastly as a member of
the Lord's army, had shown other signs of his wisdom and strong faith;
one particular example, which is most pleasing to men of letters, is
brilliantly evident in the set of two letters he composed to Manassas,
the archbishop of Rheims, a man of pious memory, who died about two
years ago,[198] in which Anselm related everything which our men did
at the siege of Nicea, how they traveled through Romania and Armenia,
how they attacked, captured, and defended what they had captured at
Antioch, and how at the same time they had fought against the king of
Aleppo, against the king of Damascus, and against the king of
Jerusalem, whom he called the adulterer.  As testimony of his devoted
love towards the noble martyr, on the day of the anniversary of the
passion of the blessed Quintinus,[199] he held a celebration,
surrounded by a crowd of clergy whom he had assembled to honor the
saint, and he offered a fine ceremony for the celebrants.  On the
same day Anselm himself, together with many others, underwent joyous
martyrdom, earning the kingdom of heaven as their reward for a holy
death.



BOOK SEVEN

That the Eastern Church was restored by the labor of the Western
faithful offers no small stimulus for our faith.  We see the most
pious battles fought solely for God, an army burning with a passion
for martyrdom, without a king, without a prince, driven only by a
dedication to their own salvation.  We read of how the Gauls went off
into the distant East, eager for battle, and they searched the secret
places of Delphic Apollo, and we know that the treasures taken from
the sacred shrines were thrown into the swamps of Toulouse.  We know
that all these troops were summoned together by the princes in those
days; we have heard that, in this instance, not a single man was
compelled against his will, by any master, to go on the journey.
Here, weeping, confessing their sins, abandoning their possessions,
spurning their wives and fleeing from their children, they took up
arms.  Foremost in the minds of all of them was the desire for a
blessed death, for the love of God.  Here, I say, I wish to weigh
God's wonders: He who once strengthened the minds of the martyrs to
undergo torture out of a love for invisible things, again in our own
times, in an entirely unexpected way, which would have been
considered absurd had anyone said it, placed in the hearts of our men
such contempt for the things of this world, even in the hearts of the
most bloodthirsty and greedy men.  He accomplished so much with so
few men, that one must refrain from praising those who did it, since
it is clearly God who was responsible.  This is clearly demonstrated
by the fact that men who have won many victories often grow insolent,
and princes rise up against each other, or they become stained with
sin, and the Gentiles find them reduced, I might say, almost to the
level of animals.  However, if they were to grow aware of themselves,
and were motivated by penitence, they would immediately be restored
to their proper fortunes and pious successes.  Let us rejoice then in
the battles they won, undertaken purely out of spiritual desire,
granted by divine power, which had never before appeared, but was
made manifest in modern times; and let us not admire the fleshly wars
of Israel, which were waged merely to fill the belly.

The king of Tripoli ceaselessly petitioned our princes to remove
themselves from the town, and make an alliance with him.  In response,
the leaders of the army, that is, Duke Godfrey, Raymond the Count of
Saint-Gilles, Robert, Count of Flanders and Robert, Count of Normandy,
took into account the fact that the land was abundant with new
produce, that beans, sowed earlier, ripened by the middle of March,
and that barley could be harvested before the middle of April, and
they also considered the general condition of the land, and the great
quantities of supplies, and they decided to resume the journey to
Jerusalem.  They abandoned the siege of the town and reached Tripoli
on the sixth day of the week, on May 13, and they remained there
three days.  The king of Tripoli made an agreement with our leaders,
and immediately freed more than 300 captives whom he held in chains.
At their departure, as a sign of his gratitude, he gave them 15,000
besants, as well as fifteen costly horses.  In addition, he gave our
men a very good price on horses, donkeys, and other goods that would
prove useful for the army, as a result of which the Lord's expedition
was now fully restored to fighting condition.  After this agreement
had been made, he also added that if the Crusaders won the war which
he had been told they were preparing strenuously to wage against the
emperor of Babylon, and if they captured Jerusalem, then he would
immediately convert to Christianity and hand himself and his land
over to them.  When they left this city, on the second day of May,
they traveled over rough, narrow road all day and all night, and they
finally reached a fort named Betholon.[200]  Then they traveled on to
a city located on the sea, called Zabari,[201] at whose river, called
the Braim,[202] they quickly and opportunely relieved the great
thirst from which they had been suffering.  On the evening of the
Ascension of the Lord they ascended a mountain along a very narrow
road, in great fear that the narrowness of the path might prevent
them from evading any enemies they might meet at the end of the road.
But God's providence prevented anyone from daring to attack them.
Our soldiers formed a vanguard that kept the road free from hostile
attack.  At length they reached a city by the sea, which was called
Baruth; then they went on to Sarepta,[203] once inhabited by the
Sidonians, and made famous by Elijah's feeding of the widow;[204]
from there they went to Sur,[205] and then to Acre, once the capital
of Palestine.  Continuing on, they came to a castle called Caiphas,
finally reaching the renowned Caesarea of Palestine, where they
remained for three days after the end of May, celebrating Pentecost.
Then they went on to Ramathan,[206] famed as the birthplace of Samuel,
which some wiser men, more knowledgeable about topography, claim to
be Ramothgalaad, in the struggle for which the wicked Ahab was
defeated by Benadab, the king of the Syrians.[207]  When they heard
that the Franks were coming, the inhabitants fled.  This city, even
if it were not notable for any ancient monuments, would still seem to
me to overshadow all other cities because of the presence of the
brilliant martyr George, whose tomb they claim is there.  After the
inhabitants left, a large supply of every kind of food was found
there, which offered, for many days, ample provisions for our army.
The leaders, after consulting with and obtaining the approval of the
clerics and bishops were were able to be present, decided to choose a
bishop for this city.  They tithed themselves, enriching him with
gold and silver; they also supplied him with horses and other animals,
so that he and his household might live without the pain of
indigence, and in accordance with his rank.  Amid general rejoicing,
the bishop[208] settled in the city which had been entrusted to him,
to guard the people, to build cathedral as soon as possible, and to
install officials who would look after the church, ready to obey the
leaders who had vehemently sought this out of love and worship of the
martyr.

Finally they reached the place which had provoked so many hardships
for them, which had brought upon them so much thirst and hunger for
such a long time, which had stripped them, kept them sleepless, cold,
and ceaselessly frightened, the most intensely pleasurable place,
which had been the goal of the wretchedness they had undergone, and
which had lured them to seek death and wounds.  To this place, I say,
desired by so many thousands of thousands, which they had greeted
with such sadness and jubilation, they finally came, to Jerusalem.
As one reads that the sojourners ate and worshiped the Body of the
Lord,[209] so it may be said of these men that they adored Jerusalem
and took it by storm.  Tuesday, the sixth of June, the siege was
begun with remarkable energy, by a remarkable combination of forces.
From the north, Count Robert of Normandy laid siege to it, near the
church of the blessed Saint Stephen, who, because he said that he had
seen the Son of man standing at the right hand of God, was covered
with a rain of stones by the Jews.  From the west, Duke Godfrey, the
count of Flanders, and Tancred attacked.  From the south, the count
of Saint-Gilles laid siege, on the mount of Zion, near the church of
the blessed Mary, mother of God, where the Lord is said to have sat
at dinner with his disciples, the day before his Passion.  On the
third day after they had arrived at the city, Raymond, whose deeds on
the Lord's expedition were well known, this man, I say, whom they
called Pelet, together with another man who had the same name, and
several others, marched some distance from the place of siege, to see
if he could find any of the enemy wandering into our ambushes, as
they often did.  Suddenly a band of nearly 200 Arabs fell upon them;
as soon as Raymond saw them, he attacked as fiercely as a lion, and,
in spite of their boldness, with the aid of God, they were subdued.
After killing many of them, and capturing thirty horses, they brought
the victory back to the army, which took pleasure in their glorious
deed.  At dawn, on the second day of the next week, the outer,
smaller wall of the city was attacked with such force and with such
teamwork that both the city and its outskirts would have immediately
fallen to the Franks, if they had not lacked ladders.  After the
outer wall was broken, and a broad passage opened through its rubble,
the ladder they did have was extended towards the battlements of the
main wall.  Some of our knights climbed it quickly and began to fight
at long range.  And when the arrows ran out, they fought with lances
and swords; both the defenders of the city and the besiegers battled
hand-to-hand with steel.  Many of our men fell, but more of their men.

One should know that while Antioch was under siege, Jerusalem was
held by the Turks, under the authority of the king of Persia.
Moreover, the emperor of Babylon, as I mentioned previously, had sent
ambassadors to our army, for the sole purpose of determining the
condition of our enterprise.  When they saw the terrible need that
afflicted the Christian army, and when they discovered that the
nobles had become foot-soldiers because of a lack of horses, they
considered us valueless in a struggle against the Turks, whom they
hated intensely.  The king of Persia had taken great part of the
Babylonian empire, which was very large, for his people were wiser
and more energetic in military matters.  When the Babylonian prince
heard, however, that the Franks--that is, God working through the
Franks--had taken Antioch, and had defeated Kherboga himself,
together with the pride of Persia, before the walls of Antioch, he
quickly gathered his courage, bore arms against the Turks, and laid
siege to them in Jerusalem, which they occupied.  Then, I don't know
whether by force or by some agreement, they entered the town, and
placed many Turks, whether to guard it or to take charge of it I
don't know, in the tower bearing the name of David, which we think
more correctly should be called the tower of Zion.  In any case,
during the siege they harmed none of us, merely watching peacefully
over their assigned tower.  As a result, our men fought only with the
Saracens.

They were unable to buy bread during the siege, and for nearly ten
days food was difficult to find anywhere, until God brought help, and
our fleet reached the port of Jaffa.  In addition, the army also
suffered from thirst, and they not only were worn out by this great
discomfort, but they had to drive their horses and pack animals a
great distance, six miles, to find water, all the while fearful that
the enemy might attack them.  The fountain of Siloah, famous for
having cured the blind man in the Gospel,[210] which rises from
springs on mount Zion, supplied them with water, which was sold to
them at the highest prices.  After messengers had announced that the
fleet had arrived at Jaffa, the leaders held a meeting and decided to
send a group of knights to the harbor to guard the ships and the men
in them.  Early in the morning, at the crack of dawn, Raymond, of
whom we have spoken often, together with two other nobles, took 100
knights from the army of his lord, the count of Saint-Gilles, and set
out for the port, with his customary decisiveness.  Thirty of the
knights separated from the main group and came upon approximately 700
Turks, Arabs, and Saracens, whom the king of Babylon had sent to
watch our comings and goings.  Although greatly outnumbered, our men
forcefully attacked their troops, but the strength and ferocity of
the enemy was so great that we were threatened on all sides with
imminent death.  They killed one of the two leaders, whose name was
Achard, as well as some of the most respected among the poor and the
foot-soldiers.  As they were surrounding our men, pressing them with
arms on all sides, so that they were about to despair utterly, one
man came to the above-mentioned Raymond and told him of the plight of
his peers.  "Why do you and your men remain here?  See how your men,
who recently separated from you, are now fiercely surrounded by an
swarm of Saracens and Arabs.  Unless you bring them help very quickly,
you will undoubtedly soon find them dead, if they have not already
perished.  Therefore fly, hurry, I say, so that you may not be too
late."  Together with all of his nobles, Raymond quickly set off to
look at the place where the fighting was going on.  In preparing for
combat he placed his faith not in arms, not in strength, but in faith
in the Saviour.  When the Gentile troops saw the Christian army, they
swiftly broke up into two groups.  Calling upon the Most High for
support, our men attacked with such force that each man knocked the
opponent charging at him to the ground.  Judging themselves unable to
withstand the onslaught of the Christians, the pagans stopped, and,
driven by fear, fled swiftly.  Our men followed them quickly,
pursuing them for four miles.  After having killed many of them, they
brought back 103 horses as trophies of victory.  They refrained from
killing only one man, whom they brought back with them, and from whom
they learned everything that was going on among their enemies,
including what the prince of Babylon was planning against us.

Meanwhile the army was suffering from a terrible thirst, which
compelled them to sew together the hides of cattle and oxen, in which
they carried water from six miles away.  They used the water carried
in such bags, which were putrid with recent sweat, and multiplied the
great suffering caused by hunger, to make barley bread for the army.
How many jaws and throats of noble men were eaten away by the
roughness of this bread.  How terribly were their fine stomachs
revolted by the bitterness of the putrid liquid.  Good God, we think
that they must have suffered so, these men who remembered their high
social position in their native land, where they had been accustomed
to great ease and pleasure, and now could find no hope or solace in
any external comfort, as they burned in the terrible heat.[211]  Here
is what I and I alone think: never had so many noble men exposed
their own bodies to so much suffering for a purely spiritual benefit.
Although the hearts of the pilgrims burned for the dear, distant
pledges of their affections, for their sweet wives and for the
dignity of their possessions, nevertheless they remained steadfastly
in place there, and did not cease to pursue the battle for Christ.

The Saracens were always waiting in ambush around the springs and
rivers, eager to kill our men wherever they found them, strip their
bodies, and, if they happened to gain booty and horses, to hide them
in caves and caverns.  Terrible hunger and thirst raged through the
army surrounding the city, and the very great rage of the enemy
prowling here and there thundered against them as well.  But the
leaders of the sacred army, seeing that so many men of such different
capacities could scarcely endure such pain any longer, urged the use
of machines by means of which the city might be made more vulnerable,
so that, after all they had gone through, they might finally stand
before the monuments of the passion and burial of the Saviour.  In
addition to the many other instruments, like battering rams with
which they might tear down the walls, or catapults to topple the
towers and walls, they ordered two wooden castles to be built, which
we usually call "falas."  Duke Godfrey was the first to build his
castle, together with other machines; and Raymond, Count of
Saint-Gilles, who permitted himself to be second to no one, also
built his own.  When they saw the machines being built, the castles
being constructed, the missile launchers and equipment being moving
up to the towers, the Saracens began, with unusual speed, to extend
and to repair their walls and towers.  Working all night long, they
surprised our men by the speed with which they accomplished things.
Moreoever, the wood from which our men had built the castles and
other machines was brought from a distant region.  When the leaders
of the army of the Lord perceived which side of the city was most
vulnerable, on a certain Sunday night they brought the castle,
together with some other machines, to that place.  At dawn they set
up the machines on the eastern side, and on Monday, Tuesday, and
Wednesday they established them firmly in place.  The count of
Saint-Gilles, however, set up his machine on the southern side.  As
they burned with eagerness for the siege, their hearts were burning
with intolerable thirst, and a silver coin could not purchase enough
water to quench a man's thirst.  Finally, on the fourth and fifth day,
gathering all their forces, they started to attack the walled city.
But before the attack took place, the bishops and priests directed
the people who were their subjects to sing litanies, and to undertake
fasts, to pray, and to give alms.  The bishops remembered what had
once happened at Jericho, that the walls of the perfidious city had
fallen when the Israelites' trumpets sounded, and they marched seven
times around the city, carrying the sacred ark, and the walls of the
faithless city fell down.[212]  They too circled Jerusalem in their
bare feet, their spirits and bodies contrite, as they tearfully cried
out the names of the saints.  Both the leaders and the people came
together in this time of necessity, to implore divine assistance.
When this was accomplished with great humility, on the sixth day of
the week, after they had attacked the city with great forcefulness,
and their common effort had proved to be of no avail, such a great
torpor fell upon the whole army that their strength vanished, and the
steady misfortunes undermined the determination of the most
courageous men.  As God is my witness, I have heard, from men
renowned for their truthfulness, who were present in the divine army,
that after their unsuccessful assault upon the walls of the city, you
would have seen the best of the knights who had returned from the
walls striking their hands, shouting angrily, lamenting that God had
deserted them.  And I also learned, from sources no less reliable,
that Robert, count of Normandy, and the other Robert, prince of
Flanders, met and shared their mutual grief, weeping copiously, and
declaring themselves the most wretched of men, since the Lord Jesus
had judged them unworthy of worshipping His Cross, and of seeing, or
rather of adoring His tomb.  But as the hour drew near at which Jesus,
who for the second time delivered the people from the prison of
Egypt, is believed to have ascended the Cross, duke Godfrey and his
brother, count Eustace, who had not stopped battling from their
castle, steadily struck the lower walls with battering rams, while at
the same time attacking the Saracens, who were fighting to protect
their lives and country, with stones, with various other kinds of
missiles, and even with the points of their swords,

Meanwhile, Lietaud, one of the knights, who will be known for
generations to come for his daring and for his deeds, was the first
to leap onto the walls of the city, startling the Gentiles who
surrounded him, and robbing them of their confidence When he had
mounted the wall, several of the young Franks whose pious boldness
had made them preeminent rushed forward, unwilling to seem inferior
to him who had preceded them, and they climbed to the top of the wall.
I would insert their names on this page, were I not aware of the
fact that, after they returned, they became infamous for criminal
acts; therefore, according to the judgment of men who love the name
of God, my silence is not unjust.  Very soon, when the Saracens saw
the Franks breaching the walls, they quickly fled over the walls and
through the city.  While they were retreating, our entire army rushed
in, some through the breaches made by the battering rams, others by
jumping from the tops of their machines.  Their struggle to enter
resulted in harmful speed; with each man wanting to be perceived as
the first, they got in each other's way.  Moreover, near the entrance
to the gates to the city, the Saracens had built secret covered pits,
which injured many of our men, not to speak of the difficulties
caused by the narrowness of the entrance as our men rushed in.  The
Franks chased the fleeing pagans fiercely, killing everyone they came
upon, more in slaughter than in battle, through the streets, squares,
and crossroads, until they reached what was called the Temple of
Solomon.  So much human blood flowed that a wave of damp gore almost
covered the ankles of the advancing men.  That was the nature of
their success that day.

