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Title: Abolitionism Exposed! - Proving the the Principles of Abolitionism are Injurious to the Slaves Themselves, Destructive to This Nation, and Contrary to the Express Commands of God
Author: Sleigh, W. W. (William Willcocks), 1796-
Language: English
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Transcriber's Notes: Variations in spelling and hyphenation have been
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by _underscores_. A row of asterisks represents a thought break.

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                             ABOLITIONISM
                               EXPOSED!

                             PROVING THAT

                    THE PRINCIPLES OF ABOLITIONISM

                                 ARE

           INJURIOUS TO THE SLAVES THEMSELVES, DESTRUCTIVE
                 TO THIS NATION, AND CONTRARY TO THE
                       EXPRESS COMMANDS OF GOD;

                         WITH STRONG EVIDENCE

      _That some of the principal CHAMPIONS of Abolitionism are
     inveterate Enemies to this Country, and are taking advantage
                   of the 'ANTI-SLAVERY WAR-WHOOP'
                to dissever, and break up, the UNION_.


     "While they promise them _Liberty_, they themselves are the
               _Slaves_ of corruption."--2 Pet. ii. 19.


                   BY W. W. SLEIGH, F. R. C. S. L.

       FORMERLY PROFESSOR OF ANATOMY AND SURGERY, LONDON; HON.
           MEMB. R. W. L. S. I.; AUTHOR OF "THE SCIENCE OF
                 SURGERY;" "THE CHRISTIAN'S DEFENSIVE
                   DICTIONARY AGAINST INFIDELITY;"
                             &c. &c. &c.


                            PHILADELPHIA:
                       PUBLISHED BY D. SCHNECK,
               N. W. CORNER OF SECOND AND RACE STREETS.
                       Stereotyped by J. Fagan.

                                1838.



Entered according to the act of Congress, in the year 1838, by W. W.
SLEIGH, in the office of the district court of the eastern district of
Pennsylvania.



CONTENTS.


                                                                    Page
  PREFACE                                                              4

  CHAPTER I.

  Liberty and Slavery defined--Difference between Words and Things     5


  CHAPTER II.

  The Principles, &c. of the Leaders of Abolitionism exhibited        16


  CHAPTER III.

  The impracticability of the object of Abolitionists demonstrated    24


  CHAPTER IV.

  The Errors of the Quarterly Anti-Slavery Magazine, for April, 1837,
  respecting the Scriptural Words, "_servant_"--"_property_"--"_buy_,"
  &c., briefly noticed                                                43


  CHAPTER V.

  The Conduct and Character of the Southern Slave-holder vindicated   49


  CHAPTER VI.

  Colonization Principles vindicated--Calumnies refuted--The
  good the Colonization Society has already done--is doing--and
  the incalculable good it must do, if duly patronized                66


  CHAPTER VII.

  Colonization and Abolitionism contrasted                            88


  APPENDIX.

  Extract of an Address of William Lloyd Garrison, Esq., published
  in the London Patriot, of August, 1833                              91

  Conclusion                                                          92



PREFACE.


The conflagration of the late "_Pennsylvania Hall_" having frustrated
the contemplated discussion between some of the champions of
Abolitionism and the Author, he feels it a duty he owes the public, and
the best service he can render this country, to make known, through the
medium of a Pamphlet, a few of the facts and arguments which he
intended adducing on that occasion. Thus contributing his mite of
information towards allaying the general excitement on this subject,
and, if possible, to open the eyes of those who, _through mistaken
philanthropy_, have become the _innocent_ tools of a few reckless men,
whose object, (to put the most favourable construction on it) may be,
while indifferent of consequences, to render themselves conspicuous.
Were he not convinced that the best interests of this country, that the
real interests of the coloured population, bond and free, and that
common humanity itself, are involved in the question of Abolitionism, he
would not presume to obtrude himself on the notice of the Public, on a
topic more or less now connected with politics, from which he has
hitherto carefully refrained. He comes forward therefore, while he
declares himself an eternal and uncompromising enemy to all _cruelty_,
_injustice_, _tyranny_, and _oppression_, not _against_, but _for_
liberty--not _against_, but _for_ the coloured man--not _against_, but
_for_ humanity.

      Philadelphia, 285 Race Street.
             _May 21st, 1838._



ABOLITIONISM EXPOSED!



CHAPTER I.

LIBERTY AND SLAVERY DEFINED.----DIFFERENCE BETWEEN WORDS AND THINGS.


Mankind has ever been disposed to be carried away with _names_ and
_words_, with the _representation_ of things, rather than with _things
themselves_: and that portion of mankind thus apt to be deceived by
_mere sound_, is generally the most innocent--the best--the most
unsuspecting--the most charitable--these very qualities rendering them
the easy victims of design and imprudence: the history of the world
proves, not only this, but also that demagogues are the _first_ to fly
from the commotions, which they themselves create; and thus leave their
poor innocent victims to suffer the vengeance of an outraged and
insulted community! They stand their ground while the weapons used are
merely words, and "_rotten_" eggs, &c.; but when recourse is had to
leaden balls, and swords of steel, they generally take good care to make
a quick retreat, leaving their deluded followers to have the glory of
martyrdom!

_Liberty_ is a glorious term--so is _Christianity_--but under the sacred
garb of both one and the other, the foulest deeds have been, and may
be, perpetrated! Under the name of _Christianity_, the holy crusades, in
which thousands were slain, were instituted and carried on, by
Englishmen! And under the name of _Liberty_, men, women, and children
were, in 1793, slaughtered by Frenchmen! Be not therefore carried away
by _sounds_--by mere _words_.

_Slavery_ is a horrid term! But why? Not that bondage or slavery is
uncommon, or rare; for there are few, very few men, white or black, on
the face of the Earth who are not SLAVES! He who commits sin is the
_slave_ of lust--so says the Bible--Let God be true, and every man a
liar. Who therefore is not a slave? Was not Buonaparte, while he was the
Emperor of nearly all Europe, a _slave_ to his god--ambition? And is not
the _covetous_ man a slave to his idol--gold?

     "He is a freeman whom the truth makes free,
     And all are slaves beside. There's not a chain,
     That hellish foes, confederate for his harm,
     Can wind around him, but he casts it off,
     With as much ease, as Samson his green withes."

The principal reason why we abhor so much the term _slavery_ is, the
base cruelty with which _some_ tyrant slaveholders, for there are wicked
slaveholders as well as wicked husbands and masters, have treated their
slaves. Hence we are very apt to use as synonymous terms, _slavery_,
_cruelty_, _tyranny_, and _oppression_. Moreover it is the interest of
certain persons so to use these words, for the purpose of getting more
ready access to the hearts of good-natured men and women. Does any one
really believe that a man _cannot_ treat his slaves _kindly_,
_tenderly_, and _affectionately_? If any one thinks it _possible_, then
let not, for the future, the terms _slavery_ and _cruelty_ be
inseparably united. But if he thinks it impossible, then it is evident
the testimony of some thousands of disinterested, good, and religious
men, who have visited the South, and who have most solemnly borne
testimony to the kind, tender, and Christian manner in which _numerous_
slaveholders treat their slaves, must be rejected! If all this is to be
rejected, then let the doubter, who is so charitable towards the
coloured population, exercise a little of that charity, "which rejoiceth
not in iniquity," and is "without partiality," towards his white fellow
citizens, and ere he slanders them, or encourages those who bear false
witness against them, pay the South a visit, and judge for himself, with
his own eyes, and his own cars. Methinks he replies, "but I have it from
those who themselves have witnessed it!" Witnessed what? Is it that
_all_ the slaveholders in the South treat their slaves with _cruelty_
and _barbarity_? Oh no, perhaps he says, not _all_, but many of them!
Many thanks! This is fully admitted, and much regretted; but this
exception proves the very proposition with which we started, viz. "that
slavery, and cruelty, ought not to be used as _synonymous_ terms!"
Again, fresh he is no doubt to the charge, with the thrust, "but this
fact of many of the slaveholders treating their slaves with cruelty,
shows there ought to be no slavery!" Avast, friend! is the _abuse_ of a
system a just cause of condemnation? Do you say it is: then the system
of apprenticeship--of guardianship--of matrimony--_Liberty_--and
_Christianity_ themselves, ought to be condemned, for they all have been
abused--all have had the most _cruel_--_tyrannical_--and _Satanic_ acts,
committed under their names! Therefore, according to the very argument
by which you would have slavery condemned, you would also have
_liberty_, _matrimony_, and _Christianity_, banished from the
earth!--You cannot get out of the dilemma--there is no possible
alternative--if _slavery_ is to be condemned because it has been
_abused_, so are Liberty and Christianity! Out of thine own mouth thou
art condemned!

A total recklessness of truth is a remarkable feature in the arguments
adopted by the advocates of Abolitionism; while they give no credit to
the statements of those differing from them! they unblushingly assert
that _all_ slaveholders are _tyrants_ and _cruel_! Does truth require
falsehood to make it conquer? Ought not those preposterous misstatements
open the eyes of the public to the real character, and motive, of those
men?--The cause of God they cannot be advocating, for his cause requires
not the weapons of Satan! Error invariably stands in need of lies for
its support.

That there is great cruelty in the South, no one denies; but is there no
cruelty in the North? Are there no cruel, tyrannical, husbands and
masters in Philadelphia or in Boston? Are no acts of oppression
committed north of the Chesapeake? These cannot be attributed to
slavery! There is, rely on it, a deeper, a more concealed, a more
galling _slavery_ and _bondage_, to which these evils are attributable,
even the slavery of the soul to sin and to Satan. To this one, and the
same _mental slavery_, both cruelty and tyranny in the South, and in the
North, are alike referable. Therefore attributing these detestable
evils, cruelty, and tyranny, to _corporeal_ slavery, is not only
unphilosophical and unscriptural, but fatally erroneous; for it leads us
to attack the _effect_, and not the _cause_.

The Author, while listening last week to the Abolition Champions in the
late "Pennsylvania Hall," was forcibly struck with the strong similarity
between the _mode_ of argument adopted by them, and by the champions of
Infidelity in the late public discussions, between them and him, in New
York! They commenced their addresses with high-sounding words about
_liberty!_ _oppression!_ _tyranny_, &c.! Having by this mode (_and they
know the value of it!_) got ready access to the hearts of their
audience, and made a favourable impression, so as to make the females
whisper to each other, "Oh what a fine, good man, that must be," &c.(!)
then they depicted, in the strongest colours, the horrors of
slavery--next they issued forth a tirade of slander and abuse against
all slaveholders; and lastly they proceeded to undermine the character
of every man opposed to them--the credibility of every witness bearing
testimony against them--and the motives of all men, _except themselves_!
Moreover they invariably attacked the _abuses_ of each system (as if a
system were answerable for its abuse) holding up to public odium, what
every good man from his heart must condemn, viz: oppression, tyranny,
and cruelty; thus leaving the vast majority of the audience under the
impression that it was the _thing itself_, and not the _abuse of it_, on
which they were animadverting!

LIBERTY--there is scarcely a word in the English Vocabulary so often
perverted as the term _liberty_.--A vast mass of mankind conceive that
the meaning of the word is, a perfect privilege and license for each and
every man to do as he pleases.--If this be the real and true meaning of
liberty, and that where this is _not_, there is _slavery_, then there is
no liberty in the United States, (and God forbid, say I, there ever
should be here such liberty,) and every man, woman, and child in the
Union, is a _slave_! I doubt not this is the kind of liberty at which
some of the champions of Abolitionism, viz. Fanny Wright
Darusmont--Owen--et hoc omne genus, are aiming! But is this the liberty
sanctioned by God? No! Is this the liberty guaranteed by the declaration
of Independence? No! Is this the liberty for which the Fathers of this
Country fought and bled? No! No! Such liberty would be the most awful
tyranny and oppression--The liberty authorised by God, and sanctioned by
the laws of this Country, is, that no man shall do aught to the injury,
prejudice, or hurt of his neighbour--This is the only true liberty
granted by God to man; yet this is the very liberty, the advocates of
Abolitionism turn into ridicule, and attempt to destroy, under the
plausible plea of vindicating the rights of man! This was the plea of
Thomas Paine--This was the plea of Robert Owen--this is the plea of
Fanny Wright Darusmont--this is the plea of all the infidels on the face
of the earth! But, say Abolitionists, the Bible commands us, to "do unto
others as we would be done by." Admitted. This very passage was
addressed by the Infidels in their discussion with me to show the
absurdity of the Bible: and according to the use made of it by
Abolitionists, the argument of Infidels would be unanswerable! But will
Abolitionists stand by this rule? They will not: for if they did, they
would instantly abandon their crusade against their southern fellow
citizens: and if they will not, then let them no longer quote that as
authority, by which they themselves will not be governed! [See this
subject further illustrated in a subsequent chapter.]

Liberty then may be defined to be, _the privilege of doing all that is
good--and nothing that is evil_--But who is to decide that which is
good, and that which is evil? The Creator of the universe--Man
unassisted by revelation never was, and never will be, able. The Bible
which contains the revealed will of Omnipotence is that volume, and that
only, which constitutes the umpire of good and evil[11:A]--The very fact
of the existence of laws in the land, proves man is not at liberty to do
as he pleases: for, "law is a rule of action:" actions therefore must be
controlled--Society demands it--God has authorised it--And perfect
Liberty maintains it.

The Pirate boasts of liberty--preaches liberty to his comrades--and
condemns all law! Here is a specimen of perfect liberty! He may with
equal propriety, when taken prisoner, urge the Abolition text, "do unto
others, as you would be done by." Now, if you had been a pirate, (he
would say) and had the misfortune of having been taken prisoner, would
_you_ not _wish_ to be set at liberty? You reply, yes, certainly--then
he says, the Bible commands you to do unto others as you would be done
by; and, as you would _wish_ to be set at _liberty_, were you in my
situation, if you regard the authority of God you will set me _free_!
The reader must perceive to what lengths this principle may be carried
out--even to the utter destruction of all society!

Again; would opening the doors of a lunatic asylum, and letting free the
patients thereof, be an act of kindness or friendship towards them? You
reply, Certainly not! Yet this would be granting them immediate
liberty--this would be pure abolitionism! But, you rejoin, the condition
of the persons--their mental inabilities disqualify them for liberty
till they are cured--till they can take care of themselves--till there
is no danger of their doing violence to others; therefore, keeping them
confined till _then_, is in fact an act of kindness towards them,--and
the opposite course would be most injurious to them! Thank you, kind
reader, these are identically the same reasons I give for not advocating
the _immediate_ emancipation of the slaves. I give you full credit for
the wisdom and propriety of your reasons: be so liberal as to grant me
the same indulgence--to give me the same credit for the sincerity of my
actions. It is probable the Abolitionist will reply, that the condition
of the slaves, and of the inmates of a lunatic asylum, is very
different. I answer, without fear of contradiction, that, as far as
mental incapability, the vast mass of the slaves are as incapable of
taking care of themselves as the great proportion of lunatics; and this
we shall fully demonstrate in a subsequent chapter. Again; do you think
children ought to be freed from all parental control? You reply,
certainly not; and you give the same reasons as you have just adduced
for not setting lunatics free. Is not this, then, a case parallel with
that of the slaves? And in both, I may as justly accuse you of
oppression, of tyranny, of a hatred to liberty, because you will not
emancipate lunatics, and all children, as you accuse me, for not
advocating the immediate abolition of slavery.

_Slavery_ is derived from _slave_; as _servant_ comes from _service_. In
the English language the two are distinct from one another; the former
term being applied to _involuntary_, the latter to voluntary, servitude.
But this is not the case in either the Hebrew, Greek, or Latin tongues;
one and the same word, in each language, signifies both voluntary and
involuntary service. Thus "_obed_," in Hebrew--"δουλος," in Greek--and
"servus," in Latin, signify what we mean by the terms, _servant_ and
_slave_. Hence in works written in any of these languages, we can never
tell from the word _itself_ whether the person to whom the term is
applied was a _slave_, or a _servant_: it is therefore only by
concomitant expressions or circumstances that we can come to a
conclusion as to the actual nature of his situation. This is the case
both in the Old and New Testament.

For instance, when we read of individuals having been _sold_, having
been _purchased_, having been "bought _with money_" &c., we cannot doubt
for a moment the propriety of applying to such persons the term _slave_:
and that, no matter whether their servitude was temporary, or for
ever--whether they had sold themselves, or were sold by _others_; they
were _slaves_ to all intents and purposes--from the moment they were
sold they became subject to _involuntary_ servitude.

Again, while it by no means follows that every servant ("_obed_"--
"δουλος"--"servus,") mentioned in the Bible, was a slave, it does
follow that every slave was a servant!

Ere I make the next statement, I request it may be distinctly
understood, 1st, that I consider the "_Slave-trade_," and
"_Slave-holding_," two distinct things: 2d, that I do not consider
"_slave-holding_," "_cruelty_," "_oppression_," and "_tyranny_,"
synonymous. While therefore I pronounce the former, that is _the
slave-trade_, to be barbarous, iniquitous, and _unscriptural_, I
_cannot_ find a single passage in the whole word of God which either
denounces _slave-holding_, or commands the owner to liberate
instantaneously his slaves. And I fearlessly defy all the Abolitionists
on earth to produce one such passage. If therefore the Bible is to be
the umpire, and to its authority alone I ever consent to strike, that
sacred book announces that "WHERE THERE IS NO LAW THERE IS NO
TRANSGRESSION;" (Rom. iv. 14): and as there is no law prohibitory of
_slave-holding_, it cannot be considered _sin_ (for sin is the
transgression of the law) by any, except those who aim at possessing a
higher degree of moral worth and righteousness, than the Lord Jesus
Christ himself; and, "who by good words and fair speeches deceive the
hearts of the simple."

While I thus humbly vindicate the slandered slave-holder, I desire
equally to denounce all cruelty--all inhumanity--all oppression--the
same law of God which desires the slave to "be obedient to his master,
with fear and trembling" (Eph. vi. 5-9) commands the Master, "to FORBEAR
THREATENING"--(for "vengeance belongeth UNTO GOD") "to give that which
is _just_, and _equal_ to his slave; knowing that there is a MASTER in
Heaven; who will render to every man, without respect of persons,
according to his deeds." (Col. iv. 1.)