Raymond, the Count of Saint-Gilles, moved his army from the southern
flank and had a very large machine on wheels brought to the wall, but
between the machine, which was called the Castle, and the wall, was a
very deep pit.  The princes soon conferred about how to accomplish
the breaching of the wall quickly, and ordered a messenger to
announce throughout the army that anyone who carried three stones
into the ditch would certainly receive a penny.  In the space of
scarcely three days the moat was filled in, since night did not
prevent them from carrying out their project.  When the moat had been
filled in by this means, they pushed the machine against the walls.
However, those who had taken on the defense of the inner city
resisted us, not out of bravery I say, but out of obstinate madness,
hurling what they call Greek fire at our men, and damaging the wheels
of the machine with stones.  The Franks, however, with remarkable
skill, often managed to evade their blows and efforts.  Meanwhile, at
the eastern side of the city, the tumult of battle alone made the
aforementioned count think that the Franks had broken into the city,
and were racing though it, spreading death.  "Why," he said to his
men, "do we delay?  Don't you see that the Franks have taken the city,
and are now triumphantly seizing great booty?"  The count, together
with his men, then swiftly invaded the city.  When he learned that
some of the Franks had spread through the city's palaces, some into
the Temple of the Lord, and that many were fighting at the altars of
the Temple of Solomon, as it was formerly called, in order to retain
power in the captured city he spoke with the emir (as they called
him) in charge of the tower of David, which was called Zion,
demanding that he hand over the tower with which he had been
entrusted.  Thus the satrap, after a pact had been agreed upon
between them, opened for him the gate through which the pilgrims used
to pass when they entered Jerusalem, and where they were cruelly and
unfairly compelled to pay tribute, which was called *musellae*.
When the Provencals, that is, the army of the Count of Saint-Gilles,
and all the others had entered the city, a general slaughter of the
pagans took place.  No one was spared because of tender years, beauty,
dignity, or strength: one inescapable death awaited them all.  Those
who had retreated to the Temple of Solomon continued to battle
against us throughout the day, but our men, enraged at the feeble
arrogance of these desperate men, attacked them with united force,
and by means of their combined efforts penetrated to the depths of
the temple, where they inflicted such slaughter on the wretches
within the temple that the blood of the innumerable crowd of those
who were killed nearly submerged their boots.  An innumerable crowd,
of mingled sexes and ages, had poured into this Temple; the Franks
granted some of them a few moments of life, so that they might remove
from the Temple the bodies of the fallen, of whom a foul pile lay
scattered here and there.  After they had removed the bodies, they
were themselves put to the sword.  Those who had climbed to the top
of the Temple, a large crowd of the common people, received the
standards of Tancred and Gaston as a sign that peace had been granted
to them in the meantime.  However, whether Gaston, a famous and very
wealthy man, was a Gascon or a Basque, I don't exactly remember, but
I am certain that he was one or the other.[213]  The army then ran
amok, and the entire city was looted.  Palaces and other buildings
lay open, and silver, gold, and silken garments were seized as booty.
They found many horses and mules, and in the houses they found great
abundance of every kind of food.  This was right and proper for the
army of God, that the finest things that offered themselves to each
man, no matter how poor, became his by right, without doubt or
challenge, no matter the social class of the man who first came upon
them.  And then, putting these things aside, they ran, equally joyful
and sad, towards that which they had thirsted for so fervently.

They approached the sepulchre of the Lord and thanked Him for what
they had sought, the liberation of the Blessed Places; He had
performed such great deeds with them as his instruments, that neither
those who had performed them nor any other men could properly
evaluate these great deeds.  They kept in mind how much anguish they
had endured to achieve this, and how they had accomplished what they
could not have hoped for, and when they considered that they
themselves had done deeds which had been unknown for centuries, no
man could understand how blessed were the tears which they poured
forth.  Omnipotent God, what deep emotion, what joy, what grief they
felt, after unheard-of sufferings, never experienced by any army,
like the tortures of child-birth, when, like new-born children, they
saw that they had attained the fresh joys of the long-desired vision.
Therefore they were sad, and after they had joyfully wept tears
sweeter than any bread, they rejoiced, and with overflowing emotions
they embraced the most pious Jesus, the cause of their excruciating
daily labors, as though he had been hanging on the cross, or had been
held until that moment in the shelter of the tomb from time
immemorial.  Magnificent gifts of gold and silver were offered there,
but sincere devotion was more valuable than any gift.

At last the next day shone forth, and the Franks, sorry that they had
permitted those who had climbed to the top of the Temple (to whom
Tancred and Gaston had given their own standards, as we said earlier)
to remain alive, invaded the heights of the temple and cut the
Saracens to pieces, killing the women together with the men.  Some of
them, preferring suicide, threw themselves from the top of the Temple.
Tancred, however, because he and Gaston had given their pledges of
security, was much disturbed by this killing.  Then our men ordered
some of the Saracens to carry off the dead, because the foul stench
of the bodies was oppressive, and the city was filled with so many
corpses that the Franks were unable to move without stepping on dead
bodies.  Therefore the pagans, when they had carried the bodies from
the city, in front of the main gates piled up mountains of corpses,
and burned them in a huge pile.  We merely read about, and have never
seen such a killing of Gentiles anywhere; God repaid them who had
inflicted such pain and death upon the pilgrims--who had suffered for
such a long time in that land--by exacting a retribution equal to
their hideous crimes.  For no one except God himself can calculate
how much suffering, how many labors, how much destruction all of
those who sought the Holy Places endured at the hands of the arrogant
Gentiles.  God certainly must have grieved more over their suffering
than over the delivery of his Cross and Tomb into profane hands.  But
before we turn our stylus to other matters, it should be made clear
that the Temple of Solomon, to which we referred earlier, is not the
structure which Solomon himself built, which the Lord had predicted
would not continue to stand, "one stone upon another," and which was
destroyed, but an imitation of it, built by I don't know whom, as
tribute to the noble ancient House.  It certainly was a place of very
great beauty, built out of gold and silver, of immeasurable price,
and of incredible variety, with walls and gates plated with layers of
precious metals.  Count Raymond then had the prefect who had been in
charge of the citadel, to whom he had sent his banners, brought out
of the citadel that night, together with his entire retinue, and
given safe conduct to Ascalon.

Then, when the holy places had been liberated, the entire Christian
army was ordered to give alms and offerings, so that their souls
might be properly receptive to the divine grace that they needed to
choose the man who would rule the holy city as its king.  On the
eighth day after the taking of the city, they made an offer to the
count of Saint-Gilles, because of his excellence, but he, although
mindful of his high position, refused to take on such an onerous task,
for good reason (he was an old man, who had only one eye, but was
famous for his remarkable feats of arms and for his energy).  Finally,
they approached duke Godfrey, and, at the urgent insistence of
everyone, the labor rather than the honor of this task was imposed
upon him, for he would have to battle unremittingly against the great
strength of the Gentiles, and to show good will towards the
neighboring Christians.  Slender, relatively tall, eloquent, and
even-tempered, he had made himself known for his strength in battle
on the Lord's expedition.  According to reliable, accurate testimony,
the following story is told about a remarkable deed he did, when he
met at Antioch, on the bridge over the Pharphar, a Turk, wearing no
cuirass, but riding a horse.  Godfrey struck his guts so forcefully
with his sword that the trunk of his body fell to the earth, while
the legs remained seated as the horse moved on.  The men of
Lotharingia customarily had remarkable long as well as sharp swords.

We think that another of his deeds, no less glorious, and worthy to
be told, should be included.  They had taken Nicea, and since things
had gone well at Nicea, they hurried off to besiege Antioch; on the
way, from time to time, when the chance to relax their usual caution
occurred, they hunted beasts in the nearby forests (the fields in
this region were not as tall and thick as in our country).  On one
occasion, a bear of enormous size came out of the bushes; when the
army caught sight of him, they set out in pursuit.  Frightened by the
shouting crowd, the bear immediately sought out the woods from which
it had emerged.  While many men were surrounding it, one wretch
happened to reach the beast's lair.  Leaping forward, the bear
attacked the rash man, pinned him in his arms, and with his teeth
swiftly seized the leg of the man lying there.[214]

Then the Duke, separated from his men, went to help him; when the
wretched man, weeping with pain and fear, saw him, he called upon the
man's noble nature, and urged him to help him.  Nor did the Duke,
whose nature consisted almost entirely of virtue, delay helping him,
but he swiftly drew his sword from its scabbard and forcefully struck
the head of the beast.  More annoyed than wounded, because of the
hardness of its bones, the beast attacked the Duke, removing its
teeth from the leg of the unfortunate man whom he had first attacked
so fiercely.  The man quickly departed, without troubling himself
about the Duke's difficulty, but saving himself, leaving the man and
the beast to resolve their conflict between them.  The beast, angry
at the blow he had received, leapt up, seized the Duke with his claws,
threw him down, and pinned him under his terrible limbs.  With his
raging mouth he bit the Duke's leg,[215] but the noble-minded man
remained steadfast in spite of his fall, and tightly held onto the
sword he had drawn.[216]

As he lay there, and the beast continued to gnaw at the hip he had
seized, the Duke, fully aware of his predicament, placed his sword
between the head and arm of the beast, gathered all of his strength,
and drove the point of the blade into the depths of the beast's body.
When he felt the metal gliding through his viscera, the beast
finally relaxed the jaws that had sunk into the Duke's flesh.  When
the Duke saw that he had been released from the beast's mouth, and
noticed that the beast was not moving from its place, he pushed with
both feet, but in the act of pushing he received an almost mortal
wound in his leg from the sword that was stuck in the breast of the
beast above him.  He fell down in worse shape than when he had been
held by the beast, and now, weakened from loss of blood, after some
time he was found by his men.  The Duke was now sorry, although too
late, for having gone out by himself, since this adventure was costly
for his own warriors, and for the entire sacred army.  Until the
siege of Antioch was over, he had to be carried on a litter, and
since he could not look after himself or others, he quickly lost
almost 15,000 men of those who had belonged to him, but who abandoned
him when he became disabled.

Since we have dealt with the bear, we would also like to mention a
deed performed by his brother Baldwin, who is now still the ruler of
Jerusalem, since no other more fitting place for the story may occur.
He suffered a similarly severe wound in battle, in the course of
saving one of his foot-soldiers, who had supported him bravely.
Foresight led the doctor whom he summoned to resist covering the
wound with medicinal poultices, because he knew that the wound was
very deep, and while the skin could be made smooth, the wound would
fester deep within his body.  He proposed to conduct a remarkable
experiment.  He asked the king to order one of the Saracens whom they
held prisoner to be wounded in the same place and in the same manner
that Baldwin himself had been (for it was forbidden for him to ask
for Christian), and to have him killed thereafter, so that he might
look more freely into the corpse, and determine from this inspection
something about the king's own internal wounds.  The prince's piety
recoiled in horror at this suggestion, and he recalled the example of
ancient Constantine, declaring that he would not be the cause of the
death of any man, no matter how insignificant, for such insignificant
salvation, when it is ever doubtful.  The doctor then said to him,
"If you have decided that no man's life can be spent for your own
well-being, then at least give the order to bring forward a bear, an
animal useless except for show, and have it hung up by its front paws,
then struck with an iron blade, so that I may then examine his
entrails, and I shall be able to measure how far it went in, and
thereby determine the depth of your own wound."  The king answered
him, "The beast will be brought immediately, since it is necessary:
consider it a done deed."  When the doctor had finished his
experiment at the animal's expense, he found, as we mentioned above,
that harm would come to the king if the wound were quickly covered,
unless the pus was removed and the interior part of the wound would
heal.  To have said these things about the piety of the kings is
sufficient; they would have been deservedly famous had the choice of
a bishop, and the bishopric itself, not been defective.

Up to this point the careful Muse has proceeded through brambles,
along a narrow path.  A cloud obscures the traveller's path, and the
dawning of the late star scarcely grows warm.  Let the plague of
blood have run only thus far; let there be no further time for
slaughter and hunger.  If Fortune has sometimes smiled on our efforts,
the rapacious air of destruction has soon followed.  When the walls
of Nicea fell, and the city of Antioch was captured, what good was
produced?  The good that resulted from the sufferings, for each holy
martyr, when death was conquered.  For if grievous things had to be
suffered, bearing poverty and death at the same time, the grief
brought about future joys.  I shall use the voice of the writer of
the Psalms, "I was glad when they said to me, let us go into the
house of the Lord;"[217] our feet shall tread the halls of Solyme,
walking there joyfully.  Franks, take these rewards of labor; do not
grieve for the unhappiness you have endured.  Take pleasure in the
sight of the Sepulchre you had long hoped for, and in the restoration
of the tear-stained Cross, and all suffering will leave your hearts.
This city, often made the spoil of kings, was given over to utter
ruin.  O city made blessed by this capture, from now on you should
rule, drawing to you Christian kingdoms.  You will see the glories of
the earth come here, to show filial gratitude to you.  Not Ezra nor
Judas Machabee did as much, after your sufferings; Hadrian, whence
Elia gets its name, was not able, in reviving you, to give so much.
This world fights for you and yours; concern for you involves almost
the entire age.  Once Judea, when it was at its strongest, could
match this glory.  Why are knights sung of in battle?  I ask that you
be the ruin of Persia and not of yourself.  Attack the prince of
Babylon, and whatever stands in the way of Jerusalem, so that good
men may visit the Cross of Jesus, bowing their pious heads at the
Tomb.  I shall cry out that our times have learned what no future
annals will teach.[218]

While temporal activities, which are thought to be the concern of the
royal administration, were being taken care of, internal
ecclesiastical concerns were not to be neglected, and as soon as a
king was set up, they dealt with replacing the patriarch.  At that
time there was a cleric, of what rank I am not sure, named Arnulf.
He had some skill at logic, significant knowledge of grammatical
learning, and for some time had taught, in the subject mentioned
above, the daughter of the king of England, a nun.  The count of the
Normans, through his sister, had promised him as much as a bishop's
honors, if any of his bishops happened to die.  Meanwhile, when the
journey to Jerusalem was proposed, the bishop of Bayeux, whose name
was Odo, and who was very wealthy, vowed to undertake the journey.
Since he was the brother of William the elder, king of England, and,
in addition to the office of bishop, among the English he held the
county of Kent, with the expectation of great wealth, he seemed ready
to dare new enterprises, to the extent of plotting to take over the
kingdom from his brother.  When the king found out about his
intentions, he put him in prison, where he remained until the day the
king died.  At this time the bishop regained his freedom and office,
and, as I said earlier, when the pilgrimage was proclaimed, Odo,
accompanied by a large retinue and immense resources, set out on the
journey.  Arnulf enrolled himself in his retinue, and when death
overtook this bishop, within the borders of Romania if I am not
mistaken, Odo bequeathed, out of the fortune which he left behind, a
legacy to him, which consisted of almost all of his most precious
possessions.  Since he possessed a considerable amount of literary
knowledge, as well as native eloquence, and his increased wealth made
him more well known, he began to drive our men on with many speeches,
and to increase his fame in this way.  The fact that learned men were
in short supply made him even more illustrious, and since a man's
voice is of more concern than the life he has led, he was called to
the patriarchy of Jerusalem.  For some time, then, he presented
himself as the bishop, though in name only; he fulfilled his new
office by sermonizing.  Finally, after a short time, when news of his
election reached the Apostlic See, after the death of the bishop of
Puy, Pope Paschal decreed that Daimbert, the archbishop of Pisa,
should administer pastoral care to the Lord's army.  After Jerusalem
had been captured and the king had taken office, Daimbert arrived
with a large fleet; short while later he examined the process by
which Arnulf had been chosen, and decided that, in accordance with
canon law, it should be challenged.  After a thorough investigation
of the man's origin, he was found to be the son of a priest and
therefore one who should not only be barred from sacred office, but,
according to a decision by the council of Toledo, he should be
ordered to become an eternal slave of that church whose dignity had
been affronted by his engendering.  When he had been deposed, then,
in spite of his strenuous efforts to defend himself, the leaders
wanted to mitigate the shame that he felt at being rejected, and so
they asked him whom they should choose.  In accordance with his
depraved nature, which envied both his peers and juniors, he said,
"Choose the Pisan himself, who is carrying out his assignment."  The
leaders agreed with his words, seized the archbishop in the church
where he was sitting, almost without asking his consent, and escorted
him themselves to the cathedral to take up the see.  A short time
later, after the death of the glorious king Godfrey, during the reign
of his brother Baldwin, who had previously ruled over Edessa, they
accused Daimbert of treason.  Convicted of the crime, he who had
resigned his metropolitan see was deprived of the office of patriarch.
When another election was held to determine who would be bishop,
Arnulf shrewdly nominated one of his peers, whom he knew to be
submissive, a simple, illiterate man, named Ebremar, who would offer
no resistance to Arnold's power.  He, however, behaved in a religious
fashion, and I think that he did not carry out Arnulf's wishes in
every way.  As result, he soon was accused at the Apostolic See, but
the accusation failed miserably.  As a result, Arnulf, together with
those who had been his accomplices in the accusation against Ebremar,
incurred the wrath of the king, who deprived him of the guardianship
of the Sepulchre, and drove him from the city.  Reinstated by the
leaders of the Apostolic See, the bishop returned to Jerusalem, to
the great shame of his persecutors.  This is quite enough to have
said about the election and deposition of that would-be patriarch.
The election, which was null and void in the minds of all
right-thinking men, took place on the day of the festival of
Saint-Peter-in-chains, but since he had no help from a pious life, it
dissolved.  The city was captured by the Franks on the fifteenth day
of July, on the sixth day of the week, almost at the hour when Christ
was put on the cross.

A short time later, only a few days in fact, ambassadors[219] arrived
from the city of Naplouse,[220] which, unless I am mistaken, in
ancient times was called Emmaus.  They invited Tancred and count
Eustachius, the brother of the duke who was now king, both of whom
were brave, noteworthy men, to set out for the above mentioned city,
bringing with them a large army, to take control of it.  They set out,
bringing many men with them, including great number of foot-soldiers,
and reached the outskirts of the city.  The residents of the town,
of their own free will, then opened the fortifications and
surrendered to them.  Other messengers came to king Godfrey, bearing
the news that the emperor of Babylon was getting large numbers of
troops ready to wage war against him.  The king, made fiercer by what
he had just been told, dispatched messengers to his brother Eustace
and to Tancred, instructing and urging them to return to Jerusalem as
soon as possible.  The king also indicated that the battle would take
place at Ascalon.  When these most fearless men heard what had
happened, they hastily set off through the mountains, where they
found none of the Saracens they thought would be up in arms against
them; then they reached Caesarea in Palestine.  From there they
retraced their steps, proceeding to Ram, the town mentioned above,
made famous by the memory of Saint George, and situated on the shore
of the sea, where they met up with many Arabs, who were the vanguard
of the army they were to face.  Our men joined forces against them,
attacked them, and by their united efforts overwhelmed the enemy, who
were compelled to flee.  Many were captured alive, and they revealed
the enemies' plans for the battle about to take place: where the army
was going to assemble; what was its size; and where they planned to
stand and fight.  After he had gathered this information, Tancred
sent messengers directly to Godfrey, king of Jerusalem, to tell him
what he had learned.  He sent other messengers to Arnulf, the man
known as the patriarch, and to the other leaders, saying, "You should
know that a great battle awaits you, and since it is certainly about
to take place, come quickly to Ascalon, supported by as many fine
troops as you can quickly and carefully gather."  The king, than whom
no one was wiser in his faith in God, by the authority invested in
him proceeded to rouse the entire army of God to perform this task,
and designated Ascalon as the place to which they should proceed to
face the enemy.  He himself, together with the man called the
patriarch, and Robert, count of Flanders, left the city on the third
day of the week.

But the count of Saint-Gilles and the count of Normandy informed the
king that they were unwilling to proceed until they learned whether
the battle was certain to take place; they said that meanwhile they
would return to Jerusalem, offering to come quickly if needed.  The
king departed, and when he saw the enemy from afar, quickly sent news
of what he had found back to those who were in Jerusalem.  He
summoned a certain bishop,[221] and sent him to the city, to entreat
everyone to delay no longer, but, at this moment of need, to join him.
On Wednesday the leaders gathered together the Lord's expeditionary
forces and moved their camp outside the city.  The bishop who had
brought the king's words to those who had remained in Jerusalem was
captured by Saracens, as he was making his way back to the king.  It
is not clear whether he died or was led away captive.  Peter the
Hermit, the official in charge of work that to this point was pious,
together with clerics, both Greek and Latin, remained in the city,
organizing processions, supervising prayers, preaching sermons,
urging the giving of alms, so that God might deign to add this
supreme victory to the victories of his people.  The ecclesiastics
who could be present, dressed in their sacred vestments, as though
they were going to perform sacred offices, marched to the Lord's
Temple, where they led masses and delivered sermons that moved the
men and women deeply, asking God to end their exile.  But the man
with the name of patriarch, together with the other bishops who were
present, gathered with several of the leaders at the river which is
known to be on this side of Ascalon.  There, by the trickery of the
Gentiles, many thousands of animals, including herds of cows, camels,
and sheep, had been put in place.  When the leaders learned that they
had been placed there as booty to tempt our men, the order was
circulated throughout the encampment that none of this booty was to
be found in anyone's tent, unless he could show that it was necessary
for his food that day.[222]  Meanwhile, 300 Arabs rode into view, and
our men pursued them so effectively that they captured two of them as
they fled, and harassed the others by pursuing them to their
encampment.

Later on the same day, the man performing the function of patriarch
had the announcement made through the entire army that early the next
day everyone would prepare for battle, and he threatened to
excommunicate anyone who stopped during the battle to pillage; each
man was to suppress his desire for booty until the end of the battle.
He asked that they concentrate on killing the enemy, so that they
might not be diverted from the task by desire for shameful gain,
thereby permitting greed to stand in the way of the victory they had
in their grasp.  Friday morning our army entered a very lovely valley,
on a level with the nearby river, where they set up their separate
battle lines.  The Duke, who was now king, the count of Flanders, the
count of Normandy, the count of Saint-Gilles, Eustace of Bologne,
Tancred and Gaston together, in addition to others, both in single
and in shared commands, stood before their units.  Bowmen and lancers,
who customarily march in front of the troops of foot-soldiers, were
drawn up, and king Godfrey with his troops took up the left side,
while the count of Saint-Gilles took up a position near the sea, and
the counts of Flanders and Normandy rode on the right side.  Tancred
and others marched along in the center.  Our foot soldiers moved
against the enemy's forces; the Gentiles prepared themselves for
battle without moving.  You would have seen them carrying on their
shoulders vessels, which enabled them to hold the cool water in small
sacks,[223] from which they thought that they would drink while
pursuing us as we fled.  But God provided something other than the
enemy race was imagining, for meanwhile, Robert, the count of
Normandy, saw shining from afar the spear of the leader of the army;
it seemed to be covered with bright silver, and its top decorated
with thick gold.  Steadily spurring his swift horse on, he attacked
the prince, who was carrying spear as a standard, with great force,
wounding him with terrible blow.  On the other side, the count of
Flanders loosened his horse's reins and plunged into the thick of the
enemy.  Tancred rushed among the tents with a great company, and the
troops, along with their leaders, were revelling everywhere.[224]

The fields and plains became bloody with carnage.  The enemy was
unable to bear their losses, and soon fled in despair.  Even as the
number of pagans was great, so was the carnage great.  If the waves
of the sea were great, so the Lord shows himself much more marvelous
in the deeps.[225]  Then, so that it might be clear that the hand of
God only, and not that of man, was waging war, you would seen them
flee blindly, with their eyes open, and in their attempt to avoid our
weapons, they threw themselves on them.  There was no place of refuge:

tall trees offered no protection for many of them, nor were they able
to escape our arrows.  Swift blows created massive destruction.[226]

All those whom flight could not protect were dead or almost dead from
the blows of our arrows and swords, which cut them down like cattle.
The count of Saint-Gilles, near the shore, from which he had launched
his own army against the enemy, attacked them like a storm, with such
vehemence that many of them, trying to escape from the blades,
voluntarily plunged into the sea.

When the victory had been won, thanks to God's leadership, the prince
of the Babylonian army, who, in their language, is called an emir,
was confounded, and, unable to control his astonishment at what had
happened to him, lamented at great length.  He thought about the
great amount of supplies that he had brought, and the superb, strong,
fine-looking young men, the noble arms, the power of his allies, and,
I should have said, all the knights; in addition, he saw that they
had what would make the most sluggish of men secure, that is, they
had fought in front of their own city's gates, to which they could
surely retreat, and, what made it even safer, in their own land.  And
he looked upon the Franks, in every way inferior in military might,
whose young men had been weakened by long hunger, whose swords were
rusty, whose lances were darkened, whose few remaining troops were
worn out, all of whose leaders were exhausted by bitter suffering, as
they rode on horses racked with every kind of disease, and, to put it
briefly, he marveled that these poor wretches, a band of exiles, had
conquered the countless soldiers of his own nation, and that the
glory of the entire East had been brought down by the least of men.
Our victory was also aided by the fact that, when the cry for retreat
spread through the enemy's army, the emir in charge of Ascalon,
seeing the Babylonian prince turn to flee, ordered that all those who
fled should be prevented from entering his city.  The enemy was very
much astonished that the Franks had chosen not to fight before the
walls of Jerusalem, but had marched for nearly two days to meet them.

While the Franks were thanking God, as was right, for such a victory,
Robert, the count of Normandy, a man of remarkable generosity, even
in his impoverished exile, bought for twenty silver marks, from the
man who had captured it, the spear, which, as we have said, was
covered with silver, and which had stood before the prince of Babylon
as his standard.  He then gave it, to stand at the Tomb of the Lord,
as a symbol of such a victory, to Arnulf, who was called the
Patriarch.  They say that the sword which had belonged to this prince
was bought by someone for sixty besants.  In addition, a large fleet
had followed the army to Ascalon so that, after the Franks had been
defeated and made captives, they might buy them from the victors, and
carry them off to be sold throughout the furthest kingdoms of the
East.  However, when they saw the Egyptians shamefully fleeing, they
set sail instantly, and made their way into the interior by sea.
Finally, after having slaughtered the Saracens, and the Egyptians as
well, the Franks returned to the abandoned tents and collected booty
beyond count.  They brought out a horde of gold and silver, the
wealth of the Assyrian nobility, and whatever precious household
goods they had, as well as all kinds of animals, and a collection of
various arms.  They kept whatever could be used, and burned the rest.
Then they returned to Jerusalem, with overwhelming joy, pouring out
unnumbered tears of gratitude in memory of the passion and burial of
the Lord.  As a result of this fortunate turn of events, the Franks
were now so prosperous that those who had begun the journey in
poverty and without enough to sustain them on the pilgrimage, now
returned from it laden with gold, silver, horses, and mules.  They
won this glorious battle on August 13.

Since we offered, at the beginning of this volume, examples from
Scripture which we thought were relevant to such an enterprise, we
may now be able to find something in the words of the prophet
Zechariah that fits the siege of Jerusalem.  He says, "The Lord, who
stretches forth the heavens and lays the foundation of the earth, and
forms the spirit of man within him, speaks."  He stretches the skies
who spread (the influence of) the church, as he propagated his seed
from the East, according to Isaiah,[227] by means of the apostles,
even as he had to gather the church through them from the West.  He
lays the foundations, since he permits the pagans to persevere in
their heard-hearted falsehood.  He places the spirit within man when
he grants innate reason in the mind of every true believer.  "Behold
I shall make Jerusalem the lintel of intoxication unto all the people
roundabout."[228]  The lintel rises about the door; house is entered
through the door; drinking is harmful to the stomach.  If we call the
door faith in the Lord Jesus, through whom we come to the Father,
then the Church of Jerusalem, because both the Law and the Word of
the Lord came from it, we may correctly call the lintel, because it
gave rise to these things.  For Paul, after fourteen years, returned
to it, to confer with Peter and the others about the Gospel, "lest he
had run, or should run, in vain."[229]  But this is the lintel of
drunkenness unto all the people roundabout, since all nations were
disgusted and nauseated by those things in which the traces of our
faith resided.  "But Judah will be in the siege against Jerusalem.
"[230]  He says not only that it will be a terror to foreigners, but
that Judah, that is, the faithful people, will besiege Jerusalem,
acknowledging that it will be trodden by the nations.  "In that day I
shall place Jerusalem as a heavy rock upon all people."[231]  If I
may take the part for the whole, in accordance with the frequent
practice of Scripture, Jerusalem becomes a heavy weight for all the
people because it recently imposed upon all people who are called
Christian the weight of a very great labor for her liberation.  "All
that lift up Jerusalem will be cut in pieces, and all the kingdoms of
the earth will be gathered together against it"[232] Who are those
who will lift it up, if not those who, after the times of nations
have ended, lift it up from its own destruction?  The Lord says,
"Jerusalem will be trodden down by the Gentiles, until the times of
the Gentiles be fulfilled."[233]  They will be torn apart because no
one can say or even imagine how great the labor, the suffering, the
misery of hunger and thirst would be that they endured in the siege.
And, to speak like Ezekiel, "every head was made bald, and every
shoulder was peeled;"[234] that is, perhaps, either by the steady
attack of siege-machines, or by carrying heavy weights.  But after
Jerusalem has been raised, "all the kingdoms of the earth will gather
against her," which should not be taken allegorically, but, as the
story that has just been told, was offered as something visible to
heavenly eyes.  For what kingdom of the East did not send its men to
war, bringing every kind of siege-engine, which I did not mention
earlier, and everything necessary to besiege a city?  They brought,
in addition to soldiers, merchants to buy the Franks, since they
expected that the pagans would win because of the great size of their
forces, and perhaps they had heard that the number was greater than
Kherboga actually had.  "On that day, God says, I will smite every
horse with astonishment, and his rider with madness."[235]  If the
horse is taken to mean earthly honor, the rider of the horse is
undoubtedly to be understood as he who is preeminent in honor.  All
honor is astonished because every power or kingdom, stupified by
God's army, dares do nothing.  Every prince went mad, because he did
not know what to do, nor where to turn; deprived of force, each
learned what the strength of God's army was.  "And I will open my
eyes upon the house of Judah, and I will smite every horse of the
people with blindness."[236]  If Judah is the confessor, I may
certainly call them confessors who have never chosen to abandon the
origin of their faith, that is, the Franks, upon whom the entire
weight of the journey fell.  God opened his eyes upon them when he
showed the grace of his goodness to them by bringing about this
outcome.  He struck the horses of the people with blindness when he
punished the arrogance of the Gentiles by showing them his
displeasure.  In Sacred Scripture the horse often stands for pride.
For what greater blindness is there than to make war on the sons of
God?  What is more blameful than to fail to acknowledge God, to glory
in one's own ignorance, and to war against the faithful?  But why
exercise the license of allegory, piecing words together, when
historical truth prevents us from going astray in belief?  Didn't we
say earlier that the enemy was struck with blindness, and overcome
with astonishment at the swords which threatened them?  And I marvel
that the horse was able to see well enough to move when its rider had
clearly gone mad.  "And the leaders of Judah shall say in their heart:
The inhabitants of Jerusalem shall be my confident in the Lord of
hosts, their God."[237]  Whom should I call the leaders of Judah,
unless they be the leaders of that faithful army, who prayed that the
inhabitants of Jerusalem be confident, when they ardently desired to
restore the holy city by means of the strength of the Christian army,
so that Christianity might grow, the Lord's memory be honored, and
the Gentiles everywhere be attacked?  But their strength is said to
be in the Lord of armies, which can be seen today, when a small force
of men assembles against all of the pagan kingdoms.  Everything they
did was foreseen by Him who rules the heavenly powers.  At this point
one should add, "Their God," since their thoughts were not directed
to any but their own God, that is, the Christian God.  "In that day
will I make the governors of Judah like a fiery furnace among the
wood, and like a torch of fire in a sheaf; and they shall devour all
the people round about, on the right hand and on the left."[238]  On
this day, I say, of faith or of divine prosperity, the leaders who
govern the Christian people, either externally in arms, or internally
by means of spiritual doctrine, will become the furnace.  That is,
burning internally with heavenly love, they consume the wood of
sinners among the Gentiles, while externally, they consume the
evil-doers in battle as though they were straw.  We have no doubt
that God did not undertake this merely to liberate one city, but to
scatter the seeds that will grow long and far against the madness of
the Antichrist.  They devour all the people round about, on the left
and on the right, for they bring all those on the right into the
piety of Christianity, while they destroy the wicked, those who are
recognized as belonging to the left, and who are worthy of vengeful
destruction.  "And Jerusalem shall be inhabited again in her own
place, in Jerusalem."[239]  If Jerusalem is the Church, its place is
the faith of Christ, therefore Jerusalem inhabits Jerusalem, since
the terrestial city is restored so that she may long for a vision of
heavenly peace, since she she has a place, since she clings
steadfastly to Christ.  "The Lord also shall save the tents of Judah,
as in the beginning, that the glory of the house of David and the
glory of the inhabitants of Jerusalem do not magnify themselves
against Judah."[240]  The Lord saves the tents of Judah in the
beginning, since He, after having accomplished miracles for our
fathers, also granted glory to our own times, so that modern men seem
to have undergone pain and suffering greater than that of the Jews of
old, who, in the company of their wives and sons, and with full
bellies, were led by angels who made themselves visible to them.  I
say that today's men are the ones whom he more truly saves, because
he truly receives as his children those whose bodies he has allowed
to be slain, and whom he punishes in the temporal world.  He says,
"That the glory of the house of David may not glorify itself," that
is, that the ancients, who excelled in their victories in war, may
refrain from excessive pride, when they think of how modern men have
done better than they.  "The glory of the inhabitants of Jerusalem
may magnify itself against Judah," opposes to modern accomplishments
the pride of those who once reigned in Jerusalem and did famous
things.  By David, who was the most powerful, he expresses whatever
generates the greatest pride, as though he were saying that although
David had been the most celebrated in warfare, and some of the kings
who succeeded him sought glory, they could in no way equal what our
own men have done.  The word "to dwell" *(habitare)* however, we
say means "to dominate," since it is the frequentive of the word "to
have" *(habeo, habes)*.  David raising himself up in glory
against Judah, and the glory of the inhabitants of Jerusalem are
mentioned because they are the material in which those who wish to
make little of our deeds take pride.  "In that day shall the Lord
defend the inhabitants of Jerusalem."[241]  And did he not today also
protect that meager band whom he guarded in the midst of countless
pagans?  They make bold, armed attacks on the neighboring nations
every day, who have all they can do to protect themselves against
their attacks, without presuming to go on the attack themselves.
"And he who has offended among them in that day shall be as David,
and the house of David shall be as God, as the angel of the Lord
before them."[242]  Certainly David, whose punishment is not
described in the present passage, is not to be considered seriously
at fault.  Therefore whoever of us shall offend is like David, for
God does not permit his lechery or his pride to go unpunished, as the
deeds related above indicate.  And soon, in the course of their
sinning, he inflicted upon them the punishment that they very much
deserved, either hunger, or some other kind of torment.  Therefore
the house of David become like the house of God, because it was
returned to spiritual grace by means of divine censure.  Those like
David, upon whom God imposes his paternal correction, may still be
embraced by his spirit.  In the sight of God he becomes like an angel,
for when through imminent punishment man sees himself banished by
God's authority from his own affections, he then burns more ardently
to love God.  When he understands that he is being punished like a
child, he loves like an angel.  The sight of God is the pious emotion
of the inner man.  "And it shall come to pass in that day that I will
seek to destroy all the nations that come against Jerusalem."  We
generally seek for things that are not visible to us.  Why would God
seek unless to propose the things that should be done according to
eternal providence?  Therfore God seeks "to destroy all the nations
that come against Jerusalem,"[243] and, "in that day," because in his
fine judgment he foresees and ordains that those who resist the faith
are struck with eternal damnation, or are destroyed or diminished
according to the extent of their own weakness.  Therefore he says,
"thou shalt break them like potter's vessel,"[244] whom you shall
rule "with a rod of iron."[245]  But God does this by internal
illumination, which is certainly what is meant by "day," but this is
something which cannot be expressed in rational terms.  "And I will
pour upon the house of David, and upon the inhabitants of Jerusalem,
the spirit of grace and of supplications."[246]  I have said that the
inhabitants of Jerusalem were the house of David, whom omnipotent God,
although he has granted and still grants them many victories,
subdued and continues to subdue with frequent misfortunes.  While he
does not permit them to despair at their continual misfortunes, nor
does he allow them to grow prideful at their frequent good fortune,
the sacred distributor necessarily pours the spirit of grace and
prayers upon them, so that, while no prosperity, even the most
satisfying, seems to smile upon them without soon being followed by
adversity, the soul always filled with anxiety is compelled to place
its hope in Him who aids them in every circumstance.  Now, laying
aside all mystery, we may think how this material Jerusalem was so
often in doubt and fear, since she was, according to Ezekiel,[247]
"set in the midst of the nations, with nations around her," a tiny
city surrounded by countless nations.  And while they steadily fear
the attacks of barbarian nations, since they are not utterly stupid,
they are never without the grace of the fear and love of God, these
people who never lack matter for pious affection and prayers.  Of
course, with the arrows of adversity the Omnipotent is accustomed to
compel his people to remember him; by stimulating the flesh he
customarily inflames their minds, and while they fear destruction
they are always ready to invoke the aid of God with their vows and
prayers.