But so far from the Bible condemning _slave-holding_, I maintain it
recognizes the practice by giving laws, and directions, both for Master
and for slave--and so far from encouraging the slave to run away from
his master, as the principles of Abolitionism teach, it unequivocally
exhorts and commands "_every_ man to ABIDE in the same calling wherein
he is called"--"if called, _being a slave_, care not for it; but if thou
_mayest_ (i. e. if thou lawfully) be _made_ (set) free, use it rather."
(1 Cor. vii. 20, 21.) This is my _guide_, this is my _principle_, this
would be the foundation of my advice to all.--But how opposite are the
principles, the advice, and the conduct of Abolitionists, to the
inspired Apostle! Paul says to the slave, "be obedient to your
Master--care not for being a slave"--_abide_ in it, unless "_lawfully_
you can be made free." The Abolitionist says to the slave: "your
Master has no lawful control over you--run away from him the first
opportunity--take with you whatever of his property you can, _for it is
yours not his_!--and I will shelter you!" Thus it will easily be
perceived, that a very different spirit actuated Paul, from that which
now actuates the Abolitionist! More about this hereafter.

If it be now enquired whether I consider slave-holding a sin and an
evil, I readily reply, I do consider it an _evil_; but I do _not_
consider it a _sin_! I am aware Abolitionists confound the two terms
together, some through design, and, no doubt, many through want of
reflection or ignorance. Now although every _sin_ is an _evil_, yet
every evil is not a sin--I hesitate not to pronounce slavery one of the
_effects_ of sin--hence an _evil_: for all evil is the effect of sin.
Disease, famine, poverty, &c., are all evils; but who will venture to
affirm that they are therefore _sins_--I would use means to the best of
my judgment to assuage those evils--yea to remove them; but I would not
in order to remove _suddenly_ a disease, adopt a remedy which if it
would not _instantly_ cure it, would in all human probability destroy
the individual, or produce a greater disease--this would be Abolition
practice! Nor would I desire the poor man, in order to get rich
_instantly_, to go and plunder a bank--this would be Abolitionism! But I
would in the former case, adopt such remedies as would, with the least
possible danger to my patient's life, be calculated to assuage or
_remove_ the disease; and if it could not be removed, without having
recourse to a measure which would put his life in _jeopardy_, I would
not, provided life could be sustained at all, adopt any such measures;
but use every means in my power, to mitigate his sufferings--allay all
pain--and make his life as comfortable as possible. As to the latter
case (the indigent person) while I would relieve him to the best of my
ability, I would exhort him, not to have recourse to violent
measures--not to commit evil; but to put his trust in an all-wise and
benevolent Omnipotence, and by slow and sure means, by active industry,
to endeavour to better his condition--the opposite course I leave to
Abolitionists for adoption.

Upon the principles inculcated in the cases I have just related, would I
act towards the slave, and the slave-holder; as more fully explained in
another part of this treatise.



CHAPTER II.

THE PRINCIPLES, &C. OF THE LEADERS OF ABOLITIONISM EXHIBITED.


As Abolitionists are constantly taunting the friends of Colonization
with the charge, that the founders of it were Slave-holders, (which, by
the by, like almost all their other statements, as will be shown in a
subsequent chapter, is destitute of truth,) they cannot complain at
their opponents taking a _peep_ into the _principles_ of some of their
_Chief Champions_, and Promoters of Abolitionism--And, as WILLIAM LLOYD
GARRISON, Esq. stands pre-eminently distinguished as their great
Apostle, we shall let the public know what this Gentleman's _principles_
are; with his abilities, character, moral or religious worth, we have
nothing to do--And as they have made him their head, and sent him as
their representative to England, we are fully justified, in concluding
that he spoke his sentiments not as an individual, but as the deputed
representative of those who sent him there; viz. the Promoters of
Abolition in this Country:--Therefore we need not further or stronger
evidence of the nature of sentiment, opinions, and objects of these
Gentlemen. Ex uno disce omnes.

To begin,--

Who was sent to Europe, a few years ago, as the REPRESENTATIVE of the
American Anti-Slavery Society?

     WILLIAM LLOYD GARRISON, Esq.!

Who, in that Country, publicly pronounced the American Union to be, "the
most bloody and heaven-daring arrangement ever made by man"?

     WILLIAM LLOYD GARRISON, Esq.!

Who, in said Country, and in said year, called the said _Union_, "A
wicked and ignominious compact"?

     WILLIAM LLOYD GARRISON, Esq.!

Who, in said place, and said year, denounced the SIGNERS of the
Declaration, to be men who, "virtually dethroned the MOST HIGH GOD"?

     WILLIAM LLOYD GARRISON, Esq.!

Who pronounced the _American Union_ to be, "the most atrocious villany
ever exhibited on earth"?

     WILLIAM LLOYD GARRISON, Esq.!

Who declared, "he recognized the Union with feelings of shame and
indignation"?

     WILLIAM LLOYD GARRISON, Esq.!

Who predicted that the Union "would be held in everlasting infamy
throughout the World"?

     WILLIAM LLOYD GARRISON, Esq.!

Who pronounced the Union an "unholy Alliance"?

     WILLIAM LLOYD GARRISON, Esq.!

Who has pronounced the Union "to be null and void from the beginning"?

     WILLIAM LLOYD GARRISON, Esq.!

Who has asserted, "that the Signers of the Union had no _lawful_ power
to bind themselves, or their posterity for one hour--for one moment"?

     WILLIAM LLOYD GARRISON, Esq.!

_Finally_, who in the same country and year announced that the American
Union "was not valid when it was made, _and is not valid now_?"

     WILLIAM LLOYD GARRISON, Esq.![18:A]

Again, who, on Tuesday, May 14th, 1838, in "Pennsylvania Hall,"
Philadelphia, Pa., in the presence of nearly two thousand persons,
announced that "he hated, from the bottom of his heart, _prudence_,
_caution_, and _judiciousness_?"

     WILLIAM LLOYD GARRISON, Esq.!

What can be thought of a system which has such a person for its head,
its chief champion--its Apostle? Was this gentleman _in earnest_ when he
used this language last week; or was he only "in fun"(!) (to use the
expression by which one of his friends attempted to excuse him) or was
he out of his senses? The last excuse is the only justifiable one--for
if _in earnest_, the public need not be surprised at the Utopian scheme
(abolitionism) of which he is the principal promoter.--If on the
contrary, he was only "_in fun_," it proves what an adept he is in
assuming to weep over the evils of slavery, while he was actually
_quizzing_ his audience! But peradventure he meant only _colonization_
caution and prudence! Well did Dr. Reese say of him, in his letters to
the Hon. William Jay, (page 7) that "just so far as he (Mr. Garrison)
was believed in Great Britain, the (American) Society and Nation, would
be viewed with _abhorrence_!" This is the gentleman sent to this city of
_brotherly love_, who during the last week insulted not only the public
at large, but the tried, and disinterested, friends of the slave! He
opened his mouth with a tirade of abuse against that unremunerated
friend and advocate of the oppressed African, _David Paul Brown_, Esq.,
whose judgment and talents would adorn the cabinet of any nation under
heaven.--He could not spare even this gentleman, whose person and
property have so frequently been threatened by the populace, for the
part he has so often taken in gratuitously defending the man of colour.
And all this because forsooth Mr. Brown, not having the fear of William
Lloyd Garrison before his eyes, but being tempted and seduced by a love
for his country, ventured to say, "if the question was, whether the
Union, or slavery, should be preserved, he would say the UNION." For
this unpardonable expression of love and attachment for his country, Mr.
Garrison said that either Mr. Brown, or his speech (I did not distinctly
hear which he said) ought to be tied to a millstone and cast into the
depths of the sea! He next assailed Elliott Cresson, Esq., who has by
his talents, property and zeal, done more service to the African, than
the whole Abolition Society has, or ever will, do.--Lastly, he could not
let pass the humble Author, whose _nothingness_, as yet, in the cause of
the poor man of colour, ought to have sheltered him from notice; but
even the professed _intention_ of exposing the designs of Abolitionists
appears quite sufficient to stir up the ire of this gentleman; hence he
denounced me, "as a foreign adventurer!" In this instance he has truly
proved the truth of his declaration, "that he hates caution and
prudence," for verily if ever I can get the opportunity of meeting him
on a platform before the public, he may ever after go to the South with
perfect impunity. His friends say, the Southerners have offered _five
thousand_ dollars for his head. If this be like the numerous other
misstatements respecting the South, little confidence is to be placed in
it; but if it be true, and that the above event ever takes place, I
guarantee they will no longer offer one dollar for it, except they have
a particular fancy for purchasing empty skulls, as I shall demonstrate
there is little or nothing in _his_. This is the only retaliation I
shall seek for his _urbanity_ towards me; and in this, it will be
perceived, I will be returning only good for evil.

Let not Abolitionists at large mistake me--I do not intend to accuse
them, directly or indirectly, of impure motives--quite the reverse--I do
really believe all the Abolitionists, with very few exceptions, are the
best, and the most moral, and philanthropic men, in America; and are
actuated by the purest motives of doing good to all--relieving the
oppressed, and crushing tyranny. But at the same time, I do confess I
perceive strong symptoms of other motives actuating _some_--we know not
the heart of man--God only knows that--therefore, we can only judge of
men's views by their acts and deeds. I do not accuse even the gentleman
whose name has occurred so often in the preceding pages--he may be one
of the best, and sincerest men on earth, for aught I know, and I hope he
is; but then he must, _if that be the case_, be labouring under
_monomania_: and in that case, he certainly is not the most judicious
person to _lead_--to _advise_--or to _govern_ a political party
composed of thousands! One fatal _step_--one fatal _word_, of such a
man, may plunge thousands into ruin! He is, or he is not, a
fanatic--even he himself tells us, "he hates _caution_, _prudence_, and
_judiciousness_." Therefore, if we are to believe himself, and far be it
from me to doubt his word _on this occasion_, he is not a cautious man,
nor is he a prudent man, nor is he a judicious man! Who, therefore, can
for the future adhere to the principles of such a person, if he were
almost an angel from heaven?

Is he a fanatic? I hope so, for his own sake: but then, he is equally
disqualified from advising, planning, guiding, or advocating, any
doctrine, let the doctrine be ever so good!

But if he be not a fanatic--then, his principles, his declarations, his
doctrines, are most suspicious! unless peradventure, he is a
_simpleton_, while some crafty, designing persons, are behind the
curtain, urging him forward in his imprudent, and mad, career!

Men are generally actuated by motives--_self_ rules more or less in _us
all_--the person who says, he has least of _self_, will generally be
found to possess most of it. "As in water, face answereth unto face, so
doth the heart of man to man." When pure charity, or philanthropy,
actuates men, they are never driven by it to malicious acts, to
falsehoods, to misrepresentation, or to hatred, for this evident reason,
because charity and philanthropy come from God, hence cannot give rise
to malice, hatred, or misrepresentation, for these proceed from Satan
and from Satanic motives, such as pride, ambition, love of money,
revenge, &c. As well might it be expected that a pure fountain could
send forth impure streams, as that charity or philanthropy could
produce malice or false testimony. The more I hear men boasting of their
philanthropy, while yet exhibiting those symptoms of a Satanic Spirit,
the more convinced am I that their motives are impure, that they are not
actuated by charity or love, but by pride, ambition, or malice.

Know you not that Europe is looking on these States with a jealous eye?
America is deemed the cradle of republicanism--the Asylum for all who
venture to raise their voice against tyranny. Is there no gold in
Russia, nor in Austria? Were plans (religious and philanthropic!) never
devised by European Powers to divide the friends of liberty--to break up
Unions--and crush that goddess (Liberty) who ever haunts the bed of
Tyrants? What characters think you, would most likely be employed for
such purposes? Fools? No certainly. Notorious bad men? Certainly not. It
would be men of _good report_--_outwardly_ righteous. Would such persons
make known their plans? Certainly not. Would they declare that their
object was to ruin and break up the Union? No! No! They know better than
that. On the contrary, they would laugh at the very idea of the
possibility of a disturbance--they would turn the apprehension into
ridicule; and scoff at the very hint of so preposterous a dream! They
would exclaim, _Pshaw!_ This is the old story. The Union has been
threatened one time by the Banks--another time by the Tariff! another
time by the Indians--another time by Texas--another time by the
"_bursting of a steam-boat_!" And forsooth _now_ by Abolitionism! By
this kind of wit, of sophistry, of bombast, they would allay all
suspicion, delude their innocent and unsuspecting hearers, who would
mightily applaud the erudition and talent of the orator!

But who can listen to such advice as the following without suspicion,
"go forward, no matter the consequences--if slavery cannot be instantly
abolished without the disunion of this Nation, the sooner the better,"
&c! And this proceeding, from an imprudent, incautious, and injudicious
man--from one, who not six years ago, pronounced in a foreign land, that
the Union was an "_unholy alliance_"--"_a wicked_, and _ignominious_
compact"--and, "_null_ and _void_ from the beginning"! Can such
sentiments be propagated throughout _any_ Country with impunity? If such
were uttered in England respecting the King of that Nation, the speaker
would soon get a halter as his reward! And the Father of this Country,
the immortal Washington, penetrating, as it were, into futurity, and
well knowing how error _commences_, gave the following advice, as his
last and dying admonition, "Frown _indignantly_ (said he) on the _first
dawning_ of every attempt to alienate any portion of our Country from
the rest, or to enfeeble the sacred ties which now link together the
various parts." Was it, I wonder, the recollection of this admonition
that called forth the abuse, (if general report be true,) so abundantly
poured forth by the same champion, in "Pennsylvania Hall" on the memory
of Washington? But it is only justice to add that all the Trustees of
that Building, with whom I conversed on the subject, one excepted,
expressed their decided disapprobation of the course adopted by the
Gentleman alluded to. Now the question is, shall the advice of
Washington, or the doctrines inculcated by the Champions of
Abolitionism, be followed? The one is so diametrically opposed to the
other, that both cannot be regarded--If Abolitionism is to be
supported, then the principles of Washington must be abandoned--Now is
the time for every man to take his stand--Check the evil in the bud--"a
little leaven, leaveneth the whole lump"--Now it may be stopped without
blood--In a year or so, it may be impossible to say this--Again I say,
let every man, woman, and child, bind round his neck the advice of
Washington, "Frown _indignantly_ at the first _dawning_ of every attempt
to alienate any portion of our Country," and let the whole Nation shout,
AMEN! Then the _Champions_ of Abolitionism will soon find their
level--the _true_ friends of the black will all unite together, and with
open hearts, and open purses, use their utmost endeavours to make him
happy.



CHAPTER III.

THE IMPRACTICABILITY OF THE OBJECT OF ABOLITIONISTS DEMONSTRATED--AND
THE INEVITABLE AND INCALCULABLE EVILS WHICH THAT OBJECT, IF
ACCOMPLISHED, WOULD PRODUCE, &C.


The professed object of the Abolition Society is to procure the
_immediate_, _instantaneous_, and _unconditional_ emancipation of all
the slaves in America.--And the means adopted by this Society to
accomplish this object are the publication and circulation of vast
numbers of papers and pamphlets, by way of enlightening the slave, and
the slaveholder--but which consist, for the most part, of exhortations,
and encouragement, to the slave, to disobedience, insubordination, and
rebellion. This advice is coupled with the most galling denunciations
and threats towards the slaveholder. How very far, in the nature of
things, these means are from accomplishing the object, every man of
common reflection must perceive. Besides, it is an undeniable fact,
which might have been anticipated by every man, not a hater of "caution,
prudence, and judiciousness," that the condition of the slaves has,
since the origin of the Anti-Slavery Society, become much more severe.
Since that Society commenced its distribution of incendiary papers, and
pamphlets, many of the slave-holders have prevented their slaves
learning _to read_; so that if the slaves were before bound with fetters
of hemp, the Abolitionists have converted the hemp into fetters of
iron.--But who can blame the slave-holder for this? We, in the Northern
and Eastern States, in which the white population far exceeds that of
the coloured, cannot justly estimate, or form a correct opinion of the
merits of the case, unless we transport ourselves down to the
South.--Let us go there for a few moments and then consider the
case.--Here we are then in South Carolina, where the slaves are in vast
numbers: unaccustomed to guide, or take care of themselves, without
either "caution, prudence, or judiciousness"! We have got our wives, our
daughters, our sons, our property, all at their mercy--a quantity of
papers and pamphlets are circulated among them, in which the
slave-holder is portrayed as a monster of hell--a picture or plate of
some act of cruelty generally heads the production--individual acts of
cruelty and oppression are selected, and so related as if similar deeds
were daily committed by every slave-holder in the South! What must the
poor man of colour think upon reading, or seeing, this? Why he says
within himself, although my master is very good to me, and I have every
thing I want, yet as this paper says all masters treat their slaves in
this cruel way, the sooner I run off the better! And this paper tells me
there is something called _liberty_ which gives money, and houses, and
pleasure in abundance; the sooner I get these good things the better!
Moreover this good paper also tells me that my master has no right to
keep me--that my master's property is _not_ his, but it belongs to his
slaves, for they have earned it--and that if I run away the white man
will immediately receive, protect, and give me plenty of money, plenty
of fine clothes, plenty of pleasure, _plenty_ of no work! I will tell
all these good things to all my black brethren--if _I_ have a right to
go, so have THEY--if my master's property is _mine_, so is it _theirs_
also.--The poor deluded slave is thus set on fire, and thus he inflames
the minds of all he knows.--They talk and converse, and dream of these
good things--but they cannot easily run off--they become
discontented--surly--unruly--idle--disobedient--and he who feeds,
clothes, and takes care of them, can get little from them! Who can blame
the slave-holder under such circumstances adopting every means in his
power to check this spirit of rebellion, to prevent the possibility of
such doctrines being inculcated amongst his slaves, which every man,
except a hater of "caution, prudence, and judiciousness," must be fully
aware, would, if left unchecked, sooner or later break out into open
rebellion, and place himself and his children at the mercy of ignorant
men, inflamed by the hope of gain and the stimulus of lust! One or the
other party would conquer.--If the coloured population became the
victors (to grant the wish of the Abolitionists) awful would be the
condition of both whites and blacks--the male whites would be exposed
to all the consequences of revenge and malice, for the victory could not
be achieved without some resistance, and that very resistance on the
part of the whites would be deemed by the blacks, a sufficient cause for
retaliation; the wives and daughters of the white population would then
be subjected to consequences of unbridled, and unrestrained lust, to
deeds too shocking to think of, and too brutal to relate.--Think, oh
think, on this, ye virtuous females, who innocently aid, and
incautiously lend your voices and influence to the promotion of a cause,
which, if successful, would inevitably produce these consequences.--Turn,
oh turn, from such a course, and lend your powerful aid to emancipate
the _mind_ of both slave and slave-holder.