We have said many times, and do not hesitate to repeat, that this had
never been accomplished in any age.  If some one cites the sons of
Israel and the miracles God performed for them, I shall offer
something more miraculous: an open sea filled with Gentiles; a cloud
of divine fear rising from a column among them; I shall point to the
light of divine hope offered to those whom Christ inspired, himself a
column of uprightness and strength, those who were comforted by the
food of the word of God only, like divine manna, when they had no
earthly hope.  Those men spurned the heavenly food that they were
offered, and looked back in their minds and with their voices to the
Egypt they had left behind, but our men never looked back, but
instead eagerly embraced whatever poverty and suffering came upon
them.  Certainly the steady, destructive starvation endured at
Antioch was also accompanied by noble scenes.  In the midst of every
kind of poverty, than which nothing more painful had ever been
endured by men, how bravely did those men who did not refrain from
participating in this Christian drama perform.  Those who were
present report that while the city was under siege, and the besiegers
and the inhabitants of the city were fighting hand-to-hand, it
frequently happened that, when the men withdrew on both sides, and
wisely and reasonably refrained from fighting, a contingent of boys,
some from the city, and some from our own camp, marched out and met
each other, to fight in a worthy manner.  As we said at the beginning
of this history, when the expedition to Jerusalem spread throughout
the Western lands, fathers set out on the journey together with their
little sons.  When it happened that the parents of some of them died,
the little boys continued to follow the army, and they grew
accustomed to the hardships.  Their ability to tolerate privation was
in no way inferior to that of their elders.  When they set up their
battle lines, they appointed leaders from among themselves, and they
called them Hugh the Great, Bohemund, the count of Flanders, the
count of Normandy, with different person playing each role.  Whenever
they saw that their subjects were suffering from lack of food, they
went off to ask for food from the princes after whom they were named,
and these princes gave them enough supplies to nourish them properly
in their need.  This remarkable army often challenged the city's
children, using long reeds as spears, weaving shields out of twigs,
and brandishing small arrows and missiles, according to what each
could do.  As their elders looked on, both from the city and from the
encampment, the city children came out of the gates of the wall, and
our children came from the tents, to face each other in the middle of
the field.  There one could see the shock of combat, the shouts on
both sides, and the bloody blows, delivered without mortal danger.
Often these preliminaries incited the hearts of the adults to go to
battle.  For when they watched the souls burn within those weak limbs,
and they saw such frail muscles eagerly wielding arms, the adults
groaned at the sight of children on both sides being wounded, and
moved the children off the battle field, rushing forward themselves
to renew their usual fighting.  Thus the Lord's army was scarcely
found at rest; every day some were practicing, while others were
fighting.

There was another kind of man in this army, who was bare-footed,
carried no arms, and was not permitted to have any money.  Dirty,
naked, and poor, he marched in front of everyone, feeding on the
roots of herbs, and on the most wretched things that grow.  A Norman,
well-born, said to have been formerly a knight, but now a
foot-soldier, he saw them wandering without a leader, and laid aside
his arms and the clothing he wore, wishing to declare himself their
king.  He had himself called Tafur, a term taken from the barbarian
language.  Among the pagans they are called Tafur whom we call, to
speak less literally, Trudennes, that is, men who kill time, that is,
who pass their time wandering aimlessly here and there.  It was the
Tafur's custom, whenever the people he was leading arrived at a
bridge to be crossed, or at a narrow pass to be traversed, to rush
forward to observe very carefully, and if he saw that anyone of his
men possessed two deniers, he would quickly separate him from the
general group, order him to purchase arms, and assign him to the
section of the army that bore weapons.  However, those in whom he saw
a love of the simple life, who had no impulse or desire to save money,
he made members of his inner circle.  Perhaps some might think that
these men were not useful for the general good, and that he could
have fed others what he was uselessly giving to them.  But no one can
describe how useful they were in carrying food, in collecting tribute,
in hurling stones during the sieges of cities.  They were better at
carrying heavy burdens than the asses and mules, and they were as
good at hurling projectiles as the machines and launchers.  Moreover,
when pieces of flesh were found among the pagan bodies at Marra, and
elsewhere, during a terrible famine, a hideous rumor (based on
something that had been done furtively and very rarely) circulated
widely among the pagans, that there were some men in the Frankish
army who eagerly fed upon the corpses of Saracens.  To circulate this
rumor among them even more vividly, the men carried the battered
corpse of a Turk out in full view of the other Turks, set it afire,
and roasted it as if the flesh was going to be eaten.  When they
learned what had happened, thinking that the charade was real, they
grew even more afraid of the fearlessness of the Tafurs than of our
other leaders.  Like the ancient pagans, the Turks were tormented
more by unburied bodies than any Christian seems to be concerned with
his soul or fears damnation.  To incite their wrath even more
fiercely, at the siege of Antioch the Bishop of Puy promulgated an
edict throughout the army, offering an immediate reward of twelve
deniers for every decapitated Turkish head brought to him.  When the
bishop received the heads, he ordered them placed on long poles,
before the walls of the city, where the enemy could see them.  When
they saw this, they squirmed in anguish.  The bishop also did
something there, after consulting with our leaders, that I should not
pass over silently; when the inhabitants of the city understood that
our men were struggling because of the scarcity of food, our men
proceeded to yoke bulls to the plow, to dig up and seed the ground in
sight of the city.  By this means the inhabitants of the city
understood that no cause could compel them to abandon the siege that
they had undertaken, since they were in the process of growing food
for the next year.  These and other remarkable things were done on
this expedition, which we think can be described in their entirety by
no one.  No one in any age has ever heard that any nation, without a
king, without a prince, departed from its own lands and that, under
God only, both the lowly and the great learned to carry the yoke, so
that the servant did not serve a master, nor did the lord claim
anything more than brotherhood from the servant.  Thus, I say, we
cannot offer examples from the past to match this, nor do we think
that anything like this will occur in the future.  Our argument is
based most of all on the fact that, after the capture of Jerusalem,
we saw so many Christian nations moving, so many people of great
dignity, so many battalions of noble knights, such a great number of
foot-soldiers setting out after those who had preceded them and
opened the way, that we understood that in wealth and in number we
might judge that this second movement was scarcely inferior to the
first.  For who could describe how great a crowd of nobles, burghers,
and peasants, from Frankish lands alone (of the others I say nothing)
accompanied count Stephen, whom we mentioned earlier, and Hugh the
Great, brother of king Philip, when, later on, they again undertook
the journey to the tomb of the Lord?  Not to speak of the count of
Burgundy, what shall I say of the count of Poitou, who brought not
only a large group of knights, but a crowd of young girls as well?
When his renown had been established everywhere, he came to
Constantinople and held a conference with the tyrant Alexis, the most
abominable of men.  This wretched traitor informed the Turks by
letters of his arrival, before the count had left the royal city.
"Lo," he said, "the fattest sheep from France are moving in your
direction, led by a foolish shepherd."  What more can I say?  The
count went beyond the borders of the tyrannical prince; suddenly
before him stood an army of Turks, who scattered, preyed upon, and
conquered the disorganized foreigners.  There Hugh the Great, struck
in the knee by an arrow, after a long illness died, and was buried at
Tharsa in Cilicia.  They say that these things were done in the
province called Satyria.[248]

But count Stephen, with certain bishops of our kingdom, among whom
were Hugh of Soissons, William of Paris, fine, noble men, who were
splendid, accomplished young rulers, and Enguerrand of Laon--would
that he had been as preeminent in his religious belief as he was in
appearance and eloquence--together with many dignitaries of all ranks,
entered the city of Constantinople.  The emperor summoned them into
his presence and rewarded their leaders with large gifts.  They
consulted with him on whether they should follow the route of the
previous army, or some other, and he truthfully told them that they
did not have enough horsemen to take a route different from that of
the first expedition.  However, thinking that they could do new
things and do them better than those who had preceded them, they
declared that they would go on to other regions.  They also asked the
emperor to give orders that they might purchase supplies anywhere in
Grecian territory.  He agreed, understanding that, in their insolence,
they were in effect bringing about their own ruin, which he foresaw
clearly, as he happily agreed to their error.  They went into
Paphligonia, province unknown not only to pilgrims, but scarcely
mentioned in Scripture, where for some unknown reason they were
persuaded to enter the desert.  The emperor urged them not to take
more than forty days worth of supplies, and discouraged them from
bringing more by promising that they could purchase supplies freely
anywhere for their entire journey through the land.  Therefore,
having marched into these solitary depths, the mob foolishly moved
forward, without supplies, hoping that the opportunity they had been
promised to make purchases would come about, and they began to suffer
from terrible hunger, swelling up and dying, and the army, which was
following behind them, began to be annoyed by the stench of corpses
lying everywhere.  At times, when the leaders of the starving
multitude castigated those in the rear for not more swiftly following
the knights in front of them, to avoid sudden attack by the Turks,
these men, driven by the pain of hunger, hoped and prayed that the
Turks would actually come.  Now they had almost reached the borders
of Armenia, and the men were exhausted, and the animals dying of
starvation, when thousands of Turks suddenly attacked.  But the
Franks, who seemed to be in charge of the front line, in spite of
their weariness, easily drove off the enemy forces.  The next day,
when the Turks saw that the Franks had moved out of the front line,
and the Lombards, Ligurians, and Italians had taken their places,
alas, the enemy sensed the sluggishness of those in the front line
and attacked fiercely.  Those who were in the vanguard and carried
the standards turned their backs shamefully, and the entire army,
already too weakened by hunger to flee, lay open to hideous slaughter.
Those who fled did not return in the direction whence they had come,
nor did they move in a single group, so that they might at least
form an organized retreat.  Instead each turned his steps in whatever
direction appealed to him, clearly going to his death.  This pursuit
and bloodshed continued steadily for almost eight days.  In the army
there was an archbishop of Milan, who had brought with him the cope,
that is, the chasuble and alb (I don't know if he brought anything
else) of Saint Ambrose.  It was adorned with gold and gems so
precious that nowhere on earth could anyone find its equal.  The
Turks took it and carried it off, and thus the foolish clerk was
punished for having been insane enough to bring so sacred an object
to barbarian lands.  Such a slaughter of Christians of both sexes
took place, so much money, clothing, gold and silver was taken, that
this one victory was enough to recompense the Turks for the losses
inflicted upon them by the first expedition.  Of the 200,00--or more,
as some argue--Christians who were there, hardly 7000 remained alive.
Count Stephen, together with several other leaders, including Harpin
of Bourges, a splendid man, and Count Stephen of Beyond-the-Saone,
finally reached Jerusalem.  When they arrived, the army of the
emperor of Babylon was at the city of Ramla, fighting Baldwin, who
was now the king.  The above-mentioned Harpin urged the king to delay
battle until he could collect as many men as possible.  The king said,
"If you are afraid, run back to Bourges."  Having spoken, he rushed
unwisely into battle, lost all of his troops, was driven from the
city of Ramla, and escaped alone.  Many of his men were captured, and
we still do not know what happened to many of them.  Harpin was led
away captive, was finally released, returned to France, and become a
monk.  Nothing certain is known about Stephen of Chartres, but he is
believed to have been killed, although we have no evidence.
Presumably he was shut up in a tower within Ramla, together with many
others, but we have not yet been able to determine from the sources
whether he was delivered into captivity or death, although we are
inclined to believe that he died, since he has never been found.
After victory, the Turks customarily decapitated the dead bodies, to
carry them as trophies of victory, and, with the heads removed, it is
difficult to recognize someone from his decapitated body.  The same
doubt exists today about the fate of other great men.  Meanwhile, the
king himself, who, as we said, was the only one to escape, was
mourned by his people, not only because they were threatened with
death themselves, but because his death had been announced mockingly
by the pagans.  He himself, however, making his way through
terrifying mountains known to very few men, two days later, if I am
not mistaken, finally reached Jerusalem, which was expecting great
dangers with justifiable grief.  When he had swiftly collected
whatever knights he could, together with the best foot-soldiers, he
prepared to fight against the temporarily triumphant pagans.
Therefore, at the moment that they thought the king was dead, he
suddenly appeared with new troops, and fought with greater authority
than before, driving them into flight, and piling up new carnage with
his sword.