But setting aside all these consequences to the white, and admitting,
for the sake of every possible latitude to the Abolitionist, that the
white population richly deserve such results, what would be the
condition of the coloured population after such a victory? Let us
suppose that after a month's hard fighting, in which the soil of the
south would be drenched with the blood of white and black, that the
_white_ population became annihilated, and not one left south of the
Potomac. Behold the black placed in immediate, full, and unrestrained
possession of the whole South--What think you would be the result ere
one year could elapse? Does it require much penetration, or much acumen,
to foresee that it would be far better for them, had they, to a man,
fallen in the contest? Ignorant--unaccustomed to liberty--unacquainted
with the principles of government, or the means of producing order, or
of providing for futurity,--his blood still under the stimulus of
success--his actions now unrestrained--all the brutal passions of man
at their highest pitch of excitement, indulging in all the luxuries of
their late Master's house--what would be the inevitable consequences?
First, black would fight with black, till the land would now become
drenched with _black_ blood--parties and associations of blacks would be
formed, according to the dispositions, desires, views, temperaments, and
morals of each party. Ignorant, dissipated, idle, and ambitious for
superiority, party would fight with party, till scarcely a party would
be left. During the scenes of blood, of carnage, of idleness, of
devastation, and of debauchery, the soil becomes uncultivated, the seed
not sown, if in spring,--the earth's produce not gathered, if in
harvest! The stores of the former years become consumed--each man,
thinks that each man, but himself, ought to work; and each man thinks
that he _himself_ ought now to enjoy _liberty_. The very attempt
of any, to induce any to work, would be a sufficient provocation
for mortal combat! Wants would now begin--still appetites must be
gratified--"Caution, prudence, and judiciousness" they have either never
learned, or have been taught by the great Champion of Abolitionism, _to
hate_! Each day diminishes the stores, and increases the demands--and
each day, fresh indications of _abolition-liberty_, manifest themselves
in blood and outrage! At length, and that not many weeks after their
victory, famine, with all her horrors, stares them in the face--children
and infants, and mothers cry in vain for help--for nourishment.--Her
ever constant companion, _Pestilence_, now attends, and thousands and
thousands die of want and disease, calling down from heaven eternal
curses on the heads of those who excited them to rebellion--the authors
of all their sufferings--the ABOLITIONISTS!

On the other hand, suppose that, in such a rebellion throughout the
South, the _whites_ were to conquer--this could not be accomplished
without the destruction of vast numbers of the people of colour--nor
without the loss of the lives of many whites. What then would be the
condition of the surviving blacks? Common justice, and prudence, would
oblige the white population to deprive the slaves of many of those
privileges which they _now_ enjoy, and to rivet their fetters more
securely--whom would they have to thank for all this? ABOLITIONISTS!
Whom have they even _now_ to thank for the loss of many indulgences? The
ABOLITIONISTS! And whom have thousands _now_ to thank for being still in
slavery? ABOLITIONISTS!

Take a view of the subject in any possible way, let the black conquer,
or let him be conquered, ruination to him is the inevitable result,
totally independent of the awful calamities to which the white
population would be subjected. Here is a two-horned dilemma: let the
Abolitionist sit upon either horn so long as he can, consistently with
his profession of charity--of philanthropy, of christianity!

Leaving this part of our subject for the present, I will ask any man of
common sense, and of the least reflection, whether the means adopted by
Abolitionists to enlighten the slave-holder, so as to make him
emancipate his slaves, are the most judicious, or the most likely to
accomplish that end? I will venture to aver, without fear of
contradiction, that they are so far--very far, from being likely, in the
very nature of things, to accomplish the _professed_ object (the
emancipation of the slaves,) that no surer method could possibly be used
more calculated to _increase_ their sufferings, and to rivet their
chains! And so convinced am I of this, that I cannot conceive how any
man of _intellect_, who has a _single eye_ to this object, would for a
moment sanction such means! Let us place ourselves in the situation of
slave-holders, and then see the effect such conduct would have upon
_ourselves_; recollecting that _by nature_ all men are alike, for, "as
in water face answereth to face, so doth the heart of man to man": so
says the Bible at all events, no matter what _you_ may think to the
contrary! Here we are then, a pair of slave-holders (not slave-traders).
Our parents left slaves to us, as "_our inheritance_" (Lev. xxv. 44,
46). We are surrounded by them. The subsistence of our wives, and of our
little ones, depends on their labour and exertion. We treat them kindly,
and they have abundance of food and raiment. We instruct them--and pay a
physician to attend them when ill.[30:A] A party has got up in the
North, whose professed object is to enlighten _us_ slave-holders.
Pamphlets and Papers in abundance are sent down to us. We read
them--when lo! we find ourselves portrayed as Monsters! Our characters
slandered. Our _legal_ rights denied. Our heads branded with the
epithet--"Men stealers"--"Tyrants"--"Devils incarnate"--"Objects
_peculiarly_ deserving the eternal wrath and vengeance of Heaven"--the
world called upon to abhor and detest us, and we held up to public and
everlasting infamy! But this is not all. The very persons whom the
providence of God gave us--whom we feed, clothe, instruct, attend in
sickness and in health, and who thus enjoy more comfort and happiness,
than nine-tenths of the labouring class of white free persons in any
part of Europe!--these very persons are, in said pamphlets, taught and
encouraged to look upon us as their oppressors, as the only barriers to
their wealth and happiness--as having no lawful right to possess
them--and that all our substance--all our property--is in fact, not
_ours_, but _theirs_! Moreover, that the Law of God authorises them to
run off as quick as they can, and, if practicable, with as much of _our_
property as they can convey away!

What think you would be _our_ feelings--_our_ conduct on perusing such
productions? Would they be calculated to make us listen, and give a
ready ear to their authors? Unquestionably not--but the very reverse!
Such is the nature of man, that, however well disposed he may be to
listen to instruction, and to take advice, the moment he is assailed
with harsh words, with opprobrious epithets, with threats of vengeance,
and particularly, with what he deems likely to affect his _purse_, he
shuts his ears, hardens his heart, and shuns you. The proceedings of
Abolitionists, may be compared to stopping a man's ears, and then
punishing him for not hearing; or knocking out his eyes, and then
calling upon him to read; or lastly, like attempting to separate a block
of wood, by applying to the crevice, the _base_, instead of the apex, of
the wedge; against which you may strike in vain, till either you break
the wedge, or spend your strength, without ever even once _entering_ the
crevice!

If then such would be the effect upon _us_, placed in the circumstances
of the Southerner, is it right or judicious, or prudent, to assail him
with abuse, accuse him of conduct to which Abolitionists have driven
him, or continue to encourage and pursue a system which, so far from
accomplishing the desired object, tends only to augment the sufferings
of the slave, and to produce consequences the most awful and calamitous
to all concerned, both to whites and to blacks!

Again, the slave is taught, in those Abolition productions, to consider
all slave-holders, _cruel tyrants_! This statement, no man, with any
regard for truth, or possessing the least information or reflection,
will venture to affirm. How galling, therefore, must it be, for those
conscious of rectitude, to have the crimes of others attributed to them!
How would the Abolitionists of this City, or of Boston, like to have it
proclaimed to the world, that _all_ the married men in these two cities
are _cruel_ and _unnatural_, husbands, masters, and parents; because
there are some persons in those places, who richly deserve to be so
designated? Moreover, I am convinced that there are in these, our
cities, _ten_ cruel and unnatural (white) parents, husbands, and
masters, to _one_ cruel and unnatural slave-holder in the South! What
think you of that, Mr. Abolitionist? I would recommend you to "cast the
_beam_ out of thine own eye, and then shalt thou see _clearly_ to cast
the _mote_ out of thy brother's eye;" and to recollect the admonition of
the sacred writer, "Therefore, thou art inexcusable, O man, _whosoever_
thou art that judgest: for wherein thou judgest another, thou condemnest
thyself; _for thou that judgest, doest the same things_. And thinkest
thou this, O man, that judgest them which do such things, and doest the
same, that _thou shalt escape the judgment of God_!" (Rom. ii. 1-3.)

Let us now contrast the advice and commands of Christ and of his
Apostles, with the advice and doctrines of Abolitionists--

The Bible teaches--

     Abolitionism teaches--

1. "Having food and raiment be therewith content."

     1. Be not content with food and raiment unless you get free!

2. "Let _every_ man abide in the same calling wherein he was called."--1
Cor. vii. 20.

     2. Let no slave abide for one moment as such, if he can get
     off!

3. "Art thou called being a _slave_,[33:A] care not for it."--1 Cor.
vii. 21.

     3. If you are a slave _never cease_ caring for it!

4. "If thou mayest (can _lawfully_) be _made_ free, use it rather."--1
Cor. vii. 21.

     4. Whether thou mayest or mayest not (lawfully or unlawfully)
     get free!

5. "Slaves, be obedient to them that are your masters, _according to the
flesh_."--Eph. vi. 5.

     5. Slaves, be not obedient to your masters; but leave them as
     quick as you can!

6. "Slaves, obey _in all things_ your masters."--Col. iii. 22.

     6. Obey your masters as little as possible, that they may be
     compelled to cast you off!

7. "Let as many slaves, _as are under the yoke_, count their own masters
worthy of all honour."--1 Tim. vi. 1.

     7. Masters are worthy of no honour or respect, but contempt
     and infamy!

8. "Let those who have _believing_ masters, not despise them."--1 Tim.
vi. 2.

     8. There are no slave-holders _believers_:--despise them all!

9. "Love them that hate you, and do good to them that despitefully use
you."--Matt. v. 44.

     9. _Hate_ your masters, for they oppress you: and do _evil_ to
     them, for they despitefully use you!

10. "Love your enemies."--Matt. v. 44.

     10. Your masters are your enemies, _therefore_ despise them.

These few instances will show how different is the spirit which guided
the sacred penmen, and that which now actuates the Abolitionists.--If
there were no other evidences that Abolitionism _is not_ the cause of
God, the foregoing ought to be sufficient to convince every man who
believes in the divine origin of the Sacred Scriptures, and who is
willing to submit his judgment to the authority of HIM, "whose ways are
not as our ways, and whose thoughts are not as our thoughts."

I think I have now fully proved my propositions, viz., "that the
principles of Abolitionism are injurious to the slaves themselves, and
are contrary to the express commands of God."

We shall now accomplish to the fullest extent the professed wish of
Abolitionists, and see what would be the probable result! Suppose I
possessed the power of granting, at the stroke of my pen, instantaneous
emancipation to all the slaves in America, and were this moment to issue
the following proclamation: "To all whom it may concern, greeting! I do
hereby command and order, that all slaves throughout the Union be
instantly set free, and they are now free accordingly!" Let us now
ascend in a balloon and take a view of TWO MILLIONS AND A HALF, of poor,
ignorant, pennyless, men, women, and children, cast abroad on the world,
without a home--without a guide--without "caution, prudence, or
judiciousness!" Is not this exactly what you want, Mr. Abolitionist?
What awful consequences must ensue! Not so much to the whites, but more
particularly to the poor ignorant people of colour! Can that be called
friendship, or charity, or philanthropy, which would lead to such a
result? Those ignorant, poor, unprotected, people have now _liberty_!
Will _liberty_ cover them--feed them--protect them--stop the crying of
the hungry child--or the cravings of the famished mother? What have they
given for this liberty; and what have they got by it? They have given
up, _peace_, _plenty_, _protection_, and _contentedness_! And they have
got _liberty_, with starvation, anxiety, and want! What a glorious
exchange! What a profitable bargain! How thankful they ought to be, to
their pseudo-friends, the ABOLITIONISTS!

But come out now, Abolitionists, like men, and answer this question,
"Are the slaves in the South, _now_ in a proper condition for immediate
emancipation?" Are they, or are they not? Reflect upon the above
picture, and then answer like men.--Do you reply, that you think they
ought to have _first_ some education--some provision made for them--some
arrangements to guard against possible consequences?--If this be your
answer, I congratulate you on the first symptoms of restoration to sound
mental health: I now entertain hopes of your speedy recovery, and ere
you have read the last page of this humble treatise, I doubt not, but
you and I will perfectly agree, and I will give you a certificate of
health!

There will nevertheless remain some stubborn Abolitionists, even all who
"hate prudence, caution, and judiciousness," who will still exclaim "the
slaves are now fit for _instantaneous_ and unconditional emancipation!"
A word or two with such characters before I close this chapter. Pray
from what premises do you draw your conclusions? Is it from the present
condition of those already made free, or from the emancipation of slaves
in other countries. I shall examine both of these grounds. First then as
to the condition of those already emancipated, which condition if it
even favoured the views of Abolitionists, would not be a justifiable or
parallel case, forasmuch as the free people of colour amongst us now
were not suddenly, but _gradually_ emancipated--and were not totally
ignorant, for many of them knew how both to read and to write. Therefore
with all these points strong in favour of every thing the Abolitionist
could possibly desire, we shall fearlessly investigate the result.

In the facts I am about adducing, I wish it to be clearly understood,
that I do not attribute them to any natural peculiarity, or natural
inferiority of coloured persons, but distinctly to the want of
education, and to the peculiar and trying circumstances in which these
persons are placed. If even the free persons of colour, turned out good
and worthy citizens to the utmost wish of every benevolent man, it would
not, as I have just stated, prove any thing in favour of Abolition; but
so far from this being the case--so far, notwithstanding all the
advantages of _gradual_ emancipation, and a preparatory course of
instruction, from the result substantiating the opinion of
Abolitionists, viz. "that the slaves may, with safety to themselves, and
to others, be instantaneously emancipated;" it stands an
incontrovertible evidence against them--a warning that it is difficult
to conceive how any man in his senses, would not be admonished by; if he
be one who regards the welfare and happiness of this country, and the
real good of the black! The following paragraph is taken from "the Plea
for Africa," p. 179.

     "It has been asserted that, of free blacks collected in our
     cities and large towns, a great portion are found in abodes of
     wretchedness and vice, and become tenants of poor-houses and
     prisons. As a proof of the tendency of their condition, the
     following striking facts among others, ascertained a year or
     two since, have been mentioned: In Massachusetts, where the
     coloured population is small, being less than 7,000 souls,
     (only 1-74th part of the whole population,) --> about
     1-6th part of the whole number of convicts in the state-prison
     are blacks. In Connecticut, 1-34th part of the population is
     coloured, and --> 1-3d part of the convicts. In New-York,
     1-35th part are blacks; --> 1-4th part of the convicts
     in the city state-prison are blacks. In New-Jersey, the
     proportion is 1-13th coloured; and of the convicts 1-3d. In
     Pennsylvania, 1-34th part of a population of more than a
     million of souls, is coloured; and more than one-third part of
     the convicts are black.

     "I need not pursue these illustrations of the degradation of
     the free blacks in the non-slave-holding States. It appears
     from these statements, which I find in the First Annual Report
     of the Prison Discipline Society, that about _one quarter_
     part of all the expense incurred by these States for the
     support of their institutions for criminals is for _coloured_
     convicts. The bill of expense in three of these States stands
     thus: that is, the expense for the support of coloured
     convicts for the specified number of years preceding the
     report from which this schedule is made, is in

         Massachusetts,  10 years,       $17,734
         Connecticut,    15 years,        37,166
         New-York,       27 years,       109,166 in one prison.
                                        --------
                                        $164,066

     --> This sum was expended in an average of less than
     eighteen years, on convicts from among a population of only
     54,000 coloured persons.

     "Illustrations, borrowed from the criminal statistics of the
     South, would place this matter in a far more unfavourable
     light. References to the expenses for the maintenance of
     paupers, would give a similar result."

According to the above statement, it appears, that in Massachusetts,
there are (in proportion to the whole population) TWELVE coloured
persons to _one_ white, in poor-houses and prisons!

     In _Connecticut_, ELEVEN Coloured, to _one_ White, in Do.!
     In _New-York_, EIGHT Coloured, to _one_ White, in Do.!
     In _New-Jersey_, FOUR Coloured, to _one_ White, in Do.!
     In _Pennsylvania_, ELEVEN Coloured, to _one_ White, in Do.!

If the trial of 300,000 Coloured free persons, (the number now in the
States,) emancipated _gradually_, and under the most favourable
circumstances possible, be not sufficient to open the eyes of the
Abolitionists to the recklessness of their course, I know not what
could. Can this result afford any encouragement or satisfaction? And if
not, why persevere in attempting to bring about what cannot take place;
and which if it could, would produce incalculable misfortunes throughout
the States?

We shall now investigate the other appeal, viz., that no evils arose
from the _immediate_ emancipation of the slaves in Mexico--the British
slaves in the West Indies, those in Chili, Buenos Ayres, Colombia, and
New York. In the first place, then, give me leave to remark that as to
Mexico, the slaves there were only comparatively a handful, about
20,000. Secondly, they were incorporated into the Army, as the
_condition_ of emancipation; so that they actually only changed from
civil to martial law! And thirdly, so far from the slaves in Mexico
having been set free in one day, it took them TWELVE YEARS to buy their
freedom! The law, granting them this privilege, was, it is true, made in
one day; but the accomplishment of it, took TWELVE YEARS! See Dr.
Reese's Letters to the Hon. William Jay, p. 104. As to the English
slaves in the West Indies, every one knows their emancipation was not
immediate, for in fact they are not as yet literally emancipated!
Besides, the British found it necessary not only to pay handsomely for
them; but they find it indispensably necessary still to maintain there a
considerable standing Army! And the venerable Mr. Clarkson, writing on
the subject, said, "I never stated that our West Indian slaves were to
be emancipated _suddenly_, but by degrees. I always, _on the other
hand_, took it for granted, that they were to have a _preparatory
school_, also." Lastly, as to the four other places, it is notorious,
that the slaves were not in one single instance, immediately and
unconditionally emancipated. Here are the cases so frequently referred
to by Abolitionists, as a ground of justification for their project, and
yet we perceive there is not one of them a case, parallel, to the
condition of the Southern States; moreover, where any of them, have any
resemblance to the circumstances of our country, the result shows the
madness of the Abolition Scheme! There is one more _fatal_ objection to
the Abolition system, viz., that its whole aim is the removal of the
effect, and not the cause! Now the first principle in philosophy, indeed
in common sense, is, "_to remove the cause_:" and every system built
upon any other principle is absurd, and must turn out useless.
Abolitionism is therefore unphilosophical, absurd, fallacious, and
inefficacious! That slavery is the cause of much evil, I do not pretend
to deny; but then slavery itself is only an _effect_. For example, a
person gets a splinter of wood into his finger--the finger inflames--the
arm inflames--the whole body (as it were) inflames--delirium or lockjaw
supervenes, and death closes the scene! Now the inflamed finger is the
cause of the inflamed arm; and that the cause of the general fever; and
that the cause of the delirium; and that the cause of death![39:A] What
kind of empirical practice would every attempt be to remove the
inflammation of the finger, of the arm, or of the body, while the cause
(the splinter) still remained in the finger? The very first thing any
man of science would, under such circumstances, do, would be to extract
the splinter--the original cause of all--when once the cause had been
removed, then, but not till then, would he attempt to remove the
effects.