Since we have not described the death of king Godfrey, Baldwin's
brother, because other material took precedence in the narrative, it
is fitting that we briefly tell how his life came to an end, and
where he is buried.  They say that a certain neighboring pagan prince
sent him gifts dipped, as became clear, in deadly poisons.  He
carelessly made use of them, thinking that he who had sent them was a
friend; he fell ill suddenly, and died very soon afterwards.  Some
people, however, reject this opinion, and say that he died natural
death.  He was, however, buried in accordance with the eternal
redemption that his faith and life testified he had deserved, next to
the very place of the Lord's Passion, thereby obtaining the monument
which he had liberated, and which he had defended from being trampled
and destroyed by the pagans.  His remarkable humility and modesty,
worthy to be imitated by monks, added glory to his already exemplary
reign, for he would never wear the royal crown in the city of
Jerusalem, out of consideration for the fact that the general author
of all men's salvation, our Lord Jesus Christ, provoked human
laughter by wearing a crown of thorns.  As we said earlier, he died,
and, believing him to be no less temperate and wise than his brother,
they brought Baldwin from Edessa, and set him up as king of the new
sacred Christian colony.  In the brilliant nature of these men they
recognized and loved the peaceful and modest behavior, the relentless
courage, the fearlessness in the face of death, which exceeded what
might be expected of royal majesty, as well as the great self-control,
and an extreme generosity that exceeded their resources.  Baldwin's
loyalty towards his people and disregard of himself can be inferred
from one event: in an expedition he was conducting against the
enemies, to save a certain foot-soldier, he put himself in great
peril, received a serious wound, and narrowly escaped death.

Meanwhile, there was something which very much frightened the many
people who surrounded them about attacking our small group, and it
frightens them no less today.  The study of the stars, in which
Westerners have only the mildest interest, is known to burn more
brightly, because of its steady use and constant study, among the
Easterners, where it had its origin.  The pagans admit that they had
received prophecy, and a long time before the present misfortune they
had predicted that they would be subjugated by the Christian people,
but they were unable, because of their limited skill, to determine at
what time the prophecies would be fulfilled.

Approximately twelve years before our leaders had gone on the journey
to Jerusalem, Robert of Flanders, the elder count, about whom we
spoke in the first book of this work, went to Jerusalem, with much
wealth, to pray.  He remained in the city for some days, wishing to
see the holy places, and his generosity enabled him to learn
much--even about what went on among the pagans.  One day, as I
learned from those who had accompanied the count, nearly all the
inhabitants of the city assembled at the temple of Solomon; they held
meeting throughout the entire day, and finally returned home in the
evening.  The count was then received as a guest by an old, wise man,
who had led a virtuous life by Saracen standards, for which reason
they usually called him, "the Servant of God."  When they returned to
his house, he asked him why they had sat so long in the temple, and
what was the nature of the difficult issues they had been disputing.
The man replied, "We have seen unusual signs in the comings and
goings of the stars, from which we have inferred that men of the
Christian belief would come to these regions and would conquer us by
means of steady and frequent victories in battle.  Whether this
should happen in a later time or closer to our own time, is
profoundly uncertain.  From this astronomical portent, however, it is
very clear that these men, whom celestial judgment has permitted to
conquer our people, and to drive us from our native shores, will, at
later time, be conquered by us, and will be driven by military force
from the lands which they usurped.  This celestial sign is in accord
with a thorough and regular reading of the ancient texts of our faith,
which openly state what the celestial brightness has indicated in
veiled manner."  The words of this noble man are in harmony with the
words of Kherboga's mother, which were given earlier.  Nor do we at
all doubt that for the same reason that she discouraged her son from
fighting against the Christians, those who burned with desire to
destroy Jerusalem restrained themselves, lest they oppose what was
clearly a fatal decree by entering a battle.  If at first they seemed
to attack us in many battles, now they fought less eagerly, since
they understood that they were not fighting against us, but against
God, who was exerting himself and fighting for us.  However, if it
seems unbelievable to anyone that someone might be able to learn the
future through the art of astrology, this argument seems clear
evidence to us: the emperor Heraclius, through this kind of study,
foresaw that a circumcised race would rise up against the Roman
empire, but he was unable through this method to foresee that it
would not be the Jews, but the Saracens who would do this.  Let us
also consider the Magi who, when they discerned by a swift inspection
of a star that a king would be born, and that he would be both God
and man, also knew over whom he would rule, although they could not
have known, by means of the method mentioned, had divine light not
pointed the way.

In this new battle of God against diabolical men, it will be
worthwhile considering the many apparent resemblances between what
happened and what happened to Gideon[249] Although everyone
considered the infinite number of our men sufficient for the
undertaking, they were tested by the waters, that is, pleasures and
delights.  That is, those who loved following God did not yield to
the tortures of hunger and thirst, nor to the fear of various forms
of death.  But those who placed God after the interest of their
bodies weakly submitted themselves to desires, symbolized by bent
knees.  Those who drank by bringing their hands to their mouths are
those who, like Diogenes, heedless of all pleasures, intent on
serving God, satisfied nature in whatever way was available.  Three
hundred were proven under Gideon, so that externally and internally
they carried the cross, which, by means of the letter Tau, signifies
the three hundred who were honored for their perseverance.  Why did
many of our men depart like wretches from the Lord's army, if not
because they were in the grip of great, steady hunger, and because,
"Without bread and wine, Venus is cold."[250]  Because their bodies
were so weak, none of them had the ability to perform sexually, and
even if they wanted to, no opportunity presented itself.  Therefore
those who were found to be wise held trumpets in their hands, because
they offered divine speech, the only solace among so many hardships,
in their works.  They hold vessels because, continually preparing for
battle, they restrained themselves from all the foulness of carnality.
Within the vessels they hold lamps, because, in the vessels of the
bodies the brilliant treasures of pious intention shine more brightly
than any light.  That Gideon divided them into three parts may be
interpreted in the following ways: Christ draws some of them to the
crown when they pour out their own blood; others he brings to guard
the sacred city, to preserve the promised land, and through these few
men today, he resists the entire empire of the East; still others he
permitted to return to their native land as testimony to such a
victory, and to urge others to emulate their own pious exile.
Therefore when the vessels are broken the lamps shine forth, because,
when their bodies died, the spirits burning with divine love
emigrated directly to God.  The frightened enemies were defeated,
because they rightly feared those men who, brave with the spirit of
eternity, embraced death more dearly than life.  As the Apostle says,
[251] "For the bodies of those beasts whose blood is brought into the
sanctuary by the high priest are burned without the camp."  Therefore
God suffered beyond the gate.  Thus they went out of the camp to him,
that is, beyond the desires of the flesh, by carrying his shame, the
mortification of the cross, in the midst of sinful desires.

The value of taking up this great task, along with the emotion of
good will can be inferred from considering the one example that we
have offered on this topic, which we think clearly demonstrates how
much those who devoutly undertook the pilgrimage, after confession
and sincere repentance, profitted, if it did such great good for
those who were almost without penitence and confession, and if it
even struck terror into the heart of the devil.

A man of knightly rank, living on the shore of the sea, lost his
brother in the fighting.  Hardly able to bear his death, he wore
himself out in inconsolable grief, since the man who had killed him
seemed so strong that the grieving man's hope of vengeance had been
entirely extinguished.  Worn out by intolerable grief, his mind
dwelling at every moment and in every place upon his brother, the
pain of his irreparable loss increased each day; without hope of
solace, the poor man was tortured by the inescapable memory, until
the difficulty of obtaining vengeance increased his distress so
greatly that the devil, whose long experience had made him crafty,
shrewder by nature than any mortal, on the lookout everywhere for
occasions and motivations, smiled at the opportunity provided by his
excessive grief.  Therefore, on a certain day, worn out by putrifying
internal anguish, gasping with the deepest weariness, he mounted his
horse and brought it to drink at a river, where he saw the devil
standing on the other side.  He appeared in the guise of man with
crooked legs, whom he often used to see.  He seemed to be a knight,
holding a sparrow-hawk in his hand, wearing his usual orange-yellow
tunic.  After watching him from afar, and remembering the weakness
and the look of the man whom he thought he had known, he was struck
by the unexpected change, when the evil spirit, mindful of its
ancient effrontery, spoke first: "I am not who you think I am: know
that I am a Devil, sent to offer a remedy for the torment you undergo
every day.  My master, who compassionately deigns to help all those
who suffer, if they submit to him, sent me to you.  If you obey him,
just as I say, your relief will not be delayed.  For since he is
generous, and possesses an infinite treasure of things to be
distributed to those with a desire for riches, he gives lavish and
incalculable gifts; to those in need he provides assistance beyond
their wildest hopes.  Therefore you, who bitterly bewail an old
misfortune that remains ever new, if you have a complaint, share it,
certain in the knowledge that you will receive far more than you
might dare to ask for.  In the case of your dead brother, you can
certainly hasten to take vengeance; if you want increased wealth, you
will be amazed to see your wish granted.  Therefore ask for what you
want, and your ability will be equal to your wish."  He had been
watching this truly unusual creature, stunned that the devil was
speaking, both attracted by the alluring offer and frightened by the
enormity of the one making the offer.  However, finally carried away
by his desire for what he was being promissed, he said that he would
gratefully accept the Devil's offerings.  "However," the Devil said,
"if the fruits of my offerings appeal to you, and the freely given
benevolence of my prince, who sent me to you, captivates you, when
you have truly experienced the results of what I have said, both
about avenging your brother and adding to your wealth, then my master
requires that you offer him homage, by promising to transfer your
allegiance from the Christian faith to cling indivisibly to him, and
by abstaining from those things that he forbids.  There are certain
things that he wishes you to agree never to do: never enter a church,
or accept baptism from a sacred font."  He also forbad a third thing,
which escaped the memory of the person who told me about this.  The
man replied to him: "I can adhere to these prohibitions easily and
without delay, but I ask for a short delay on the subject of offering
homage."  Since he had the free use of his rational faculty, the man
very much abhorred the execrable change of faith that was being
demanded of him, but he thought that it was more tolerable to abstain
from Christian practices than to lose the foundation of his belief.
Finally, without delay, the opportunity for taking vengeance for his
brother, following the suggestions of the Devil, was offered to him,
in such a way that the fondest wishes of the man were far surpassed
by his increasing good fortune.  In this way, as the remedy grew more
effective, the bitterness of his grief gradually diminished, but
meanwhile he did not dare violate any of the Devil's prohibitions.
The ancient enemy of mankind continued to appear to him regularly,
not only, as he used to do, when he was alone, or in out of the way
places, but in the midst of a crowd of people he would suddenly make
an unexpected appearance, point out the benefits he had already
received, offer him better ones in the future, and insistently urge
him to transfer his faith to him.  The man, however, extremely
grateful for the generosity he had received, promised eternal
obedience to the generosity of the prince, but in the matter of the
homage which was often demanded of him, he continually begged for
delays.  Therefore, while he was being pressed insistently by these
appearances, even invisible ones in the midst of large crowds, news
of the journey to Jerusalem spread, by the will of God, throughout
the Latin world.  Whoever felt that he was caught in sin was directed
thither, where God showed a new way to repent.  Among them this man
chose to set out, although he had not confessed the foul pact he had
already almost entirely concluded with the Devil.  Thus this man,
eager to emulate God, although not in keeping with doctrine, in that
he had not confessed his sins before beginning his good works, was
accompanied by such an abundance of the grace of God on the journey,
and his labor was so pleasing to God, even though his efforts were
not performed out of pure piety, that while traveling on this
expedition the grim overseer did not dare to harass him.  Moreover,
as though he had no memory of the pact he had made, he never in any
way appeared to him in a vision.  After the capture of Jerusalem,
when he was staying in the city with the others, one night, while he
was thought to be asleep, along with the other soldiers, he became
concerned about the horses that belonged to him and to his companions,
who were resting under the sky, as was the custom in that region,
and he went to look at them.  Seeing the figure of man standing among
them, and suspecting that he was a thief, he got up and asked, in a
disturbed voice, who he was.  In his usual manner, as though pious
and humble, he replied to him: "Don't you know me?"  And he, as
though reminded of his old shame, replied with great severity: "I
know you."  After this initial exchange, the one offered no further
questions, and the other added nothing to his reply.  Although this
apparition seems to have been idle, we know that it is of no idle
significance to us, by God's dispensation; the Devil had not
forgetfully passed him by, but had announced, by his appearance, what
he wanted, and had indicated, by his silence, what he was unable to
ask for.  What more should I say?  He went home, but on his way home
the Devil never showed himself, or made any trouble.  But a short
time after he arrived home, he who provides wretched men with wicked
counsel was aroused, so that the man had very few moments free from
admonishments of this kind; men may put some distance between
themselves and what they fear, and their rooms and walls may separate
them from their anxieties, but neither the presence of other people,
nor the locks on doors can protect them from their spiritual crimes,
no matter where they go.  One day, the man who had undergone
excruciating, deadly suffering at the hands of the indivisible thief
happened to meet a priest of Christ, distinguished for his learning,
gentleness, and pious cheerfulness, whose name was Conon.  When he
had described, in the little time available (each was concerned with
his journey), how much he had endured, the good man gave him whatever
comfort he was able to give, extracted the promise that he would
return, and sent him on his way.  However the cruel beast did not
remain silent, but persistently continued to offer enticements.  The
man soon grew weary of the burdensome and almost daily incursions,
and returned to the doctor, made a clean confession, eagerly
undertook penitence, and, once he had begun repentance, never again
saw his tormentor.  By this example we can understand how valuable
the pilgrimage must have been for the pure in heart, since it offered
so much defense and support for the impure.

It is also significant that for good reasons kings were excluded from
participating in the grace to be earned from this journey, lest the
visible royalty seem to arrogate to itself divine operations.[252]
Therefore praise should be offered to the heavenly Lord, and utter
silence to the human being.  No leader assembled so many soldiers, or
deserved so many triumphs.  Regulus deserved praise for beating the
Phoenician rebels.  Alexander, battling the Eastern kingdoms, worn
out with great battles, managed to acquire the name of the Great.
However, Count Stephen, who had been granted the leadership of the
holy army, like a man who had recklessly usurped those things that
properly belong to God alone, was rejected as though charged with
cowardice.  And Hugh the Great, in effect, a man of royal name, was
put aside.  Therefore, when the "shades of a great name"[253] were
rejected, and the power which had supported them was removed, the
little people remained, relying now on God's aid only.  And when
things were decided, not according to birth, but according to God's
choice, the unexpected one wore the crown.[254]  God, who makes
miracles, did not want the glory of his name given to another, for he
was the sole leader, he was the king, the chastiser, who brought
things from their beginnings to their conclusions, who extended his
kingdoms this far.  Therefore he gathered into His, not their arms,
the lambs whom he had made out of wolves, raised them, children
filled with the joy of pious hope, to the protection of his bosom,
and he carried them to what they had longed to see.

As we were about to put an end to the body of the present history, we
discovered, with the aid of the author of the world, that a certain
Fulker, a priest of Chartres, who had for a long time been the
chaplain for Baldwin at Edessa, had spread word, in a manner
different from ours, about a few other things that were unknown to us,
and these were erroneous and in rough language.  We decided to
include some, though certainly not all, of this material in these
pages.  Since this same man produces swollen, foot-and-a-half-long
words,[255] and pours forth the blaring colors of vapid rhetorical
schemes, I prefer to snatch the bare limbs of the deeds themselves,
with whatever sack-cloth of eloquence I have, rather than cover them
with learned weavings.  Unless I am in error, at the beginning of his
little work he says that some of those who set out on the journey to
Jerusalem arranged for boats and sailed across the sea that separates
Apulia and Epirus, and, whether because they committed themselves to
a sea that was unknown to them, or because the ships sank because
overloaded, it is reported that the ship carrying nearly 600 men was
dashed to pieces.  After they were drowned in the roaring sea during
storm, and quickly washed up on shore by the force of the waves,
signs of the cross which they all wore on their cloaks, tunics, and
mantles were found on the skin of their shoulders.  No one, that is,
of the faithful, doubted that the sacred stigma could have been
imprinted on their skin by God, to make their faith manifest, but the
man who wrote it, if he is still alive, had to think carefully about
whether it actually happened.  For when the beginning of this journey
was announced everywhere among the Christian people, and it was
proclaimed throughout the Roman Empire in accordance with God's will,
men of the lowest social class, and even worthless women, laid claim
to this miracle in every way, in every part of their bodies.  One man
scratched his cheeks, drew a cross with the flowing blood, and showed
it to everyone.  Another showed the spot in his eye, by means of
which he had been blinded, as a sign that a heavenly announcement had
urged him to undertake the journey.  Another, either by using the
juices of fresh fruits, or some other kind of dye, painted on some
little piece of his body the shape of a cross.  As they used to paint
the area below the eyes with antimony, so they now painted themselves
green or red, so that, by means of this fraudulent and deceitful
exhibition, they might claim that God had showed himself in them.
The reader will remember the abbot of whom I spoke above, who cut his
forehead with iron, and who I said was made the bishop of Caesarea in
Palestine.  I swear by God that I saw, when I was living in Beauvais,
in the middle of the day, clouds approach each other somewhat
obliquely, so that they scarcely seemed to form anything other then
the shape of a crane or a stork, when suddenly many voices from
everywhere in the city cried out that a cross had been sent to them
in the sky.  What I am about to say is ridiculous, but has been
testified to by authors who are not ridiculous.  A poor woman set out
on the journey, when a goose, filled with I do not know what
instructions, clearly exceeding the laws of her own dull nature,
followed her.  Lo, rumor, flying on Pegasean wings, filled the
castles and cities with the news that even geese had been sent by God
to liberate Jerusalem.  Not only did they deny that this wretched
woman was leading the goose, but they said that the goose led her.
At Cambrai they assert that, with people standing on all sides, the
woman walked through the middle of the church to the altar, and the
goose followed behind, in her footsteps, with no one urging it on.
Soon after, we have learned, the goose died in Lorraine; she
certainly would have gone more directly to Jerusalem if, the day
before she set out, she had made of herself a holiday meal for her
mistress.  We have attached this incident to the true history so that
men may know that they have been warned against permitting Christian
seriousness to be trivialized by belief in vulgar fables.

Finally, the same author claims that God appeared to Pyrrus, the man
who betrayed Antioch, and commanded him in vision to betray the city.
This was easy to do for him who made himself audible to Cain and
Hagar, and made an angel visible to an ass.  Certainly all those who
returned after the capture of the sacred city, and who sent to us
letters about the things that happened, particularly Anselm of
Ribemont, said no such thing.  Anselm makes no mention of Pyrrus, but
reveals that it was betrayed by three men.  According to the letter,
before the three leaders engaged in serious discussions about handing
over the city, they offered us a false peace, promising that they
would soon thereafter give up the city.  The mutual confidence that
resulted was so great that they sometimes welcomed Franks within the
walls of the city, and their men often mingled with ours.  But when
our army became less watchful and too comfortable, the Turks set
ambushes and killed some Franks, and themselves suffered losses.
There our men lost an excellent young man, who had been the constable
for the king of the Franks, and his name was Gualo.[256]

Fulcher denies the discovery of the Lord's Lance, claiming that the
man who discovered it was exposed as false, and punished by death in
the trial by fire which he undertook.  Not only do recent testimonies
contradict him on this event, but the most pious ancient writers
stipulate that long ago, when they visited the Holy Places, before
the Turks invaded the kingdoms of the East and of Syria, they used to
worship and kiss this same lance in that city.  Will the cleverness
of the priest Fulcher, who, while our men were suffering from
starvation at Antioch, was feasting at ease in Edessa, prevail over
the inspired work of the wise men who died at the time that it was
found?  Baldwin, who ruled this Edessa after the previous Baldwin, in
his letter to Archbishop Manassa said that it was found by means of
the revelation of Saint Andrew, and that it instilled bravery and
faithful confidence in our men to battle the attacking Turks.  Was
the worthy bishop of Puy so foolish as to have carried a lance of
questionable authenticity with such reverence when he went out to
fight Kherboga?  A certain memorable event occurred there: when
Kherboga ordered the grass to be burned, the bishop saw that the
dense smoke was pouring into the faces and eyes of the Franks as they
rushed into battle, and he held the holy Lance in front of him, while,
with his pious right hand, he made the image of the cross in the
face of the rising smoke, tearfully imploring the aid of all-powerful
Jesus; then, swifter than speech, his piety sent the round mass of
foul smoke right back at those who had sent it.  In addition, to
speak about the death of the man who found the Lance, who is said to
have died few days after undergoing the trial by fire, I shall say
how he died, although no one is certain whether he was harmed by the
flames, if they tell me why he who had received the gift of tongues
according to Gregory destroyed his limbs with his own teeth.

Furthermore, if I am not mistaken, he adds that, while they were
maintaining the siege of Antioch, a brilliant red light, like a fire,
shone in the night above the army, and it also unmistakably took the
form of a cross.  Some of the wise men there related the fire to
future battles, and said that the appearance of a cross was a sign of
certain salvation and victory to come.  We do not call this an error,
for many witnesses confirm this testimony.  About this, I say, leaky
Parmeno should be able to keep silent.[257]  Something like this
occurred at the beginning of the journey, which I happened to pass
over earlier[258] when I spoke of the movements of the eclipses and
shooting stars which were seen.  One day during the summer, towards
evening, such a great fire appeared in the Northern sky that many
people rushed from their homes to find out who was the enemy
destroying their lands with such flames.  All these events we firmly
believe to have been portents of the wars which were to come.  And
now, having put aside the things that we thought might be treated
separately, let us return to the order of the narrative.

No one can express how courageously Jerusalem was defended by its
inhabitants during the siege.  You would have seen how they had
learned to hurl stones at the ballistic machines, how to cover their
walls with timber and mats, and how to hurl what they called Greek
fire at the machines, since they knew that the greatest difficulty
for the besiegers was the lack of material.  But the Franks, known
for their cleverness, quenched the raging fire by sprinkling vinegar
on it; in addition, they struck with sharp scythes anything found
hanging over the walls.  The Saracens added iron hooks to their long
spears, with which they struck our men who, dressed in cuirasses,
were fighting from the tops of machines; drawing their swords, our
men made sticks out of their spears.  But what best showed the
vehement commitment of the Saracens was the fact that when one of
them was struck by one of our men, the shield of the man who had been
struck was snatched up, quicker than speech, by another man, who took
up the place from which the first had fallen, so that none of our men
could have known that his blows had wounded any of them.

When the city was fortunately captured, Bohemund, who had won the
right to rule, by means of the hunger, cold, and loss of blood
suffered by the Franks, preferred to remain there, rather to go on to
trouble about liberating the tomb of Jesus Christ.  And while he was
inappropriately fighting to win a house and small tower, he lost the
fruit and joy of all of his previous labor.  What good would it have
done him to run, when he was unwilling to understand in which
direction to go?  However, since he had until this time performed so
well for the army of the Lord, both in arms and in counsel, it is not
inappropriate to weave a few words into the text at this point, to
indicate how it came about that he went.  When he sent a messenger to
Baldwin at Edessa, asking him also to come with him to look at the
tomb of the Savior, Baldwin held back from rushing off to besiege the
city, not because he was greedy, but because he had to look after his
own city.  The city was filled with Christians, and often endured the
attacks of the surrounding Gentiles.  After the man had promised to
go on the journey, both men gathered large numbers of knights and
foot-soldiers, since they feared not only those, but nearly everyone
in the surrounding territory, and they set off for Jerusalem.  After
they had pitched their tents together, and nearly 20,000 men had
assembled, a terrible lack of food began to assail them, so that they
had nothing to put on their bread, and no bread on which to put
anything.  The supplies of the provinces, drained by the constant,
various sieges, and the extended and lengthy expeditions that had
passed through them, were in no way sufficient to maintain so many
animals and men.  Therefore the multitude, driven by the wretched
lack of food, again resorted to their earlier strategy of eating the
flesh of asses and horses, and they not desist from this practice
until they reached the longed-for city of Tiberias, famous for having
fed 5000 men under the Lord's guidance.  There for a little while
their mad hunger was relieved by a plentiful supply of food, and then
they went on at last to Jerusalem, where they found a huge number of
stinking bodies, hacked to pieces, so that they could not breathe
without the stench penetrating their noses and mouths.  They were
welcomed joyfully by king Godfrey, and they remained there because
Christmas was approaching.  They celebrated Christmas at Bethlehem,
as the judgement of reason would dictate, not only because they had
come together there with a mutual purpose, but also because of the
unexpected victory granted in their own time, which aroused
unbelievable celebration among the Franks.  After they left, each for
his own territory, Bohemund was attacked by a large Turkish force as
he was entering a certain city, and led away as a captive to a
distant region of Persia.  When news of this event reached the
illustrious Tancred, he hurried as quickly as he could to occupy
Antioch, and to fortify Laodicia, since both were under Bohemund's
control.  Robert, the count of Normandy, held Laodicea first, but
when the city's inhabitants could no longer bear the taxes levied by
this prodigal man, they drove the guards from the citadel, freed
themselves from his authority, and, out of hatred for him, abjured
the use of the coinage of Rouen.  After some years in prison,
Bohemund's release was finally obtained by a treaty and a ransom.

Since much has been said earlier, my praise of Godfrey's great
knightly prowess can be brought to a conclusion by using the words of
the Baldwin whom I just mentioned, the son of count Hugo of
Rethel[259] When king Baldwin came to the throne he was put in charge
of Edessa, but, alas, a band of Turks attacked him[260] and he was
imprisoned by the pagans, and if he is alive, he is still there.
This is what he said, although clothed in my words, about Godfrey:
"It happened on the holiday of Saint-Denis.  The king was returning
from a city called Morocoria, and 120 Turks lay in ambush, while he
was accompanied by only twenty knights.  Fearlessly we awaited their
attack, gripping our arms, while they, because they had attacked
suddenly, thought that we would flee because we were so few.  But we,
made more audacious by the aid we had continually experienced from
God, upon whom we relied spiritually, attacked the barbarians, and
wreaked such havoc upon them, that we killed eighty men and captured
ninety horses."  Then he remembered, with a mocking smile, those who
had fled from Antioch, and those who, after they had carried out
their mission in Constantinople, had put off returning, and, to
inspire the Franks who had remained in France, he added the following
about his own fortune: "We have a vast fortune, and, not counting the
treasures that belong to others, ten castles that belong to me alone,
and an abbey pay me annually total of 1500 marks.  And if God favors
my taking Aleppo, I shall soon have 100 castles under my command.  Do
not believe those who have retreated, claiming that we grow weary
with hunger, but rather trust in my words."

When this king left his noble life for a more blessed future life,
the inhabitants of Jerusalem, mindful of his temperance and mildness,
and afraid of losing his nobility of lineage, sent ambassadors to his
brother, the duke of Edessa, to take control of the kingdom.  He
lived in splendor in his realm; whenever he went out he had a gold
shield carried before him, which bore the image of an eagle, in the
Greek manner.  Like the pagans, he went about in a toga, let his
beard grow, accepted bows from his worshippers, and ate on rugs laid
on the ground.  If he entered one of his towns or cities, two knights
blew two trumpets before his chariot.  Baldwin then yielded to the
ambassadors and set off for Jerusalem.  But when the neighboring
pagans heard what he proposed to do, and saw him depart, they
embarked in their ships, with a favoring wind, although in vain,
since the duke was hurrying along the sandy banks of the sea,
accompanied by a small group of men, while they rowed furiously,
their prows plowing the waves, striving to intercept him, hurrying to
bring their ship to the shore.  But the duke, with all of his mortal
strength gone,[261] in his great anguish called upon the Most High,
promising that he would always obey Him and that he would rule the
kingdom in accordance with Christian faith.  And lo, the ships which
had been moving as though they had wings now stood still as though
stuck in mud, and the more each man struggled to sweep the sea with
his oars, the more the hope was ridiculed by the steady backward
movement of their boats.  Thus the efforts of the unjust were
confounded, and the duke remained deservedly free, seeing in this
auspicious event a sign that heaven favored his assuming the purple.
I have omitted mentioning the fact that Daimbert, the bishop of Pisa,
had already set out for Jerusalem, together with group of his people,
accompanied by the bishop of Apulia, by Bohemund, and by this very
Duke.

After he accepted the kingdom, it is said that his first expeditions
were undertaken against the Arabs.  When he reached the slopes of
Mount Sinai, he found a barbaric group of people, who resembled the
Ethiopeans.  He spared their lives because of their untamed behavior
and ugliness.  There, in the church which is called Saint Aaron,
where God had given his oracles to our fathers, he prayed, and the
army drank from the fountain of refutation, where, because Moses had
drawn a distinction with his lips, and did not sanctify the Lord in
the presence of the sons of Israel,[262] the Lord kept him from the
promised land.  Here the opinion of my priest has faltered, for it is
is known that not Sinai, but the mountain Or, which forms the border
of the ancient city of Petra in Arabia, was the place where Aaron
lost his life, and water emerged from the depths of the rock which he
struck.

In that holy city of Jerusalem, an ancient miracle renewed itself,
and I call it ancient because the Latin world does not know when it
begun.  Our conjecture is that it began when, after the city had
begun to be trampled by pagans, before our times, the Lord granted it
both to those who lived there, and to those who happened to be there
at that time.  Every year, on the Sabbath of Easter, the lamp of the
Lord's tomb seemed to be kindled by divine power; it was the custom
in that city that the pagans went through everyone's house,
extinguishing every fire, leaving only ashes in the hearths; the
pagans made such a search, because they thought that the miracle was
the product of the fraud, and not of the faith of the faithful.  When
Vulcan had been turned out by this means from the city, at the hour
at which our religion's law has determined that the Catholic people
are to be present at the service of the solemn resurrection and
baptism, you would have seen pagans moving throughout the basilica
with their swords drawn, threatening to kill our people.  You would
also have seen those natives who worshipped our faith entrusting
their profound grief to God, both those whose prayers had drawn them
from the furthest reaches of the world, and those who had come
because of the miracle, all to pray singlemindedly for the gift of
light.  Nor was there any unsuitable delay, but the passionate
request was granted swiftly.  I have heard from some old men who went
there that the papyrus or wick (I don't know which of them was used)
was once removed by a pagan's trick, and the metal remained empty,
but, by means of a miracle from heaven, when light shone from the
metal, he who wanted to defraud the heavenly powers learned that
natural forces fight even against their own natures for their God.

In the year that Baldwin accepted the sceptre from his predecessor,
it is said that the miracle was obtained with such difficulty that
night was almost upon them before their prayers and tears were
answered.  The priest mentioned above delivered a sermon to the
people, asking for sinners to confess; the king and the priest urged
them to make peace among themselves, and they promised to remedy
whatever was contrary to faith and to virtue.  Meanwhile, because of
the urgency of the matter, so many hideous crimes were confessed that
day, that if penitence did not follow, it would have seemed correct
for the sacred light to have been removed without delay; however,
soon after the reproof, the lamp was lit.  The next year, when the
time came for the celestial flame to make the tomb glorious, all men
lifted up their prayers from deep within.  Greeks and Syrians,
Armenians and Latins, each in his own language, called upon God and
his saints.  The king, the leaders, and the people, with penance and
grief in their hearts, marched behind the priests; all men were
racked with pain, because, since the day that the city was won by the
Christians, things had happened there that they had never heard of
happening under the pagans.  Fulker of Charters, however, taking with
him the chaplain of the patriarch Daimbert, went to the Mount of
Olives, where the lamp of God used to appear when it did not come to
Jerusalem.  When they returned, bringing nothing to please the ears
of the expectant Church, many sermons were delivered to the people,
which gave no solace to those who were suffering, but rather cause
for anguish.  That day, when the miracle did not happen, everyone
returned home; there was a double night, with bitter sadness
tormenting their breasts.  The next day they decided to make a
procession, with appropriate mourning, to the Temple of the Lord.
They went, without the joy of Easter, dressed no differently from the
day before, when suddenly, behind them, the keepers of the temple
proclaimed that the lamp of the sacred monument was lit.  Why do I
delay?  On that day such grace shone, augmented abundantly by the
delay, that the brilliance of God illuminated, although not
simulataneously, but sequentially, approximately fifty lamps.  Not
only during the sacred mysteries, but even when the king, after
services were over, ate in the palace, messengers came frequently to
summon him to leave the table to see the lights newly lit.  One
cannot describe how much grief was changed to relief when, on that
day, he agreed to what he never had consented to before, to be
crowned king in that city, in the house of the Lord, in
acknowledgement of the Lord's gift.

Then the Franks, who had redeemed the city with their blood, eager to
see their parents, sons, and wives, and perhaps confident in their
number and bravery, decided to return to their own sweet home by the
same land route they had taken when they came.  Although they thought
that they would be able to pass freely through the land surrounding
Nicea, which they had seized earlier, the Turks, who had been placed
there by the emperor once the city had been turned over to him to
impede the Franks when the occasion arose, put up strenuous
resistance to them.  Unless I am mistaken, my priest[263] says that
they cut to pieces 100,000 men, but I fear that the man is wrong in
offering such a number, because it is the case that he is eager to
offer such guesses elsewhere.  For example, he dares to estimate that
those who set out for Jerusalem numbered 6,000,000.[264]  I would be
surprised if all the land this side of the Alps, indeed if all the
kingdoms of the West, could supply so many men, since we know for a
fact that at the first battle before the walls of Nicea scarcely 100,
000 fully-equipped knights are reported to have been present.  And if
he was concerned with including all those who had gone on the journey,
but who died, on land and on the sea, of sickness or hunger, in the
various regions through which they passed, they still would not
amount to such a great number of men.  After the Franks, then, had
suffered hideous carnage, most of those who had survived returned to
Jerusalem, having lost what they owned.  The generous king genuinely
commiserated with them, gave them many gifts, and persuaded them to
return to their homeland by sea.