The attention of Abolitionists is directed solely to the removal of the
effect--for slavery is only the effect of the African _Slave-trade_. Now
if there never had been _slave-trade_, there would be now no _slavery_:
and this cause--the slave-trade, still exists. ONE HUNDRED THOUSAND
Africans are annually torn away by the hand of violence from their
native land; and of this number, ere they reach their destination, SIXTY
THOUSAND die of hard and cruel treatment. Yet to all this Abolitionists
pay no attention,--they weep and wail over, and preach and brawl about,
the people of colour in these States, nine-tenths of whom are slaves
only in _name_, and who are far better off, far happier, far more
contented--far better provided for, than nine-tenths of the white
labouring population of civilized Europe.

The ingenuity of Abolitionists, I am aware, will readily find for them a
plausible answer to this charge: they will reply, oh if we stop slavery
here--if we break up the system in our States, if there be no market to
which the slave-trader can bring his slaves, the African traffic will
soon cease. Admitted, if the little "IF," which always professes to
accomplish great things, could work miracles. But pray, would breaking
up the slave-trade in these States, break up the market elsewhere?
Certainly not! For those 100,000 slaves now annually exported from
Africa, are not brought here; but to the Brazils, Havanna, &c. &c.

A short quotation from "the Plea for Africa" will furnish the reader
with still more extensive views of the horrors of the SLAVE-TRADE, to
which Abolitionists, with all their philanthropy, pay no attention.

     "Mr. Clarkson divides the slaves into seven classes. The most
     considerable class consists of kidnapped, or stolen Africans.
     In obtaining these, every species of injustice, treachery and
     cruelty are resorted to. This class, Mr. C. supposes, embraces
     one half of the whole number transported from Africa. The
     second class consists of those whose villages are set on fire
     and depopulated in the darkness of night, for the purpose of
     obtaining a portion of their inhabitants. The third class
     consists of those who have been convicted of crimes. The
     fourth, of prisoners in wars that originate from common
     causes, or in wars made solely for the purpose of procuring
     captives for slaves. The fifth, such as are slaves by birth.
     The sixth and seventh, such as have surrendered their liberty
     by reason of debt, or by other imprudences, which last,
     however, are comparatively few in number.

     "They are sometimes brought a distance _of a thousand miles;
     marched over land in droves, or caufles as they are called,
     secured from running away, by pieces of wood which yoke them
     together by the neck, two and two, or by other pieces fastened
     with staples to their arms_.

     "Some are carried to what are called slave-factories; others
     immediately to the shore, and conveyed in boats to the
     different ships whose captains have captured or purchased
     them. The men are confined on board the ship, two and two
     together, either by the neck, leg, or arm, with fetters of
     iron; and are put into apartments, the men occupying the
     forepart, the women the afterpart, and the children the
     middle. The tops of these apartments are grated for the
     admission of light and for ventilation when the weather is
     suitable for the grates to be uncovered, and are about three
     feet three inches in height, just sufficient space being
     allotted to each individual to sit in one posture, the whole
     stowed away like so much lumber.

     "It is said that many of them whilst the ships are waiting for
     their full lading, and whilst they are near their native shore
     which they are no more to set foot upon for ever, have been so
     depressed, and overwhelmed with such unsupportable distress,
     that they have been induced to die by their own hands. _Others
     have become deranged and perfect maniacs, or have pined away
     and died with despairing, broken hearts._

     "In the day-time, in fair weather, they are sometimes brought
     on deck. They are then placed in long rows on each side of the
     ship, two and two together. As they are brought up from their
     apartments, a long chain is passed through the shackles of
     each couple, successively, and thus the whole row is fastened
     down to the deck. In this situation, they receive their food.
     After their coarse and meagre meal, a drum is beaten by one of
     the sailors, and at its sound the Negroes are all required to
     exercise, for their health, jumping in their chains as high as
     their fetters will let them; and if any refuse to exercise in
     this way, they are whipped until they comply. This jumping,
     the slave-merchants call "_dancing_."

     "The middle passage is the whole from the time the ship weighs
     anchor until she arrives at her destined port. On the passage,
     the situation of the slaves is, indeed, doubly deplorable,
     especially if the ship have a long passage, and is very full.
     A full-grown person is allowed, in the most commodious
     slave-ships, but sixteen inches in width, three feet three
     inches in height, and five feet eight inches in length. _They
     lie in one crowded mass on the bare planks, and by the
     constant motion of the ship, are often chafed until their
     bones are almost bare, and their limbs covered with bruises
     and sores._ The heat is often so great, and the air they
     breathe so poisoned with pestilence by the feverish
     exhalations of the suffering multitude, that nature can no
     longer sustain itself. It is no uncommon occurrence, to find,
     on each successive morning, some who have died during the
     night, in consequence of their suffering and confined
     situation. A large proportion of those who are shipped, die
     before they have crossed the ocean. Many also die soon after
     completing the voyage, from what is called "the seasoning;"
     that is, in becoming acclimated in the country to which they
     are carried.

     "It is said that when the slave-holders first visited the
     western coast of Africa, the country was most delightful. The
     coast was covered with villages, or thickly settled towns,
     which swarmed with inhabitants. Simple in their manners,
     amiable in their dispositions, in quiet enjoyment of the
     profuse bounties of nature, they are represented as exceeding
     happy.

     "They were a comparatively innocent, unoffending, contented,
     happy race. It was not until slave-dealers introduced among
     them every thing that could please the fancy and awaken the
     cupidity of uncivilized men, that they were at all prone to
     interfere with each other's happiness. By the more than brutal
     cruelty of white men, quarrels were fomented, tribe was set
     against tribe, and each supplied with the means of mutual
     destruction."

         "Then what is man? And what man, seeing this,
         And having human feelings, does not blush,
         And hang his head, to think himself a man?"

Besides all this, recollect that there are about FIFTY MILLIONS of
Africans left exposed to the debasing influence of this hellish
practice. And if the Colonization Society did nothing more than stop or
check this torrent of infernal iniquity, it ought to render its friends
and advocates immortal, and make those blush (_if blush they could_) who
vilify and slander them.



CHAPTER IV.

THE ERRORS OF THE QUARTERLY ANTI-SLAVERY MAGAZINE, FOR APRIL, 1837,
RESPECTING THE SCRIPTURAL WORDS "_Servant_"--"_Property_"--"_Buy_," &C.,
BRIEFLY NOTICED.


There is no argument more frequently used by Abolitionists than that the
Scriptures prohibit the purchase, or sale of men, or holding any man as
property--and as the above Magazine has no doubt contributed much, by
the talent, learning, and _ingenuity_, (I don't like to say sophistry)
of its editor (Mr. Elizur Wright, jun.,) to build up this most
preposterous assertion, I shall take leave to investigate a few of the
arguments adopted therein.

There is a great difference between a man going to the Bible to find
sanction for an opinion which he has _already_ formed, and a man going
to the Bible, for its opinion. The one first forms his own ideas of
things, of what is, and what is not, right or wrong, and then goes to
the Scriptures to sanction or corroborate those ideas; the other forms
no opinion whatever, until he searches the sacred oracles of truth to
ascertain what _they_ say on the subject.

Now it appears to me evident that the editor of this periodical acted on
the former principle--he first came to the conclusion, that "_to own_,"
"_to buy_," or "_to sell_," a human being, was wrong and unscriptural;
and then went to the Bible to _make_ it prove that his opinions were
correct. And so far has he been carried away with his preconceived
opinions, and so much did he labour under the "_spell_" of Abolitionism,
that he frequently confounds the act of purchasing a man, with the act
of stealing a man! using synonymously the terms "purchasing" and
"stealing!" Thus when he attempts to prove that purchasing a man is
unscriptural, and that all slave-holders ought to be put to death, he
refers to the twenty-first chapter of Exodus and sixteenth verse! (See
said Magazine, page 247-249). But how does this read, "He that STEALETH
a man, and selleth him, or if he be found in his hand, he shall surely
be put to death." It does _not_ read, "he that stealeth, OR selleth:"
no, no! the whole and only crime condemned here was, "STEALING the man;"
but retaining or not retaining him, or selling him, did not exculpate
the thief!

This is one of the most unhappy passages in the whole Bible, the
Abolitionists could have selected: for while it incontrovertibly
sanctions "selling men," by making "the selling" no excuse for "the
stealing," it condemns _to death_ the African traders, for their
conduct, and the American Abolitionists, for theirs.[45:A]

The editor builds nearly the whole of his arguments, which occupy 126
pages, on TWO ERRONEOUS PRINCIPLES--which principles, if I prove to be
really erroneous, I need not wade through his numerous conclusions to
show the fallacy of each and every one of them; "for every argument
built upon a false position necessarily ends in an absurd conclusion."

The two principles or pillars of his edifice are, 1st. That as the same
word (both in Hebrew and in Greek) signifies both slave and servant, and
as every slave is a servant, therefore, every servant, is a slave! This
species of logic reminds me of the syllogism, that, "as, every man is an
animal, and a horse is an animal, _therefore_, every man _is_ a horse!"
Is it necessary to spend time in exhibiting the folly and fallaciousness
of this first principle? A child would laugh at it; yet this work is
held up by Abolitionists, as of almost equal authority with the Bible
itself!

One or two conclusions drawn from this first principle will, no doubt,
be gratifying to the reader. In page 220, the editor proceeds thus:

     "To keep the South in good spirits, we must believe not only
     that Abraham kept slaves, but that our _blessed Saviour was a
     slave-holder_! Of course _heaven must be_, on a larger scale,
     like one of those establishments which line the shores of the
     Mississippi. When they find a text which recognises _masters_
     or _servants_, they consider it triumphant.

     "_First._ It will prove that every country in Christendom is
     a slave region. On every farm in Great Britain there are
     _servants_. Every statute and every instrument of writing
     which obliges _tenants_, and _keepers of cattle_, &c., calls
     them _servants_, and their landlord or employer master. Is
     Great Britain a slave region? And in our own country every
     white apprentice is, in his indenture, called a _servant_. Is
     he a slave?

     "_Second._ It will prove that slavery is the _only_ kind of
     servitude which the Scriptures approve. At one "fell swoop,"
     it would unchurch the professors at Princeton, and every
     master and servant in our free states. If the term _servant_,
     of itself, and necessarily, signifies a _slave_, it follows
     not only that _the kingdom of God has always been like the
     kingdom of the devil_, in regard to servitude and personal
     rights, but that voluntary and requited servitude is a modern
     innovation, for which there is neither precedent nor example
     in Holy Writ; and therefore it is at least doubtful _whether a
     voluntary servant, and the master who pays him wages, ought to
     be received into the Church_! For if inspired men always
     passed them by unnoticed--if those whom they instruct and
     recognise as believers were slaves and slavemasters
     exclusively, where shall we find example for admitting the
     voluntary servant and his master, till they qualify themselves
     by slavery? Thus the assumption in question leads to the
     conclusion, not that God tolerated slavery, _but that he
     tolerated nothing else_."!!!

The above paragraph furnishes an admirable specimen of the species of
_reasoning_ by which Abolitionists are _deluded_!

The second principle, upon which the Editor builds his arguments, is
that as the original word which signifies "_to buy_" sometimes signifies
something else, therefore it _never_ signifies what we mean by _buying_
or _purchasing_! I am really astonished at this gentleman's
forgetfulness, for to nothing else do I wish to attribute his reasoning
on this subject. He will therefore pardon me in _reminding_ him that
just in proportion to the poverty of any language, does each word in
that language represent numerous ideas; in which case the real meaning
intended by the writer can be ascertained, to a certainty, only by the
concomitant circumstances, or adjoining expressions. If in our own
language, which is so rich, we have numerous words, each representing
many distinct ideas, is it at all surprising that such should be the
case in ancient tongues? This, the Editor knows far better, in all
probability, than myself; and is also aware that preconceived theories
not only put _new_ ideas into our heads, but oftentimes eliminate
correct ones! Now when we hear of an article being bought "_with
money_," these two last words put, beyond all possibility of doubt, and
beyond all the possibility of sophistry, the nature of the meaning of
the word "_bought_"--viz. "_To acquire the property, right, or title, to
any thing, by paying a consideration, or an equivalent_--_to purchase;
to acquire by paying a price_," &c. [See Webster's American Dictionary].
The various passages of Scripture quoted by the Editor in page 259, in
no way whatever militate against the meaning of the word "_buy_."

Now the following simple questions may be put: 1st. Did God in any one
passage in the whole Bible forbid or prohibit the _purchase_ of men? Not
in a single instance! 2d. Did God ever give directions respecting the
purchase of men, and the treatment of men so purchased? He
unquestionably did. [See Gen. xvii. 13, 27. Exodus xxi. 2-7, 26, 27.]
3d. Did God recognize such as were thus purchased with money, as the
_property_ of their masters? Most undoubtedly. [See Exod. xx. 17. xxi.
20, 21, where the servant is actually denominated, "HIS MONEY!"]

Having now proved the erroneousness of the two principles upon which the
Editor of this Magazine built his arguments; and having demolished the
two pillars which supported his whole edifice, the arguments and the
edifice necessarily coming to naught, I shall end this chapter with a
few remarks on a text of Scripture which Abolitionists adduce as a
justification for encouraging, sheltering, and retaining, those who run
away from their legal masters. This text is to be found in Deut. xxiii.
15, and reads thus, "Thou shalt not deliver unto his master the servant
which is escaped from his master unto thee. He shall dwell with thee,
even among you, in that place which he shall choose in one of thy gates,
where it liketh him best: thou shalt not oppress him." Did this verse
stand totally unconnected with any other portion of the Scriptures; were
it even completely isolated, I could not dare, in common justice, give
it that interpretation which would render it in direct opposition to the
whole tenor of Scripture; and which Abolitionists do, in order to
shelter themselves from the condemnation justly attached to their
principles. No marvel that there are thousands of men in the land who
consider the Bible a mass of contradictions, when those who profess to
believe in its Divine origin thus _make_ it, to promote their own views,
contradict itself. Compare the meaning attached to this passage by
Abolitionists, with the first column on page 33 in this treatise, and
then see if such meaning is not as directly opposed to the spirit and
letter of the passages of Scripture contained in that column, as any two
things possibly can be!

But we need only look at the passage alluded to, as it stands in the
Bible, to see at once the true meaning of it; and that it, no more
sanctions or authorises the conduct of Abolitionists, than the command
of God to the Jews to extirpate the inhabitants of Canaan, authorises
the Abolitionists to extirpate our Southern brethren! Much of this
chapter (Deut. xxiii.) is taken up with directions to the Jews
respecting their future conduct towards their heathen neighbours, the
Ammonite, Moabite, &c., _from whom_, ("THINE ENEMIES,") if a servant
escape, thou shalt not deliver him back. This command, be it observed,
is not to _individuals_, but to the JEWISH NATION, which the sixteenth
verse fully proves: for therein we find directions given, that the
servant escaped from those heathen nations, may be permitted to dwell
_among_ the Jews, and in whatever place he chooses. This could not, in
the nature of things, be a command to one Jewish master, in respect to
the treatment of a slave that had escaped from another Jewish master:
the one expression "he may dwell _among_ you" (v. 16.) ends all dispute
on this subject. The Abolitionists must now for ever more search for
some other passage of Scripture, to contradict that which directs us to
"_do unto others as we would he done by_!"



CHAPTER V.

THE CONDUCT AND CHARACTER OF THE SOUTHERN SLAVE-HOLDER, VINDICATED.


One of the peculiar features in the practice of Abolition champions, is
to discredit every statement proceeding from all others, except from
themselves: and in this respect they resemble very much, as I stated in
the preceding part of this pamphlet, the champions of Infidelity! If
there be, therefore, any truth in the common adage, that "none are so
suspicious as those who are conscious that their own statements ought
not to be credited," there can be no difficulty in accounting for the
unbelief of those gentlemen.

No one pretends to deny that there are in the South, _some_ cruel,
irreligious--inhuman--slave-holders--and who will have the hardihood to
deny that there are also in the North, _thousands_ of cruel, irreligious
and inhuman, masters, husbands, and fathers! Would the latter fact be a
justifiable reason for branding _all_ the masters, husbands, and
fathers, in the North, as a set of cruel, irreligious, inhuman monsters?
Ah, but says the Abolitionist, they do not use the lash in the
North.--Don't they? If not, it is only because many prefer the cudgel,
which they use liberally on the head, back, and limbs of their
unfortunate _white_ slaves! How many think you (in this religious city
of Philadelphia) white masters, and white husbands, and white fathers,
are annually bound over or punished for cruelty to their _white_
apprentices--white wives--and white children? And how many more are
they, whose barbarity never comes to light, or whose wealth shelters
them? Methinks the effects of the cruelty of a husband or of a father,
would be just as sore on the back or head of a wife, or of a child, as
if they were the effects of the cruelty of a slave-holder: a rose smells
as sweet by any other name! You reply they cannot _sell_ them here; I
answer, it would be far to the advantage of many if they could.

But now to the matter of this chapter: it is constantly published and
circulated by Abolitionists that so hard-hearted, brutal, and inhuman
are all the slave-holders in the South, that they all desire slavery,
are all inimical to freedom, and revel in their iniquity. So far from
this being the case, I reply that the vast majority of them, regret the
necessity of holding slaves--are anxious to have them emancipated, and
would hail with delight any plan by means of which they could emancipate
them, with safety to themselves, and with safety to their slaves. Let us
hear the testimony of a few of them on the subject, recollecting that
according to the principles of common justice, as established in all
civilized nations, _it is not lawful to consider a man unworthy of
credit till he is first proved to be a liar_.

Patrick Henry says,--

     "I repeat it again, that it would rejoice my very soul that
     _every one_ of my fellow beings was _emancipated_. As we ought
     with gratitude to admire that decree of heaven which has
     numbered us among the _free_, we ought to _lament and deplore_
     the necessity of holding our fellow men in bondage."--_Debates
     in Virginia Convention._

Zachariah Johnson says,--

     "Slavery has been the foundation of that impiety and
     dissipation which have been so much disseminated among our
     countrymen. If it were _totally abolished_, it would do much
     good." _Ibid._

Judge Tucker says,--

     "The introduction of slavery into this country, is, at this
     day, considered among its _greatest misfortunes_." And in
     1803, he said, after pronouncing slavery to be "a calamity, a
     reproach, and a curse,"--"those who wish to postpone
     emancipation, do not reflect that every day renders the task
     more arduous to be performed."

General Harper says,--

     "It tends, and may powerfully tend, to rid us gradually and
     _entirely_ in the United States, _of slaves and slavery_, a
     great _moral and political evil, of increasing virulence and
     extent_, from which much mischief is now felt, and very great
     calamity in future, is justly apprehended. It speaks not only
     to our understandings, but to our senses; and however it may
     be derided by some, or overlooked by others, who have not the
     ability or time, or do not give themselves the trouble to
     reflect on, and estimate properly, the force and extent of
     those great moral and physical causes, which prepare
     gradually, and at length bring forth the most terrible
     convulsions in civil society; it will not be viewed without
     deep and awful apprehensions by any who shall bring sound
     minds, and some share of political knowledge and sagacity, to
     the serious consideration of the subject. Such persons will
     give their most serious attention to any proposition which has
     for its object, the eradication of this terrible mischief
     lurking in our vitals."--_Letter on Colonization Society._

Darby says,--

     "Copying from Montesquieu, and not from observation of nature,
     climate has been called upon to account for stains on the
     human character, imprinted by the hand of political mistake.
     No country where negro slavery is established, but must bear,
     in part, the wounds inflicted on nature and justice. Without
     pursuing a train of metaphysical reasoning, we may at once
     draw this induction, that if slavery, like pain, is one of the
     laws of existence, the latter does not more certainly produce
     physical weakness, debility, and death, than does the former
     lessen the purity of virtue in the human breast."--_History of
     Louisiana._

M'Call says,--

     "It is shocking to human nature, that any race of mankind, and
     their posterity, should be sentenced to perpetual slavery."
     _History of Georgia._

General Mercer says,--

     "For, although it is believed, and is, indeed, too obvious to
     require proof, that the colonization of the free people of
     colour alone, would not only tend to civilize Africa; to
     abolish the slave-trade; and greatly to advance their own
     happiness; but to promote that also of the other classes of
     society, the proprietors and slaves; yet the hope of the
     gradual and utter abolition of slavery, in a manner consistent
     with the rights, interests, and happiness of society, ought
     never to be abandoned."--_Report to Colonization Society._

F. S. Key, Esq. says,--

     "I hope I may be excused, if I add, that the subject which
     engages us, is one in which it is our right to act--as much
     our right to act, as it is the right of those who differ from
     us not to act. If we believe in the existence of a great moral
     and political evil amongst us, and that duty, honour, and
     interest, call upon us to prepare the way for its removal, we
     must act. All that can be required of us, is, that we act
     discreetly," &c.--_Speech before Colonization Society._

Mr. Clay says,--

     "If they would repress all tendencies towards liberty and
     ultimate emancipation, they must do more than put down the
     benevolent efforts of this society. They must penetrate the
     human soul, and eradicate the light of reason, and the love of
     liberty. _Our friends, who are cursed with this greatest of
     human evils, (slavery,) deserve our kindest attention and
     consideration. Their property and safety are both
     involved._"--_Speech before Colonization Society._

William H. Fitzhugh, Esq. says,--

     "Slavery, in its mildest form, is an evil of the darkest
     character. Cruel and unnatural in its origin, no plea can be
     urged in justification of its continuance, but the plea of
     necessity; not that necessity which arises from our habits,
     our prejudices, or our wants; but the necessity which requires
     us to submit to existing evils, rather than substitute, by
     their removal, others of a more serious and destructive
     character. There is no riveted attachment to slavery,
     prevailing extensively, in any portion of our country. Its
     injurious effects on our habits, our morals, our individual
     wealth, and more especially on our national strength and
     prosperity, are universally felt, and almost universally
     acknowledged."

Mr. Levasseur says,--

     "Happily, there is no part of the civilized world, in which it
     is necessary to discuss the justice or injustice of the
     principle of negro slavery; at the present day, every sane man
     agrees that it is a monstrosity, and it would be altogether
     inaccurate, to suppose that there are in the United States,
     more than elsewhere, individuals sufficiently senseless to
     seek to defend it, either by their writings or conversation.
     For myself, who have traversed the twenty-four states of the
     Union, and in the course of a year have had more than one
     opportunity of hearing long and keen discussions upon this
     subject, I declare that I never have found but a single
     person, who seriously defended this principle. This was a
     young man, whose head, sufficiently imperfect in its
     organization, was filled with confused and ridiculous notions
     relative to Roman History; and appeared to be completely
     ignorant of the history of his own country. It would be waste
     of time, to repeat here, his crude and ignorant tirade."

These are the sentiments of MEN OF EMINENT TALENTS, CITIZENS OF THE
SOUTH, AND SLAVE-HOLDERS!

Lastly, the Southern Reporter says,--

     "The _conscientious_ slave-holder deserves a larger share of
     the sympathy of those who have sympathy to spare, than any
     other class of men, not excepting the slave himself." "One
     _great evil_ of the system is its tendency to produce disorder
     and poverty in a country." "The slave-trade may be regarded as
     a _conspiracy_ of all Europe and the commercial part of this
     continent, not only against Africa, but in a _more aggravated
     sense, against these southern regions_."

     "Almost all masters, in Virginia, assent to the proposition,
     that when slaves can be liberated without _danger to
     themselves_, and to their _own_ advantage, it ought to be
     done. If there are few who think otherwise in Virginia, I feel
     assured that _there are few such any where in the south_!"
     [See Dr. Reese's Letters to the Hon. William Jay, p. 50-53.]

But if it be now asked why do they not liberate them, as they appear so
anxious so to do? I reply that totally independent of the considerations
above stated, the law of the land prohibits their so doing unless they
give large security, or send them abroad. So that in fact the
_Abolitionists themselves are now the actual slave-holders of
thousands_! For by their calumniating and misrepresenting the motives
of the advocates of the Colonization Society, they have prevented the
influx of such means to that body as would have enabled it to relieve
the slave-holder from that _bondage_ under which he labours, and thus
free his slaves!

Another calumny circulated is respecting the state of ignorance and
irreligion in which all the slave-holders keep their slaves. This is as
great a falsehood as ever was uttered by man or Devils, if we are to
give any credit to the testimony of every good and pious man who lives
in, or has visited, the South.

The following testimony I the more readily adduce because it is taken
from the Report published by the _Abolitionists_, of the Discussion
between Mr. Breckinridge and Mr. Thompson; and the truth of which I find
the latter gentleman does not attempt to deny.

     "RELIGIOUS INSTRUCTION OF SLAVES.

     "The Southern Evangelical Society, is the title of a proposed
     association, among the Presbyterians of the South, for the
     propagation of the gospel among the people of colour. The
     constitution originated in the synod of North Carolina, and is
     to go into effect as soon as adopted by the synod of Virginia,
     or that of South Carolina and Georgia. The voting members of
     the society are to be elected by the synods. Honorary members
     are created by the payment of 30 dollars. All members of
     synods united with the society are corresponding
     members--other corresponding members may be chosen by the
     voting members. Article 4th of the constitution provides that
     'there shall not exist between this society and any other
     society, any connexion whatever, except with a similar society
     in the slave-holding states.' Several resolutions follow the
     constitution--one of these provides that a presbytery in a
     slave-holding district of the country, not united with a synod
     in connexion with the society, may become a member by its own
     act. The 5th and 6th resolutions are as follows:--

     "Resolved, 5. That it be very respectfully and earnestly
     recommended to all the heads of families in connexion with our
     congregations, to take up and vigorously prosecute the
     business of seeking the salvation of the slaves in the way of
     maintaining and promoting family religion.

     "Resolved, 6. That it be enjoined on all the presbyteries
     composing this synod to take order at their earliest meeting
     to obtain full and correct statistical information as to the
     number of people of colour, in the bounds of our several
     congregations, the number in actual attendance at our several
     places of worship, and the number of coloured members in our
     several churches, and make a full report to the synod at its
     next meeting, and for this purpose, that the clerk of this
     synod furnish a copy of this resolution to the stated clerk of
     each presbytery."

     "The next document carried them one state farther South, and
     related to South Carolina, in which that horrible Gov.
     M'Duffie, who seems to haunt Mr. Thompson's imagination with
     his threats of 'death without benefit of clergy,' lives, and
     perhaps still rules. It is taken from the same paper as the
     next preceding extract:--


     "RELIGIOUS INSTRUCTION OF SLAVES.

     "From an intelligent New Englander at the South:--

     "To the Editor of the _New York Observer_--

     "I am apprehensive that many of your readers, who feel a
     lively interest in the welfare of the slaves, are not
     correctly and fully informed as to their amount of religious
     instruction. From the speeches of Mr. Thompson and others,
     they might be led to believe that slaves in our Southern
     states never read a Bible, hear a gospel sermon, or partake of
     a gospel ordinance. It is to be hoped, however, that little
     credit will be given to such misrepresentations,
     notwithstanding the zeal and industry with which they are
     disseminated.

     "_What has been done on a single Plantation._

     "I will now inform your readers what has been done, and is now
     doing, for the moral and religious improvement of the slaves
     on a single plantation, with which I am well acquainted, and
     these few facts may serve as a commentary on the unsupported
     assertions of Mr. Thompson and others. And here I could wish
     that all who are so ready to denounce every man that is so
     unfortunate as to be born to a heritage of slaves, could go to
     that plantation, and see with their own eyes, and hear with
     their own ears, the things which I despair of adequately
     describing. Truly, I think they would be more inclined, and
     better qualified to use those weapons of light and love which
     have been so ably and justly commended to their hands.

     "On this plantation there are from 150 to 200 slaves, the
     finest looking body that I have seen on any estate. Their
     master and mistress have felt for years how solemn are the
     responsibilities connected with such a charge; and they have
     not shrunk from meeting them. The means used for their
     spiritual good, are abundant. They enjoy the constant
     preaching of the gospel. A young minister of the Presbyterian
     church, who has received a regular collegiate and theological
     education, is labouring among them, and derives his entire
     support from the master, with the exception of a trifling sum
     which he receives for preaching one Sabbath in each month, for
     a neighbouring church. On the Sabbath and during the week you
     may see them filling the place of worship, from the man of
     gray hairs to the small child, all neatly and comfortably
     clothed, listening with respectful, and in many cases, eager
     attention to the truth as it is in Jesus, delivered in terms
     adapted to their capacities, and in a manner suited to their
     peculiar habits, feelings and circumstances;--engaging with
     solemnity and propriety in the solemn exercise of prayer, and
     mingling their melodious voices in the hymn of praise. Sitting
     among them are the white members of the family encouraging
     them by their attendance, manifesting their interest in the
     exercises, and their anxiety for the eternal well being of
     their people. Of the whole number 45 or 50 have made a
     profession of religion, and others are evidently deeply
     concerned.

     "Let me now conduct you to a Bible class of 10 or 12 adults
     who can read, met with their Bibles to study and have
     explained to them the word of God. They give unequivocal
     demonstrations of much interest in their employment, and of an
     earnest desire to understand and remember what they read. From
     hence we will go to another room where are assembled 18 or 20
     lads attending upon catechetical instruction conducted by
     their young master. Here you will notice many intelligent
     countenances, and will be struck with the promptitude and
     correctness of their answers.

     "But the most interesting spectacle is yet before you. It is
     to be witnessed in the Infant School Room, nicely fitted up
     and supplied with the customary cards and other appurtenances.
     Here, every day in the week, you may find 25 or 30 children
     neatly clad, and wearing bright and happy faces. And as you
     notice their correct deportment, hear their unhesitating
     replies to the questions proposed, and above all, when they
     unite their sweet voices in their touching songs, if your
     heart is not affected and your eyes do not fill, you are the
     hardest-hearted and driest-eyed visitor that has ever been
     there. But who is their teacher? Their mistress, a lady whose
     amiable christian character, and most gifted and accomplished
     manners are surpassed by none. From day to day--month to
     month, and year to year, she has cheerfully left her splendid
     halls and circle of friends to visit her school room, where,
     standing up before those young immortals, she trains them in
     the way in which they should go, and leads them to Him who
     said, 'suffer little children to come unto me.'

     "From the Infant School Room, we will walk through a beautiful
     lawn half a mile, to a pleasant grove commanding a view of
     miles in extent. Here is a brick chapel rising for the
     accommodation of this interesting family--sufficiently large
     to receive 2 or 300 hearers. When completed, in beauty and
     convenience it will be surpassed by few churches in the
     Southern country.

     "On the plantation you might see also many other things of
     great interest. Here a negro is the overseer. Marriages are
     regularly contracted. No negro is sold, except as a punishment
     for bad behaviour, and a dreaded one it is. None is bought
     save for the purpose of uniting families. Here you will hear
     no clanking of chains, no cracking of whips; (I have never
     seen a blow struck on the estate,) and here last, but not
     least, you will find a flourishing Temperance Society
     embracing almost every individual on the premises. And yet the
     'Christianity of the South is a chain-forging, a
     whip-platting--marriage discouraging, Bible-withholding
     Christianity!'

     "I have confined myself to a single plantation. But I might
     add many interesting facts in regard to others, and the state
     of feeling in general, but I forbear.

                                    Yours, &c.
                                          A NEW-ENGLAND MAN.

     "He would now connect the peculiar and local facts of the
     preceding statement, with the whole community of slave-holders
     in the same state; and show by competent and disinterested
     testimony the real and common state of things. The following
     extracts were from a letter printed in the New York Observer
     of July 25, 1835.

     "I have resided eight years in South Carolina, and have an
     extensive acquaintance with the planters of the middle and low
     country. I have seen much of slavery, and feel competent to
     speak in regard to many facts connected with it.

     "What your correspondent has stated of the condition of one
     plantation, is, in its essential points, a common case
     throughout the whole circle of my acquaintance.

     "The negroes generally in this state are well fed, well
     clothed, and have the means of religious instruction.
     According to my best judgment, the work which a slave here is
     required to do, amounts to about one third the ordinary labour
     commonly performed by a New-England farmer. A similar
     comparison would hold true in regard to the labour of
     domestics. In the family where I reside, consisting of _nine_
     white persons, _seven slaves_ are employed to do the work.
     This is a common case.

     "In the village where I live there are about 400 slaves, and
     they generally attend church. More than one hundred of them
     are members of the church. Perhaps 200 are assembled every
     Sabbath in the Sunday Schools. In my own Sunday School are
     about 60, and most of them professors of religion. They are
     perfectly accessible and teachable. In the town of my former
     residence in New-England, there were 300 free blacks. No more
     than 8 or 10 of those were professors of religion, and not
     more than twice that number could generally be induced to
     attend church. They could not be induced to send their
     children to the district schools, which were always open to
     them, nor could they generally be hired to work. They were
     thievish, wretched and troublesome. I have no hesitation in
     saying, and I say it deliberately, it would be a great
     blessing to them to exchange conditions with the slaves of the
     village in which I now live. Their intellectual and moral
     characters, and real means of improvement, would be promoted
     by the exchange.

     "There are doubtless some masters who treat their slaves
     cruelly in this State, but they are exceptions to the general
     fact. Public opinion is in a wholesome state, and the man who
     does not treat his slaves kindly, is disgraced.

     "Great and increasing efforts are made to instruct the slaves
     in religion, and elevate their characters. Missionaries are
     employed solely for their benefit. It is very common for
     ministers to preach in the forenoon to the whites, and in the
     afternoon of each Sabbath to the blacks. The slaves of my
     acquaintance are generally contented and happy. The master is
     reprobated who will divide families. Many thousands of slaves
     of this State give evidence of piety. In many churches they
     form the majority. Thousands of them give daily thanks to God,
     that they or their fathers were brought to this land of
     Slavery.

     "And now, perhaps, I ought to add, that I am not a
     slave-holder, and do not intend to continue in a slave
     country; but wherever I may be, I intend to speak the

                                                      TRUTH.

     "The next document related particularly to _Virginia_,--the
     largest and most powerful of the slave states; but had also a
     general reference to the whole south, and to the whole
     question at issue. The sentiments it contained were entitled
     to extraordinary consideration, on account of the source of
     them. Mr. Van Renselaer was the son of one of the most wealthy
     and distinguished citizens of the great free state of New
     York. He had gone to Virginia to preach to the slaves. He had
     everywhere succeeded; was everywhere beloved by the slaves,
     and honoured by their masters. He had access to perhaps forty
     different plantations,--on which he from time to time
     preached,--and which might have been doubled, had his strength
     been equal to the task. In the midst of his usefulness--the
     storm of abolition arose. Mr. Thompson, like some baleful
     star, landed on our shores; organized a reckless agitation,
     made many at the north frantic with folly--and as many at the
     south furious with passion. Mr. Van Renselaer, like many
     others, saw a storm raging which they had no power to control;
     and like them withdrew from his benevolent labours. The
     following brief statements made by him at a great meeting of
     the Colonization Society of New York, exhibit his own view of
     the conduct and duty of the parties.

     "_The Rev. Cortlandt Van Renselaer_, formerly of Albany, but
     who has lately resided in Virginia, addressed the meeting, and
     after alluding to the difference of opinion which prevailed
     among the friends of Colonization, touching the present
     condition and treatment of the coloured population in this
     country, proceeded to offer reasons why the people of the
     North should approach their brethren in the South, who held
     the control of the coloured population, with deference, and in
     a spirit of kindness and conciliation.