But the prince of Babylon, less concerned with the loss of Jerusalem
than with the proximity of the Frankish settlement, set out to launch
a heavy offensive against the new king, often striving to attack the
port city of Acre.  Count Robert of Normandy had besieged Acre when
the army of the Lord was advancing to besiege Jerusalem, but duke
Godfrey had brought him away, in expectation of a more successful
undertaking.  The Babylonian then gathered a vast army and challenged
the Christian king to battle.  He gathered his small band, to whom
the Lord said, "Fear not,"[265] and, setting his troops in order as
well as he could, he attacked the impious ones.  Killing them swiftly,
like brute beasts, he scattered them, like a hurricane driving dust.
A second time he sent his 9000 knights forward, supported by 20,000
Ethiopean common foot-soldiers.  The pious king assembled against him
scarcely 1000 knights and foot-soldiers, forming seven battalions out
of them, and he sent them with great confidence directly at the
thickest ranks of the enemy.  When the prince saw far off a pagan
knight, he rushed at him with such force that he drove his spear,
together with its standard, into the man's breast, and when he pulled
the spear from the wound, the standard remained in the man's breast.
Frightened by the courage of the prince and his men, the enemy
retreated at first, but their courage returned, because of the
strength of their numbers, and they united to attack our men,
compelling them to think of fleeing.  They said that this misfortune
had happened to them because, in their foolishness, they had not
brought the cross of the Lord to this battle.  They said that, guided
by a Syrian or some Armenian, they found this cross, which, like the
Lance, had lain buried somewhere.  They drew a lesson from this
incident, which was more blemish of a victory in the process of being
won than defeat, and when the army of the Babylonian prince, as
strong as the previous one, came forward to fight for the third time,
the splendid king, together with what forces he could gather,
deriving his confidence from God, went up against them.  After he had
drawn up his troops as well as he could, the clash of men was so
great that, although the armies were unequal, both sides suffered
severe losses, as 6000 pagan soldiers, and 100 Christians, lay dead.
And because they had no prideful concern for banners with eagles and
dragons, they raised aloft the sign of the humiliating Crucifixion,
the Cross, and as praiseworthy conquerors drove their enemies to
flight.

When they had been driven off, as was right, he assembled as much of
a larger army as he could, and surrounded the extraordinary city of
Palestinian Caesarea, with no concern for the number of men, but
instead for their might.  Siege engines were quickly built, many
ballistic machines were drawn up around the walls, and a beam with a
metal front, which was called a battering ram, was put in place.
Towers were prepared and moved forward at different times, whose
armed men not only rained down torrents of various kinds of missiles
on the Saracens who were standing on the battlements of the walls,
but who also struck and slew them with their swords.  There you would
have seen catapults with huge rocks not only striking the external
walls, but delivering the weight of harsh blows to the city's lofty
palaces.  As they smashed the building and walls, they also used
sling-shots to scatter sticks burning with liquid lead, to set the
town on fire.  Meanwhile the battering-ram crashed against the walls;
as it began to open a hole in the lower part of the wall, all the
surrounding structures began to crack.  Then, while the Franks
struggled to enter, and eagerness to attack drove the Saracens to
come forth, blood was shed on both sides.  When one of our machines
fell, killing many of our men, both sides became more courageous, for
the Saracens, who do not like fighting in open combat, were
remarkably competent when on the defensive.  On the twentieth day of
the siege, the king, supported by the best of his young knights,
attacked the inhabitants fiercely, suddenly leaping from an assault
tower, with one knight behind him, onto the wall, and driving the
enemy into flight.  The Franks swiftly followed the king,
annihilating multitudes throughout the city, sparing no one, except
the young women who could become slaves.  Treasure was sought
everywhere; they cut open not only chests, but the throats of the
silent Saracens.  When they were struck by a fist, their jaws yielded
the besants that had been poured into them.  They found pieces of
gold in the wombs of the women who had used these areas for purposes
other than the ones for which they were intended.  A contingent of
Franks was promptly left to guard the captive city, and shortly
thereafter the king marched to Acre, wore it down with daily attacks,
until it submitted to his authority.  He is known to have captured
many other cities, but since they were located in the middle of the
insane pagans, he could not be sure that our colonists would be safe
there.  The series of battles and victories made the Saracens
increasingly contemptible to the Christians; For example, here is
something that we learned happened last year.

A certain knight,[266] whom the king had made prefect of the city of
Tiberias, behaved insolently towards the king.  Angry at the man's
insolence, the king ordered him to leave the land he had been given.
He hastened to leave, taking with him as his retinue two armed
knights, and soon encountered a large troop of pagans.  Putting his
trust not in the number of his own men, but in God, he tore his shirt,
which they call an undertunic, placed it as a banner on his spear,
and commanded his companions to do the same.  They did so, cried out
loudly, spurred their horses forward, and charged headlong at their
enemies.  Frightened by the sudden attack, and thinking that a large
army was following these men, they fled, leaving themselves mortally
vulnerable to these three men.  Many were killed, and more booty was
taken than they could carry.  Returning after this event, grateful to
God, he was moved to prostrate himself before the king and he
promised that he would faithfully obey him from that point on.

Once, when the king was suffering from a great lack of money, and did
not have enough to pay the monthly stipend to his knights, divine
mercy suddenly and miraculously granted aid.  Things had become so
difficult that the servants and knights were thinking of leaving,
when the young men of Joppa, washing themselves, or rather enjoying a
swim in the sea, on a certain day found in the swirling sand and
water sacks filled with large amounts of gold, which the Venetians
had lost here in a shipwreck.  Brought to the king, they offered
solace to everyone, an amazing miracle, both to the king, who had
been close to despair, and to the new Christian community.

But since the charge has been spread about that the king repudiated
his wife, here is what is said about it.  His wife was descended from
the finest pagans in the land, and in obedience to him, she followed
her husband to Jerusalem, arriving by ship at the port of
Saint-Simeon.  There she was transferred to a faster ship, in an
attempt to make the trip more quickly, but she was brought by
unfavorable winds to certain island inhabited by Barbars.  The
islanders seized her, killed a bishop of her retinue, together with
some other officials, and, after holding her captive for some time,
finally released her.  When she reached her husband, the king,
suspicious, and not unreasonably, of the Barbars' sexual incontinence,
banished her from his bed, changed her mode of dress, and sent her
to live with other nuns in the monastery of Anne, the blessed mother
of the virgin mother of God.  He himself was glad to live the
celibate life, because, "his struggle was not against the flesh and
blood, but against the rulers of the world"[267]

Around the time of Easter last year, the knight I mentioned earlier,
whom we called the prefect of Tiberiad, and who had been victorious
in that battle, was involved in another encounter, less fortunate for
our men, in which he was captured, and brought alive by the pagans to
a city belonging to them.  During I don't know which one of their
sacrilegious celebrations, they brought this knight out and urged him
to renounce and to abjure his own belief.  Splendidly obdurate, he
rejected such criminal behavior, and was horrified even to hear such
a suggestion.  This praiseworthy man was immediately seized, tied, as
they say, to a tree that stood in the middle of a field, and was torn
by a hail of arrows from all sides.  The crown was then sawed from
his head, and the rest was made into the form of a cup, as though to
hold drinks for the king of Damascus, by whose orders these acts had
been done, to frighten our men.  By dying to preserve the confession
of his faith, this knight made himself a martyr who would be known
for ages to come.  His name was Gervais, of noble blood, from the
castle of Basilcas[268] in Soissons.

These are the things that, by the grace of God, we have found out
from entirely reliable men up to this day.  If, in following the
opinions of other men, we have said anything false, we have not done
so with the intention of deceiving anyone.  We are grateful to God,
the Redeemer of this holy City, through the efforts of our people.
For when the siege of the city began, He himself revealed, to an
anchorite living in Bethania, as the story has been reliably told to
us, that the city would be besieged furiously, but that it would be
entered on Easter day, at the hour at which Christ was brought to the
cross, to demonstrate that He again redeemed it from its afflictions
by the suffering of his own limbs.  This anchorite then called
together some of our leaders, and told them these things, which were
all proven true by the manner in which the city was actually captured.
We thank God for having composed these deeds with his own spirit,
through our mouth.  For the rest, if anyone thinks that we have not
laid things out as diligently as Julius Caesar and Hirtius Pansa[269]
did in the history of the Gauls, Spaniards, Pharsalians, Alexandrians,
and Numidians, he should carefully consider the fact that the same
people who waged the wars wrote them down.  As a result, nothing
general or particular that happened is omitted from their accounts.
They tell how many thousands of men there were, how many from each
region, who the princes were, to whom power was delegated, who the
leaders and princes were on the other side, what the cavalry, what
the lightly armed troops did, how many shields were pierced by
javelins, and, if I may use their own words, "after the consuls and
their officers had sounded the retreat," how many men were missing
and wounded at the end of the battle.  Since another profession
detains us who write this history, and our confidence is not
strengthened by what we saw, we have decided, in reporting what we
have heard, to exercise restraint.  Observing the discipline of the
Julian Quirites,[270] the officers of the legions, the troops of
cavalry, the common soldiers, and the cohorts were compelled to rally
around their banners, and if the locations were favorable, and in
suitable places they set up their encampments, as though they were
towns or cities, with moats and towers.  Before they set up battle
lines, they occupied the neighboring mountains, taking into account
the irregularities of the terrain, and they had large numbers of
servants, workers, and expensive baggage.  Since almost nothing like
these arrangements and activities existed among our men, their deeds
were due, I shall not say to Frankish courage, but rather to their
strength and their aroused faith.  Let those who wish say that I have
omitted more than I have written: I prefer being less to being more.
If anyone knows other things that were done, let him write what he
please.  We thank God and such victors, who, when they had no grain,
learned to feed upon roots that they dug up.  If anyone is in doubt
about the name of the Parthians, whom we have called Turks, or of the
Caucasus, let him read Solin on Wonders, Trogus-Pompeius on the
origin of the Parthians, and Jordanus the Goth on the Getae.  May God
stand watch as this pious work comes to an end.--


Endnotes

[1] A translation into French was done more than 170 years ago by F.
Guizot, in v. 9 of his *Collection des mémoires rélatifs a
l'histoire de France*, Paris, 1825.

[2] John Benton, *Self and Society in Medieval France*, New York,
1970; Guibert de Nogent, *Autobiographie*, edited and translated
by Edmond-René Labande, Paris, 1981; Paul J. Archambault, *A
Monk's Confessions*, University Park, 1995. The *Monodiae*,
however, was also not popular in its own time.  No medieval writer
mentions the work, and no manuscript has survived.  See Labande's
edition, pp. xxiii-xxviii, for a discussion of the editorial problems
that stem from being compelled to work from BN. f.l.  Baluze 42. For
recent discussion of Guibert, see M.D. Coupe, "The personality of
Guibert de Nogent reconsidered," *Journal of Medieval History* IX,
no. 4 [Dec. 1983], pp. 317-329, which supplies summary and judgement
of the work of J. Kantor, Benton, and others.  See also Jacques
Charaud, "La conception de l'histoire de Guibert de Nogent,"
*Cahiers de civilisation médiévale* VIII (1965), pp.
381-395, and Klaus Schreiner, "Discrimen veri ac falsi," *Archive
fur Kulturgeschicht* XLVIII (1966), pp. 1-51. Both Charaud and
Schreiner are concerned to demonstrate the degree to which Guibert's
vision of history is ruled by theology, and tropology in particular;
both articles can be read as respectful corrections of Bernard Monod,
"De la méthode historique chez Guibert de Nogent," *Revue
historique* 84 (1904), pp. 51-70. Unfortunately, Laetitia Boehm's
thesis, *Studien zur Geschichtschreibung des ersten Kreuzzuges
Guibert von Nogent*, Munich, 1954, has remained unpublished.  Georg
Misch also makes an attempt to characterize Guibert, for the most
part on the basis of Book One of the *Monodiae*, in
*Geschichte der Autobiographie*, vol. 3, part two, first half,
Frankfurt, 1959, pp. 108-162

[3] Early in the *Memoirs* Guibert says that his father died
eight months after his own birth; later he gives the time between his
birth and his father's death as scarcely six months; in both
instances he neglects to give the year.

[4] Characteristics at work also in his other writings; see Guibert's
*De pignoribus sanctorum* (Migne PL 156.607-684) for an extended
attack on those who believe in the wrong relics.

[5] *Journal of Medieval History* 2 (1976), p. 299 (of pp.
281-303).

[6] See Louis Bréhier's edition and translation, *Histoire
anonyme de la première croisade*, Paris, 1924; for a later
edition, see Rosalind Hill, *Gesta Francorum*, London, New York,
1962.

[7] Baldric of Dole and Robert the Monk also insistently added to the
story of the First Crusade what Riley-Smith (pp. 135-153) calls
"theological refinement."

[8] Bréhier 119-125.

[9] Bréhier 155.

[10] Brehier 133-135.

[11] For a preliminary study of Guibert's diction, see Eitan Burstein,
"Quelques remarques à propos du vocabulaire de Guibert de Nogent,"
*Cahiers de civilisation médiévale*, XXI (1978), pp.
247-263.

[12] *La tradition manuscrite de Guibert de Nogent*, The Hague,
1991, p. 20. Last year, however, in a note informing me of the
impending publication of his edition of the , Professor
Huygens reported that he has changed his mind.  The latest modern
edition is more than 100 years old, *(Recueil des Historiens des
Croisades, Historiens Occidentaux* IV, Paris, 1879, pp. 115-263),
and Professor Huygens, the latest reader of the eight surviving
manuscripts of the *Gesta Dei per Francos*, finds the edition
pretentious, orthographically aberrant, and of no philological value
whatever.

[13] Guibert perhaps has some support for this preference: In Praeloq.
2.30 212A Rather of Verona quotes Ambrose on interpreting the
difficulties of scripture: *quod difficilius invenitur, dulcius
tenetur*."

[14] 339, n. 3

[15] 1973 613.

[16]p. 255.

[17] *De Moribus et Actis primorum Normanniae Ducum*, ed. Jules
Lair, Caen, 1865.

[18] (eds.) J. Olrik and H. Raeder, *Saxonis Gest Danorum*, 1931,
1957, Hauniae, 2 vols. *The History of the Danes*, translated by
Peter Fisher, ed. H.E. Davidson, Totowa, 1979, 1981, 2 vols.

[19] For the significance and influence of Martianus, see W.H. Stahl,
R. Johnson, and E.L. Burge, *Martianus Capella and the Seven
Liberal Arts*, NY, 1971; Danut Shanzer, *A philosophical and
literary commentary on Martianus Capella's De Nuptiis Philologiae et
Mercurri, book one*, Berkeley, 1986.

[20] For a densely compacted discussion of this hypothesis, see
Herbert Grundmann, *Geschichtsschreibung im Mittelalters*,
Göttingen, 1965. For a more extensive, lavishly detailed
discussion, see Bernard Guenee, *Histoire et culture historique
dans l'occident médiéval*, Paris, 1980. In English, the
argument was popularized by R.G. Collingwood, *The Idea of
History*, Oxford, 1946; p. 258 gives a useful formulation.

[21] Aimon's early eleventh-century rewriting of both Gregory of
Tours sixth-century text and the eighth-century *Liber Historiae
Francorum* is only roughly comparable, since he was much further
removed in time from the authors whose work he was correcting.  See
Gregory of Tours, *Historiae Francorum*, edited by W. Arndt and
Bruno Krusch, *Monumenta Germaniae Historica, Scriptores Rerum
Merovingicarum*, vol.  I, Hanover, 1885; Aimon, *De Gestis
Francorum*, pp. 20-143 of *Recueil des historiens des Gaules et
de l France*, ed. M. Bouquet, vol.  III, 1869, pp. 20-143; Bruno
Krusch, *Fredegarii et Aliorum Chronica; Monumenta Germaniae
Historica*: Scriptorum Rerum Merovingicarum, Hanover, 1888.

[22] Two editions are available: *Recueil des Historiens des
Croisades, Historiens Occidentaux* III, Paris, 1866, pp. 319-585;
*Fulcheri Carnotensis Histori Hierosolymitana*, ed. Heinrich
Hagenmayer.  Heidelberg, 1913.

[23] A judgement contained within the less sardonic assessment,
almost nine hundred years later, by Ernest Baker, who called Fulcher,
"a kindly old pedant," in the *Encyclopaedia Britannica*, 11th
edition, Cambridge, 1910.

[24] Guibert decision to insert verses of his own composition, in a
variety of meters, some unusual, in his predominantly prose text,
also seems to be an attempt to outdo Fulker, who had chosen to
compose occasional verse for his predominantly prose text, although
he limited himself to hexameters and elegaics.

[25] Quod ego Fulcherus Carnotensis, cum ceteris iens peregrinis,
postea, sicut oculis meis perspexi, diligenter et sollicite in
memoriam posteris collegi.  (RHC.HO III.327) The case for the
*Gesta Francorum* as a text composed by an eye-witness is
inferential only.