     "These reasons were briefly as follows: 1. Because the people
     of the South had not consented to the original introduction of
     slaves into the country, but had solemnly, earnestly, and
     repeatedly remonstrated against it. 2. Because, having been
     born in the presence of slavery, and accustomed to it from
     their infancy, they could not be expected to view it in the
     same light as we view it at the North. 3. Slavery being there
     established by law, it was not in the power of individuals to
     act in regard to it as their personal feelings might dictate.
     The evil had not been eradicated from the state of New York
     all at once: it had been a gradual process, commencing with
     the law of 1799, and not consummated until 1827. Ought we to
     denounce our Southern neighbours if they refused to do the
     work at a blow? 4. The constitution of the United States,
     tolerated slavery, in its articles apportioning representation
     with reference to the slave population, and requiring the
     surrender of runaway slaves. 5. Slavery had been much
     mitigated of late years, and the condition of the slave
     population much ameliorated. Its former rigour was almost
     unknown, at least in Virginia, and it was lessening
     continually. It was not consistent with truth to represent the
     slaves as groaning day and night under the lash of tyrannical
     task-masters. And as to being kept in perfect ignorance, Mr.
     _V. had seldom seen a plantation where some of the slaves
     could not read, and where they were not encouraged to learn.
     In South Carolina, where it was said the gospel was
     systematically denied to the slave, there were twenty thousand
     of them church-members in the Methodist denomination alone. He
     knew a small church where out of 70 communicants_, 50 were in
     slavery. 6. There were very great difficulties connected with
     the work of Abolition. The relations of slavery had ramified
     themselves through all the relations of society. The slaves
     were comparatively very ignorant; their character degraded;
     and they were unqualified for immediate freedom. A blunder in
     such a concern as universal Abolition, would be no light
     matter. Mr. V. here referred to the result of experience and
     personal observation on the mind of the well known _Mr.
     Parker_, late a minister of this city, but now of New Orleans.
     He had left this city for the South with the feelings of an
     immediate Abolitionist; but he had returned with his views
     wholly changed. After seeing slavery and slave-holders, and
     that at the far South, he now declared the idea of immediate
     and universal Abolition to be a gross absurdity. To liberate
     the two and a half millions of slaves in the midst of us,
     would be just as wise and as humane, as it would be for the
     father of a numerous family of young children to take them to
     the front door, and there bidding them good bye, tell them
     they were free, and send them out into the world to provide
     for and govern themselves. 7. Foreign interference was, of
     necessity, a delicate thing, and ought ever to be attempted
     with the utmost caution. 8. There was a large amount of
     unfeigned Christian anxiety at the South to obey God and to do
     good to man. There were many tears and prayers continually
     poured out over the condition of their coloured people, and
     the most earnest desire to mitigate their sorrows. Were such
     persons to be approached with vituperation and anathemas? 9.
     There was no reason why all our sympathies should be confined
     to the coloured race and utterly withheld from our white
     Southern brethren. The apostle Paul exhibited no such spirit.
     10. A regard to the interest of the slaves themselves dictated
     a cautious and prudent and forbearing course. It called for
     conciliation: for the fate of the slaves depended on the will
     of their masters, nor could the North prevent it. _The late
     laws against teaching slaves to read had not been passed until
     the Southern people found inflammatory publications
     circulating among the coloured people._ 11. The spirit of the
     gospel forbade all violence, abuse and threatening. The
     apostles had wished to call fire from heaven on those they
     considered as Christ's enemies; but the Saviour instead of
     approving this fiery zeal, had rebuked it. 12. These Southern
     people, who were represented as so grossly violating all
     Christian duty, had been the subjects of gracious blessings
     from God in the outpourings of his Spirit. 13. When God
     convinced men of error, he did it in the spirit of mercy; we
     ought to endeavour to do the same thing in the same spirit."

The last testimony that I shall adduce on this subject is from "The Plea
for Africa" [p. 160, 164] in which the writer says,

     "There is certainly a pleasing and commendable spirit
     exhibited, after all the precautionary provisions of
     legislative acts, by the christian community at the South, in
     respect to the religious instruction of their slaves. I have
     before me a letter from an eminent clergyman of Virginia, a
     part of which I will read, since you may from such sources be
     better able to apprehend the true feeling of Christians at the
     South, and the actual condition of the slaves:

     "'To give you an idea of the feeling of the Christian
     community toward that unfortunate class of people which we
     have among us, I would refer you to the articles which
     appeared in the Religious Telegraph during the last year,
     signed, 'Zinzindorf,' and which terminated in passing a
     resolution in the synod of Virginia, recommending every church
     in the State, to set apart one of its best qualified members,
     whose duty it shall be to give religious instruction to the
     coloured people. And I am happy to state, that many enter upon
     this self-denying, though pleasing duty.

     "'We hope that the public mind is fast preparing for a general
     emancipation, and that the Christian community will not be
     remiss in instructing and preparing the coloured people for
     the colony. The redeeming spirit is amongst us, I hope, and
     will not rest till every slave shall be restored to the land
     of their fathers, and this State placed upon a footing with
     the other happy States of our Union, who know not the curses
     of slavery.'

     "I have also before me a letter from Georgia, written by a
     distinguished gentleman to his friend, on the same subject,
     which reads as follows:

     "'With regard to your inquiries about the religious
     instruction of the Negroes of the South, I would state, that
     we have much reason to be grateful for what is doing, and for
     what in prospect may be done. My knowledge on this subject is
     confined to Georgia and South Carolina; I visited Bryan
     county, Georgia, a few weeks since, for the exclusive purpose
     of seeing what was doing there for the Negroes. On one
     plantation I found the slaves far more improved, both as
     regards their temporal comforts, and their religious
     instruction, than I had expected to see. The number of Negroes
     on this plantation is, I believe, about two hundred. They live
     in framed houses, raised above the ground--spacious, and in
     every way comfortable, and calculated to promote health. The
     Negroes were uniformly clad in a very decent and comfortable
     way. There is a chapel on the place where the master meets the
     adults every night at the ringing of the bell. Reading a
     portion of Scripture, and explaining it, singing, and prayer,
     constitute the regular exercises of every night in the week.
     On the Sabbath they have different and more protracted
     exercises.

     "'A day school is taught by two young ladies--embracing all
     the children under twelve or fifteen years of age. The
     instruction in this and other schools in the county, is
     _oral_, of course; but it was gratifying to see how great an
     amount of knowledge the children had acquired in a few months.
     A Presbyterian minister of Philadelphia was with me, and he
     said, in unqualified terms, that he visited no infant schools
     at the North better conducted--Schools on the same plan are
     now established on the several other plantations in the same
     county. And I think I may say there is a very general interest
     getting up on this subject. A large portion of the wealthy
     planters either have already, or contemplate building churches
     on their premises, and employing chaplains to preach to their
     slaves. Several I could mention who, though they are not pious
     themselves, have done this already, from what they have seen
     of the beneficial influence of religious instruction on the
     slaves of other plantations. Persons at a distance may be
     surprised at this fact, but it is so in a number of cases that
     I could name, if it were necessary. Ministers of all
     denominations begin to awake to their duty and responsibility
     on this subject. Many of them are now devoting themselves
     _wholly_ to this portion of our community; and it is to be
     hoped that every christian master will soon be brought to an
     enlightened sense of duty. And _if we are allowed to
     prosecute this work without indiscreet interference on the
     part of our Northern brethren_, I feel assured that we shall
     see the Negroes _far more improved_ in a short time than they
     are at present.'

            *       *       *       *       *

     "Of the religious condition of the slaves _in South Carolina_,
     a clergyman in that State writes:

     "I am able from authentic information to say, that of the
     _five hundred and eighty thousand_, which compose the entire
     population of this State, about _sixty-seven thousand_ are
     members in the Baptist, Methodist, Presbyterian, and
     Episcopalian churches. _Of these communicants more than forty
     thousand are slaves._ The whole slave population is 315,000.
     It is easily seen, therefore, that of the white population
     about _one-seventh_ are church members. It is proper these
     facts should come into the estimate of the religious condition
     and prospects of our slaves. In New-England there are _twenty
     thousand_, and in the free states _a hundred and
     twenty-thousand_ blacks. I should be glad to see a comparison
     of their religious condition with that of our slaves in this
     one item. Do you believe that _one-twentieth_ of them are
     communicants? And do you believe that in New-England, _as
     here_, there is a _larger proportion_ of black than white
     communicants? And what is doing _there_ to improve the moral
     condition of the blacks?"

            *       *       *       *       *

     "I might multiply proofs of a disposition prevailing
     extensively at the South in all the States to give to the
     slaves religious instruction, and all practicable religious
     privileges. I think the general feeling on this subject is
     greatly misapprehended in the non-slave-holding States. The
     evils of slavery are great, but they ought not to be magnified
     either by representing the slaves as deprived of all religious
     privileges, or their masters as destitute of christian
     benevolence and the feelings of humanity."



CHAPTER VI.

COLONIZATION PRINCIPLES VINDICATED--CALUMNIES REFUTED--THE GOOD
COLONIZATION HAS ALREADY DONE--IS DOING--AND THE INCALCULABLE GOOD IT
WILL DO, IF DULY PATRONISED.


_The Colonization Society_ was formed in Washington, December 21st,
1816; and not in Virginia, as Abolitionists falsely assert. Amongst its
most prominent promoters and founders, were, FINLAY--CALDWELL--and
MILLS; than whom none were more excellent and pious: they were not
slave-holders, as Abolitionists falsely assert.

Although the simple object of this Society is the colonization of the
_free people of colour_, who _voluntarily_ desire to go abroad, yet the
members of it are decidedly opposed to slavery. And although _as a body_
they do not attempt to interfere with the rights of the slave-holder,
yet as _individuals_ they have, and do exercise their utmost powers to
diminish the evils of slavery--to provide, for the liberated person of
colour, and to induce the slave-holder to emancipate his slaves; and all
this consistent with the _legal_ interest of the owner, and consistent
with the laws of God. Nothing could more satisfactorily prove the truth
of these statements than the two following facts, 1st, that the actual
PRO-SLAVERY party denounce the Colonization Society; and 2dly, that vast
numbers of slaves have been emancipated through the influence of this
Society. Dr. Reese says in his work before quoted, p. 41,

     "The society does not merely "_promise_" to promote Abolition,
     but exerts a mighty and _successful moral influence in
     actually abolishing slavery. And here I will not refer to the
     truth, which he who runs may read, that in Kentucky, Delaware,
     Maryland, and even Virginia_ itself, it is now openly avowed
     that '_colonization doctrines have sealed the death warrant of
     slavery!_' _Hence the pro-slavery party have declared that
     'colonization and emancipation are synonymous terms_, and that
     the approach of _the former must be resisted_!' At a meeting
     of the same party _in Charleston_, the following toast was
     given, 'May the infernal regions soon be _colonized_ with the
     officers of the Colonization Society!' And while labouring
     with your misguided associates in the North, to hold up the
     Colonization Society, as hypocritical in its professions to
     exert a _moral influence_ towards the voluntary and utter
     abolition of slavery, you are leagued with 'all the advocates
     of the negro's perpetual bondage, who are the bitter
     uncompromising enemies of the society.' The Rev. J. M.
     Danforth states on his own personal knowledge, that in South
     Carolina, 'the society, and every thing connected with it, are
     held in _extreme abhorrence_ by our leading men, our
     politicians and wealthy planters. It is so _unpopular_ an
     institution, that very few name it publicly,--it is regarded
     here as a _northern scheme_ to _wrest_ from us our _slaves_.'
     In your anti-colonization efforts then, you are associated in
     action with the very men, whose character as slave-holders is
     so odious, that you deprecate their connexion with the
     colonization cause, as an unpardonable sin. Let me conjure
     you, sir, no longer to be 'jostled by the trafficker in human
     flesh,' in your crusade against the society or its benevolent
     objects, but abandon the 'bad eminence' to which your 'want of
     information' has unhappily raised you."

     "The following manumissions are the legitimate result of the
     '_moral influence_' of the Colonization Society.

     "[67:A]It would be endless to enumerate the cases of this kind
     that have occurred. Some of them must be recorded, that the
     acts and the names of the parties, where known, may have the
     applause to which they are entitled, and, what is of more
     consequence, that they may serve as stimuli to others, to
     follow the noble example.

     "A lady, near Charleston, Va. liberated all her slaves, _ten_
     in number, to be sent to Liberia; and moreover purchased
     _two_, whose families were among her slaves. For the one she
     gave $450, and for the other $350.

     "The late William Fitzhugh bequeathed their freedom to _all
     his slaves_, after a certain fixed period, and ordered that
     their expenses should be paid to whatsoever place they should
     think proper to go. And, 'as an encouragement to them to
     emigrate to the American colony on the coast of Africa,
     where,' adds _the will, 'I believe their happiness will be
     more permanently secured, I desire not only that the expenses
     of their emigration be paid, but that the sum of fifty
     dollars_ be paid to each one so emigrating, on his or her
     arrival in Africa.'

     "David Shriver, of Frederick co. Maryland, ordered by his
     will, that all his slaves, _thirty_ in number, should be
     emancipated, and that proper provision should be made for the
     comfortable support of the infirm and aged, and for the
     instruction of the young in reading, writing, and arithmetic,
     and in some art or trade, by which they might acquire the
     means of support.

     "Col. Smith, an old revolutionary officer, of Sussex county,
     Va. ordered in his will, that all his slaves, _seventy_ or
     _eighty_ in number, should be emancipated; and bequeathed
     above $5000 to defray the expense of transporting them to
     Liberia.

     "Patsey Morris, of Louisa co., Va. directed by will, that all
     her slaves, _sixteen_ in number, should be emancipated, and
     left $500 to fit them out, and defray the expense of their
     passage.

     "The schooner Randolph, which sailed from Georgetown, South
     Carolina, had on board _twenty-six slaves_, liberated by a
     benevolent individual near Cheraw.

     "Of 105 emigrants, who sailed in the brig Doris, from
     Baltimore and Norfolk, _sixty-two_ were emancipated on
     condition of being conveyed to Liberia.

     "Sampson David, late a member of the legislature of Tennessee,
     provided by will, that all his slaves, _twenty-two_ in number,
     who are mostly young, should be liberated in 1840, or sooner,
     at his wife's decease, if she died before that period.

     "Herbert B. Elder, of Petersburg, Va. bequeathed their freedom
     to all his slaves, _twenty_ in number, with directions that
     they should be conveyed to Liberia, by the first opportunity.

     "A gentleman in Georgia, has recently left _forty-nine_ slaves
     free, on condition of their removal to Liberia.

     "Mrs. Elizabeth Morris, of Bourbon co., Va. provided by will
     for the emancipation of her slaves, about _forty_ in number.

     "David Patterson, of Orange co., North Carolina, freed
     _eleven_ slaves, to be sent to Liberia.

     "Rev. Fletcher Andrew gave freedom to _twenty_, who
     constituted most of his property, for the same purpose.

     "Nathaniel Crenshaw, near Richmond, liberated _sixty_ slaves,
     with a view to have them sent to Liberia.

     "Rev. Robert Cox, Suffolk co., Va. provided by his will for
     the emancipation of all his slaves, upwards of _thirty_, and
     left several hundred dollars to pay their passage to Liberia.

     "Joseph Leonard Smith, of Frederick co., Md. liberated
     _twelve_ slaves, who sailed from Baltimore for Liberia.

     "Of 107 coloured persons who sailed in the Carolinian, from
     Norfolk for Liberia, _forty-five_ were emancipated on
     condition of being sent there.

     "In the brig Criterion, which sailed from Norfolk for Liberia,
     on the 2d August, 1831, there were _forty-six_ persons who had
     been liberated, _on condition of proceeding to Liberia_; 18 by
     Mrs. Greenfield, near Natchez; 8 by Mr. Williams, of Elizabeth
     city, N. C.; 7 by Gen. Jacocks, of Perquimans, Ohio; 4 by
     Thomas Davis, Montgomery co. Miss.; 2 by two other
     individuals; and 5 by some of the Quakers in North Carolina.
     Of those liberated slaves, 2 only were above 40 years of age,
     22 were under 35, and 22 under 20.

     "A gentleman in N. C., last year, gave freedom to all his
     slaves, 14 in number, and provided 20 dollars each, to pay
     their passage to Liberia.

     "Mrs. J. of Mercer co., Kentucky, and her two sons, one a
     clergyman, and the other a physician, lately offered the
     Colonization Society, _sixty_ slaves, to be conveyed to
     Liberia.

     "Henry Robertson, of Hampton, Va., bequeathed their freedom to
     _seven_ slaves, and fifty dollars to each, to aid in their
     removal to Liberia.

     "William Fletcher, of Perquimans, N. C., ordered by will, that
     his slaves, _twelve_ in number, should be hired out for a year
     after his death, to earn wherewith to pay for their conveyance
     to Liberia.

     "A gentleman in Kentucky, lately wrote to the secretary of
     the society, 'I will willingly give up _twelve_ or _fifteen_
     of my coloured people at this time; and so on _gradually_,
     till the whole, about _sixty_, are given up, if means for
     their passage can be afforded.'

     "On board the Harriet, from Norfolk, of one hundred and sixty
     emigrants, between _forty_ and _fifty_ had been slaves,
     emancipated on condition of being sent to Africa.

     "In addition to these instances, several others might be
     added, particularly that of Richard Bibb, Esq., of Kentucky,
     who proposes to send _sixty_ slaves to Liberia--two gentlemen
     in Missouri, who desire to send _eleven_ slaves--a lady in
     Kentucky offers _forty_--the Rev. John C. Burress, of Alabama,
     intends preparing _all his slaves_ for Colonization--the Rev.
     William L. Breckenridge, of Kentucky, manumitted 11 slaves,
     who sailed a few weeks ago from New-Orleans.

     "In this work of benevolence, the Society of Friends, as in so
     many other cases, have nobly distinguished themselves, and
     assumed a prominent attitude. They have, in North Carolina,
     liberated no less than _652 slaves_, whom they had under their
     care, besides, as says my authority, an unknown number of
     children, husbands and wives, connected with them by
     consanguinity, and of whom, part went to Canada, part to
     Liberia, part to Hayti, and a portion to Ohio. In the
     performance of these acts of benevolence, they expended
     $12,759. They had remaining under their care, in December,
     1830, 402 slaves, for whom similar arrangements were to be
     made.

     "It holds out every encouragement to the Colonization Society,
     that the applications for the transportation of free negroes,
     and slaves proposed to be emancipated on condition of removal
     to Liberia, _far exceed its means_. There are, in North
     Carolina _and the adjacent states_, from _three to four
     thousand_ of both descriptions, ready to embark, were the
     society in a situation to send them away.

     "_R. S. Finlay_, Esq., at a late anniversary says,--

     "I know that much pains have been taken to _calumniate_ our
     brethren of the south, by representing them to be the
     advocates of perpetual despotism. From an _extensive and
     familiar acquaintance_ with their views and sentiments, formed
     upon actual observation, I know this not to be the fact. I
     have publicly discussed this subject _everywhere in the
     southern states_, from the eastern shore of _Maryland to the
     Gulf of Mexico_, in the presence of hundreds of slaves at a
     time, and with the general approbation of the audience to
     which my addresses were delivered,--and have uniformly
     represented it as affording the best and only safe means of
     _gradually_ and _entirely abolishing slavery_. Indeed, so well
     is the moral influence of the operations of this society
     understood in the extreme south, that all _the advocates of
     perpetual slavery are bitterly opposed to it_, and _none are
     its advocates, but the friends of gradual, peaceful, and
     ultimate entire emancipation_!" 16th _Report_.

     "In a letter, dated Nov. 4, 1831, Mr. Clarkson says,

     "For myself, I freely confess, that of all the things which
     have occurred in our favour since the year 1787, when the
     abolition of the slave trade was first seriously proposed,
     that which is now going on in the United States, under the
     auspices of the American Colonization Society, is most
     important. It surpasses anything which has yet occurred. _No
     sooner had the colony been founded at Cape Montserado, than
     there appeared a disposition among the owners of slaves in the
     United States to give them freedom voluntarily, without one
     farthing of compensation, and to allow them to be sent to the
     land of their ancestors._ This is to me truly astonishing! a
     total change of heart in the planters, _so that many thousands
     of slaves may be redeemed without any cost of their
     redemption_! Can this almost universal feeling have taken
     place without the intervention of the Spirit of God!"

     "_Within one year it is said that more than 2000 slaves have
     been offered the Colonization Society from five different
     States, with the desire expressed on the part of both master
     and slave, for a passage to Liberia. As Colonization gains
     ground, the freedom of untold thousands, it is to be hoped,
     will be secured, and Africa gladdened yet more and more with
     the light of civilization and christianity._"

Abolitionists assert, with a degree of confidence that not unfrequently
makes an unreflecting audience receive that for unquestionable truth,
which has not a shadow of truth in it, that the Colonization Society
has done nothing as yet in the cause of the afflicted man of colour!
However satisfactorily the preceding instances expose the fallacy of
this accusation; yet that which this Society has done, and is doing, is
not confined to these cases; but extends to still further, and more
important operations, which may be divided into two distinct heads.
First, the happiness and comfort bestowed on those who have gone to
Liberia; and secondly, the considerable check already given to the
African slave-trade, by its _total suppression along the whole coast of
Liberia_.

I shall prove the first of these statements by documents drawn up and
signed by the coloured inhabitants of Liberia, who themselves had once
been slaves, which is, it is presumed, the very best possible evidence
that could be adduced.

At a PUBLIC MEETING, held pursuant to notice, in MONROVIA (_Liberia_) on
Wednesday, Sept. 29th, 1836, J. C. Barbour, Esq., in the chair, the
following resolutions were proposed and carried unanimously--

     1. "On motion of the Rev. J. Revey,

     "_Resolved_, That this meeting entertain the warmest gratitude
     for what the Colonization Society have done for the people of
     colour, and for us particularly, and that we regard the scheme
     as entitled to the highest confidence of every man of colour.

     2. "On motion of S. Benedict, Esq.,

     "_Resolved_, That we return our grateful acknowledgments to
     * * * *, * * * *, Esqrs., and other early and devoted friends
     of colonization; names for which we shall ever cherish the
     highest esteem; that we hear with regret, _from misrepresentation
     or want of accurate information_, they have abandoned the
     noble scheme; and that we hope the day is not far distant in
     which they will again reunite their energies to advance the
     high and benevolent object.

     3. "On motion of Mr. H. Teage,

     "_Resolved_, That this meeting regard the colonizing
     institution as one of the highest, holiest, and most
     benevolent enterprises of the present day; that as a plan for
     the amelioration of the coloured race it takes the precedence
     of all that have been presented to the attention of the modern
     world: that in its operations it is peaceful and safe; in its
     tendencies, beneficial and advantageous; that it is entitled
     to the highest veneration and unbounded confidence of every
     man of colour; that what it has already accomplished demands
     our devout thanks and gratitude to those noble and
     disinterested philanthropists that compose it, as being, under
     God, the greatest earthly benefactors of a despised and
     depressed portion of the human family.

     "The hour being late, on motion of Rev. B. R. Wilson,

     "_Resolved_, That the meeting adjourn until to-morrow, 10
     o'clock, A. M., to the First Baptist Meeting-house.

            *       *       *       *       *

     "_Thursday_, 10th.--Met according to adjournment.

     4. "On motion of James Brown, Esq.--_Resolved_, That the
     thanks of this meeting be presented to those ladies of the
     United States, particularly to those of New-York,
     Philadelphia, and Richmond, for their disinterested efforts to
     educate the children of this colony; and that they be assured
     that, in no department of the colony, do the effects of
     colonization shine more conspicuously than in the schools
     supported by their benevolence.

     5. "On motion of Doctor J. W. Prout,--_Resolved_, That this
     meeting entertain grateful remembrance of General Robert G.
     Harper of Baltimore, an early and devoted friend of
     colonization; also of the name of the late Daniel Murray, Esq.
     of Baltimore, and that we regard the Colonization Society and
     its friends as powerfully efficient in elevating the man of
     colour.

     "Whereas it has been widely and maliciously circulated, in the
     United States of America, that the inhabitants of this colony
     are unhappy in their situation, and anxious to return:

     6. "On motion of Rev. B. R. Wilson,--_Resolved_, That the
     report is false and malicious, and originated only in a design
     to injure the colony, by calling off the support and sympathy
     of its friends: that, so far from a desire to return, we would
     regard such an event as the greatest calamity that could
     befall us.

     7. "On motion of Rev. G. R. McGill,--_Resolved_, That the name
     of Rev. R. R. Gurley never be forgotten.

     8. "On motion of S. Benedict, Esq.,--_Resolved_, That we
     entertain lively feelings of gratitude towards H. R. Sheldon,
     Esq. for his munificent donation towards the erection of a
     high school in this colony.

     9. "On motion of Mr. Uriah Tyner,--_Resolved_, That the thanks
     of this meeting are due to the members of the Colonization
     Society, for their unwearied zeal to promote the interest of
     this community.

     10. "On motion of Mr. Lewis Ciples,--_Resolved_, That this
     meeting entertain the highest respect for the memory of the
     late Thomas S. Grimkey, of South Carolina, for his persevering
     efforts in behalf of the Colonization Society.

     11. "On motion of Rev. Amos Herring,--_Resolved_, That this
     meeting entertain the deepest gratitude for the members of the
     Colonization Society, for the organization and continuation of
     an enterprise, so noble and praiseworthy as that of restoring
     to the blessings of liberty, hundreds and thousands of the
     sore oppressed and long neglected sons of Africa; that we
     believe it the only institution that can, under existing
     circumstances, succeed in elevating the coloured population;
     and that advancement in agriculture, mechanism, and science,
     will enable us speedily to aspire to a rank with other nations
     of the earth.

     12. "On motion of Mr. H. B. Matthews,--Success to the _wheels_
     of colonization; may they roll over every opposer, and roll
     on, until all the oppressed sons of Africa shall be rolled
     _home_!

     13. "On motion of Mr. David Moore,--_Resolved_, That we
     recollect, with peculiar satisfaction, the active part which
     the benevolent, in the state of Mississippi, have taken in the
     welfare of this colony.

     14. "On motion of Major L. R. Johnson,--_Resolved_, That this
     meeting cherish the most grateful remembrance of the name of
     the late Rev. R. Finley, of New Jersey, the founder and
     indefatigable patron of this colony.

     15. "On motion of J. J. Roberts, Esq.,--_Resolved_, That the
     thanks of this meeting be presented to the friends of this
     colony in England.

     "On motion of Mr. Dixon B. Brown,--_Resolved_, That the
     resolutions of this meeting be published in the Liberia
     Herald."

The second statement which I have made respecting what the Colonization
Society has done towards checking the _slave-trade_, cannot better be
substantiated than by the following paragraph taken from the
Colonization Herald of Sept. 5th, 1835.

     "The success of the Colonization Society, may indeed be said
     to be little short of miraculous--for in the brief space of
     thirteen years, _with funds whose aggregate amount scarcely
     equals the individual outlay of Sir Walter Raleigh in
     Virginia_, they have banished the slaver from nearly 200 miles
     of coast, and rescued hundreds of his hapless victims--they
     have settled nearly 4000 emigrants (one half of them
     emancipated for the purpose,)--they have established schools,
     churches, temperance societies, and a newspaper:--agriculture,
     the mechanic arts, and a legitimate commerce, employing nearly
     twenty sail of coasting vessels, have sprung up, while the
     activity of their foreign commerce is attested by our own
     marine lists.

     "That the despised Colonizationists have effected all this, is
     beyond the reach of cavil--it is now a part of the history of
     our enterprising country. And while our opponents have been
     gravely debating the possibility of establishing _one_ colony,
     a little constellation has risen--star by star--and shed its
     light along the dreary coast, giving promise of new 'United
     States' in due season. May not these benevolent founders of
     Liberia be well satisfied with their experiment? Need I blush
     to acknowledge that these results have dispelled all my
     doubts? And may not the statesman safely assume that if a
     feeble society, assailed from its very formation with ridicule
     and reproach, has been able to found and sustain a young
     state, the patriotism, the philanthropy, and the piety of this
     great nation can accomplish the noble work of justice to them,
     and mercy to both? Nor is it among the least cheering of the
     results achieved by this noiseless and unpretending system of
     _practical benevolence_ to the black man, that it has won its
     way to the love, and confidence, and gratitude of benevolent
     proprietors--so that the society has, from its very
     commencement, been distressed by offers of
     emancipation--_distressed_, because its funds have not enabled
     it to relieve a tithe of the cases presented. There are at
     this moment, between one and two thousand applicants for the
     privilege of Colonization, and thousands more are in a state
     of training for the same purpose. Each year's developement of
     the ample resources of the colonies for securing the welfare
     of the colonists, and of their importance to the commerce and
     manufactures of this country, will increase the tide of
     emigration, until, with due aid from the national treasury,
     the stream shall exceed the annual increase, and then a rapid
     decrease in the existing total of coloured population will
     ensue. This I know will be denied--but I appeal to facts as
     the best data for my conclusions. Let us then remember that by
     official returns, the emigration from the United Kingdom was
     76,000 last year. And have not our poor blacks quite as many
     reasons for seeking an asylum in that growing realm--so
     emphatically their own--from the increasing severity of
     Southern laws, and the horrors of Northern mobs? Will not this
     be the more extensively felt, as these African States open up
     new channels to profitable industry, until the emigration
     shall reach 56,000 per annum--which was the average yearly
     increase of the whole coloured population during the ten years
     from 1820 to 1830? And when we recollect that they would,
     under our system, be wafted thither free of expense to
     themselves, there is every reason to believe their numbers
     would soon equal the British emigration, which is in most
     cases at the proper cost of the parties themselves. If only
     that point was reached, an access of 20,000 per annum would
     accrue beyond the present natural increase, and thus create an
     actual diminution in our coloured population--augmented too,
     by the circumstance that the emigrants would generally be of
     the young, the active, and the procreating class--while the
     relative disproportion of the races would be rapidly felt
     through the great increase of the whites.

     "I am well aware that it has been most gratuitously and
     absurdly asserted, 'that our whole marine is insufficient to
     convey to Africa this annual increase!' And yet 42,000 tons of
     shipping, only making two trips each year, and allowing each
     emigrant six times the space allowed on board the slavers--or
     one ton and a half each--would accommodate the whole! What
     then shall we say to those who assert that the annual wealth
     of this great nation, with a surplus of ten millions
     annually, is unable to carry _to_ Africa, _one_-third as many
     of the offspring of oppression, as a band of pirates and
     outlaws each year drag away in chains _from_ her shores! A
     late writer in Blackwood's Magazine, asserts that no less than
     200,000 slaves were shipped in 1831--Walsh that 50,000 were
     landed at Rio Janeiro alone, in 1828. We may, then, without
     difficulty, colonize 100,000 annually--a number that would in
     thirty years transfer our whole coloured population to Africa,
     by an outlay of three millions of dollars yearly,--a sum which
     the weekly contribution of three cents by one-seventh of our
     people, would supply; or, if voted as a measure of justice for
     the many wrongs received at our hands by poor Africa and her
     children, would afford a safe mode of depleting our
     overburdened treasury."

To the above may be added the testimony of Mr. J. F. C. Finlay, who,
writing from Millsburg, in the colony of Liberia, to the Rev. Dr.
Wilson, of Cincinnati, under date of 6th December, 1834, says,--

     "The colony of Liberia has done at least five times as much
     towards abolishing the slave-trade on this coast, as _the
     whole of the United States_."

As to the objections which have been raised against the climate of
Liberia, and the ill-health which the settlers first suffered, I am only
astonished how any one _in America_ could allow such futile arguments to
influence them! It is an undeniable fact that the first inhabitants of
all new countries suffer much from ill-health, and that just _in
proportion to the fertility of the soil_; which is evidently
attributable to the impregnation of the air and water with the gases
arising from the quantity of decomposing vegetable matter with which the
ground is covered, and which renders the land, after due cultivation,
most productive. Do Americans forget the fact in respect to the now
flourishing State of Louisiana? The colony of Iberville was begun to be
settled in 1699, and in the ensuing thirteen years, 2500 colonists were
landed there, out of whom only 400 whites and 20 negroes remained at the
end of that time. On the Island of Orleans, where a settlement was begun
in 1717, the early settlers died by hundreds; and both settlements were
given up once or twice, by those who began them, and commenced anew by
other hands.

It was so with Jamestown: it was so with Plymouth, although in a
northern climate. They were both desolated by sickness, and the
mortality was far greater than it has ever been in Liberia. Five hundred
emigrants at one time landed in Jamestown, in Virginia, and in less than
five months their numbers were reduced to sixty. Disaster and defeat
seemed to embitter all the struggles of the Pilgrim fathers at Plymouth.
More than half their number died the first winter.

The following testimonies of several highly respectable gentlemen,
Physicians and others, as published in the "Plea for Africa," (p. 233,)
are so satisfactory that to say one word more in refutation of the
Abolition misstatements, would be an insult to an enlightened community.

     1st. "Dr. Shane, of Cincinnati, went with a company of
     emigrants to Liberia in 1832, sailing from New-Orleans; and,
     among other things, writes, 'I see not in Liberia as fine and
     splendid mansions as in the United States; nor as extensive
     and richly stocked farms as the well-tilled lands of Ohio; but
     I see a fine and very fertile country, inviting its poor and
     oppressed sons to thrust in their sickles and gather up its
     fullness. I here see many who left the United States in
     straitened circumstances, living with all the comforts of life
     around them; enjoying a respectable and useful station in
     society, and wondering that their brethren in the United
     States, who have it in their power, do not flee to this
     asylum of happiness and liberty, where they can enjoy all the
     unalienable rights of man. * * I do not think an unprejudiced
     person can visit here without becoming an ardent and sincere
     friend of colonization. I can attribute the apathy and
     indifference on which it is looked by many, as arising from
     ignorance on the subject alone, and would that every free
     coloured man in the United States could get a glimpse of his
     brethren, their situation and prospects. * * * Let but the
     coloured man come and see for himself, and the tear of
     gratitude will beam in his eye, as he looks forward to the not
     far distant day, when Liberia shall take her stand among the
     nations of the world, and proclaim abroad an empire founded by
     benevolence, offering a home to the poor, oppressed, and
     weary. Nothing but a want of knowledge of Liberia, prevents
     thousands of honest, industrious free blacks from rushing to
     this heaven-blessed land, where liberty and religion, with all
     their blessings, are enjoyed.'

     2d. "Captain Kennedy, who visited Liberia in 1831, says, 'with
     impressions unfavourable to the scheme of the Colonization
     Society, I commenced my inquiries.' The colonists 'considered
     that they had started into a _new existence_. * * They felt
     themselves _proud in their attitude_.' He further says, 'many
     of the settlers appear to be rapidly acquiring property; and I
     have no doubt they are doing better for themselves and for
     their children, in Liberia, than they could do in any other
     part of the world.'

     3d. "Captain Nicholson of the United States' Navy, gave as
     favourable a report. Captain Abels says, 'My expectations were
     more than realized. I saw no intemperance, nor did I hear a
     profane word uttered by any one. I know of no place where the
     Sabbath seems to be more respected than in Monrovia.'

     4th. "A distinguished British naval officer, who passed three
     years on the African coast, published a favourable notice of
     the colony, in the Amulet for 1832, in which he bears this
     testimony:--'The complete success of this colony is a proof
     that the Negroes are, by proper care and attention, as
     susceptible of the habits of industry, and the improvements of
     social life, as any other race of human beings; and that the
     amelioration of the condition of the black people on the
     coast of Africa, by means of such colonies, is not chimerical.
     _Wherever the influence of the colony extends, the slave-trade
     has been abandoned by the natives, and the peaceable pursuits
     of legitimate commerce established in its place._ They not
     only live on terms of harmony and good will together, but the
     colonists are looked upon with a certain degree of respect by
     those of their own colour; and the force of their example is
     likely to have a strong effect in inducing the people about
     them to adopt it. A few colonies of this kind, scattered along
     the coast, would be of infinite value in improving the
     natives.' Governor Mechlin has said, 'As to the morals of the
     colonists, I consider them much better than those of the
     people of the United States; i. e. you may take an equal
     number of the inhabitants from any section of the Union, and
     you will find more drunkenness, more profane swearers and
     Sabbath-breakers, than in Liberia. You rarely hear an oath,
     and as to riots and breaches of the peace, I recollect but one
     instance, and that of a trifling nature, that has come under
     my notice since I assumed the government of the colony.'
     Captain Sherman has said, 'There is a greater proportion of
     moral and religious characters in Monrovia than in the city of
     Philadelphia.'"

Lastly, Dr. George T. Todsen, Colonial Physician, writes thus,--

     "Being requested to express my opinion of the climate of
     Liberia, and particularly as to its influence and action upon
     such persons of colour as are born, and have lived for years
     in the United States, previous to their arrival in the colony;
     I have no hesitation in saving that, after a residence in the
     colony of nearly five years, as Colonial Physician, I am
     convinced there is nothing there that, with ordinary prudence,
     the necessaries and comforts of life, and care and medical
     attendance, can endanger the lives of emigrants of colour, in
     a greater degree, than would be done by their removal to
     almost any other foreign country, even the most healthy. I
     shall here state a few facts which the records of the colony
     will amply confirm. In 1830, in November, I embarked on board
     of the 'Volador,' with eighty-five emigrants, children
     included. We arrived at Cape Mesurado in January, 1831, and
     on the 1st of February, 1833, two years after our arrival, I
     went round, inspected the company, and found, to my great
     satisfaction, that but three children and two adults had died.
     During that interval, eleven children were born among that
     expedition; so that the whole company had increased to the
     number of ninety-one, six more than left the United States.
     The same success attended the succeeding expeditions, until
     June, when I was seized with a violent attack of fever, from
     which although I partially recovered, it returned at short
     intervals, and reduced me to such a state of debility, that I
     became unable to pursue and discharge my arduous and
     exhausting duties. I dwell upon this circumstance, because it
     was one of those important events which produced less
     favourable results in the subsequent bills of mortality in
     Liberia, and created an apprehension in the minds of the
     friends to Colonization, that there is something in the
     climate of that country inevitably destructive to emigrants of
     colour from the United States. This impression has had a most
     injurious effect on the advancement and prosperity of the
     colony. But I feel most happy in my conviction that it is
     without the least foundation.