[26] Isidore of Seville, *Etymologies*, I, XLI, ed. W.M Lindsay,
Oxford, 1911. See also Bernard Guenée on the topos of the
eye-witness, in *Histoire et culture historique dans l'occident
médiéval*, Paris, 1980. For a paradigmatic example of the
difficulties generated by trying to determine whether a medieval text
of an historical nature is the product of an eyewitness, see Stubbs'
argument (Rolls Series 38.1) that the *Itinerarium Regis Ricardi*
is the product of an eyewitness of the Third Crusade, then Gaston
Paris' argument that *L'Estoire de la guerre sainte*, Paris, 1897
is the eye-witness account that the author of the *Itinerarium*
was translating, and then Hans Eberhard Mayer, *Das Itinerarium
peregrinorum*, Stuttgart, 1962, for the argument that neither is an
eye-witness account; see also the discussion in M.R. Morgan, *The
Chronicle of Ernoul and the Continuations of William of Tyre*,
Oxford, 1973, pp. 61 ff..

[27] See E.R. Curtius, *European Literature and the Latin Middle
Ages*, New York, 1953, pp. 83-85.

[28] Translation by Rosalind Hill, London, 1962, p. 44.

[29] Translated by H. Rushton Fairclough, *Horace*, London, 1966,
p. 465.

[30] Guibert's behavior in this respect suggests that the anxiety of
influence which Harold Bloom assigned primarily to the English
Romantic poets existed earlier and more extensively ( *Anxiety of
Influence*, Oxford, 1973).

[31] III Reg xii.10; II Par x.10.

[32] Book VII, p. 239.

[33] See Appendix A.

[34] Jeremiah III.27,28.

[35] A term Paul Zumthor introduced in "Roman et Gothique," in
*Studi in honore di Italo Siciliano*, Florence, 1966, vol.  II, p.
1227.

[36] For evidence that Guibert was remarkably fastidious in his
attitude towards his literary production, or at least towards three
of his theological compositions, see Monique-Cecile Garand, "Le
Scriptorium de Guibert de Nogent," *Scriptorium* 31 (1977), pp.
3-29.

[37] See Robert Levine, "Satiric Vulgarity in Guibert de Nogent's
*Gesta Dei per Francos," Rhetorica* 7 (1989), pp. 261-273.

[38] Although he calls the Pope a fine Latinist, instead of giving
Urban's words at Clermont, Guibert rewrites them, *etsi non verbis,
tamen intentionibus*, "not word for word, but according to what he
meant."  For an attempt, on the basis of the various surviving
representations of Urban's performance at Clermont, to determine what
the Pope actuually said, see D.C. Munro, "The Speech of Pope Urban II
at Clermont," *American Historical Review* XI (1906), pp. 231-242.
For objections to Munro's technique, see Paul Rousset, *Les
origines et les caracteres de la premiere croisade*, Geneva, 1945,
p. 58.

[39] See W. Porges, "The Clergy, the Poor, and the Non-Combatants on
the First Crusade," *Speculum* 21 (1946), pp. 1-20; Jean Flori,
"Faut-il réhabiliter Pierre l'Ermite?" *Cahier de civilisation
médiévale* XXXVIII (1995), pp. 35-54.

[40] See Appendix A.

[41] Labande, I.xvii, pp. 135 ff..

[42] A task for which Heinrich Hagenmeyer's *Chronologie de la
première croisade*, Hildesheim, 1898-1901, provides a sound
basis.

[43] Whenever possible, the modern spellings are taken from the
Gazetteer provided in *A History of the Crusades*, ed. by
Kenneth M. Setton and M.W. Baldwin, Madison, 1969, vol.  I, pp.
626-666.

[44] *paregorizantis*, "curative," a rare word, used by Augustine.

[45] Horace AP 105.

[46] One of the names of Mars.

[47] Literally, never goes beyond Mercurial moderation.

[48] An area in northeast Persia, but used as a general term for the
Near East by the Western chroniclers of the First Crusade.

[49] Gnaeus Trogus Pompeius, a contemporary of Livy, wrote 44 books,
of which only an epitome by Justin survives.

[50] I Kings xii.10; II Chronicles x.10.

[51] Translation by J.D. Duff, *Lucan*, Cambridge, 1969. "of
one's own blood," is the more literal translation.

[52] Lucan I. 8,9,12.

[53] Albert of Aix uses the same comparison several times within one
paragraph to describe the joys of the Crusaders about to attack
Ascalon: they are *tanquam ad convivium pergentes laetati*, then
the pagan prefect of Ramna, noticing that the Christians are singing
and rejoicing, *tanquam ad epulas omnium deliciarum invitati
essent*, remarks: Miror, et sufficienter mirari nequeo unde populus
hic in tanta laetitia et voce exultationis glorietur, quasi ad
convivium iturus.  (RHC IV.492)

[54] That is, children.

[55] Proverbs xxx.27.

[56] The first printed edition offers *genuinae*, where MS A
offers *geminae*.

[57] That is, Helena.

[58] Psalm 63.7

[59] Genesis III.17,18.

[60] Died c. 336 A.D..

[61] Died c. 274 A.D.

[62] Ephesians 5.27.

[63] A.D. 249-251.

[64] buccella intinctio.

[65] Iznik (Turkish).

[66] abortivis? _________

[67] Jacob V.4.

[68] Psalm 80.13.

[69] Psalm 9.21

[70] Psalm 146 (147)20

[71] Robert I, count of Flanders, 1071-1093. The letter is printed in
*Epistulae et chartae ad historiam primi belli sacri sectantes*,
edited by Heinrich Hagenmayer, Innsbruck, 1901, pp. 129-136

[72] Michael VII Ducas, Parapinaces, 1071-1078.

[73] He was the son of Eucherius, master of Lageri.

[74] Elected abbot of Cluny in 1049.

[75] Odo, nephew of Urban II.

[76] Stephen II, 752-757; Zacharias, 741-752.

[77] Pepin compelled Astolphus to restore Ravenna and other cities to
Stephen in 755.

[78] Last Lombard king, 756-774.

[79] A reference to the struggle between Emperor Henry IV and Gregory
VII; see Uta-Renate Blumenthal, *The Investiture Controversy*
Philadelphia, 1988.

[80] Paschal came to France in 1107, with Philip I on the throne.
Isidore of Seville (IX.ii.101) offers two derivations for "Franks."
*Franci a quodam proprio duce vocari putantur.  Alii eos a feritate
morum nuncupatos existimant* The archdeacon of Mainz clearly was
referring to their animal-like behavior.

[81] Jeremiah III.27,28.

[82] An error by Guibert or by the scribe; the council of Clermont
began 18 November, 1095.

[83] Sidonius Apollinarus uses *piperata facundia* in Book VIII,
epistle xi, of the *Poems and Letters*, ed. W.B. Anderson,
Cambridge, 1984, vol I.

[84] Mathew 27.53.

[85] Isaiah 11.10.

[86] Eccl. 1.7

[87] II Thess. ii.4

[88] II Thess ii.3

[89] Luke xxi.24.

[90] John VII.6

[91] II Thess ii.3.

[92] Isaiah 43.5.

[93] Presumably Peter and Paul.

[94] Psalm 47.8.

[95] Psalm 77.7.

[96] These seven elegiacs are the first verses Guibert inserts in the
*Gesta Dei*.

[97] Rom X.2

[98] Classical Latin for a conical column.

[99] In French, *moisson* means "harvest."

[100] Izmit, on the sea of Marmara.  The *Gest Francorum* begins
here.  A more specific account of the difficulties that produced the
separation from the Franks can be found in Albert of Aix, RHC IV.284.

[101] Franci a quodam proprio duce vocari putantur.  Alii eos a
feritate morum nuncupatos existimant.  Sunt enim in illis mores
inconditi, naturalis ferocitas animorum.  The French are thought to
derive their name from one of their leaders.  Others think that they
derive their name from the ferocity of their behavior.  For they are
naturally fierce.  (Isidore of Seville, Etymologies, ____________ ed.
W.M. Lindsay, Oxford, 1962, vol. 2).

[102] Asia Minor, or the entire Byzantine empire.

[103] Xerigordo, according to Anna Comnena; today, Eski-Kaled.

[104] September 29, 1096.

[105] Guibert here rejects the perhaps more pathetic scene in the
*Gesta Francorum* (Brehier 8): *alii mingebant in pugillo
alterius et bibebant*.

[106] Eight elegiacs.

[107] Ten elegiacs.

[108] Sometimes given the epithet, *sine habere*, "the Penniless."

[109] Gemlik, now abandoned.

[110] Iznick, on the lake of the same name.

[111] Twelve Asclepiadeans.  At this point, the *Gest Francorum*
gives only *quemdam sacerdotem missam celebrantem, quem statim
super altare martirizaverunt*, "a priest celebrating mass, whom
they immediately martyred on the altar."

[112] Two dactyls, the second line borrowed from Horace, Sat I.97.

[113] Durazzo.

[114] This single elegiac may contain a scribal error, confusing
Alemannus with Lemanus (Lake Geneva).  The epitaph reads: Hic terror
mundi Guiscardus, hic expulit urbe Quem Ligures regem, Roma,
Alemannus habet.  Parthus, Arabs, Macedumque phalanx non texit Alexim,
At fuga; sed Venetum, nec fuga, nec pelagus.

[115] A single dactylic hexameter.

[116] In the Latin, *de prima civitate Richardum*, glossed (p.
152) as *Richardum de Principatu, vel Principem*.

[117] Edirne (Turkish) in Bulgaria.

[118] Today, the Vardar.

[119] Ash Wednesday.

[120] Today, Ruskujan.

[121] "outside of the city wall" is my version of *brugo*,
uninhabited land, a field not under cultivation.

[122] Suetoniuis, Caesar 80: Gallias Caesar subegit, Nicomedes
Caesarem.

[123] For whatever facts can be assembled about the siege, see R.
Rogers, *Latin Siege Warfare in the Twelfth Century*, Oxford,
1992, pp. 16-25.

[124] Four dactylic hexameters.

[125] Tomyris dips Cyrus' head in a bag of blood in Herodotus I CCV.
Tibullus (IV.i.143 ff.) alludes to the story, and Valerius Maximus
(IX.x) uses the story to illustrate vengeance.

[126] 99 Adonic verses kata stichon, followed by 13 dactylic
hexameters.

[127] Lamentations II.9

[128] Matthew XX.12.

[129] Two dactylic hexameters.

[130] Three dactylic hexameters.

[131] Fourteen elegiacs.

[132] The *Gesta Francorum* had given the number as 360,000,
Anselm of Ribemont as 260,000. (Brehier 49).

[133] An elegiac couplet.

[134] Deut XXXII.30.

[135] Kilidj-Arslan

[136] one hexameter.

[137] Spikes of cactus, perhaps, or making flour?

[138] Konya (Turkish).

[139] Ereghli (Turkish)

[140] One dactylic hexameter.

[141] Paul.

[142] Adana.

[143] Mamistra (medieval), Mopsuestia (classical), Msis (Armenian),
Misis (Turkish).

[144] Thoros.

[145] Selevgia (West Armenian), Silifke (Turkish).

[146] Horace *Ars Poetica* 180-181.

[147] John III.32

[148] Kayseri

[149] Placentia, or Comana.

[150] Goksun.

[151] Riha, perhaps.

[152] Rouveha, perhaps.

[153] Marash

[154] Oct 21, 1097

[155] Aregh

[156] Sallust, Jugurtha 85.

[157] Aleppo.

[158] Eleven stanzas of sapphics.

[159] Lucan I.135.

[160] i.e., become emaciated

[161] Fourteen heptameters.

[162] Juvenal 6.443.

[163] Fourteen dactylic hexameters."

[164] Seven dactylic hexameters.

[165] February 9.

[166] Two dactylic hexameters.

[167] Rom X.2.

[168] Sultan.

[169] Psalm 81.8.

[170] Psalm 78.6.

[171] Psalm 92.3.

[172] Romans 9.25

[173] I Mac. v.62.

[174] Acts IX.25; II Cor XI.33

[175] Sixteen dactylic hexameters.

[176] One dactylic hexameter.

[177] Scatter them that they may know that no other than you, our
Lord fights for us.  Scatter them by your power, and destroy them,
our protector, Lord.  (Eccl. xxxvi.1)

[178] Iskenderum.

[179] Aksehir.

[180] Hebrews XII.6.

[181] Or "miracle" in B.

[182] Miraculous intervention at this point is reported also in the
*Gesta Francorum*, (Brehier 154), and in a letter published by
Hagenmayer (*Epistulae et Chartae* 167), but neither Raymond nor
Fulcher mention it.

[183] Malach.III.10

[184] August 1, 1098.

[185] IV Kings.v.12

[186] At this point manuscript I adds: Jerome says, in the fifth book
of his explication of Isaiah, that Antioch was the city of Reblata,
in which king Nabugodonosor tore out the eyes of king Sedechia, and
killed his sons.

[187] Latin for "red."

[188] Ma'arrat-an-Nu'man.

[189] Kafartab.

[190] Rafaniya.

[191] Abou Ali Ibn Ammar.

[192] Raymond, vicount of Torena.

[193] Job 2.4

[194] Latakia.

[195] Djebali

[196] Among the Romans, *iustitium* was a day on which no
business can be undertaken due to natural disaster

[197] Judges XVII.6.

[198] Manassas II of Chatillon died in 1106. Anselm's letters have
survived and appear in *Epistulae et chartae ad historiam primi
belli sacri spectantes*, ed. Heinrich Hagenmeyer, Innsbruck, 1901,
pp. 144-146 and 156-160.

[199] October 31.

[200] Botron.

[201] Jubail.

[202] Nahir-Ibrahim.

[203] Saida.

[204] I Kings 17.9.

[205] Tyre.

[206] Ramla.

[207] I Kings I.

[208] Robert, a Norman cleric.

[209] Psalm 21.30.

[210] John IX.7.

[211] Guibert has elided the assertion in the *Gest Francorum*
that the Arabs had poisoned the wells, substituting instead these
remarks sympathetic to the class from which he sprung.

[212] Joshua VI.20.

[213] The author of the *Gesta Francorum* gives his name as
Gaston Bearn.

[214] Part of a dactylic hexameter couplet.

[215] Three elegiac lines.

[216] Two dactylic hexameters.

[217] Psalms 121.1.

[218] 48 iambic trimeters.

[219] Guibert multiplies the single *nuntius* of the *Gesta
Francorum* into *legati*.

[220] Sichem, then Flavia Neapolis, then Nabulus.

[221] Arnulf of Martirano.

[222] The *Gesta Francorum* reports the presence of the animals
without attributing them to any Arabian design.

[223] One dactylic hexameter.

[224] Two dactylic hexameters.

[225] Psalm 92.4.

[226] Three dactylic hexameters.

[227] Isaiah 43.5.

[228] Zech 12.2.

[229] Galatians 2.2.

[230] Zechariah 12.2.

[231] Zechariah 12.3.

[232] Zechariah 12.3.

[233] Luke 21.24.

[234] Ezekiel 29.18.

[235] Zechariah 12.4.

[236] Zechariah 12.4.

[237] Zechariah.12.5.

[238] Zechariah 12.6.

[239] Zechariah 12.6.

[240] Zechariah 12.7

[241] Zechariah 12.8.

[242] Zechariah 12.8.

[243] Zechariah 12.9.

[244] Psalm 2.8.

[245] Apoc 2.27; 19.15.

[246] Zecharia 12.10.

[247] 5.5.

[248] It is not clear what this province is.  The RHC editor
tentatively suggests "Isauria."

[249] Judges VI, VII, VIII.

[250] Terence *Eunuch* 4.6.6.

[251] Hebrews 13 II.

[252] Three times in the course of the last book of the *Gesta
Dei* Guibert finds something positive in the absence of Western
kings on the expedition to Jerusalem.  Among the practical reasons
for their absence: (1) Philip I and the Holy Roman Emperor were
excommunicate at the time; (2) William Rufus was anticlerical and
otherwise occupied; (3) the Italian rulers were absorbed with local
problems.

[253] Lucan I.135.

[254] Ecclesiasticus 11.5.

[255] Horace, Ars Poetica 97.

[256] Robert the Monk, RHC.HO III, p. 794, provides a longer passage
on Gualo.

[257] In Terence's *Eunuch* (I.ii.105), the slave Parmeno says he
can keep silent about the truth, but must immediately speak (or leak)
what is a lie.

[258] RHC IV 149F.

[259] 1066-1118.

[260] 1104.

[261] One dactylic hexameter.

[262] Numbers XX.2-13; XXIII.38.

[263] Fulker.

[264] In RHC, p. 333, Fulker mentions 600,000.

[265] Luke 12.32.

[266] The *Gesta Francorum* gives his name: Gervais de Bazoches.


The Deeds of God through the Franks
(C)1997  by Robert Levine





*** End of this LibraryBlog Digital Book "Gesta Dei per Francos. English - The Deeds of God Through the Franks" ***

Copyright 2023 LibraryBlog. All rights reserved.