     "I have read in 'a Narrative of an Expedition into the
     interior of Africa, by Macgregor Laird and R. A. K. Oldfield,
     surviving officers of the English expedition, to the Niger'--a
     pretended description of the motives for the establishment,
     &c. &c., of the colony of Liberia, of its condition as
     ascertained by them during a three days' visit to its shore.

     "I will briefly state that I was at Caldwell, in the colony,
     when this expedition touched there. No sooner had the iron
     steamboat Quorra, dropt her anchor in the river St. Paul, than
     Lieut. Allen, R. N., Mr. Lander, and Dr. Briggs, paid me a
     visit, and invited me on board. Although very ill and unable
     to walk, I accepted their invitation. They were exceedingly
     kind and attentive to me; were with me during the greater part
     of the time they remained in the colony, (three days,) and we
     conversed freely as fellow-labourers in the African cause.
     They did not conceal the unhappy dissensions that existed
     among the members of their expedition. There were two parties;
     Lieut. Allen, R. N., Mr. Lander, and Dr. Briggs, belonging to
     the one; and Mr. Laird and Capt. Harris to the other. I had
     little or no intercourse with the latter individuals, who
     were represented to me, particularly Laird, as having embarked
     in the expedition solely from mercenary motives. As regards
     his charges and statements about the real motives of the
     Colonization Society, they are too absurd to notice. His stuff
     about the sterility of the soil of Liberia, thousands can
     answer; besides, I am pretty certain he never put his foot on
     terra firma while there. Every friend to science and humanity
     must lament the premature death of by far the most able and
     respectable members of that expedition; and no one can be
     surprised that a man, actuated solely by the love of gain,
     should seize on calumny and detraction, on any subject
     originating or connected with America or Americans, and to be
     presented to English readers, as a never-failing means of
     success.

                                            GEO. T. TODSEN."

I shall conclude these testimonies with the following extract from the
Colonization Herald of March 1838, which was written by a gentleman of
most unquestionable veracity, and who resided for some time in Liberia.

     "It is now SIXTEEN YEARS since the first settlement in Liberia
     was established, on Cape Mesurado. In 1821 the American
     Colonization Society purchased a part of the Island of
     Sherboro, distant about 120 miles from Cape Mesurado, and
     during that year and the following a vigorous, but ineffectual
     effort was made to plant a colony there. The treachery of the
     natives, the insalubrity of the climate, and a series of
     melancholy disasters finally compelled its abandonment, and
     the society directed its attention to the more eligible scite
     mentioned above; where, in 1822, after a protracted
     negotiation, a purchase was made, and a feeble band of
     emigrants took possession.

     "As my object at present is not to trace the progress of the
     colony through its various fortunes, I shall reserve for
     another article an account of the early trials and
     difficulties, as well as the manly daring and heroic
     achievements with which its history is fraught, and come at
     once to the bright picture of its present condition and
     prospects. Liberia (stretching along 300 miles of the coast,
     and extending from 10 to 40 miles inland) now numbers four
     separate colonies, viz:

     "MONROVIA, established by the American Colonization Society,
     including the towns of _Monrovia_, _New Georgia_, _Caldwell_,
     _Millsburgh_, and _Marshall_--

     "BASSA COVE, established by the United Colonization Societies
     of New York and Pennsylvania. This colony includes _Bassa
     Cove_ and _Edina_. The latter village was founded by the
     American Colonization Society, and lately ceded to the United
     Societies--

     "GREENVILLE, established by the Mississippi and Louisiana
     Colonization Societies, at SINOU--

     "MARYLAND, established by the Maryland Colonization Society at
     _Cape Palmos_.

     "In the NINE VILLAGES enumerated above, there is a population
     of about 5000--all of course coloured persons--of which THREE
     THOUSAND FIVE HUNDRED are emigrants from this country, and the
     remainder natives of Africa, mostly youth, who have come into
     the colonies to learn 'Merica fash,' and make themselves
     'white men,' by conforming to the habits of civilization, and
     becoming subject to our laws.

     "The commerce of the colonies, though in its infancy, is
     already extensive. From $80,000 to 125,000 is exported
     annually, in camwood, ivory, palm oil, and hides; and an equal
     or greater amount of the manufactures and productions of
     Europe and America are brought into the colonies in return.
     Monrovia, which is the largest town and principal seaport,
     carries on a considerable coasting trade, by means of small
     vessels built and owned by her own citizens. Not less than 12
     or 15 of these, averaging from 10 to 30 tons burden, manned
     and navigated by the colonists, are constantly engaged in a
     profitable trade along seven hundred miles of the coast.

     "The harbour of Monrovia is seldom clear of foreign vessels;
     more than SEVENTY of which, from the United States, England,
     France, Sweden, Portugal and Denmark, touch there annually.

     "BASSA COVE and CAPE PALMAS have both good harbours, and
     possess great advantages for commerce. Already their waters
     are gladdened by the frequent presence of traders from other
     countries, and in a few years, when the hand of enterprise
     shall have developed the rich mines of wealth which nature
     has so abundantly provided there, these growing towns will
     become the centres of an extensive and important business.

     "SINOU, too, possesses an excellent harbour, and is the
     natural outlet of a vast tract of rich and productive country.
     Under the fostering hand of its enterprising founders, it must
     soon become an important link in the great maritime chain of
     Americo-African establishments. The productions of the
     country, which may be raised in any quantity for exportation,
     are _coffee_, _cotton_, _sugar_, _rice_, _indigo_, _palm oil_,
     together with the _gums_, _dye-woods_, _ivory_, &c., which are
     collected from the forests.

     "The state of morals in the colonies is emphatically of a high
     order. Sabbath-breaking, drunkenness, profanity, and
     quarrelling are vices almost unknown in Liberia. A temperance
     society formed in 1834 numbered in a few weeks after its
     organization 500 members; at that time more than one-fifth of
     the whole population.

     "At BASSA COVE and CAPE PALMAS, the sale and use of ardent
     spirits are forbidden by law. In the other colonies the ban of
     public opinion so effectually prohibits dram drinking that no
     respectable person would dare indulge an appetite so
     disreputable.

     "There are EIGHTEEN CHURCHES in Liberia, viz. at Monrovia 4,
     New Georgia 2, Caldwell 2, Millsburgh 2, Edina 2, Bassa Cove
     3, Marshall 1, Cape Palmas 2. Of these, 8 are Baptist, 3
     Presbyterian, and 1 Episcopalian.

     "As there are FORTY CLERGYMEN in the colonies, all the
     churches are not only regularly supplied with preaching, but
     religious meetings are weekly held in many of the native
     villages.

     "Seven hundred of the colonists, or one-fifth of the whole
     population, are professed Christians, in good standing with
     the several churches with which they are connected. As might
     be expected, where so large a proportion of the people is
     pious, the general tone of society is religious. No where is
     the Sabbath more strictly observed, or the places of worship
     better attended. Sunday schools and Bible classes are
     established generally in the churches, into which, in many
     cases, the native children are gathered with those of the
     colonists.

     "There are ten week-day schools in all the settlements,
     supported generally by education and missionary societies in
     this country. The teachers in most cases are coloured
     persons. A laudable thirst for knowledge pervades the
     community, and a great desire is expressed for an academic
     institution, toward the support of which they would contribute
     liberally; though as yet they are scarcely able to establish
     one single handed.

     "In some places, as at BASSA COVE, literary societies are
     formed for mutual improvement, much on the plan of village
     lyceums in this country.

     "At Bassa Cove and Monrovia there are public libraries for the
     use of the people. The one at the former place numbers 1200 or
     1500 volumes.

     "A monthly newspaper is published at Monrovia. The articles in
     this paper afford good testimony of the general intelligence
     of the people, and reflect great credit upon the talented
     editor, a coloured man.

     "There are at present 25 or 30 white persons connected with
     the various missionary and education societies, or attached
     to the colonies as physicians, &c. The government of Liberia
     is essentially republican. All the officers, except the
     Governor, (who is appointed by the Colonization Society)
     being chosen by the people. Elections are held annually in
     every village, and are conducted with great propriety and
     decorum. A vice-governor, legislative councillors, a high
     sheriff, constables, &c., are some of the officers elected
     annually. The militia is well organized and efficient. The
     officers and men exhibit a degree of enthusiasm in the
     performance of their duty seldom witnessed elsewhere; and on
     field days their neat and orderly appearance, their thorough
     discipline, and the promptness and precision of their
     evolutions, command the admiration of every observer.

     "There are a number of volunteer corps, regularly uniformed
     and equipped. These of course are the elite of the Liberia
     militia; and indeed many of them would lose nothing by a
     comparison with our own city guards.

                                                      T. B."


CONCLUSION OF THIS CHAPTER.

We have before shown that although the only object of the Colonization
Society is to restore the free man of colour to the land of his fathers,
yet that the accomplishment of this very object necessarily involves
the removal of the actual cause of slavery itself, and of all its
horrors, viz. _the African slave-trade_. In this respect alone, if it
did no more, it as far exceeds in utility, the Abolition Scheme, as the
light of the sun exceeds that of a taper. Moreover this one fact, and
this alone, ought to secure for it the patronage of every friend of
humanity; and would no doubt long since have done so, and have procured
for it ample funds from the good people of this country and of England,
had its objects not been misrepresented, particularly in the latter
place, where there is no one sufficiently acquainted with the merits of
the case to refute and put to silence those who were, and are employed,
by the Anti-Slavery Society, for the express purpose of vilifying and
calumniating, before a British public, some of the greatest benefactors
this country ever had. It is well known how that indefatigable and
disinterested friend of the coloured man, Elliott Cresson, Esq., after
he went to England, at his own expense, for the express purpose of
promoting this cause in that country, was vilified, calumniated, and
misrepresented by American Abolition Agents!

Let any man take a map of Africa in his hand, and ask himself the
question, what Powers on earth could effectually stop a trade carried on
along a coast of at least seven thousand miles, including the various
bays and inlets, &c.? Could the combined naval forces of Europe and
America accomplish it, not even taking into consideration the enormous
annual expense of such an enterprise? The very idea is preposterously
absurd! We all recollect the difficulty encountered last winter in
attempting to guard the Canadian frontier of only a few hundred miles!

Are fifty millions of Africans to be left exposed to the demoralising
influence, and the unspeakable horrors of the _slave-trade_? And are we
to talk of _humanity_ and allow ONE HUNDRED THOUSAND miserable human
beings to be annually dragged from their native land--from their
homes--from their parents--from their friends--and be subjected to the
horrors described in pages 41, 42? What means, what power, what system,
except the Colonization Society, can check this climax of human
barbarity? And by what means are the glorious truths of divine
revelation to be disseminated amongst upwards of fifty millions of our
fellow creatures except by the pure word of God, the Bible, which black
man hands to black man, African hands to African--and so on, till _this_
man of sin be consumed by the brightness of the Gospel, and the
Ethiopian be enabled to lift up his hand to the living God?

The Colonization Society has, as already shown, done much in this
work--and all that it has not done is justly attributable to the effects
of the misrepresentations of the Abolition Champions, who are, in this
sense, not only the slave-holders of thousands of slaves, but the
PROTECTORS of the African Slave-trade!



CHAPTER VII.

COLONIZATION AND ABOLITIONISM CONTRASTED!


THE COLONIZATION OPERATIONS,

     ABOLITION OPERATIONS,

1.

Are directed to the removal of the cause of slavery, viz: _the African
slave-trade_. See chap. vi.

     1.

     Are directed to the removal of _effects_! See p. 40.

2.

Hence are strictly philosophic, correct, and consistent with common
sense. See p. 39.

     2.

     Hence are unphilosophical, absurd, fallacious, and
     inefficacious! See p. 39.

3.

Are consistent with the injunctions and commands of God. See chapter vi.

     3.

     Are in direct violation of the laws of God! See p. 33.

4.

Have _already_ removed much of the cause and effects of slavery. See
chapter vi.

     4.

     Have not affected in the slightest possible degree the cause
     of slavery, except by _protecting_ the African slave-trade!
     See preceding page.

5.

Are sanctioned and patronised by most of the enlightened, the best, and
most religious men in the country. See chapter v.

     5.

     Are patronised and sanctioned by none, except by the innocent
     and unsuspecting dupes of brawling orators, and interested
     agents! See p. 20.

6.

Have caused the emancipation of vast numbers, and that consistently with
the laws of God. See chapters v. and vi.

     6.

     Have caused the freedom of not one, except in a way directly
     opposed to the will of Heaven! See p. 33.

7.

Have ameliorated the condition of thousands of people of colour. See
preceding chapter.

     7.

     Have increased the sufferings of thousands of slaves! See
     preceding chapter.[89:A]

8.

Keepeth not one in bondage. See preceding chapter.

     8.

     Keepeth thousands in bondage! See chapter vi.

9.

Exhort all slaves to obey the commands of God, and encourage none who
violate them.

     9.

     Exhort all slaves to run off from their masters, and thus to
     disobey the commands of God! See p. 33.

10.

Allay the prejudices of the slave-holder.

     10.

     Aggravate his prejudices and drive him, in self-defence, to
     the adoption of greater restraints!

11.

Produce patience, and contentedness among the slaves.

     11.

     Produce discontent and disobedience among them! See p. 33.

12.

Act in every possible way, consistent with the laws of God and man, and
with the safety of both slave and slave-holder, in removing the evils of
slavery.

     12.

     Act in every possible way in violation of the laws of God and
     man, and inconsistent with the safety of either slave or
     slave-holder!



APPENDIX.


A.

The unexpected length to which this pamphlet has extended prevents the
Author introducing here, as he had contemplated in page 11, an article
on the difference of opinion among mankind in all parts and ages of the
world, without divine revelation, on that which is really good and
really evil. See article "MORALITY," in "_The Christian's Defensive
Dictionary_," by the Author.


B.

Extract of an Address of William Lloyd Garrison, Esq., from "THE LONDON
PATRIOT," of August, 1833; and republished in "THE COLONIZATION HERALD"
of this City, May 16th, 1838.

     "I know that there is much declamation about the sacredness of
     the compact which was formed between the free and the slave
     states, on the adoption of the national constitution. A sacred
     compact, forsooth! I pronounce it the most bloody and
     heaven-daring arrangement ever made by man, for the
     continuance and protection of a system of the most atrocious
     villany ever exhibited on earth. Yes--I recognize the compact,
     but with feelings of shame and indignation; and it will be
     held in everlasting infamy by the friends of justice and
     humanity throughout the world. It was a contract framed at the
     sacrifice of the bodies and souls of millions of our race, for
     the sake of achieving a political epoch--an unblushing and
     monstrous coalition to do evil that good might come. Such a
     compact was, in the nature of things, and according to the law
     of God, null and void from the beginning. No body of men ever
     had the right to guarantee the holding of human beings in
     bondage. Who or what were the framers of the American
     government, that they should dare to confirm and authorise
     such a high handed villany--such a flagrant robbery of the
     inalienable rights of man--such a glaring violation of all the
     precepts and injunctions of the Gospel--such a savage war upon
     the sixth part of their own population? They were men like
     ourselves--as fallible, as sinful, as weak as ourselves. By
     the infamous bargain which they made between themselves, they
     virtually dethroned the Most High God, and trampled beneath
     their feet their own solemn and heaven-attested declaration,
     that all men are created equal, and endowed by their Creator
     with certain unalienable rights, among which are life,
     liberty, and the pursuit of happiness. They had no lawful
     power to bind themselves, or their posterity, for one
     hour--for one moment--by such an unholy alliance. It was not
     valid then--it is not valid now. Still they persist in
     maintaining it--and still do their successors, the people of
     New England, and of the twelve free states, persist in
     maintaining it. A sacred compact! a sacred compact! What is
     wicked and ignominious?

            (Signed)                     WM. LLOYD GARRISON,
            Agent for the New-England Anti-Slavery Society."


CONCLUSION.

As it is not improbable that the partisans of Mr. William Lloyd
Garrison, following the example he set them last week in Pennsylvania
Hall, (page 19), will ask what right has this "_foreign adventurer_" to
interfere in this question? The simple reply of the Author is, that as
he will yield precedency to no man on earth, in subjection and
faithfulness to the laws of that country in which it pleases the
providence of God to place him, so he considers it his duty to serve it
to the utmost of his power, in obedience to the command of "HIM who is
higher than the highest." Rom. xiii. 1.


NOTICE.

It is hoped that the short time consumed in writing the preceding pages
will be received by the public as a sufficient apology for any errors;
eight days only having elapsed since the first line of it was written,
to the completion of the stereotyping of the whole work.


FOOTNOTES:

[11:A] See Appendix A.

[18:A] Extract of Address of William Lloyd Garrison, Esq., published in
the London Patriot of August 1833. See _Appendix_ B.

[30:A] That this is the kind of conduct pursued by thousands of
slave-holders, we shall, in another part of this treatise,
incontrovertibly prove.

[33:A] See page 12.

[39:A] This is described in popular, not professional, language.

[45:A] The Abolition Champions, by means of their addresses, rob (I
suppose there is no difference between "_robbing_" and "_stealing_") the
Southerner of his _legal_ property! See their exhortations, &c. to the
slaves.

[67:A] Mathew Carey, Esq.

[89:A]

_Letter from W. Rawle, Esq. (formerly President of the Anti-Slavery
Society) to ----, Esq._

"My dear Sir--

"The conduct and proceedings of the General Anti-Slavery Society have
not met with my entire approbation. The members appear to me to be
actuated by a blind and injudicious zeal, productive of measures, the
effect of which will be to awaken alarm, create a determined opposition
among the slave-holders, and delay the progress of conscientious
emancipation.

"That day--the day of general emancipation--will, I trust and believe,
hereafter arrive: but I fear it will be delayed by the institution of
societies so warm and so imprudent.

"June 27, 1834."


_The opinion of Henry Clay, Esq.--March, 1837._

"I regret extremely the agitation of the question of immediate
abolition. Without impugning the motives of those who are concerned in
it--indeed with great respect for some of them, I must say in all
sincerity, that I do believe it is attended with unmixed mischief. It
does no good, but harm to the slave; it engenders bad feelings and
prejudices between different parts of the Union, and it injures the very
cause which it professes to espouse. Instead of advancing, I believe
that it has thrown back to an indefinite time the cause of gradual
emancipation--the only mode of getting rid of slavery that has been ever
thought to be safe, prudent or wise in any of the States in which
slavery now exists.

"Hoping that you will excuse the delay which has occurred in my
transmission of an answer to your letter, I am gentlemen,

With great respect, your ob't servant, HENRY CLAY."





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